Rah h mānān (RHhMNN) - An Ancient South Arabian Moon God?

Islamic Awareness
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http://www.islamic-awareness.org/Quran/Sources/Allah/rhmnn.html

First Composed: 6th May 2006
Last Modified: 28th March 2009
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Assalamu-ʿalaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:

1. Introduction
The saga of ascribing lunar characteristics to Allah has become a very common habit of the Christian missionaries
and apologists. One of the first proponents of this "hypothesis" was Robert Morey who claimed that "Allah" of the
Qur'an was in fact a pagan Arab "Moon god" of pre-Islamic times. This claim was refuted utilising the
archaeological evidence and it was shown that Morey's claims were nothing but a grand fraud. After this another
claim was made that Allah and Hubal – the principal idol located in Makkah – were one and the same entity.
Furthermore, they added that Hubal was a Moon-god. This contention was also refuted and suffered the same fate.
One would hope that the missionaries would engage in a more studious approach by learning the history of the
Ancient Near East in general and Arabia in particular, before starting yet another round of their Moon-god myths.
However, perhaps under the false impression that the more you repeat something the more likely people are to
believe you (i.e., argumentum ad nauseum), the missionaries have wasted no time in embarking on yet another lunar
fable. Their latest round of allegations now say that al-Rah hmān, one of Allah's names, was known in South Arabia
before the advent of Islam and that it "signified" a Moon-god. Lifting their material directly from a like minded
website, the missionaries say:
The fact is that even 'Allah's' most frequently used title, ar-Rahman (the Merciful) was known in South Arabia
well before the advent of Islam, and signified a moon-god, whom Muhammed even occasionally confused with
or used as a substitute for 'Allah'. The Koran mentions ar-Rahman occasionally, for example in sura 43:19,

which most translators have renamed as God or Allah, since they, as Muhammed, found no difference between
these two South Arabian moon-gods.

That al-Rah hmān was a South Arabian Moon-god was again mentioned by the missionaries in the context of Allah
being the one and only God. Again, based on the same internet webpage the Christian missionaries' claim:
According to the Koran, 'Allah' is one and no other god can be associated with him. This concept was most
likely adopted from the South Arabian moon-god ar-Rahman (the Merciful), whose name was later adopted by
Muslims as one of 'Allah's' titles.

With regard to the claim that al-Rah hmān was a South Arabian Moon-god, the missionaries have not provided any
evidence. This is not surprising since the website from which they have lifted the material did not do so either! This
is sufficient to cast doubt over their entire allegation that al-Rah hmān was a South Arabian Moon-god. The
missionaries have also claimed to have "shown" something else, i.e., al-Rah hmān was a deity worshipped by pagans
in South Arabia and that it remains an "uncontested fact". It is also alleged that this is an undisputed point of
agreement. Furthermore, they have asserted that al-Rah hmān of the South Arabian pagans was a pagan deity and not
the same al-Rah hmān worshiped by the Jews and Christians. Their claims can be summarised as follows:
I further showed that one of the attributes and titles which the Quran ascribes to Allah, namely ar-Rahman or
"the Merciful", was also the name of a pagan god worshiped in South Arabia....
Whether ar-Rahman was a name for a moon deity or not, this fact would still remain uncontested… ar-Rahman
was a pagan god worshiped by the pagans in Southern Arabia. Even the authors admit this in their rebuttal
which leads me to my second point....
What we were claiming is that the ar-Rahman of the South Arabian pagans was a pagan deity and not the
same Rahman worshiped by the Jews and Christians....

The missionaries group these and similar unsubstantiated claims under the heading of "The final and most
frightening fact", asserting that "Muhammad's god is nothing more than a repackaged version of pagan deities"!
Such words denote the essential elements of the missionary jargon whereby their statements are couched in a kind of
doublespeak designed for internal consumption instead of tackling the issues at hand. The use of such language
bears similarity with the early canting literature of seventeenth and eighteenth century England where
lexicographers sought to explain those words, terms and phrases that had a special kind of meaning known to those
folk mixing in certain circles.[1] Finding its way into the anonymous B.E.'s Canting Crew published in 1698(?), an
idiom still in widespread use among English speakers centuries later seems comparable – "The pot calls the kettle
black" which B. E. explains as meaning, "when one accuses another of what he is as deep in himself". [2]
It would be much too hasty to cast aside the unsubstantiated and unreferenced claims of the Christian missionaries
based on an idiom several hundred years old. Consequently, it is incumbent upon one to apprise oneself of the
scholarly literature regarding the origin of "the Rahman" or "the Merciful" in South Arabia. Was he a lunar deity?
When did he first appear in the epigraphic South Arabian? Who worshipped him? The purpose of this article is to
examine the claims of the Christian missionaries in the light of modern scholarship and provide a brief overview of
the religion in South Arabia before the advent of Islam.

2. Rah h mānān In South Arabia

The primary sources for understanding the religious history of ancient South Arabia are inscriptions which number
into the thousands. Although some information can be obtained from eastern and western literary sources,
inscriptions remain the way by which modern scholars approach the subject. One should remember however that the
inscriptions only deal with a limited range of subjects – one cannot hope to reconstruct the entire lives of the South
Arabian peoples based on inscriptions alone despite their large number. With this as our starting point, the religious
history of South Arabia can be separated into two distinct time periods. Following Robin, the first period is that of
polytheism which started c. 8th century BCE and lasted until c. 380 CE followed by the period of monotheism
from c. 380 CE onward.[3]
POLYTHEISM (8TH CENTURY BCE – c. 380 CE)
It must be stated at the outset that the list of polytheistic divinities mentioned in the inscriptions do not constitute a
south Arabian pantheon per se.[4] An appraisal of the archaeological sites where divinities are praised or invoked
leads one to the conclusion that the majority of divinities had a special relationship with a particular family, tribe or
Kingdom. Robin terms these divinities as "institutional". Each Kingdom had an official pantheon consisting of a
small number of divinities approximately numbering five. Let us now briefly focus on the organisational aspects of
the most important divinities associated with the ancient south Arabian Kingdoms. The ancient South Arabian
religion of each of the South Arabian kingdoms involved worship of a national god, who was the patron of the
principal temple in the capital. In Sheba, it was Ilmaqah (also called Ilumquh or Ilmuqah or Almaqah or Almouqah),
in the temple of the federation of the Sabaean tribes in Marib. The most solemn inscriptions always record the
divinities of Sheba in the following order, ‘Athtar, Hawbas, Ilumquh, Dhāt-Himyam and Dhāt-Ba‘dānum. In Qataban,
the national god was called ‘Amm ("paternal uncle"), who was the patron of the principal temple in the capital
Timna‘. ‘Amm was seen as a protector of Qatabanite dynasty, and it was under his authority that the ruler carried out
various projects of the state. The most solemn inscriptions always record the divinities of Qataban in the following
order, ‘Athtar, ‘Amm, Anbī, Dhāt-Sanatum and Dhāt-Zahrān. In Hadramaut (or Hadhramaut), Syn (or Sayin) was the
national god and his temple was located in the capital Shabwa. In Ma‘in, the national god was Wadd ("love") and it
originated most probably from Northern Arabia. He was sometimes invoked asWadd-Abb ("Wadd is
father"). ‘Athtar was the only divinity common to the entire population of South Arabia, whereas other divinities
were only worshipped in one kingdom only, or individualised with a specific title or qualifying name. [5]
MONOTHEISM (c. 380 CE – ONWARD)
The last three centuries of South Arabian history is called the "Late Sabaean Period" and is associated with the rise
of monotheism. From the mid-4th century CE, the monotheistic religions such as Judaism and Christianity start to
replace the traditional South Arabian religion.[6] The first monotheistic inscriptions appear around the year 378 or
383 CE. The traditional South Arabian religion did not cease to exist overnight but it is astonishing that pagan
deities are not mentioned after this date.[7] Perhaps even before the rise of monotheism, the traditional South Arabian
religions had already become weak and less attractive. Since the epigraphic material mostly stems from the upper
class and does not reflect the situation of the lower class, this has led scholars to conclude that the rapid conversion
to monotheism started with the upper classes such as the royal family and aristocracy, followed by the lower classes.
The efforts of the Byzantine church to Christianize southern Arabia in 4th century CE appears to have been in vain.
Only Najran became the well-known centre of Christianity in the Arabian Peninsula. The monotheistic period was
mainly a period of Judaism. This is attested by Jewish words and phrases contained in Sabaean texts. In the Jewish
Sabaean texts, "God" is called "Rah hmānān",
the Jews", etc.

, "the Merciful", the "Master of heaven and earth", "Lord of

The best known event from the last period of South Arabian history is undoubtedly the persecution of Christians
during the reign of the Jewish ruler Dhu Nuwas (c. 523 CE). Dhu Nuwas burned down Christian churches in Zafār
and Hadramaut and then attacked Najran. The Christian population of Najran with their leader Harith were
massacred. This led to a reaction from the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, whose army led by Abraha, invaded
southern Arabia, killed Dhu Nuwas and established Ethiopian rule over the south-western part of Yemen. It was only
during the period of Ethiopian rule that Christianity played a dominant role in this region (c. 525 to 575 CE).[8] There
are a few Christian inscriptions of Abraha mentioning Rah hmānān. Now what do the Sabaean inscriptions from
Jewish and Christian times say about Rah hmānān? Let us look at some of these inscriptions. Most of the inscriptions
depicted below are part of the original ones. We are only showing the relevant material from the inscriptions that
mention Rah hmānān. Interested readers may refer to the references cited for each of the inscriptions and their exact
transcription for further details.

RAHHMĀNĀN IN JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS FROM SOUTH ARABIA
I. Inscription Ry 515[9]

5. rbhwd / brh
ḥ mnn.
5. By the Merciful, Lord of the Jews.[10]

II. Inscription Ry 520[11]

4. ... lmr’hm
5. w / rh
ḥ mnn /b‘l / smyn / lhmrhw / w’h
ḥ škt
6. hw / wwldhw / rh
ḥ mnn / h
ḥ yy / h
ḥ yw/ sdqm / w
7. mwt / mwt / sdqm / wlhmrhw / rh
ḥ mnn / wld
8. m / slh
ḥ m / sb’m / lsmrh
ḥ mnn

4. ... For their Lord
5. the Merciful, Master of Heaven, so that he grant to him and his spouses
6. and to his children, the Merciful, to live a life of justice, and to
7. die a death of justice. And that the Merciful grant to him children
8. who are healthy who will fight for the name of the Merciful...[12]

III. Inscription Ry 508[13]

10. ... w’’lhn / dlhw / smyn / w’rdn / lysrnn / mlkn...
11. ... wtrh
ḥ m / ‘ly / kl / ‘lm / rh
ḥ mnn / rh
ḥ mk mr’ / ’t
10. ... and God to whom belongs heaven and earth shall protect our king...
11. ... and have mercy on all the world, O Merciful, you are Lord.[14]

IV. Inscription CIH 543[15]
[b]rk / wtbrk / sm / rh
ḥ mnn / dbsmyn / wyśr’l / w
’lhhmw / rbyhd / dhrd’ / ‘bdhmw / šhrm / w
May the name of the Merciful who is Heaven be blessed and praised, and Yisrā’īl, and
their God, the Lord of the Jews, who helped his servant Shahrum,... [16]

V. Inscription Hamilton 11[17]
3. lysm‘n / r
4. h
ḥ mnn / slth
3. May rh
ḥ mnn [i.e., the Merciful] hearken unto his prayer.[18]

VI. Bi’r Hima Inscription (Ja 1028)[19]
9. dh / dqflw / ’bthmw / btltt / ‘šr / ’wrh
ḥ m / wlybrkn / rh
ḥ mnn / bnyhmw / šrh
ḥ b’l / ykml / wh‘n / ’s’r bny / lh
ḥ y‘t
11. wst / m’tm / wkbh
ḥ frt / smyn / wtdyn / w’’dn / ’sdn / dn / msndn / bn / kl / h
ḥ ssm / wmh
ḥ d‘m / wrh
ḥ mnn /
‘lyn / b12. n / kl / mh
ḥ d‘m / dyhmshw / wtf / wstr /wqdm / ‘ly / sm / rh
ḥ mnn / wtf / tmmm / dh
ḥ dyt / rbhd / bmh
ḥ md
9. when they turned homeward, was in thirteen months (from its start). May God [i.e., rh
ḥ mnn] bless their sons
Sarahbi’il Yakmul and Ha‘an ’A’sar, sons of Lahay‘at...
11. This inscription is under the protection of heaven, and of the faithfulness and might of the (angelic) hosts,
from any damager; and (of) God Most High [i.e., rh
ḥ mnn]
12. any damager who may try to deface it. Recorded, written and supervised by Tamīm (or Tammām) of the
family of H
H DYT. O Lord of the Jews! by the praiseworthy One. [20]

From the reading of the Jewish Sabaean inscriptions it is clear that Rah hmānān is called the "Lord of the Jews",
"Master of Heaven" and the "Praiseworthy One". The people beseeched Rah hmānān to give them a life of justice,
grant them children who will fight for Rah hmānān, asked for his mercy and to answer their prayers.

RAHHMĀNĀN IN CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM SOUTH ARABIA
Perhaps the two best known Christian Sabaean inscriptions are from the time of Abraha. The Christian inscriptions
are different from their Jewish counterparts as there is no beseeching in them at all. The inscriptions begin by
pointing out the "power" of Rah hmānān.
I. Abraha's Murayghan Inscription (Ry 506)[21]
An inscription relating to Abraha's campaign of Huluban discovered at Murayghan (or Mureighan), east of the upper
Wadi Tathlith, records a defeat inflicted by Abraha on the North Arabian tribe Ma‘add[22] in 662 of the Sabaean era.
This inscription begins with the formula "By the power of the Merciful One and His Messiah". The titulature
adopted by Abraha calls him the "King of Saba' and Raydan and Hadramaut and Yamanat and their Arabs in the
plateau and lowland".

1. bḫyl / rh
ḥ mnn / wmshhw / mlkn / 'brh / ...
8. ... wqflw / bn / h
ḥ l
9. [b]n / [b]ḫyl / rh
ḥ mnn

1. By the power of the Merciful One and His Messiah, the king Abraha...
8-9 ... So Abraha returned from Haliban by the power of the Merciful One.[23]

Is it correct to translate rh hmnn as "the Merciful" in this particular inscription as Beeston has done above? Not
so according to the Christian missionaries. In a surprising turn of emotion, the former Laudian Professor of Arabic at
the University of Oxford is accused of "dubious translation of this word" for his translation of Rah hmānān as "the
Merciful". Beeston translated the word in exactly the same manner as when it was first published by Gonzague
Ryckmans whose French translation was "Par la puissance du Miséricordieux (Rah hmânân)."[24] Relying on an
internet webpage belonging to the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History, the missionary informs the reader
that Rah hmānān should be translated as "power". Such a translation suits the author's purposes for the rest of his
discussion where he attempts to wrench Arabic al-Rah hmān from its appropriate lexicographic context. Let us return
to the translation of the inscription mentioned by the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History; part of the first line
reads:
Transliteration:
b kh ya l / r h m n n / w m s ya h ha /...
Transcription:
B'khail / ar-rahman / wmaseeha /...
Translation:
With the power (help) of god, and the Jesus...

The inscription adds an important phrase before rh hmnn, i.e., bkhyl, which the missionaries conveniently left out in
order to label Beeston's translation as "dubious". Anyone familiar with epigraphic South Arabian would immediately
recognize bkhyl as a phrase associated in situations where there is an invocation, i.e., b-khyl. So, what
are b and khyl in epigraphic South Arabian? Let us check the lexicons of epigraphic South Arabian to answer this
question. The convention for depicting consonant kh is ḫ in epigraphic south Arabian.

(a)

(b)
Figure 1: Discussion on "b" in (a) Sabaic and (b) Qatabanian dictionaries. [25]

(a)

(b)
Figure 2: Discussion on "khyl" in (a) Sabaic and (b) Qatabanian dictionaries. [26]

The lexicons say that b is used as a preposition which can mean "in", "on", "with", "by means of",
whereas khyl (written as ḫyl) means "resources", "means", "power", "might", etc. So the phrase b-khylwould mean
"with the power of" or "by the power of" or "by the might of", etc. Likewise, the Sabaic lexicon inform us
that Rah hmānān means "the Merciful One" [Figure 3] . A careful inspection of the translation provided by
the Smithsonian Museum shows they translated Rah hmānān as "God", not an altogether surprising decision given
that Rah hmānān is an epithet for God. Clearly, the missionary's equation of Rah hmānān (rh hmnn) with "power" has
turned out to be false. Had the missionaries taken the opportunity to study the inscription properly, they would have
realised they had not properly aligned the original text with the translation causing them to
mistranslate Rah hmānān and label those previous scholars with incompetence.
II. Abraha's Inscription On The Marib Dam (CIS 541)[27]
Abraha's long inscription on the Marib dam records the quelling of an insurrection supported by a son of the
dethroned Esimiphaios in the year 657 of the Sabaean era; repairs effected to the dam later in the same year; the
reception of embassies from Abyssinia, Byzantium, Persia, Hira and Harith bin Jabalat, the phylarch of Arabia; and
the completion of repairs to the dam in the following year. The text of the inscription begins, "By the power and
favour of the Merciful and His Messiah and the Holy Spirit".

1. By the power and favour
2. of the Merciful and His Mes3. -siah and the Holy Spirit. They have

4. written the inscription: Behold
5. Abraha who has been exalted, the king, the descendent of men of Ge‘ez, the ramaihis,
6. Za Bayman, king of Saba' and Dhu
7. Raydan and Hadramaut and Yamanat
8. and of 'their' Arabs on the plateau and in Tihamat. [28]

III. Inscription RÉS 3904[29]
16. ... bsm / rh
ḥ mn / wbnhw / krśtś / glbn
16. ... in the name of the Merciful and, his son Christ, the victorious. [30]

Albert Jamme suggested that the Sabaean bronze horse inscription in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection
mentions Rah hmānān and that this bronze statue comes from Christian times in Southern Arabia.[31]This, however,
was disputed by Ryckmans and Vandevivere.[32] They asserted that there is no mention of Rah hmānān in the Sabaean
bronze horse inscription and it was simply a misreading on Jamme's part.

RAHHMĀNĀN: A SOUTH ARABIAN PAGAN GOD?
So far, we have seen that the name Rah hmānān was used by the Jews and Christians in southern Arabia and in no way
was he a Moon god. However, the Christian missionaries have claimed to have shown that Rah hmānān was a deity
worshipped by pagans in South Arabia and that it remains an "uncontested fact". In an attempt to muster some
support for their position it is even asserted that this is an undisputed point of agreement! Furthermore, it is alleged
that the Rah hmānān of the South Arabian pagans was not the same Rah hmānān worshipped by the Jews and
Christians. At the outset, it ought to be made clear that nowhere have the missionaries "shown" that al-Rah hmān was
a pagan god worshipped in South Arabia. They have not cited any scholarly references which show using South
Arabian epigraphy and other genuine historical sources that there existed a deity called al-Rah hmān worshipped by
pagan South Arabians. This is not surprising. We can't expect the missionaries to show evidence which they don't
have themselves. However appetising it may be, "I say so" evidence is a precarious basis on which to marshal one's
arguments. With this kind of evidence, al-Rah hmān can easily be transformed into a pagan god worshipped in South
Arabia or the alleged Rah hmānān of South Arabian pagans can become a different Rah hmānān worshipped by the
Jews and Christians. Such specious claims of the missionaries are best tackled by invoking the scholarly sources, in
particular, the context in which the name Rah hmānān first appeared in epigraphic South Arabian. Discussing, the rise
of monotheism and the appearance of the name Rah hmānān in ancient South Arabia, Ryckmans says:
During the second half of the 4th century the pagan formulas disappear from the texts (one single pagan text
is later). Taking their place appear monotheistic formulas invoking the "Lord of the Heaven" (or ... "of Heaven
and Earth"), and "the Merciful" (Rah
ḥ mānān). Christianity and Judaism, using the same terminology, had
supplanted paganism. [33]

In the same vein, Beeston, informs us about the rise of what he terms Rah hmānānism in the Late-Sabaean Period. He
says:

In the 4th-5th century A.D. the picture presented by the inscriptions change radically, in that all mention of the
deities of the pagan pantheon virtually disappears, to be replaced by a monotheistic cult in which the unique
God is called «the Merciful» (Rah
ḥ mān-ān), with the epithets «lord of heaven» or «lord of heaven and earth».
This needs a slight qualification, for we do in fact have two inscriptions, one mentioning the traditional tribal
deity Ta’lab and dated c. 397 A.D., the other mentioning ‘Athtar and dateable to about the middle of the 5th
century.[34]

Similarly Alexander Sima points out in the Late Sabaean Period, often called the "monotheistic period", Christianity
and Judaism started to replace the traditional pagan religions of South Arabia. As a consequence, the monotheistic
inscriptions start to appear:
The first monotheistic inscriptions are dated to the year AD 378 (or 383) and from then onwards there is no
further witness of pagan worship. Certainly, the traditional religion did not cease overnight but it is astonishing
that pagan deities are not even mentioned after this date....
In the monotheistic period, then, is mainly a period of Judaism. This is testified by Jewish words and phrases in
the Sabaean texts, even Jewish personal names, such as Yehuda, and the reference to the "tribe Israel". In the
Sabaean texts "god" is called "Rah
H mānān", the merciful, the "master of heaven and earth".
The best known event in this period of South Arabian history is without doubt the persecution of the Christians
during the reign of the Jewish King Dhu Nuwas, around AD 523.... This persecution of the Christians of Najran
led to a reaction from the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, whose army invaded southern Arabia, killed the
Jewish king and established Ethiopian hegemony over at least the western part of Yemen. It was only during
the following period of Ethiopian rule that Christianity played a dominant role in this region (from c. 525 to
575). The inscriptions of the Ethiopian viceroy and the later King of Saba', Abraha, commence with the
Trinitarian formula "in the name of god (Rah
H mānān!) and his Messiah and the Holy Spirit." [35]

The scholarly sources inform us that the appearance of the deity Rah hmānān in the epigraphic South Arabian is
associated with the rise of monotheism, and in particular, with the rise of Judaism and then Christianity in ancient
South Arabia. Hence it is clear that Rah hmānān was not a pagan deity and it was never worshipped as one by pagan
South Arabians. The missionaries' "uncontested fact" thatRah hmānān was a deity also worshipped by pagans in South
Arabia has now fallen flat on its face. Furthermore, this also refutes the claims of the missionaries that Rah hmānān of
South Arabian pagans was not the same Rah hmānān worshipped by the Jews and Christians. The
fictitious Rah hmānān of the South Arabian pagans claimed by the Christian missionaries did not even exist! How can
one then "admit" to the "uncontested fact" that Rah hmānān was a deity worshipped by pagans in South Arabia?
The Sabaic word Rah hmānān, translated as "the Merciful", can be written as rh hmn-n. The rh hmn is a noun marked
with -n, a Sabaic definite article.[36] This is nothing but al-Rah hmān in Arabic with al- as a definite article.
Obviously, al-Rah hmān could not have been a pagan god worshipped in South Arabia. To confirm this let us now turn
to the lexicographical issues surrounding this word.

3. Lexicographic Study Of Rah h mānān
Once again, with recourse to an internet webpage, the missionaries inform the reader translating Arabic alRah hmān as "the merciful" is incorrect. According to them, “ ... this translation really doesn't make sense”, alRah hmān had an "earlier" meaning closer to "the Almighty" or the "all Powerful" and implies "power, not
hope/benefit/grace or mercy". On the contrary, al-Rah hmān is derived from the tri-consonantal root rh hm. Of this root
eleven forms occur 342 times in the Qur'an. Al-Rah hmān occurs fifty-seven times excluding the basmala where it

occurs one hundred and thirteen times. Al-Rah hmānmeans Most Merciful, the Beneficent, the Lord of Mercy, and not
"the Almighty" or the "all Powerful".[37]
To understand the word rh hmnn in the South Arabian context, let us look at the Sabaean lexicons. Figure 1 shows the
entry "RHhM" in the Dictionary Of Old South Arabic: Sabaean Dialect .[38]

Figure 3: Rah
ḥ mānān in a Sabaic lexicon.

The word rh hmnn is derived from rh hm, which means mercy. The dictionary cites numerous Judeo-Christian Sabaean
inscriptions, some of which we have already mentioned earlier, to explain the word in-depth. Since the focus of our
discussion is the word rh hmnn, it is clear this word refers to the deity, "the Merciful". The dictionary also
compares rh hmnn, i.e., Sabaic Rah hmānān, with Arabic al-Rah hmān and Rabbanic epithet Rah hmānā. Clearly, they all
mean the same thing, "the Merciful" with no lunar connotations whatsoever. Andrew Rippin states:
RH
H MNN is directly equivalent to al-Rah
H mān, the name of God used in the Qur'ān some 170 times (including
the basmala).[39]

Moubarac also came to the same conclusion after finishing a large study on the topic of the names, titles and
attributes of God in the Qur'an and their correspondents in epigraphic south Arabian.[40]Corroboration of this
observation is also found in a South Arabian inscription discovered by Ahmed Fakhry in his archaeological journey
to Yemen in 1947. In the Marib region he discovered a private house building text which qualified the
name Rah hmānān with the epithet "the merciful", the first time such an epithet for Rah hmānān had been discovered.
[41]
This, of course, has an exact Qur'anic parallel in the basmala found at the start of all but one of the one hundred

and fourteen surahs of the Qur'an. Christian Robin concisely summaries the situation on the name of God in this
time period,
In the Himyarī monotheistic inscriptions, God is addressed in many ways, as if his complex nature could not be
expressed by a single name. In the first period (until around the 430s), he is described with a simple
circumlocution, "Master of Heaven" (B‘l-S imyn), "Lord of Heaven" (Mr’ S imyn) or "Lord of Heaven and Earth"
(Mr’ Simyn w-’rdn). Next, even before the end of the reign of Abīkarib As‘ad, God begins to be given a proper
name. Sometimes it is Rah
H mānān (Rh
H mn n), a name of Aramaic origin, elsewhere he is called by the title "the
god, God" (Īlāhān and variants: Īl, Īlān and A’luhān, ’lh n, ’l, ’ln and ’’lh n) used as a proper name. Although it is
not used exclusively, Rah
H mānān predominates from 462 (Garb Sh .Y., d-’ln 572 H
H im.) in inscriptions of all
kinds, royal or private, explicitly judaizing or not, whatever their source. It was clearly successful, since it was
adopted by the majority of Arab monotheistic movements, in particular the Christian H
H imyarīs (for the first
person of the Trinity [q.v.]). Sometimes the name Rah
H mānān is qualified, "Rah
H mānān the merciful" (Fa 74/3,
Rh
H mnn mtrh
H mn) or "Rah
H mānān the most high" (Ja 1028/ıı, Rh
H mn n‘lyn…[42]

Moreover, the Jews have a long history of using the name "ha-Rah haman" in their liturgy.[43] Again ha-Rah haman is
the Hebrew equivalent of Sabaic Rah hmānān. The word rachuwm, meaning "merciful", is also to be found in many
instances in the Hebrew Bible and is only used as an attribute of God [Figure 4(a)]. It is derived from the root rchm,
(identical to Arabic root: rh hm) which means "soft, compassion, mercy" [Figure 4(b)]. The following entries are from
the Gesenius's Hebrew And Chaldee Lexicon To The Old Testament Scripture .

(a)

(b)
Figure 4: The meaning of word (a) rachuwm and (b) its root racham in the Hebrew Bible. [44]

Also, Hartwig Hirschfeld pointed out that the Syriac Christians employed Rah hmānā for Jesus.[45] It is not surprising
that the Encyclopaedia Of Islam says:
That al-Rah
ḥ mān should have been the name of a single God in central and southern Arabia is in no way
incompatible with the fact that, when adopted by Islam, it assumes a grammatical form of a word derived from
the root RH
H M. [46]

One can see that there is no evidence that Sabaic Rah hmānān worshipped by the Jews and Christians, which is an
equivalent of Arabic al-Rah hmān, was a Moon-god or a pagan god. It appears to be a massive Freudian slip on the
part of the Christian missionaries to claim that their brethren in South Arabia before the advent of Islam were
nothing but polytheists or pagans. In their fervour to hypothesise the lunar characteristics of Allah, the missionaries
and apologists have engaged in self-imposed paganism – a worrying development. Apart from their telling ignorance
about the ancient South Arabian religion, one can also notice that their old habits of claiming Allah being a Moongod stick-in-the-mud.

4. Al-Rah hmān In The Qur'an
It was mentioned earlier that al-Rah hmān is an adjective from the trilateral root rh hm, the noun of which
is rah hma. Rah hma has been used in the Qur'an for many different things (metaphorically, of course!). Hārūn b. Mūsā
counted eleven: Islam, Paradise, rain, prophethood, blessing, the Qur'an, sustenance, victory, health, friendliness and
faith. Suyūtī adds one more: protection.[47] Undoubtedly, these are manifestations of God's mercy. There are two
attributes of God related to rah hma: al-Rah hmān and al-Rah hīm. They occur in the Qur'an combined together in

the basmala, Sūrah al-Fātih ha and 2:163; 27:30; 59:22. Muslim scholars have observed the distinction between alRah hmān and al-Rah hīm in a number of ways. Most of the scholars consider al-Rah hmān as being more expressive of
mercy, in the sense of it being extended to more than those which are the object of al-Rah hīm.[48] According to alZamakhshari's commentary on Qur'an 1:1, al-Rah hmān covers the major and basic benefits while al-Rah hīm covers
only smaller and subtler benefits.[49] Muhammad ʿAbduh presented an interesting view. According to him, the
word al-Rah hmān indicates the one who actively issues mercy, i.e., who extends benefits and favour, while the
word al-Rah hīm indicates the source of this mercy within Him and shows that it is a permanent quality. In a sense
neither of the two will do instead of the other.[50] It is worthwhile adding (leaving aside basmala) that alRah hmān occurs only with al-Rah hīm in the Qur'an. By an obvious contrast, al-Rah hīm occurs many times with alGhafūr and al-ʿAzīz, and a few times with al-Tawwāb, al-Wadūd, al-Raʿuf and al-Barr.
The use of al-Rah hmān in the Qur'an in certain contexts has confounded some western scholars. How can the
Merciful be mentioned in contexts apparently associated with the opposite of mercy? In his A Concise
Dictionary Of Koranic Arabic , the late Arne Ambros, Professor of Arabic and Islamics at the Institut für
Orientalistik der Universität, Vienna, raised such a question listing six verses of the Qur'an without looking at their
broader context.[51] It will suffice to illuminate the first verse mentioned by him which is Qur'an 19:45. This verse
was also used by the missionaries to show that "the word al-Rahman in this passage does not convey "benefit" or
"grace", but conveys the threat of punishment". A closer look reveals something else. In Qur'an 19:45, Ibrahim
invokes one of the most beautiful names of God, al-Rah hmān, to show that even though his father is involved in the
gravest sin of idol-worshipping and associating partners with God, he is still sustained by Him by providing him
food to eat, air to breathe, water to drink and granting him health to pursue his daily activities - thus showing the
mercy of God over all His creation whether or not they believe in Him.

5. Pagans And Neo-Pagans
And when it is said unto them: Prostrate to al-Rah
H mān! they say: And what is al-Rah
H mān? Are we to prostrate
to whatever thou (Muh
H ammad) biddest us? And it increaseth aversion in them. [Qur'an 25:60]

When the pagans of Makkah were asked to bow before al-Rah hmān, they did not know who al-Rah hmān was. The
Makkans were pagans and worshipped other gods beside Allah. So, it may as well be that they were ignorant of
who al-Rah hmān was. Jomier suggests that the Makkans aversion to al-Rah hmān was because it was a deity that did
not admit polytheistic worship unlike the people in their worship of Allah. This explanation was also given by alAskar.[52] Focussing on this suggestion, it, therefore, would not make sense to think of the Qur'anic al-Rah hmān as
referring to pagan usage, since it is exactly this type of usage which the Qur'an condemns using the very name alRah hmān itself![53] Matching the ignorance of the pagans of Makkah, when the Christian missionaries mentioned the
name al-Rah hmān, they did not know who he was and associated him with a "Moon god" or "pagan god" of South
Arabia. To the missionaries, the ignorance of the Makkans allegedly supports their "contention that Rahman was a
different god from the high god worshiped by the Meccans". In the same vein, it can be said of the Christian
missionaries that their complete ignorance of al-Rah hmān, who they associate with a "Moon god" or "pagan god",
clearly shows that they worship a different god than the god of their Christian brethren and the Jews in ancient South
Arabia.
Moreover, according to the missionaries "when the pagans of South Arabia spoke of Rahman they did not have
either the Father of Jesus or the Trinity in view". Therefore, they ask "[h]ow, then, can anyone assert that the god of
the South Arab pagans was actually the same God worshiped by Jews and Christians?" It did not occur to the
missionaries that even the Jews of South Arabia did not have "Father of Jesus or the Trinity in view" when
composing their texts in epigraphic South Arabian. The Jewish Sabaean texts are bereft of any mention of pagan

deities of South Arabia as well as the mention of "Son", "Holy Spirit" or "Trinity" of Christianity. Thus, one may
comfortably conclude that the god of the Jews is indeed different from the god of Christians.
The ignorance of who al-Rah hmān or Rah hmānān was in pre-Islamic South Arabia appears to be quite widespread
among the Christian apologetical literature on Islam. For example, Brett Marlowe Stortroen was aware
that Rah hmānān appears in pre-Islamic inscriptions from South Arabia, but he does not even mention that this term
was used by the Christians for God in the same region. He claims that the deity al-Rah hmān was assimilated into
Allah after the advent of Islam.[54] Similarly, George Braswell Jr. says that an ancient deity in South Arabia called
"al-Rahman became important to Muhammad". He says:
An ancient deity in southern Arabia known as al-Rahman became important to Muhammad. He used the name
al-Rahman, which means "merciful," 169 times in the Quran to refer to the nature of Allah. With the exception
of Allah, it appears more than any other descriptive term for Allah. [55]

As to what exactly is the import of this statement is unclear. "The Merciful" is an attribute of God which is used by
the Jews, Christians and Muslims. This epithet was also used for the pagan deities in Syria and Palmyra. [56] This is
not surprising because, whether in the pagan or monotheistic milieu, a divinity must have as aspect of mercy.
Without this aspect, a divinity can never be worshipped. Nöldeke considered that Allah's name al-Rah hmān was
borrowed from the Jews.[57] It is difficult to see why this must be the case when its use was wide-spread in the
ancient Near East. Noting the impact of South Arabian culture in Makkah and Madinah was limited, Greenfield
cautiously suggested the source of the title and epithet of Arabic al-Rah hmān might be found amongst Jews who had
contacts with Arab monotheistic groups in the Arabian peninsula. [58] Healey notes the Muslim usage of Arabic alRah hmān is often ascribed to South Arabian influence, but states that a North West Semitic antecedent cannot be
ruled out.[59] Something that should not be overlooked however is that epigraphic south arabian inscriptions
mentioning Rah hmānān are to be found in the heart of Najd, Central Arabia. Traditionally the inscription of King Abu
Karib As'ad has been interpreted as being of Jewish origin, and, although authored by a Jew, there is nothing in the
immediate context to suggest the King himself was of the Jewish faith.[60] Indeed, Rippin highlights the fact that
there are some fourteen inscriptions mentioning Rah hmānān where there are no clear indications of Judaism or
Christianity. Based solely on the historical circumstances Robin concluded there was a Jewish current to them. [61] On
the other hand, Arthur Jeffery acknowledges that al-Rah hmān originated from the common Semitic root RHhM and
that it occurs in the pre-Islamic Sabaean inscriptions.[62] This word is also found in the pre-Islamic poetry. As for the
origin of al-Rah hmān in Arabic, Jeffery says that "the matter is uncertain".[63] What is abundantly clear from the
studies of Healey and Greenfield is that usage and context decide whether the epithet rh hmnn was to be considered in
a polytheistic or monotheistic manner. Such was plainly explained by Rubin who states the epigraphical evidence
regarding rh hmnn cannot be studied in isolation from the literary sources be they historical or hagiographical in
nature.[64]

6. Conclusions
It was claimed by the Christian missionaries that al-Rah hmān, one of Allah's names, was known in South Arabia
before the advent of Islam and that it was a Moon-god or a pagan god and that the latter was an "uncontested fact".
A study of the South Arabian epigraphy antecedent to Islam shows that around the mid fourth century CE, selfdescribed monotheistic religions such as Judaism and Christianity started to replace the traditional South Arabian
religion.[65] In the Jewish and Christian Sabaean texts, "God" is called "Rah hmānān" (rh hmnn), "the Merciful". In the
Jewish context Rah hmānān was the "Master of heaven and earth" and the "Lord of the Jews". In the Christian
context, the Sabaean inscriptions emphasize the "power" of Rah hmānān. Referring to the Sabaic dictionaries
confirmed that the word rh hmnn is derived from rh hm, meaning mercy. There are no lunar connotations at all. The
Sabaic dictionary also compares rh hmnn, i.e., Sabaic Rah hmānān, with Arabic al-Rah hmān and Rabbanic

epithetRah hmānā showing that they all mean the same thing, i.e., "the Merciful". Contrary to the claims of the
missionaries, Rah hmānān was neither a Moon god nor a pagan deity; it was never worshipped as one by pagan South
Arabians but it was the deity of the Jews and Christians.
The missionaries colossal ignorance concerning the ancient South Arabian religion has been clearly evidenced by
their own writings. No specialist of ancient South Arabian religion in the history of South Arabian studies has ever
stated or even suggested Rah hmānān was a pagan moon-god. Rather this is a myth fantasised by the Christian
missionaries specifically designed to advance their polemic. Regrettably, even something as straightforward as
looking up a half-page encyclopaedia entry becomes so strenuous that the missionaries are incapable of accurately
reporting the information they claimed to have read there. Instead they chose to deliberately misreport the
information and in doing so fabricate evidence in order to suit their pre-conceived conclusions. This lens of
distortion remains firmly in place for the remaining sections of their writings concluding with a recommendation
commending the reader to the logic of Morey. The offer is returned declined.

Appendix: An Excursus On Abraha And The Murayghan Inscription (Ry
506)
As previously stated, this is an inscription relating to Abraha's campaign of Huluban discovered at Murayghan (or
Mureighan), east of the upper Wadi Tathlith, that records a defeat inflicted by Abraha on the North Arabian tribe
Ma‘add in 662 of the Sabaean era. In spite of this description, the Christian missionaries are certain that this
inscription refers to Abraha's attempted assault on Makkah. They say,
Its [Murayghan Inscription (Ry 506)] content completely destroys the reliability and historicity of the Muslim
traditions – which claim that Muhammad was born in the same year when Abraha, along with his army and
elephants, attempted to invade Mecca and destroy the Kaaba. This inscription says absolutely nothing about
Mecca or the Kaaba. It also says nothing about elephants.

As recently re-emphasised by Irfan Shahid, this inscription has nothing to do with Abraha's attempted assault on
Makkah as described in the Qur'an and other Islamic sources.[66] It is, therefore, not surprising then that we find no
mention of the Kaʿaba, Makkah or elephants that the missionaries seem so eager in discovering.
Unfortunately, the ability to misread and/or distort well ordered information does not stop here. Under the banner of,
“… the "Islamic Awareness" team probably has no clue as to what this inscription really says. Its content completely
destroys the reliability and historicity of the Muslim traditions…”, the missionaries inform the reader that,
A far greater problem for the Islamic traditions is that the Sabean date on this inscription is 552 A.D. According
to the most recent scholarship, Abraha died in 553 A.D. or shortly thereafter [Stuart Munro-Hay, "Abraha" in
Siegbert von Uhlig, ed., Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: A-C (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2003).] - but,
according to the Muslims, Muhammad was born in 570 A.D. So, if we want to believe the Muslim traditions
concerning Abraha, we have to push Muhammad's birth back 15, 16 or even 18 years. This has enormous
consequences for much of early Islamic history. If Muhammad was born 18 years earlier, when did Muhammad
begin to receive revelations? When did the Hijrah occur? When did Muhammad die? When did various battles
take place, and when did the first four Caliphs reign? This is potentially messing up everything that Muslims
believe about their early history. Moreover, this may cast doubt on much of the Islamic Traditions. The accuracy
of their so-called "Sahih" Hadiths cannot be trusted because the "chains of transmission" may now be broken most events in the life of Muhammad has been pushed back 18 years and gaps are bound to open up
somewhere in the chains between Muhammad and the time of Bukhari, Muslim, and the other collectors.

That so many errors of fact and confused statements can be gathered into one paragraph leaves the reader in awe.
According to the missionaries "Abraha died in 553 A.D. or shortly thereafter" citing the wellknown Encyclopaedia Aethiopica as their source. Regrettably, even something as straightforward as looking
up a half-page encyclopaedia entry becomes so strenuous that the missionaries are incapable of accurately reporting
the information they claimed to have read there. Firstly, this entry was not authored by Stuart Munro-Hay but by
Alexander Sima. Secondly, with regards to the date of death of Abraha, Sima wrote,
He died at an unknown date after 553 A.D.[67]

The missionaries mysteriously transform this simple English sentence consisting of nine words into the following,
" ... Abraha died in 553 A.D. or shortly thereafter". From this faulty starting point, combined with the assumption
this inscription must refer to Abraha's attempted invasion of Makkah as described in the Islamic sources, the
missionaries state, "we have to push Muhammad's birth back ...", then going on to claim "this is potentially messing
up everything that Muslims believe about their early history." The problems of pre-hijra sira chronology are wellknown and have been discussed by Muslim scholars since the inception of Islam.[68] Other dating systems of late
antiquity suffer from the same functional problems including the Sabaean chronology from which the Christian date
of the above named inscription is calculated.[69] One cannot however equate the problems of prehijra sira chronology with post-hijra chronology. The missionaries falsely assume all landmark events in Islamic
history are calculated according to the year of the birth of Prophet Muhammad. The year of hijra is counted from the
date of the Prophet's flight to Madinah and is not based on the Prophet's age or date of birth. The hijra date
is independently established from Islamic sources in dated inscriptions and papyri. Excluding Arabic-only
papyri, there are dozens of Greek [e.g., Mu‘āwiya's inscription at Hammat Gader, 42 AH / 662-63 CE], GreekCoptic, Greek-Arabic [e.g., PERF 558 from 22 AH / 642 CE] papyri and inscriptions showing a hijra year in
addition to a Greek dating.[70] Likewise, similar examples can be found in Christian Syriac manuscripts showing
the hijra dates.[71] The missionaries dispute the value of this considerable body of very early documentary evidence
and insist,
These inscriptions do not independently "establish" anything. The Greeks and the Copts did not independently
research, verify, and confirm the historicity and date of the hijra, they simply reckoned the date "according to
the Arabs" (kata Arabas). These inscriptions do not verify the historicity of the hijra any more than my use of
the abbreviation A.H.!

To say the Greeks and Copts “simply reckoned the date "according to the Arabs"” only is simply false and betrays
ignorance of the use of dating systems in antiquity. For example, those bilingual papyri that document the early
Islamic administration of the conquered territories were written by scribes capable in their respective languages
employing their own dating system. When these dating systems are independently calculated they point towards the
same time frame. As we have already mentioned the hijra calendar is not based on the Prophet's date of birth.
Perhaps the missionaries are confused due to the fact their own modern day Christian calendar is counted from the
birth of Jesus.[72] Adopting the missionaries reasoning, one would be forced to conclude that people who own their
own house in the Western world are unsure when their mortgage payments will end due to the uncertainty of when
Jesus was born. Considering the body of reports given in all manner of sources of varying levels of authenticity
regarding the date of birth of Muhammad, the missionaries give the following conclusion,
If we assume that the "Year of the Elephant" was 570 A.D., then Muhammad could have been born anytime
between 555 A.D. and 640 A.D. and could have died anytime between 615 A.D. and 700 A.D.!

Aside from the fact that one would not expect to see an inscription on a tombstone that mentions Muhammad's death
almost a decade before the missionaries think he could have died, this statement is devoid of any critical insight;

similarly the death of ʿUmar, the second successor to Muhammad, is recorded in an inscription dated 24 AH. Are we
to believe Muhammad died more than half a century after the second person to succeed him in the leadership of the
Muslim community? The application of a modicum of critical faculty allows one to confidently discard the
conclusions of the missionaries, who are obviously unable to distinguish those reports that are incoherent when
placed into their geographical setting in late antiquity and synchronised with other important events in the near
eastern timeline.
From the use of dating systems in antiquity we now observe the authors next attempt at specialisation in the form of
elephantology. The first thing the author informs us regarding elephants is that " ... the bottom of an elephant's foot
is too soft to walk through the desert". This statement – appearing as it does, to be a statement of fact – is so utterly
ludicrous that we almost broach the realm of outright quackery. From here the missionaries go on to describe the
dietary requirements of modern day elephants finishing off with a few sentences discussing ‘sunburn’.
Unfortunately, it did not occur to the missionaries that there may be different types of elephants than the results of
their internet search would suggest. As it would seem reasonable to assume the elephants in Abraha's army would
have been desert-adapted, let us consider a modern day population of desert-dwelling elephants (Loxodonta
Africana) resident in north-western Namibia. We should first of all caution that the body of scientific literature in
relation to this population of elephants is limited as they have not been well studied until recent times. Nevertheless,
let us take the opportunity to briefly note some of the technical capabilities of these elephants in relation to the arid
environment they occupy. Field results show they have developed specialised methods in dealing with harsh desert
conditions including novel ways of thermo-regulatory behaviour in very high temperatures and knowledge of preexisting water sources which can be a very large distance from their food sources. Their home ranges can reach
amongst the highest levels observed of any African elephant with some members reaching approximately 12,000
km2 over a two year period.[73] Needless to say they can “… walk through the desert”.
From elephantology we now turn to geography. This missionaries conclude with the impossibility of elephants
traversing the desert landscape from Yemen to Makkah. They say,
It is the scenario of marching an army of elephants across the Arabian desert that is truly ludicrous!

We can of course immediately discard the geographical absurdity of the missionaries that only desert exists between
S hanʿāʾ and Makkah, a common type of ignorance based on preconceived stereotypes of the Arabs and the Arabian
Peninsula. Al-Nasser and Al-Ruwaite's preliminary study on the route followed by Abraha and his army begins with
some important comments regarding the use of ancient communication roads,
Due to the desert nature of the Arabian Peninsula, especially the Southern part, communication roads were
limited to the area along the valleys, water streams and wells, because such areas were the only places where
travellers and caravan men could rest and supply themselves with water.... In Yemen and other parts of
Arabian Peninsula, we can trace some of the pre-Islamic roads, properly paved and constructed. Advanced
machines and tools were used in cutting the rocks to construct passages in the mountains. Other roads in the
valleys and plains were covered and paved with stones, as so appeared from remnants of these roads, which
still exist in spite of all these long years of such negligence. [74]

Al-Nasser and Al-Ruwaite go on to list twenty-three important sites and landmarks on this route along with briefs
descriptions. Today properly identifying this route is one of the major studies being undertaken by the Ministry of
Antiquities and Museums in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.[75]

The final proof offered by the missionaries against the historicity of the Abraha's march on Makkah – which as we
have mentioned has nothing to do with the Murayghan Inscription (Ry 506) –, regards the use of Persian war
elephants and their effect on the Muslim cavalry. We are told,
The Arabs did face war elephants in the Battle of al-Qadisiyyah when they fought the Sassanid-Persian army
sometime around the year 636 A.D. The Persian war elephants completely terrified the Arab cavalry, and
caused mass confusion and chaos among the Arab fighters for two entire days. On the third day of battle, the
Muslim army changed its tactics and succeeded in frightening the Persian elephants. Why did they originally
react as if they knew nothing of war elephants?

From geographer we now turn to combat psychologist. The missionaries ponder why the Arabs were terrified of war
elephants if they had already experienced them in battle? When America detonated a nuclear bomb on the residents
of Nagasaki, one would not be inclined to doubt the historicity of the first nuclear bomb detonated on the residents
of Hiroshima, based on the recorded reactions of those people at Nagasaki. A terrifying weapon of war is a terrifying
weapon of war.
From a specialist in ancient dating systems to elephantologist to geographer to combat psychologist, the Christian
missionaries’ readiness to apply themselves to such a diverse number of academic disciplines claiming a working
competence over them imbues the reader with an initial enthusiasm that is suddenly dampened as one examines their
writings in more detail. When the famous English author Robert Greene was warning his playwriting friends of a
new upstart actor he spoke of him disdainfully and labelled him a Johannes Factotum, in modern English a ‘John
Do-everything’.[76] The Oxford Companion To English Literature explains this term further and supplies
the meaning “a Jack of all trades, a would-be universal genius.”[77] The relevance of this figure of speech, however,
fails at the first hurdle. The musings of the Christian missionaries can in no way be compared to elegant prose and
poetry of William Shakespeare.
And Allah knows best!

References & Notes
[1] M. Gotti, The

Language Of Thieves And Vagabonds: 17th And 18th Century Canting
Lexicography In England , 1999, Lexicographica Series Maior 94, Max Niemeyer Verlag GmbH, Tübingen
(Germany), p. 16. This book forms a very readable introduction to the topic.
[2] "The

Pot calls the Kettle Black " in B. E., Gent (anonymous), A New Dictionary Of The Terms
Ancient And Modern Of The Canting Crew. In Its Several Tribes, Of Gypsies, Beggars,
Thieves, Cheats: With An Addition Of Some Proverbs, Phrases, Figurative Speeches , 1698?,
Printed for W. Hawes at the Rose in Ludgate-Street, P Gilbourne at the corner of Chancery-Lane in Fleet-Street, and
W. Davis at the Black Bull in Cornhill: London, Section PO. There are no page numbers in this book. Section PO is
located roughly three quarters in.
[3] C. J. Robin, "South Arabia, Religions In Pre-Islamic ", in J. D. McAuliffe (Gen. Ed.), Encyclopaedia
Of The Qur'ān, 2006, Volume Five Si – Z, Koninklijke Brill NV: Leiden (The Netherlands), pp. 84-85.

[4] ibid., p. 85.
[5] ibid., pp. 85-87; J. Ryckmans, "The

Old South Arabian Religion ", in W. Daum (Ed.), Yemen: 3000
Years Of Art And Civilization In Arabia Felix , 1987?, Pinguin-Verlag (Innsbruck) and Umschau-Verlag
(Frankfurt/Main), p. 107.
[6] J. Ryckmans, "South Arabia, Religion Of ", in D. N. Freedman (Editor-in-Chief), The Anchor Bible
Dictionary, 1992, Volume 6, Doubleday: New York, pp. 174-175; J. Ryckmans, "The Old South Arabian
Religion", in W. Daum (Ed.), Yemen: 3000 Years Of Art And Civilization In Arabia Felix , 1987?, op.
cit., p. 110; A. Sima, "Religion" in St. J. Simpson (Ed.), Queen Of Sheba: Treasures From Ancient
Yemen, 2002, The British Museum Press: London, p. 165; A. F. L. Beeston, "The Religions Of Pre-Islamic
Yemen" in J. Chelhod (Ed.), L'Arabie Du Sud Histoire Et Civilisation (Le Peuple Yemenite Et Ses
Racines), 1984, Volume I, Islam D'Hier Et D'Aujourd'Hui: 21, Editions G. -P. Maisonneuve et Larose: Paris, pp.
267-268.
[7] With the exception of two inscriptions, one mentioning the traditional deity Ta’lab (c. 397 CE) and the other
mentioning ‘Athtar dated to mid-5th century. See A. F. L. Beeston, "The Religions Of Pre-Islamic Yemen "
in J. Chelhod (Ed.), L'Arabie Du Sud Histoire Et Civilisation (Le Peuple Yemenite Et Ses
Racines), 1984, Volume I, op. cit., p. 267.
[8] A. Sima, "Religion" in St. J. Simpson (Ed.), Queen
2002, op. cit., p. 165.
[9] G. Ryckmans, "Inscriptions Sud-Arabes
315, picture of the inscription taken from p. 314.

Of Sheba: Treasures From Ancient Yemen ,

- Dixième Série ", Le Muséon, 1953, Volume 66, pp. 314-

[10] J. C. Greenfield, "From ’LH RHhMN To AL-RAHhMĀN: The Source Of A Divine Epithet " in B.
H. Hary, J. L. Hayes & F. Astren (Eds.), Judaism And Islam: Boundaries, Communication And
Interaction - Essays In Honor Of William M. Brinner , 2000, Brill: Leiden, p. 387. Translation taken
from here.
[11] G. Ryckmans, "Inscriptions Sud-Arabes
105, picture of the inscription taken from p. 100.

- Onzième Série ", Le Muséon, 1954, Volume 67, pp. 99-

[12] J. C. Greenfield, "From ’LH RHhMN To AL-RAHhMĀN: The Source Of A Divine Epithet " in B.
H. Hary, J. L. Hayes & F. Astren (Eds.), Judaism And Islam: Boundaries, Communication And
Interaction - Essays In Honor Of William M. Brinner , 2000, op. cit., p. 388. Translation taken from
here.
[13] G. Ryckmans, "Inscriptions Sud-Arabes
picture of the inscription taken from p. 297.

- Dixième Série ", Le Muséon, 1953, op. cit., pp. 295-303,

[14] J. C. Greenfield, "From ’LH RHhMN To AL-RAHhMĀN: The Source Of A Divine Epithet " in B.
H. Hary, J. L. Hayes & F. Astren (Eds.), Judaism And Islam: Boundaries, Communication And
Interaction - Essays In Honor Of William M. Brinner , 2000, op. cit., p. 388. Translation taken from
here.

[15] Y. M. Abdallah, "The Inscription CIH 543: A New Reading Based On The Newly-Found
Original" in C. Robin & M. Bafaqih (Eds.), Sayhadica: Recherches Sur Les Inscriptions De l’Arabie
Préislamiques Offertes Par Ses Collègues Au Professeur A.F.L. Beeston , 1987, Librairie
Orientaliste Paul Geuthner S.A.: Paris, pp. 4-5
[16] ibid., p. 5.
[17] W. L. Brown & A. F. L. Beeston, "Sculptures
Royal Asiatic Society , 1954, pp. 60-62.

And Inscriptions From Shabwa ", Journal Of The

[18] ibid., pp. 61-62.
[19] G. Ryckmans, "Inscriptions Sud-Arabes
picture of the inscription taken from p. 277.

- Dixième Série ", Le Muséon, 1953, op. cit., pp. 275-284,

[20] A. Jamme, Sabaean And Hasaean Inscriptions From Saudi Arabia , 1966, Studi Semitici - Volume
23, Istituto Di Studi Del Vicino Oriente: Roma, pp. 39-55. Transcription taken from p. 40.
[21] A. F. L. Beeston, "Two

Bi’r Hima Inscriptions Re-Examined ", Bulletin Of The School Of
Oriental And African Studies , 1985, Volume 48, pp. 45-46.
[22] For a detailed discussion of this term see M. J. Zwettler, "Ma‘add In Late-Ancient Arabian Epigraphy
And Other Pre-Islamic Sources ", Wiener Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Des Morgenlandes , 2000,
Band 90, pp. 223-309.
[23] A. F. L. Beeston, "Notes On The Mureighan Inscription ", Bulletin Of The
And African Studies, 1954, Volume 16, pp. 391-392. Translation taken from here.
[24] G. Ryckmans, "Inscriptions

School Of Oriental

Sud-Arabes - Dixième Série ", Le Muséon, 1953, op. cit., p. 278.

[25] A. F. L. Beeston, M. A. Ghul, W. W. Müller & J. Ryckmans, Sabaic Dictionary (English-FrenchArabic), 1982, Publication Of The University Of Sanaa (Yar), Editions Peeters: Louvain-la-Neuve and Librairie du
Liban: Beirut, p. 24; S. D. Ricks, Lexicon Of Inscriptional Qatabanian , 1989, Studia Pohl No. 14, Editrice
Pontificio Istituto Biblico: Roma, p. 19.
[26] A. F. L. Beeston, M. A. Ghul, W. W. Müller & J. Ryckmans, Sabaic Dictionary (English-FrenchArabic), 1982, op. cit., p. 64; S. D. Ricks, Lexicon Of Inscriptional Qatabanian , 1989, op. cit., p. 72.
[27] Corpus

Inscriptionum Semiticarum Ab Academia Inscriptionum Et Litterarum
Humaniorum Conditum Atque Digestum , 1911, Pars Quarta (Inscriptiones Himyariticas Et Sabæas
Continens), Tomus 2, E Reipublicae Typographeo: Parisiis, No. 541, pp. 278-296, picture of the inscription taken
from p. 278.
[28] S. Smith, "Events

In Arabia In The 6th Century A.D. ", Bulletin Of The School Of Oriental

And African Studies, 1954, Volume 16, p. 437. Translation taken from here.

[29] G. Ryckmans, "Une Inscription Chrétienne Sabéenne Aux
D'Istanbul", Le Muséon, 1946, Volume 59, pp. 165-168.

Muées D'Antiquités

[30] J. C. Greenfield, "From ’LH RHhMN To AL-RAHhMĀN: The Source Of A Divine Epithet " in B.
H. Hary, J. L. Hayes & F. Astren (Eds.), Judaism And Islam: Boundaries, Communication And
Interaction - Essays In Honor Of William M. Brinner , 2000, op. cit., p. 388. Translation taken from
here.
[31] A. Jamme, "Inscriptions On The Sabaean Bronze Horse Of The Dumbarton Oaks
Collection", Dumbarton Oaks Papers , 1954, Volume 8, pp. 317-330, For Rah hmānān see p. 318.
[32] J. Ryckmans & I. Vandevivere, "The Pre-Islamic South Arabian Bronze Horse In The
Dumbarton Oaks Collection ", Dumbarton Oaks Papers , 1975, Volume 29, p. 288 and pp. 301-302.
[33] J. Ryckmans, "The

Old South Arabian Religion ", in W. Daum (Ed.), Yemen: 3000 Years Of Art
And Civilization In Arabia Felix , 1987?, op. cit., p. 110; J. Ryckmans, "South Arabia, Religion Of", in
D. N. Freedman (Editor-in-Chief), The Anchor Bible Dictionary , 1992, Volume 6, op. cit., pp. 174-175;
[34] A. F. L. Beeston, "The

Religions Of Pre-Islamic Yemen " in J. Chelhod (Ed.), L'Arabie Du Sud
Histoire Et Civilisation (Le Peuple Yemenite Et Ses Racines) , 1984, Volume I, op. cit., pp. 267-268.
[35] A. Sima, "Religion" in St. J. Simpson (Ed.), Queen
2002, op. cit., p. 165.

Of Sheba: Treasures From Ancient Yemen ,

[36] For a discussion on the definite article in epigraphic South Arabian, please see N. Nebes & P. Stein, " Ancient
South Arabian" in R. D. Woodard, The Cambridge Encyclopedia Of The World's Ancient
Languages, 2004, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, p. 461.
[37] E. M. Badawi & M. Abdel Haleem, Arabic-English Dictionary Of Qur'anic Usage , 2008, Handbook
Of Oriental Studies, Section One, The Near And Middle East – Volume 85, Koninklijke Brill NV: Leiden (The
Netherlands), pp. 354-355.
[38] J. C. Biella, Dictionary Of Old South Arabic: Sabaean Dialect , 1982, Harvard Semitic Studies No.
25, Scholars Press: Chico (CA), p. 485; Also see A. F. L. Beeston, M. A. Ghul, W. W. Müller & J.
Ryckmans, Sabaic Dictionary (English-French-Arabic) , 1982, op. cit., pp. 116-117.
[39] A. Rippin, "Rh h mnn And

The Hhanīfs" in W. B. Hallaq & D. P. Little (Eds.), Islamic Studies
Presented to Charles J. Adams , 1991, E. J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands, p. 166. Are the non-Jewish, nonChristian, native Arabian Rah hmānists to be likened to the Hanifiyya, a group of pre-Islamic monotheists mentioned
in the Qur'an? A reading of the historical circumstances within a "pre-figured system of co-ordinates" using a
thoroughly Wansbroughnian framework, Rippin's article is a response to Beeston and Gibb's assertion that they are.
[40] Y. Moubarac, "Le

Noms, Titres Et Attributs De Dieu Dans Le Coran Et Leurs Correspondants
En Épigraphie Sud Sémitique ", Le Muséon, 1955, Volume LXVIII, Number 1-2, pp. 122-123; idem., "Le
Noms, Titres Et Attributs De Dieu Dans Le Coran Et Leurs Correspondants En Épigraphie
Sud Sémitique", Le Muséon, 1955, Volume LXVIII, Number 3-4, p. 364.

[41] A. Fakhry, An Archaeological Journey To Yemen , 1952, Part I, Government Press: Cairo (Egypt), pp.
108-109 (Fakhry 74); G. Ryckmans, An Archaeological Journey To Yemen , 1952, Part II (Epigraphical
Texts), Government Press: Cairo (Egypt), pp. 46-49 (Fakhry 74).
[42] C. J. Robin, "Yemen", in J. D. McAuliffe (Gen. Ed.), Encyclopaedia
Five Si – Z, Koninklijke Brill NV: Leiden (The Netherlands), p. 566.

Of The Qur'ān , 2006, Volume

[43] "God, Names Of ", Encyclopedia Judaica , 1971, Volume 7, Encyclopaedia Judaica Jerusalem, col. 684.
A detailed study on the use of ha-Rah haman in Jewish liturgy was done by J. C. Greenfield, "From ’LH
RHhMN To AL-RAHhMĀN: The Source Of A Divine Epithet " in B. H. Hary, J. L. Hayes & F. Astren
(Eds.), Judaism And Islam: Boundaries, Communication And Interaction - Essays In Honor Of
William M. Brinner , 2000, op. cit., pp. 381-393.
[44] S. P. Tregelles (Trans.), Gesenius's

Hebrew And Chaldee Lexicon To The Old Testament
Scripture: Translated With Additions And Corrections From The Author's Thesaurus And
Other Works, 1881, Samuel Bagster And Sons: London, for both rachuwm and racham see p. dcclxv; Also see F.
Brown, S. Driver & C. Briggs, The Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew And English Lexicon Coded With
Strong's Concordance Numbers , 2005 (9th Printing), Hendrickson Publishers: Peabody (MA),
for rachuwm see p. 933, Strong's Concordance Number 7349 and for racham see p. 933, Strong's Concordance
Number 7355.
[45] H. Hirschfeld, New Researches Into The Composition And
Asiatic Monographs - Volume III, Royal Asiatic Society: London, p. 68.

Exegesis Of The Qoran , 1902,

[46] B. C. de Vaux (L. Gardet), "Basmala" in H. A. R. Gibb, J. H. Kramers, E. Lévi-Provençal & J. Schacht
(Eds.), Encyclopaedia Of Islam (New Edition) , 1960, Volume 1, E. J. Brill (Leiden) & Luzac & Co.
(London), p. 1085; Also see P. K. Hitti (Rev. Walid Khalidi), History Of The Arabs , 2002, Revised 10th
Edition, Palgrave Macmillan: New York, p. 105. Hitti says:
The word Rah
ḥ mān-ān is especially significant because its northern equivalent, al-Rahmān, became later a
prominent attribute of Allah and one of His names in the Koran and in Islamic theology.

[47] M. A. S. Abdel Haleem, "Context And Internal Relationships: Keys To Qur'anic Exegesis A
Study Of Surat al-Rah hmān" in G. R. Hawtings & ‘Abdul Kader A. Shareef (Eds.) Approaches To The
Qur'an, 1993, Routledge: London & New York, p. 95.
[48] ibid., p. 96. Also see Al-Ghazali [D. B. Burrell & N. Daher (Trans.)], The
Of God, 1995, Islamic Texts Society: Cambridge (UK), p. 54.

Ninety-Nine Beautiful Names

[49] M. A. S. Abdel Haleem, "Context And Internal Relationships: Keys To Qur'anic Exegesis A
Study Of Surat al-Rah hmān" in G. R. Hawtings & ‘Abdul Kader A. Shareef (Eds.) Approaches To The
Qur'an, 1993, op. cit., p. 96.
[50] ibid.
[51] A. A. Ambros (Collab. S. Procházka), A Concise Dictionary Of Koranic Arabic , 2004, Reichert Verlag
Wiesbaden (Germany), p. 110 & p. 305. The other verses are 21:72, 36.23, 36:11, 50:33 and 67:20.

[52] A. Al-Askar, Al-Yamama In The Early Islamic Era , 2002, Ithaca Press in association with King Abdul
Aziz Foundation For Research And Archives, p. 80. For the larger discussion see pp. 77-84.
[53] J. Jomier, O. P. (Trans. E. P. Arbez), The Bible And The Koran , 1964, Desclee Company: New York, p.
57. This is a modified English translation of Jomier's Bible et Coran published in 1959; also see idem., "Le
Nom Divin «Al-Rah hmān» Dans Le Coran", in Mélanges Louis Massignon , 1957, Tome II, Institut
Français De Damas: Damascus (Syria), pp. 361-381.
[54] B. M. Stortroen (Ed. G. J. Buitrago), Mecca And Muhammad: A Judaic Christian Documentation
Of The Islamic Faith , 2000, Church Of Philadelphia Of The Majority Text (Magna), Inc.: Queen Creek (AZ),
pp. 94-97.
[55] G. W. Braswell Jr., What You
Publishers: Nashville (TN), p. 20.

Need To Know About Islam & Muslims , 2000, Broadman & Holman

[56] J. F. Healey, "The Kind And Merciful God: On Some Semitic Divine Epithets " in M. Dietrich &
I. Kottsieper, "Und Mose Schrieb Dieses Lied Auf" Studien Zum Alten Testament Und Zum Alten

Orient: Festschrift Für Oswald Loretz Zur Vollendung Seines 70. Lebensjahres Mit Beiträgen
Von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen , 1998, Alter Orient und Altes Testament - Volume 250, Ugarit Verlag: Munster, pp. 349-356; Also see D. S. Margoliouth, Mohammed And The Rise Of Islam , 1905, G. P.
Putnam's Sons: London & New York, p. 143; For an up-to-date study of the use of RHhM in the Ugaritic context see
G. Del Olmo Lete & J. Sanmartín (Trans. W. G. E. Watson), A Dictionary Of The Ugaritic Language In
The Alphabetic Tradition , 2003, Part Two: [l - z], Handbook Of Oriental Studies, Section One, The Near And
Middle East – Volume 67, Koninklijke Brill NV: Leiden (The Netherlands), p. 737. Also see C. H.
Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook III: Cuneiform Selections - Paradigms - Glossary - Indices Additions And Corrections - Bibliography , 1955, Analecta Orientalia - 35, Pontificium Institutum
Biblicum: Roma, glossary 1755 and 1756 on p. 323 for rh hm.
A brief and now slightly outdated study on the issue of rh hm in the Ancient Near East was done by Toufic Fahd. It is,
nevertheless, quite useful. See T. Fahd, Le Panthéon De L'Arabie Centrale A La Veille De L'Hégire ,
1968, Institut Français D'Archéologie De Beyrouth Bibliothèque Archéologique Et Historique - Volume 88, Librairie
Orientaliste Paul Guethner: Paris, p. 141.
[57] Theodor Noldeke, "The Koran", Encyclopædia Britannica , 1893, Volume 16, Adam And Charles
Black: Edinburgh, p. 603. This article was reprinted many times with slight modifications. T. Nöldeke (J. S. Black
[Trans.]), Sketches From Eastern History , 1892, Adam and Charles Black: London & Edinburgh, p. 44; N. A.
Newman, The Qur'an: An Introductory Essay By Theodor Nöldeke , 1992, Interdisciplinary Biblical
Research Institute: Hatfield (PA), p. 19; Also see Theodor Nöldeke, "The Koran" in Ibn Warraq (Ed.), The
Origins Of The Koran: Classic Essays On Islam's Holy Book , 1998, Prometheus Books, p. 53; Also
Theodor Nöldeke, "The Koran" in C. Turner (Ed.), The Koran: Critical Concepts In Islamic Studies ,
2004, Volume I (Provenance and Transmission), RoutledgeCurzon: London & New York, pp. 85-86; H. U. W.
Stanton, The Teaching Of The Qur'ān , 1919, Central Board of Missions and Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge: London, p. 33. Strangely enough, Stanton says::
Because Rahmān is a proper name not in Arabic but of Hebrew construction borrowed from the Jews, with
whom Muhammad became more familiar during the latter part of his Meccan prophecy, and because the use of

it caused some misgivings among his followers, so that it was advisable to supplement it with Arabic synonym
of Rahim.

[58] J. C. Greenfield, "From ’LH RHhMN To AL-RAHhMĀN: The Source Of A Divine Epithet " in B.
H. Hary, J. L. Hayes & F. Astren (Eds.), Judaism And Islam: Boundaries, Communication And
Interaction - Essays In Honor Of William M. Brinner , 2000, op. cit., pp. 389-390.
[59] J. F. Healey, "The Kind And Merciful God: On Some Semitic Divine Epithets " in M. Dietrich &
I. Kottsieper, "Und Mose Schrieb Dieses Lied Auf" Studien Zum Alten Testament Und Zum Alten

Orient: Festschrift Für Oswald Loretz Zur Vollendung Seines 70. Lebensjahres Mit Beiträgen
Von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen , 1998, op. cit., pp. 355-356. Covering much the same ground,
Greenfield seems to have been unaware of Healey's study as it is not listed as part of his references, probably due to
the short period of time between the publication of their respective articles.
[60] I. Al-Qattan & M. A. Ghul, "The Arabian Background Of Monotheism In Islam ", in H. Köchler
(Ed.) The Concept Of Monotheism In Islam And Christianity , 1982, Wilhelm Braumüller Ges.m.b.H.,
A-1090, Wien: Germany, p. 28.
[61] A. Rippin, "Rh h mnn And

The Hhanīfs" in W. B. Hallaq & D. P. Little (Eds.), Islamic Studies
Presented to Charles J. Adams , 1991, op. cit., pp. 164-165. Rippin notes there are seven explicitly
JewishRah hmānān inscriptions and four explicitly Christian Rah hmānān inscriptions plus a number of lesser ones.
[62] A. Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary
Oriental Institute: Baroda, pp. 141-142.

of the Qur'an , 1938, Gaekwad's Oriental Series No. LXXIX,

[63] ibid., p. 141.
[64] Z. Rubin, "Judaism And Rah hmanite Monotheism In The Hhimyarite Kingdom In The Fifth
Century", in T. Parfitt (Ed.), Israel And Ishmael: Studies In Muslim–Jewish Relations , 2000, Curzon
Press: Surrey, pp. 39-41.
[65] As early as 1889, Fritz Hommel drew attention to the mention of name Rah hmānān in South Arabian epigraphy
saying that it "pointed to monotheism and perhaps to Judaism". See F. Hommel, "On The Historical Results
Of Eduard Glaser's Explorations In South Arabia ", Hebraica, 1889, Volume 6, No. 1, p. 51.
[66] I. Shahīd, "People Of The Elephant ", in J. D. McAuliffe (Gen. Ed.), Encyclopaedia
2004, Volume Four P – Sh, Koninklijke Brill NV: Leiden (The Netherlands), pp. 44-46.

Of The Qur'ān ,

[67] A. Sima, "Abraha" in S. Uhlig (Ed.), Encyclopaedia Aethiopica , 2003, Volume 1 (A-C), Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz (Germany), pp. 42-43. Another recent encyclopaedia entry is, W. W. Müller, "(Abrehā,
Abra(h)am)" in H. Cancik & H. Schneider (Eds.), Der Neue Pauly: Enzyklopädie Der Antike , 1996,
Verlag J. B. Metzler: Stuttgart (Germany), cols. 30-31.
[68] L. I. Conrad, "Abraha And

Muh hammad: Some Observations Apropos Of Chronology And
Literary Topoi In The Early Arabic Historical Tradition ", Bulletin Of The School Of Oriental
And African Studies, 1987, Volume 50, Number 2, pp. 225-240. As is made clear in the introductory paragraph,

Conrad's article deals specifically with the chronological problems associated with the later stages of jahiliya, i.e.,
pre-hijra sira chronology.
[69] A. F. L. Beeston, "Problems Of Sabæan Chronology ", Bulletin Of The School Of Oriental And
African Studies, 1954, Volume 16, Number 1, pp. 37-56. With regard to Arabia in general for an excellent
overview of the chronological issues one encounters see K. A. Kitchen, Documentation For Ancient Arabia ,
1994, Part I - Chronological Framework & Historical Sources, The World Of Ancient Arabia Series, Liverpool
University Press: Liverpool (UK).
[70] K. A. Worp, "Hegira
Volume 65, pp. 107-115.

Years In Greek, Greek-Coptic And Greek-Arabic Papyri ", Ægyptus, 1985,

[71] S. Brock, "The Use Of Hijra Dating In Syriac Manuscripts: A Preliminary Investigation " in J.
J. Van Ginkel, H. L. Murre-Van Den Berg, T. M. Van Lint (Eds.), Redefining Christian Identity: Cultural
Interaction In The Middle East Since The Rise Of Islam , 2005, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta - 134,
Uitgeverij Peeters en Departement Oosterse Studies: Leuven (Belgium), pp. 275-290.
[72] The Christian calendar Anno Domini as it is known today has an interesting history. The credit for its invention
is usually given to the Scythian monk Dionysius Exiguus who wrote mainly in the first half of the sixth century. The
first major historical work to use this method of dating persistently is Bede's (d. 735 CE) Historia Ecclesiastica
Gentis Anglorum . See P. H. Blair, The World Of Bede, 1990, Cambridge University Press, pp .268-270.
Subsequently it took several hundred years before its use became spread throughout the Christian world in the
Middle Ages.
[73] K. Leggett, "Effect

Of Artificial Water Points On The Movement And Behaviour Of DesertDwelling Elephants Of North-Western Namibia ", Pachyderm, 2006, Number 40, pp. 40-51; idem.,
"Home Range And Seasonal Movement Of Elephants In The Kunene Region, Northwestern
Namibia", African Zoology, 2006, Volume 41, Number 1, pp. 17-36; idem., "Copropagy And Unusual
Thermoregulatory Behaviour In Desert-Dwelling Elephants Of North-Western
Namibia", Pachyderm, 2004, Number 36, pp. 113-115; idem., "Home Ranges And Seasonal
Movements Of The Desert Dwelling Elephants Of Northwest Namibia ", Unpublished Paper, 2005,
pp. 1-7; idem., "Why GPS Collar Elephants? ", Unpublished Paper, 2005, pp. 1-5; idem., "Social Structure
Of Desert-Dwelling Elephants ", Unpublished Paper, 2006, pp. 1-8; K. Leggett, J. Fennessy & S. Schneider,
"Seasonal Distributions And Social Dynamics Of Elephants In The Hoanib River Catchment,
Northwestern Namibia ", African Zoology, 2003, Volume 38, Number 2, pp. 305-316.
[74] A. Al-Nasser & A. H. Al-Ruwaite, "A Preliminary Study Of Darb Al-Feel “Road Of
Elephants”", Atlal: Journal Of Saudi Arabian Archaeology , 1988, Volume 11, Part II, pp. 87-90.
[75] S. A. Al-Rashid, "The

Development Of Archaeology In Saudi Arabia ", Proceedings Of The
Seminar For Arabian Studies , 2005, Volume 35, p. 208.
[76] R. Greene, Greenes,

Groats-VVorth Of Wit, Bought With A Million Of Repentance.
Describing The Follie Of Youth, The Falshood Of Make-Shifte Flatterers, The Miserie Of The
Negligent, And Mischiefes Of Deceiuing Courtezans , 1592, Imprinted For William Wright: London, p.
(facing page of) F2.

[77] M. Drabble (Ed.), The Oxford
University Press, pp. 510-511;

Companion To English Literature , 1985, Fifth Edition, Oxford

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