You are on page 1of 23

Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl.

2 (2004) 379–401
UCD 572.4:572.72:575.8"678"
Review

Neandertals... 150 Years Later

Ivor Jankovi}
Institute for Anthropological Research, Zagreb, Croatia

ABSTRACT

The place of Neandertals in modern human emergence has been a subject of debate
since the first recognized Neandertal skeleton was discovered in 1856. This paper pres-
ents an overview of morphological, archaeological, and genetic evidence commonly used
in discussions of Neandertals and their evolutionary significance. A brief historical sketch
of the argument provides insight into the changing views on these interesting people.
The major models proposed to explain modern human origins are also discussed.

Key words: Neandertals, modern human origins, human evolution, Mousterian

Introduction
Who were the Neandertals? What is hotly debated1. Following Hermann Scha-
their relationship to living human popu- affhausen’s initial description of the skele-
lations? How different are they from us? ton, one group of scientists argued that
These are just some of the questions that the Feldhofer remains represented a pa-
have been asked by many since the 1856 thological but modern human. This was
recognition of the first Neandertal speci- most strongly argued by one of the lead-
men. Today we know more about Nean- ing academic figures in Germany at the
dertals than we do about any other human time, Rudolf Virchow. According to oth-
fossil group. What can we, after almost ers, the remains were of an ancient type
150 years has passed since the discovery of human. A new taxonomic category,
in the Neander valley, say about these in- Homo neanderthalensis, was soon cre-
teresting humans that once inhabited ated by William King2, but some scien-
Europe and parts of Asia? tists such as Schaaffhausen and T. H.
Huxley saw Neandertals as a primitive
race of Homo sapiens, rather than a dis-
The Early Years
tinct species. This was based on the origi-
Ever since the discovery of Neandertal nal Neandertal’s modern size brain that
partial skeleton in the Kleine Feldhofer they felt precluded classification of the
Grotte near Dusseldorf, Germany, in 1856, specimen as anything other than Homo
their place in human evolution has been sapiens. It is worth noting that the Feld-

Received for publication March 29, 2004

379
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

hofer remains were not the first fossils we for a more detailed insight into the mor-
today attribute to the Neandertals. They phology and culture of these humans.
were predated by both a juvenile cranium Finds from Le Moustier, La Ferrassie, La
from Engis (1829/30) in Belgium, as well Chapelle-aux-Saints, La Quina in France,
as the adult Gibraltar cranium (1848). and Monte Circeo in Italy provided the
The significance of these finds, however, basis for enchanced scientific study. Un-
was not recognized until much later. fortunately, Boule’s reconstruction of the
Proof of the geological antiquity and the La Chapelle skeleton4–6 (Figures 1 and 2),
non-pathological status of Neandertals ca- biased by both his misinterpretation of
me from two important discoveries near pathological changes on the skeleton and
the turn of the century. Two relatively undoubtedly also by his rejection of the
complete skeletons from the Belgian cave linear scheme for human evolution7–9, in-
site of Spy, discovered in 1886, as well as fluenced both popular and scientific views
the discoveries at the Krapina rockshel- on Neandertals for a long time. Echoes of
ter in Croatia (1899–1905), both in asso- Boule’s view of Neandertals as bestial,
ciation with extinct fauna and Palaeo- half-erected creatures can still be seen is
lithic stone tools, proved the antiquity of some popular writings to this day.
the Neandertals. Dragutin Gorjanovi}- Views on Neandertals in the first half
Kramberger, the discoverer of the Krapina of the 20th century can be placed into one
fossils, used the fluorine dating technique of three main theories. Ale{ Hrdli~ka’s
in order to prove the contemporaneity of
extinct fauna and Neandertal remains at
Krapina3. Furthermore, these new fossil
discoveries showed that pathology could
not explain the morphology of the fossils.
It became clear that Neandertals repre-
sent an ancient but normal population.
Thus, by the beginning of the 20th cen-
tury, the »Neandertal debate« turned en-
tirely to the question of their role in hu-
man evolution. Numerous discoveries at
the beginning of the 20th century allowed

Fig. 1. Neandertal skull from La Chapelle-aux- Fig. 2. Reconstruction of the La Chapelle-aux-


Saints. Saints skeleton (after Boulle and Vallois, 1957).

380
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

Neandertal phase model posits that Nean- phology. Here, I present an overview of
dertals represent an ancestral stage in the main characteristics that are com-
the morphological shaping of modern monly used to differentiate Neandertals
peoples10,11. In contrast, the Pre-sapiens from the preceding as well as from later
hypothesis, influenced strongly by Boule, human groups. Neandertal morphology is
gives them no role in modern human an- mainly a mixture of plesiomorphic (sym-
cestry, but views them as an extinct side- plesiomorphic) characters, shared with
branch4–6,12,13. F. Clark Howell is usually the preceding late Middle Pleistocene hu-
credited with popularizing the third view, mans, and apomorphic (synapomorphic)
according to which some Neandertal gro- features in common with the later mor-
ups (earlier specimens such as Saccopas- phologically modern Upper Paleolithic
tore, Steinheim, Ehringsdorf, Krapina people. Only rare features represent au-
etc) are ancestral to both later »classic« tapomorphies unique to Neandertals. It
Neandertals, as well as to modern hu- is the combination of these features found
mans, while the »classic« Neandertals are in high percentages in Neandertals, that
too specialized in their adaptation and go distinguishes them as a group. For a re-
extinct without contributing to the rise of view of commonly noted Neandertal char-
modern human groups14. Elements of acteristics see Wolpoff23, Conroy24, Klein25,
this so-called Pre-Neandertal hypothesis Smith26, Trinkaus27, and Aiello and Dean28.
can be seen in some earlier publications. The most commonly noted Neandertal
A more detailed review of the early ideas features are outlined in the following
on the role of Neandertals in human evolu- paragraphs. Neandertals have long and
tion can be found in Spencer and Smith15, low crania with a cranial capacity on the
Spencer16, and Trinkaus and Shipman17. high end of modern human range (Figure
Most leading scientists of the era concu- 3). Their frontal bone is low and exhibits
red with one of these views. Franz Wei- a distinct supraorbital torus that forms a
denreich, the main creator of the hypoth- double arch above the orbits and thins
esis that forms the core of what is today laterally29,30. Further, the lateral orbital
recognized as the Multiregional theory, margin (frontal process of the zygomatic
agreed with Hrdli~ka with respect to the bone that connects to the zygomatic pro-
Neandertal role in modern human ances- cess of the frontal bone) is columnar-sha-
try18–20. C. Loring Brace21,22 adds a func- ped, and the orbital and facial plates are
tional explanation to Hrdli~ka’s model not distinct as in modern populations29–32.
and draws attention to the importance of The lambdoid region is flat, while the oc-
culture as an adaptation. This, however, cipital bone bears a distinct posterior pro-
is not a new concept in human evolution- jection, the occipital bun. All Neandertal
ary studies, as Darwin himself proposed occipitals have suprainiac fossae, usually
stone tool manufacture as one of the main oval in form33. Neandertal mastoid pro-
factors in hominid evolution. Models that cesses are usually smaller or about the
dominate the anthropological literature same in terms of projection as the juxta-
today (Out of Africa, Multiregional model, mastoid eminence, and the incisura mas-
Assimilation model) have their roots in toidea is closed anteriorly34,35.
one of these earlier models.
The mid-facial region is very progna-
thous, however, recent analyses36 show
Morphology that this prognathism is not extreme
when compared to preceding populations.
There is an overwhelming quantity of Greater projection in the upper facial re-
literature dealing with Neandertal mor- gion is a result of increased cranial capac-

381
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

Fig. 3. Comparison of Neandertal and modern human crania (from Staski and Marks, 1992).

ity, as well as of robust nasal and supra- played by cooling of the arterial blood on
orbital regions29,36–38. Facial prognathism, the way to the brain. However, all the pe-
therefore, is not a Neandertal apomorphy, culiarities of the Neandertal nasal mor-
but it is the reduction in prognathism in phology are not explainable solely by cli-
modern humans that is the derived con- matic adaptation45, but like most other
dition36. This is most likely connected to craniofacial features, results from nume-
ontogenetic changes on the cranial base, rous factors. Proposed Neandertal auta-
possibly including sphenoid bone len- pomorphies in the morphology of the na-
gth39,40. The nasal cavity is very volumi- sal area46,47 are shown to be present in
nous, and considering that the main func- both earlier populations, as well as in
tion of the nose is heating and moisturizing succeeding modern human groups45,48,49.
inhaled air41, and maintaining a constant In Neandertals, the lateral face is re-
brain temperature42, Wolpoff23 proposed ceding, while the maxilla lacks a canine
this as the explanation for the Neander- fossa. Maxillary sinuses extend into the
tal nasal morphology. Trinkaus43 argues zygomatic body32. Some authors argue for
that this morphology is explainable bear- a distinct morphology of the inner ear in
ing in mind Neandertal high activity levels Neandertals50, although this is not seen
in the light of termoregulatory demands. in all Neandertal specimens51. The Nean-
According to Dean44, an important role is dertal mandible normaly lacks a true

382
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

chin (trigonum mentale), although a men- pansion of the tuberculum subcondylum


tum osseum is sometimes present, and the laterale). This condition is also present in
mandibular foramen is often horizontal- some earlier (pre-Neandertal), as well as
oval in shape52–54 which might be related in later early modern human groups72–75.
to the expansion of the sphenomandibular Differences in the morphology of the
ligament54. This morphology, however, is mandibular ramus, especially more pos-
present in both earlier, as well as in later terior placement of the lowermost point of
human populations54,55, and is most likely the mandibular notch, and the lower po-
genetically controlled54,30. The mental fo- sitioning of the condylar process are ge-
ramen is usually posited inferiorly to the netically influenced according to Rak and
M153,56,57. Maxillary incisors are shovel colleagues76.
shaped and larger in size, both in crown
Postcranial differences between Nean-
and root dimensions58,30, but not differing dertals and modern human populations
significantly in dimensions from those of are usually explained by the extreme
early modern human populations of the robusticity of the former group (Figure 4).
early Upper Paleolithic59,60. Notable re- Results of the analysis by Lovejoy and
duction in tooth size is seen later, at the Trinkaus77 suggest that Neandertals were
Upper Paleolithic to Mesolithic bounda- twice as strong as modern humans. The
ry59. The unusual pattern of anterior tooth most notable differences in postcrania
wear (labial tooth wear) in Neandertals is are discussed in the following paragra-
most likely related to paramasticatory phs. Neandertals exhibit low values of
activities (teeth-as-tools) (see11,21,22,61), al- both brachial and crural indices, which
though some authors suggest this is re- can be explained by Allen’s78 rule42,79–83,
lated to dietary factors62. Molars exhibit a as well as by biomechanical functional
high percentage of taurodontism, and ac- demands27. Claviculae are elongated, sug-
cording to Wu and Turner63 and Bai- gesting broad shoulders and deep chests,
ley64,65. Neandertals tend to have a bridge while the scapulae have a high percent-
connecting the protoconid and metaconid age of dorsal grooving on the axilliary
cusps, which is distinctive for these hu- border84,85. This relates to the attachment
mans. There is a gap between M3 and the area of m. teres minor, a lateral rotator of
ascending ramus, known as the retro- the arm, and could reflect a differential
molar space23,42,56,66. It is most likely re- habitual loading position, resulting from
lated to the mesial drift of the dentition such activities as the use of heavy thrust-
and change in dimensions of the mandib- ing spears while the arm is bent in the
ular ramus57. On the internal side of the elbow86,87. Although most modern hu-
ramus, there is a developed medial ptery- mans exhibit the ventral grooving pat-
goid tubercle (the attachment of the m. tern on the axillary scapular border, some
pterygoideum internus)67,68, but recent Neandertals (e.g. some of the Krapina
analyses69 have shown that this trait is specimens and Shanidar 3), as well as the
not autapomorphic as it is present in re- early Upper Paleolithic modern humans
cent Homo groups. According to Smith (e.g. Predmosti XIV, Barma Grande 2,
and Paquete30 and Rosas57 there is an in- Doni Vestonice XV, all of the Skhul and
terrelation among various mandibular Qafzeh specimens) exhibit a bisulcate
traits that is explainable by craniofacial pattern85,88–90. Neandertal glenoid fossae
growth. The incisura mandibulae in Ne- tend to be shallow and oriented in a more
andertals is situated more medially at superior position. Radii are curved and
the border with the mandibular condy- have elongated necks. Radial tuberosities
le57,70–72, which is extending laterally (ex- (the attachment area of m. biceps brachii)

383
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

Fig. 4. Comparison of a Neandertal and modern human (after Stringer and Gamble, 1993).

tend to be oriented more medially, while carpometacarpal joint. According to some


the trochlear notch is generally oriented authors, these reflect differences in grip
more in the anterior direction27,52,53,91. patterns94,95, where Neandertals were
This is also explainable as advantageous adapted to forceful transverse grip and
during the arm loading in flexed elbow modern humans to the oblique power
position86. Neandertal humeri are very grip. As Neandertals and the morphologi-
robust, however, the reduction of this cally more modern populations of the
robusticity can be seen from later Nean- Levantine area both have the same, Mou-
dertals, through the early Upper Paleoli- sterian industry (contra96,97), the signifi-
thic humans, to the later Upper Paleo- cance of these morphological differences
lithic people92. remains to be explained.
Differences in the hand bones between Neandertal pelves are characterized
Neandertals and modern humans have by an elongated superior pubic rami and
been noted numerous times27,52, this hav- somewhat laterally rotated superior part
ing been explained behaviorally93. Nean- of the ilia27,53,98–102. These differences are
dertal distal and proximal halluceal pha- most likely due to the biomechanical dif-
langeal rows are equal or sub-equal in ferences in habitual locomotion103 and
length, while in most modern humans the structural demands in short, heavy built
distal phalange is two-thirds the length people104. Femoral diaphyses are round
of the proximal one27,94,95. There is also in cross-section and lack the pilasters on
some difference in the shape of the 1st their posterior surface that characterize

384
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

modern human femora. Femoral heads int-Vaast, Pontnewydd, La Chaise35,56,57,


71,109–111).
are large, as are most muscle markings, Therefore, we can observe in-
especially for m. gluteus maximus, while crease in the incidence of these characteris-
the proximal part is rounded (in modern tics through time from about 500–400,000
populations it is usually flattened ante- years ago, to the time of OIS 6 and the ap-
rioposteriorly)27,43. Femoral medial and pearance of the full-blown Neandertal
lateral condyles face more posteriorly27. gestalt. This »shift« in trait frequencies
The tibia, fibula and patella are also ro- makes any sharp division between the
bust, and the same is observed for the preceding humans and Neandertals nec-
foot bones27,43. Proximal foot phalanges essarily an artificial one.
are robust and relatively short, while the Having noted the main differences in
first tarsometatarsal joint is convex. The morphology of Neandertals and modern
talar neck is relatively short, while the humans, we are left with questions con-
lateral malleolar surface is large105. cerning the significance of these. How
Neandertal postcrania clearly show much of a real difference is this differ-
marked robusticity observable in muscle ence? What does it mean, if anything, for
attachment areas, however, like in many the taxonomic status of Neandertals?
other metric trends, early Upper Paleo- What are the possible explanations? Func-
lithic populations fall closer to Neander- tional explanations for the Neandertal
tals (or are intermediate in values) than morphology have been suggested by many
to living human populations92,106. Accord- scholars (for instance, see Brace,21–22,
ing to Trinkaus43, lower limb morphology Smith53,61, Trinkaus27 and Wolpoff and
shows adaptation to a long-term persis- colleagues112). Coon42 held that Neandertal
tence hunting strategy. Average Nean- mid-facial prognathism can be explained
dertals would reach around 167 cm in by nasal projection and that it reflects
height and weight about 80.8 kg, accord- cold adaptation, while Smith61 suggested
ing to Ruff and colleagues37. Although this as an adaptation to paramasticatory
their brains were large, their cranial ca- activities. The teeth-as-tools hypothesis
pacity means are on the high end of living as an explanation of Neandertal midfa-
populations (about 1.520 cm3). This might cial morphology was suggested early in
reflect the fact that today’s cold adapted the last century10,113, and later accepted
peoples (e.g. the Inuit) tend to have a by many scholars21,22,61,114. It is well es-
greater average cranial capacity. There is tablished that Neandertals used their
no discernable difference in cranial orga- teeth in activities other than food pro-
nization between Neandertals and living cessing, as we can see from microwear
humans107. Life expectancy of Neandertals studies112, high instances of temporoman-
was late 30s to early 40s108. dibular joint pathologies27,53, and the un-
Most of the aforementioned differen- usual manner of anterior tooth wear53,115.
ces in morphology can be explained either Explanation of Neandertal facial mor-
functionally or adaptively (cold adapta- phology has been the subject of the two
tion). Many of the Neandertal character- competing models. Rak116 proposed a mo-
istic features appear within the late Mid- del, which centers around the placement of
dle Pleistocene groups that date to OIS the infraorbital plate in a more parasa-
11–9 (Vértesszöllös, Petralona, Arago, gittal orientation, which would, in turn,
Steinheim, Swanscombe, Atapuerca), whi- better resist the rotational torsion during
le by OIS 7, presence of most of these fea- the anterior tooth loading. In Neander-
tures is well established (e.g. in fossils tals, the zygomatic root is positioned abo-
like Ehringsdorf, Fontéchevade, Biache-sa- ve the M2 or M3, while in modern hu-

385
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

mans it is located more anteriorly, above however, the supraorbital torus is func-
the M1 or M2117. In Trinkaus’ model, tionally related to maintaining the in-
changes in the infraorbital region are tegrity of the cranium between neural
seen as a secondary consequence of the and orbital tissues (a prognathic face and
reorganization in the position of dental receeding forehead). The results of Vinyard
and masticatory muscle regions117. De- and Smith’s31 analysis demonstrated the
mes118 believes that the elimination of association between the robusticity of the
the angles between the infraorbital plate, supraorbital region and craniofacial size
the maxillary walls, and the zygomatic in modern humans that was previously
body reduces and redistributes stresses demonstrated in non-human primates by
more evenly. Maureille and Houët119 ar- Ravosa123. The supraorbital torus is a
gue that the absence of the canine fossa primitive trait that is present in human
and the alignment of the infra-orbital and evolution for a long time, and there is no
maxillo-zygomatic surface in a more obli- sudden reduction in its robusticity even
que plane should be considered a Nean- at the Middle-to-Upper Paleolithic bound-
dertal apomorphy. ary, although there are some changes in
Occipital bunning and the long and the overall pattern and shape124.
low cranial form provide a more horizon- Somewhat different demands are put
tal orientation of the posterior cranium, on the lateral part of the torus including
adding to the biomechanical efficiency of the lateral orbital wall31,32. Paramasti-
the nuchal musculature, which would be catory activities produce stresses affect-
beneficial in counteracting stresses pro- ing the lateral part of the torus and frontal
duced by anterior dental loading61. Adap- process of the zygomatic bone31,32,61,125,126,
tive changes are seen in the mastoid re- while other peculiarities of the zygomatic
gion, where the mastoid process and region are explainable as a result of the
juxtamastoid eminence are divided by a maxillary sinus expansion and adapta-
broad sulcus, the attachment place of the tion to climate32.
digastric muscle (which retracts the man- In conclusion, craniofacial reorganiza-
dible). It is possible that the morphology tion in Neandertals is a result of numerous
of the occipital region is a result of the factors, including biomechanical demands
ontogenetic difference in brain growth120. and changes in facial dimensions11,21,22,61,
In addition, at least a part of the mor- 116–118,123,127, environmental adaptations42, 79,

phology may not be a result of the func- as well as the genetic and ontogenetic
tional adaptation, but of genetic factors57,61 factors57,61,120. Changes in one part of the
and genetic isolation of small populations cranium necessary affect the morphology
under heavy selective pressures79. of other parts.
Another important morphological re- Postcranial morphology in Neandertals
gion that has been argued to have an im- is explainable to a large extent by clima-
portant role in reduction of the stresses tic adaptations42,79–83,91,114,128–130. This is
put upon the Neandertal face due to ante- not contradicted by the fact that the Le-
rior tooth loading is the supraorbital vantine Neandertals exhibit similar body
area. Endo121 proposed that having a proportions, bearing in mind that Nean-
more vertical forehead is advantageous dertals first appear in Europe and only
in dissipating stresses, however in Nean- later inhabit the eastern parts of their
dertals who are characterized by receding geographical distribution131,132. Also, some
frontal squama, supraorbital tori will of the cold adaptations are not as pro-
compensate for a lack of a more vertical nounced in the Levantine Neandertals133.
forehead. According to Moss and Young122, Other details of Neandertal anatomy can

386
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

be seen as a continuation of long-term evo- appearing before others. Therefore, some


lutionary trends seen in earlier European authors recognize specific fossils possess-
hominids23,27,35,53,57,61,111,117,132, or influenced ing certain Neandertal traits as Neander-
by isolating mechanisms79. In addition, tals23,134, while others include them within
newer genetic studies make us wonder the variation range of earlier hominids
how much of these »Neandertal charac- and assign them to such taxa as Homo
teristics« can be explained with the afore- antecessor135 or Homo heidelbergensis136.
mentioned models, and how much of these Some of the aforementioned Neandertal
are governed by certain genetic mecha- traits are recognizable in fossils like Fon-
nisms such as regulatory genes. téchevade, Swanscombe, Saccopastore,
Salzgitter-Lebenstedt, Ehringsdorf, Ste-
inheim, Petralona, Arago, and Vértesszö-
Time, Culture, and Lifeways lös57,134,137,138. These include the presence
Neandertals are usually recognized to of suprainiac fossae, certain occipital cha-
have inhabited Europe and parts of West- racteristics, occipital bunning, retromo-
ern Asia (Figure 5) from about 200,000 to lar spaces and some other mandibular
30,000 years ago. As noted before, they features. One of the earliest finds every-
evolve from local European populations, one agrees represents Neandertals is the
therefore making the onset of this time skeletal collection from Krapina in Cro-
range somewhat arbitrary. After they ap- atia, dating to the OIS 5e (about 130,000
pear in their full blown form on the Euro- years ago)139. Likewise, the youngest Ne-
pean continent, they spread to the parts andertals come from the Croatian site of
of Western Asia where they co-exist with Vindija, which is dated to about 28 or
early morphologically modern human 29,000 years ago140 and the site of Zaf-
groups. Interestingly, both groups pro- faraya in Spain141. Late surviving Nean-
duce indistinguishable stone tool culture. dertals are also reported from the Cauca-
The fact is that evolutionary changes sus region142. Speaking in terms based on
work in a mosaic pattern with some traits the Alpine glacial sequence, which is not

Fig. 5. Geographic distribution of Neandertals (from Klein, 1989).

387
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

Fig. 6. Mousterian tools (from Klein, 1989).

388
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

widely used in more recent literature but is so common that, although this tech-
dominates earlier publications, Neander- nique developed within the preceding
tals belong to the time range starting Acheulean complex, we recognize it as
with the Riss-Würm interglacial, to the one of the characteristics of the Mous-
beginning of the Würm 2 stadial. terian. Bordes144,145 recognizes four dif-
As previously noted, Neandertal fos- ferent facies of Mousterian culture: 1)
sils come from sites in Europe and parts Mousterian of Acheulean tradition, 2) ty-
of Asia, while some possibly Neandertal pical Mousterian, 3) denticulated Mous-
artifacts dated to about 40,000 years ago terian, and 4) Quina-Ferrassie Mouste-
come from the European Arctic region143. rian (Charentian). In addition, each of
Most Neandertal finds are found in asso- these facies can be defined as being Leval-
ciation with stone artifacts. The stone lois type, according to the percentage of
tool culture commonly associated with use of this technique within the site or
Neandertals is the Mousterian (Figure 6), within an individual layer. Bordes145 be-
named after the site of Le Moustier in lieves that different Neandertal tribes
France. This stone tool industry is char- are responsible for the production of each
acterized by a large number of side scrap- of these different facies. Although Bordes’
ers and tools made on flakes144. The use typological division of the Mousterian is
of the so-called Levallois technique of still much in use, his »tribal explanation«
producing standardized flakes (Figure 7) of the Mousterian subdivision has been
heavily criticized. Lewis and Sally Bin-
ford146 believe that it is the function that
determines the type of Mousterian indus-
try, while Dibble147 argues that there is
no basic difference among Bordes’ types,
but that in the course of use and re-use
(resharpening), tools change their appea-
rance. Further analyses of individual
sites and layers within sites will help
clarify this question. Neandertals lived in
smaller, mobile groups25,71,148, and mostly
used raw materials within a few kilome-
ters from the site25,149, although there are
studies showing raw material acquisition
from more distant sources150,151.
One of the reasons Neandertal fossils
are so complete compared to the preced-
ing human fossils is the fact that they
were the first humans to deliberately
bury their dead. While some scholars152–154
have tried to explain this by other (tapho-
nomic) factors, it is agreed among most
scholars that Neandertal burial is an in-
disputable fact, although the reasons for
this treatment of the dead is a matter of
debate25,142,150,155–168. Burials at such sites
Fig. 7. Levallois technique (from Feder and as La Chapelle-aux-Saints, La Ferrassie,
Park, 1989). Spy, Amud, Kebara, Dederiyeh, and Te-

389
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

shik Tash are just some of the examples. throughout human history up to the pres-
The Shanidar 4 burial is often cited as be- ent day178.
ing an example of funerary practices that Although some scholars suggest that
are more than just disposal of the de- Neandertals were mostly scavengers179 or
ceased. According to Leroi-Gourhan160 opportunistic hunters at best180, more
and Solecki162, a high concentration of and more evidence is showing that they
flower pollen in the grave suggests flow- were successful hunters181. Evidence from
ers as grave goods. Furthermore, it is faunal remains coming from various si-
quite possible that Neandertal burials tes182–184, as well as stable isotope ana-
are underrepresented in the literature, lyses185–188 show they obtained their pro-
considering the fact that most of the finds tein intake almost exclusively from animal
come from the early 20th century, when sources, which would not be possible for a
the excavation techniques and methods terrestrial scavenger.
were not as detailed and strict as they are
Possession of a fully modern language
today.
and developed speech abilities have been
Neandertal life was hard. This is proposed to distinguish early modern hu-
known from a high incidence of injuries mans from Neandertals and may have
and pathological changes seen on their added to the latter’s demise189. The »evi-
bones. Some of the skeletal remains, such dence« for much of the supposed differ-
as Shanidar 127 from Iraq and Krapina in ences in speech abilities comes from the
Croatia169 exhibit trauma of extreme mag- reconstruction of the La Chappelle vocal
nitude. In case of Shanidar 1, the individ- tract190–194. Later analyses, however show
ual was probably blind in one eye, miss- the fallacy of this reconstruction195–197.
ing a forearm, and displaying various Cranial base angulation has also been ar-
other antemortal pathologies27, while one gued to influence speech capability198,
Krapina skull shows a healed injury at however Arensburg and colleagues199,200
the lambdoidal region that would have show that these are not connected, and
rendered the individual unconscious for Ross and Ravosa201 show that the basi-
days or weeks. If we explain these as cranial angle is related to relative brain
signs of care for the injured, it shows us a size. Furthermore, as Frayer202 has shown,
very different picture from that portrayed the basicranial angle of Neandertals is
by Boule. On the other hand, adding to within the values of modern human pop-
the picture of Neandertal bestiality are ulations. Various studies have shown
the claims for cannibalism. These started that there is no discernable difference in
with Gorjanovi}-Kramberger’s explana- brain organization between the Neander-
tion for the fragmentary nature of the tal and modern human groups107,203,204,
Krapina remains52 and were further de- thus providing no basis for the speech ar-
veloped by Ullrich170, White and Toth171 gument. In addition, the discovery of the
and Defleur and colleagues172 among oth- 60,000 year old Neandertal hyoid bone
ers. Other authors suggest alternatives from the Israeli site of Kebara (KMH2)168
such as taphonomic factors173 or even a shows that its morphology is indistinguish-
pattern of secondary burial174,175. Even if able from that of modern humans102,199.
episodes of cannibalism happened, it tells There is no anatomical basis for the sup-
us nothing about Neandertal »human- posed speech/language advantage of Up-
ness«, as reported cases of anthropophagy per Paleolithic populations. Speech and
come from both prehistoric specimens such language development should be consid-
as Bodo and Klassies River Mouth176,177, ered as a trait evolving in the hominid
as well as from the numerous reports lineage for a long time.

390
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

Continuity? Archaeological, lution model, the transition is seen in ar-


Morphological, and Genetic Data chaeological material, and associated
with changes in symbolic behavior, cogni-
The formula of Neandertals equal tive capabilities and the appearance of
Mousterian, modern humans equal Up- fully modern language25,179,219,220. Clima-
per Paleolithic industries has been a part tic changes are also seen as having a sig-
of the archaeological and anthropological nificant role221. This explanation is in
literature for a long time. This has influ- agreement with the model in which mor-
enced theories on the tempo and mode of phologically modern newcomers replace
morphological change. The change in the the Neandertals. McBrearty and Brooks222,
archaeological material (i.e. the appear- however, argue that the »modernity« in
ance of Upper Paleolithic industries) was behavior is the result of evolutionary de-
associated with the appearance of mor- velopment starting within the Middle
phologically modern humans that sup- Stone Age of Africa. Further, there is no
posedly replaced Mousterian-producing abrupt and sudden behavioral change
Neandertals in a relatively short time seen in archaeological record at the Mid-
span. This picture changed considerably dle to Upper Paleolithic boundary145,223,224.
with the discovery of Neandertal skeletal Various authors have shown that the ini-
remains in direct association with the tial Upper Paleolithic industries of various
Upper Paleolithic Châtelperronian indus- geographic regions, such as the Szeletian
try at St. Cesaire and Arcy-sur-Cure in and Jankovichian of Hungary, Altmühlian
France205–207. This industry is most likely of southern Germany, Jerzmanowician of
derived from the preceding Mousterian208. eastern Germany and Poland, Bohuni-
A similarly interesting and complex situ- cian of Czech Republic, Brynzeni and
ation is seen in Central and Southeastern Kostenki-Szeletian of Russia, Châtelper-
Europe, where Szeletian, another early ronian of France, and Uluzzian of Italy,
Upper Paleolithic industry, shows conti- reflect elements of the preceding Mous-
nuity from the preceding Mousterian cul- terian and are most likely a result of a lo-
ture209. At Vindija cave, Croatia, Nean- cal development151,209,225–231. Mousterian
dertal remains from the G1 layer have influences are lost in the later industries,
been found in direct association with a such as the Aurignacian and Gravettian,
characteristically Upper Paleolithic bone although the population responsible for
point (Aurignacian or Olschewian), while the production of Aurignacian or Aurig-
other artifacts showing Upper Paleolithic nacian-like tools is still unknown225. It is
traits are common in that layer210–213. probably best to consider this industrial
The G1 layer has been dated to between complex as a number of local industries
28 and 29,000 years ago, a time when and not a homogenous phenomenon.
early modern humans were already pres-
As we can see, this transitional period
ent in Europe for at least a few thousand
is complex and locally diverse, providing
years140. On the other hand, the Levan-
no sharp distinction either in morphologi-
tine hominids, both Neandertal and ana-
cal, or archaeological data. The same can
tomically more modern humans are asso-
be said for the appearance of symbolic be-
ciated with Mousterian industries168,214–218,
havior, however difficult to define it may
adding to the complexity of the picture.
be. Possible evidence of symbolism is
There are two competing models that seen within the sites of the Middle Paleo-
have tried to explain the archaeological lithic232. Objects like pierced or modified
side of the Middle to Upper Paleolithic animal teeth and bones come from the
transition. According to the human revo- Châtellperronian layers of Grotte du Renne

391
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

(Arcy-sur-Cure) and St. Cesaire205,207,227,233,


and some aspects of this so-called »behav-
ioral modernity« are present at even ear-
lier times. Use of pigment145,181,234, burial
(see references earlier in the text) and
similar manifestations speak about simi-
larities in thinking between Neandertals
and Upper Paleolithic people. Objects such
as Gravettian portable art, Solutrean sto-
ne points, Magdalenian cave paintings
and so on, are those people tend to think
about when talking about the artistic be-
havior. These however, happen much la-
ter in time during the Upper Paleolithic,
and several thousands of years after the Fig. 8. Replacement model.
disappearance of the Neandertals. The
population responsible for creating ob-
jects such as the animal figurines from
the Aurignacian layers of the Vogelherd
cave remains to be identified225,.
In recent years, most of the debate on
modern human origins concentrated
around two competing models. According
to the Out of Africa model (Single Origin
Model, Replacement Model) (Figure 8)
morphologically modern people evolve on
the African continent, later replacing all
local archaic human populations in other
geographical regions with no, or with
very limited genetic exchange235,236. In Fig. 9. Multiregional continuity model.
this model, Neandertals are seen as a
separate species, Homo neanderthalen-
sis56,109,237–240. This explanation has its
roots in earlier models such as the Gar-
den of Eden hypothesis241 and the Noah’s
Ark hypothesis242, and is present in ear-
lier publications13,243. According to the
Multiregional Continuity model (Figure
9), modern humans evolve out of the pre-
ceding local populations within each geo-
graphic region. Gene exchange is present
at all times, preventing speciation. In
this model, Neandertals are a part of a
single polytypic species, Homo sapiens,
sometimes distinguished from living hu-
mans on the subspecies level, as Homo
sapiens neanderthalensis244–247. This mo-
del is recognizable in Weidenreichs’ wri- Fig. 10. Assimilation model.

392
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

tings18–20, and discussions of the role of populations this trait is observes in less
Neandertals in modern human ancestry that 2% of cases254. Thus, it is a shift in
seen in publications of G. Schwalbe7, trait distribution through time, not a
Gorjanovi}-Kramberger52, A. Hrdli~ka11, shift in traits that we see in some mor-
L. Brace21,22, J. Jelinek248 and others. The phological data. Again, no sharp distinc-
third, and somewhat intermediate expla- tion exists between Neandertals and
nation is the Assimilation Model (Figure early modern humans in certain morpho-
10). According to this model, most of mod- logical details. Dental dimensions in
ern human morphology evolved in a sin- early Upper Paleolithic groups are closer
gle region, most likely in Africa, but local to that of Neandertals, or intermediate
populations in other geographic regions between Neandertals and late Upper Pa-
contribute to the newcomers by inter- leolithic humans, while a more pronoun-
breeding. In this model, European Ne- ced dental reduction is seen much later,
andertals interbred with the Early Upper during the Mesolitic59. Likewise, morpho-
Paleolithic peoples, thus genetically con- logy of the supposedly modern people of
tributing to the modern human gene Qafzeh and Skhul is different from both
pool249–251, as seen in continuation of so- Neandertals and living humans. For in-
me of the morphological traits (discussed stance, multivariate analysis of cranial
later in the text). form in the Skhul/Qafzeh hominids shows
that some of them fall out of the normal
Morphological continuity from Nean-
modern human range259,260 and closer to
dertals, through the early Upper Paleo-
Neandertals259. This is also in agreement
lithic humans, to the populations of the
with a certain continuity in traits that is
Late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolitic is
shown for the European region26,90,211–213,
seen in continuation of certain evolution- 246,247,252,256,258, East Asia246,247,261, and
ary trends, such as reduction in size and
Australasia244,262. Lagar Velho 1 (a burial
change in morphology in facial and su-
of a child of about 4 years) from Portugal,
praorbital region29,57,66,124,213,252, dental
dated to about 24–25,000 years ago263
dimensions and mandibular morpholo-
shows a mixture of Neandertal (femo-
gy55,59,72–75,211,253–254, various other cranio-
rotibial proportions, tibial condylar posi-
facial traits45,247,248,254–257, as well as in
tion) and modern human traits (presence
the postcranial elements37,85,90,92,106. Early
of chin), while some traits are intermedi-
morphologically modern people from Mla-
ate in their values (mastoid region). Ac-
de~ and Predmosti in Moravia exhibit
cording to Duarte and colleagues263, this
certain »Neandertal traits« including a
is best explainable as a result of some ge-
level of occipital bunning and lambdoidal
netic contact between the two groups,
flattening26,248,254,257. Late Neandertals
and the continuation of these traits in
from the Vindija Cave in Croatia show a
later times (Gravettian) when the Lagar
more gracile morphology than the earlier
Velho child lived and died. This explana-
specimens of the same region (Krapi-
tion was greeted with much criticism by
na)112,211–213,22,258. Other Neandertal traits
the replacement proponents264.
such as the horizontal-oval mandibular
foramen, also show continuity from late Besides the continuity in certain mor-
Neandertals to early modern human phological traits, the gap between the two
groups54. A horizontal-oval mandibular groups (Neandertals and morphologically
foramen is present in about 53% of Nean- modern humans) is lessened by the fact
dertals, in about 18% cases in early Up- that some of the proposed Neandertal
per Paleolithic Europeans, 7% of the Up- apomorphies are in fact synapomorphies,
per Paleolithic specimens, while in recent as they are present in living populations.

393
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

Nasal morphology and the suggested up- Genetic studies are used more and
per respiratory tract »specialization«46 more in questions concerning the Nean-
has been shown to be within the variation dertal role in the modern human emer-
range of modern people48. The same is gence. While the publication of mtDNA
true for the position of the mental fora- isolated from Neandertal specimens from
men below the M1 and the presence of Feldhofer274,275, Vindija276,277, Mezmais-
retromolar space57,66, as well as the mor- kaya142, La Chapelle-aux-Saints and En-
phology of the mandibular notch72–75. gis277 show differences in sequences from
Dental development of both groups is also modern humans, Relethford278,279 shows
similar265. that this might be explained by genetic
Although numerous authors noted the drift and population size. In addition, the
accelerated ontogenetic development in results of the analysis by Adcock and
Neandertals compared to modern hu- colleagues280 shows that some of the
mans39,51,266–268, early Upper Paleolithic mtDNA of past populations can be lost
groups were closer in their ontogenetic and therefore not shown in modern hu-
development to Neandertals (or interme- man samples. Furthermore, mitochon-
diate between the two groups) than to the drial DNA is only a small part of the ge-
living populations266,269 making the taxo- nome and the presence of Neandertal
nomic differentiation on the species level genes in other parts of the genome cannot
unjustifiable. be excluded on the basis of mtDNA re-
sults280. On the basis of the analysis of
The potential usefulness of genetics in
other parts of genome, including the
solving questions relating to hominid evo-
mtDNA and Y chromosome, Templeton281
lution was realized very early. For exam-
concludes that, although the African pop-
ple, in 1967, V. Sarich and A. Wilson used
ulation might have had the dominant role
the immunological analysis to determine
in forming of the contemporary human
the time of divergence of evolutionary
gene pool, there were at least three major
line leading to African Apes from that
migrations out of Africa, and at least one
leading to hominids270. In the last 15
from Asia into Africa in the course of the
years, analyses of DNA have been used to
last 2 million years. Splitting of evolu-
test the likeliness of models of the mod-
tionary lines into distinct European,
ern human emergence. In 1987, R. Cann
Asian, and African lines never happened,
and colleagues published their analysis of
and all three represent a single evolution-
mitochondrial DNA, claiming that all liv-
ary lineage with certain regional distinc-
ing human populations share a recent fe-
tions, resulting from isolating factors271,
male ancestor (ancestors within a rela- 278,279,281–283. Newer genetic analyses by
tively small group) that lived in Africa
Eswaran284,285 appear to be specifically in
between 140,000 and 290,000 years
agreement with the Assimilation Model
ago271. Publication of their paper caused
of modern human emergence.
quite a stir, and reaction from both Mul-
tiregionalists and Replacement propo- Comparisons of Neandertals with liv-
nents soon followed. Most importantly, it ing humans will result certainly in nu-
catalyzed a number of new genetic stud- merous genetic, as well as morphological,
ies dealing with paleoanthropological is- differences and are as fruitless as the
sues. Templeton272 showed a number of comparisons of Mousterian and Microsoft
errors in the original study, while Nord- technology would be. We must bear in
borg273 allows for some genetic contact to mind that almost 30,000 years have pas-
have been maintained between archaic sed from the time when last recognizable
and modern groups. Neandertal populations roamed the Eur-

394
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

asian continent. Only comparisons of man populations, and at least in the cer-
»morphologically modern« groups that tain details of morphology (as discussed
were contemporary with or close to the in the text) there is no sharp line showing
time of Neandertals can give meaningful a clear discontinuity (that is, there is a
results and provide some insight into the shift in percentage of traits, not a shift in
complex interrelationship between those traits).
groups. Comparisons of mtDNA extracted 4. Archaeological evidence also does
from several Upper Paleolithic specimens not show a sharp distinction between the
failed to show a clear continuity between European Middle Paleolithic (Mouste-
Neandertals and early modern hu- rian) and the industries of the earliest
mans277,285. However, as Serre and collea- Upper Paleolithic (Szeletian, Châtelper-
gues277 conclude, at least 50 early modern ronian, and some other local industries)
human samples would be needed to ex- in this region. The same is observed for
clude 10% Neandertal contribution to the the symbolic and/or artistic expression.
modern human gene pool, while in order Most commonly noted differences are
to exclude a 5% contribution, we would seen in the later part of the Upper Pa-
need a sample of early modern human leolithic, and after the disappearance of
skeletal remains larger than the one we Neandertals.
have at present time. 5. Recent genetic studies show that
the available data do not disprove the
Conclusion possibility of some Neandertal contribu-
tion to the early gene pool of early mod-
After considering the archaeological,
ern humans.
morphological and genetic data, what is
the most likely explanation of the role 6. The most likely explanation based
Neandertals played in the genesis of ear- on the evidence presented above is the
ly modern humans? Based on the avail- Assimilation Model, in which Neander-
able evidence presented in this review, tals are seen as an extinct group of popu-
several main points can be made: lations, not an extinct or separate spe-
cies, and are expected to have contributed
1. Early morphologically modern hu-
to some extent to the early modern hu-
mans in Europe did not evolve directly
man gene pool in Europe.
from the preceding Neandertal popula-
tions.
2. The most likely place of origin for Acknowledgment
the most of modern human morphology is I would like to thank several collea-
Africa and the emergence of the basic gues and friends for their help in prepa-
modern human anatomical pattern in ration of this paper. My deepest thanks
Europe likely stems from the migration of go to my graduate advisor, Dr. Fred H.
modern people into that continent. Smith of Loyola University in Chicago
3. There is a shift in the ratio of some and to my dear friend Dr. Ivor Karavani}
traits that show a high percentage in of the Department of Archaeology at the
Neandertals from Neandertals, through University of Zagreb. This research was
early modern humans of the early Upper supported by the Ministry of Science,
Paleolithic, to populations of the late Up- Education and Sport of the Republic of
per Paleolithic, Mesolithic and living hu- Croatia (Project 0196004).

395
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

REFERENCES
1. SMITH, F. H., Neandertals. IN: SPENCER, F. de Liege, Liege, 1988). — 34. VANDERMEERSCH,
(Ed.). History of physical anthropology: An encyclope- B., Les hommes fosiles de Qafzeh (Israël). (CNRS,
dia. (Garland, New York, 1997). — 2. KING, W., Qua- Paris, 1981). — 35.VANDERMEERSCH, B., The ori-
terly J. Sci., 1 (1864) 88. — 3. RADOV^I], J., Gorja- gin of the Neandertals, In: DELSON, E. (Ed.): Ances-
novi}-Kramberger i krapinski pra~ovjek (Hrvatski tors: The hard evidence. (Alan R. Liss, New York,
Prirodoslovni Muzej i [kolska Knjiga, Zagreb, 1988). 1985). — 36. TRINKAUS, E., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci.
— 4. BOULE, M., Ann. Paléont., 6 (1911) 111. — 5. USA, 100 (2003). — 37. RUFF, C. B., E. TRINKAUS,
BOULE, M., Ann. Paléont., 7 (1912) 21. — 6. BOULE, W. T. HOLLIDAY, Nature, 387 (1997) 173. — 38.
M., Ann. Paléont., 8 (1913) 1. — 7. SCHWALBE, G., CONROY, G. C., G. B. WEBER, H. SEIDLER, W. RE-
Z. Morph. Anthrop., 16 (1914) 527. — 8. STRAUSS, CHEIS, D. ZUR NEDDEN, J. H. MARIAM, J. H.,
W. L. Jr., A. J. E. CAVE, Quart. Rev. Biol., 32 (1957) Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 113 (2000) 111. — 39. LIE-
348. — 9. TRINKAUS, E., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., BERMAN, D. E., Nature, 393 (1998) 158. — 40.
67 (1985) 19. — 10. HRDLI^KA, A., Ann. Report LIEBERMAN, D. E., B. M. MCBRATNEY, G. KRO-
Smithsonian Institution, (1914). — 11. HRDLI^KA, VITZ, Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci., 99 (2002) 1134. — 41.
A., J. R. Anthropol. Inst. Gr. Br. Irl., 57 (1927) 249. — WEINER, J. S., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 12 (1954) 1.
12. BOULE, M., H. V. VALLOIS: Fossil men. (Thames — 42. COON, C. S.: The origin of races. (A. Knopf,
& Hudson, London, 1957). — 13. VALLOIS, H., J. R. New York, 1962). — 43. TRINKAUS, E., The Upper
Anthropol. Inst. Gr. Br., 1–2 (1954) 111. — 14. HO- Pleistocene transition. In: TRINKAUS, E. (Ed.): The
WELL, F. C., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 9 (1951) 379. emergence of modern humans: Biocultural adapta-
— 15. SPENCER, F., F. H. SMITH, Am. J. Phys. An- tions in the Later Pleistocene. (Cambridge University
thropol., 56 (1981) 435. — 16. SPENCER, F., The Press, Cambridge, 1989). — 44. DEAN, M. C., J.
Neandertals and their evolutionary significance: A Hum. Evol., 17 (1988) 715. — 45. FRANCISCUS, R.
brief historical survey. In: SMITH, F. H., F. SPEN- G., J. Hum. Evol., 44 (2003) 701. — 46. SCHWARTZ,
CER (Eds.): The origin of modern humans: A world J. H., I. TATTERSALL, Procl. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA,
survey of the fossil evidence. (Alan R. Liss, New York, 93 (1996) 10852. — 47. LAITMAN, J. T., J. S. RE-
1984). — 17. TRINKAUS, E., P. SHIPMAN, The DENBERG, S. MARQUEZ, P. J. GANNON, Proc.
Neandertals: Changing the image of mankind. (Al- Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 93 (1996) 10543. — 48. FRAN-
fred A. Knopf, New York, 1993). — 18. WEIDEN- CISCUS, R. G., Procl. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 96 (1999)
REICH, F., Am. Anthropol., 42 (1940) 375. — 19. 1805. — 49. YOKLEY, T. R.: Neandertal noses: A de-
WEIDENREICH, F., Am. Anthropol., 45 (1943) 39. — scriptive and comparative analysis of the nasal mor-
20. WEIDENREICH, F., Am. Anthropol., 49 (1947) phology of the Krapina and Vindija Neandertals.
187. — 21. BRACE, L. C., Am. Anthropol., 64 (1962) M.A. Thesis. (Northern Illinois University, DeKalb,
729. — 22. BRACE, L. C., Curr. Anthrop., 5 (1964) 3. 1999). — 50. HUBLIN, J. J., F. SPOOR, M. BRAUN,
— 23. WOLPOFF, M. H., Paleoanthropology. (Mc- F. ZONNENVELD, Nature, 381 (1996) 224. — 51.
Graw-Hill, New York, 1999 2nd Ed.). — 24. CONROY, PONCE DE LEÓN, M. S., C. P. ZOLLIKOFER, Na-
G. C.: Reconstructing human origins: A modern syn- ture, 412 (2001) 534. — 52. GORJANOVI]-KRAM-
thesis. (W. W. Norton, New York, 1997). — 25. BERGER, D., Der Diluvijale Mensch von Krapina in
KLEIN, R. G., The human career: Human biological Kroatien. Ein Bertrag zur Paläoanthropologie.
and cultural Origins. (University of Chicago Press, (Kreidel, Wiesbaden, 1906). — 53. SMITH, F. H.: The
Chicago, 1999). — 26. SMITH, F. H., Curr. Anthrop., Neandertal remains from Krapina: A descriptive and
23 (1982) 667. — 27. TRINKAUS, E., The Shanidar comparative study. (University of Tennessee Reports
Neandertals. (Academic Press, London, 1983). — 28. of Investigations 15, Knoxville, 1976). — 54. SMITH,
AIELLO, L., C. DEAN: An introduction to human F. H., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 48 (1978) 523. — 55.
evolutionary anatomy. (Academic Press, London, OSSENBERG, N., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 45 (1976)
1990). — 29. SMITH, F. H., G. C. RANYARD, Am. J. 701. — 56. STRINGER, C. B., J. J. HUBLIN, B. VAN-
Phys. Anthrop., 53 (1980) 589. — 30. SMITH, F. H., S. DERMEERSCH, The origin of anatomically modern
P. PAQUETTE, The adaptive basis of Neandertal fa- humans in Western Europe. In: SMITH, F. H., F.
cial form with some thoughts on the nature of modern SPENCER (Eds.): The origin of modern humans: A
human origins. In: TRINKAUS, E. (Ed.): The emer- world survey of the fossil evidence. (Alan R. Liss,
gence of modern humans: Biocultural adaptations in New York, 1984). — 57. ROSAS, A., Am. J. Phys. An-
the Later Pleistocene. (Cambridge University Press, thropol., 114 (2001) 74. — 58. WOLPOFF, M. H., Am.
Cambridge, 1989). — 31. VINYARD, C. J., F. H. J. Phys. Anthropol., 50 (1979) 64. — 59. FRAYER, D.
SMITH, HOMO, 48 (1997) 1. — 32. JANKOVI], I.: A W., Biological and cultural change in the European
morphometric analysis of Neandertal zygomatic bo- Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. In: SMITH, F.
nes. M.A. Thesis. (Department of Anthropology, Nor- H., F. SPENCER (Eds.): The origins of modern hu-
thern Illinois University, DeKalb, 2003). — 33. TRIN- mans: A world survey of the fossil evidence. (Alan R.
KAUS, E., The evolutionary origins of Neandertals Liss, New York, 1984). — 60. GARRALDA, M. D., B.
or, Why were there Neandertals? In: TRINKAUS, E. VANDERMEERSCH, J. Hum. Evol., 42 (2002) A14.
(Ed.) L’Homme de Neandertal, Vol. 3: L’Anatomie. — 61. SMITH, F. H., Behavioral interpretation of
(Etudes et Recerches Archeologiques de L’Universite changes in craniofacial morphology across the ar-

396
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

chaic/modern Homo sapiens transition. In: TRIN- ropeans. In: BRÄUER, G., F. H. SMITH (Eds.): Conti-
KAUS, E. (Ed.): The Mousterian legacy: Human bio- nuity or replacement: Controversies in Homo sapiens
cultural changes in the Upper Pleistocene. (BAR, In- evolution. (A. A. Balkema, Rotterdam, 1992). — 91.
ternational Series 164, 1983). — 62. WALLACE, J. A., CHURCHILL, S. E., Evol. Anthropol., 7 (1998) 46. —
Curr. Anthrop., 16 (1975) 393. — 63. WU, L., C. G. 92. TRINKAUS, E., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 94
TURNER, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 91 (1993) 245. — (1997) 13367. — 93. TRINKAUS, E., Morphological
64. BAILEY, S. A., Dental Anthropology, 14 (2000) 1. contrasts between the Near Eastern Qafzeh-Skhul
— 65. BAILEY, S. A., Anatomical Record, 269 (2002) and late archaic human samples: Grounds for a be-
148. — 66. FRANCISCUS, R., E. TRINKAUS, J. havioral difference? In: AKAZAWA, T., K., AOKI, T.
Hum. Evol., 28 (1995) 577. — 67. BLUNTSCHI, H., KIMURA (Eds.): The evolution and dispersal of mod-
Gegenbaur’s Morphol. Jahrb., 63 (1929) 531. — 68. ern humans in Asia. (Hokusen-Sha Pub. Co., Tokyo,
CREED-MILES, M., A. ROSAS, R. KRUSZYNSKI, J. 1992). — 94. CHURCHILL, S. E., Proc. Natl. Acad.
Hum. Evol., 30 (1996) 147. — 69. RICHARDS, G. D., Sci. USA., 98 (2001) 2953. — 95. NIEWOHNER, W.
R. S. JABBOUR, J. Y. ANDERSON, Medial mandibu- A., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 98 (2001) 2979. — 96.
lar ramus: Ontogenetic, idiosyncratic, and geographic LIEBERMAN, D. E., Neandertal and early modern
variation in recent Homo, great apes, and fossil homi- human mobility patterns: Comparing archaeological
nids. (BAR International Series, Oxford, 2003). — 70. and anatomical evidence. In: T. AZAKAWA, K. AOKI,
RAK, Y., W. H. KIMBEL, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 20 O. BAR-YOSEF (Eds.): Neandertals and Modern Hu-
Suppl. (1995) 177. — 71. HUBLIN, J. J., Climatic mans in Western Asia. (Plenum, New York, 1989). —
changes, paleography, and the evolution of Neander- 97. LIEBERMAN, D. E., J. J. SHEA, Am. Anthropol.,
tals. In: AKAZAWA, T., K. AOKI, O. BAR-YOSEF 96 (1994) 300. — 98. STEWART, T. D., Science, 131
(Eds.): Neandertals and modern humans in Western (1960) 1437. — 99. TRINKAUS, E., Am. J. Phys. An-
Asia. (Plenum Press, New York, 1998). — 72. JAB- thropol., 44 (1976) 95. — 100. TRINKAUS, E., Curr.
BOUR, R. S., G. D. RICHARDS, J. Y. ANDERSON, Anthrop., 25 (1984) 509. — 101. TRINKAUS, E.,
Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 119 (2002) 144. — 73. RHO- Curr. Anthrop., 29 (1988) 595. — 102. ARENSBURG,
ADS, M. L., R. G. FRANCISCUS, Am. J. Phys. An- B., New Skeletal evidence concerning the anatomy of
thropol., 22 Suppl. (1996) 196. — 74. STEFAN, V. H., the Middle Palaeolithic Populations in the Middle
E. TRINKAUS, Hum. Evol., 34 (1998) 443. — 75. East: The Kebara Skeleton. In: P. MELLARS, C.
QUAM, R. M., F. H. SMITH, F. H., A reassessment of STRINGER (Eds.): The human revolution: Behaviou-
the Tabun C2 mandible. In: T. AZAKAWA, K. AOKI, ral and biocultural perspectives on the origin of mod-
O. BAR-YOSEF (Eds.): Neandertals and modern hu- ern humans. (Princeton University Press, Princeton,
mans in Western Asia. (Plenum, New York, 1998). — 1989). — 103. RAK, Y., B. ARENSBURG, Am. J.
76. RAK, Y., A. GINSBURG, E. GEFFEN, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 73 (1987) 227. — 104. ROSEN-
Phys. Anthropol., 119 (2002) 199. — 77. LOVEJOY, C. BERG, K. R., Curr. Anthrop., 29 (1988) 595. — 105.
O., E. TRINKAUS, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 53 (1980) RHOADS, J. G., E. TRINKAUS, Am. J. Phys. Anthro-
465. — 78. ALLEN, J. A., Radical Review, 1 (1877) pol., 46 (1977) 29. — 106. RUFF, C. B., E. TRIN-
108. — 79. HOWELL, F.C., Southwestern J. Anthro- KAUS, A. WALKER, C. S. LARSEN, Am. J. Phys. An-
pol., 8 (1952) 377. — 80. NELSON, A. J., J. L. THOM- thropol., 91 (1993) 21. — 107. HOLLOWAY, R. L., The
PSON, Adolescent postcranial growth in Homo nean- poor brain of Homo sapiens neanderthalensis: See
derthalensis. In: MINUGH-PURVIS, N., K. J. McNA- what you please… In: E. DELSON (Ed.): Ancestors:
MARA (Eds.): Human evolution through developmen- The hard evidence. (Alan R. Liss, New York, 1985). —
tal change. (Johns Hopkins University Press, Balti- 108. TRINKAUS, E., D. D. THOMPSON, Am. J.
more, 2002). — 81. HOLLIDAY, T. W., Am. J. Phys. Phys. Anthropol., 72 (1987) 123. — 109. STRINGER,
Anthropol., 104 (1997) 245. — 82. TRINKAUS, E., C., Chronological and biogeographic perspectives on
Neandertal limb proportions and cold adaptation. In: later human evolution. In: T. AZAKAWA, K. AOKI, O.
STRINGER, C. B. (Ed.): Aspects of human evolution. BAR-YOSEF (Eds.): Neandertals and modern hu-
(Taylor and Francis, London, 1981). — 83. RUFF, C. mans in Western Asia. (Plenum, New York, 1998). —
B., Yrbk. Phys. Anthropol., 37 (1994) 65. — 84. TRIN- 110. SERGI, S., Morphological position of the »Pro-
KAUS, E., J. Hum. Evol., 6 (1977) 231. — 85. BUSBY, phaneranthropi« (Swanscombe and Fontéchevade).
A. M.: The ontogeny of the axillary border of the scap- In: HOWELS, W. W. (Ed.) Ideas on human evolution:
ula of Neandertal and modern human juveniles. M. Selected essays 1949–1961. (Harvard University,
A. Thesis. (Department of Anthropology, Northern Il- Cambridge, 1962). — 111. BISCHOFF, J. L., J. A.
linois University, DeKalb, 2002). — 86. TRINKAUS, FITZPATRICK, L. LEÓN, J. L. ARSUAGA, C. FAL-
E., S. E. CHURCHILL, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 75 GUERES, J. J. BAHAIN, T. J. BULLEN, J. Hum.
(1988) 15. — 87. SCHMITT, D., S. E. CHURCHILL, Evol., 33 (1997) 129. — 112. WOLPOFF, M. H., F. H.
W. L. HYLANDER, J. Archaeol. Sci., 30 (2003) 103. — SMITH, M. MALEZ, J. RADOV^I], D. RUKAVINA,
88. TRINKAUS, E., Western Asia. In: SMITH, F. H., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 54 (1981) 499. — 113. HRD-
F. SPENCER (Eds.): The origin of modern humans: A LI^KA, A., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 3 (1920) 429. —
world survey of the fossil evidence. (Alan R. Liss, 114. BROSE, D., M. H. WOLPOFF, Am. Anthropol.,
New York, 1984). — 89. JELINEK, J., Anthropologie, 73 (1971) 1156. — 115. SMITH, P., Curr. Anthrop., 17
XXX/1 (1992) 45. — 90. FRAYER, D. W., The persis- (1976) 149. — 116. RAK, Y., J. Hum. Evol., 15 (1986)
tence of Neandertal features in post-Neandertal Eu- 151. — 117. TRINKAUS, E., J. Hum. Evol., 16 (1987)

397
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

429. — 118. DEMES, B., J. Hum. Evol., 16 (1987) 297. J.-P., From the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic: Tran-
— 119. MAUREILLE, B., F. HOUET, Biom. Hum. sition or convergence. In: TRINKAUS, E. (Ed.): The
Anthropol., 15 (1997) 75. — 120. TRINKAUS, E., M. emergence of modern humans: Biocultural adapta-
LeMAY, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 57 (1982) 27. — 121. tions in the Later Pleistocene. (Cambridge University
ENDO, B., J. Faculty of Sci., Univ. Tokyo, 3 (1966) 1. Press, Cambridge, 1989). — 152. GARGETT, R. H.,
— 122. MOSS, M. L., R. YOUNG, Am. J. Phys. An- Curr. Anthrop., 30 (1989) 157. — 153. GARGETT, R.
thropol., 18 (1960) 281. — 123. RAVOSA, M. J., Am. H., J. Hum. Evol., 37 (1999) 27. — 154. GARGETT, R.
J. Phys. Anthropol., 85 (1991) 95. — 124. SMITH, F. H., J. Hum. Evol., 39 (2000) 261. — 155. RIEL-SAL-
H., J. F. SIMEK, M. S. HARRILL, Geographic varia- VATORE, J., G. A. CLARK. Curr. Anthrop., 42 (2001)
tion in supraorbital torus reduction during later Plei- 449. — 156. D’ERRICO, F., C. HENSHILWOOD, G.
stocene (C. 80 000–15 000 B. P.). In: P. MELLARS, C. LAWSON, M. VANHAEREN, A.-M. TILLIER, M. SO-
STRINGER (Eds.): The human revolution: Behaviou- RESSI, F. BRESSON, B. MAUREILLE, A. NOWELL,
ral and biocultural perspectives on the origin of mod- J. LAKARRA, L. BACKWELL, M. J. JULIEN, World
ern humans. (Princeton University Press, Princeton, Prehistory, 17 (2003) 1. — 157. HARROLD, F. B.,
1989). — 125. RUSSEL, M. D., The supraorbital to- World Archaeol., 12 (1980) 195. — 158. BINFORD, S.
rus: a most remarkable peculiarity, Curr. Anthrop., R., Southwestern J. Anthropol., 24 (1968) 139. — 159.
26 (1985) 337. — 126. VOGEL, C., Bibliotheca Pri- TOUSSAINT, M., S. PIRSON, H. BOCHERENS, An-
mathologica, 4 (1966) 1. — 127. LAHR, M. M., V. S. thropol. et Praehist., 112 (2001) 21. — 160. LEROI-
WRIGHT, V., J. Hum. Evol., 31 (1996) 157. — 128. GOURHAN, A., Science, 190 (1975) 562. — 161. SO-
RUFF, C. B., J. Hum. Evol., 21 (1991) 81. — 129. LECKI, R. S., Science, 139 (1963) 179. — 162. SOLE
STEEGMANN, A. T. Jr., F. J. CERNY, F., T. W. CKI, R. S., Science, 190 (1975) 880. — 163. AKAZA-
HOLLIDAY, Am. J. Hum. Biol., 14 (2002) 566. — 130. WA, T., S. MUHESEN, Y. DODO, O. KONDO, Y. MI-
PEARSON, O. M., Curr. Anthrop., 41 (2000) 569. — ZOGUCHI, Y., ABE, Y., NISHIAKI, S. OHTA, T.
131. BAR-YOSEF, O., B. VANDERMEERSCH, Scien- OGUCHI, J. HAYDAL, Paléorient, 21/2 (1995) 77. —
tific American, April (1993) 64. — 132. CONDEMI, 164. RAK, Y., KIMBEL, W. H., HOVERS, E., J. Hum.
S., Anthropologie, XXXVI/1–2 (1998) 35. — 133. Evol., 26 (1994) 313. — 165. HOVERS, E., Y. RAK, R.
FRANCISCUS, R. G., S. E. CHURCHILL, J. Hum. LAVI, W. H. KIMBEL, Paléorient, 21–22 (1995) 47. —
Evol., 42 (2002) 303. — 134. WOLPOFF, M. H., Am. J. 166. HOVERS, E., W. H. KIMBEL, Y. RAK, J. Hum.
Phys. Anthropol., 35 (1971) 209. — 135. BERMÚDEZ Evol., 39 (2000) 253. — 167. ARENSBURG, B., O.
DE CASTRO, J. M., J. L. ARSUAGA, E CARBO- BAR-YOSEF, M. CHECH, P GOLDBERG, P., LAVI-
NELL, A. ROSAS, I. MARTÍNEZ, M. MOSQUERA, LLE, L. MEIGEN, Y. RAK, E. TCHERNOV, A.-M.
Science, 276 (1997) 1392. — 136. SCHOETENSACK, TILLIER, B. VANDERMEERSCH, C. R. Acad. Sci.,
O., Der Unterkiefer des Homo heidelbergensis aus 300 (1985) 227. — 168. VALLADAS, H., J. L. JORON,
den Sanden von Mauer bei Heidelberg. (Wilhelm En- G. VALLADAS, B. ARENSBURG, O. BAR-YOSEF, A.
gelmann, Leipzig, 1908). — 137. MANN, A. E., E. BELFER-COHEN, P. GOLDBERG, H. LAVILLE, L.
TRINKAUS, Yrbk. Phys. Anthropol., 17 (1973) 169. MEIGEN, Y RAK, E. TCHERNOV, A.-M. TILLIER,
— 138. WEINER, J. S., B. G. CAMPBELL, The taxo- Nature, 330 (1987) 159. — 169. RADOV^I], J., F. H.
nomic status of the Swanscombe skull. In: OVEY, C. SMITH, E. TRINKAUS, M. H. WOLPOFF: The
D. (Ed.): The Swanscombe Skull. Roy. Anthropol. Krapina hominids: An illustrated catalog of skeletal
Inst. Occas. Paper, 20 (1964) 75. — 139. RINK, J. W., remains. (Mladost, Zagreb, 1988). — 170. ULLRICH,
H. SCHWARTZ, F. H. SMITH, J. RADOV^I], Natu- H., Kannibalismus und leichenstückelung bein Ne-
re, 378 (1995) 24. — 140. SMITH, F. H., E. TRIN- anderaler von Krapina. In: MALEZ, M (Ed.): Krapin-
KAUS, P. B. PETTITT, I. KARAVANI], M. PAUNO- ski pra~ovjek i evolucija hominida. (JAZU, Zagreb,
VI], Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 96 (1999) 12281. — 1978). — 171. WHITE, T. D., N. TOTH, N., Curr. An-
141. HUBLIN J. J., C. BARROSO RUIZ, P. MEDINA throp., 32 (1991) 118. — 172. DEFLEUR, A., T. WHI-
LARA, M. FONTUGNE, J.-L. REYSS, C. R. Acad. Sc. TE, P. VALENSI, L. SLIMAK, É. CRÉGUT-BON-
Paris., 321 (1995) 931. — 142. OVCHINNKOV, I. V., NOURE, Science, 286 (1999) 128. — 173. TRIN-
A. GÖTHERSTRÖM, P. G. ROMANOVA, V. M. KHA- KAUS, E., J. Hum. Evol., 14 (1985) 203. — 174. RUS-
RITONOV, K. LIDÉN, W. GOODWIN, Nature, 404 SELL, M. D., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 72 (1987) 373.
(2000) 490. — 143. PAVLOV, P., J. I. SVENDSEN, D. — 175. RUSSELL, M. D., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 72
INDERLIS, Nature, 413 (2001) 64. — 144. BORDES, (1987) 381. — 176. WHITE, T. D., Am. J. Phys. An-
F.: Typologie du Paleolithique Ancien et Moyen. thropol., 69 (1986) 503. — 177. WHITE, T. D., Sagit-
(Presses du CNRS, Paris, 1961). — 145. BORDES, F.: tarius, 2 (1987) 6. — 178. WHITE, T. D., Prehistoric
A tale of two caves. (Harper & Row, New York, 1972). Cannibalism at Mancos 5MTUR-2346 (Princeton
— 146. BINFORD, L., S. BINFORD, Am. Anthropol., University Press, Princeton, 1992). — 179. BIN-
68 (1966) 239. — 147. DIBBLE, H., Am. Antiquity, 52 FORD, L. R., Isolating transition to cultural adapta-
(1987) 108. — 148. STINER, M. C., N. D. MUNRO, T. tions: An organizational approach. In: TRINKAUS,
A. SUROVELL, Curr. Anthrop., 41 (2000) 39. — 149. E. (Ed.): The emergence of modern humans: Biocul-
MELLARS, P., The Neanderthal legacy: An archaeo- tural adaptations in the Later Pleistocene. (Cambri-
logical perspective from Western Europe. (Princeton dge, Cambridge University Press, 1989). — 180. STI-
University Press, Princeton, 1996). — 150. HAYDEN, NER, M. C., S. L. KUHN, Am. Anthropol., 94 (1992)
B., J. Hum. Evol., 24 (1993) 113. — 151. RIGAUD, 306. — 181. D’ERRICO, F., Evol. Anth., 12 (2003) 118.

398
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

— 182. CHASE, P. G., J. Anthropol. Archeol., 6 (1987) 51 (1995) 9. — 211. KARAVANI], I., F. H. SMITH, J.
263. — 183. BOEDA, E., J.-M. GENESTE, C. GRI- Hum. Evol., 34 (1998) 223. — 212. KARAVANI], I., F.
GGO, N. MERCIER, S. MUHESEN, J.-L. REYSSE, H. SMITH, Curr. Anthrop., 41 (2000) 838. — 213.
A. TAHA, H. VALLADAS, Antiquity, 73 (1999) 394. — AHERN, J. C. M., I. KARAVANI], M. PAUNOVI], I.
184. GAUDZINSKY, S., W. ROEBROEKS, J. Hum. JANKOVI], F. H. SMITH, J. Hum. Evol., 46 (2004)
Evol., 38 (2000) 497. — 185. BALL, G., G. SAINT 25. — 214. BAR-YOSEF, O., B. VANDERMEERSCH,
MARTIN, E. BERAUD-COLOMB, Hum. Evol., 2 B. ARENSBURG, A BELFER-COHEN, P. GOLD-
(1987) 289. — 186. BOCHERENS, H., M. FIZET, A. BERG, H. LAVILLE, L. MEIGNEN, Y. RAK, J. D.
MARIOTTI, B. LANGE-BADRE, B., VANDER- SPETH, E. TCHERNOV, A.-M. TILLIER, S. WEI-
MEERSCH, J. P. BOREL, G. BELLON, J. Hum. NER, Curr. Anthrop., 33 (1992) 497. — 215. VALLA-
Evol., 20 (1991) 481. — 187. BOCHERENS H., D. DAS, H., J. L. REYSS, J. L. JORON, G. VALLADAS,
BILLIOU, M. PATOU-MATHIS, M. OTTE, D. BON- O. BAR-YOSEF, B. VANDERMEERSCH, Nature,
JEAN, M. TOUSSAINT, A. MARIOTTI, J. Archeol. 331 (1988) 614. — 216. BAR-YOSEF, O., Middle Pa-
Sci., 26 (1999) 599. — 188. RICHARDS, M. P., P. B. leolithic chronology and the transition to the Upper
PETTIT, E. TRINKAUS, F. H. SMITH, M. PAUNO- Paleolithic in southwest Asia. In: BRÄUER, G., F. H.
VI], I. KARAVANI], Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 97 SMITH (Eds.): Continuity or replacement: Contro-
(2000) 7663. — 189. WASHBURN, S. L., UCLA, 7 versies in Homo sapiens evolution. (A. A. Balkema,
(1981) 231. — 190. LIEBERMAN, P., E. S. CRELIN, Rotterdam, 1992). — 217. BAR-YOSEF, O., The role
Linguistic Inquiery, 2 (1971) 203. — 191. LIEBER- of Western Asia in modern human origins. In: AIT-
MAN, P., E. S. CRELIN, D. H. KLATT, Am. Anthro- KEN, M. J., C. B. STRINGER, P. A. MELLARS
pol., 74 (1972) 287. — 192. LIEBERMAN, P., The ori- (Eds.): The origin of modern humans and the impact
gins of some aspects of human language and cogni- of chronometric dating. (Princeton University Press,
tion. In: P. MELLARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.): The hu- Princeton, 1993) 132. — 218. BAR-YOSEF, O., The
man revolution: Behavioural and biocultural perspec- contributions of Soutwest Asia to the study of the ori-
tives on the origin of modern humans. (Princeton gin of modern humans. In: NITECKI, M. H., D. V. NI-
University Press, Princeton, 1989). — 193. LIEBER- TECKI, D. V. (Eds.): The origins of modern humans.
MAN, P., On Neanderthal speech and Neanderthal (New York, Plenum Press, 1994). — 219. KLEIN, R.
extinction. Curr. Anthrop., 33 (1992) 409. — 194. G., Biological and behavioural perspectives on mod-
LIEBERMAN, P., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 95 (1994) ern human origins in southern Africa. In: P. MEL-
443. — 195. FALK, D., 1975, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., LARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.): The human revolution:
43 (1975) 123. — 196. HOUGHTON, P., Am. J. Phys. Behavioural and biocultural perspectives on the ori-
Anthropol., 90 (1993) 139. — 197. HOUGHTON, P., gin of modern humans. (Princeton University Press,
Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 95 (1994) 450. — 198. Princeton, 1989). — 220. MELLARS, P., Technologi-
LAITMAN, J. T., J. S. REDENBERG, Hum. Evol., 3 cal changes across the Middle-Upper Paleolithic tran-
(1988) 99. — 199. ARENSBURG, B., L. A. SCHE- sition: Economic, social and cognitive perspectives.
PARTZ, A.-M. TILLIER, B. VANDERMEERSCH, Y. In: P. MELLARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.): The human
RAK, Y., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 83 (1990) 137. — revolution: Behavioural and biocultural perspectives
200. ARENSBURG, B., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 94 on the origin of modern humans. (Princeton Univer-
(1994) 279. — 201. ROSS, C. F., M. J. RAVOSA, Am. sity Press, Princeton, 1989). — 221. FINLAYSON, J.
J. Phys. Anthropol., 91 (1994) 305. — 202. FRAYER, C., R. N. E. BARTON, C. B. STRINGER, The Gibral-
D. W., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 14 Suppl. (1992) 77. tar Neandertals and their extinction. In: ZILHAO, J.,
— 203. KOCHETKOVA, V. I., Curr. Anthrop., 11 T. AUBRY, A. FAUSTINO CARVALHO, (Eds.): Les
(1972) 176. — 204. LeMAY, M., Am. J. Phys. Anthro- Premiers hommes modernes de la Peninsule Iberi-
pol., 42 (1975) 9. — 205. LÉVÊQUE, F., B. VANDER- que. (Actes du Colloque de la Commision VIII de
MEERSCH, R. C. Acad. Sci., 291 (1980) 187. — 206. l’UISPP, 2001). — 222. McBREARTY, S., A. S.
HEDGES, R. E. M., R. A. HOUSLEY, C. BRONK- BROOKS, Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 39 (2000) 453. —
RAMSEY C., G. J. VAN KLINKEN, Archaeometry, 36 223. CLARK, G. A., J. M. LINDLY, The case of conti-
(1994) 337. — 207. HUBLIN J. J., F. SPOOR, M. nuity: Observations on the biocultural transition in
BRAUN, F. ZONNENVELD, S. CONDEMI, Nature, Europe and Western Asia. In: P. MELLARS, C.
381 (1996) 224. — 208. HARROLD, F. B., Mousterian, STRINGER (Eds.): The human revolution: Behaviou-
Châtelperronian and early Aurignacian in Western ral and biocultural perspectives on the origin of mod-
Europe: Continuity or discontinuity? In: P. MEL- ern humans. (Princeton University Press, Princeton,
LARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.): The human revolution: 1989). — 224. GOLOVANOVA, L. V., V. B. DORONI-
Behavioural and biocultural perspectives on the ori- CHEV, V. B., J. World Prehist., 17 (2003) 71. — 225.
gin of modern humans. (Princeton University Press, CHURCHILL, S. E., F. H. SMITH, Yrbk. Phys. An-
Princeton, 1989). — 209. ALLSWORTH-JONES P., thropol., 43 (2000) 61. — 226. PRADEL, L., Curr. An-
The Szeletian and stratigraphic succession in Central throp., 7 (1966) 33. — 227. D’ERRICO F., P. VILLA,
Europe and adjacent areas: Main trends, recent re- A. PINTO, R. RUIZ IDARRAGA, Antiquity, 72 (1998)
sults and problems for resolution. In: P. MELLARS 65. — 228. CABRERA VALDÉS, V., M. HOYOS GÓ-
(Ed.): The emergence of modern humans: An archaeo- MEZ, M., F. B. DEQUIRÓS, The transition from the
logical perspective. (Cornell University Press, Ithica, middle to the Upper Paleolithic in the cave of El
1990). — 210. KARAVANI], I., J. Anthrop. Research, Castilo (Cantabria, Spain). In: CLARK, G. A., C. M.

399
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

WILLERMET (Eds.): Conceptual issues in modern to eden. In: P. MELLARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.): The
human origins research. (Aldine De Gruyter, New human revolution: Behavioural and biocultural per-
York, 1997). — 229. STRAUS, L. G., The Iberian situ- spectives on the origin of modern humans. (Princeton
ation between 40,000 and 30,000 years B.P. in light of University Press, Princeton, 1989). — 247. WOL-
European models of migration and convergence. In: POFF, M. H., The place of Neandertals in human evo-
CLARK, G. A., C. M. WILLERMET (Eds.): Concep- lution. In: TRINKAUS, E. (Ed.): The emergence of
tual issues in modern human origins research. (Aldi- modern humans: Biocultural adaptations in the La-
ne De Gruyter, NewYork, 1997). — 230. ANIKO- ter Pleistocene. Cambridge University Press, Cam-
VICH, M., J. World Prehist., 6 (1992) 205. — 231. bridge, 1989). — 248. JELINEK, J., Curr. Anthrop.,
GIOIA, P., Problems related to the origins of Italian 10 (1969) 475. — 249. TRINKAUS, E., F. H. SMITH,
Upper Paleolithic: Uluzzian and Aurignacian. In: The fate of Neandertals. In: DELSON, E. (Ed.): An-
KOZLOWSKI, J. K. (Ed.): La Mutation. (Etudes et cestors: The hard evidence. (Alan R. Liss, New York,
Recherches Archeologiques de l’Universite de Liege, 1985). — 250. SMITH, F. H., A. B. FALSETTI, S. M.
Liege, 1988). — 232. SIMEK, J., Neandertal cognition DONNELLY, Yrbk. Phys. Anthropol., 32 (1989) 35. —
and the Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition. In: 251. SMITH, F. H., J. Anthropol. Research, 47 (1991)
BRÄUER, G., F. H. SMITH, (Eds.): Continuity or re- 219. — 252. AHERN, J. C. M, J. D. HAWKS., S.-H.
placement: Controversies in Homo sapiens evolution. LEE, S. H., J. Hum. Evol., 43 (2002) 419. — 253.
(A. A. Balkema, Rotterdam, 1992). — 233. LEROI- SMITH, F. H., Some conclusions regarding the mor-
GOURHAN, A., Ann. Paleontol., 44 (1958) 87. — 234. phology and significance of the Krapina Neandertal
D’ERRICO, F., M. SORESSI, J. Hum. Evol., 42 (2002) remains. In: M. MALEZ (Ed.): Krapinski pra~ovjek i
A13. — 235. BRÄUER, G., A craniofacial approach to evolucija hominida. (JAZU, Zagreb, 1978). — 254.
the origin of anatomically modern Homo sapiens in FRAYER, D. W., Perspectives on Neanderthals as an-
Africa and implications for the appearance of modern cestors. In: CLARK, G. A., C. M. WILLERMET
Europeans. In: SMITH. F. H., F. SPENCER (Eds.): (Eds.): Conceptual issues in modern human origins
The origins of modern humans: A world survey of the research. (Aldine De Gruyter, New York, 1997). —
fossil evidence. (New York, Alan R. Liss, 1984). — 255. JELINEK, J., Anthropologie, XXI/1 (1983) 57. —
236. BRÄUER, G., The evolution of modern humans: 256. SMITH, F. H., Fossil hominids from the Upper
A comparison of the African and non-African evi- Pleistocene of Central Europe and the origin of mod-
dence. In: P. MELLARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.): The ern Europeans. In: SMITH, F. H., F. SPENCER
human revolution: behavioural and biocultural per- (Eds.): The origin of modern humans: A world survey
spectives on the origin of modern humans. (Princeton of the fossil evidence. (Alan R. Liss, New York, 1984).
University Press, Princeton, 1989). — 237. STRIN- — 257. FRAYER, D., The Neandertal-Upper Paleoli-
GER C. B., P. ANDREWS, Science, 239 (1988) 1263. thic transition seen from the perspective of Mlade~.
— 238. STRINGER, C. B., Documenting the origin of In: VANDERMEERSCH, B. (Ed.): L’ Homme de Ne-
modern humans. In: TRINKAUS, E. (Ed.): The emer- andertal, Vol. 7, L’ extinction. (Etudes et Recerches
gence of modern humans: Biocultural adaptations in Archéologiques de l’ Université de Liège, 34, Liège,
the Later Pleistocene. Cambridge University Press, 1989). — 258. SMITH, F. H., J. C. AHERN, Am. J.
Cambridge, 1989). — 239. STRINGER, C. B., Out of Phys. Anthropol., 93 (1994) 275. — 259. CORUCCI-
Africa: A personal history. In: NITECKI, M. H., D. V. NI, R. S., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 87 (1992) 433. —
NITECKI (Eds.): The origins of modern humans. 260. SZILVÁSSY, J., H. KICHER, E: VL^EK, Ann.
(Plenum Press, New York, 1994). — 240. STRINGER, Naturhistor. Mus. Wien, 89 (1986) 313. — 261. POPE,
C. B., C. GAMBLE: In Search of the Neanderthals. G., J. Hum. Evol., 21 (1991) 189. — 262. HABGOOD,
(Thames and Hudson, London, 1993). — 241. SA- P., The origin of anatomically modern humans in
RICH, V. M., Human variation in an evolutionary Australasia. In: P. MELLARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.):
perspective. In: DOLHINOW, P., V. SARICH (Eds.): The human revolution: Behavioural and biocultural
Background for man. (Little Brown, Boston, 1971). — perspectives on the origin of modern humans. (Prin-
242. HOWELLS, W. W., J. Hum. Evol., 5 (1976) 477. ceton University Press, Princeton, 1989). — 263. DU-
— 243. VALLOIS, H., La Grotte Fontéchevade. Deux- ARTE, C., J. MAURICIO, P. B. PETTITT, P. SOUTO,
ieme partie: Anthropologie. Arch. L’ Inst. Paleont. E. TRINKAUS, H. VAN DER PLICHT, J. ZILHAO,
Hum., Memoir 29 (1958) 1. — 244. WOLPOFF, M. H., J., Procl. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 96 (1999) 7604. — 264.
W. XIN ZHI, A. G. THORNE, Modern Homo sapiens TATTERSALL, I., J. H. SCHWARTZ, Procl. Natl.
origins: A general theory of hominid evolution involv- Acad. Sci., USA 96 (1999) 7117. — 265. TOMPKINS,
ing the fossil evidence from East Asia. In: SMITH, F. R. L., Am. J. Phys. Anthropol., 99 (1996) 103. — 266.
H., F. SPENCER (Eds.): The origin of modern hu- L’ENGE-WILLIAMS, F., L. R. GODFREY, M. R. SU-
mans: A world survey of the fossil evidence. (Alan R. THERLAND, Heterochrony and the evolution of Ne-
Liss, New York, 1984). — 245. WOLPOFF, M. H., A. andertal and modern human craniofacial form. In:
G. THORNE, F. H. SMITH, D. W. FRAYER, G. G. PO- MINUGH-PURVIS, N., K. J. McNAMARA (Eds.): Hu-
PE, Multiregional evolution: a world-wide source for man evolution through developmental change.
modern human populations. In: NITECKI, M. H., D. (Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2002).
V. NITECKI, (Eds.): The origins of modern humans. — 267. TILLIER, A.-M., The evolution of modern hu-
(Plenum Press, New York, 1994). — 246. WOLPOFF, mans: Evidence from young Mousterian individuals.
M. H., Multiregional evolution: The fossil alternative In: P. MELLARS, C. STRINGER (Eds.): The human

400
I. Jankovi}: Neandertals... 150 Years Later, Coll. Antropol. 28 Suppl. 2 (2004) 379–401

revolution: Behavioural and biocultural perspectives TSCHENTSCHER, H. GEISERT, S. MEYER, A.


on the origin of modern humans. (Princeton Univer- VON HAESELER, K. GROSSSCHMIDT, G. POSS-
sity Press, Princeton, 1989). — 268. DEAN, M. C., C. NERT, M. PAUNOVI], S. PÄÄBO, Nat. Genet., 26
B. STRINGER, T. D. BROMAGE, Am. J. Phys. An- (2000) 144. — 277. SERRE, D., A. LANGANEY, M.
thropol., 70 (1986) 301. — 269. MINUGH-PURVIS, CHECH, M. TESCHLER-NIKOLA, M. PAUNOVI],
N., Heterochronic change in the neurocranium and P. MENNECIER, M. HOFREITER, G. POSSNERT,
the emergence of modern humans. In: MINUGH- S. PÄÄBO, PLOS Biology, 2 (2004) 313. — 278. RE-
PURVIS N., K. J. McNAMARA (Eds.): Human evolu- LETHFORD, J. H., Procl. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 98
tion through developmental change. (Johns Hopkins (2001) 390. — 279. RELETHFORD, J. H., Am. J.
University Press, Baltimore, 2002). — 270. SARICH, Phys. Anthropol., 115 (2001) 95. — 280. ADCOCK, G.
V. M., A. C. WILSON, Science, 158 (1967) 1200. — J., E. S. DENNIS, S. EASTEAL, G. A. HUTTLEY, L.
271. CANN, R. L., M. STONEKING, A. C. WILSON, S., JERMIIN, W. J. PEACOCK, W. J., A. THORNE,
A. C., Nature, 325 (1987) 31. — 272. TEMPLETON, Procl. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 98 (2001) 537. — 281.
A., Testing the Out of Africa replacement hypothesis TEMPLETON, A. R., Nature, 416 (2002) 45. — 282.
with mitochondrial DNA data. In: CLARK, G. A., C. TEMPLETON, A., Am. Anthropol., 96 (1994) 141. —
M. WILLERMET (Eds.): Conceptual issues in mod- 282. RELETHFORD, J. H., Genetics and the search
ern human origins research. (Aldine De Gruyter, for modern human origins. (Wiley-Liss, New York,
NewYork, 1997). — 273. NORDBORG, M., Am. J. 2001). — 283. ESWARAN, V., Curr. Antrop. 43 (2002)
Hum. Genet., 63 (1998) 1237. — 274. KRINGS, M., H. 749. — 284. ESWARAN, V., Curr. Anthrop., 44 (2003)
GEISERT, R. W. SCHMITZ, H. KRAINITZKI, S. 560. — 285. CARAMELLI, D., C. LALEUEZA-FOX,
PÄÄBO, S., Procl. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 96 (1999) C. VERNESI, M. LARI, A. CASOLI, F. MALLEGNI,
5581. — 275. SCHMITZ, R. W., D. SERRE, G. BONA- B. CHIARELLI, I. DUPANLOUP, J. BERTRANPE-
NI, S. FEINE, F. HILLGRUBER, H. KRAINITZKI, S. TIT, G. BARBUJANI, G. BERTORELLE, Procl. Natl.
PÄÄBO, F. H. SMITH, Procl. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA, 99 Acad. Sci. USA, 100 (2003) 6593.
(2002) 13342. — 276. KRINGS, M., C. CAPELLI, F.

I. Jankovi}

Institute for Anthropological Research, Amru{eva 8, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia


e-mail: ivor@inantro.hr

NEANDERTALCI... 150 GODINA KASNIJE

SA@ETAK

Mjesto neandertalaca unutar evolucijskog razvoja modernih ljudi predmetom je


rasprava od vremena prvog prepoznatog nalaza neandertalca godine 1856. U radu je
iznesen pregled morfolo{kih, arheolo{kih i geneti~kih saznanja koja pridonose rje{a-
vanju ovog pitanja. Kratak povijesni pregled rasprava omogu}ava uvid u razvoj ideja o
polo`aju ove zanimljive ljudske populacije. Tako|er je iznesen pregled glavnih modela
o porijeklu morfolo{ki modernih ljudi.

401

You might also like