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THE SACRED
SELF
A Cultural Phenomenology of
Charismatic Healing

Thomas J. Csordas

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
Berkeley I Los Angeles I London

University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles, California
University of California Press
London, England
Copyright © 1994 by The Regents of the University of California
First Paperback Printing 1997
Library of Congress Catalogingin-Publication Data
Csordas, Thomas J.
The sacred self: a cultural phenomenology of charismatic healing
/ Thomas J. Csordas.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-520-20884-1
1. Spiritual healing. 2. Pentccostalism—Catholic Church.
3. Pentccostalism—New England. 4. Self 5. Identification
(Religion) 6. Catholic Church—New England—History—1965- 7. N«*
England—Church history. I. Title.
BT732.5.C86 1994
234\l*-dc20
93-34279
CIP

Printed in the United States of America
14 13 12 11 10
9 8 7 6 5
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed
Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. @

Contents

PREFACE

vii

Chapter 1
Introduction
Chapter 2
Ritual Healing: Affliction and Transformation

25

Chapter 3
Therapeutic Process and Experience

57

Chapter 4
Embodied Imagery and Divine Revelation

74

Chapter 5
Imaginal Performance and Healing of Memories

109

Chapter 6
Image, Memory, and Efficacy

141

Chapter 7
Demons and Deliverance

165

Chapter 8
Encounters with Evil

200

vi

CONTENTS

Chapter 9
The Raging and the Healing

228

Chapter 10
Envoi: The Sacred Self

276

NOTES

283

REFERENCES

305

INDEX

323

Preface

The answer to the question of "what it means to be human" is the same
as the answer to the question of "how we make ourselves human." This
is an enduring premise for cultural anthropology and means that an
inquiry into a topic like the "sacred self is an inquiry into human
creativity, and in particular self-creativity. I have termed my approach
to this issue cultural phenomenology because it represents a concern
for synthesizing the immediacy of embodied experience with the multiplicity of cultural meaning in which we are always and inevitably immersed. Beginning from this standpoint, in this book I examine one
aspect—that is, ritual healing—of the creation of a sacred self in a
contemporary North American religious movement called the Catholic
Charismatic Renewal.
For nearly twenty years, since 1973,1 have followed the development
of the Charismatic Renewal and its healing system. Having studied the
movement for this length of time, I must acknowledge the impossibility
in a single volume of representing its diversity, even within the United
States and within a focus on its healing system. There is regional diversity within the movement as there is within American Catholicism at
large. To mention only one feature, Charismatic groups in the Midwest
tend to be "ecumenical" in membership, including both Protestants
and Catholics, whereas New England groups tend to be predominantly
Catholic in membership. The former tend to minimize denominational
elements of ritual life, whereas the latter emphasize the Catholic, often
incorporating the Mass into their prayer meetings. Somewhat indepen-

viii

PREFACE

dent of region, there is also a distinct difference between parochial Charismatic prayer groups and the highly organized intentional communities
called "covenant communities."1 Styles of healing and even the overall
emphasis on healing in group life may vary substantially between these
kinds of group.
Most of the research on which this book is based was carried out
among Catholic Charismatics in southeastern New England between
1986 and 1989. New England Catholicism is a particular blend of
French, Irish, and Italian ethnic Catholicisms superimposed on a Puritan landscape. In a book of this nature there is no opportunity to fully
account for the subtle regional and stylistic bias this may have introduced into my account. Based on my prior experience with the movement and familiarity with its indigenous literature, I have attempted to
compensate for these factors. In any case, I am confident that the data are
adequate to the task of defining the experiential specificity of therapeutic
process among those Charismatics with whom I worked most closely
These data include interviews with eighty-seven healers of varying degrees of experience and "giftedness," including both laypcople and
priests/nuns. Paper and pencil questionnaires regarding healing experience were completed by 587 participants at large public healing services
conducted by five of these healers. Finally, detailed phcnomcnological
data were gathered in sixty private sessions with eighteen supplicants
conducted by six participating healers.
Yet it would be only partly correct to say that this book is about
ritual healing among Catholic Charismatics in the United States. Such
a book would consist of a description of healing practices in their social
and cultural context, detailing the kinds of problems these healing practices address and speculating about how they achieve whatever beneficial
effect they appear to have. I must admit from the outset that I find this
formula unsatisfying, as it has produced a voluminous literature on
healing that, despite its empirical diversity, is in large part theoretically
redundant, reaching the same conclusions over and again. Thus, while
I have addressed the standard issues in the chapters that follow, my
strategy has been not to write about Charismatic healing, but to ask
what Charismatic healing is about and write about that.
In a word, my thesis is that Charismatic healing is about "self." The
scare quotes, of course, will be a dead giveaway to many readers that we
are about to embark on an intellectual adventure at best, or a theoretical
slippery slope at worst.2 Some might prefer that the book were, after
all, simply about Charismatic healing and decide not to read on. For

the variants of phenomenology. This requires methodological choices. one must go beyond description of its unique features and the experience of its participants. and intimacy. I have drawn on phenomenology for a working definition of self as orientational process. let me sketch out why I have written this book. and this leads to our second point. In order to balance my account. control. semiotics. I think. Taking care to achieve theoretical validity is indeed the primary challenge. The particular self processes that I have found articulated in Charismatic healing are imagination.PREFACE ix the others. I show how these processes bring about orientation in terms of psychocultural themes salient for participants in North American Charismatic healing. In particular. in order to achieve analytic precision and specificity. risk indulging in theory for its own sake. for the reader as for the writer. after all. I must hasten to add. or the relation between phenomenology and semiotics would. there are as many ways to theoretically construe "self as there are writers about the topic. Insofar as these are constitutive of self. and emotion. First. It is both a topic widely discussed in anthropological studies and one that with care can be used as a valid theoretical tool. those of spontaneity. A more elaborated version of this point would be that in order fully to grasp the existential significance and cultural meaning of a phenomenon like Charismatic healing. To meet the criterion of a minimal working definition of self that is both appropriate to the ethnographic case at hand and crossculturally valid. I have based my account on a particular variant of phenomenology in which bodily experience is understood as the existential ground of culture and the sacred. This is the case for two reasons. memory. One might start with the observation that a book solely about Charismatic healing would be of interest solely to Charismatics and certain of their supporters and opponents. where I think its argument goes as a contribution to anthropological thinking. and on the other hand to analyze it with theoretical constructs that are themselves valid for comparative study. It is necessary on the one hand to identify features in it that are comparatively and cross-culturally relevant. language. I have wherever possible complemented my analyses with perspectives drawn from what I regard as phenomenology^ methodological twin. and why I think the trajectory of my argument is a necessary one. The reason. to say that the book is about self is also to say that it is about these processes. To include a discourse about the various theories of self. however. which have led me to structure my argument as follows. as much. The notion of self fulfills both of these requirements. that there are so many . In addition.

By the same token. we could formulate the relation between the minute particulars of experiential processes and the generality of psychocultural themes as such a dialogue. and . but dialogically suspended between theory and data. Likewise." Let me carry the notion of dialogue a bit further." but not with a cross-culturally useful theoretical concept of self. it is not a "mere" vehicle.x PREFACE construals of self is that it is not an empirical entity but a theoretical construct. we can overhear snatches of dialogue between Catholic Charismatics and the Roman Catholic Church. Since theoretical constructs cannot be studied directly. some full-throated and some in whispers. overlapping and simultaneous. If it is correct to say that I am not interested in Charismatic healing "for its own sake. If this were not the case. That is. it is not possible to arrive at a valid notion of self from within the cultural data in themselves. the Protestant Pentccostals. As an anthropologist I would argue strongly that it is not possible to write a book about self without grounding it in cultural phenomena." it is equally correct to say that I am not interested in the theoretical gyrations of "self outside of its instantiation in the empirical phenomena at hand. I have attempted to construct an argument in which the notion of self is neither inductively derived from the data. while Charismatic healing is a vehicle. it can only be about the self insofar as that self is the product of intellectual dialogue with concrete phenomena—such as the phenomena of Charismatic healing. what we require is a close dialectic. I would have no business referring to my approach as cultural "phenomenology. It is a vehicle for a discourse about self. Thus. This last point defines the methodological place of Charismatic healing in our argument. To understand the culture exclusively "in its own terms" would leave us with a definition of what Charismatics mean when they use the word "self. to say that a book is "about" the self has a special kind of meaning. Methodologically. which in itself is a construct that can only properly be defined within a coherent body of empirical data. we have touched on the dialogue between phenomenology and semiotics that will animate a good deal of our argument. between Catholic Charismatics and their mentors. some continuous and some intermittent. nor deductively demonstrated in terms of the data. In a less metaphoric vein. simply because self has no existence outside of such phenomena. I offer you a model of our text as a fabric of dialogical threads. From the foregoing discussion. for it is useful to understand a text such as ours in terms of multiple dialogues. a tight hermencutic circle revolving around the theoretical construct and the cultural phenomena.

Crapanzano 1992). But if a healing system is an interpretive system. more precisely. Thus. First. or. at those points in which I enter the text—as if entering a space created by the new technology of 'Virtual reality"—my role becomes doubled. but it may include notions that we would recognize as theoretical rather than popular (such as certain concepts of self). The second point begins with the observation by Good and Good (1981) that. anthropological understanding of healing requires a double hermeneutic. Yet those dialogues in which I engaged were inevitably constituted by the reflexivity of my Charismatic informants in interaction with my own. Oftentimes this amounts to self-consciousness of the anthropologist with respect to how she or he construes data or relates to the ethnographic other. Recognizing this is especially urgent when much background culture is shared between anthropologist and "natives. Seldom. does ethnographic reflexivity fully take into account the reflexivity of the other. but an inevitable element of reflexivity among practitioners and patients in a healing system. Sometimes it leads to giving voice to the other (Clifford 1988). Much has been made in the past decade about reflexivity in ethnography. insofar as all healing systems are attempts to make sense of affliction. The dialogue of reflexivities creates . Quite literally. the text records dialogues between me and individual Charismatics. an interpretation of an interpretation. I am my virtual double whose actions I analyze as author.PREFACE Xl between the early Catholic Charismatics of the 1960s and the Charismatics they became in the 1980s. however. motivated by our constant impulse toward crosscultural comparison. There are two points to be made about the dialogues that include me. we must not only describe Charismatic healing practices in cultural context. We apply our interpretive strategies (including theoretical notions like that of self). "Native exegesis" is not simply one among other sources of data. especially those among them who are trained and practice in both. to the interpretive strategies of the people whose cultures we study. and occasionally to an understanding that culture is created dialogically with the other (Daniel 1984. Charismatics also reflect on the relation between their practices of ritual healing and those of conventional medicine and psychiatry. it also includes its own forms of reflexivity. and between Charismatic patients and healers. but realize that a full account includes the Charismatics' interpretation of their own practices." The reflexivity of Charismatics does not typically include a comparative stance. I am simultaneously author and aaor. to the extent that it is possible. It is a hermeneutic of a hermeneutic.

and ofquotation marks to indicate Charismatic terms and brief verbatim remarks of informants. and between me and the reader (the dialogue between reader and text is out of my hands). Accordingly. On the contrary. this disclosure is what I am after in making extensive use of "texts" from interviews and recorded rituals. The quotation marks are not meant as signs of disrespect or to indicate a tongue-intextual-cheek. there is a kind of dialogue between me and my text. let me add a few notes about my presentation and analysis of data. I have attempted to keep other uses of quotation marks to a minimum. First.xii PREFACE an opportunity for data of a richness seldom attainable when one works in a foreign society. sometimes excluded. "How can you say you are writing about experience when all your data arc in die form of language?" This position presumes an unbridgeable gulf between language and experience. By the same token. but to distinguish my own use of words from that of Charismatics while preserving the flow of the argument. I am convinced that semiotics and phenomenology are complementary ways to think about culture and that both can be applied to linguistic or narrative data. because texts can be tricky I must state that these texts are edited in order to eliminate redundancy. The reader will have to decide whether I have taken advantage of the opportunity and avoided the danger. depending on the degree to which the meaning of an interview depends on the development of a dialogue. Nevertheless. Finally. but a medium of intersubjectivity." In addition to giving a flavor of Charismatic language and presentation of self. my own questions are sometimes included. and hence the need for methodological care in setting up the relation between theory and phenomena. I must also make two brief points about my compositional technique. of course. when with a semiotic point in mind and when with a phenomcnological one. I have made liberal use of italics to indicate that I grant technical or theoretical status to a term. In Heidegger's terms. language is not only a form of observable behavior. and is predicated on the notion that language can only be about itself—doubtless a hypcr-Foucauldian exaggeration. so that it is fair to say that language gives us authentic access to experience. I believe I have taken care to distinguish when I am discussing such texts from the standpoint of textuality and when from embodiment. I reject the textualist bias of some semiotics that would ask. As author I can only frame this problem. this dialogue creates the danger of analysis that merely reproduces native categories. it not only represents but "discloses. except .

control. The next three chapters examine the Charismatic elaboration of imagination as an embodied self process in ritual healing. with special attention to profiles of healers and supplicants. we formulate an analytic framework combining a semiotic approach to the image-as-sign and a phenomenological approach to the imagc-in-consciousness. we elaborate the empirical pole of the argument. Following an examination of some of the theoretical issues underlying the study of imagination. genre. We conclude by formulating a model of therapeutic process to guide our subsequent discussion. we introduce the concepts of postural model. Chapter 1 introduces the problem of understanding religious healing from an anthropological perspective and identifies the need for greater experiential specificity in our accounts of therapeutic process. somatic modes of attention. I have generally used the plural pronoun to carry the authorial voice. and placebo effect in favor of phenomenological specificity. and intimacy. Where I lapse into the first person. Chapter 2 describes the Charismatic system of ritual healing with respect to the performative structure of event. Second. We discuss public and private healing sessions. We apply . and how particular performative acts are discrete moments of empowerment.PREFACE xiii where a citation from the literature is indicated. Chapter 3 raises the issue of efficacy in ritual healing. and the margin of disability' in order to understand the modulations of self achieved in "typical" healings. and act. Finally. sketching out a working concept of self and self processes grounded in embodiment. We then elaborate the theoretical pole of our analogical argument. Chapter 4 examines the repertoire of revelatory imagery based on specific experiences reported by healers. catharsis. a book nevertheless has a linear organization. We show how the principal genres of ritual healing articulate the Charismatic concept of the person as a tripartite composite of body-mind-spirit. in an unabashed rhetorical attempt to implicate the reader in a collaborative effort. With particular emphasis on healing of physical problems. it is either to assert authorial direction or because I am entering conceptual terrain upon which I am less comfortable asking the reader to tread. and its articulation with the North American psychocultural themes of spontaneity. eschewing the evocation of global "black-box" mechanisms such as suggestion. so I will briefly sketch the trajectory of our argument from chapter to chapter. describing the development of the Charismatic Renewal. As useful as the notion of overlapping dialogues might be. its ritual system.

making use of data from healing sessions and experiential commentaries of patients in those sessions." After discussing the relation between memory and imagination.xiv PREFACE this framework to a body of data consisting of actual revelatory images collected from the healers. In what we call the demonic crisis. chapter 10 includes a recapitulation of our argument about the self and a comment about the theoretical implications of the discussion. Chapter 6 reconsiders these cases with respect to the role of revelation. but in the contrasting existential modes of healing and raging. and control. In addition. Finally. Once again we see the enactment of our three key psychocultural themes. We apply this concept in a close analysis of three cases of healing. We conclude the chapter with a reflection on the potential implications of these experiences for contemporary North American culture. contrasting the consequences for the self with those of exorcism in a very different tradition of religious healing in Sri Lanka. . Our first task in chapter 7 is to examine the cultural dynamic implicit in the domestication of deliverance prayer over the past twenty-five years. This innovation in method allows us a degree of specificity in analyzing therapeutic process that is usually unavailable in studies of ritual healing. Wc then examine the structure of the demonology as a collective representation of the person in North American culture. Chapter 9 juxtaposes two striking bodily experiences characterized by the patient falling to the ground. trauma. In "resting in the Spirit" wc examine the modulations of self in the experiences of falling and of lying on the ground in a sacred swoon as well as the implications of Charismatics' own debate about the "authenticity" of the phenomenon. The next two chapters address the Charismatic dcmonology and the practice of "deliverance" from evil spirits. In chapter 8 wc use our method of performative analysis and experiential commentary to examine emotional self process in five quite different cases of encounter with evil in Charismatic healing. we introduce the concept of imaginal performance to describe the autobiographical self processes that take place. Once again. intimacy. we show how the healing process develops the psychocultural themes of spontaneity. In chapter 5 we turn to the experience of patients in the ritual genre of "healing of memories. we find the grounds of therapeutic efficacy in bodily experience. and internal object relations. The chapter concludes with a phenomenology of control in deliverance. we examine a series of narrative vignettes that describe a deeply disturbing alienation of self.

and to David Thorp for smoothing the way for my entree into the Charismatic community in New England. and Ojo Arewa. one thing has remained consistent. especially to those supplicants who bravely shared the depths of their distress with me. James Boon sensitized me to the relation between ethnographic description and interpretation. John Messenger. During that period and throughout the years in which I have been acquainted with members of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal. who introduced me to the anthropology of religion and psychological anthropology. and cooperation of nearly all Charismatics that I have encountered. and his almost single-handed revitalization of transcultural psychiatry created the conditions for the kind of theorizing about therapeutic process in religious healing represented in this book. Father John Lazansky and Sister Cecilia Cote. For my part. Among those to whom I owe intellectual debts I count Erika Bourguignon. curiosity. and that is the good will. I am grateful to all of them." I have been profoundly impressed by the lack of pressured proselytization I have experienced as an anthropologist who presented himself as never more than an agnostic. Specific thanks are due to Reverend Kenneth Metz for his continuing support of my work. but I would like to register the warm memory of two who were especially generous and who have since died. I have tried to respect the integrity and coherence of their world. they were willing to grant that healing included a "human" element that could be examined by anthropology. That most Charismatics were willing to leave whatever change would take place in me to a higher power (that would probably act if I "hung around long enough") speaks highly of the strength of their conviction. Byron Good's pioneering of interpretive theory . who gave me my first taste of phenomenology. for their part. Too many Charismatics experienced in conducting healing prayer shared their insights with me to mention by name. Arthur Kleinman's invitation to Harvard and his commitment to the development of an experiential approach in medical anthropology provided both a physical and an intellectual home for my work at a critical stage.PREFACE xv This book is the product of research conducted from 1986 to 1989 under the support of National Institute of Mental Health research grant ROl MH-40473-04. who first introduced me to ethnopsychiatry and the problem of understanding religious healing. While there have been a few that have been especially "zealous for my soul. Charles Long instilled a vivid sense that the question at the heart of the study of religion was what it means to be human. and to the methodological problem of bridging the "natives' point of view" and the anthropologist's.

A lecture to the Department of Humanities and Social Studies in Medicine at McGill University provided the occasion to examine the relation between psychiatric and religious formulations of emotional affliction. Several of the cases discussed in chapters 5. Finally. Janis Jenkins. and other participants in the Harvard Friday Morning Seminar in medical anthropology created an intellectual environment that made every moment of this research rewarding. Along with these three. as well as to Richard Shweder. Particular and heartfelt thanks are due to Janis Jenkins. Pablo Farias. I am grateful for the insightful comments of the colleagues who participated in those events. and 8 were presented to the Department of Social Medicine at Harvard Medical School and at the 1991 meetings of the Society for Cultural Anthropology. . and Paul Connerton for vital comments on my formulations about embodiment as a methodological standpoint. Linda Garro. and about the nature of psychocultural processes in healing. and his boundless energy for intellectual engagement lent an additional vitality to the milieu at Harvard. Thanks are also due to Nancy Wood. her tireless generation and execution of new ideas for research. Elizabeth Behnke. whose requests for clarification over the course of many discussions undoubtedly enhanced the lucidity of my argument. A version of chapter 9 was presented to the Department of Anthropology at the University of Chicago and to the Department of Anthropology at the University of Montreal. and for the helpful reviews by Erika Bourguignon and an anonymous reader. Mary-Jo DelVccchio Good's creative synthesis of anthropology and sociology. Amelic Rorty. I am grateful for the commitment to this work by members of the University of California Press. Rebecca Frazier. and Diane Feinberg. including Stanley Holwitz. whose expertise in quantitative data management and analysis was invaluable. Marina Roseman. A lecture to the Department of Anthropology at UCLA afforded me the opportunity to reflect on the question of what is specifically religious about religious healing.xvi PREFACE in medical anthropology made the way easier for myself and others committed to bringing the field to the center of the discipline. who was an able research assistant in the large scale survey of participants in Charismatic healing services. Peter Guarnaccia. and her consummate skill as an interviewer sensitive to the nuances of language and experience were a constant example and inspiration. Eran Fraenkel. A version of chapter 4 was presented to the Program in Clinically Relevant Medical Anthropology at Harvard University. and to Allison Earle and Amy Cohen.6.

This is hardly a satisfactory place to leave the issue. Later. Insofar as every culture must contend with emotional distress and mental illness. Frank and Frank 1991). Whatever healing occurred was thought as likely to benefit the healer as it would those who came to him or her for help. This theme. Likewise. typically with schizophrenia or epilepsy. and not only because psychotherapy itself is a healing form whose efficacy cannot be taken for granted. Many early studies were primarily concerned with whether healers or shamans were themselves mentally ill.1 Introduction How does religious healing work. if indeed it does? What is the nature of its therapeutic efficacy? WThat is actually being healed by the performances of the shaman. each is likely to develop its own forms of psychotherapy. the efficacy of religious healing came to be assumed on the basis of what we may call the psychotherapy analogy: religious healing works because it is like psychotherapy. was given impetus in the 1960s and 1970s by the seminal works of Jerome Frank (1973. the medicine man. present as early as Leighton and Leighton's (1941) discussion of Navajo healing and Messing's (1958) analysis of the Ethiopian zar cult. and there have been two broad types of answer offered. or the faith healer? What is particularly religious about them in the first place? These questions have preoccupied anthropologists for a long while. the question of whether healers were like mental patients was superseded by that of how they were like psychotherapists. For some. most religions develop some stance toward human suffering. some of which we can identify as religious healing. which also works. and .

are often successful at demonstrating the existence of a homology. Between these positions we are left with a disturbing lack of analytic specificity and a repertoire of hypotheses about how healing works. Turner's (1964) analysis of Ndembu healing and Crapanzano's (1973) discussion of the Moroccan Hamadsha brotherhoods. it has been argued on the one hand that ritual healing is invariably and necessarily effective due to the manner in which it defines its goals (Klcinman and Sung 1979). of which the paradigmatic example is Levi-Strauss's (1966) discussion of a Cuna Indian birth ritual. metaphors. It has become commonplace to observe that efficacy is contingent on the nature of problems addressed by different forms of healing. Research in this tradition. Numbers and Amundsen 1986. The structural hypothesis posits an inherent power of correspondence or homology between symbolic acts and objects. and Doerr 1973). but not in establishing why or whether the homology has an effect. how those problems are defined in cultural practice. and what counts in cultural terms as their successful resolution. The clinical hypothesis is based most strictly on the analogy between the religious healer and a doctor treating an individual patient with a specific procedure in expectation of a definitive outcome. not only is it difficult to demonstrate definitive outcomes in religious healing. providing an emotionally safe environment for suffering individuals. Sullivan 1989). Finally. remaining satisfied with a generalized functionalist understanding of healing. However. studies that emphasize social support often go no further toward defining efficacy. Given this set of issues. or providing the security of identity with a group defined by its healing practices. Let us briefly summarize. and on the other that it necessarily fails insofar as it is a treatment more of lifestyle than of symptoms (Pattison. behavior. but a clinical approach tends to downplay the explicitly religious elements of such healing that give it its distinctive character. L. or cosmological structure on the one hand.2 INTRODUCTION may go a step further and develop explicit systems of healing practice (cf. emotions. or diseases of those treated on the other. Lapins. as in Prince's (1964) paradigmatic discussion of indigenous Yoruba psychiatry. and the thoughts. best characterized by V. Frank's (1973) formulations about the cultivation of expectant faith through the personal influence of a healer and the rhetorical devices that bring about a shift in the . the persuasive hypothesis owes much to J. The social support hypothesis. holds that the principal therapeutic effects of healing lie in enhancing community solidarity. resolving interpersonal tensions. While these effects may in fact occur.

we will conclude that the efficacy of healing is nonspecific. The Navajo Chanter sings for nine nights. to borrow a phrase from the poet Wrilliam Blake." Healing ritual is understood not as liturgical repetition. and suggestion.3 To approach that specificity. Our task is then to formulate a . Where experience comes into question. or social relationships. it is usually that of the healer.2 A premise of this book is that there is an experiential specificity of effect in religious healing—that transformative meaning dwells.. Scheff 1979). but that is about all.g. as I discovered when it occurred to me to ask. placebo effect. if we neglect to ask. and we have a detailed description of it. The mechanism itself remains unelaborated.INTRODUCTION 3 patient's "assumptive world. But what is happening for the Navajo supplicant who is repeating line for line after the chanter and who is made to sit upon the sandpainting? We may learn the nature of the supplicant's complaint and whether there is any apparent effect of the ritual. and we have a transcription of the songs. With few exceptions (e. while it thus takes account of meaning. a kind of biocultural "black box"—perhaps the patient goes into trance. symbolic meaning. Of course. These mechanisms include trance. To be sure. but as intentional social action directed toward the quality and content of experience.1 These hypotheses are not mutually exclusive. We will learn nothing about the imagery processes which. However. My argument is that the locus of efficacy is not symptoms. he creates an elaborate sandpainting. The reason for the lack of specificity' is astoundingly simple: although anthropologists have produced volumes of descriptions of healing rituals. we must identify the locus of efficacy. may occur during the ceremony. but what it is that makes the trance therapeutic remains essentially ambiguous. in the "minute particulars" of human existence taken up in the healing process. although they represent different descriptions of how therapeutic efficacy is evoked. they have virtually never systematically examined the experience of supplicants in healing. psychiatric disorders. and this requires taking a step back toward generality before making a leap forward. catharsis. it is less attuned to clinical issues such as the kind of emotional disorder addressed by healing. accounts of healing under the hypotheses sketched above are based on inference from procedures carried out by healers to a nonspecific efficacy presumed to be inherent in one or more of these mechanisms. they tend to share a common understanding of how that efficacy is actually constituted by a limited repertoire of global mechanisms. but the self in which all of these are encompassed.

If I were to claim a contribution for the present argument. indeed an element that constitutes one kind of the specificity that wc seek. we require an idea of self that will be valid for comparative studies of healing forms ranging from conventional psychotherapy to the more exotic forms of shamanism and spirit possession cure. such that Gecrtz's (1973) attempt to use it on Balinese material remains suspended between being a true phenomenological description and an exercise in applying analytic categories. As M. Singer's observation is certainly correct. therefore. the cultural substance of any account would be obscured in a whirl of methodology.4 INTRODUCTION theory of the self that will allow us to specify the transformative effects of healing. Finally." I have become convinced that a turn to phenomenology may go a long way toward answering the need wc have just seen for a concept of self sensitive to experiential specificity. it would be the grounding of culture and self in the phenomenology of the body—"embodiment"—a variant of phenomenology more identified with the work of Merleau-Ponty. but to bring phenomenology out of the shadow referred to by Singer. At one end of the continuum. At the other end of the continuum. I understand cultural phenomenology as a counterweight and complement to interpretive anthropology's emphasis on sign and symbol. and in the 1960s was overshadowed by understandings of both culture and self as systems of symbols and meanings. Eliade (1958) defined the sacred as a mode of attending . In other words. Let me say a few things about my orientation to the problems of "self' and "sacred. Husserl's work is dense enough that by the time an anthropologist made readers familiar enough with its terminological subtleties. Our discussion. Yet my intent is not to offer a strict alternative to the semiotic approach. we require a theory of self that will allow for the experience of the sacred as an element of therapeutic process. What is more. and I think it can be accounted for by the fact that we have not discovered the most useful variant of phenomenology for our purposes. in short. Phenomenologists of religion have defined their understanding of the sacred as a kind of modulation of orientation in or engagement with the world. Perhaps Hallowell (1955) sensed this when he went only so far as to acknowledge a phenomenological attitude in his important works on the self. the phenomcnological approach to self has never been thoroughly developed. must be an account of the cultural constitution of a sacred self. the phenomenology of Schutz is perhaps the most formalist variant. Singer (1984:53) observes.4 The problem of the sacred also falls within a cultural phenomenology of self.

Hallowell (1955) was the first anthropologist to propose a protophenomenological theory of the self based on "orientation" with respect . and Situation Let us begin by venturing a working concept of self. or what touches us precisely at our limits. Self processes are orientational processes in which aspects of the world are thematized. In this sense self occurs as a conjunction of prercflective bodily experience. we will discover that this sense of otherness itself is phenomenologically grounded in our embodiment. with the result that the self is objeaified. characterized by effort and reflexivity. and situational specificity or habitus.INTRODUCTION 5 to the world. Every anthropologist is familiar with Geertz's (1973) definition of religion as a system of symbols. and of primary importance for the coherence of our argument. and then spend the rest of this section unpacking its theoretical meaning and methodological consequences. and van der Leeuw (1938) observed that the object of religion is a "highly exceptional and extremely impressive Other. The sacred is an existential encounter with Otherness that is a touchstone of our humanity. In addition. We can now restate the theses advanced in the preface." has again been predominandy semiodc. For a cultural phenomenology. but an indeterminate capacity to engage or become oriented in the world. the second. more obscure part of Geertz's definition must be given equal weight—that religion acts to establish long-standing moods and motivations. I submit that the method to get at these moods and motivations is to be found in the phenomenologists' notion of Otherness.5 Self is neither substance nor entity. specifying that this book is a cultural phenomenology of healing that seeks the locus of therapeutic efficacy in the self. The Self: Embodiment. when not preoccupied with debate about the rationality or irrationality of religious "belief. It is a touchstone because it defines us by what we are not—by what is beyond our limits. however. most often as a "person" with a cultural identity or set of identities. The next step before introducing our empirical case is to elaborate our phenomenological approach to self and the specificity of self processes in cultural context." The tenor of anthropological discussion. and most would unhesitatingly add that these symbols are articulated in a system of social relationships. culturally constituted world or milieu. World.

Perception is the key concept implicit in his definition of the self as self-awareness. namely that it includes not only natural objects but "culturally reified objects. place. Hailowell's implicit concern with what in more contemporary terms we would call practice (cf." borrowed from the gestalt psychology of Koffka. As we shall see in a moment. a fully phenomenological account would recognize that whereas we are capable of becoming objects to ourselves. to the phenomenological thinkers. Hailowell's protophenomenological approach accounts for an essential feature of the behavioral environment." Hallowell saw self-awareness as both necessary to the functioning of society and as a generic aspect of human personality structure. The philosopher Zaner. In the diversity of my sense I am oriented to the Other [in this case the other person] as one and the same. and Aaron Gurwitsch.6 INTRODUCTION to self. etc. and norms. Hence the arrangement of the environing milieu of things is functionally correlated with my organism: the latter is the organizational. amy place.). but defined objective in terms of cultural specificity. Hailowell's concept of self thus did more than place the individual in culture." especially supernatural beings and the practices associated with them. Ortner 1984) is summarized in the term "behavioral environment. emphasis in original) . space and time. (1981:38. For help we turn directly. drawing on the phenomenological work of Hans Jonas. Here we reach a critical point for our argument. sensorial center for the actional and sensible display of surrounding objects. It linked behavior to the objective world. suggests an answer: My embodying organism is thus constituted as my orientational locus in the world. movements. motivation. the recognition of oneself as an "object in a world of objects. For if perception and practice arc central to the self as a capacity for orientation. objects. Erwin Straus. and the Other is positioned and oriented by (referenced to) my bodily placement (body attitudes. in daily life this seldom occurs. wc must identify two concepts implicit in Hailowell's argument. stances. we can identify the locus of the self as identical with the locus of perception and practice." complexly articulated and membered by means of its ("my") sensorium. as Hallowcll could not.6 To understand how this orientation comes about. he cast his analysis at the level of the already-objectified self. It linked perceptual processes with social constraints and cultural meanings. in defining the self as the product of a reflexive mood. However. and this is a good starting point for what I mean by orientation in the world. Understood in terms of perception and practice. but added selfawareness and rcflexivity.

Again implicitly. and interaction with other selves. And here is our answrer: the specificity we are looking for can be found in the way self processes grounded in embodiment take up or engage fundamental psychocultural issues in the experience of ritual healing. That is. Bourdieu (1977. The processes of orientation are the same as those which move experience from indeterminacy to what Hallowell referred to as "culturally reified objects. he recognized that the self is always already in the cultural world. 1984) situates embodiment in an anthropological discourse of practice. the socially informed body is the "principle generating and unifying all practices" (1977:124). to which we have already alluded. we turn to the contributions of Merleau-Ponty and Bourdieu.INTRODUCTION 7 The critical point. Stated another way.7 Merleau-Ponty objects to the empiricist position that the object we perceive is a kind of stimulus and that perception is an intellectual act in response to that stimulus.: 16). MerleauPonty wants our starting point to be the experience of perceiving in all its richness and indeterminacy. For Merleau-Ponty. and consciousness is the body projecting itself into the world. The critical "but" in this analysis requires the perceptual synthesis of the object to be accomplished by the subject. because in fact we do not have any phenomcnologically real objects prior to perception." Yet it is essential to note that Hallowell did not place the self outside the list of elements with respect to which it is oriented. and one which Hallowell missed in his discussion of orientation. which is the body as a field of perception and practice (ibid. This is because the object of perception conceived as an intellectual act would have to be either possible or necessary. I shall briefly elaborate these views as summarized in Merleau-Ponty's concept of xhepreobjective and Bourdieu's concept of the habitus. This is to say that objects . However. "it is given as the infinite sum of an indefinite series of perspectival views in each of which the object is given but in none of which it is given exhaustively" (1964^:15). and we will have to reinsert them. the body is a "setting in relation to the world" (1962:303). Merleau-Ponty (1962) can help understand embodiment with respect to perception and objectification. We will take up the issue of other selves along with that of objectification. For this. "our perception ends in objects" (1962:67). and consciousness is a form of strategic calculation fused with a system of objective potentialities. For Bourdieu. for some reason he excluded the presence of other selves from his oudine. is the grounding of the self in embodiment. when in fact it is real. To the contrary. our essential existential condition.

and which we carry about inseparably with us before any objectification. we will be well on our way toward understanding its experiential specificity." His project is to "coincide with the act of perception and break with the critical attitude" (1962:238-239). then. However." But if perception ends in objects. but a preabstract. the body is in the world from the beginning: Consciousness projects itself into a physical world and has a body. we are not positing a precultural. We must return to the social with which we are in contact by the mere fact of existing. and because any form of lived experience tends toward a certain generality whether that of our habits or that of our bodily functions. not of already-constituted cultural products. If we can capture those existential beginnings in healing. In fact. 362) By beginning with the preobjective. in the body. The concept offers to cultural analysis the openended human process of taking up and inhabiting the cultural world . as it projects itself into a cultural world and has habits: because it cannot be consciousness without playing upon significances given either in the absolute past of nature or in its own personal past. as it is to place society within ourselves as an object of thought. Our goal is to capture that moment of transcendence in which perception and objectification begin. we need a concept to allow us to study the embodied process of perception from beginning to end (instead of in reverse as would the empiricists). he suggests that we step backward from the objective and start with the body in the world. we are simply "in the world. constituting and being constituted by culture. for the latter mistakenly begins with objects. It is as false to place ourselves in society as an object among other objects. It may be objected that a concept of the preobjective implies that embodied existence is outside or prior to culture. and in both cases the mistake lies in treating the social as an object. where does it begin? Merleau-PontVs answer is. (1962:137.:311). In other words. This objection would miss what Merleau-Ponty means by the body as "a certain setting in relation to the world" (ibid: 303) or a "general power of inhabiting all the environments which the world contains" (ibid. On the level of perception we "have" no objects. since the subject-object distinction is a product of analysis. Phenomenology is a descriptive science of existential beginnings. and since objects themselves are end results of perception rather than being given empirically to perception.8 INTRODUCTION arc a secondary product of reflective thinking. For this purpose Merleau-Ponty offers the concept of the "preobjective" or "prereflcctive.

Instead. this synthesis is possible for the same reason that allows him to state that the habitus does not generate practices unsystematically or at random. our bodies are not objects to us. Others play a prominent role in objectifying us. we must elaborate the idea of practice alongside that of perception. that is to say. all its senses.INTRODUCTION 9 in which our existence transcends but remains grounded in de facto situations. This has a very important methodological consequence. defined as a system of perduring dispositions. primordial experience in which the object is present and living. Merleau-Pontes existential analysis collapses the subjectobject duality in order to more precisely pose the question of how the reflective processes of the intellect constitute the various domains of culture. not only the traditional five senses—which never escape the structuring . Bourdieu's parallel goal for a theory of practice is to move beyond analysis of the social fact as opus operatum. in a word. its compulsions and repulsions. In Bourdieu's work. That is. We have not yet arrived at other selves. In effect. and religion. however. society. He finds this modus operandi in the concept of habitus. acted content of the behavioral environment. collectively inculcated principle for the generation and structuring of both practices and representations (1977: 72). Quite the contrary. on the level of perception it is thus not legitimate to distinguish mind and body.8 This system constitutes the unconscious. We have just seen that Merleau-Ponty's goal is to move the study of perception from objects to the process of objectification. with its tastes and distastes. to analysis of the modus operandi of social life. If we begin with the lived world of perceptual phenomena. We could in fact say that the notion of habitus synthesizes behavior and environment in a single term. knowledge. with. beginning from perceptual reality it becomes relevant to ask how our bodies may become objectified through processes of reflection. Merleau-Ponty felt that it was necessary to return to this level of real. they are an integral part of the perceiving subject. as a starting point for the analysis of language. and this is becoming urgent as we recognize that isolated reflection does not account either for the emergence of objects or for the way we become objects to ourselves. This reason is his recognition that there is a principle generating and unifying all practices. In order to begin to grasp this issue. the system of inseparably cognitive and evaluative structures which organizes the vision of the world in accordance with the objective structures of a determinate state of the social world: this principle is nothing other than the socially informed body. His definition holds promise because it highlights the lived.

: 77). (1977:79) In other words. The cultural locus of Bourdieu's habitus is the conjunction between the objective conditions of life and the totality of aspirations and practices completely compatible with those conditions.: 124) For our purposes. With this concept Bourdieu offers a social analysis of practice as "necessity made into a virtue" (ibid. Our methodological "step backward" has now led us to the core of a theory of self grounded in embodiment.: 77). tactical sense and the sense of responsibility. In its relation to objective structures it is the principle of generation of practices (ibid. whereas in its relation to a total repertoire of social practices it is their unifying principle (ibid.10 INTRODUCTION action of social determinisms—but also the sense of necessity and the sense of duty.:83). the sense of direaion and the sense of reality. The question about therapeutic efficacy as an operation on the self now appears continuous with the question of how orientation takes place upon the ground of embodied . common sense and the sense of the sacred. and so on. (ibid. as a universalizing mediation the habitus has a dual function. the sense of balance and the sense of beaut)'. business sense and the sense of propriety. To be consistent with what we have learned from Merleau-Ponty. insisting that it is "inseparable from taste in the sense of the capacity to discern the flavors of foods which implies a preference for some of them" (1984:99). the principal point is that behavioral dispositions are collectively synchronized and attuned to one another through the medium of the body. This fact is implicit in Bourdieu's recognition that objective conditions do not cause practices and neither do practices determine objective conditions: The habitus is the universalizing mediation that causes an individual agent's practices. Bourdieu maintains this groundedness in the body even in discussion of the "sense of taste" as the cultural operator in his social analysis of aesthetics. without either explicit reason or signifying intent. we must recall that what Bourdieu refers to as objective conditions must already be the product of perceptual consciousness. and his image of human activity is Leibniz's magnetic needle that appears actually to enjov turning northwards (1984:175). to be none the less "sensible" and "reasonable. the sense of humor and the sense of absurdity." That part of practices which remains obscure in the eyes of their own producers is the aspect bv which they are objectively adjusted to other practices and to the structures of which the principle of their production is itself a product. moral sense and the sense of practicality.

to its own account. We shall give the name "transcendence" to this act in which existence takes up. existence never utterly outruns anything. Above all. whereby what had merely a [for example] sexual significance assumes a more general one. but of experiential indeterminacy. Here we must elaborate another theme in our definition.INTRODUCTION 11 existence. chapter 3). it is not a question here of biocultural nonspecificity. and transforms such a situation. chance is transformed into reason. the synthesis of practical domains in a unitary habitus is predicated on indeterminacy.9 The self processes of orientation and engagement are the same in all cases. forming the basis for the polysemy and ambiguity that allows for improvisation in everyday life. Instead of an existential indeterminacy. as for Merleau-Ponty. Bourdieu's is a logical indeterminacy. part 3. namely that the self is an indeterminate capacity of orientation. For Bourdieu. taking embodiment as our starting point. (1962:169) This transcendence described by Merleau-Ponty is not mystical. as a whole. each time. exploiting to the full the fact that two "data" are never entirely alike in all respects but are always alike in some respect. One consequence of this formulation is to recognize a continuity among normal experience. What it is never remains external and accidental to it. [Ritual practice works by] bringing the same symbol into different relations through different aspects or bringing different aspects of the same referent into the same relation of opposition. It never abandons itself.10 Although a shared paradigm of embodiment thus leads both theorists . Precisely because it is transcendence. for in that case the tension which is essential to it [between objective world and existential meaning] would disappear. in so far as it is the act of taking up a de facto situation. which never explicidy or systematically limits itself to any one aspect of the terms it links. (1977:111. but is grounded in the world. since this is always taken up and integrated into it. 112) Logical indeterminacy is the basis for transposition of different schemes into different practical domains. but this variant of indeterminacy does not lead to transcendence as it does for Merleau-Ponty. To consolidate this idea let us follow Merleau-Ponty as he argues that existence is indeterminate in so far as it is the very process by which the hitherto meaningless takes on meaning. such that existential indeterminacy becomes the basis for an inalienable human freedom (1962. emotional distress. and psychiatric illness. and what we are concerned with is the redirection of those processes. but takes each one.

The locus of these differences is Bourdieu's rejection of the concepts of lived experience. insists on the a priori necessity of intersubjectivity. and the distinction between consciousness in itself and for itself. pointing out that any actor's adoption of a position presupposes being situated in an intersubjective world. but an interweaving of familiar patterns of behavior: . but which always "asserts more things than it grasps: when I say that I see the ash-tray over there.12 INTRODUCTION to a principle of indeterminacy. Whereas they are both predicated on the ccntrality of embodiment. for whom intersubjectivity is not an interpenetration of isolated intentionalities. or deviations in relation to a style (1977:86). but it is by the same token the moment where they meet. since no person has conscious mastery of the modus operandi which integrates symbolic schemes and practices. Although we need not elaborate each of these notions. and we will have occasion to return to this moment at various points in our argument. intcntionality. I suppose as completed an unfolding of experience which could go on ad infinitum. This is perhaps the methodological moment at which semiotics and phenomenology diverge. and that science itself is upheld by this basic doxa. Merlcau-Ponty. a difference that is relevant for how we construe orientation among selves or within a collectivity. we must observe the methodological consequence of this wholesale rejection of fundamental phenomenological concepts. the unfolding of his works and actions "always outruns his conscious intentions" (1977:79). it requires Bourdieu to ground the conditions for the intelligibility of social life entirely on homqgenization of the habitus within groups or classes (1977:80).11 In sum. and I commit a whole perceptual future" (1962:361). Bourdieu sees in the indeterminacy of practice that. The result is that individuals' systems of dispositions are structural variants of the group habitus. in contrast. there is an important difference between these two notions of indeterminacy. and speak for the reconcilability of the two positions. Again I do so following Merleau-Ponty. there remains a critical difference insofar as Bourdieu's logical principle becomes the condition for scmiotic improvisation whereas Merleau-Ponty's existential principle becomes the condition for phenomenological transcendence. McrleauPonty sees in the indeterminacy of perception a transcendence which does not outrun its embodied situation. and to explain individual variation in terms of homology among individuals. In effect. For the present I will argue for preserving the notion of intersubjectivity.

. and so offering "the task of a true communication" (iVlerleau-Ponty 1964^:18).13 Another's emotion is immediate because it is grasped preobjectively. To paraphrase Merleau-Ponty. The notion of indeterminacy accounts precisely for why we cannot grasp it—"it" being the self itself—because there is in fact no "entity" as such to be grasped. and because grief and anger are variations of belonging to the world. As a first approximation we could say that whereas a concept of the inchoate is essentially concerned with the problem of form out of formlessness. other persons can become objects for us only secondarily. At a deeper level. and familiar insofar as we share the same habitus. because body and consciousness are one. Likewise."14 We can consolidate this understanding of self as the indeterminate capacity for orientation by comparing our notion of indeterminacy with Fernandez's concept of the inchoate. visible in his phenomenal body. Finally. and equally applicable to the other's conduct. undivided between the body and consciousness. the preobjective character of another person as "another myself' is a major part of what distinguishes our experience of the social other from our experience of the sacred other. That is. whereas indeterminacy leads us to issues of perception and practice. without recourse to any "inner" experience of suffering or anger.INTRODUCTION 13 I perceive the other as a piece of behavior. this notion of intersubjectivity offers an insight into the relation between self and sacred. as a matter of emphasis we could suggest that the inchoate is a starting point for examination of affect and identity. as in my own conduct as it is presented to me. as the result of reflection. the difference is in Fernandez's emphasis on the sense of entity that we reach for but can never grasp. a concept of indeterminacy is concerned with that of specificity out of flux. (1962:356)12 In short. Just as we do not perceive our own bodies as objects. I perceive the grief or the anger of the other in his conduct. in his face or his hands. for example. For Fernandez the inchoate is "the underlying (psychophysiological) and overlying (sociocultural) sense of entity (entirety' of being or wholeness) which we reach for to express (by predication) and act out (by performance) but can never grasp" (1982:39). appropriating my phenomena and conferring on them the dimension of intersubjective being. intersubjectivity is also a copresence. for the latter is in a radical sense "not myself. The conditions under which selves become objectified can only be identified empirically. as we are about to do in our cultural phenomenology of the self in religious healing. another person is perceived as "another myself that tears itself away from being simply a phenomenon in my perceptual field.

With predication reflexivity becomes self-awareness. A second advantage is that is recognizes self-awareness and objectification (i. identity." Having identified reflexivity and effort. with predication we recognize that perceiving is perceiving as. and precisely because it is based on predication it is necessarily self-awareness of a specific cultural kind (cf. insofar as rcflexivity and effort arerespectivelygrounded in the indeterminacy of perception and practice. we are prepared for the last element of our definition.. and this is its final advantage. One advantage of identifying them the way we have is that it allows us a better feel both for the proper place of self-awareness and objectification in our understanding of self It shows why we eschewed self-awareness as a starting point in our consideration of Hallowell. which Zaner (1981) refers to as "fundamental moments of self" The selfrcferentiality of the whole that is composed of bodily experience. because it is based in the efficacy of pcrfor- . Reflexivity and effort are necessary characteristics of self. but again. suggesting that the self is constantly "en route. moral imagination. for whom the inchoate is the ground of emotional meaning. is a culturally constituted mode of being in the world. and this brings us back to the inclusion in our definition of reflexivity and effort. The preobjective self. To be precise. the creation of culture) as inevitable—there can be no other consequence of reflexivity and effort. The person already objectified is a culturally constituted representation of self. Fernandez's functions of predication and performance are parallel to the domains of perception and practice that we have identified as loci for the constitution of self. With performance effort becomes agency. however. all of which are characteristics of persons. In the constitution of persons. Shweder and Bourne 1982). habitus. and the already-constituted world of objects as a starting point through our reading of Merleau-Ponty. and with performance that practice is practice as if. Zaner summerizes this point with a term borrowed from Gabriel Marcel. Yet. and self-objectification.14 INTRODUCTION This is not to say.e. that self processes achieve the self-objcctification of persons. We turn again for contrast to Fernandez. This situated reflexivity is accompanied by an effort which is precisely the effort to become oriented in the face of the vertigo of essential indeterminacy encountered in this awakening. however. the orientation process is never complete. that the self as indeterminate capacity for orientation and engagement has no characteristics. and world is a kind of "inwardness" that results in the awakening of the senses of presence in the world and of coprcsencc with others.

namely its richness of meaning. along with Fernandez. the critical importance of metaphor as the epitome of what Merleau-Ponty referred to as our human "genius for ambiguity" (1962:189). On both analytic levels one must admit.15 Because the person is a kind of representation. The Sacred Self in a Charismatic World No matter how much conceptual sense our definition of the self makes. the feature of metaphor likely to be stressed is a textual one. presupposing that we could somehow describe the movement in terms devoid of theory before then subjecting it to analysis. We must then work out our insights in the empirical thickness of healers' and supplicants' experience. world. however. in perception and practice is then not only to observe a striving for a sense of entity through predication and performance. before our description of the Charismatic Renewal as an "object" of analysis. Recognizing the inchoate as the existential ground of the person means emphasizing that there is always some form in which the self is objectified. it remains empty theorizing unless it is capable of dialogue with concrete phenomena. namely the instability of attention directed toward any one dimension of a metaphor's meaning. To observe self processes. the feature that must be stressed is a feature of embodiment. Accordingly. specifying the transformation of suffering16 and distress as the transformation of self. Because the self is a mode of being in the world. Yet it was important that we present it first. This will require phenomenological description of particular culturally elaborated self processes as they are addressed to situationally relevant psychocultural themes. For present purposes we need not elaborate the notion of metaphor other than to observe how it relates differentially to person and self. To do otherwise would have been disingenuous.INTRODUCTION 15 mance. Acknowledging indeterminacv' as the ground of self means emphasizing that form itself is indeterminate. or processes of self-objectification. and habitus. it is not necessarily the agency of a solitary ego often presupposed in our own culture. our introduction to the movement in this final section of the chapter already bares the conceptual . but to examine a series of shifting construals of relationship among bodily experience. Since all description is implicitly theoretical—the result of objectification—our dialogue has necessarily already begun.

Changes instituted in the wake of Vatican II created the conditions of possibility for the Charismatic Renewal in several respects. became the sacrament of the sick (rather than of the dying) opened the way for Charismatic faithhealing. Contemporary Pentecostalism began around the turn of the present century. wherein penance or confession became the sacrament of reconciliation (rather than of guilt) and extreme unction. As an introduction. the morally devastating Indochinese war." These neophytes would typically leave their churches and join Pentecostal ones. it is the first step toward grounding our argument in Blake's "minute particulars" of existence. These changes within Catholicism also coincided with the culmination of the post-World War II era in the cultural ferment of the 1960s. or the last anointing. however. They began to join together in "neo-Pentecostal" groups. many of those who underwent the Pentecostal experience decided that it was not incompatible with their faith. The new biblicism has been taken up wholeheartedly by Charismatics. Catholics and "mainline" denominational Protestants occasionally underwent the spiritual experience of being "baptized in the Holy Spirit. The Council's position on the theoretical possibility of "charisms" or "spiritual gifts" opened the way for the adoption of the Pentecostal phenomena in their already-developed ritual forms. Hollenweger 1972.16 INTRODUCTION scaffolding on which it is constructed. sometimes to the point of fundamentalism. The moment in which the Roman Catholic movement originated coincided with the beginning of the "post-Tridcntinc" epoch of church history. Reinterpretation of the sacraments. Synan 1975). Its racial strife. and mass col- . The Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) marked the end of a regime of doctrine and practice that had lasted four hundred years since the Council of Trent (1545-1563). originating "charismatic renewal" movements within their denominations. Changes in liturgical form such as turning the altar to face the congregation and adopting vernacular language in place of Latin opened the way for paraliturgical innovation such as the Charismatic prayer meeting. Beginning with the Episcopalians in the 1950s and culminating with the Catholics in 1967. and until the 1950s was a predominantly working-class religion practiced in denominations such as the Assemblies of God (Bloch-Hoell 1964. and the movement is a stronghold of lay initiative and ecumenism. however. The Catholic Charismatic Renewal is a movement within the Roman Catholic Church which incorporates Pentecostal practices into Catholicism. Through the influence of these "classical" Pcntecostals.

the "underground church. By the end of the eighties some among the former considered themselves a distinct movement. precipitating a new movement out of postwar. feminism. Among the latter. Fichter 1975. and eventually the "new age. The movement attracted a strong following among relatively welleducated." Catholics had a variety of options ranging among the Christian Family movement. and a specialized language of religious experience. McGuire 1982. Many of these were characterized by motives of community and renewal. From 1975 to the end of the decade the movement entered an apocalyptic phase based on prophetic revelation that "hard times" were imminent for Christians. and marked an increasingly clear divergence between Charismatics gathered into rightly structured intentional communities who wanted to preserve the earlier sense of apocalyptic mission and those who remained active in less overtly communitarian parochial prayer groups. post-Vatican II Catholicism." discussion and encounter groups. marriage encounter. personalistic groups emphasizing spontaneity in prayer and interpersonal relations. distinctive forms of ritual. while many Catholics with no other movement involvement became attracted to large public healing services conducted by Charismatics. Pentecostalism was a catalyst that added a totalizing enthusiasm and experience of the sacred. Since its inception it has spread throughout the world wherever there are Catholics. Over the course of its twenty-five-year history the movement has . as many who no longer attended regular prayer meetings remained active in their parishes. suburban Catholics (Mawn 1975. and the political thought of liberation theology. apparently tolerating its theological radicalism for the sake of encouraging its increasing political conservatism. home masses with avant garde liturgies. From 1970 to 1975 it underwent rapid institutionalization and consolidation of a lifestyle including collective living. From 1967 to 1970 the movement was a collection of small. the Christian Worker movement. boundaries between Charismatics and conventional Catholics became somewhat ambiguous. including several bishops and one cardinal. Although it has been predominandy a movement of the laity. The turn of the decade brought recognition by the movement that its growth had virtually ceased. Neitz 1987).INTRODUCTION 17 lege enrollments of the "baby boom" generation spawned movements of black power.17 The Church hierarchy has cautiously but consistently recognized the movement's legitimacy. middle-class. substantial proportions of nuns and priests have participated. the Cursillo. and loosely organized via networks of personal contacts.

"18 Identity is expressed as a sense of coming to know "who I am in Christ. The Charismatic Renewal is no longer the vanguard movement it conceived itself to be in its first phases. The Charismatics claim to offer a unique spiritual experience to individuals. The Charismatic sacred self is elaborated with respect to psychocultural themes already salient in the North American milieu. and have been preserved and elaborated in the Catholic movement. Not only have Charismatics themselves aged. Let us briefly elaborate these three psychocultural themes and their relevance to Charismatics. and the exercise of spiritual gifts is a template for self processes that bring about that orientation. The notion that mental health is related to the "spontaneity of the self' is found in some versions of professional psychological theory (Grcenberg and Mitchell 1983:200)." Directly relevant to the issue of a sacred self." This sense of orientation and of self process docs not exist in a cultural vacuum. The kind of American who initiates or at least . Despite the currency of the notion of being "born again. but they have attracted increasingly older members such that the modal age of participants is at present in the fifties. however. the notion of a relationship to the deity is a template for orientation in the world.19 Participants experienced the Charismatic Renewal as an opportunity to achieve that spontaneity sought after in American culture both as a personal trait and as a feature of interpersonal relations. the theme of intimacy is vivid both in the notion of a personal relationship with the deity and in the emphasis placed on a sense of community in Charismatic groups." Charismatics are more likely to say that religious experience allows them to discover their "real self1 than to claim that they have been given a "new self. The themes of spontaneity and control were already identified by Clow (1976) as central to traditional Pentecostalism. These are themes in the sense introduced by Oplcr (1945) to describe global preoccupations of a culture. In addition. It has a stable bureaucratic organization.18 INTRODUCTION also undergone a demographic transition. and promise a dramatic renewal of Church life based on a spirituality of "personal relationship" with Jesus and direct access to divine power and inspiration through a series of "spiritual gifts" or "charisms. What constitutes an identity as a Catholic Charismatic? The first element is cultivation of a particular style of relationship to divinity. and by the late 1980s had become one among other conservative movements in contemporary Catholicism. In a phenomcnological sense they are also issues thematized or made salient in the orienting processes of sclf-objectification.

and effectiveness" (Hilde Bruch." The theme of control is likewise prominent in the cultural psychology of Americans. It is consistent that the popular imagination has been captivated by an illness like anorexia nervosa. Charismatics. for example. Indeed. When an American refers to a group of friends or co- . quoted in Bell 1985:17). On the one hand. but that overwhelming situations can be "given to the Lord. and middleclass Americans often lament not having the kind of personal relations where friends feel free to "drop over anytime" (cf. Levine 1991). also reacting to the ritualistic Catholicism in which many were raised." My impression is that Americans are less bothered by the breach of decorum in losing control of their own behavior than they are in not being able to control their situation: one may indeed "fly off the handle" if it appears impossible to "do something" that is causing frustration. are highly motivated by the ideal of spontaneity in spiritual experience as well as interpersonal interaction. in the early 1970s when I began fieldwork among them. Crawford (1984). and Lutz (1990) shows that the language of control pervades everyday emotional discourse. associating the term with formalism and lack of spontaneity' or freedom. A common complaint by middle-class Americans when their affairs are not going well or they feel under stress is that "my life is out of control. saying that they could not be Charismatics because it was "not an organization but a movement of the Spirit. intimacy is a prominent American psychocultural theme.INTRODUCTION 19 participates in "impromptu gatherings" or events is valued. Varenne 1986). 20 One may even see the desire for spontaneity in the current popularity of comedy clubs where patrons seek to be startled or shocked into laughter. they learn not only that they should "surrender" themselves to the will of God. Finally. Gaines (1992) has identified control as a prominent cultural theme in formal psychiatric diagnosis. Charismatics would react negatively if I referred to an interest in their "ritual" life. Some movement participants would reject being labeled as such because it violated their sense of spontaneity. for a sense of identity." On the other hand. 1985. summarized in the notions of romantic love and close communication (Bellah ct al. It is vivid in the ideal for relations between spouses. has analyzed the American concept of health as a symbol that condenses metaphors of selfcontrol and release from pressures. the influence of evil spirits is suspected precisely when negative behaviors or emotions are out of control.21 Charismatics thematize both positive and negative aspects of control. competence. in which "the main theme is a struggle for control.

in which intimacy is cultivated among peers of the same age group but not typically between spouses. This contrasts with Japanese culture." the connotation is more likely to be that members are intimate and so close that one can "tell them anything" than that they are loyal solely because an obligatory social relationship exists. for McGuire the general condition for this concern with self is that contemporary society has approached the "limits of rationalization" of the body." and members stated that until they began sharing their prayer group was not a Charismatic one (ibid. In her study.:929). who has studied a wide spectrum of middle-class American healing groups including that of Catholic Pentecostals. especially among Americans.165. and where in general the values of continuing nurturance and harmony often "take precedence over the actualization of intimacy in relationships" (Devos 1985:163. points out that for many of them " 'health' is an idealization of a kind of self.20 INTRODUCTION workers as "like a family. She suggests that Christian healing is relatively distinct in that it cultivates a self in a subordinate relationship to a transcendent deity and in conformity to group norms." and in the genre of ritual language known as "sharing" the intimacy of one's life experiences and thoughts.167). Charismatic self processes of intimacy arc found in their motive toward community. Charismatics are not unique among Americans who address their preoccupation with such self-related psychoculturaJ themes through ritual healing. limits at which there is change in "the very practices by which self is symbolized. or abolished. Westley (1977) has shown that speaking in tongues is not a necessary and sufficient criterion of being Charismatic. emotional experience. while many other forms of contemporary religious healing cultivate a flexible self freed from learned constraints and open to new possibilities and potentials (ibid. Nevertheless. Her argument suggests that these limits are not being retreated from. shaped and expressed" (ibid. it has been described. Meredith McGuire (1982. in the form of an intimate relationship (cultivated by means of a private "prayer life") with a divinity conceived explicitly as a "personal God. as the "most precious commodity in life" (Hsu 1985:36). in the body technique of laying on hands.:238). 1988). and styles of moral evaluation and legitimation.:251-252). and 'healing' is part of the process by which growth toward that ideal is achieved" (1988:244). for example. "individual members saw the moment that they began sharing as the moment of their rebirth. Although intimacy is not an exclusively "Western" cultural characteristic. surpassed. but that internal social system tensions occurring at those limits generate .

oneon-one sessions." Healing may take place in large public services or in private. and indeed the organization of prayer groups and communities evolved directly from the organization of prayer meetings." Bound by the mortar of oral performance. this relation between society and ritual is inverted. and control by leaders over which participants will be allowed to "prophesy" or "share. ritual events become the building blocks of Catholic Charismatic life in a manner distinct from societies typically encountered in the anthropological literature. and the final two weeks are "oriented towards further growth in die life of the Spirit. a public address system for the speakers. and healing services are the three main classes of ritual event. behavior. In the former. McGuire's observations reinforce our premise that therapeutic specificity can be identified in orientational self processes addressed to psychocuitural themes such as spontaneity. In this sense it is a religion of "the word. Prayer meetings. Initiation typically occurs in a series of seven weekly "Life in the Spirit" seminars. and intimacy in ritual healing. Among Charismatics. the self processes addressed to these three themes become operative within a coherent ritual system. initiation ceremonies. and social organization. control." Initiation to the Pentecostal experience of baptism in the Holy Spirit is intimately tied to initiation into the Charismatic group. Whether or not one accepts the hypothesis about limits of rationalization. Catholic Charismatic ritual performance is characterized by a marked linguisticality. In a movement like Catholic Pentecostalism. in that most of what goes on is verbal. Anthropological accounts of traditional societies customarily treat ritual as a window on the nature of society. as events that throw light on underlying cultural and structural patterns: society creates ritual as a self-affirmation.INTRODUCTION 21 a basic reorientation. A small casual prayer group is likely to gather around a lighted candle in the living room of a private home. with several instrumentalists to accompany group singing. The prayer meeting is the central collective event for Catholic Charismatics. The events provide the earliest models for the organization of community life: ritual creates society as a self-affirmation. Ritual events like prayer meetings are both historically and structurally prior to the generation of distinctive patterns of thought. the fifth week is devoted to prayer with laying on of hands for the baptism. each supplicant is typically prayed for . A large group may meet in a gymnasium. The first four weeks explain the "basic Christian message of salvation" and the meaning of baptism in the Spirit.

They include prophecy. The motives are words with specialized religious meaning which are constantly circulated in the genres of ritual language. or thoughts that have some significance for a religious understanding of daily life. Prophecy is a first-person pronouncement in which the "I" is God. The latter are similar to sessions of psychotherapy. and thanksgiving). although of a form that aJtcrnates periods of counseling with periods of prayer. (4) activities or forms of action essential to life within the movement. The motives of Charismatic ritual language name and identify the following features of Charismatic life: (1) forms of relationship among individuals or between individuals and God. Healers tend to specialize in one of several forms of healing. Teaching is understood as ritual utterance that clarifies some spiritual truth. Ritual language within any of these classes of events is constituted by a system of four major genres. including healing from physical illness. sharing is similar in form to ordinary' conversation except that its contents must have some spiritual value or edifying effect. Prayer includes four basic types: worship (with subcategories of adoration. prayer. and sharing. These genres are named. and "deliverance" from the influence of evil spirits.22 INTRODUCTION briefly with the laying on of hands." or prayer for divine guidance. problems. formalized speech varieties used with regularity in ritual settings. They play a role in orientational self processes insofar as their use both anticipates the situational consequences of participants' actions and implies strategies for action. "inner" or emotional healing. the concrete character of the Charismatic world can be found in the movement's specialized vocabulary of motives (Mills 1940). and frequently regarded as verbal manifestations of the sacred. These contents may be experiences. and thus enables its hearers to lead better Christian lives. (3) qualities or properties of individuals or relationships. (5) negativities or countermotives that refer to threats to the Charismatic ideal. Whereas performance of ritual genres can be understood as a rhetorical means of ordering experience and directing attention. events. Teachings arc often detailed elaborations of key terms and concepts that recur in less elaborated form in the other ritual genres. a means of access to the mind of God. praise. "seeking the Lord." or praying in the form of a command for evil to depart from a person or situation. the human speaker is merely the divinity's mouthpiece. petition or intercession on behalf of another for a special purpose such as healing. (2) forms of collectivity or collective identity. For Catholic Charismatics prophecy is a kind of divine revelation. Finally.22 . and "taking authority. teaching.

Parallel to the way in which the self extends beyond the biological individual to encompass relations among body. though Charismatics would doubtless prefer not to grant them the "dignity" of being persons.23 Also considered persons in this sense are deceased human spirits. Relative to societies in which they are actively propitiated. the person as representation extends beyond human beings to play a major role in the semiotic constitution of the behavioral environment. Thus Father. We have already briefly mentioned the sense in which the person can be understood as a cultural representation. but fust of all God. each with a character corresponding to one of the three parts of the tripartite human person. and instead use a term like "intelligent entities. body. human embryos and fetuses. both adult and child. The Charismatic deity is really three persons." One healer was on such disrespectfully familiar terms with her adversary (ultimately Satan. the domain of person includes not only human beings. and at the opposite end of the life course. Michael the Archangel is invoked as a protector against evil spirits or as a reinforce- . a cause celebrc that lead Charismatics to intense political involvement in the North American cultural debate about abortion. however. in this case not out of deference to Protestants. habitus. Son. whose traditional culture excludes defining Mary as a person who interacts with humans. Unborn spirits are. and with which human beings presumably may come into interaction. ancestral spirits are largely neglected. and implicitly each divine person is most congenial with its matched subfield within the human person. Hallowell (1960) showed that among the Ojibwa persons are many phenomenologically real beings that inhabit the cultural world. despite the multiplicity of individual demons under his dominion) that she referred to him as "the old boy" and "the creep. but largely because they become relatively superfluous as intermediaries in a religion that cultivates direct "person-to-person" interaction with the deity. and world. except insofar as they are occasionally the cause of some affliction (see chapter 2)." Other spiritual persons are of decreasing salience for interaction with humans. Saints are not prominent actors even in predominantly Catholic groups.INTRODUCTION 23 The Charismatic ritual system is embedded in a behavioral environment that includes several types of culturally objectified persons. Among Charismatics. The importance of the Virgin Mary is proportionally less in "ecumenical" groups where Catholic devotees demur out of politeness to their Protestant fellows. Evil spirits or demons also populate the Charismatic behavioral environment. and spirit. and Holy Spirit correspond with mind. specifically as an objectification of self.

and language. in the conjunction of these self processes and the three psychocultural themes with respect to which they are oriented.24 INTRODUCTION ment in episodes of "spiritual warfare" against them. This self is sacred insofar as it is oriented in the world and defines what it means to be human in terms of the wholly "other" than human (van der Lccuw 1938. . emotion. the indeterminate self is objectified and represented as a particular kind of person with a specific identity. memory. The sense of the divine other is cultivated by participation in a coherent ritual system. but angels as a class of spiritual person are conspicuously absent from the Charismatic world. In the following chapters we will identify culturally elaborated self processes of imagination. To be healed is to inhabit the Charismatic world as a sacred self. Otto 1958). a behavioral environment in which participants embody a coherent set of dispositions or habitus. These are the elements that constitute the webs of significance—or of embodied existence—within which the sacred self comes into being. Our search for specificity of therapeutic process in Charismatic healing can only succeed by taking into account the features of the Charismatic world that we have sketched out in these too-brief paragraphs. This ritual system is embedded in. We will examine how. and helps to continually create. Eliade 1958. appearing but rarely in healing or prophetic imagery.

for they are convinced that God wants them to be happy. Charismatics do not hesitate to ask for divine healing.2 Ritual Healing: Affliction and Transformation Among Catholic Charismatics. and Barbara Shlemon. Sometimes they consulted books on healing by Protestant authors. In a very short span of years a profusion of books. and workshops for healers became available. the Jesuit brothers Dennis and Matthew Linn. People learned by doing. and toward the relief of suffering through divine healing as practiced by Jesus in the gospels (Favazza 1982). Yet healing is not only the relief of illness and distress. the practice of "praying over" people with the laying on of hands was first used for "baptizing in the Spirit. The result has been a fairly uniform diffusion of practices throughout the movement and the evolution of a remarkably consistent and distincdy Catholic system of ritual healing. cassette tapes. to name only a few. Starting in 1974 with thenDominican priest Francis MacNutt. They participate in the late-twentieth-century shift away from embracing suffering and selfmortification as an imitation of Christ's passion. For the first several years ritual healing had a relatively low profile in the movement. Virtually every Catholic Charismatic healer is familiar with writings by MacNutt. and not only a "sign to unbelievers" of divine power. Catholic Charismatics began publishing books describing their own experience as healers. but an instrument 25 . discovering how others responded to their ministry and what kind of prayer appeared to be most effective." It soon came also to be used to consecrate prayer-group leaders and for informal healing prayer.

as in the "symbiotic cure" of the Moroccan Hamadsha (Crapanzano 1973). The reputations of . both "whole and holy. some only within a particular prayer group. A veritable hierarchy of renown exists among healing ministers within the movement." In contrast to religions in which incorporation into a phenomenological world may be a condition for relief of affliction." In order to remove obstacles to spiritual growth everyone requires healing whether or not they are diagnosably ill in medical or psychological terms. others are known nationally or regionally." Our goal is to grasp the self processes mobilized to constitute the sacred self. genres. in McGuire's (1982) phrase.26 RITUAL HEALING for molding the sacred self for both healers and patients. and the capacity to achieve spiritual "growth" and "maturity" in a way that roughly corresponds to the aspirations of contemporary holistic and New Age healing. Charismatic ritual healing presumes two closely interrelated capacities of self: the capacity to be "wounded" or "broken" and subsequently healed by divine power in a way that roughly corresponds to the professional medical system's notion of cure. In this chapter we will first offer an ethnographic profile of Charismatic healers and patients. Some "Charismatic stars" bear international reputations. Charismatic healing's motive of growth makes creation of a sacred self programmatic from the outset. and ritual acts of empowerment. genres or forms of healing prayer. It is these events. We conclude the chapter with a phenomenological analysis of self processes experienced by healers in two types of ritual acts. We then describe Charismatic healing as a system of ritual performance constituted by types of healing event. both for its own sake and for its capacity to contribute to the divinely appointed collective mission of bringing about the "kingdom of God. The idea behind this is that everyone suffers from the weaknesses of the "flesh" and the spiritual residue of Adam and Eve's "original sin. some among the prayer groups of a particular city. Healers To formulate a profile of Charismatic healing ministers I will call on data from my interviews in the late 1980s with eightyseven experienced healers in New England. and acts that mobilize and organize the self processes. This ideal self is inherently healthy. The Charismatic sacred self is.

On the other hand. served a broader clientele. Even among strictly religious healers referral networks include not only more experi- . Several of the healers belonged to the Association of Christian Therapists. while at the same time some healers are inspired to pursue professional training.D. clinical pastoral education. pastoral counseling) Total Ph. seven healers. seven nuns. Based on their sense of compatibility between religion and science. practiced in the setting of a prayer group or covenant community. were paid for their services). The majority.1). independent of any group affiliation. though not all of these integrated healing into their professional work (table 2. seventeen laymen. and of these only ten served people outside the membership of their group. devoted full time to their "ministries" without receiving professional compensation. and forty-five laywomen. or fifty-three (60 percent) of the healers.1 Most were in their forties or fifties. Finally. Of the lay healers all but four women were married.1 Professional Training Among 87 Catholic Charismatic Healers. The eighty-seven healing ministers included eighteen priests. of fourteen interviewees who worked professionally as healers (that is. psychology ministry (pastoral counseling psychology) (3 priests and 1 ex-priest) psychiatry M. not all had professional training.2 A second group of twenty-one healers. Of the eighty-seven healers interviewed. twenty-six (30 percent) had some form of professional training in health or mental-health care. an organization founded in 1975 and composed largely of Catholic Charismatic health-care professionals. all but a few had participated for at least a year prior to becoming healers. 2 4 1 1 6 3 6 3 26 the healers I interviewed spanned the entire hierarchy of renown. another group of thirteen healing ministers were affiliated with counseling centers.RITUAL HEALING 27 Table 2. generally at higher levels in the hierarchy of renown. internal medicine counseling psychology Masters social work Nursing degrees Other training (spiritual direction. such professionals integrate healing prayer into their therapeutic repertoires.D.3 Finally. Whereas many had been involved in the Charismatic Renewal for ten or more years.

4 How does one become a Charismatic healing minister? The answer to this question is critical because of what it may tell us about the dynamics of the healing system in relation to other such systems documented in the anthropological literature. but report attending to behavioral and interactional cues as well as to unresponsiveness or lack of engagement in the healing prayer. alcoholism or the trauma of sexual abuse). One of the most common patterns in the literature is the initiatory illness. First. Thereupon they may discover a special gift in praying for the healing of others similarly afflicted.g. it is the healing that is taken as a sign rather than the illness itself (e. Such an initiatory illness is by no means required. Only five healers reported having been in any kind of formal or scmiformal "apprenticeship" to a moreexperienced Charismatic healer. but also mental health professionals and physicians. Only one reported actually "asking for" the gift of healing from God. signifying that the afflicted is to become a healer. in another a vision by another prayer-group member). virtually all Charismatic healing ministers can narrate incidents in which they have been healed. only two healers began their ministry because of the spontaneous manifestation of a divine gift of revelation (two others stated that they were encouraged by such manifestations after they tried healing prayer with others). The majority of Charismatic healers begin their ministry in one of several less-dramatic ways. and may regard such experiences as increasing their ability to pray sensitively with others. as "spiritually mature individuals who have lived the "life of the Spirit" for a number of years. especially if the referral is to a psychiatrist. A referral docs not preclude continuation of healing prayer. regarded primarily as a source of medication. and three others expressed having had an "interest in" ritual healing prior to having the opportunity to practice it. Nevertheless.. Only two reported beginning in response to a vision (in one case her own vision. It does happen that Charismatics enter the "healing ministry" by being healed of a problem or illness themselves. Healers typically are unable to articulate clear criteria for when to make such a referral. Some healers admit learning to make mental-health referrals from unsuccessful and even unintentionally harmful attempts to help severely disturbed persons. and in fact its importance to their adopting the role of healer was cited by only six of our healers. Strictly speaking.28 RITUAL HEALING enced Charismatic healers. With regard to other initiatory patterns commonly documented cross-culturally. however. they may gravitate toward healing be- .

A priest (n = 9) by virtue of the additional access to divine power conferred by his ordination and his accustomed role of ministering to others (including performance of the Sacrament of the Sick)." A combination of these patterns may appear in the account of a single healer. Others. it is so in its aspect of the collective self." but in terms of its disposition within a whole-part relationship between person and community. . One does not only pray for others because one is gifted. and a health-care professional (n = 12) by virtue of training and interest." who was a trained psychotherapist. knowing that they should be involved in some "service to the community." Individuals may report the naturalness of their earliest experience in statements like. group leaders (n = 8) may find themselves "naturally" beginning to pray with others for healing. This may begin with informal requests for prayer and growing recognition of a healer's giftedness by word of mouth. insofar as the "gift" to heal others is a capacity of the sacred self. Perhaps more than anything else. Still others reported that during the course of their involvement in the movement the practice of praying together with and for people "naturally" evolved into healing prayer. often guided by the recommendation of others. An even more common pattern of becoming a healer is to be invited to do so by others (n = 25). "that was very natural for me because I'd been a member of ALANON. "When people needed prayer I'd just pray. may also be expected to play a role in healing. but who also was someone "others always came to with problems. Based on a scriptural injunction that community "elders" should pray for the sick among their faithful. "all along in my life people would come to me and talk to me about their problems. they find that prayer for healing suits them. one can receive the gift because one prays for others. or by formal invitation to join a healing team based on recognition of "spiritual maturity" and other personal qualities by community leaders." search about among several possible "ministries" until. and who was asked by others to formulate teachings about healing prayer. Some groups maintain the original emphasis by insisting that theirs be called simply a "prayer ministry" instead of a "healing ministry.RITUAL HEALING 29 cause of a preexisting role." or. such as one woman who became involved because she was healed herself."5 or again. these patterns of selection and recognition reinforce a conception that. This self-in-creation is best conceived not with respect either to its egocentric "boundedness" or sociocentric "permeability.

72 7 1.79 6 1. Unemployed Total 6-8 N % 9-12 N % 13-16 N % 17+ N % N % 4 .65 24 4.64 117 23.43 115 22." This conforms to the pattern of many religious healing systems described by anthropologists.38 12 2. Studying Mexican spiritualists.18 7 1.03 71 13. That is.36 3 .O Frequency missing = 79.84 252 49.98 110 21.2 SociocconotHic Status by Occupation and Education of Participants in Catholic Charismatic Healing Services.30 RJTUAL HEALING Patients Let us turn from healers to patients in Charismatic healing.66 43 8. Years of Education Total Occupation Category Professional Skilled Semi-skilled Housewife Student.48 35 6.31 43 8.70 508 1O0. which are typically exoteric in the sense that the*/ are available to any member of the society who wishes to consult them (Janzen 1978.65 95 18.61 44 8. drawing on data from our 1987 survey of 587 participants in 5 Catholic Charismatic healing sendees. not all who attend large public healing services can be considered "Charismatics. . The socioeconomic status of participants (table 2.46 16 3.40 42 8.38 27 5. Even those systems associated with relatively exclusive sects or movements are seldom restricted only to members.63 50 9.79 4 .46 63 12. Kleinman 1980).89 176 34.59 53 10. Finklcr (1985) observed a distinction between those who were devotees and those who made casual or periodic use of ritual healing. However. showing relatively even distribution across educational and occupational categories. Kapferer 1983. one demographic feature is relevant to defining the structure of the healing system and its historical development.15 38 7.18 6 1.27 54 10. and Crapanzano (1973) noted a similar distinction between Moroccan Hamadsha participants who Table 2. Retired.2) is unremarkable.38 7 1.

RITUAL HEALING

31

experienced a "symbiotic" cure by being absorbed into the brotherhood
and others who received a "one-shot" exorcistic cure. Whereas Catholic
Charismatics began praying for healing only with one another, over the
past two decades ritual healing has become more accessible to those
with only a marginal exposure to the movement. Public healing services
are invariably run by Charismatics, but in some of them the use of
charisms such as speaking in tongues and prophecy is intentionally
muted, out of concern that participants may be frightened or alienated
by such unfamiliar practices.
Among respondents to our questionnaire, while 30.6 percent of healing-service participants can be considered fully active Charismatics, another 34.8 percent have virtually no involvement in the movement.6
Furthermore, because healing services take place in different settings,
the proportion of active charismatics in the five services observed ranged
from a low of 17 percent to a high of 56 percent. The five settings
represent a typical range, including one at a large suburban shrine center, one at a large urban shrine center, one sponsored by a well-established prayer group but that was not widely publicized, one by another
established group that was publicized and focused on healing of "emotional problems," and one at a small city parish featuring a healer nationally renowned for the healing of "physical illness." Overall, active Charismatics differed from non-Charismatics in two important demographic
features: Charismatics were more likely to be married (62 percent as
opposed to 47 percent), and were more likely to have some degree of
education beyond high school (53 percent as opposed to 44 percent).
Perhaps the most impressive difference was that whereas 86 percent of
active Charismatics reported having experienced divine healing at some
time in their lives, only 59 percent of non-Charismatics did so. 7 The
relatively high percentage among non-Charismatics reflects the fact that
on the one hand they do not represent the general population, but that
on the other hand they are not fully integrated into a Charismatic world
in which healing is expected as part of spiritual growth in a Christian
life.
Women accounted for 77 percent of participants whereas 23 percent
were men, a proportion similar to that observable in most Charismatic
prayer groups, excluding "covenant communities."8 In general, the preponderance of women appears to be the rule in devotional religions. It
has also been documented that in our society women report having
"religious experiences" more often than men (Valla and Prince 1989),
and that across cultures women participate to a greater extent in reli-

32

RITUAL HEALING

gions involving possession by spirits or deities (Lewis 1971, Bourguignon 19766, 1983). 9 We will not enter this difficult debate, but will
instead add some data relevant to it. What draws our attention is that,
despite the high ratio of women to men, the proportions of participants
of both genders appear to be remarkably similar across several critical
dimensions of experience and practice. First, the frequency with which
the respondent speaks in tongues (daily or weekly, from once a month
to once a year, or never) were virtually identical among men and women.
The proportional frequency of attending Charismatic prayer meetings
varied only a bit: 44.4 percent of women and 38.9 percent of men
attended weekly, 31.6 percent of women and 35.9 percent of men less
than weekly, 16.2 percent of women and 12.2 percent of men never
attended.10 When these two variables were combined to determine
Charismatic identity as described above, there was virtually no statistical
difference between genders (p = .812). The number of times a person
reported having had prayer for healing (none, 1-5 times, more than 5
times) was again virtually identical between genders. Moreover, 67.9
percent of women and 63.8 percent of men reported having at one time
or another been healed at a healing service.
Perhaps most interesting in relation to the anthropological literature
on trance and altered states of consciousness are the reported frequencies
of "resting in the Spirit," the sacred swoon in which one is overwhelmed
by divine power and falls in a state of motor dissociation (see chapter
9). A total of 23.8 percent of women and a slighdy higher 30.5 percent
of men reported never having had the experience. 61 percent of women
and 54 percent of men reported having had the experience at some
time. However, this moderate discrepanq' in proportions across genders becomes even less when the number of times a person has undergone the experience is taken into account: 30 percent of women and
26 percent of men had rested in the Spirit 1-5 times, whereas 31.3
percent of women and 28.2 percent of men had done so 6 or more
times.11 The point in question is the Charismatic notion, grounded
squarely in the North American ethnopsychology of gender, that
women are more "open" to the spiritual and hence more easily "overwhelmed." One informant, a leader of a covenant community, confidently stated that in any service 90 percent of women as compared with
40 percent of men would rest in the Spirit. This does not conform with
our results.
Finally, we consider the kinds of problems brought for healing by
men and women. For purposes of analysis, we collapsed the responses to

RITUAL HEALING

33

our questionnaire into categories that correspond with the Charismatic
division of the person into body (physical/medical problems), mind
(emotional/relationship problems), and spiritual renewal.12 Among respondents who reported only one problem, or problems from only one
of these categories, the proportions of men and women were virtually
identical. Only among the 18 percent of respondents who reported
problems from two or all three of the categories did women predominate, suggesting that they either had a slight tendency to bring multiple
problems or conceived of their problems more broadly. None of these
data controvert the insight of recent feminist theory that "religious experience is the experience of men and women, and in no known society
is this experience the same" (Bynum 1986:2). Neither do they controvert the importance of the overall preponderance of women in healing
events. They suggest only an absence of gendered difference in the
frequency of certain practices and experiences among men and women
who do undergo them.
Let us take a closer look at the kinds o f problems participants bring
to healing services. First we must note that whereas most participants
are in search of healing for themselves, some come to request divine
intervention for a friend or loved one—they become supplicants in a
"healing by proxy" of the absent and perhaps even unknowing beneficiary. Our interest, however, is in the overall range of problems submitted. A total of 24 percent of respondents reported no specific problem
that led them to the healing service, but among the remainder the three
categories proved relatively distinct. For those whose problems fell only
into one of the three principal categories, 24 percent sought only physical healing, 22 percent sought only emotional/relationship healing, and
12 percent sought only spiritual renewal. As noted above, only 18 percent of respondents reported problems from more than one category.
Of those who reported no specific reason or the nonspecific "spiritual
renewal," active Charismatics and non-Charismatics were represented
in equal proportions. Non-Charismatics accounted for higher proportions of those who sought healing for physical problems (40 percent
as opposed to 24 percent) and for emotionaiyrclationship problems (34
percent as opposed to 26 percent). In contrast, of those who combined
categories, active Charismatics accounted for 30 percent, whereas nonCharismatics accounted for only 23.4 percent. The most frequently
mentioned category for non-Charismatics was physical problems,
whereas active Charismatics most frequently reported no specific problems. These results suggest a greater specificity and problem-oriented

34

RITUAL HEALING

attitude on the part of non-Charismatics toward healing services, and
on the part of active Charismatics a relatively more global attitude toward the role of healing, combined with generalized interest in the
religious milieu.
The appeal of Catholic Charismatic healing beyond the ranks of
movement participants does not negate the fact that, like other forms
of healing, it appears adapted to address the needs of a particular population (Kakar 1982). Those who enter Charismatic healing enter a performance setting defined in religious terms so that, especially if they have
not been associated with the movement, its formulations must make
sense on some a priori grounds of shared culture. For example, problems
common to this population such as depression, weak self-image, and
marital difficulties may be linked by healers to "anger with God." This
formulation can only roughly be glossed in terms of the common "why
me?" question, or generalized resentment over state in life. What the
healer is identifying in such a situation is that some individuals quite
literally blame the deity for misfortunes, and quite literally argue with
or shout at him. Again, Charismatic Christians have elaborated a concern with the religious significance of sex and reproduction, and emphasize the need for healing emotional consequences of abortion, or from
the habit of masturbation.13 Feelings of "unworthincss" and "scrupulosity" are endemic in the generation of Catholics prominent among
Charismatic participants. In addition, hypcrrcligiosity is a not-uncommon consequence of being "born again" or "baptized in the Spirit."
Healers themselves recognize this problem in exaggerated devotionalism and unhealthy abdication of life responsibilities to divine providence.
Mainstream Catholic Charismatic teaching is that ritual healing is
compatible with conventional health care. Healers sometimes encourage
supplicants to abandon their wheelchairs or crutches and walk, but they
are just as likely to sense or even directly inquire about supplicants' fear
of seeking medical care and encourage them to do so. It is sometimes
the case that, adopting the older Protestant Pentecostal practice known
as "claiming the healing," some people will abandon prescribed medication or cancel a planned surgery as an act of faith without any evidence
that they have in fact been healed. However, they are more likely to
pray that the results of conventional medical tests will be negative, that
the adverse side effects of their medication will be muted, that an upcoming surgical procedure will have a positive outcome, or that a person
who is terminally afflicted will die peacefully. Table 2.3 shows the pro-

RITUAL HEALING

35

Table 2.3 Proportion of Supplicants in Catholic Charismatic Public Healing
Services Reporting Use ofAlternate Healing Forms by Type of Problem
Submitted to Ritual Healing.

Type of Practitioner
Family doctor or surgeon
Psychiatrist or psychologist
Counselor or priest
Chiropractor
Acupuncturist
Fortune-teller
Astrologist
Other

Supplicants Reporting
Physical/Medical
Problems

Supplicants Reporting
Emotional/Relationship
Problems

79%
15%
17%
24%
5%
2%
2%
16%

49%
39%
38%
11%
2%
7%
5%
20%

portions of respondents who sought healing for physical/medical and
emotional/relationship problems who had in addition consulted one of
several other types of practitioners about that same problem.14 Fully
79 percent of those with physical/medical problems had consulted a
family doctor or surgeon, and 39 percent of those with emotional/
relationship problems had seen a psychiatrist or psychologist. Moreover,
these mental-health professionals were equally as popular as counselors
and priests. Finally, a minority reported consulting fortune-tellers or
astrologers. This is significant insofar as, according to mainstream Charismatic teaching, such healers utilize "occult" or demonically inspired
practices. They are regarded not only as incompatible with Christianity,
but also as potential causes of affliction or exposure to evil influences.
This preliminary glimpse at healers and patients suggests that Charismatic ritual healing is an engagement with basic life problems defined
in a particular religious and cultural milieu, and that it interacts with
psychotherapy and other forms of healing and medical care. We now
turn to a description of Charismatic healing as a system of ritual performance comprised of specific ritual events, stylistic genres, and aas of
empowerment.15 As ritual event, the several types of healing sessions
objectify the self in its capacities for growth and affliction, and provide
a model for individual contact with the divinity and divine power. The
different genres of healing articulate the dynamics of the tripartite person in its most intimate interpersonal relationships. Finally, acts of illocution and predication in ritual healing constitute an explicit repertoire
of empowerment.

36

RITUAL HEALING

Events of Ritual Healing
Healing services were introduced to Catholic Charismatics in 1974, when Francis MacNutt presided over an efflorescence of
healing that "broke out unexpectedly" in the Notre Dame football stadium among massed participants at the movement's annual conference.
Within a few years the popularity of healing services on the older Protestant model began to increase. Such services arc "Catholicized" in that
they are typically (but not always) conducted by Charismatic priests,
and especially in the less-ecumenical Northeast are often preceded by a
mass. Conferences remain an occasion for large healing services, for
workshops on different types of healing prayer, and for private healing
encounters of all types. Conferences, retreats, and periodic "days of
renewal" constitute spiritually charged atmospheres in which people
may be inspired to pray with others for healing, or ask for healing prayer,
at virtually any moment. Not unusual, for example, is the instance of
a priest who left his room in a retreat house with the "sense" that he
should go to a particular area of the house. He paused, returning to
his room to retrieve a vial of holy water, just in case his "sense" meant
that he was about to encounter the need for healing prayer. The careful
priest was well prepared to augment his prayer with the added blessing
obtained with the sprinkling of sacramental holy water.
We can identify four relatively distinct types of Charismatic healing
events: large public services with multiple patients, small services following prayer meetings, private services for the benefit of a single patient,
and solitary healing prayer for oneself or absent others. In large public
healing services the principal healing minister, unless he or she is traveling as a guest in an unfamiliar region or country, is typically assisted
by a staff. Members of this staff serve as ushers for those coming forward
to receive prayer, "catchers" for those who may be overwhelmed by
divine power and fall in a sacred swoon (see chapter 9), musicians, and
members of small prayer teams. Each patient receives at least a few
moments of personal attention from either the principal healer or one
of the prayer teams. Staff members of several well-organized "ministries"
are identified during services by a sash or jacket worn over their clothing,
or by regular street clothing with a common color scheme.l6 In a typical
scenario, the service begins with the leader walking up and down the
aisles of the church, using a liturgical instrument known as an aspergillum to sprinkle holy water on the assembly and pausing periodically to

RITUAL HEALING

37

lay hands on a person's head or shoulder. Returning to the front of the
assembly the leader delivers a sermon on divine healing, and a music
ensemble composed of members of the staff leads the group in Charismatic songs. Several participants are solicited to share or "witness to"
previous healings they have experienced. The body of the service consists in each participant coming forward for a minute or two of private
prayer, much as they come forward for the Eucharist in a mass. Each
is anointed with sacramental oil and "prayed over" with laying on of
hands. Some healers ask the person to name the problem to be prayed
for, others do not and "leave the entire matter to God." Still others
(apparendy fewer) diagnose the problem by inspiration, learning
through the results of an inspiration or "word of knowledge" that, for
example, a supplicant is "angry and should forgive her husband." Services typically last three or four hours if preceded by a mass. Daylong
or two-day healing retreats may include "workshops" on spiritual gifts
prior to the mass and a healing service proper.
In prayer groups healing prayers for self or others may occur in a
segment of the weekly prayer meeting. Better-organized groups may
have a selected team of "healing ministers" who, following the meeting,
conduct prayer for individual supplicants in a separate "healing room."
Several pairs of team members dispersed through the room each see
one patient at a time. They listen, talk, lay on hands, and pray for
healing. Other patients wait outside the prayer room and are admitted
one by one by another healing team member who acts as gatekeeper.
The post-prayer meeting healing-room session stands in contrast to
the large service in its relative privacy, in the increased amount of time
spent with each patient (10-20 minutes instead of 2-3), and in the
greater likelihood of healers and supplicants having an ongoing relationship within the group.
Based either on the recommendation of the healing-room prayer
team, on the recommendation of another prayer-group member who
senses that a person is troubled, or on one's own initiative, a person
may arrange a private session with a more experienced healer or healing
team, within or outside the group. 17 Private healing sessions typically
take place in a home or counseling center, but sometimes occur over
the telephone or in hospital visits. Private sessions may last an hour or
more and may be conducted by healers within the group or by those
with broader reputations. Healers either stand over the seated supplicant
with hands laid on head, shoulder, back, or chest; or they sit facing the
supplicant, sometimes holding hands. Private sessions are informally

38

RITUAL HEALING

structured into alternating segments of talk or "counseling" and of actual
"healing prayer," though some healers regard the entire session as
prayer. Multiple sessions over time on the model of psychotherapy are
performed by more "psychological" healers who hold that healing can
be a divine augmentation of gradual, natural processes. Some more
"fundamentalist" healers object that God's power or willingness to heal
is slighted if lengthy multiple sessions arc held. One such healer commented that so many people were in need of help that it was unfair to
hold private sessions. Consistent with the conviction that it is better to
reach as many as possible and leave the details of each person's problem
to God, this priest confined his ministry to large public healing services.
Finally, healing prayer for oneself or others may be practiced in the
solitude of private devotion. To my knowledge there is no formal procedure to such prayer, and it can obviously not be observed direedy. The
possibility for ritual healing in the absence of a ritual healer has, however, been known since the time when healing was carried out by dream
"incubation" in the ancient Greek temple of Acsclepius. This feature of
healing should be kept in mind as a caution against overestimating the
contribution to therapeutic efficacy of the therapeutic "relationship," a
tendency derived from the pervasive scholarly analogy between psychotherapy and religious healing. Whatever efficacy inheres in solitary healing appears to be founded on the way in which ritual, with or without
a healer, activates endogenous self processes (Prince 1980, Csordas
1983).
Along with prophecy and speaking in tongues, healing is regarded
by Charismatics as one of the "spiritual gifts" or "charisms." However,
the structure of healing events as cultural performances is essentially
different from that of the prayer meeting and its variants. This is because
the gift of healing is understood as the mediation of divine power
through specific individuals rather than as collective access to the divinity through worship and inspiration. Even though prophecy is also a
mediation of divine power by an individual, and even though its message may be uniquely interpreted by each listener, anyone in a prayer
meeting may be inspired with prophecy and everyone hears the same
prophetic utterance. The asymmetrical relationship among participants
in healing, constituted by one person "ministering to" others, persists
even when there is a group of healers working in teams. Only rarely is
divine power given a collective locus, with the leader instructing all
participants to lay hands on each other.18 Thus, although movement
leaders exhort participants to "focus on the gift not the man," there is

Conceptualization of a tripartite person creates a decisive cultural difference between Charismatic healing and conventional psychotherapy and medicine. Especially in healing regarded as spiritually dangerous or sensitive. The "spontaneous coordination" of these gifts in practice—a kind of team habitus—has become second nature in healing teams that have been together for as many as fifteen years. healers at any level of the hierarchy of renown may work in teams of up to half-a-dozen people. and the gift of "love" by which the patient feels the intimacy and support of the team. For Charismatics the spiritual is. ineffable and empirical at the same time. paradoxically. who often took responsibility as "doorkeeper" of his group's healing room. and which keeps him or her from becoming frightened. such as casting out evil spirits. or "prophecy" to encourage and exhort the patient. are . and hence we are forced by default to describe it in the language of emotions. On the other hand. or the sense of divine presence. the spiritual is empirical in the sense that phenomena such as evil spirits. mind. but a series of complementary gifts. all of which not every healer necessarily possesses. and those in attendance at public healing services often show a preference to be "prayed over" by the service leader instead of by one of the teams of assistants. felt that his gift was the inspiration to direct each patient to the team of healers whose gifts would be most suited to the supplicant's as-yet-unspoken problem. Its ineffability was captured by an informant who said that the reason the spiritual could not easily be discussed was only because we have no language for it. insofar as the latter are predicated on a concept of the person as a dualistic composite of body and mind. the "word of knowledge" that reveals unspoken facts about the supplicant.RITUAL HEALING 39 nevertheless a perception that some healing ministers are more gifted than others. These gifts include that of being able to verbalize the healing prayer itself. the gift of "authority" to command spirits to depart. the gift to "discern" the presence of spirits. One man. The principle behind team healing is that there is not one healing gift. and spirit. Genres of Ritual Healing Essential to the Charismatic healing system is a concept of the person as a tripartite composite of body.

The technique of physical healing typically consists in the simple laying on of hands accompanied by prayer that the condition be healed." a term that reflects its underlying theory of affliction. as we have also mentioned. regarded by some as the "mother of the inner healing ministry. just as are viruses in the somatic and emotional traumas in the mental domains. insofar as the components of the tripartite person are holistically related in." Physical healing is the most widely known in American religious culture. and deliverance from the adverse effects of evil spirits. Yet. as they say.40 RITUAL HEALING experienced as real in their own domain. patient and/or healer visualization of the healing process might be included. In this way Charismatic healing participates in the broader cultural discourse in which one finds popular notions of the "psychosomatic" and "holistic healing. As was evident in our summary of problems presented by healing service participants. physical healing addresses a full range of medical complaints. and subsumes what Charismatics sometimes label the "healing of relationships." It is relevant for all kinds of emotional problems. The genres tend to occur in different frequencies across events that range from large public services to private one-on-one encounters. most Charismatic healers recognize a necessity at times to combine genres. a "pneumopsychosomatic" synthesis. However. From this premise. Inner healing was introduced to Catholics largely through the influence of the Episcopalian Charismatic Agnes Sanford. inner healing of emotional illness and distress." Inner healing is also often referred to as "healing of memories. Each genre includes distinctive concepts of affliaion and elements of technique. emotional and psychological problems are dealt with by searching for biographical causes . and Catholic Charismatics arc relatively more influenced by the model of Protestant healers such as Oral Roberts and Kathryn Kuhlman than by the models of miracles performed by saints and pilgrimage to healing shrines such as Lourdes. a kind of popular religious psychodynamics is elaborated: since the origin of affliction is attributed to interpersonal trauma. and healing ministers tend to specialize in one genre. This theory holds that emotional "woundedness" or "brokenness" is the result of traumatic life events.19 Corresponding to each component of the tripartite person is a type of healing: physical healing of bodily illness. in comparison with some forms of Protestant faith healing. patients rarely feel required to abandon medical care as a sign of faith. though in cases such as the mending of broken bones and the reversal of cancer.

deliverance prayer legitimates an engagement in "spiritual warfare" with the minions of Satan which would otherwise be restricted. especially the use of imagery. including mental illness. The spirits are then commanded to depart in the name of Jesus. Charismatics distinguish between demonic possession. by addressing only what are defined as lesser forms of demonic influence. emotion." since the healings of Jesus included only physical healing and casting out evil spirits. and reassures. and the supplicant is asked to forgive the offending person. Events or unreconciled relationships that emerge in this review of life history are given special attention in a period of prayer. In this process the painful situation is reconstructed and the human form of Jesus is introduced as an actor who touches." The typical technique is to pray for the supplicant's entire life stage by stage. as "practicing psychotherapy without a license. The prayer may include an imagery process. under the explicit permission of a bishop and following a lengthy inquiry that rules out alternatives to demonic activity.RTTUAL HEALING 41 embedded in "memories. though in certain cases a spirit may create disruptive "manifestations" such as uttering verbal abuse through the mouth of its host. Thus. Charismatic ethnotheory holds that because divine authority is absolute. evil spirits cannot resist obeying this command." Some conservative classical and nondenominational Pentecostals reject this form of healing. and lesser forms of influence in which demons do not gain complete control. The Catholic Church requires that full possession be dealt with only by a priest using the formal rite of exorcism. in which a demon takes total control of a person's faculties." and as "nonbiblical.20 Deliverance was introduced to Catholics by the nondenominational neo-Pentecostal healers Donald Basham and Derek Prince as well as through writings by the Episcopalian Charismatic Michael Harper and the nondenominational Frank and Ida Mae Hammond. but are regarded as having a detrimental effect on the person's life and spiritual growth. inner healing is "praying the presence of Christ into the moments of their lives. In the words of one healer. heals. and behavior. The presence of evil spirits is identified or discerned either by the healer or supplicant through the uncontrollable persistence of sins or negative forms of thought. Charismatics also distinguish their practice of deliverance from that of their Protestant brethren. from the moment of conception to the present. . attempting to moderate what they regard as relatively "violent" manifestations of demonic activity in the supplicant's behavior. either spontaneous or suggested by the healer. or physically upsetting the host.

42 RITUAL HEALING That the genres of healing are related as a coherent system is evident not only in the way they are distinguished from related forms among Protestants. most recognize a necessity at times to use all three forms in varying combinations. Because of this "holism. though in other cases evil spirits may be the principal cause of physical illness. so arc the healing genres related because of possible interactions among their underlying etiologies of affliction. a person afflicted by evil spirits is also often said to have become so as a result of a vulnerability created by a traumatic past event. The earliest formulation of the Catholic Charismatic healing system by Francis MacNutt (1974) included a fourth genre called "spiritual healing. but although it bears a peripheral relation to practice it plays a role in the religious rationale of healing. may not only be a physical illness requiring prayer for physical healing. Physical illness may provide entree for evil spirits. it may also originate in biographical trauma. emotional scars from childhood sexual abuse may later provide a point of entree for the spirit Lust. but is residually concerned with the general well-being of the soul. a function largely appropriated by deliverance in the theory that habitual sin provides the occasion for the assertion of demonic control over the "area" of one's life affected by . For example. Just as a "pneumopsychosomatic" interrelation exists among the components of the tripartite person. One rhetorical function of this protogenre was to assure the recognition of sin as a possible cause of illness. deliverance by itself would be insufficient to effect a healing. but the result of "resentment" over having been wronged. Unlike deliverance. however. Thus. Others point out that arthritis. Deliverance might also be deemed necessary insofar as the evil spirit Resentment could have a hold on the afflicted person. such that inner healing becomes prerequisite to physical healing. for example. or a combination of the two. In a finely wrought example of contemporary' scholastic reasoning. medical treatment." although healing ministers tend to specialize in one or another genre. it has no elaborated content with respect to the spiritual component of the tripartite person. whereas physical illness may be attributed to physical or biomedical causes. Therapeutic success would then require inner healing and forgiveness of the offender. Again." This form never developed a technique of its own. This position would be maintained regardless of whether that physical healing was achieved through prayer. one could be certain that the primary cause of the disease was demonic if deliverance prayer resulted in a cure. one renowned healer explained that if a cancer originated in natural causes but was exacerbated by demons.

and the possibilities/limitations for change/innovation within the system of healing practice. it was introduced in the early 1980s by British Charismatic psychiatrist Kenneth McAll (1982). healing of ancestry has not found unanimous acceptance among Charismatics. The integration of this new genre demonstrates both the coherence of the tripartite system undergirded by the tripartite person concept. and based on the objection that affliction transmitted through the "bloodline" undermines the principle of divinely granted free will. I will point out how . he will at least grant a spiritual healing constituted by a sense of peace and acceptance of the divine will. For this reason. Spiritual healing is therefore an important hedge against the failure of healing prayer. a quite different significance has been borne by a genre added to the system well after it was established among Catholics. Alternatively called ancestral healing." Whereas in some societies the attribution of illness to ancestors is commonplace. with the doxa that a primary source of spiritual healing should be the sacrament of reconciliation (confession). Thus it is said that if the allbenevolent Lord does not see fit to grant a physical healing. If spiritual healing has remained an implicit residual genre in the healing system. this healing form serves as a kind of "consolation prize" for those who receive no relief from performance of the principal genres. sidestepping the thorny issues of theodicy in a religion that has largely abandoned a notion of redemptive suffering in favor of the notion that God desires everyone to be healed. in contemporary North America it is somewhat awkward and ambiguous. since the notion of earthbound spirits or ghosts does not square with conventional Catholic theology. or by the unrestful spirits of forebears themselves. Consensus is lacking as to whether the affliction is caused primarily by learned and transmitted behavior patterns. intergenerational healing. Rather than argue that the ambiguous place of this genre is the result of the absence of sufficient "logical space" within a tightly bound and conceptually coherent tripartite healing system. Perhaps most importantly. Thus among those who practice this genre of healing there is a persistent conceptual indeterminacy. The theory of affliction in ancestral healing is that problems can be passed to successive generations through the "bloodline. by the influence of evil spirits that prey upon successive generations of a family. The latter explanation is quite controversial.RITUAL HEALING 43 the sinful behavior. or healing the family tree. Spiritual healing also provided an anchor for the healing system in conventional Catholic ritual practice. by the spiritually transmitted effects of emotional woundedncss or sin.

Healers emphasize that it is only bondage and not relationship that is ritually severed. it presumes that the relation between ancestor and afflicted. it in effect extends the biographical scope of inner healing or healing of memories in a reverse temporal direction. it can also seen as a kind of "domestication" of deliverance insofar as the source of affliction is shifted from unpredictable demonic spirits to more manageable human spirits. Sometimes performed in imagination with an imagined sword. it appears to be an elaboration of the traditional Catholic practice of praying for the repose of souls in Purgatory. or fulfilling obligations toward the ancestor. First. The sacred self is thus created by a performative act that powerfully enacts the cultural ideal of ego integrity and psycho- .44 RJTUAL HEALING ancestral healing is in fact a hybrid of several ritual forms. the ancestors are thought to take action in response to having been offended or neglected by living descendants. however. Therapy often consists of reestablishing bonds by appeasing. understood to remain afflicted after death. Affliction by ancestors is commonly recorded as a cause of illness in the ethnomedical systems of diverse societies (Murdock 1970). the construction by the supplicant of a genealogy or "family tree. whereas inner healing typically begins its biographical review with conception and proceeds through culturally defined stages of the life cycle to the present. It extends the underlying premise by praying for the actual healing of ancestral souls." The severing of bonds is of interest for a comparative reason as well. ancestral healing begins with the patienfs parents and proceeds backwards in time to earlier generations. and sometimes is even thought of as a form of deliverance in which the influence of evil spirits is traced back through a "bloodline. the "cutting of bonds" between supplicant and afflicting ancestor. This interpretation is supported by the fact that a key element in the technique of ancestral healing is performance of a mass. also a very common traditional way of "remembering the deceased/' Second. This is borne out by another element of ritual technique. like the relationship between evil spirit and afflicted. bounded. That Charismatic ancestral healing requires the severing of bonds is strikingly concordant with a North American ethnopsychology that objectifies the healthy self as a discrete." the successive generations of which guide the stages of healing prayer. This interpretation is supported by a third principal element of ritual technique. By and large. That is. entity. is one of "bondage. Third." However. especially where the "ancestor" is a still-living parent. meeting the demands of. as well as for healing of the living patient. the genre shares elements of deliverance.

in vivid contrast to ritual healing in societies where boundaries between selves are not so definitively drawn.41 have summarized the repertoire of specific. are ways of doing specific things essential to the healing process." The notion of a performative speech act was developed by Austin (1962/1975) to refer to instances in which "saying something" is a way of "doing something. Michael and the Virgin Mary {Words of knowledge. named Charismatic performative acts of healing and have grouped them analytically according to what they "do" Table 2." It is relevant to apply this formula in return to nonverbal acts. that can be understood as kinds of "performative acts. In this sense the performative acts of Charismatic healing. like the severing of ancestral bonds. as for example shaking hands is a way of greeting someone.RITUAL HEALING 45 logical differentiation. wisdom Prophecy Vision (imagery) ! Discernment of spirits Binding of spirits Calling out spirits Prayer of command Cutting ancestral bonds {Mass Eucharist (communion) Reconciliation (confession) Emotional release Forgiveness { . Acts of Empowerment and Transformation Within the ritual events and genres we have described. blessed salt Empowerment Tongues (glossalalia) Resting in the Spirit Soaking prayer Calling down the blood of the lamb Lifting someone up to the Lord Calling on St.4 Performative Repertoire of Charismatic Healing. or of confirming a contract. ' Anointing Laying on of hands Holy water.21 In table 2. both verbal and nonverbal. Charismatic healing includes a repertoire of discrete acts. consecrated oil.

Under empowerment I include those acts in which divine power is experienced or brought to bear in a particular environment or on a particular individual. oil. An anointing is typically a physical sensation—trembling. In soaking prayer language is virtually a ritual substance in which the supplicant is immersed.22 Like several of the other performatives of healing. Like soaking prayer. Michael the Archangel and his band of militant angels and the Virgin Mary with her maternal vigilance . Holy water and salt may be sprinkled in a home or on a person and oil may be used to anoint a person's forehead. when the healer speaks in tongues she may be "getting out of the way so that God can work. Water. oil. it suggests immersion in a substantivized divine power. or salt is applied. However. heaviness. lightness. Wc will encounter many of them again in subsequent discussion. soaking prayer is intensive intercessory prayer lasting for hours or even days. the person for whom one prays is only symbolically covered. Finally." Resting in the Spirit is a spontaneous experience (and thus from the emic standpoint not really an "act" at all) on the part of the patient in which she is overwhelmed by divine power and falls in a semiswoon to the floor. Laying on of hands is a physical touching of the supplicant that focuses prayer and channels divine power into the supplicant. Speaking in tongues is used as a more powerful mode of prayer for healing than vernacular language. Calling down the blood of the Lamb mobilizes the divine power inherent in the blood shed by Jesus. Not only substantial vehicles for divine power to heal. and when they want to surrender control of the healing process directly to divine action. when they are opening themselves to divine revelation. with members of a prayer team alternating shifts. heat—that indicates the activity of divine power. there lying in a state of "total peace and relaxation" with the sense of being in the divine presence.46 RITUAL HEALING or contribute to healing. they could also be included under our category of protection. drenched in a protective coating of divine blood. those of protection are accomplished not through physical actions but through either verbal or imaginal acts. but that power is given explicit symbolic form as divine blood. especially protection from evil spirits. healing ministers also acknowledge using glossolalia when they are unsure what to say. But whereas in the use of sacramentals actual water. but here I will do little more than define their place in the healing system. and salt are the three substances known as "sacramentals" in traditional Catholicism. blessed salt is in fact mostly used as a form of protection. 23 The presence of St.

information about a person. Prophecy. it is most often uttered in an informal. Finally. the symbolic act of lifting someone up to the Lord is a way of commending that person to divine providence. or the visual image of a beating heart might indicate the healing of coronary disease. The overall rarity of prophecy is consistent with the prominence of the psychocultural theme of intimacy in ritual healing.RITUAL HEALING 47 can also be invoked." through divine inspiration." The first consists in "receiving. any of these "word gifts" may be experienced as a nonverbal sensory image. conversational style. Patients "receive" imagery either spontaneously during prayer or in a guided imagery process. Where prophecy occurs in a private session for a single supplicant. Insofar as prophecy is a modality of divine authority." or something that appears wise only in retrospect. or problem that the healer had no "human" means of knowing. vision or imagery may occur to either healer or supplicant. it is somewhat out of place when the ritual focus is on divine intimacy. An elaborate prayer of protection for family and home may result in the entire house being covered by blood and surrounded by legions of angels. situation. Despite their name. Word of knowledge. both in the relation between healer and supplicant and between divinity and supplicant. among revelatory acts. though in addition it is also a way to pray for a person or petition the deity on someone's behalf. word of wisdom. The category of revelation includes several "spiritual gifts" that again from the emic point of view are not acts but spontaneous experiences of inspiration. Even where divine power is most immediately felt. the content is perceived by the healer as beyond his or her normal capacity to advise and counsel. Finally. in the experience of resting in the Spirit. Such imagery is typically formulated . based on feedback by a grateful patient. one of the principal genres of ritual language discussed in chapter 1 (see also Csordas 1987) occurs somewhat infrequently in healing. and prophecy are collectively known as "word gifts. and as we will discuss in detail in chapter 4. It may be an apparently Solomonic statement that appears to come to mind "out of the blue. One prominent healer's public service for a time included the feature of a brief prophecy to each supplicant by an assistant who followed behind the principal healer as he moved from person to person laying on hands. A burning sensation in a healing minister's ear might indicate that someone in the assembly is being healed of an ear problem. Again. Word of wisdom is a gift of being able to say just the thing that a patient "needs to hear" at a particular point in the healing process. it is the intimacy of divine presence that is emphasized in healing.

" As noted above. "in the name of Jesus. At present I will elaborate the phenomenology of two of them: the anointing and the laying on of hands. the second a gesture or technique of the body.. the act of forgiveness is regarded by some healers as inherendy efficacious in both a spiritual and psychological sense and an essential feature of healing process. Finally. an utterance in which a demon is. we will encounter a variety of these acts in the context of their use. the effects of which arc then transformed through additional imagery processes in inner-healing prayer. Presupposing an essentially merciful deity. it is sometimes referred to as "deliverance" from the bond to a predecessor. or profanity. Discernment is one of the "spiritual gifts" and allows its recipient to sense the presence and often the identity of a demon. they are sometimes recalcitrant. Charismatics see traditional liturgy and sacrament as sources of divine power for healing. Along with the discussion in chapter 4. As Catholics. whereas Reconciliation is an opportunity to remove the spiritually pathogenic effects of sin. In theory the "saying" is the "doing. however. In practice. Mass and Eucharist are opportunities for exposure to the divine presence. Calling out spirits is a practice in which the healer identifies the demon by name or commands the demon to name itself through the voice of the afflicted.e. especially when faced with a healing minister who is inexperienced or lacking in confidence. cutting ancestral bonds is a symbolic act. screaming." since because demons are under the ultimate authority of the divinity they arc unable to refuse the command. forgiveness is an act by which supplicants unburden themselves of resentment or hatred against those who have wronged them. and dispatching evil spirits." commanded to depart. Binding is a verbal technique (i. In the chapters that follow. of severing ties of affliction within the "bloodline. From the healer's standpoint they will offer an . Under deliverance are included those performative acts concerned with identifying. controlling. performed either verbally or through imagery. The first is characteristically a spontaneous bodily experience. these analyses will represent the healer's voice in the existential dialogue of ritual healing. Finally.48 RJTUAL HEALING as "memories" of traumatic life events. it is usually not acted out either physically or in imagination) that invokes divine power to constrain a demon from "manifestations" such as physical violence. The prayer of command is a performative act in the strict Austinian sense. but also more literally may be deliverance from a demon that afflicts successive generations within a family.

you have to begin to walk on water. P: That happens sometimes. It is something that cannot be learned or taught. enhances the "expectant faith" (J. mind and spirit. I had been direcdy exposed to divine power. based on long experience conducting public healing sessions: Fr. P: Well. some people kind of feel a tingling in their fingers? Fr. What is the meaning of this? A simple functionalist account would be that the vibration. naive. the way Peter walked on water. Here is a segment of my interview with a healer who was particularly articulate about the phenomenology of anointing. you pray for the anointing and then you become bold. so instead of stopping there I took the opportunity in subsequent interviews to recount my experience to other healers and solicit their response. For example. this account hardly approaches an ideal of specificity.RITUAL HEALING 49 initial sense of the experiential specificity we require from a cultural phenomenology of therapeutic process. theatrical. You just feel that. You have the tingling. experience of an anointing is taken as a sign that a healing is occurring or is about to occur. So. It also became clear that. or even feigned sign of divine anointing. This sign may be evident only to the healer as a sense or image. I found them quite divided on whether the vibrating hand is an authentic. comes on you. It's something that you have to kind of go through. to most. and if you are very sharp and . Although perhaps accurate. body. So. you have to work yourself into it. an anointing held more significance than a simple sense that something divine was happening. TC: How can you tell when you get the anointing? For example. because we're trying [inaudible] our type. as a manifestation of divine power. I recognized the vibration as the manifestation of an anointing—in the Charismatic world. It's the Spirit hovering over you. over the assembly. you have the feeling. Phenomenology of Performative Force For Charismatic healers. misguided. Frank 1973) of both healer and supplicant. there might be a heaviness sometimes on you or a heaviness sort of stuns. It's the anointing. but in some circumstances may also be evident to a patient. I guess it's through hit and miss. You have to get from the natural to the supernatural because of your human condition. once a healer approached me at a service and laid his insistendy vibrating hand on my shoulder as he prayed.

if I feel very empathetic towards you. your spirit. apathetic. So you are working on this deep.e. Sometimes. TC: It seems that in order to tell if you have an anointing. very sensitive and when you get revelation knowledge. your sixth sense as it were. concepts. I won't mention that I feel that way about you]. though you might be dead emotionally. heaviness to me—and also on a feeling level. mind. He's Spirit. its through the heart. distant. To me. it's not the time for you to get the healing. and spirit would have to experience it somehow simultaneously. your body. P: Sometimes when you feel heaviness. it's not so much up here. or there are blocks or their hindrances. This concept allows us to make some sense out of the healer's description of the anointing as "the Spirit hovering over you. a lot of compassion. and yet you still have the anointing. and mentally just exhausted.. TC: As against the feeling of the heaviness? Fr. Perhaps more satisfactory than trance would be Blacking's notion of protoritual. its intuitive. The healer frames his response to a series of questions aimed at the phenomenology of the anointing explic- . you might feel lightness. but your heart on the deepest level. deep level. And He works in you on that level. sympathy. you kind offlowwith that. P: Well. I won't tell you that. over the assembly. Pm trying to see the way you can tell. it's very. Your conscience is telling you what God wants. the real you. a "shared somatic state of the social body that generates special kinds of feelings and apparendy spontaneous movements and interaction between bodies in space and time" (1977:14). Or it happens elsewhere on the body? Fr. Thoughts are the language of the mind. and I can pass you [inaudible word] and it's a sign to pray over you. And there are other times. Spirit gives witness to spirit." it is phenomenologicaily inadequate. but if you feel very indifferent or you're cold. From only this much evidence we can state that although it may be analytically accurate to conclude that a healer under anointing is in a "state of trance. but I wont share that with you [i. In other words you don't get locked into feelings as such because feelings are the language of the body. Yet the goal of a cultural phenomenology is not merely to categorize and define the healer's "state. I mean. And you kind of flow with that. on that feeling level. there's a tingling but not always.50 RITUAL HEALING discerning sometimes my." Note first the way experience articulates the cultural concept of the person. Sometimes you feel different phenomena and sometimes you might feel like you're going to levitate too." and appears to describe a state that is consistent with the capacity of a shared habitus to generate apparently spontaneous movements and interaction. is where God lives within you. Then that happens in the hands. I'm not the person.

Here we uncover the existential primacy of the body. the polysemic symbolic properties of touch.RITUAL HEALING 51 itly in terms of the tripartite person. Anointing calls into play a "sixth sense" of revelation and intuition that may operate despite emotional lassitude or physical exhaustion. for the anointing is recognized both in physical sensations such as tingling. the laying on of hands. a single hand on the shoulder. or sympathy that indicate whether a person is receptive to divine intervention. 24 As a gesture. the experience can contribute to therapeutic process by serving as a sign not only that healing will occur. To understand the way these properties are actualized in practice. its performative efficacy is inseparably linked with the prayer to which it is an accompaniment. Leaving variations in touch to . Emotions/feelings belong to the body. The act bears. Laying on of hands is more than a simple transfer of divine power from healer to supplicant. It implicidy enacts two important psychocultural themes upon the afflicted person: it is a gesture of intimacy and protection as well as a gesture of control and the application of power. thoughts to the mind. but that healing will not occur for certain persons. we must understand the laying on of hands as an act that lies midway between a gesture and a fully elaborated "technique of the body" (Mauss 1950£). Furthermore. As a technique. compassion. or on the forehead and behind the head such that a virtual axis of divine empowerment runs through the supplicant's body. if at all. sometimes touching with the fingertips only and sometimes such that a supplicant's face is virtually covered by the healer's palm. or two. or a hand laid directly over an afflicted body part. we see the way the experience is constituted as an experience of the sacred. let us pass from anointing to that most characteristic act. Finally. I would interpret this lack of meaningful elaboration as an implicit allowance for bodily spontaneity in contact between healer and patient. a hand on the chest and one on the back. and these variations can be described as follows: a hand. in Victor Turner's (1974) term. for most healers the cultural meaning of these variations is only minimally elaborated. on top of the head. and in those emotional feelings of empathy. or levitational lightness. Before making any general conclusion about performative acts. The pragmatic implication is that in a large healing service the healer may invest less time in those whose time for healing has not arrived. heaviness. a hand on the forehead. Aside from the specificity in the last of these notions and a proscription against touching areas of sexual privacy. but the "heart" is the seat of the spirit. the laying on of hands is variable.

There is another sense in which laying on of hands can become specified as technique. Especially in the area of sexual abuse.. Here is how laying on of hands becomes a therapeutic technique of the body in this healer's practice: H: When I don't use laying on of hands. . "laying on of hands" by touch without movement or pressure. To be with them without laying my hands direcdy on. connecting them with their mind. [The difference is] the directness. and "therapeutic touch" (a technique originating in the nursing profession) by moving the hands over the person's body without physical contact. . one just expects healing energy to move through the body based on just certainly where your hands are. . . laying on of hands. laying on of hands becomes technique insofar as it is systematically distinguished from other forms. and just move into a space where they're comfortable. connecting them with their heart and spirit. For her. I don't know what word to use . removing the negative energy away from that area. . but only among the most highly specialized segment of Charismatic healers. accomplish? H: Well. [how I decide. to proceed] that's what I will do. This "cultural specialist" (M. and asking God to come in with positive energy. . however. and therapeutic touch. So. in a similar fashion as with laying on of hands. I would imagine. . at least I imagine that Jesus' energy is moving through my hands through their body. . wherever that might be. but it can be profoundly useful with people who are intimidated by touch. Singer 1972) distinguishes among massage. As we relied on a particularly articulate healer for our hermeneutic of the anointing. "Massage" is characterized by touch plus moving the hands with physical pressure. I'm talking now. it's really not too much different. or am inspired.52 RITUAL HEALING the spontaneous coordination of the habitus thus bears the implicit significance of enacting another of our key psychocultural themes. . TC: Now what you've just described was the use of therapeutic touch? Now what does the actual laying on of hands . The therapeutic touch would not violate or be as confirmative. I'll use therapeutic touch and just move away from the energyfieldof the person. Here there is an opportunity tor a postmodern synthesis in which laying on of hands is juxtaposed to other forms of healing touch. My experience has been that in moving with therapeutic touch I can allow Jesus to be in touch and heal that person. wherever that negative energy is around them. And I see that as just calling forth the power. Do I move to directly touch that person? Is there an issue in their life that touch would inhibit inner healing? I think that's really something to be sensitive about. Instead of making contact with one's flesh with the body. So depending on how I move. so wc now call on a Charismatic healer trained as a psychotherapist. just to be there to bring up the negative energy in the .

and my intendon is to bring up. is what I borrowed from a woman who wrote on healing. And so it's a different way of accomplishing the same thing. validating the true self. And the energy comes up. Exactly. is it for the same purpose of bringing things up so that they can be discussed? Sometimes. for the same purpose . for instance. And it's not massage that you would get from massage therapists either. with massage. And then the energy that's coming from Jesus through your hands . what's really important is the intention. . Well. Whereas. Cause what that can stimulate is a person can become overwhelmed by the energy that's set free . That's right. therapeutic touch is not directly derived from the Christian tradition. And you'll find that we (JLO that with a lot of things. Not always. So. I think I need to reverence the impact of touching another person's body. And I see that as something you need to be very careful with in the way of intention. we were doing a human sexuality group and we moved into allowing to look at the fear of intimacy through massage of their hands. that the positive energy will then soak and penetrate that being and bring up to the surface. emerges from within their body? Emerges from within the person. And so then whatever comes up.RITUAL HEALING TC: H: TC: H: TC: H: TC: H: TC: H: TC: H: TC: H: 53 body. so forth. would need to be healed. Okay. One of our therapists is moving more in the way of . in healing touch. I see. . . . It's the same purpose. if I am moving with [using] massage with you. whatever. healing the true self. . And so as I lay down my hands on that person. healing energy moves that negative energy or that negative mass up. When you use massage this way. That's right. . . And around them. Is the love. is it? That's right. Not always. whether it be an impulse toward anger or fear. their neck. the therapeutic touch is your hands moving the energy that's within them . Wouldn't want to just limit it to the body. And calling forth God's positive energy as you remove that. Well. How about massage then? A third way of touching. . that negative energy that's set free. . It's just the use of massage and touch. So it brings it up in the sense of bringing to consciousness and bringing it into [what] you can talk about. That we will take the best of what they have to offer and allow them to become our own. so that that brings up whatever needs to be healed so that the)' will not be overwhelmed by the amount of AFFECT that comes with it. . And love brings up anything unlike itself. For instance. And that's when we deal with healing of memories. Jesus' love energy brings up what needs healing. . so that as love is put on the body. I need to watch out for the amount of stuff that we're bringing u p .

Evident in her discourse is the biographical self process of healing. between laying on of hands and the congratulatory pat on the back or sympathetic hand on the shoulder. to borrow Wittgenstein's phrase. Turner's ethnological observation that "the surface of the body seems everywhere to be treated. Touch may evoke potentially harmful affective reaction along with releasing the hidden contents of mcmon'. Beyond these variations in technique. Massage allows the healer to "move with" the supplicant. In this respect one must also consider the family resemblance. Also evident is the ubiquitous psychocultural theme of intimacy. In this version the hands arc more than an instrument for applying divine power. and the force of sexuality is never far from the surface of the healer's concern. So massage welcomes me to move WITH the person in a different way. . but the supplicant's fear of intimacy may be manifest in intimidation at being touched at all.54 RITUAL HEALING massage from a more formal perspective. not only as the boundary of the individual as a biological and psychological entity but as the frontier of the social self as well" (1980: 112). Pentecostal laying on of hands can in a sense be understood as a Protestantization or democratization of the divine monarchs' healing touch. In the European Middle Ages the gesture was enacted as the "royal touch. I guess the difference would be that in laying on of hands. I usually keep my hands in one place. The importance of this interface is suggested in T. but a kind of energy interface where divine love enters and negative energy exits the person. This practice ended in the eighteenth century. The elements of technique that distinguish the three forms of touch are relevant precisely to intimacy in the relation between healer and supplicant. The historical continuity is evident in contemporary . the performative force of all three forms of touch has to do with the evocation of "energy. coincident with the beginnings of the Wesleyan tradition that eventually spawrned Pentecostalism. . Within the Christian tradition this family of gestures includes the healing touch of Jesus as portrayed in the Bible." an explicitly Christian formulation of an ethnopsychological notion shared with New Age healing. . and including overall concern with the "true self or identity. In this passage the healer is discussing the performative act specifically within the genre of inner healing or healing of memories. premised on the folk psychodynamic model of bringing unconscious contents into awareness." when monarchs laid hands on their subjects for the ritual healing of diseases such as scrofula (Bloch 1973). and I think that will be a marvelous breakthrough to have someone who is Christian.

emotions. a barrier culturally constructed on the premise of the person as a discrete. these acts must be understood multidimensionally in terms of their place in ritual practice. demonstrating in cross-cultural perspective the relative lack of such stimulation for North American children. they can bear not only an illocutionary but a predicative force. In this respect. laying on of hands also connotes shielding and protecting the distressed supplicant. A general conclusion can now be drawn from our discussion of the repertoire of performative acts in the Charismatic healing system. as the unity of bodies touching is the unity of the church as "mystical body of Christ" (O'Neill 1985:70-74). It will not do. touch surpasses an interpersonal barrier. and on their role as builders of and subjects in the divine kingdom.RITUAL HEALING 55 Charismatics' emphasis on motives of kingship. thoughts. Laying on of hands is thus an instance in which the relative values of sociocentric and egocentric self are problematized. lordship. This is especially the case when an uncertain or reluctant subject is surrounded by a group. Such considerations suggest that laying on of hands may. laying on of hands bears both historical and psychocultural connotations. independent entity. As an enactment of intimacy. In particular. Montagu (1978) has argued that tactile stimulation in childhood is important to healthy development. all of whom are laying hands upon him or her and ardently praying for healing or baptism in the Spirit. as we have seen in our discussion of anointing and laying on of hands. Perhaps as much of the performative efficacy in the gesture comes from the appeal to totality enacted by physical contact as from the transfer of substantivized divine power from healer to supplicant." and on the injunction "don't touch" in most North American social settings (Montagu 1978. Shvveder and Bourne 1982). acts of revelation. and behaviors. and submission. Phenomenologically. authority. This will become increasingly evident in succeeding chapters. also help compensate for a developmental deficiency. on the cultural notion of "privacy. and of forgiveness specifically thematize autobiographical events. The value of the egocentric self also comes to the fore in acknowledgments by some Charismatics as well as by some of those who have rejected Charismatic ministries that persons can at times feel smothered and coerced instead of loved and supported when hands are laid on them. as some have . of discernment and calling out spirits. Second. It is first a metonym of the solidarity of the Christian community. and their explicit experiential content. in its rhetorical move toward a more sociocentric self. their implicit cultural meaning. First.

but enhances phcnomcnological engagement in the process. a rhetorical hold on the audience. This both overestimates the importance of the healer-patient relationship. disinhibition of cognitive barriers to apparently spontaneous inspiration.56 RITUAL HEALING proposed." the purpose of which is primarily to establish a therapeutic relationship based on paradox (Dow 1986). the anointing not only confirms the healer's conviction of efficacy. to separate elements of religious experience from the essential process of therapeutic persuasion and gloss them as "therapeutic preludes. In terms of performance. These are neither preludes nor side effects. and underestimates the transformative importance of ritual performance. It is certainly as a therapeutic prelude that Dow would classify the Charismatic anointing. and insofar as the assembly participates in the protoritual state. . consciousness of the sacred. especially in the relatively impersonal public healing services (cf. but elements of specificity essential to cultural performance as therapeutic process. Finkler 1985).

and as a form of social. as experiential or intrapsychic transformation.3 Therapeutic Process and Experience In the last chapter we became familiar with Charismatic healers and patients and with the manner in which Charismatic healing coheres as a system of ritual performance. We conclude by formulating four elements of therapeutic process that may be useful in future comparative studies. as the progression or course of an illness episode defined by a sequence of treatment decisions. procedure is the organized application of techniques with a particular goal in mind. we must first distinguish therapeutic process from therapeutic procedure and outcome. concentrating on the Charismatic genre of ritual healing for physical illness. In brief. we also got a preliminary glimpse at the kind of experiential specificity we are trying to identify. we must now proceed to an understanding of how it works. 57 . Having described the Charismatic healing system. whereas outcome refers to the disposition of participants at a designated endpoint of treatment. In examining the self processes of healers performing two kinds of ritual act. In this chapter we will present two accounts of specificity in therapeutic process. or political control.1 It is the dimension of experiential transformation that is closest to our interest in self processes. Only by closely tracing this transformation can we approach the issue of efficacy that lies at the center of debate about religious healing practices. Process is more complex and has been understood by anthropologists in a variety of ways: as the unfolding or performance of a specific treatment event or ritual. ideological. In order to get started properly.

P asked the supplicant in a very low voice several rapid questions about troubles in primary relationships. a sociologist who had minimal familiarity with the Charismatic Renewal. The final text is from an interview I conducted with the healing priest himself. The second is from an interview with a woman whose husband experienced a leg-lengthening in a similar service. one woman. The first is extracted from the description by a research assistant. He responded that he did so only occasionally and only "for easy things like leg-lengthening. At this time. A chair was placed in front of the altar [the service is in a church}. Postural Model. Fr. Keeping his eyes closed. Each supplicant went through the experience separate from the others. kneeling before the person with his hands placed firmly on her. and is understood as the spontaneous growth of a leg that is shorter than a person's other leg. he ever prayed with others for healing. usually on the upper legs. P performed his task. The woman stood to his left with one hand on his left arm and the other on the supplicant's right shoulder. as four women came up to the altar [for prayer]. he beckoned me [the research assistant] to join him and his healing team. Fr. of a healing service conducted by a Charismatic priest. The two men squatted behind the supplicant with their hands on her shoulders and upper back. and Leg-lengthening In a conversation with a prayer-group leader. written in the genre of ethnographic prose: Father P asked that five people who had had pain or trouble walking come forth for healing. The congregation held out their arms toward the supplicant and prayed in tongues out loud. P asked one of the male team members if he could pray in English as Fr. here is the description of a portion of the healing service. Fr. The male healer prayed out loud in English. he prayed in a . particularly about husbands and fathers. I once asked if. in addition to his leadership responsibilities. I stood to the right of Fr. P with both hands on the supplicant's left shoulder. Fr.58 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE Sacred Self. The healing team consisted of two men. Fr. My strategy in this section is to juxtapose three texts on leg-lengthening. P. P asked the congregation to pray for each person and to lift their arms in prayer toward the supplicant as the team performed its task. The supplicant sat in the chair facing the congregation. P stood facing the supplicant. hefirmlygrasped the supplicant's feet (shoes still on) and made a firm. Once the problem relationship was identified. First." Leg-lengthening is indeed one of the most common forms of physical healing for Pcntccostals and Charismatic*. determined tugging motion on the supplicant's outstretched legs. and myself.

and act in healing performance allows us to make immediate sense of this description. P was seeking total healing. as soon as the supplicant responded. The moment wasfilledwith drama. often a clarifying question. his grasp was very firm. instruction. P's interaction with the supplicanc and the congregation's vociferous participation in the healing. he said that that would be the request made when the supplicant's turn came to be anointed along with everyone else. which she rapidly gave. and patients. During prayer for one of the four supplicants. The segment can be placed within a sequence of periods of worship. Meanwhile. the woman and other male healer prayed in tongues out loud. undoubtedly added a powerful dimension to the drama of the situation. yet gentle tone—a voice filled with authority. Let us make this analysis more precise. within which we can identify the use of prayer. problem-focused healing of selected individuals and general healing of others (genres of ritual healing). The congregation's vocal prayer in tongues. P spoke to each person in a deep. hardly blinking. for inner healing of biographical trauma and relationship difficulties identified in the healer's rapid questioning. while the assembly at various points had roles as performers (praying for others or giving testimony to their own healing). After each healing. and accompanied by commanding gestures (the leg tugging).THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 59 deep. and "witnessing" (genres of ritual language). P asked the woman team member for a discernment. . He asked questions rapidly and fired another question. with a staccato style. Fr. By way of comment. In cases where a full healing hadn't taken place. The participating cultural specialists included the principal healer and his team. he walked with the supplicant. laying on hands and anointing participants with oil (performative acts). genre. Our familiarity with the structure of event. commanding voice ordering any evil from the supplicant and asking God's grace in healing that person. with hands outstretched toward the supplicant. Fr. and he agreed with her assessment. though Fr. He looked intensely into the eyes of the supplicant while speaking to her. at least partially. the session with each supplicant was rapid and somewhat confused given Fr. song. healing. P asked the supplicant to walk as fast as she could down the church aisle. The combination of these factors evoked a sense of total encompassing. Fr. In two of the cases. The words in his prayersflowedrapidly. audience. unswaying. a sense that there was no exit from the moment. the supplicant returned to the altar to attest to having been healed. during the last part of the service. In all four cases. Regardless of where he laid his hands. We note that all three principal healing genres are in evidence within the reported episode: each patient is worked on for physical healing of difficulties with walking that implicitly require leg-lengthening. There was a sense of his absolute presence with the supplicant and his unquestionable command of the situation. and postservice socializing (ritual event).

he even cried from the pain. and laying on of hands. This text is a narration from afifty-five-year-oldCharismatic housewife about a healing experienced by her husband in a similar healing service. calcium deposits began to form on his vertebrae." Other performative acts that figure prominently in this segment arc the "prayer of command" against evil spirits." Yet patients who exercise their healing by walking up and down the aisle do not necessarily claim to be totally healed. Finally he again decided to go forward with them. but for now let us pass to our second text. According to their doctor. the healer is also described as being commandingly in control of the performance. The totalizing experience of healing thus does not correspond to a total healing. From the repertoire of performative acts we recognize first the "anointing" as the principal healer intensely. and he responded positively—although not a Catholic. She told her husband she would take him to a healing service. Following a spinal fusion. This correspondence is enhanced when the healer makes it a point to mention the upcoming anointing portion of the service as an opportunity to augment the effect of leg-lengthening. he "believed in miracles" and had accompanied his wife to Catholic shrines where he had gotten a "feeling. pinching the sciatic nerve to his left: leg and causing pain so bad that he "couldn't drive more than four miles without getting out and resting on the hood of the car. We will make more of this incremental efficacy below. His female assistant participates in the diagnostic/revelatory process by exercising the gift of "discernment. of a sense of "total encompassing. dramatically. The rapidity of questions suggests that he is inspired with "words of knowledge" about each supplicant that he then confirms by questioning. In contrast to the ethnographic prose of our last text. prayer in tongues. she said. He had suffered an industrial accident and had undergone three surgical operations for his damaged back and shoulder. but he gradually became discouraged and began to remain in the pew as his wife and daughter approached the altar for prayer. and unblinkingly engages each supplicant.60 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE and for deliverance as the healer commands evil to depart from each supplicant. his wife's narration of what transpired is in the speech genre of Charismatic "witnessing": . through performance. The ethnographer perceives the production. It is worthy of mention that while psychologists typically regard absence of the blinking reflex as a sign of trance." Sometimes. but to a kind of incremental efficacy." They attended services even' month for a year. the only remaining procedure was to cut the nerve.

and then he got up and he went to the seat. and I saw him. and there's a woman that came. (Note that this reverses the sequence described in Fr. "Yeah. and the next day. and he saw his leg stretch right in front of his own eyes to the same length as the other one.) The critical moment is when. and she was praying. subsided. but remained intense for several days." The narrator emphasizes the persistence of the change in recounting that she had to alter her husband's pants. He never felt it after. it was like a heat that was comingfromabove that wentrightthrough his body." like they say." So he went in front. "Did you know you had a leg shorter than the other one?" And he said yeah.THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 61 So he was prayed on and he "rested in the Spirit. and his leg was almost an inch to a quarter of an inch shorter. of leg-lengthening practice drawn from an interview I conducted with the healer Fr. that he had never felt anything like that before. And now that man does everything. to borrow Victor Turner's phrase. where supplicants approached the altar subsequent to the leg-lengthening. incredulously. R. however. and it went away. But then when he would get up and walk. That day also he had pain like you wouldn't believe. and he would put his feet on the chair in front of him and look. "he saw his leg stretch right in front of his own eyes. the narrative concerns a chronic problem upon which the resources of professional medicine appear to have been exhausted as well as a history of disappointment with ritual healing such that the patient's "expectant faith" also appears to have been virtually exhausted. I had to shorten his pants one shorter than the other and it was showing. and he said the leg was shrinking because of the lack of using and whatever. because he had gone to a doctor for compensation. The excerpt includes an impromptu demonstration of leg-lengthening and related techniques on a woman who was present during the interview as well as a demonstration performed on me: . and she sat him on a chair. His pain." and he would look at his legs. And he was there awhile and he came to the seat. R's service. So she put both heels in her hand and they were stretched. The doctor had said that his leg was getting atrophied—I didn't know what atrophied means. "Would you come in front with me?" So he said. and then it subsided. We can now triangulate the ethnographic description of ritual performance and the ritual narrative of healing with a native exegesis. Characteristic of witnessing as a genre of ritual language. When he relents and approaches the altar for prayer. the length. But he said that when they prayed on him. okay. but it has to be so. only gradually subsiding and removing his disability. and she said. so I asked his doctor here. and later undergoes the leg-lengthening technique. He came home and he said "I can't believe it. the supplicant experiences the empowerment of resting in the Spirit and an "anointing" of heat flowing through his body. did not vanish immediately. She said.

Push your hips right back. The Protestants call it the growing of legs. Now. and [he snaps his fingers to indicate spontaneous healing. Can you see the bottom of this heel. it's a chiropractic adjustment done through prayer. But much. command that pelvic frame to go into normal position. now just like this. you bet my body! Fr. then calls to a woman in the next room]. what is that. So what I'm going to do is command the pelvic frame. it's not flat. I generally like to keep it as quiet as possible and tell them who they need to forgive. to [he snaps his fingers] to go back into normal position. R: Yeah. again. and we use this method. look at the deviation right in here. arms full length like that. Because she'll pick up. That's why chiropractors . R: Now we're going to do the upper frame. on the bottom of her heels. And as that comes down. line up the muscles on the vertebrae. Hips back to the chair. we draw an imaginary line. We have a lot of people chiropractic can't do anything with. M will be there tonight and she'll do the whispering in the person's ear. this gets the first cervical. Okay. pushing up against the feet to get a good reading. which is a key. you can see. So I can get a measurement on your legs. because all the nerves coming from the brain come through the first cervical area. Now. So let's just go ahead. You're willing to donate yourself to science? Woman: Yeah. Which means her pelvic frame is seated. So. But I'll just command that. I'm in [I perform] leg adjustment. almost three-quarters of an inch deviation. We get under the shoes. TC: You said that you have a special way of praying over people's legs? Fr. We're pretty equal there. measures your heels and we do it through prayer. R: Usually what I do is pick up [receive a word of knowledge about] who they need to forgive and whisper it in the person's ear. Fr.62 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE Fr. The nose is the center of the body. Pelvic frame [snaps] jumps right back into position. The nose is the center of the body. that's from the waist down. and it's drawn up that leg. and it's hard for me to lean up to get the person's ear. In Jesus' name. and if that's out of whack. there's a bit of a deviation there. much more powerful than chiropractic. Basically. immediately. Now. that's what a chiropractor does. No. those heels will equal. Jesus. Because I pray on the legs in a special way. will equalize right up. because there are other people there [surrounding the person]. Basically. it's on an angle. the other way. TC to woman: Did you feel anything happen during the prayer? Woman: Sort of relaxing. R: Just sit up nice and straight. See. now we bring them together and get a measurement. Okay. this is the chiropractic adjustment. it impinges on the nerves.

which is a nerve area too. Woman: It seems to be a lot of improvement. . Head back. just let it happen. [Pause. in Jesus' name. it's not you and it's not me. Don't be afraid. Fingers behind the neck. R: Medium more. the closer your hands are to the affected area. the hip adjustment. we just command that first cervical. In Jesus' name. R: More relaxed than you did before? Woman: Uh huh. How's it feel right now? Test it. rotate three times. Just put your toes together. and I'll do it. kid. all that was out. R: Have you had any pains in your back at all? Woman: Lower back.THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 63 claim they can do so much. medium. But my equilibrium does go off on me sometimes. TC: The two middle fingers together. in Jesus' name . it's just happening. Fr. But I catch it. the more energy. Sometimes. line up. ifs like a Hawaiian hula when you see it. In Jesus' name. Don't . In Jesus' name. and it takes the pressure off the nerves and sends the energy' through the whole body. put our hands. Stand up. Now. your lower back was healed.] How does that feel? Woman: Good. going up and down the spine. we command that pelvic frame to line up. Fr. see how it feels. I'm going to command the first cervical to go back in normal position. spiritual energy you get. Thumbs in front of the ears. Fr. command that cervical muscles vertebrae. right on the nerves. And . . In Jesus' name. It's okay. . Yeah. we command you to [his voice drops to a whisper]. command that cervical to go back into normal position. Just. How do you feel right now? Woman: Relaxed. . it takes the pressure off the muscles. Oh. because they straighten the cervical. R: Yeah. . chin to the right. okay. She didn't seem to need too much. . let it happen. . Okay. do you feel yourself moving out? Can you feel yourself rotating? Just let it happen. we call this the head adjustment. Fr. there's one I didn't do called a hip. and the side of hips here. in other words. I'm behind you. as the frame straightens. Fr. vertebrae go back into normal position. Fr. Go ahead. In Jesus' name. and command the pelvic frame. this is rather interesting. Good. R: A lot more or just a little? Woman: Well. palms right on the jaws. R: You've had. Doesn't seem to be too much there. muscles. Chin to left. just let yourself rotate.

Okay. R: The left one is longer. and his casual understanding of it as a spiritualized chiropractic. it's rotating back into position. Fr. It gets you a lot better. Arms full length. the skeletal adjustment is commanded in the name of Jesus). the other way.. can you? TC: Left one's a little big longer. in the name of Jesus. I'd say oh. . in the name of Jesus. rotate three times. RD: Just let it move. Arms full length. I command the pelvic frame to rotate into normal position. In Jesus' name. TC: Would you say a tugging. In Jesus' name I command that cervical to go back into normal position. YouVc got some deviation right in there. Although you seem to be not too bad. You're equal. all right.64 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE Fr. . . Can you feel the healing? TC: Sort of a little bit side to side. . . and not privilege Fr.e. R toward his practice. . In Jesus. TC to woman: What kind of movement did you feel in your hips there? Woman: Sort of a . There you are. [He whispers] You're not too bad. kind of feeling. did you feel any kind of tugging? Fr. R: But this head adjustment is good for that. There. and I'll do it on you and you'll be able to experience it. In Jesus' name. Let me put your toes together and do that head adjustment. Now. Tom. In Jesus' name . . .. secure. three times. . It is essential that we consider this text in relation to the other two. relaxing. the left is shorter. when pressure is taken off the nerves energy is free to flow through the body). R's account over the others as a more accurate statement of what is "really3' going on. In Jesus' name . in Jesus' name. I command the frame in Jesus' name to go into normal position. R: Why don't you sit down. Okay. in Jesus' name. The excerpt opens with a mention of how he spiritually "picks up" information about whom suppli- . in Jesus' name. In opening a discussion of this text we must note the forthright and empirical attitude expressed by Fr. both feet. . . half inch. name of.e. . You can't see that. and a notion of spiritual power by means of which the divinity grants control over biological nature (i. in Jesus' name I command you. Okay. All right. . In the name of Jesus. There is a distinct "ethnophysiology" in his conception of bodily alignment and skeletal pressure on muscles and nerves.. .. Just stand up. In Jesus' name we command that pelvicframeto line up. you know . [he whispers prayers] Let me do that head adjustment. This ethnophysiology is fully integrated with both a notion of spiritual energy (i.

The postural model refers to the gestalt sense of coherence and orientation of the body to its own parts and movements. The man in our second account quite likely attended only to the immediate effect of lengthening of his leg and the gradual decline in pain. Both in his focus on physical technique and his eagerness for empirical results. It is thus related to our earlier discussion of the body as orientational locus of the sensorium and as our setting in relation to the world. arm) and the raised (or lowered) mobile arm (M. The subject may have his eyes open or closed. Either support the resting arm (R. and in which bodily self-awareness is framed as awareness of divine empowerment. (One may also bring the arm 45 degrees below the horizontal plane.THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 65 cants "need to forgive. One is the explicit reference in the second account of the man's kg spontaneously stretching (not growing). One arm is now raised in an angle of about 45 degrees above the horizontal. but neither subject is able to report anything definitive. The other is an apparent contradiction between the first and third accounts. he expresses awareness that he is engaged with the anthropologist in a scientific pursuit. so that one arm is parallel to the other. Whereas the research assistant described a firm tugging on supplicants' legs. and we must show how leg-lengthening is a cultural objectification in which that capacity is altered.) Bring the arm of the subject passively to the inclined position or let the subject take this position in an active way." Yet in comparison to the ethnographic account. R simply held feet or arms together in his hand and prayed. arm) or let the subject keep the position actively. there are several clues in this account that lead us to the analysis of leg-lengthening as a self process. whereas the healer attends to the postural adjustment of pelvis and spine. in my own experience there was no tug at all—Fr. Taken together. we introduce the concept of the postural model. the subject is ordered to close his eyes (if they were open) and to bring . To understand these clues. The postural model is a function of self precisely as a preobjective capacity for orientation in the world. the verbal and affective content of the healing interaction is downplayed in favor of the physical and neurological technique. After 25 seconds. What he anticipated was spontaneous rotation/alignment/balance of skeleton/nerves/musclc tension. originated by the psychologist Head and elaborated by Schilder (1950). Consider the following experiment described by Schilder that demonstrates the spontaneous coordination of the postural model based on a phenomenon he describes as persistence of tone: We order a subject to stretch his hands forward. He expects an immediate and observable change in his demonstration.

the M. arm returns into the same position as the R."2 This conclusion is reinforced by the apparent existence of both psychological and physiological (sympathetic and spinal) connections between symmetrical parts of the body (ibid. arm. A registration with the kymograph shows that the disappearance of the difference does not decrease steadily. This formulation has considerable general importance. arm is not brought back to the horizontal line. In our case the influence of the habitual posture on the injured man's postural model could account for the persistence of his pain for days following the readjustment of that model to a more normal tone. Schilder refers to the persistence of tone as a motor factor. therefore. arm is raised. it is critical that the postural model is first a "product of the gestalt creative powers of our psyche" (ibid. 291). arm. In addition to persistence of tone. is a common form of Charismatic and Pentecostal healing is very much in line with an understanding of healing as a self process. in a more general formulation. whereas the habitual posture is sensory. but second that it is "in perpetual inner self-construction and self- . arm. arm. arm is lowered. 77) I would suggest that the extension of the limbs in the religious practice and the elevation of limbs in the experiment arc both based on this persistence of tone. Insofar as the body is the existential ground of self. or the tone of the postural persistence influences the body-image in the sense that it is pulled into the direction of tone. arm. the postural model of the body is dependent on the pull of the tone. That leg-lengthening. The subjeas generally do not know that they have changed the position.66 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE his M.: 21). After a few seconds. but the M. This factor is the habitual posture. When the M. 26. Or. :81-83). which is a phenomenon "all over the bod/' and "for every single posture. arm. is felt in a position which is opposite to the direction of the muscular pull. The phenomenon of postural persistence is a phenomenon all over the body. It is also present for even' single posture of the body. the influence of a second factor can be illustrated with respect to the man described in our second text. the M. the subject does not bring his arm into the same plane as the R. arm into the same position as the R. but by jerks which bring the arm back into the position of the R. (1950:75. is the position into which the tonepull would bring the arm.: 19. an operation performed on the postural model. arm remains several centimeters higher than the R. arm. Specifically. The subject does not know that he has made a mistake and is of the opinion that both arms arc at the same height. but remains several centimeters lower than the R. or a kind of "sensory aftereffect" (ibid. The limb. after the tone has influenced it. it is the "persistence of a sensory impression" of one's own body. The theoretical meaning of this phenomenon is that the normal position of the M. When the M. We are dealing therefore with a phenomenon of general significance.

THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 67 destruction" (ibid. but that sharply contrasts with the vigilance of hypochondria. a Ph. The following two cases. although he would sometimes lay down for a couple of hours. partially healed of periodic backache approximately three years prior to the interview. he said. biologist and active Charismatic. Somatic Modes of Attention I will offer another example that is complementary to the preobjective transformation of postural model. The primary cultural objectifkation inheres in making the spontaneity of this process thematic as divine power. The new mode of orientation in the world—the appropriation of both spontaneity and of its results—is thus accurately described as a sacred self. especially if he would twist his torso—he remarked that his occupation is quite sedentary. Alfred Schutz. only "painful and a nuisance. They would typically occur after yardwork or house repairs. The first is a fifty-six-year-old married man. and he was never bedridden. Thus we see ritual efficacy as a kind of creativity and ritual transformation as an essentially indeterminate self process." but that his movements would be very constrained and cautious. His wife reported that he could still "do things. the premier methodologist of phenomenological social science. because of reliance on faith healing." They required no more care than his wife shining a heat lamp on him. he always came to the tabic for meals. understood attention as the "full alertness and the sharpness of apperception connected with consciously turning toward an object. The backaches were not seriously debilitating.: 15). drawn from our follow-up of public healing-service participants. but because he is "a kind of person . Here it is a question of modulating what I will call an explicit somatic modi ofattention (Csordas 1993).D. show the role of a somatic mode of attention in the phenomenological definition of what it means to be "partially healed" of a physical problem. Therapeutic process in Charismatic physical healing can be an alteration of the mode of attention—a capacity for orientation in the world and hence an aspect of self—toward one's own body in a way that is vigilant. This was not. She never had to drive him anywhere. combined with further considerations and anticipations of its characteristics and uses" (1970:316). He had never consulted a doctor about the backaches.

" And then it will go away. when it "became pretty clear" that he had in fact been healed: I ceased to get backaches with very rare exceptions." and it did not seem to him like the kind of problem a doctor could take care of: It was primarily the upper back and would get debilitating enough that it would take me a week and sometimes two weeks to get over it. It was extremely difficult to drive with it.68 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE that doesn't go to a doctor that much. When he felt the burning that indicated potential relapse. with very few exceptions. Even though it was quite sore. 'Thank you for curing my backaches. of a spasm. and usually it goes away. I was probably at the point where I was getting a half-a-dozen a year. . . including resting in the Spirit. Of two such incidents. but it was significantly sore. They were becoming fairly frequent [over the course of ten years]. and I would thank God for having cured it. It was not as sore as prior to the healing. but I felt I probably would have had a heck of a backache if I had not gone to the healing service. . I felt burning. I thought it was a nerve that was inflamed." For the two instances that were actual sore backs. and even those I got have been unlike the others. It was almost as if I could feel the origin of the problem but without the symptoms or the spasms. and may do the same thing once or twice more during the day and so I say the same thing and it never develops into anything. about half hour or less. and I would have difficulty sleeping from rolling over. The man felt that the healing occurred in one session and not over the course of several sessions. I'll just feel the start of a tightness of the muscles. the sensations would subside "very quick. On two occasions I couldfeela burning nerve sensation in my back. He did not realize he was healed of backaches till he had passed a month and a half without getting one. this kind of thing. and prayed his thanks for healing. And it was even painful in a chair. and all Til do is say to God. but he reported no sensations in his back. Although he is not always successful in preventing backaches. he described one as follows: Amazingly enough I could even shovel snow with it. He recalled only a "purely spiritual" experience at the healing session. That happened a couple of times. those that do occur are qualitatively different than prior to his healing and require no heating pad or heat lamp treatment. and I felt—Fm not a medical doctor. . And it dicing last long. but I never felt any stiffness or soreness at all. I was just keenly aware of it. I could just feel the inflamed nerve [not painful]. as soon as I would do anything it didn't impede me at all. Every once in a while I would feel a backache just barely starting.

and nothing spectacular happened at all. what is in question is doubdess the state of his postural model.THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 69 contrary to their typical duration of one to two weeks. In this case. Because I've got too many other problems right now to be catering to something like this. nothing special. to "the origin of the problem" in a particular inflamed nerve. I really had to pass through these times of year before I would get much clue. I felt that things were well between me and the Lord. "Well. but did not perceive any immediate result: I just felt very peaceful. Because he had not had any problem in the past year he reported seldom thinking about it at all: "So I doubt very much that it's a psychologically induced thing. very easily. and take some antihistamine just so I could get through. although the patient is unaware of moving and walking diffcrendy or adopting different typical positions. the problem only lasted one to two days." Ever)' winter since. Our second case is that of a fifty-six-ycar-old married woman. It is clear that he remains prone to the problem. During the service she rested in the Spirit." a judgment that would help us just as little as concluding that his healing was effected by "suggestion. but now has a preventive consciousness attuned to signs of onset and even. and led her to consult a physician for cauterization. spasm. a teacher and active Charismatic partially healed of a chronic susceptibility to flu two years prior to the interview. His mode of attention includes active response with a prayer that is also an affirmation of his healing. She reported a lifelong problem in which a third of her winter months were spent in sore-throat. I didn't really know [I was healed] until I started passing through the times—usually November isflumonth. But then I would take it very easily so as not to run my own self down. the worst. consideration of his reflections allows us to observe a somatic mode of attention in which the man recognizes incipient backache as a tightness. there was nothing dramatic. or burning sensation. causing her to miss a lot of school days as a youth and considerable work time as an adult. perhaps six to eight times I would feel the onset of a cold or flu. cold and flu misery. She decided to attend a healing service following a flu during which nasal irritation resulted in a nosebleed that could not be stopped. and I no idea of being healed. Then maybe after two days . This is not an unusual technique among Charismatics. I just kind of felt. in his words. and what is ostensibly a reminder to the deity that he has granted a healing is pragmatically a self-reminder to monitor one's physical state. And then maybe for a day or two I would take it very." In this last statement the man is anticipating the judgment that his problem is "psychosomatic. I hope I am. Otherwise I felt absolutely nothing special." Instead.

but transcends the event and continues as an everyday self process. The recognition of healing is a modulation of orientation in the world. Meaning and Self Process Students of religious healing have for some time suggested that its most common effect is not to remove a disease and its symptoms.70 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE or so these symptoms would disappear and they never did get very bad. though she was still reduced to "creeping around." Neither theology nor motivation is primary to our account. . I suggest we understand this as a therapeutic process that may be initiated in a healing service. She understood this one as less debilitating than other episodes. this woman had wondered whether her conviction of being healed made her guilty of "indulging in superstition. for the critical factor is a specific self process. but to transform the meaning of the illness (Bourguignon 1976a). I was able to at least creep around. it is reminiscent of the technique of thanking God cited by the man in our preceding example." Her interpretation of these posthealing episodes is that "the Lord is reminding her he did something." Whereas this may sound like a divinity insisting on gratitude. The significant observation is not that the woman has reinterpreted the persistence of her symptoms. however. and I did decide to take the week off and take it very. So I took it easy but I didn't have the total debilitating body weakness that I had previous times. She states that although the healing can be traced to a specific event. Interestingly. a self-reminder not only to behave "as i f she were healed. this woman experiences periodic near onsets of her problem. but a somatic mode of attention constructed to preempt those symptoms. On one occasion I felt that I was being more threatened with it. This transformative power is such that it has been argued that ritual healing both precludes its own failure (Klcinman and Sung 1979). Quite like the man in the previous example. This reorientation not only preserves but actually constitutes the healing. the modulation of somatic attention. very easy. she experienced a "very gradual recognition" that it had taken place. but that she has adopted a preventive consciousness of those symptoms. and even an instance that she defined as enough of a threat to take a week off from work. so that one monitors one's symptoms and responds to them by modifying one's activities.

or again only as a different standard of judgment instead of a different sensibility about oneself as a culturally defined person. habitual posture. It was only by grounding our accounts in the phenomenological notions of postural model and somatic mode of attention. for example. It follows that anthropological description of therapeutic efficacy as "transformation of meaning" can bear greater methodological productivity when the notion of "meaning*' is granted greater existential weight (MerleauPonty 1962:146).the specific efficacy of the practice and understand it as a subtle modulation of the self. For now we can apply our discussion of the persistence of tone.3 The process of healing is an existential process of exploring the margin of disability. or only as the substitution of representations instead of as a modulation of being in the world. motivated by the conviction of divine power and the committed participant's desire to demonstrate it in himself as well as by the support of the assembly and its acclamation for a supplicant's testimony of healing. persons with chronic pain in a limb may be physically able to move that limb. that is. ritual healing appears to operate on a margin of disability that is present in many conditions. that we were able to identify. on concepts originating with the preobjective body in the world. Yet an understanding of meaning only in the semiotic sense would likely lead us right back to construing therapeutic efficacy as the global result of a nonspecific mechanism. or again the slowly unclenching fist of the sufferer from chronic arthritis whose hand is curled by affliction into a permanent fist. Healing allows this by challenging the sensory commitment to a habitual posture. whereas others retreat to a posture of near total disability and inactivity. It is well known. greater. than when transformation of meaning is understood only in semiotic instead of phenomenological terms. but refrain from doing so for lack of sufficient motivation to make the risk of pain worthwhile. To be convinced of this interpretation one need only consider the hesitant. Likewise. and the somatic modes of attention to a general account of therapeutic process in Charismatic healing. Disability is thus constituted as a habitual mode of engaging the world. Comaroff 1983).THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 71 and is positively creative (Kleinman 1980. by removing . First. that is. that some people who become "legally blind" are able to engage in a wide range of activities. faltering steps of the supplicant who at the healer's request rises from her wheelchair and shuffles slowly up and down a church aisle. We will press the relation between phenomenology and semiotics in the next chapter.

both in the psychological sense of their prevailing mood or tendency for engagement in ritual performance. we may understand why some require the totalistic personal transformation and involvement in a religious community described by Crapanzano (1973) as a "symbiotic" cure. the methodological focus on specificity in therapeutic process shows that ritual healing is probably best characterized by an incremental efficacy. To the extent that the incremental efficacy of an open-ended process is common across forms of healing in different cultural traditions. As we have already observed (cf. and with greater significance for the self processes with which we are concerned. but only initiated. ritual process transcends the ritual event. Such a goal requires an interpretive approach sensitive to the kind of subde modulations of meaning and experience we have begun to identify in the examples we have examined. and in the social sense of how they are disposed vis-a-vis the interactive networks and symbolic resources of the religious community. there is no guarantee that the creative products of ritual performance will be permanently integrated into a person's life. also Csordas 1988). taking into account not onh' the religious formulation of the human condition in relation to the divine and the repertoire of ritual elements that constitute legitimate manifestations of divine power. We exclude the occasional claim that miracles of spontaneous and total healing occur. First is the disposition of supplicants. anthropological analyses should not be aimed at identifying definitive therapeutic outcomes. but also variations in . but at specifying the incremental efficacy of therapeutic process. Far more common. It is reasonable to assume that the degree to which a supplicant is cxistcntially engaged in the process is critical to this incremental efficacy. In such instances a person's exploration of the margin of disability is not completed. and by modulating the somatic mode of attention.72 THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE inhibitions on the motor tendency toward normal postural tone. in fact. by the event of ritual healing. but one must understand the importance of engagement to include emotional and other self processes as well. Ncu (1977) has pointed out the importance of the degree to which different forms of therapy engage participants' thought processes. Second is the experience of the sacred. are the "partial" and "everyday" healings that sustain the ritual system. Second. Because of the fundamental indeterminacy of the self. and each "reminder" in the incipient onset of an illness episode continues the performance of healing. I would suggest that such accounts include at least the following four components. Perhaps.

THERAPEUTIC PROCESS AND EXPERIENCE 73 individual capacities for experience of the sacred that may influence the course of therapeutic process. getting out of trouble. overcoming obstacles. healing emotional wounds). The actualization ofchange is all the more problematic where efficacy is incremental and there is no definitive outcome. We offer these four elements of therapeutic process as a general framework for comparative studies and hope to demonstrate their usefulness as they guide our search for specificity in subsequent chapters. expelling demons. what counts as change as well as the degree to which that change is regarded as significant by participants cannot be taken for granted in comparative studies of therapeutic process. becoming unstuck. but the possibilities must be perceived as real and realistic. Finally. Third is the elaboration of alternatives or possibilities that exist within the "assumptive world" (J. Healing systems may formulate these alternatives in terms of a variety of metaphors (new pathways. and may use ritual or pragmatic means that encourage either activity or passivity. Frank 1973) of the afflicted.4 .

but to show that it is a culturally constituted imaginal self process in two senses. Charismatic imagery may in theory occur at any time. This attention to imagery is perhaps the principal feature that distinguishes the Charismatic sacred self from that of the surrounding North American culture. Stated otherwise. Thus. and some may experience it regularly during prayer. imagination is the general capacity of human creativity. First is that imagery is cultivated as a mode of orientation in the world in a variety of domains (prayer. Second is the more complex sense that in ritual healing imagery assumes a specific efficacy in transforming other orientations. Imager)' is also closely associated with the inspiration of prophetic utterance (see chapter 1 and Csordas 74 . imagery can be considered as imaginal self process both in that it becomes a general capacity of the self. healing). In a more rcstriacd sense. prophecy. and insofar as discrete occurrences of imagery are endowed with the valence of performative force brought to bear on the self. particularly those associated with illness and distress.4 Embodied Imagery and Divine Revelation Clifford Gccrtz once described the study of religious change and its persuasive force as the "social history of the imagination" (1968:19). including the reflexive capacity to transform one's orientation in the world." Our concern in this and the next chapter is not only to discuss the occurrence of imager}' among Charismatics. In this large sense. imagination itself can be a mode of orientation in the world where by imagination we now refer to the concrete experience of "imagery. imagination is both a disposition and a tool.

Among psychotherapists the patient's imagery can be analyzed diagnostically or used as a therapeutic tool. Sheikh and Jordan 1983. it exhibits what Casey (1976. revelatory imagery is invariably spontaneous. Shorr et al. As unelaborated as this example may be. and the word of wisdom. 1979) is with few exceptions preoccupied with imagery experienced by patients." and gives us a first intimation that for our purposes imagination must be considered as much more than "pictures in the mind." It may also be induced by the healer in the form of guided imager)'. When experienced by healers. imagery may be either revelatory or therapeutic. It is an example of the "word of knowledge. I get it [the prophecy] in an image. Herdt and Stephen 1989) treats almost exclusively imagery experienced by healers. J. In other cases it is conceivable that the words may be more or less a description of the visual image... that is. In other words. Tedlock 1987. Therapeutic imagery occurs not to the healer but to the patient and constitutes the experiential resolution of a problem. Given that among Charismatics both healers and supplicants experience forms of imagery.. 1987) calls the "multiplicity of the mental. And as I see the image. similar in form but different in content from techniques used in image-oriented psychotherapies. Among anthropologists the shaman's imager)' is shown to be either diagnostio'divinatorv' or the vehicle of therapeutic efficacy. apparendy involving a double inspiration compounded of visual image and spontaneous verbalization. as if they were written in the visual imagination to be read as a divine text." The phenomenological relation between word and image in this experience is subtle." In the various modes of ritual healing. It would be convenient to conclude that this difference in the literature marked an important empirical difference between healing in those soci- . and in yet others the words themselves may be appresented as visual images. Therapeutic imagery is typically evoked during moments in a healing session devoted to prayer and "openness" to divine inspiration. it is of interest to observe that the (somewhat limited) anthropological literature on healing imager)' (Noll 1985. or may reveal the content of therapeutic issues.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 75 1987a). Images may be revelatory in two senses: they may serve as a sign that divine power is active." part of a class of inspired "word gifts" that includes speaking in tongues. prophecy. active imagination. but not during periods of discussion and "counseling. One long-time prophet described this experience as a "word picture. whereas the (voluminous) psychological literature on imager)' in psychotherapy (Sheikh 1984. Singer 1981. then words will come. or meditation.

Okay. . When they're all finished I say [to] those that don't see. "Okay. ." Now the first time I did this the woman saw a wooden shoe." "pink. Ask Him what it means. We would be able to conclude that Charismatic ritual is a postmodern synthesis of imaginal processes in healing. Is it a man's shoe? Is it a woman's shoe? Does the shoe have buckles. "Now. she said." Now. "This is only a test. . a nurse's shoe. nyah. a boot. a leprechaun's shoe. a military shoe. . For the remainder of this chapter we will concentrate on the imagery of healers. The Shoe Test Let us enter the Charismatic imaginal process with an example that shows both its inculcation as a generalized self process and its particular performative efficacy. because their creativity and their spontaneity were stifled as children. open your eyes. a surgical shoe. "1 didn't give it to you. seventeenthcentury French cavalier boots. I just tell them close your eyes. psychologists work predominantly with patients in studying psychotherapy. So we take Jesus back in their lives. right? I'll go like this and they call out "black. . "You need a healing of your imagination. "You have to forgive yourself. 1 In the present discussion we are fortunate to have access to the imagery of both Charismatic healers and patients.76 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION eties traditionally studied by anthropologists and in our own. and ask Jesus to heal all that hurt and trauma so they can visualize. laces. You need to forgive the person whose shoe you saw. . "I don't know. "What does it mean?" I said. And she came to me afterwards and she said." Well. "I know what that shoe is. to show them what I mean by visualization. a slip-on? Is it the left shoe or the right shoe? lEtc] And now this is where the audience calls out." I said. a policeman's shoe. a baby's shoe. Unfortunately. a doctor's shoe. combat boots?" And the hands are going up." And I tell them why." "red. "How many saw their own shoe?" Half the audience! I say. "Oh!" I'll say. a toe shoe. our conclusion must be more methodological than empirical: anthropologists work predominantly with healers in the systems they study. And then I'll say." "white." Ha! Ha! And this is where the audience goes. an Arabian shoe." nyaK nyah. how many saw a tennis shoe." . I ask questions. a glass slipper. a slipper. "Now you people that saw a shoe. or jogging shoes. a sneaker. Our text is a healer's discussion o f her technique for introducing imagination to audiences in healing services: I give a "shoe test" to help people to visualize." "brown. before I left the house that night. a tap shoe. you too need a healing. The Holy Spirit gave it to you. the Pope's shoe. a horseshoe. God gave it to you." I said. with your eyes closed I want you to picture a shoe. a wooden shoe. Go take it to Him.

to get home. why was she running?" ''Well. He must have been a man about thirty-five. she was running." And his eyes filled up with tears. too. We're loud. "Have you ever been sexually abused?" After I asked him all the [other] questions. And you know what it is? Sexual abuse. crying and perhaps saying the rosary. it's not time for you.) I'll say. "Did you ever own a wooden shoe?" Fve run into that. And I keep saying. So here's this little girl's mother sick in bed and all the aunts and uncles are there. just an exercise on using the imagination]. MCan I see you afterwards." So now when I get a wooden shoe I always ask the people. and he lost his sight in the South Pacific. I don't tell them what it means.." And I walked away." "Seven. This is only a shoe test" [i. But people are being healed. "By my boy cousin." (See. Because her mother was dying. "Cinderella. They fall apart in a crisis." "Uh huh. alright? And it comes right out. Had so many children. And I always talk to them. very sick. have you ever been chased by a man? Maybe you picked his flowers and he chased you out of the yard." I said. You know what the glass slipper is? I know what that is. Okay. what do you think of?" They all say the same thing. So that means forgiving mother and father. She had one leg shorter than the other. I ask them the question. He said. And I'll say to them. Everybody talks at one time. but the way they acted she was. . he saw combat boots. And she was devastated. A Japanese soldier threw a hand grenade in his face and he lost his eyesight. Fm trying to do it very gently. What was she doing?" "Oh. it's that. moaning and groaning. and he said. didn't know what to do? "How many children in your family?" "Nine." And I said." Fm of Italian descent and a lot of these people were Italians I was working with and you've got to be Italian to understand Italians.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 77 I said. the prince. The little girl couldn't go into the bedroom. "When you think of a glass slipper. this is not supposed to be the healing part of the service. "No. I don't think the mother was dying. thirty-six. This healer's "shoe test" is an innovation within Charismatic culture which has the explicit didactic intent of cultivating visual imagination. . but. "Do you know anybody that had a wooden lift on their shoe. . "When I was a little girl" (this was a woman about sixty) "my mother got very. . An aunt wouldn't let her. he called me over to the comer." That's it! Lack of love! They've got. sometimes they see the wooden shoe and a man's shoe. and what happened?" "She lost her slipper. Or." And nine out often. And needed a healing from something that happened with those wooden shoes. okay." "Aha! WTiat happened to Cinderella? The clock was striking midnight. "What is it?" She said. And about a half an hour later. "I've got something to tell you. "Well. "And you know what." "Who was chasing her?" "Oh." "Right!" Now. that aunt had a wooden lift on her shoe. . that's when I take a deep breath. "Lord. So it's really. "Oh. normally that's what it means. well thank you anyways. Or. And when the man gets the glass slipper." "Uh huh. For too many children. . Asked one man. there was an old lady that lived in a shoe. And Fve always been one hundred percent right. I keep asking questions. alright? He said." And another man." And I ask them.e. And the woman said to me. who wanted to . it's a shoe test and the Lord is healing. "What do you . we're noisy. and I said. .

it is emergent in performance. discrete images are held to be efficacious for the self. and that person is understood to be in a relationship with the visualizer that requires healing through an act of forgiveness by the visualizer. At the same time. Here the shoe counts as a personal symbol based on deep motivation (Obeyesekere 1981). imagination is a domain that has not received systematic treatment by anthropologists. It is only incidentally relevant that the process is technically diagnostic rather than therapeutic. through the anticipation on the part of her audience that imagery must have meaning—the deity's intention to use the technique for his own healing purposes. but unlike the matted hairofObeyesekcre's Hindu-Buddhist ecstatic. Also in the empirical laboratory of ritual practice she discovered a highly elaborated psychocultural semiotic of shoes. Yet in this instance performance is not only a ritual or liturgical enactment. and combat boots arc improvisationally extrapolated to the equally conventional repertoire of emotional distress. can be healed by divine intervention. Thus the wooden shoe may refer not only to a person who owned such a shoe or a shoe with a wooden lift. What allows it to become interpreted as diagnostic in the first place is both the ethnopsychological assumption that any spontaneous image is likely to reflect important unconscious content. where conventional connotations of wooden shoes. The shoe is a synecdoche of a real person. Wc will begin by distinguishing a phenomenological perspective on imagery from that of other . We set ourselves a large task in examining the nature and consequences of this immediacy. insofar as they identify a state of affairs relevant to the well-being of the visualizer. but also the function of an endogenous process. but also to a situation such as growing up in a large family that is regarded to have potentially negative emotional consequences. especially since. and the sheer existential immediacy inherent in the spontaneous product of this endogenous process.78 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION Imagination is culturally defined as an inherent human capacity that. as we have noted. glass slippers. For this reason we must step back for a moment from our exposition of Charismatic healing and elaborate the theoretical side of our dialogue between theory and phenomena. if inoperative. but discovered "empirically" through practice—that is." a humorously self-reproachful reminder that it is up to the deity to decide when and through what means to manifest power. This is the significance of the characteristically familiar tone of the healer telling God that "It's not time for you. It is critical that the healer intended her innovation only as didactic.

Doob (1982) stands out as a milestone in the cross-cultural examination of vivid or cidetic imagery. In brief. stopping short of a phenomenology of image processes. Price-Williams 1987. We will then elaborate a conceptual framework combining phenomenology and semiotics. however.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 79 approaches. and for their widespread role in religion and healing (Kennedy and Langness 1981. Building on this analysis. much of the dream literature is by methodological necessity limited to the interpretation of symbolic and affective content. anthropologists have long been interested in the relevance of dreams to psychoanalytic themes. which will allow us to grasp the experiential character and content of imagery experienced by healers and the peculiar light it throws on the relation between imager}' and perception. we willfinallyreturn to examine the sense in which embodied revelatory imager}' is a self process for healers. Tedlock 1987). in the empiricist view the image is a . conversion. Stephen 1989. possession." ofFering in its place a conception of "embodied imagery5' characterized by presentational immediacy and autonomy in consciousness. Doob (1964) and D. the importance of imagery is implicit in anthropological treatments of altered states of consciousness. as the source for the prophetic inspirations of charismatic figures. it is of note that it is virtually absent as a topic of anthropological interest. Yet with few exceptions (Roseman 1991). We will challenge the intellectualist presuppositions inherent in a concept of "mental imager}'. has been for the most part formulated in terms of the nature of trance.2 Aside from these works. We will therefore take some time to solidify the theoretically spongy ground upon which we must tread in order to present a cultural phenomenology of imaginal self process in Charismatic ritual performance. Lyon 1990). hallucination. Again. This literature. The Existence of the Image If imagination is a prominent modality of human creativity and a powerful self process. The work of L. Let us first briefly contrast an empiricist notion of the image with a phenomenological one. and performance rather than with an interest in the cultural constitution and consequences of imagery processes. only very recendy have tentative steps been taken to open imagination as a category of anthropological study (Noll 1985. To be sure.

Moreover. Imagery becomes "mental imagery. and specifically as a somatic mode of attention that has become a disposition in the Charismatic habitus. A phenomenological approach that insists on the inclusion of corporeality in a definition of consciousness and on the unified sensorium as the field of imaginative activity is. Whereas we can thus draw an epistemological contrast between empiricism and phenomenology. the latter is essentially a function of textuality. Let us contrast the phenomenological image we have just described with the semiotic image in its familiar form of the "literary image.80 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION kind of thing or mental object. unlike the epistemological relation between the empiricist image as object and the phenomenological image as mode of consciousness. it is a modality of consciousness." This mentalistic bias is compatible with our culture's preference of the visual modality. but documented in their existential messincss. but of the complementarity of the image in the orders of representation and being in the world. and since consciousness is inherendy intentional. and both arc presupposed by the experimental model of research in a laboratory setting. therefore. With respect to our empirical case. a representation or copy of sensory perception.3 However. that embodied imagery can be shown to constitute a self process in ritual healing. such an approach is a necessary corollary to a theory of the body as existential ground of self such as wc have been developing. the methodological relation between the image as a function of textuality or embodiment is not mutually exclusive. Whereas the literary image "exists" primarily as a feature of signrelations. a kind of act (Giorgi 1987. Casey 1976). insofar as the problem of imagery bears directly on the nature of the "mind-body relationship" (Morris and Hampson 1983). it is as a mode of embodied consciousness." and the sensory scope of mental imagery is reduced to "visual imager)'.4 Here it is a question not of competing definitions of the image in consciousness. necessary to adequately encompass imagination as an empirical domain. such "mcntalism" and "visualism" are not necessarily compatible with an ethnographic model of research in a natural setting where images are not produced with technical neatness. However. we can draw a methodological contrast between a semiotic and phenomenological approach to imagery. The dominance of the objectifying empiricist view in psychological and philosophical studies of imagery has played a critical role in shaping the common tendency to think of imagery in quite narrow terms." The critical difference is that. whereas the former is essentially a function of our embodiment. For phenomenology. it can also be taken up into experience as an image in con- .

At stake is the enterprise of reconciling language and experience. The promise of such an enterprise is signaled in Murray's (1987) observation of the parallel but inverse movement of Ricoeur from the analysis of language to that of imagination. Here the contrast is between ordinary imagination and religious imagination. and Merleau-Ponty's attempt to develop a theory of signs within phenomenology. Casey (1976). the philosopher. as a function of textuality. For Casey. the embodied image in consciousness. In addition to the epistemological issue of imagination's bodiliness and the methodological concern with presentational immediacy. although the kind of shoes imagined have explicit cultural meaning. and is efficacious as a self process insofar as it inheres in the existential order of being in the world. We will consider two approaches to this issue. whereas the literary image is only secondarily so. the literary image is essentially embedded in the textual or symbolic order. they present an existential situation. whereas the embodied image is only secondarily derived from the symbolic order. Our working assumption must be that imager)' is intelligible insofar as it inheres in the symbolic or semiotic order. they represent a potential narrative. Casey makes this claim in the context of a long debate about whether imagination is a subordinate or derivative mental . one by a philosopher and one by an anthropologist.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 81 sciousness. It is independent from other mental acts such as perception or memory. As a function of embodiment. and of Heidegger from the analysis of imagination to that of language. However. Thus the images of shoes in our example of the shoe test are primarily embodied images. In the same vein I recall the parallel between Peirce's acknowledgment of a phenomenological dimension within semiotics. conscious imagining is autonomous in four ways: 1. can be abstracted from consciousness and analyzed as a sign-function. is concerned primarily with conscious imagining of an everyday sort. Conversely.5 In this respect we must point to Ricoeur's (1977) analysis of the relation between psychological and literary theories of metaphor as well as his understanding of how imagination operates both in discourse and in action (1978). there is an empirical issue that we must entertain. because it is invariably an image of something or about something. representation and being in the world. and the issue is the nature of imagination's autonomy as a mode of consciousness. The existential difference is that the embodied image is essentially present to and immediate in consciousness.

"the facility with which we are able.: 190).: 199). Imaginative freedom of mind is identified by ease of access to imagery and the immediate success of efforts to imagine. but also at times by an "autogenous freedom of psychical appearing which arises separately from conscious intentions" (ibid. and its articulation of pure possibility that "enables the mind's free movement to traverse a terrain considerably more vast than the region occupied by perceived and remembered things alone" (ibid. and with respect to the imaginative setting in which an image obtrudes. It exhibits a "characteristic indifference to the concrete concerns and particular projects of the life-world" (ibid.: 189). The world of imagining is a thin world.: 194). It is independent in its content insofar as it "need not replicate or even resemble the content of any other experience" (ibid. and interpersonal complexities.: 198). 4. freedom of mind refers to imagination's apparently infinite variability. an act of imagination. It is independent both of the context in which it occurs and of its content. temporal becomings. within the mind alone and by means of the mind alone. to carry out a particular project which the psyche has proposed to itself (ibid.) and from 'Svhat Mcrleau-Ponty calls 'intcrinvolvcment' with the natural and historical world of spatial beings. but cannot be said to cause. 2.: 196). Casey's analysis of ordinary imagination yields important results when juxtaposed with an analysis of religious imagination. a mini-world whose ephcmcrality precludes any engaged activity comparable to that required in the life-world" (ibid. It is independent of context both with respect to the actual setting in which the imagincr is imagining. Several characteristics of ordinary imagination—independence from other mental acts. and is thus autonomous in that it is disengaged from "that pervasive 'care' (Sorge) that Heidegger claims is the fundamental and encompassing dimension of our bcing-in-the-world" (ibid. The core of his argument is that perception or memory may condition." Whereas . In addition. and the appearance of images "separately from conscious intentions"—are precisely those that under certain conditions can be construed as evidence of sacred "otherness. 3. its indeterminacy.82 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION act. It is characterized by freedom of mind. from context and content.

the autonomous imagination stands in contrast to the ordinary imagination in that its products are "vividly externalized. the space between imagination's apparent indifference and existential engagement will be critical to defining the specific mode of its efficacy in healing. Csordas 19906). As our discussion proceeds. it exhibits "a much greater freedom and richness of imaginative inventiveness. the religious imagination.:55-56). Second. two qualifications must be added to Casey's analysis. imaginative autonomy is thus not a feature of ordinary imagination as it is for Casey. cultural influence and direction. prophecy. whether in prayer. who is specifically concerned with religious imagination. In addition. As for freedom of mind. it exerts a special influence over mental and somatic processes" (ibid. hypnosis. hallucination. possession. In this connection we recall that in our opening example the healer declared that those who "fail" the shoe test need a "healing of the imagination. Another important feature is its special responsiveness to external." There is evidence that poor visualizers may on that account suffer in self-esteem. feeling unworthy or neglected by the deity who grants inspired imagining (cf. Instead. there is probably among the general populace a far greater proportion of people who have difficulty imagining than Casey is prepared to acknowledge. Our second account of autonomous imagination is offered by Stephen (1989). and other altered states of consciousness. Her approach is based on an information-processing model. is defined precisely by its existential care (Heidegger 1977) and interinvolvement (Merleau-Ponty 19646). within which imagination is autonomous primarily in that it is a mode of thought that takes place "outside conscious awareness. It is difficult to determine whether this difference and specialness are in fact ones of degree or kind from the autonomy of ordinary imagination described by Casey. or healing.:54)." "compelling. .:55).EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 83 ordinary imagining is described as essentially "disengaged" (though arguably so)." and hence has an inherently "self-alien quality" (ibid. and displays a different access to memory. For Stephen." those concerns will impinge on imaginative autonomy by imposing specific cultural form on its products." and "have their own momentum" (ibid. dreams. including shamanistic vision. insofar as the religious imagination is engaged with "pressing human concerns. The consequences of incapacity to imagine are especially salient in a behavioral environment that places a premium on imagination. Furthermore. active imagination. First. In one sense it would appear that the form of autonomy described by Stephen is undermined by the subordination of imagination either to states such as dreaming.

. during the experience of resting in the Spirit (cf. Semiotics and Phenomenology of Imagination Having introduced imagination's characteristics of embodiment. does imagery occur in an indisputably altered state of consciousness. Moreover. and autonomy. Only occasionally. or to the underlying information-processing mechanism. it remains ambiguous as to whether we are speaking of autonomy or automatism. the problem of continuity or discontinuity between ordinary and religious imagination. we are prepared for the next step. distinguishes religious imagination from the relatively indifferent imagination of ordinary life—although it might be argued that even ordinary imagination is more motivated and emotionally valent than Casey acknowledges.84 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION hypnosis.6 Whether or not they can be reconciled in the abstract.:54). chapter 9). It is this intermediate phenomenological position that on the one hand allows imagination to become elaborated as an efficacious and sacred self process. an ordinary capacity rendered religious. This distinction would appear to lead us back to defining the image in consciousness as a thing rather than as an act. Charismatics indigenously describe their imaginative experiences under the explicit category of imagination. as I mentioned above. arc especially relevant to our ethnographic case. and the implications of different understandings of imaginative autonomy. immediacy. and on the other allows it to be accessible to existential analysis. As was evident in our example of the shoe test. These facts locate our discussion precisely on the boundary' between ordinary and religious imagination and between the two forms of imaginative autonomy. Because the information-processing mechanism is by definition outside of consciousness. they readily distinguish their everyday experience of divinely inspired "images" from less frequent but still possible 'Visions" and "apparitions. and religious ecstasy. Moreover." and further distinguish all of these from either hallucination or ordinary perception. and draws a distinction between process of imaginative thought and the products of imagination which "may arise spontaneously into awareness" (ibid. The two accounts can perhaps be reconciled if the "special responsiveness" and "special influence" attributed by Stephen to autonomous imagination are linked with the existential engagement that. the information-processing model tends to presume that the real work of imagination is done within a kind of cognitive black box.

as to be capable of determining a Third. in the Sartre's analogical representative and object correspond to Peirce's representamen and object. an object which is the situation or problem indicated by the sign. For Peirce. and an interpretant constituted by an explanation of the situation. and an object: "The image is an act which envisions an absent or non-existent object as a body. We will construct our analytic framework by superimposing these formulations. and for the second with the assistance of Sartre's phenomenology of the image. composed of an act.7 The analogical representative is the immediate content of consciousness that corresponds to Peirce's representamen. the object. called its Object. to oudine a method that incorporates the complementarity of semiotics and phenomenology.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 85 That is. that of image-assign and that of image-in-consciousness. is a First which stands in such a genuine triadic relation to a Second. Singer 1984:45). which we will apply to our data under the . however. This complementarity allows us to recognize two aspects of the image. and the object is the situation or problem that corresponds to what Peirce also calls the object. Among Charismatics the imaginative act can be identified by two features: the sensory modality in which it occurs. a course of action to be taken in resolution of the problem. For Sartre. The revelatory images of Charismatic healers are signs in that they have an explicit content that serves as representamen. Then we will be ready for the existential analysis of Charismatic revelatory' imagery. and its cultural form ("prophecy." or an unnamed form that I will call imaginal performance). called its Interpretant to assume the same triadic relation to its Object in which it stands itself to the same Object" (quoted in M. in line with the discussion mounted above. the interpretant is absent from Sartre's concept of image. an analogical representative. the fundamental structure of the sign was a tripartite composite of the sign proper or representamen. whereas the act phase is absent from Peirce's concept of sign." "anointing. by means of a physical or mental content which is present only as an 'analogical representative' of the object envisioned" (1948:26). The two formulations overlap. and the interpretant: "A Sign or Representamen." "word of knowledge. The relation between these formulations." "discernment. We can account for the first aspect with the assistance of Peirce's semiotics. or an outcome in the form of a goal to be achieved in the healing process. the image likewise has a tripartite structure. Thus.

always primarily related to other signs and only secondarily to motives." and its "self-contained" or contextindependent nature. Consequently it must be able to become a function of textuality.86 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION labels of image-as-sign and imagc-in-consciousness. Conversely. the representamen is definitively a representation to perception. it is always already in the order of representation rather than of presentation. its enactment of "pure possibility. due to what Casey (1976) refers to as its "indifference" or lack of engagement. is subject to variation in consciousness with respect to what Casey defines as clarity. When it is. Conversely. the image in itself can have no definitive interpretant in the world. however. whereas its inherence in the order of embodiment guarantees the image-in-consciousness intentionality and presentational immediacy8 The essential integrity of this scheme is guaranteed by the identity of the object in both orders. the analytic independence of the two orders is guaranteed by the different modes of presentation of the (semiotic) representamen and the (phenomenological) analogical representative. At the same time. while the overlapping bottom level portrays the structure of the image in the order of embodiment or bcing-in-theworld. Its inherence in the order of textuality guarantees the image-as-sign communicative value and potential rhetorical force. The analogical representative. Insofar as the image can become engaged it must be able to take on an interpretant. Thus the image-as-sign can fail to be perceived only if misrecognized. as a function of textuality. and like other cultural phenomena be analyzed according to the "model of the text" (Ricoeur 1979). as a function of embodiment. or obscured by distraction. as well . The sign in itself has no act phase because. That is. and here we must reiterate that we are not dealing with decontexrualized imagery produced in the laboratory. texture. These characteristics arc doubtless related to Sartre's (1948) conclusion that imagination is fundamentally impoverished. can be schematically represented as follows: act sign/representamen analogical representative object object interpretant The top level portrays the structure of the sign in the order of textuality or representation. and directness (1976:55—56). in order for a sign to become engaged in the world it must be able to be acted or performed. but with imager}' produced in a fully engaged natural context. it enters the domain of embodiment wherein lies the efficacy of the "performance of metaphor" (Fernandez 1986). misattended to.

to meet this issue head-on would take us far afield of our empirical concerns. along with Casey (1976). My position is that it is not necessary to show that they engage sensory modalities in precisely the same way in order to argue that they engage the same sensory modalities—modalities that are essentially of the body. In the remainder of this chapter we will use this fourfold scheme to analyze the data on revelatory imagery gathered from the eighty-seven Charismatic healers interviewed in our study. but to be both described and experienced as sensations. and discernment. and second. in fact. calling to issue the relation between imagination and perception." I anticipated. and specifically about the sensory modalities in which they experienced these gifts. We have already arrived at a sense of the cultural forms of revelation as performative act (chapter 3).9 Modalities of Revelation We begin with that element of our scheme we have designated the "act" phase. that this ethnopsychology is so deeply inculcated that somatic images are quite likely not to be recognized as such.10 My decision was in response to the above-mentioned North American ethnopsychology of mind-body or mental-material relations that presumes all imagery to be "mental imagery. and physical sensations. first. Thus the image-in-consciousness can endure only as it is remembered as a sign or reimaged in consciousness. The eighty-seven healers were asked how they experienced the revelatory gifts of prophecy. defined by sensory modality and cultural form. that it is possible to determine respects in which they are both continuous and discontinuous. Showing how sensory modalities are engaged in revelatory imagery places us squarely in the arena of embodiment. I necessarily asked about visual images. It must suffice to observe. It is methodologically critical that for purposes of cultural intelligibility. go as far back as the turn of the century to encounter a list of imagety modalities which comprehends the range we have por- . We must. word of knowledge. I think. Let us examine the data presented in table 4. Unfortunately.1. that the history of philosophy and psychology includes both a tradition that holds imagination and perception to be continuous and a tradition that holds them to be discontinuous. quite rightly.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 87 as sustainability.

Each Charismatic healer wasfreeto describe his or her imagery in any way. and emotional. with probe questions limited to the five senses and dreaming—the emotion. No more cognitive and no less perceptual than the other senses. olfactory. W. imagery as "a sense o f — o r as "infused knowledge" in the paratheological term of one healer—epitomizes the embodied mdeterminacy of being-in-the-world. pain. organic. and blurs the boundaries between persons in an intersubjective milieu. and claimed to have experienced all of them himself (Giorgi 1987:5). Number of Healers Percent of Healers (N = 87) Visual Hapric/Kinesthetic/ Proprioceptive Heat Pain Other Intuitive 47 54 mental pictures 26 13 31 28 30 15 35 32 Auditory Olfactory 24 19 28 22 AfFectivc Motor Dream 12 6 5 14 7 6 emanates from hands specific body part varies "sense" about person/ situation inner words flowers = good sulphur = evil specific emotion impulse to speak/act dream relevant to supplicant problem Imagery Modality Character of Images trayed in our table. Writing in 1898. gustatory. Its amorphous character militates against clear distinction between image and percept. Although there was considerable range in the frequency and vividness of reported imager)'. tactile. auditory. and which therefore must be unitary in nature. alongside the five "external" senses. thermal. intuition or "having a sense o f something. If this categorization encompasses most of our analysis. included an "intemaT sense for which there exist no discrete sense otgans. Kant (1978).1 Modalities of Revelatory Imagery Reported by Charismatic Healers. precisely as it leads thoughtful Charismatics to equivocate between attributing it to either human intuition or divine inspiration. we must go even farther into the Cartesian sediment to accept category six. motor.88 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION Tabic 4. sense/intuition. Lay distinguished "visual. as compatible with the other modalities. only five healers failed to report any . and impulse categories were emergent from the data.

but sometimes of an afflicted body part. lightness or heaviness. Howes 1987). Given the expected North American cultural bias of the sensorium toward preference for the visual (Ong 1967. relying as it must on Kant's indeterminate "inner sense. may be localized in any part of the body. electricity) are doubtless akin to those reported by people practicing various relaxation techniques. what I am calling intuitive imagery is a very common mode of experiencing the word of knowledge and discernment.g. choking or suffocation. uniquely realistic. and feeling physically dirtied by the presence of sexual immorality. lightness. The way that Charismatics mine this essential ambiguity for significance may then be a key to the way that imaginal self process in revelation becomes. feeling the person prayed with rising (quasi levitation). in North America's typically Cartesian idiom. and proprioceptive sensations. Visual imagery appears in the form of mental pictures. I have subdivided them into three categories. . under which I include all haptic..1. Others bear such context-specific meaning (e. are second in frequency. Csordas 1993). Its character is perhaps the most difficult to specify. Feld 1982. feeling "dirtied") that they appear bound to the moral imagination as sensors' metaphors rather than sensations. On the contrary. Some of these nonspecific feelings (e. as it were. heaviness.g. and is the most common single image reported.11 Pain." In some cases it appears to carry more prestige. Here more than anywhere else in our data we traverse the ambiguous boundary between image and sensation. and occasionally as a number or word inscribed. energy blockage. often of a person or situation. burning. a cultural phenomenology must allow for the possibility that this indeterminacy is an essential one (cf. kinesthetic. on the tabula rasa of the mind.EMBODIED LMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 89 experience of revelation/manifestation. including chills or coldness. the same cultural bias would lead us to expect far fewer instances of imagery in other modalities than are actually reported. in Geertz's phrase. it comes as no surprise that visual imagery predominates among Charismatics. Insofar as they are quite diverse.. electricity moving through the body. Heat is most often localized in the hands. Images based on the sense of touch. among which again each healer may have mentioned more than one. however. perhaps precisely because it is experienced as less embodied—hence. Continuing through the modalities in table 4. trembling hands. The residual category covers a wide range. queasiness. Whereas an empiricist psychology might remain frustrated at the indeterminacy between categories of imagination and sensation. more "spiritual"—than imagery in other modalities.

and explicit distinction between spiritual and actual listening. eyes. through varying degrees of vividness. Some healers describe the revelatory image as an impression." Shading off in the "human" direction from the category of images reported as unmediated sense or impression are images in which the healer acknowledges that the inspiration comes explicitly in the process of picking up cues from the supplicant. Shading off in the "divine" direction from unmediated intuitive imager)'. all of whom had some degree of professional psychotherapeutic training. One of these observed that insistence on the exclusively divine origin of the gift. not surprisingly. as in "when the Lord speaks he impresses a word on your spirit like on soft clay. he doesn't speak in your ear. On the one hand." and that she subsequently invented her own images in order to convey the content to the supplicant. It is reported by fewer healers. emphasized the continuity between human intuition and this mode of divinely inspired imagery. these descriptions range from subconscious processing.12 As might be expected. In . to seeing or listening to faces. Whether cast in the cultural form of prophecy or word of knowledge. and only rarely as an impersonal sound. pauses. the scent of roses or other flowers is often reported. instead of understanding it as intuition augmented by grace. and is more stereotyped in meaning. is less frequent in occurrence among those who report it. so olfactory imager)' is relatively impoverished. Just as visual imagery is.90 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION One healer insisted that her inspiration came through immediate "infused knowledge. or actions. the experienced audibility of this voice may range from the virtual silence we assume when we speak of "inner dialogue" in everyday life. Starting with the psychological pole. typically indicating the spiritual presence of the Virgin Mar)' and sometimes the deity. this mode is by and large experienced in terms of an inner voice. used here along with the material metaphor of soft clay." The ambiguity of this notion of impression. is highlighted by another use of the word in a more literal physical sense to refer to demonic presence "almost like somebody's got their hand on my back or I feel I've got something pressing on mc. reading into what people say. the revelatory inspiration becomes described as auditory imagery. our next major modality. Healers' descriptions of these revelations can be classed along a rough continuum defined by their use of psychological or spiritual language. Three others. dominant in a North American cultural setting. hearing more than what people say. was evidence of a "magical" attitude in contrast to an "incamationaT theology.

This must be attributed to lack of cultural elaboration rather than to unsuitability of this modality to imagery. and isolation. . Nevertheless. Whereas such emotional imagery is closely attuned to the intersubjective milieu of healing. For example. It is understood not as the sharing of a patient's emotional state. confusion. including two by supplicants that called their attention to specific issues requiring healing (the smell of tobacco by a woman in the process of healing from the emotional trauma of divorce from a man who smoked a pipe. Charismatics are willing to entertain . the image of burning sulphur or of something rotten invariably indicates a demonic presence and is a cue that prayer for deliverance is called for. whether natural or demonically exacerbated. internal repulsion." Here the heaviness is not to be understood as a separate proprioceptive image. sometimes even after death. unworthiness. though I didn't lose sleep over it. and more irrational. happiness.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 91 contrast to medieval stories of saints whose bodies exuded afloralodor. a healer described "discerning" demonic anger or fear as an experience of those emotions. but as an emotional image the content of which is precisely what psychiatry calls a "vegetative sign" of depression. revelatory imagery in the affective modality included anger. unbelief. but as revelation of either a current transitory or chronic state. and the smell of cookies which reminded a woman of a traumatic incident in her childhood). Charismatic floral imagery is generally reported to be spontaneous and unassociated with a particular place or person. Like almost the problem was mine. or as revelation of a past state. a heaviness. real heavy. "like it was all inside of me . feeling the urge to flee the room. loneliness." Another described feeling very deeply for a person with a family problem. it must be carefully distinguished from empathy. fear.13 On the other hand. and to complete the inventory of sensory modalities. we also note that the revelatory significance of olfactory imagery in healing per se may appear somewhat inflated in our tabulation. . In our data. rejection. for in the case of floral images the specific examples elicited were sometimes drawn from devotional rather than healing settings. In all the interviews only three examples of other kinds of olfactory images were reported. and one by a healer that indicated the presence of an evil spirit of lust in a house (the smell of semen). sadness. we know that in cases of schizophrenia hallucinatory images occur in both olfactory and gustatory modalities. frustration. gustatory imagery was not once reported in our interviews. Given these constraints. in comparison to the olfactory. In fact. but "heavier than anger coming from myself.

is it from empathy. and which falls under the category of relatively simple and straightforward catharsis. Whereas on the one hand. combining the essential indifference and detachment of imagination with the existential commitment to the suffering patient. That's very powerful for me. or as if I were there representing Jesus and at that point taking on the pain. healers clearly distinguish these feelings from their own emotions. in her view." This point is emphasized in situations where the emotional image is compounded by crying on the part of the healer. So FU just be with them and I'llfindtears moving down my eyes. being "more irrational" than one's own. What I have called motor images arc. the apparent "as-if-consciousness" (Husserl 1964:141) affirms that we are dealing with an imaginal phenomenon. I will be with a person and begin to cry. Yet. on the other. but from "being moved" by "the intensity of God's presence. for she had once experienced abandonment by her husband as had the woman she was describing. the intentionality of the verbal act precedes the cognition of its meaning such that it "comes to mv mind after it comes to mv mouth. Specifically. Not cry as if they were my own tears." In the latter example. In the words of one woman: Sometimes when I'm praying. or "like almost die problem was mine. as is also evident. the principal point to which I would draw attention is the image's relation to the healer's self. the healer can indeed be said to have been empathetic. The first thing to note in this passage is the insistent "as i f used by this healer to approximate the preobjective experience of crying in the healing situation. but as if the suffering of the other person or the joy—it can be either—were moving through me." . experienced as impulses to act or speak. Cleansing me maybe. but lack any indigenous notion of an "emotional image." Neither. the lack of a stereotypic cultural objectification enhances our confidence in the phenornenological report. But it's not from sadness.92 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION the idea that these feelings may be compassion or empathy as much as divine inspiration." The phenomenological character of the affective image is most clear when it is contrasted with what Charismatics refer to as the "gift of tears" or the "gift of laughter. and. But it's as if Fm a vessel for that. I just know it's different than when I cry." In these experiences one bursts into spontaneous and uncontrollable laughing or crying that is understood to be fully of the self. when cast in the cultural form of word of knowledge. Another healer explicitly stated that "I cry a lot.

whereupon she discovered an old scar on his head that indicated an incident the emotional effects of which required healing. this exclusion needs accounting for. and a priest of IrishAmerican heritage stated that he prevents himself from dreaming in order to be more fully removed in sleep from the stresses of daily life. to get up and stand behind the seated supplicant. and given the regularity with which the ethnographic literature reports dreams as a modality of revelation in other traditions.14 Of the five included in table 4. this healer was an immigrant from Portugal who. and this is an exception that proves the rule. there is an eidetic charaaeristic of both waking and dream imagery that is thematizcd . was the only healer who reported waking experiences of literal visions and auditions of Jesus and Mary as opposed to images in the mind's eye and ear. Dreams and Revelation Dreams are largely excluded from the revelatory imagery of Charismatic healers. ls Several other healers warned that to rely on dreams as sources of revelation could be dangerous. as was reported by one healer. implying the possibility of being misled by one's unconscious or deceived by Satan. one had experienced a revelatory dream only once. As it turns out. another only recently and only twice.1." or again the healer finds himself saying something apparently "out of the blue.16 Given the Charismatics' concern with revelation. One female healer of Franco-American heritage reported being socialized out of dreaming altogether as a child. but who in fact appeared more willing to describe this as making use of her own countertransference than as a revelatory spiritual gift. and a fourth was a psychiatrist who reported 25 percent of her dreams were about her patients. in addition. the relative exclusion of dreams from Charismatic revelatory imagery leads us to a critical point for our argument." In nonverbal examples one may be impelled to lay hands on a supplicant in a particular way or. First. Only one healing minister unequivocally reported regularly receiving revelation for healing through dreams. one reported no longer dreaming in this way. Whereas nearly all the healers were North Americans of French.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 93 or the "knowledge just comes out as I talk. Irish. with respect to both the criterion of the sacred in the phenomenology of the Charismatic world and to the intertwining of the sacred with the psychocultural themes prominent in that world. or Italian heritage.

it appears exempt from causality. Together these features describe an essential sclf-gcncrativity. the image springs up with a deep spontaneity which is independent of the will" (ibid. and that is spontaneity. however. If. The spontaneous image "resists being located in a well-ordered. at least prior to reflection. prethematized by the centrality of spontaneity as a psychocultural concern. and hence a concrete articulation of what Merleau-Ponty (1962) called the "bodily synthesis. Quite unlike the spontaneity of dreaming. . however. Here again the decisive point is given in Casey's analysis. as we have argued.:24). as it were." Revelatory gifts institute a somatic mode of attention oriented to imaginal modulations of the body precisely in its role as the existential ground of self. Imagination is not only self-generative. a process that impresses itself on Charismatics precisely because it often appears "out of the blue. which are equally spontaneous as waking imager}'. This does not yet account for the exclusion of dreams. and suggested that "in most cases. If the incarnate experience of the sacred is culturally defined as spontaneous." it is also critical that we have described this imaginal self process in terms of embodied imagery. instantaneously (with no time lapse between our intention to produce it and its appearance). but also in instances when wc consciously produce an image.: 68). in a way ripe for thematization as the sacred Other acting within the self." and does not emerge "from a nexus of causally efficacious factors" (ibid. but may be self-starting or autogenous. His analysis shows that not only when an image emerges unbidden."17 It is at once profoundly of the self. It is Casey (1976:63-86). and effortlessly (it appears to unfold on its own initiative). causally concatenated series. Sartre (1948:18) regarded spontaneity as an essential characteristic of imaginative consciousness. but at the same time is experienced as profoundly other. then the inherent spontaneity of imagination is readily embraced as a manifestation and criterion of the sacred. the body is the ground of self as a "setting in relation to the world. who develops a thorough phenomenological description of imaginative spontaneity'. The cultural elaboration of imagery is an engagement of the entire sensorium. Here we can grasp both the aptness and the persuasiveness of imagination as a process of the sacred self. The crowning touch in consolidating imagery as a definitive and efficacious experience of the sacred is that it is. no doubt. For this reason. it appears suddenly (in a manner that can surprise us).94 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION precisely as the most convincing evidence that revelatory imagery is of divine origin.

18 Spontaneity and controlledness cannot coexist at the same moment of the image-in-consciousness. when we imagine. One may subsequently direct the development of an image that emerges spontaneously. Thus. once again. and vice versa" (Casey 1976:63). this time that of control. and to terminate an imaginal sequence. We have gone far enough with regard to our specific 19 . if imagining is more controllable than dreaming. In a negative sense. but exhibits the phenomenological complementarity between spontaneity and control as capacities of the sacred self. By controlledness is meant that we have the ability to initiate or self-induce imagery. imagination not only conforms to two important themes. imagination is shown to be an apt constituting process of the Charismatic sacred self in that it conforms to a psychoculturaJ theme. for though surprised by the former. to guide its contents along a particular trajectory. Representation and Object A great deal more could be said about the revelatory image as act. it's validity and meaning arc also more readily "discerned" and less subject to personal distortion or "demonic deceit. Moreover. even the element of surprise in spontaneous imagery is more muted than in dreams. indeed. Here we finally have a double rationale for the downplaying of dreams in favor of imagining in the domain of revelation. for "the imaginer senses directly. These two characteristics complement and counterbalance one another not in a merely abstract way. it is always potentially controllable. but if imagery is not always actually controlled." In a positive sense. We retain our basic composure because nothing has appeared that undermines or threatens ingrained beliefs concerning causal action or interaction.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 95 the spontaneity of ordinary imagination is essentially paired with the feature of controlledness.:70). without any supplementary act of inference or recourse to reasoning. "we are not swept away by it. such beliefs are put out of play from the start" (ibid. Corollary to control in this respect is the Charismatic preference for conscious rather than unconscious engagement with the deity. that the controlled features of imagining complement its spontaneous features—the former seeming to compensate for what is missing in the latter. On the contrary. in dreaming we can be swept away because we are not always immediately aware that we are dreaming. just as a spontaneous turn can occur within an imager)' sequence that is consciously guided.

and this is what we find in Charismatic revelatory imagery. Occasionally. Peirce called an icon" (M. Within the Charismatic cultural context. the latter are relatively self-evident in meaning and lack the condensation of meaning characteristic of symbols. Whereas the symbolic sign requires a mental association. Our first observation is that revelatory imagery falls under two principal categories. defining the structural form of . however.:30). I know of no other instance in the ethnographic literature in which such a body of data is presented. A sign that stands for something merely because it resembles it. We will consider this type first. the relation of icons and indices to their object is direct: "If the sign signifies its object solely by virtue of being really connected with it. and his concepts of indexical and iconic signs on the other. a revelatory image or an image complementing that of the healer is reported as occurring to a patient. intellectual concept. Singer 1984:44). Indices are signs "of individual existence and interaction. during the kinds of healing events with which wc have become familiar in the preceding chapters. dividing it into three subtypes: indexical icons. corresponding to Peirce's concept of symbolic sign on the one hand. The other half (N = 141) are indices or icons of a patient's state. In this section we will outline the cultural repertoire of relations between represcntamen (or analogical representative) and object. The vast majority of these were experienced by the healers themselves. or disposition to act as its intcrprctant. and hence what follows is necessarily an experimental approach to the semiotic structure of a naturally occurring repertoire of revelatory imagery. so that we can move on to the other elements of our fourfold scheme. the interpretants of which arc revelations about a patient's problem." whereas icons are signs "of structural form" in social life (ibid.20 Thus the interpretants of icons and indices arc more likely to be restricted or standardized. the interpretants of which are revelations about the pragmatics of the ongoing healing event. Indexical icons are indexical in that they manifest the existence of their object in the interaction among healer. indexes proper. as in physical symptoms—for example meteorological signs and a pointing finger—Peirce called such a sign an index. and divinity.96 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION interest in imaginal self process. whereas they are iconic in that the modality in which they occur is isomorphic with their object. supplicant.21 Among the Charismatic healers in the present study. and icons proper. roughly half the images reported (N = 146) are symbolic signs of persons and situations. however. Our data for this discussion are 287 examples of specific images reported by the healers.

substantivized divine power. as defined above. Thus when one healer reports either the visual image of a "hard heart" or the proprioceptive image of a "tight heart" as signs of "emotional closure." the conventional metaphor of the heart as seat of emotions replaces the isomorph- . Insofar as their presence in consciousness is analogical. and both spiritual and emotional negativities described as evil. that is. and that the repertoire of objects. Indexical signs proper indicate their object across modalities—in other words. or blockage. In the visual modality. what is being imaged. icons bear a resemblance to their object. bondage. peace. deepness or authenticity. and synesthetically index one modality by another. the occurrence of healing. The objects represented by these images include: divine power or presence. In the auditory modality. shaking or tingling. when we analyze images-as-sign it is not surprising to find that the analogies are based on conventional associations. The more analogical the relation between representamen and object. pain and coldncss/iciness may be representamens with evil rather than divine power as their objects.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 97 that object as embodied. tears. the less literally iconic are the healers' images. They come to rely increasingly on conventional metaphor. Indexical Icons. An emotional image. the representamen may occur either as pure light or as tongues of fire settling on the supplicant." or "whatever you ask I'll give. It is important to bear in mind that these are subtypes of representation. but their meaning is nonspecific without additional information provided by the context. rigidity. electricity or chills through the body." In such auditory images." "they're healed. remains constant across these three subtypes. Finally. indexical because they manifest the existence of power and iconic in that they resemble the qualities of a culturally defined. again. an image in one modality indexes the existence of an object in another modality. deeper breathing or shortness of breath. lightness or buoyancy. since in most cases it indicates the existence of an emotion in the supplicant and has the same form as that emotion. the auditory image of cruel laughter may be an indexical icon of evil rather than of divine power. the iconic element comes from the inherent power attributed to the divine "word". or more vaguely "that something is happening". reconciliation. Most of the images that take the form of indexical icons are images of divine power. prominent representamens are heat. Index. where an iconic relationship exists between the energy of light or fire and divine power. In the proprioceptive modality. positive emotional states described as inner peace. is perhaps the most clearcut case of the indexical icon. the image may be cast in words such as "it's finished.

In the third. few images that arc purely indexical in form. this time focusing on the imaginal use of a specific body part." Here the emphasis was not on the heat of flushing as a manifestation of divine power. consider the following three examples. First. It is perhaps most accurate to identify a continuum of diminished iconicity in the relation between rcpresentamen and object. examples of which are a tornado. conventional associations are inadequate for specifying the objects. but even here there is a residual iconic or analogical element in the physical location of the heat in the organ of hearing. In the first case. examples of which are the Eucharist. a sign in which the only iconic element is the bodily location. Icon. and the visual or proprioceptive modalities become synesthetic indices of the emotional modality. and as an index of demonic presence foulness of smell is associated with moral corruption. Second. physical warmth was a metaphor of emotional intimacy (warmth = "warmth"). a snapping sound and a high-pitched whisde were both reported as indicating the healing of an ear problem. Olfactory images are important examples here. Their content may be explicitly religious. constituting an indexical icon in that pain bears an iconic relationship to illness. and a big stone wall. but as a means by which the healer's attention was directed toward the source of inspiration. Michael. Take. a healer's ear becoming red and flushed was a sign that "the Lord wants to speak. The representamen is the haptic image of physical warmth. This is a more purely indexical sign in which the proprioceptive rcpresentamen (heat) indicates the imminence of a divine-human communication. where as an index of divine presences sweetness of smelJ is metaphorically associated with spiritual sweetness or holiness. or nonreligious. for example. Especially with the nonreligious images. Finally. Again. sea sponges soaking up water. the healer interpreted this warmth as an indexical icon of divine power (warmth = energy). the following three images drawn from our data. There are. and healers must .98 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION ism of iconicity. however. in which the same reprcsentamen takes on relations to different objects. the experience of pain in the healer's ear was reported as the revelation of a patient's car problem. In the second. Revelatory images in which the relationship between representamen and object is more purely iconic are typically visual images. warmth localized in the feet and legs was taken as an indexical revelation of a circulator)' problem (warmth = bodily location of problem). or St. the face or hands of Jesus.

. an imaginal performance by the deity. . the Virgin Mary placing her veil over an afflicted person. To attach a legend to the picture makes a sentence . However. of Jesus sealing off the golden door of trauma. To take another example." the sea sponges as indicating that the patient was "being washed clean. It was in this way. This is the consequence of an essential characteristic of icons identified by Peirce: Now the object of an Icon is entirely indefinite. and to anybody else it only says something called Leopardi looked like this." . we can say that although the act phase of most revelatory images takes the form of ""imaging" discrete objects or events in their separateness. it is only by context that the image of Jesus running his finger down the seam of a double golden door can be understood as the deity "sealing off' a traumatic incident from a supplicant's past.''. Here is not a static iconic image. Jesus pouring some of his blood over the husband and son of a deceased woman. these imaginal performances are characterized by "imagining-that" a particular state of affairs. using a hair from his head to sew the heart of a supplicant with a lacuna in the coronary wall. A pure picture without a legend only says "something is like this. pulling out a thorn from a supplicant's heart. Adopting Casey's terms. (quoted in M. that the tornado was understood as "uprooting the negative. . Even in these relatively pure iconic images. or nexus . It conveys its information to a person who knows who Leopardi was. This is especially evident in the last example we gave. the indexical function never disappears completely. ..EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 99 rely almost entirely on context. situation. for the image ultimately points to divine presence and power. Singer 1984:107) It is only within the performative context of ritual events that the indefinite iconic images can acquire the "legends" that define their objects relevant to a patient's distress. the "sealing off" is a legend that conveys its information to a person who knows who Jesus was. what I would stress is not the element of indexicality. putting a drop of his blood into the circulator}' system of a victim of cardiac illness. analogous to a portrait of Leopardi with Leopardi written below it. Additional examples include Jesus in a cloud massaging/hugging/touching/loving an afflicted body part. but a kind of icon in motion." and the stone wall as the presence of "blockage" or resistance to healing. returning to the examples cited above. . equivalent to "something. and to anybody else it only says something called Jesus does things like this. but the performative force brought to bear by attaching a legend to these icons. To paraphrase Peirce.

100 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION Table 4. Roughly half the images (N = 75) include the presence of people. or impulse Verbal statement Total Number of Images 60 15 39 22 10 146 of relationship pertains (1976:41). . simple images of people in situations. In their manner of prescntation-in-consciousness. Given their greater elaboration of meaning in comparison to the predominandy tactile and proprioceptive images we have been examining. who achieve their results by travel to and action within the spirit world. The data include only one instance in which a human character from the Bible appears." Let us turn now to our second major category of revelatory images. The modality of these images is predominandy visual. who performs the critical actions. and only fifteen in which a divine actor appears along with humans. name. identifiable as the representamen or analogical representative of each image. Although most imaginal performances are carried out by patients during their own healing. However. it is worthy of note that. and not the healer.2. those describable as symbolic signs. Type of Rcprcscntamcn Imager)' including people People alone God and people Imagery' excluding people Objects Word. in all these instances it is ostensibly Jesus or the Virgin Mary. they arc the only instance in which Charismatic healing ministers perform a function analogous to that of traditional shamans. number. insofar as the they can be carried out by the healer. This content. typically featuring the patient and her close relatives. emotion.2 Reprtsentamens of Symbolic Signs in Revelatory Imagery Reported by Charismatic Healers. The images composed of people alone are predominandy diagnostic. these examples are distributed among simple images of people with no imaginal background. this observation supports the commonsense view that visualization has the greater potential for richness of content. and complex images of people engaged in action that portrays a problematic situation. Neither is it entirely accurate to say that the divine beings are acting in a capacity analogous to the shaman's "spirit helper. is the basis for the categorization shown in table 4.

except when they occur to the patient herself.g. This is because the reprcsentamcn-object relation in the symbolic sign is by definition arbitrary and conventional. or impulses (e. In performance. and for which she had never been able to forgive him. and motor modalities. the healer "receiving" the simple image of a shovel could not know that the object was an actual shovel. knife.g. The critical point about these symbolic images in ritual performance is that. The second category. but frequently in auditory.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 101 whereas those in which the divinity appears tend to consist of imaginal performances with Jesus acting the part of healer or reconciler among people. where it is based on similarity. "Ed")." usually referring to a person's age). emotions (e. comprising slighdy less than half the data (N = 61).. the object is constituted only when the triadic sign function is completed by the patient's provision of an interpretant.g. "33. the shovel's interpretant is the traumatic effect of an incident in which the patient's brother buried her dead pet without compassion.. names (e." "You must forgive if you want to be healed.g. piano. numerals (e. "rage").g. intuitive. The observation that both healer and patient are required to complete the semiotic structure of the symbolic revelatory image is evidence ." "Tell her if she believes she'll be healed. "Be not afraid. shovel. a small residual category (N = 10) consists of verbal images in either auditory or intuitive modalities (e. whereas the healer's symbolic image may constitute a scene." "Have you been to the doctor about this problem?"). "chromosomes. This subgroup is also more diverse in that its images appear not only in visual. 22 Again. where it is based on contiguity. In this example. This is the only subgroup in which images are likely to be found cast in the cultural form of prophecy. they require both the healer and patient to constitute the relation of representamen to object. the patient must recognize that scene and constitute it as a situation relevant in her own experience..g. a healer's image of Jesus standing in a circle with two other men required the patient to identify those men as his brothers. she's needed. The major part of its images are presented in the manner of simple objects associated with human life such as a dress. "stop the car and pray").. excludes human protagonists. Finally. A smaller subgroup includes an array of no-less simple words (e.. Thus.. For example. mask." "7. The interpretant was a situation of estrangement and the possibility of reopening communication with those brothers. etc." "Tell that woman to go home. dog." "love"). It is accordingly not as accessible as in the iconic sign. or the indexical sign. affective.

language and experience were not so ontologically distinct as anthropologists appear often to presume. (ibid. as such. If she does not know. Peirce went beyond a purely mentalistic definition of the interpretant. however. and icons (both static and icons in motion). indexes. revelatory imager)' is a concrete hierophany and in- . and he understood the self as an integration of feelings." In the Charismatic system of ritual healing these habits inhere in the situations identified by revelatory imagery. emphasis added) When we look for the meaning of Charismatic revelatory imagery. The possible interpretants vary depending on whether or not the healer knows the nature of the patient's affliction. The Final Interpretant and Meaning in Revelation We have adopted the Pcirccan notion of the interpretant as a mental content or concept that stands in an identical relationship with the representation and with its object. actions. or that the patient needs to submit herself to the availability of healing or to "claim" that healing.102 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION that revelation is grounded in the intcrsubjective milieu of ritual healing. and thoughts into "bundles of habits" (M. thereby completing the meaning of the sign. Most relevant for our purposes is that Peirce's concept of habit is that of a self-analyzing and self-correcting disposition to act in a certain way under given circumstances and motivations. then such an image indicates either that healing is taking place. the image may specifically reveal a problem to be dealt with. For him. We will consolidate our understanding of this grounding with a discussion of the ultimate component of our fourfold scheme. we are led precisely to habits or dispositions to act that are subject to imaginative "remaking. Let us first briefly consider the interpretants of that group of images composed of indexical icons. If she knows. A habit is for him the "final" or "logical" interpretant of a sign and. The making and remaking of habits. In any case. or again may indicate that a healing is under way. the interpretant. subject to self-control through muscular effort and "cuts ofimagination" constitute the chief means for the formation and growth of the self. may generally indicate that someone requires healing prayer. Singer 1984:159). gives Peirce's theory of signs an essentially pragmatic dimension.

or fully 38 percent of images. In the adult group they are often grounded in marital difficulties or bereavement of a spouse. It also appeals to habit and the possibility of its transformation by enhancing the patient's disposition to be healed. The notion of habit also gives coherence to the repertoire of interpreters for revelatory images that take the form of symbolic signs. that is. like failures of intimacy.23 It is central to our argument about psychocultural themes in Charismatic healing that the largest group of interpretants has to do with intimacy. lack of parental love. or vulnerability to feelings of abandonment. but may include relationships with others. in certain of our accounts the interpretant includes a degree of causal specificity. or brokenncss. In these instances the interpretant can be defined as enduring or habitual consequences of the lack or failure of intimacy. as well as one's relationship with God. or exposure to family discord. Here it must be emphasized on the one hand that the subjective experience of childhood trauma undoubtedly does not correJate directly with its subjective consequences.3 summarizes the interpretants from our data according to content. Symbolic images the interpretants of which are the enduring consequences of traumatic events can also be subcategorized in terms of childhood or adult originary situations. In the childhood group they may include feelings of abandonment. or having been refused permission to wear a favorite dress on a particular occasion. In the childhood origin group. so that discrete emotions are identified as having led to dispositions such as weakened self-image. Although most of these instances of failed intimacy arc highly generalized. woundedness. Other traumatic situations included domestic violence and injury or illness. subcategorized according to whether the originary situation (the semiotic object of the image) occurred in childhood or adulthood. especially with members of one's Charismatic prayer group. Table 4. most often committed by the father or other close relative. and on the .EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 103 stance of religious experience. these are both critical elements of therapeutic process. twelve of thirty-one. difficulties experiencing love or forming relationships. trauma is ethnopsychologicaily presupposed to have enduring consequences. and more than what Dow (1986) has called "therapeutic preludes" that enhance the confidence of healer and patient. These consequences arc typically understood as kinds of emotional scars. identify the trauma as rape or sexual abuse. As we have seen (chapter 3). The interpretant as habitual state is implicit in defining the situation as traumatic. but also less apparently serious events such as having been temporarily "lost" in a public place.

3 includes any physical illness or condition. the image of a "root" with a supplicant preparing for a "root canal" dental surgery was interpreted as referring to the . excluded from this category. Not only are acute problems in themselves disruptions of the habitual body or body image. for example. This continuity should be no surprise to students of North American culture for. Exposure to consistent verbal abuse and having been once unjusdy scolded for breaking an aunt's washbasin may be objectively different. Finally. a range of issues apparendy continuous with those related to intimacy. relationships. they are). it is again the case that a generalized interpretant may be specified in ritual performance as habitual problems of self-image. it is not the case that interpretants classified as physical illness can be understood as "habits" only if those physical illnesses are chronic. Instead. Contrary to what might be expected. Type of Intcrprctam Intimacy Childhood Adult Trauma Childhood Adult Physical illness Emotional difficulty Spiritual problem Life stress Sin Total Number of Images 19 25 31 10 13 8 8 6 6 126 other that Charismatic culture implicitly recognizes as worthy of healing attention a range of traumas from the most brutal to the most mundane. but both are culturally relevant. but healers tend to look beyond the acute problem to more dispositional issues. and sexual abuse by one's father is not only an act of violent depravity. behavior. This is different from saying that they are psychosomatic or spiritual in origin (which in some cases.3 Interpretants of Symbolic Signs in Revelatory Imagery Reported by Charismatic Healers. or affect. indeed. The next subcategory in table 4. it is only a matter of emphasis as to whether bereavement is considered primarily a loss of intimacy or a traumatic event. but a profound violation of intimacy.104 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION Table 4.

homosexuality.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 105 "root" of the person's problem. anxiety. however. but is the product of a shared North American Charismatic habitus. having an illegitimate child. Under spiritual problems I include lack of religious faith and exposure to "occult" (demonic) influences. Like all practices within a coherent habitus. revelatory imagery is characterized by the fluidity of regulated improvisation (Bourdieu 1977). but not necessarily as the product of either failures of intimacy or consequences of trauma." Finally. invariably defined as problematic in the extremely . adultery.2 and the categories of interpretants for the same images described in table 4. a law-enforcement official's worry about testifying at an impending trial. which was a family history of alcoholism. in our data an image of a fetus and an image of the word "abortion" on a blackboard both referred to situations of abortion.3. sin refers to the enduring consequences of culturally defined transgressions such as having committed robbery. and anger. This repertoire of interpretants does not only identify individual habits. No symbolic image requires a particular interpretant within the system of ritual performance. The category of life stress refers to the consequences of events as diverse as a woman's anticipation of a family move to a new city. which determines both the repertoire of possible representamens and the repertoire of possible interpretants that can be attached to particular situations or objects. and an episode of pain was interpreted as a divine message calling attention to the person's disposition not to "take care of herself. an image promising healing for laryngitis was ultimately concerned with enhancing the person's religious faith. There is both a phenomenological and a semiotic element in this regulation. imagery associated with an episode of appendicitis in an elderly man was interpreted in terms of his lack of spiritual preparation for such a dangerous illness. or having an abortion. one would not likely find the same repertoire of problems and preoccupations in another culture (Kakar 1982). Neither is there any necessary correspondence between the categories of representamens described in table 4. The examples in our data include fear. or being generally "laden with burdens. guilt. The phenomenological element is provided by the habitus." Under the heading of emotional difficulty I have defined a type of interpretant in which the problem is explicidy recognized by healers as habitual. For example. Our final task in this section is to account for what makes this improvisation regulated rather than random. despair. Just as the repertoire of representamens can be expected to vary crossculturally. Again.

and semiosis regulates improvisation by defining the limits of specificity in revelatory imagery. With the occurrence of such an image. We can now . in a sense. The participants' shared habitus defines the modus operandi of improvisation within the intersubjectivc milieu. the habitus regulates improvisation by defining the limits of reality. for them. The semiotic element of regulated improvisation is provided by the type of sign in which a particular image is cast. It gives rise to images and interpretants that. the near abortion of one's self as an unwanted child. To stay with our example. or an abortion one has had oneself. converge on their objects (situations) in ritual performance. placing each in cultural and interactive context. The healer's subsequent contribution is to introduce specificity by determining the intcrpretant that frames the image in appropriate religious terms." In sum. we have attempted to contextualize revelatory practice and its repertoire of imagery as a cultural system. Embodied Imagery and Self Process We set out in this chapter to organize the data of Charismatic revelatory imagery according to the formula of act-representationobject-interpretant. constituting a cultural meaning that. in principle the fetus image could refer not to an abortion at all.106 EMBODIED LMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION conservative culture of Charismatics. The healer construes the revelatory image of a fetus (representamen) and the patient's experience of an abortion (object) as either a trauma or a sin (interpretant). On the other hand. is uniquely realistic. the patient's contribution is to specif)' the situation as an abortion of one's sibling. there is greater ambiguity possible with the relatively more iconic image of a fetus than with the symbolic inscription of "abortion" on an imaginal blackboard. Rather than analyzing images one by one. the word "abortion" on a blackboard rhetorically implies (and in our data was in fact construed as) a "sin" which could be "erased" by repentance and divine forgiveness in ritual healing. emphasizing the complementary analysis of the phenomenological image-in-consciousness and the semiotic imagc-as-sign. but for example to a trauma within a previous pregnancy carried to term. Because it lacks a legend of the type described above in Peirce's discussion of the portrait of Leopardi. thus producing a spiritual "clean slate.

emphasis added) In our analysis of imager}'. pointing to what Merleau-Ponty called the bodily synthesis as the condition for revelatory imagery in multiple modalities. the final interpretant is generalized in the sense that it is distributed throughout the person's existence as a general capacity—or incapacity—of self. If it is existentially the case that our embodiment allows us to recognize another person as "another myself (see chapter 1). For if imagination as a generalized capacity of self. it is culturally the case that a shared habitus is the ground of intuitive intersubjectiviry in ritual healing. while the representamen and its object denote a concrete situation immediately recognizable because it is culturally typical. such a "habit" cannot be equated with "illness" or even "suffering. Insofar as it may not be recognized as such by any patient. however. At this preobjective level." They sense about themselves the discomfort of a generalized "habit" that can be sensorially presented as an embodied image and which is a potential interpretant of revelation. (1962:145. it does at least give to our life theformof generality. as it does upon animals. thus linking act and interpretant in our analytic scheme." though it may be a preobjectivc constituent of either. it is without doubt part of the same habitus that includes those generalized dispositions that make up the repertoire of intcrpretants for revelatory imager)'. . but in the body as mediator of the world. This generality gives us a clue to the curious comment made sometimes by patients in Charismatic healing that "I don't know why I'm here.24 As Merleau-Ponty notes. that imagery is a Charismatic self process in a double sense. but that it is grounded in the mutually socially informed bodies of healer and patient. 146. it is also the case that habit has its abode neither in thought nor in the objective body. or characteristic somatic mode of attention. Recall that we began our argument for a theory of embodied imagery with the act phase. it should be understood as an element of the habitus.EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION 107 conclude by observing that the discussion of habit has brought us full circle back to the body as existential ground of self process. It is thus correct to say not only that the convergence of apt image and relevant interpretant upon an identifiable objector situation is grounded in the body. This is especially evident in the close connection we have shown between the structure of Charis- . . becomes part of the habitus generated among Charismatics. Here we return to the observation with which wc opened the chapter. and develops our personal acts into stable dispositional tendencies. . Although our body does not impose definite instincts upon us from birth.

and elaboration of alternatives. and that on occasion they will experience separate but complementary images. Images as indexical icons of divine power and as symbolic signs both reinforce the disposition to be healed. Spontaneity and control are deeply implicated in the experience of imagery as sacred and efficacious. Finally. but in the performative flow of a healing event elaborates that milieu by contributing to the critical elements of therapeutic process we have identified as disposition.108 EMBODIED IMAGERY AND DIVINE REVELATION matic imagery and prominent North American psychocultural themes. It is no accident that Charismatic revelatory imagery can be experienced by both healer and supplicant. experience of the sacred.25 Imagery not only emerges from the intersubjective milieu. and are direct experiences of the sacred insofar as their occurrence is recognized by the patient as spontaneous and as immediately relevant to her situation. If there is any sense in which revelation might be said to be perception instead of imagination. whereas intimacy is a prominent interpretant of discrete revelations. it is in the perception of an intersubjective milieu. We must now pursue the problem of imagery in therapeutic process more closely from the patient's point of view. images as symbolic signs may initiate the elaboration of alternatives by directing the attention of the patient toward a particular aspect of her life experience that can be talcen up into the therapeutic process of ritual healing. .

the cultural constitution of the healing system challenges the boundaries of analytic integrity between the languages of ritual action and of therapeutic process. even in cases where patients can be determined to meet diagnostic criteria for a psychiatric disorder. it is relevant to speak either of the self or of suffering as the objects either of ritual action or of therapeutic process." and now we undertake a similar task with respect to the second of the three major healing genres. In chapter 4 we identified imagination as an important self process in Charismatic healing. a basic concern is the problem of efficacy. It is consistent with Benedict's (1934) classic notion that there are 109 . In chapter 3 we identified elements of experiential specificity in the Charismatic genre of "physical healing. In reemphasizing this dual sense of efficacy. inner healing or healing or memories. we recognize that. Stated another way. focusing on the revelatory imagery of healers and the relation between imagination and perception in the intersubjectivc milieu of ritual performance. Throughout. In this chapter we begin to examine therapeutic imagery experienced by patients. with special attention to the relation between imagination and memory as intersubjectivc self processes in sequences of what we arc calling imaginal performances. both therapeutic efficacy in the relief from illness and distress.5 Imaginal Performance and Healing of Memories The discussion we begin in this chapter is continuous with those in both chapters 3 and 4. and ritual efficacy in the creation of a sacred self. where the negative goal of removing suffering is strictly complementary to the positive one of creating the sacred self.

or the healer who developed the "shoe test. it is also the case that people tend to adhere to the veridicality of such memories (Brewer 1986:35). Stephen 1989:57).3 Secondly. are not necessarily accurate (Brewer 1986:44. typically including an intrauterine period. if memory is a symbol of the self. Thus. Although it has been shown that memories from childhood. First of all. childhood and school years. such that access to memory is access to a privileged zone of communion with that "other who becomes myself. a healer may adopt the strategy of praying for "whatever comes . marriage. in a sense it does not matter whether it is literally accurate. It is also possible to review one's life on numerous occasions in public healing services.2 Because of the symbolic value of memory. or immediately remembered by the patient. Csordas 1990£). or the healer may go through the entire life in each session." Within this basic procedure. including those retrieved under hypnosis. multiple variations are possible. retirement. That in certain circumstances the valuation of the sacred can overwhelm the valuation of veridicality is made possible by the following datum of psychology. though there is a potential danger that "pseudomemory" could prove traumatic (Masson 1984. A brief review of formats in which healing of memories can be undergone by Charismatics will show what I mean. In chapter 2 we described th-^ basic ritual procedure comprised of autobiographical review by stage of life. adulthood. the array of specific memories invoked and reinvoked by techniques such as healing of memories constitutes a pastiche of the self. is focused on and "prayed into.1 it can hardly be denied that both repressed and conscious memories are regarded as significant constituents of the "self in North American ethnopsychology." In that invocation of otherness any psychotherapeutic or religious technique that offers such access to memory can have overtones of the sacred." A patient may bring a particular memory to ritual healing. It is sometimes the case in one-on-one healing over multiple sessions (analogous to weekly psychotherapy) that entire sessions will be devoted to a single life stage.110 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES "patterns" in culture that a ritual genre called "healing of memories" would originate in contemporary North America. memory is a powerful symbol of the self. infancy. either prompted by the healer's or patient's revelatory imagery. Whatever emerges spontaneously during a period. the sacred technique lessens the import of disjunction between actual event and emotionally salient experience. such as those led by Father P. Whether it be due to the lasting influence of psychoanalysis or to some more deeply embedded notion of which psychoanalysis is itself a manifestation.

with incremental actualization of change. experience of the sacred. The spiritual career of any Charismatic is likely to include many such instances of healing. who integrates techniques of Charismatic healing and psychotherapy. or prayer about a particular problem may through revelation uncover a memory presumed to lie at the biographical "bitter root" of that problem. the same memory can be gone over on more than one occasion. This material is drawn from data on sixty healing sessions with eighteen patients (thirteen female and five male) in varying degrees of distress.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 111 up" without focus on a particular life stage or problem. After each session the patient identified the most significant event within that session and provided an experiential commentary. such that the sacred self can be understood as a pastiche of ritually transformed memories of varying degrees of autobiographical significance. In each case we will integrate materials from session transcripts and postsession experiential commentaries with phenomenological description and cultural analysis. elaboration of alternatives. Our strategy for defining the therapeutic specificity by means of which the healing of memories contributes to constituting a Charismatic sacred self will be to examine the experience of three patients. but will concentrate on an event of lmaginal performance identified by the patient as highly significant. and then describe a particular session. She is also trained in the Ignatian method of spiritual direction . and actualization of change. We will outline the episodic structure of these sessions. Her training includes a masters degree in social work from a psychoanalytic perspective. Finally. namely disposition.5 For each case we include a brief introduction to the healer and her orientation as well as to the patient.6 Our evaluation of therapeutic process will be cast in the terms laid out in chapter 3. and a doctorate in theology with a concentration in spirituality.4 Eight participating healers ranged from those who adhere to a stricdy religious idiom in the setting of Charismatic prayer groups to trained psychotherapists who integrate ritual healing into their repertoire of therapeutic techniques in the setting of professional or clinical practice. Up to five consecutive sessions were observed and recorded for each patient in the study. The Woman Whose Mother Went to Pieces The healer was a Catholic woman. aged thirty-nine.

She does not customarily use laying on of hands. an ideal client—in our language of therapeutic process.112 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES as well as in Catholic Charismatic methods of inner healing and deliverance. the birth of another child was the bitter fruit of this period. She had considered (and not yet ruled out) divorce. She believes that the Jungian perspective offers a more positive view of the human person than does the Freudian. baptism in the Spirit. who had also conducted prayer for inner heaJing with her. and individuation. becoming trained as a spiritual director. Shortly afterwards she had a session of inner healing during which she was relieved of guilt over teenage sexual activity that she felt inappropriate for a devout Catholic girl. had resulted in a spontaneous healing from a phobia of snakes. The patient in the session was. but attributed her ability to remain in the marriage until the present to her Charismatic involvement. and she became involved in a program of Ignatian spirituality. Resulting from a pregnancy that originated with unwanted sex forced by her husband. and of guilt over a narrowly avoided extramarital affair later in life. Her education included two years of college. she states that her subsequent professional development has led her to a more eclectic position. After four years the Charismatic group in which she was a member dissolved. She has been especially influenced by the perspective of Jung on the role of imagery in tapping unconscious processes. The preceding three years had been especially traumatic." and was herself trained and active as a spiritual director for others. Although no longer active in Charismatic groups. and her husband worked at a responsible job of lower managerial status. but will occasionally hold a person's hand at an emotionally significant moment. Her principal complaint was lack of a close and emotionally satisfying marital relationship. She was a middle-class woman forty years of age. even violent. integration. A personal crisis was precipitated by her participation in a team praying for deliverance from evil spirits . Although she avers the psychoanalytic importance of the unconscious and of the first years of life. She had been involved in Charismatic spirituality since 1978. married for twenty years. at the time of this session she was herself under the spiritual direction of a Charismatic priest. was well advanced in her own "spiritual development. the patient had a wellgrounded disposition within the healing system. and is more in conformity with a Catholic "theological anthropology" that understands the basic forces of human being as growth. and the mother of four children. She reported that her first Charismatic religious experience.7 In her sessions she and her client typically sit facing one another. in the healer-therapist's view.

till another woman who had also participated in the deliverance recommended that she get counseling. When she noted that this response was exacerbated during her menstrual period. She had been struck with the thought that no matter what she did. In research diagnostic terms we defined this as an episode of major depression. the healertherapist recommended a book on premenstrual syndrome. she sought out the healer-therapist." She described her own response as a feeling of failure. She had been in therapy for two months when she consented to enter the research protocol. which she expressed to them as anger in order to cover a sense of being hurt. her husband and children were critical: "They don't see the good. Subsequendy she became increasingly depressed and suicidal herself. In the week prior to the session." The day before her session she realized that these feelings were abnormally elevated and hence could be due to the influence of evil spirits. this attribution precluded neither an understanding of its relation to concrete life circumstances nor recourse to psychotherapy or "counseling. but she was at the same time beset by "fear and inner anxiety. Certain passages from the Bible '"came to her. In a telephone conversation with the priest who was her spiritual advisor she brought them under control by "binding" them (see chapter 2). Our patient attributed the negative influence of this event both to having experienced a traumatic event similar to that troubling the young girl. chapter 7 on deliverance). The next episode was initiated with the client's statement that in the past week she had begun to fed that her marital problems as well as recent conflict with her adolescent daughter were rooted in a behavioral pattern established somewhere in the past. they see the bad. and to having "picked up" the evil spirit Suicide from which the girl was delivered (cf." affirming that she should proceed." Accordingly. the client had been concerned about whether she was prepared to face the difficult issues surrounding her marital crisis. It is critical that although the onset of this episode was attributed to spiritual causes.LMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 113 for a seriously troubled and suicidal young girl. and the session described below is the third of five followed with her. The session is exemplar)' in that it includes both a major breakthrough event and an unusually comprehensive mix of psychotherapeutic and religious interventions. and the opening episode of the present session was constituted by a discussion of evil spirits and their effect in general and on the patient (we will examine this episode in detail in chapter 8). The patient then expressed her feeling that the pattern had originated . whom she had met the previous year in a professional context.

She explained the theory that if the deceased still needs healing. identified in followup as most significant by both healer (H) and patient (S). and I allow him to. I would have to really do a huge number on him to be able to squelch what he has inside. FU close my eyes too. S: Yeah. . Have some space. . . Maybe you can thank the Lord for that child. I think I was a spitfire like him. [Begins soft crying. bonds may be established between the generations that prevent the healing of the living relative. what you just said? S: It's that I have that potential. began with the patient's comparison of herself and her young son: S: Basically I do see him as an extremely gifted child with a lot of life." One of these images was from a period of about two or three years of age when "evidently [I] used to stick my tongue out and she used to slap my tongue. ." The memory included a sense of "mixed messages" that she was inherently bad yet loved by her mother. therapist comes to kneel by her chair. applies laying on of hands. and described how "ancestral healing" both helps the deceased and breaks their bond to the living. The immediate therapeutic impact of this explanation was a religiously consistent understanding by the client of why the issues of maternal relationship had not been resolved through prior inner-healing prayer and were now resurfacing. He can express himself. and to the fact that in the preceding week those images had been "coming back.114 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES in her relationship with her mother. Let yourself be with that insight. H: What does that tell you about yourself. Another image was a scene of shouting and screaming. H: Well. The principal episode of the session. You couldn't kill this kid. But I do believe it with him. H: You called it beautiful. very strange." Again the healer-therapist suggested some reading. It was very. if you are like him. . this time on the Charismatic technique of intcrgencrational or ancestral healing (see chapter 2). then you are like him. I have a hard time believing that. It really. [Silence during pause. . and I got a bloody nose. "and behind my mother was my grandmother and my great-grandmother. It can help you love yourself. Maybe you can see more of the positive in yourself. She felt that the feeling was linked to previous sessions of inner heaJing with a Charismatic priest in which she had experienced mental imagery of her mother. really is beautiful.] . And he's like you.] H: Why don't you close your eyes for a few minutes and let that sink in. and she connected this with the contemporary feeling of failure provoked by her husband's and children's criticisms. S: Yeah.

. .] That little girl is hurting. but you can't now." S: No. H: You can let her go now.. H: Your mom? S: Yes. Take a deep breath. . S: I didn't realize that. At some point imagine the Blessed Mother taking the little girl in her arms. Why don't you let yourself cry. N o wonder. I just got a sense of him having the freedom to be—it's going to sound a little strange—even dirty. It's okay for her to cr YS: I see myself take hold of [my mom] and she's crying. What a burden for a little girl. you don't have to move yet. S: I couldn't let go.] Have a good cry. . . H: Because when you were a little girl you weren't being told "it's okay. I finally took her with me to the Blessed Mother. . S: My heart hurts. I felt like she would shatter if I did. . I mean physically a mess. . [Pause. H: I think you're at the beginning of a lot of healing. and the smile kept coming to me. . If she doesn't take care of her mother.] Take your time. . Then I pictured this little girl that was always perfectly dressed. Because he has her in his hands now. No wonder you've been carrying burdens for other people for all these years. and comfort you. it's okay. H: It's okay to hurt. her mother will shatter. client cries softly. Whose shoulders would you like to cry on? Just cry on mine. [Healer moves from her chair to the patient's side and touches her. You're entided to ask for comfort. H: The Lord can help you.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 115 S: I could picture S." That's what I got. H: I think you need to feel some of your pain. You can let go. H: Oh my. It's safe to cry. . because I'd like to deny that. I couldn't let go. . she needs to cry. .. It needs to come out. . so let that little girl cry on Mary's lap. Mary can take your pain. . Docs that tell you what's going on? S: Sure does. H: Nobody held you. Cry on her shoulder and just feel all the maternal love of God. And that grin son of came through. Just be on her lap and let Mar)' hold her in your arms. . it'll be okay. . H: You're holding her? S: Uh huh. S: I sure can try. . [Client cries. H: Yeah. S: Yeah. and I could see that grin. She felt that fragile to you as a child. No wonder. . client cries. and I kept getting the words "it's okay little one. S: I do too. let her put her arms around you. H: Your heart is hurting? .

are integrated with and supported by the divine presence. the report of which appears to startle the healer mildly. but apparently to avoid forcing the development of imaginal performance the healer momentarily retreats to an offer of her own shoulder to cry on. However. In addition. The next therapist intervention invites the patient to feel the pain of being developmcntally deprived of intimacy and spontaneity. grinning little son in contrast with herself as a perfectly dressed little girl. Sensory engagement in this image includes a visual focus on her dirty. the complex kinaesthetic or positional imagery appears to be a symbolic compromise for a patient who self-avowedly nurtures others without herself being nurtured—the one who is holding is also being held. In complying with the request to sit on the Virgin's lap she still holds her mother. she is invited to "cry on someone's shoulder. the patient's insight that her mother's emotional fragility may account for her own inability to be intimate. . This episode opens with a therapeutic intervention allowing the patient to see herself in a positive light through comparison with her son." The interprctant of this complex comparative symbol connects the themes of intimate parental reassurance (being "okay") and spontaneity as an ego ideal (the freedom to get dirty as opposed to the repression of being always perfectly dressed). and an auditor}' focus on the words "it's okay little one. or like it really . . Nevertheless. To carry that much pain. Onto this scenario the healer superimposes the Virgin Mary as the shoulder to cry on who will provide the absent maternal intimacy and "take" the pain. the patient nurtures her own mother. ? S: It feels weird. H: Docs it feel scary. Problems of intimacy are associated with problems of self-image as they are projected into the arena of autobiographical memory. In resolution we see an enactment of the psychocultural theme of control. H: It sounds like you've been carrying a lot of pain for your mother." presumably that of Jesus or the Virgin Mary. and it feels there's a hurt in it. It is evident that the healers attention is on the divine healing presence while the patient is focused on her mother. imaginal performance begins. . the invitation to close her eyes is an invitation to imagery. it feels very tingly. For the client versed in the procedures of inner healing. I can't explain it any other way. In a symbolic inversion of the mother-daughter role. Still in the realm of imagination. and the reversal of nurturing roles. to carry all her pain inside yourself since you were a little girl. No wonder your heart hurts.116 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALLNG OF MEMORIES S: It actually physically hurts.

is informed that the mother already is in the divine hands. And the physical sense that went along with this was amazing. And all of a sudden I realized it was me that was holding her. I didn't have enough freedom just to cry. the lap's big enough for two. And when she told me to go to Mary right after this. but I really physically ached in my heart. I can't explain it. I tried to really image with Christ. the image is further enriched by "tingling" which. I really was.. . . And that's when I reached out my hand—I'm not even sure that hand had been disconnected. however. ." And I got a sense that she was crying too with Mary. but there was still a part of me back there. As physical and emotional pain are merged in the bodily synthesis. . . because I was afraid she'd go to pieces. This is only a preliminary account of the imaginal performance. Her response is a highly complex image of tingling and physical pain in the heart. because it was a small figure. instead of her me. I couldn't let go. . . . the image is presented simultaneously in the proprioceptive and affective modalities. but I was beginning to think I really was [chuckles]. "Look for somebody to hold. she really didn't—maybe she was too tired—I don't know why. . it was almost like I was in the lap. because I was afraid she was going to shatter. The phenomenological details of the performance are recounted in the client's experiential commentary. . What she said to do up here [in a room where the patient is sent to reflect after the session] was to picture the fact that my mother is now in Christ and that I didn't have to hold on any longer. When I went and sat in Mary's lap. You know if I wanted to cry on somebody. This can be understood as a kind of synesthetic metaphor based on the conventional understanding of the heart as seat of the emotions. Finally. I was too little to know why. . is for Charismatics typically an indexical sign of divine power. "Well. as we know (chapter 4). And finally I just son of brought her on and said." and the patient is instructed to relinquish her mother into the hands of Jesus—or more to the rhetorical point. I've never felt that before. also with me. So when I went to Mary I couldn't leave her alone. but I'd say she was a child. . And the pain went when I did that. it was her that I would like to image." I wanted to hold my mother. Because if I did she'd just go to pieces. I know she needed to be comforted. I was sensing she didn't want to be mean. But I knew she needed me. I brought her with me to Mary—it's like I was watching her down there—I guess she was an adult. before I realized she was crumbling down. only the barest outlines of which are present in the dialogue between healer and patient. amazing.. Because it was just like something—I don't know what a heart attack feels like. presented here in edited form:8 When she said. it physically left. sort of taking mv mother away.. .IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 117 Too much control requires the emotional "letting go. and she was crumbling.

I think I did say. and multisensorial nature of imaginal performance. even in imagery. after I imaged Christ coming back in. It was not "I saw her leave. ." and in the "amazing" physical correlate of this fear. The existential thickness of this indeterminacy is highlighted by the immediate yet fluid sense of bodily engagement and disengagement. [Laughs. more-or-less explicit and well-defined images which identified autobiographical scenarios in earlier healing sessions. I just got a sense diat my mother moved away with Christ. in the emergence of fear that the mother would "shatter. . it was more of an internal sensing. when you're done you're done. J I would like to have this nice litde ending. "My Lord" and he's there—but I did get a sense of disconnecting. The latter were simple. At this point there was no imagery. as well as the integral role of pain and its removal. but I didn't stay sobbing on Mary's lap either. It was more of a sense of her going to him—he didn't come into the scene. It's just amazing what God can do. Fve never been able to further one yet! [Laughs. The emotional truth of the mother's constraining influence is perhaps best attested by the fact that.'. "Please come into this" to him. It's not like I have to have a sense of him coming and going. in contrast." The possibility of resolution is emotionally established when all three imaginal performers . I didn't get a sense of Mary. The therapeutic imaginal performance is notably unlike the revelatory images of being slapped and of domestic strife. since "there was still a part of me back there. we see the characteristic indeterminacy of imaginal process in two ambiguous metaphors of emotional fragility—the "small figure" of a mother who is at once adult and child. I just sat there." The characteristic spontaneity of imagery is evident in the "sudden" role reversal between mother and daughter. The patient's imaginal self was "almost in the lap" as she sensed her mother "crumbling" and reached out a hand that was not yet certainly even "disconnected" from her mother.] I couldn't move it—and I do believe this with imagery. I might have even said out loud. . but it was sort of just left hanging.118 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES So I had a sense that she left. I just have to say. the mother's fragility constituted a demand that did not allow the patient "enough freedom just to cry. a floating away of her. I couldn't get back to that image. I got a sense of her really wanting to hold mc individually. that was about where I ended it. and in the performative image of the mother going to pieces and reconstituted by the touch of her daughter's hand. attest to the eidetic.crying. either. I just let it go [The physical pain went then but] I still feel like I'm breathing—sort of overwhelmingly breathing. I saw him come. engaged. "My Lord. So I was sort of left hung. Here. Then I didn't revert back to mc and Mary." I can't explain it. in a very nice way. I'm surprised at the way this went. The emphasis on spatial orientation and kinesthetic quality in this phenomenologically articulate account.

Her report was quite matter of fact." in which the indeterminate presence of additional contents exists as a potential for further development of the image (1976:53-55). This integrative moment of therapeutic process could easily be missed by an overly strict drawing of boundaries around the ritual event. that it reinforces the kind of sense of an almost-sensible divine presence that Charismatics cultivate as a feature of the habitus. In so doing it also reinforces the continuity between imaginal performance and everyday action. Let us draw attention to the reported alleviation of pain in her heart that accompanied the imaginal "letting go" or relinquishing. The next development should give pause to anthropologists committed to event-based theories of ritual performance. When asked. achieved in a performative blurring between the actual weeping of the patient and the imaginal weeping of her mother and the Virgin. This performative use of the imaginal margin is continued as the patient's mother passes from the visual center of the imaginal performance into the indeterminacy—and divinely guaranteed safety—of the margin. I would suggest. Alone after the session. The performative force of maintaining the divine figure in the imaginal margin is. she described it performatively as an indexical icon of her existential engagement in the embodied rhetoric of transformation: "Maybe it's breaking. Whereas she described it physically as similar to a sharp pain in the side one might get after jogging when out of shape. she was tentatively able to integrate her heartache into the performative gestalt. an "imaginal margin. the patient follows the healer's instructions to relinquish her mother to Jesus. This imaginal act is accompanied by spontaneous cessation of both her pain and her weeping and by the feeling that she is to be the sole focus of the Virgin's intimate attention.LMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 119 cry together. for the imaginal performance quite evidendy continues beyond the ritual action of the healing session proper. we must comment about the relation between the sequence's structure in consciousness and its performative structure. The movement toward the margin is itself reinforced by a shift in the . Our patient is explicit that Jesus never enters the performative scene as a visual image. but hovers as a presence on this imaginal margin. and hence enhances the reality and specificity of the experience. but in our postsession the somatic immediacy of her experience suggested additional probing on its possible significance." Finally. Casey points out that the structure of an image characteristically includes a zone of ambiguity. separating.

120 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES sensory modality in which the imaginal performance is conducted. and I just had the feeling of a back and forth of that. and how it just "happened. chapter 3) in this session. just the depth. . I was feeling her pain. I'm assuming that's what it is. When I went over to the chair I could feel pain. It's hard to put into words. It's sort of like I was feeling very dose to God. . and feeling a very gende kind of. a floating away of her. this deep well of hurt. from whence by previous experience she is aware she can carry it no further. I'm not a doctor. the prominence of the visual modality yields to intuitive "internal sensing. but it seldom happens. but it didn't seem that way. It was like a deep. the healer perceives divine spontaneity in the interaction as much as in the unexpected turns of imaginal process. and I could feel it in her. like there's so much hurt inside. sort of inspiration. Her experience of the sacred is limited neither to the divine presence of the Virgin and Jesus. like I could feel that there was lots and lots and lots. That is. But more just the freedom of God working in me. I really felt pain inside myself. but I felt a lot of that was like the God in each of us moving together. But that's something that I've experienced myself. but I really felt God in that spontaneity." In turning to the four elements of therapeutic process (cf. making the right moves and her making the right responses in kind of like a dance. rather than I'm sitting here praying and I get a word of knowledge.9 nor to the emergence of discrete images. but it wasn't this usual sort of thing where I'm conscious of inspiration. The healer herself regarded it as an "exceptional" and "powerful" session: I was very moved by the integration of how everything can happen together. thoroughly integrated into the Charismatic habitus. but because each of us is very free in God. I almost didn't choose it. As the sequence nears an end. even before she came up with that image I could feel pain—emotional pain. In this case it was more like there was a spontaneity to what I did. . ." Thus the mode in which her "mother moved away with Christ" was "a sense of disconnecting. and maybe she does have a heart condition. Part of this was the healer's experience of the countertransferential emotional component of the patient's affective/proprioccptive imagery of heartache: Oh. . I felt it was moved by God. and I've had a few other people experi- . deep hurt. . I guess that's the sort of integration that I would like to have all the time. short of her having some sort of physical condition that I'm not aware of. it is safe to simply reiterate the highly developed disposition of the patient. In part ifs that I seldom have clients of the level of development of K So it was like I really felt we were moving together. but extends to the intersubjective features of the session." rather than its being an intentional thing on my part. because I really felt guided.

now. and therapeutic focus is shifted from the current relationship to the biographical formation of the self as the capacity for intimacy. I know she loved me. maybe the reason we talk about our heartfromtime immemorial. you know like some kind of unconscious knowledge that we all have. but to "go back further. when we have these emotions there must be a chemical and electrical and whatever equivalent." She concludes that the memory images kept popping up because the deity did not want her to start with her marriage. Two charaaeristic features of Charismatic healing are evident. and she also had my father home trying to sleep during the day. It would be very difficult to keep a kid like that quiet. maybe there's a real physiological reason for it and we know it intuitively." Here the issue of marital intimacy is displaced by that of parental intimacy. Behind this tendency lies an ethnopsychological preference for finding an intrapsychic locus of problems. She could be getting frustrated as she goes along.10 From the patient's standpoint. I have to say that. identified in her acknowledgment that "the whole session surprises me. . and "that's probably why I was slapped in the face. After all. . Faced by the frequent anger of her mother. .IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 121 cncc. . I think the reason may be more than symbolic. . so the emotional pain just comes out in physical pain that's real. . the adult me. and a cultural prescription for North American females to carry the burden of "emotional work" . that we don't have worked out yet. And that is a literal. We just don't know how it is. some day we're going to find out how our emotional and physical selves are connected. the elaboration ofalternatives originates in reflection on the life circumstance of her mother." Another aspect of elaborating alternatives is the opening of an alternative path through the healing process. I don't know [how to account for it]. until her anger—and I was feeling unloved. but I think that as a child I didn't feel that. He's saying he wants to enter into the areas I don't even know exist. whom she described as physically fragile and frequently sick. she concludes that she developed a "reaction pattern" of becoming not sad but angry when hurt. physical pain in the heart when there is an emotional feeling of deep hurt. and it hurts to say. lacking the supportive companionship of a husband who was preoccupied by working three jobs at a time: Because probably I was very active—people would tell me what a terror I was—because my mother was sickly. I think they're deeply and completely connected. for some unknown reason. because I knew it was more than my marriage. You know they're just not quiet children. First is a tendency to focus attention on the individual rather than the relationship.

it's part of who you are. "Now that's deep. And maybe it was good that I felt the pain in my heart. and it's got too much of a grip on me. granting her the "physical permission to let go. It's just as strong. If you really want to be a whole person. she said." but it is. the healer drew a clear distinction between psychotherapeutic process and the process of healing of memories: Those feelings are stuck deep inside her. and I don't want to hurry it—I want to make sure that it's him that's leading me. however. you can't eliminate it. It took a lot for me at that point to let go. and that's where God draws you. that could never feel pain. Part of the healing is through the human process—so in S's case. "It can't be this bad. but there's a part of me that says. it is an acknowledgment of the difficulty in involving a non-Charismatic husband in a religiously based healing process." And I just can't fathom that I would have any kind of pain like that. Maybe it is. The individualistic tendency also implies the Charismatic tenet that the way to achieve change in another is to change oneself in such a way as to elicit different responses from the other. it is precisely the acknowledgment of emotional pain and the ability to "let go" of it that constitutes the actualization of change. I know that sounds so stupid that I would even doubt that the pain would be real. and I think to just pray for healing of that without allowing her to know her feelings and to feel her feelings. . The second feature is movement to the biographical past. It really hurts that much. was the moment that the healer came to her and touched her. And I'm definitely working out of past stuff." Quite importantly. This was because. . is doing a big disservice to her personality development. that's real pain." The healer independently concurred that there "needs to be a lot more of the little girl that could never be sad. she tends to tell herself she has no need to feel it. and to memory as symbol of the self. and I'm not all right. That's the psychotherapist in me that believes that God doesn't intend for all these things to be shortcut. Equally critical. . I appreciate her for sensing that I needed to let go . because it's been just as crippling. I guess—maybe it is in its own way. because that shows me it's real. That floors me. because I just deal [as a counselor] with so many people that are—you know incest. she felt. Finally. More pragmatically. the fact that .122 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES in intimate relationships with men. I want it to go. It's not as horrifying. But this is just as real to me. In this session the patient identified as a critical moment the healer's articulation of her need to feel her pain. A high degree of disposition to this movement is expressed by the patient: The past is so important for wholeness. I guess I didn't realize that as much until today. because she had to be strong for her mother. and all this stuff—and I say.

. If one rushed to an inner healing it would be like she were put aside again without ever getting her attention—if I can talk in that language. therapeutic intervention based in interpretation of present imagery. simply to use your imagination to connect with a reality that's always there. You could work in psychotherapy for months looking for whars stuck in her. . for example. An additional childhood issue that arose was having been sexually abused over a period of time by older boys in her neighborhood—a memory that she had never repressed. . I didn't. And that's a particular kind of healing thing I do . . I have very strong feelings about this. Not get in touch in the sense of a seance. incorporation of previous inner healing.. I'm going to let her get back into that little girl who's hurting. . but I will very consciously and purposefully not take her too soon into praying for healing of the hurt of that little girl. we reiterate that the meaning of the session is not circumscribed by the event itself. this patient's process continued in sessions with her healer-therapist and her spiritual director as well as in an eight-day retreat that she attended annually. For this healer. But once that image gives you what that stuck issue is. In this discourse we see a characteristic Charismatic notion that healing of memories can divinely achieve in one session what would take months in psychotherapy. in my mind. the probable next step in the actualization of change was to get in touch with her mother now healed [i. obviously. whereas that one image gave you sessions and sessions and sessions of talk. In this session we have encountered a variety of episodes dealing with evil spirits.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 123 that image surfaced advanced the psychotherapy. but that she had never before understood under the rubric of abuse and its traumatic consequences. In subsequent months. and be comforted perhaps in her imager)'. as you noticed. Now that image came through grace.e.11 but to connect with the real love that's there.. . and how the healed love of the parent can really be experienced. but that would still allow her to cry. It is impossible to separate therapeutic process from the course of the patient's overall career as a Charismatic. since meanings of earlier healing events are tied together in a memorial pastiche of the self. . So even my imagery with her when I brought it up was Mary comforting her. and a breakthrough event and its resolution through imaginal performance. I wouldn't want to rush to pray for healing. and I won't for a while unless she runs to [the priest who had conducted healing of memory prayer with her]—if it's up to me. This allowed an elaboration of alternative emotions to the "guilt. now in heaven]. self- . Despite this richness. ancestral healing. here modified by a complementary notion that ritual healing in itself may not provide an adequate resolution of a therapeutic issue.

" she began to listen intensively to instructional tapes made by senior members of this ." Although the patient's relationship with her mother had temporarily preempted the problem of marital intimacy. maybe because I feel closer to myself." While peripherally aware of this movement—a gestural or bodily metaphor of emotional openness and spontaneity—her attention was on "being in the presence of my family and of having the presence of Jesus. Another important sequence of embodied imager}' occurred during her retreat. loved by him. the healing of memories. she felt that if she expressed her feelings he would listen. in which she "connected" with the presence of a mother and grandparents who were "pouring out love " As she thanked her mother for her attempts to love. her hands became "unclenched and untwined" from their traditional palms-together Catholic prayer posture to the open palms-on-the-lap Charismatic posture.124 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES hate. and that verbal abuse by her mother had led to self-hatred and extreme sensitivity to criticism. she stated that she "feels closer [to her husband]." Both inner healing and the healing of relationships are. Pm finally in the present." She described the actualization of change as a sense of being "one with him. and shame" that had accompanied her since having been blamed for these incidents by her mother. released from bondage to self-hatred." Without conscious intention to move them. which includes a lot of hurts. within me. who had brought me to my family. she "felt embraced by Jesus." Here we see a connection between intimacy and identity. in the end. In reaction to a period in which "nothing was going well in my life. feeling like they were "separated by a force—as if they had been held together by a force. with maternal imagery reoccurring frequently. but that he was "adamant about not looking at his own past. The Woman Who Merged with Herself The healer was a fifty-one-year-old married teacher who had been active in the Charismatic Renewal for fifteen years. Her relationship with her mother remained the central issue. whole. I'm not being held in the past any longer. As for her husband. After about six years as an active prayer-group participant she became an assistant in the group working with a well-known healing priest. the latter related to the patient's insight that her ongoing experience of sexual abuse had led to a generalized hatred of men.

and a portable stereo used to play soft devotional music during healing sessions. of water. together with her experience as an assistant.13 There were no current diagnoses at the time of her participation in the study. She typically worked in a team with two other women whose role was to support her with prayer and occasionally to contribute a word of knowledge or confirmation to the proceedings.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 125 priest's entourage. and a series of phobias including fear of riding in cars. several chairs. of being alone. which she distributed to patients based on their particular problems. A basement room in her home was set aside as a "ministry room." This self-immersion in knowledge initiated her own inner healing. The patient was seated in a straightbacked chair with the other three standing beside and behind her. Because of her alcoholic father's irresponsibility. She reports a close relationship with her husband of twenty-two ." furnished with a couch." Through giving workshops as a member of the larger healing group. laying on hands." including "everything by Agnes Sanford who we know in the healing ministry as the Mother of the healing ministry. born prior to her marriage. Eventually. Thus. but became rebellious and promiscuous after her father's death and her mother's subsequent "clinging" to her. constituted her training as a healing minister. of crowds (agoraphobia). leaving her to manage the household and raise her younger sister. She recalls receiving no education or instruction about sex. and to read "anything I could put my hands on. which. In this room she received patients one day a week. linked to her father's death and her decision to give up her first child. and of being in the dark. As a child her godmother took her to Episcopal churches. of elevators and being enclosed (claustrophobia). Our diagnostic interview showed that some years before entering ritual healing she had undergone an episode of what was most likely a psychotic depression with paranoid features. a high school graduate. whose father was an inactive Catholic and whose mother was irreligious. her mother worked to support the family. she achieved a reputation in the local Charismatic hierarchy of renown such that people began to seek her out in her own right. unlike the healer in the previous case. and she became a Catholic after marrying a Catholic man. "at some point Father started using me in his ministry to pray with people. One wall was lined with shelves bearing audiotaped "teachings" on matters related to healing. she had no professional training as a counselor or therapist.12 She also underwent a period of overt alcoholism. The patient was a forty-five-ycar-old married mother of three.

" The first episode. The session begins with the patient complaining of headaches and the healer determining that "there's a lot of occult surrounding her. of resentment against a brother-in-law who attempted to sexually molest one of her daughters. Oh. . But you're angry. first in Episcopal and then in Catholic groups. . . yes. In a similar hypnagogic state she was convinced of the reality of Satan when a huge Dobcrman dog with a collar of precious stones appeared and identified itself as the devil. is accordingly devoted to deliverance from these evil influences. which we will discuss in greater detail in the following chapter. She had in healing also come to realize that she hated her father..126 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES years. She stated that it was through the healing of memories that she realized her family had in fact been financially quite poor when she was young. and had been exposed to her present Catholic healer at a "workshop. That's exactly. I really don't know. she asked to feel the divine presence and was startled to simultaneously feel someone holding her hand and hear a voice identify1 itself as Jesus." Our account centers on the significant event that dominated the first of three sessions I observed with this patient. forged through a substantial amount of extended family turbulence." When I met her. for without any apparent conversational lead-in she asks: H: S: H: S: H: Why are you angry at H [husband]? Can you tell us? He's been excellent. She reported being convinced of the reality of the divine when once. The healer then apparently receives the inspiration of a word of knowledge about the patient's emotional state. This patient had been active in the Charismatic Renewal for fifteen years. I'm glad you said that. nothing]" She had had some experience with inner healing and healing of memories in the Episcopal Charismatic Renewal. half-awake. she had been seeing this healer once a month for two years. She reported having been healed of all her phobias and. Other formative spiritual experiences include a command from the deity not to press charges against a neighbor who was harassing her family. and that much of her previous behavior was thus based on the generalization that she "hated men and didn't know it. and another to stop drinking: "When you're in heaven with me you may have wine at the banquet tabic—until then. offering her a Faustian bargain which she refused. Are you happy with the way he's been? He reminds me of my father. through the power of forgiveness.

. I have to have him dye his hair. this morning I was watching a program with Jimmy Swaggart14 . She asks if the patient feels afraid for people t o see that she has weaknesses." There is more quiet prayer in tongues. . Tm glad you saw that yourself. . . . because the things that lie buried are harder to heal. My brother-in-law got my daughter. . . Fm glad he is now. It is true. and he said how half of the children today will be sexually abused.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 127 S: And I still hate my father. The healer then prays. but explains that the fear of showing weakness has to d o with one's "personality type.] My father in bed. it wasn't for me to tell you. That's why you're always angry with him." which is "developed t o a great extent from the traumas you g o through in early life. H: I've picked that up on you for a long time. And it's not his fault! Ha ha! S: No it's not. when I went in [the store] a guy came in and I went "uhhh!" because he looked just like my brother-in-law. Especially in bed. . ." She then initiates an imaginal performance in order to bring the revelation to a resolution: . just thank the Lord that he allowed that to surface. S: I did too because . I used to pretend it wasn't true. she'll be happy to realize that she is in fact quite sensitive. [Chuckles shared. . So I had a feeling the Lord would surface this for you today. heh-hehheh. Unless it surfaced so you could see. then the healer prays aloud again. T h e healer says that as she receives more and more healing. H: Yes. and the mark that it leaves on their lives. H: SHH! S! The Lord told you to clean up your language. The patient responds that she always played the role of the "strong o n e " in her family. 5: I used to want him dead. . and will want others t o k n o w that she suffers like the rest of humankind. And you know when he went in there. H: Yeah. Okay? He reminds you of your father right now. augh! The reaction was like bang! So Fm not surprised. heh-heh. . . I can't pretend. cause you are very angry with him and it really is not him it's your father. H: How about you forgive your father? S: [Cries. because I'd rather you find it than I have to say it.] I wanted to kick him in the balls. with a chuckle thanking G o d that the previous "two years of prayer have not been in vain. but I hate him too. It happened when he got gray hair. I love him. A lot of it is coming to my conscious mind that I had buried. So Fm projecting it on to him. I had a feeling this would surface today. but that's exactly what Fvc had since we started praying. praising Jesus for the autobiographical revelation that has just occurred. the aberrations that come about. The healer agrees. and the latter answers yes. but I know it is.

bring the cup and the paten [constant background of tongues continues during pauses in conversation]. Is she having a good time? [Laughs. okay? H: 5: H: S: And then? And then he embraced us first and then that happened. [Laughs again—the patient used to have difficulty in visualizing herself as a child—more prayer in tongues.] Put your mother in the cup for the time you felt she wasn't there to protect you [from her father]. yTuiow in relationship with your father. Lord. Okay. and then I saw the uh/Jesus just open his arms like this and the cup . your brother-in-law. . .] Have her put things in the cup with you. the hate. haven't they? [The healer laughs loudly. and your niece .] S: She's not finished. Both of you ofTer Him the cup and see what He'll do with it. and that priest also. . ["Little S" is the imaginal presence of the patient as a child—the healer and her team pray aloud in tongues. Okay? Put it in the cup—call little S to you first. bless you. .] You never—she never used to want to come. [Louder tongues uninterrupted about one minute. in the cup? Okay? Now with your child. Place yourself. Did you put all the bitterness. S: Yes. . That you became one? Yes.128 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES H: 5. H: Okay. and myself now become one—one person. and you're with your babies in your mind's eye. . your most comfortable place. little C and little [husbandj's paten with your children.] Anything happen? Can you tell us? 5: The child. myself the child. . . . the resentment. Mm. You're done? Put your father in the cup. H: [Team prayer in tongues continues throughout the following. in the cup. things have changed. the anger. anything she wants to that has to do with her fathers relationship to her. . Okay? All right. and her assistants join in as before. I'd like you to uri/D'you sec the paten [gold liturgical plate for the Eucharistic bread]? See if you can see the paten. S: Ohh! H: [Laughs—continuous prayer in tongues by team. right away. .] Put your sister in the cup .. Tell us when you think you're finished. H: S: H: Visualize the cup [the liturgical chalice]. [The healer prays aloud in tongues. 5: Exactly. H: Oh my Go/na-na-na. And anything that surfaces in. that Episcopal priest. Is the Lord near? Okay. H: [L prays in tongues briefly] Okay? D'you sec it? Okay. in Cs. .] Praise you.] Is she coming? S: Oh yeah.

"] It's very lonely Lord." and the insight that she "projects" this hate onto her husband is the elaboration of an alternative to the anger that is restricting the psychological intimacy of her marital relationship. when you and the child became one? S: I think I'm more grown up. The relatively high level of disposition in this patient is attested to not only by an involvement of long duration with the movement. S: R [her husband] really has been excellent. . H: What do you think happened? What do you think that meant when your two personalities. The healer does this in the presumably not-so-coincidental mention of the issue by the televangelist. . More prayer in tongues and praise of Jesus. the Blessed Mother. you belong to me and you'll save my people. Do you have that tape [of Charismatic "teaching"] on the father relationship? S: No. H: You are. .] All pray together: As it was in the beginning. Lord. locates the origin of her hate in sexual abuse. H: Of course. thank you Lord Jesus. Let us retrace the ritual action to draw out its therapeutic elements. The healer also prays to help moderate Q's "dirty" language. [Laughing.] S: I avoided that at all costs! H: Do have the one for prayer for abuse? S: No. but laughs as she does so. The image.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 129 poured and then I saw His mother. This is consolidated by an experience of the sacred in the form of a revelatory image. and the patient in the presumably notby-chance encounter with the double of her lecherous brother-in-law. the other repeats "Praise you. that would not have been one that you would. with the patient and team members joining in. the healing that is taking place in her relationship [with] her lather. The session ends. as patient and healing team are by this time quite familiar with one another's "therapeutic moves. apparently evoked by the typical Charismatic injunction to "forgive" her father. and then He said you have our hearts. One of the latter prays in tongues." The patient has already become aware that she "hates her father. [The healer begins prayer. . In this session both healer and patient confirm a divine foreshadowing that the childhood abuse was about to emerge into consciousness. but also by a commitment of over two years to the healing process. H: What do you have? S: The one on the cup [describing the imaginal technique just now put to use. uh. it is now and it shall be. The ongoing healing relationship also accounts in part for the rather cryptic nature of the interaction. Praise you.

. . [Chuckles. Returning to the session itself. . Then I says. . that's not my father. Gonna get some Grecian Formula." The patient saw this in retrospect as the beginning of an incremental process of bringing her childhood abuse to consciousness.1' and does not allow revelation to harm a vulnerable person. I used to say that my father didn't abuse me. And I see my father's face in my bed. I saw him in the bed. it's true. Here the imaginal—almost hallucinatory—superimposition of the father's face on that of the husband is a somewhat less subtle preparation for the breakthrough image that emerged in the healing performance." you know. but I wouldn't face it. "Gee. Skipping ahead for a moment to her experiential commentary elicited following the session. and it was my husband. we observe that the patient also recalled an instance a month earlier which she said showed that "the Holy Spirit is a gentleman. the golden chalice that holds the transubstantiated blood of the deity in Catholic liturgy) and the patient's imaginal "inner child. 'That's my husband. really. ." In the experiential commentary she went on to discuss the role of her husband's resemblance to her father in undermining her denial and facilitating a breakthrough in the healing session: See. . that's just another excuse not to look at it. At a workshop on cultivating the word of knowledge. . . And then I would see my husband—I see a lot of things visually. for it is regarded as dangerous to disclose a word of knowledge if a person is not emotionally prepared for it. the revelatory retrieval of memories continues as the healer evokes the cup (i. it is. And I go like. . However." She instructs the adult and child versions of the self to cooperate in putting any memory relevant to the . . for even at the time she knew that "the bed wasn't beautiful for me—it was ugly. My husband's gray hair has a lot to do with it. another woman praying with her reported "getting" the word "bed" and seeing "a beautiful bed. let's take a real—you know. 'This is getting weird. You're ." I even told him [her husband].] No. my mother's bed. We're gonna have to deal with this. you have a problem with your relationship with men. it was right out. naw. and me in the bed as a little girl. . a lot of visions and things. she acknowledges intentionally not raising the subject until the patient came to this insight herself. . but yet my relationship with men would certainly—anyone that looked at my life would say. and I used to suppress that and have it in my subconscious. But today..e. I have to go like. . projecting that onto him. as with most mainstream Charismatic healers.130 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES The healer reports already having "picked up" through the word of knowledge both that the patient had been abused and that she was emotionally confusing her father and her husband.." AtfirstI just thought I was nuts or something.

IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 131 relationship with her father into the cup. When the deity opened his arms the contents of the cup poured out. and in that embrace the two selves merged. and my husband. After being instructed to offer the cup to Jesus. "Bring your child to Jesus. the paten that holds the transubstantiated body of the deity in the Eucharistic celebration. and . the patient is left to her endogenous imaginal process for a full minute. The healer remarks on the readiness at which the imagery is available in comparison with earlier sessions. much greater detail on the performance is available from the postsession experiential commentary: When she said." and responds rather sketchily that Jesus embraced her two selves. enmeshed in me. a particularly critical moment is the entrance of the deity as an actor to receive the cup of the patient's affliction. 1 thought she meant "pattern" as in "things are the same. She then surprises the patient by instructing her to put her father into the cup. supported only by the team's glossolalic prayer. I get it. "Is the Lord near?" suggests that the deity. and I saw—when she said "paten. knowing from familiarity with the imaginal realm that he will fit with no problem." And when I presented myself. the patient is instructed to place herself." then I went." it is an example of her consistent monitoring of the patient's engagement in producing the imaginal performance. all the associated negative emotions are imaginally placed in the cup. Then they f Jesus and the Virginl w c r c behind me. her husband. In a parallel movement. She presses the advantage of the breakthrough moment. I know." I saw him at the altar in white.has been spiritually waiting in the wings of the imaginal margin. Then she is questioned as to what "happened. Along with the memories and people. and my child.) As in the last case. and my child—the Q child inside me—just went "whhom. and then Jesus spoke on behalf of himself and his mother. and my child. (The presence of the divine was introduced by the patient independent of the healer's instruction. calling for all the relatives who in previous sessions have been identified as causing emotional injury to the patient also to be put into the cup. like many of the points at which she asks if the patient "can see" something or if something "is there. and her children on the complementary liturgical instrument. In addition." I dicing. The healer's query." and I saw that. "Oh. understanding this as a sign of progress in both the patient's therapeutic process and her spiritual growth. first Jesus went like this and he embraced me. and reflects a sense of the phenomenological immediacy of divine presence. and my family on that. the equipment for communion. While the entire imaginal performance is an experience of the sacred.

Intimacy is possible only with the achievement of an identity "in Christ. In the stereotypical divine embrace and the sharing of hearts. without a bunch of pretend barriers that everyone puts up—when the walls are down. In addition.* and identity is a kind of intimacy with oneself. I had a desire to know. too. and he said that I had the same heart that they did. One year after this session. that she no longer had to be afraid of men because "I'm a human being—1 don't have to be June Cleaver15 anymore—I'm their peer". as in the previous case. It is fitting that the action of the session is framed by a final repetition of the patient's opening remark about her husband's "excellent" behavior. "I don't have to be in control anymore" because she can rely on the supportive presence ol Jesus and Mary. except that somehow I was going to grow up more. to really look at who I am. to be mutually determining psychocultural conditions of the sacred self. She always knew. she reported that she could now face pain- . the same sacred heart. 1 saw that in a vision . And I felt their heart in mine. the patient's expectation of "growing up" was phenomcnologically enacted as the merging of her adult and childhood selves in the divine embrace. As she made clear in her response to the healer's query. just like his mother always knew who she was. It meant that I knew who I was in him. Who I am in Christ. I am trying to know who I am in Christ. and I saw the Blessed Mother embrace mc too. I didn't know what to expect from the session before I came in. and as the possibility of maturity. that is. and sharing hearts with them ("I felt theii heart in mine"). a reconciliation with the fundamental alterity of the self that wc encountered in chapter 1. ." She felt that she nc longer had to "hide or suppress her emotions and pretend". as the capacity for letting go o\ emotional wounds by giving them to the deity. The formulaic Charismatic articulation of personal identity as "knowing who I am in Christ" is concretely experienced as a multiple bodily metaphor that includes merging aspects of the self. incestual rape. embracing and enmeshing with the two divine figures. .. And I could sec that in vision. it's a form of prophecy. who I really am. intimacy and identity are shown. for the intimacy of their relationship is the semiotic final interpretani in the symbolic resolution of that ultimate violation of intimacy. that despite the continued occurrence of distressful events. and who she was in God. And I always. . . What we have called the elaboration of alternatives in therapeutic process is present in this session as a new way of understanding her father and relationships to men.132 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES he embraced me. the patient summarized the actualization of change achieved by her ritual "growing up. that's how he speaks to me. And who he was.

The patient was a thirty-sevcn-year-old married man with three children. the healing team of two was led by a Catholic woman aged thirty-eight. however. the staff of which included both psychotherapists and specialists in inner healing." that she had found the courage to make her disruptive mentally ill daughter move out of the house after the daughter had attacked her two other children. She worked full-time in a Charismatic counseling center. a college graduate employed in a managerial position. To be sure. two years apprenticeship in inner-healing prayer. following the precept that one-on-one healing prayer should not be conducted with participants of opposite sexes. beginning with an episode in which she experienced healing prayer in the aftermath of an automobile accident. who in the final analysis "feels good inside." This account perhaps tells us more about the values embedded in a Charismatic notion of "growing up" as a sacred self than it does about the clinical results of a therapeutic process. Her other influences included bioenergetics and dysfunctional family/addictive behavior approaches. making her perhaps the most eclectic healer in our project." The Man with the German General Within In this session.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 133 fill situations such as visiting very ill people in the hospital. She was assisted in her work with this male patient by a male inner healer. the observation that a mild tendency to hallucinate is evident throughout our account is qualified by the observation that this tendency appears to have been completely domesticated into a disposition toward imaginal self process. She had been involved in the Charismatic Renewal for ten years. The assistant was an Episcopalian whose sole involvement with the Charismatic Renewal came from having learned inner-healing prayer from a renowned Episcopalian Charismatic healer. His child- . any clinical observation must be qualified by a parallel ethnographic observation by means of which it is contextualized within the indigenous therapeutic logic. that she can now forgive people "like the guys who recently beat my daughter up. For example. The final word on therapeutic process must be granted to the patient. and certification as a spiritual director in the Ignatian method. and that she was "not as selfish and self-centered as before. Her own training included a master's degree in counseling.

in that his wife "didn't feel like she had access to me or wasn't able to have the relationship she wanted to. He had participated in the Episcopalian Charismatic Renewal. He had encountered the principal healer at a stress-management workshop in which she integrated body relaxation techniques and inner-healing prayer." not having prayed in tongues for some time. in which his mother became angry upon discovering that he had arranged an overachieving and "superhuman" academic and athletic schedule that left no moment unaccounted for. and felt that he had made progress in a process of healing that he explicitly equated with spiritual growth. He defined his principal problem as stress derived from a long-standing self-image that demanded high levels of accomplishment. and during other parts of which one or both healers laid hands on the patient. and at thirty-four had become Quaker. However. He felt that guilt and insecurity about inadequate achievement caused diminished enjoyment and a partial "paralysis" in the sense of making it more difficult and time-consuming to achieve particular goals. during parts of which all three held hands." He reported having had problems with overeating and with preulcerative stomach symptoms.134 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES hood religion was Baptist.processes. she instructed him to initiate an imaginal performance when he straightened his posture: . The following is the most significant event the patient selected from the first of five sessions I followed with him. In each session the female healer took the lead in counseling and "grounding. The male healer took the lead in subsequent prayer and imagery." a biocncrgctics technique in which the patient bends over at the waist. and a period of dysthymia and generalized anxiety disorder immediately preceding his recourse to healing. a simple phobia of heights. and reported worshiping now "in a different way. His preoccupation with accomplishment had created a strain on marital intimacy. where he met his wife and participated in an intentional community. He had been coming for counseling and inner-healing prayer for a year and a half when he participated in our project. muscular tensions. but he had become Episcopalian at age twenty. and becomes attentive to embodied imagery. or sensations. they were no longer active. breathes deeply. The first begins with a memory brought forward by the patient of an incident from his high-school years. The event occurs in two parts. The principal healer suggested that this memory be taken into the grounding exercise. Our diagnostic interview revealed a single episode of alternating mania and depression in college. As they began.

H: Knees—how are they held? S: Locked.] H: How are you today? S: H: S: H: S: H: S: H: S: H: S: H: S: H: S: Fine. Okay? [He begins. that's the way to do it. Yes. step one step to either side. and take on the person's posture. accentuate everything about him. I think that basically encompasses my philosophy. and we'll meet him as you open your eyes when you're ready. [Pause. [and] satisfaction in that accomplishment. I'm not really sure that's what S thinks. Would you be willing to give us some insight—talk to S about why it's a good idea? Mm-hmm. [Using deeper voice. or with him? S: No. H: Okay. H: Lock them and accentuate. breathing style. language and breathing. H: Is there anything else you'd like to share with us. then you'll never accomplish anything that you want to accomplish in the long run.1MAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 135 H: Imagine an image of that person who has insisted that schedule. IrM be good for him—make him feel good about himself—best thing for him. You look rather. and before you talk. S: H'lo. Have you met S? Mm-hmm. and a lot of other things in your life that have been superhuman. Under stress . If you don't put aside the things you want to do at the moment. I think he knows it'll make him—and if he wants to accomplish these things. No. What's going on in your life? Just trying to get things done. uh. You always strive for the future.] Hello. Discipline is the only way to accomplish anything. It's—life isn't really made for fun. and see if the spirit inspires you with verbal knowledge of what that person would say. see what your body's feeling as you relax your . what is my body experiencing that tells me about the way I hold in this personality. . It appears that you asked S to put together this schedule. anxious. When you see him. His face? S: Rigid. When you're ready. and we're going to talk to you. Nope. focus on that person's posture and clothing. really precise. and language.] S: Very straight. it's really made for accomplishment. H: You just close your eyes.

drop your shoulders.] Relaxed. Let that . and yet has those qualities that tries to overpower him and take away his freedom. [whispering] befriend him. relax your breathing. move back into grounding gently. relax S." plan for the future. So when you think of the powerlessness of that figure. befriend him. what he wants to do within S. When you're ready. A little shocked at the intensity of the philosophy that's there. I recognized it as something that I've internalized. to feel Jesus touch. Lord Jesus. gendy come up. and who gives him that authority. Lord Jesus we ask for the strength and patience to embrace this new subperson. 1 H: Just let go of whatever you contained in the last few minutes. in terms of the body—bust. and that accomplishment's more important than play. You have revealed to us. H: And the other thing that really caught me was "live for tomorrow. a new subperson within S. and move with being obedient to that subpersonality as opposed to being true to yourself? Unlike the previous two cases. that has made S successful. To begin to look at those good things about him. the session turns to prayer: H: Breath in and breath out. the patient in irnaginal performance does not reenact his memory by entering a particular situation... In the name of the Father. [Pause.136 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES hand." Here embodied imagery is enacted in a transformation o f the postural model. . to begin to dialogue with that person—what he wants. Jesus. In this episode the patient. a new person. sharpen his mind to use this person in the way you want him to. by means o f embodied role-playing in what is likely a state of light hypnosis. The goal setting. we ask that you journey with S to meet this person face to face. breathing it out. Breath in the tranquility of Christ. maybe. including vocal posture.] How are you feeling? S: [Returns to normal voice. that it's there or bust. S: [Loud exhale. . Let S ask those questions and let this person respond. [S continues audible breathing. its underlying motivation. Did you hear them? S: One about discipline. S: I felt—I'm thinking that it's difficult for me to deal with that strength of personality. both breath audibly. and has the strength and determination. That was an extreme kind of physical and emotional tension that I'm not completely familiar with. H: Listen to your language. H: Two of your favorite statements. and Holy Spirit. Following some additional discussion. Very relaxed after that. . because it's so powerful. of—more relaxed part of me would have a hard time being protected against that side of me.] Jesus. the Son. Let's start to modulate some of this. as he responds to the healer in a deeper-than-usual voice. drop your head. as it were. how does your life live out those three scripts. but by entering. identifies a controlling "subpersonality. to hear Jesus speak.

. [S breaths once audibly. know that he is loved also. for the times that controller has ruled S's life.. What's all that about? S: I think it was in the fifties and early sixties when I grew up. I remember a prayer we had a few weeks ago. the way you stood. So I feel the door opened up to dialogue there. H2: Anything else? S: It was quite dear. Just be with your feelings now. Lord. open to S the essence of who S is. Lord.] S: The question [to the controller in imaginal performance] is. "If he wants to be different he just has to tell me. because I didn't hear any choice. S: He was made controller. imagine if these hands were joined by these two men. Docs that mean anything? S: I'd have to think about that one. It really wasn't his choice.e. He was relaxed saying [he doesn't] mind this. That's significant. Jesus. We just image inside your light—your radiant light moving through S. in his relation to the deity]. putting him in his rightful place before you. you'll see if that's still there. and we ask forgiveness of the controller for turning decisions over to him. for causing him weariness and undo stress. We went to a garden—some monster-type things in front of it and it was a peaceful place. you got a lot . Excellent. S. we imagine that controller responding to this prayer by beginning to feel his feelings as we see that part of rime that has been lost in an isolated controller. one shoulder was higher than the other." We prayed some more and it was quiet a while. Lord. . that in the days ahead you bring into S's consciousness the way he has received all that is now in the masculine. but I need to change that name. and finally the connection with the German soldier. He and I were there together relaxing. where that controller is hidden. Show me what you want—how you want to relate. Jesus. surrounding and quieting him. H: Exactly. "Why are you so strong?" And the response [is he's] just following my orders.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF xMEMORIES 137 person that is so rigid with you [i. Praise you. This is fine. We praise you. We ask your forgiveness. open to his feelings. even while we breath gently. being made open by this prayer. and the way he needs to be more open to receive the gift of his own masculinity. H: Maybe if you go back and image him. We see this prayer finding it's way to that space. You [earlier] called him a gestapo type.. The garden is nurturing of some pleasantness. HI: When you were that person. I didn't visualize that. H: It was significant that you got the word choice. H: You've been given the choice. and we see this prayer like a blanket of safety and love. So you can dialogue with him. Then we [the controller and the patient] were at a very peacefiil spot—a garden with flowers around us. then pause—movement. The energy moving through them is beginning to unite the man S with that part of the personality that is truly masculine. if you want to live this way—no problem.

and that's probably the reason. . [The experience] helps me become aware of when that kind of stress is going on and how I can control it. one of which is this perfectionism thing. It was a very accurate portrayal of that part of my personality. [The imaginai figure represents] places when its there and doesn't have to be there. And [then] just really felt. trying to divide the personalities a little bit to get some of this stuff out.138 1MAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES of prejudice on TV about the Germans. I think I will find myself with less tension because . pressure. . . You can't make them look perfect. Yet many times it becomes duty. . tension like high blood pressure tension. while the divine presence is vividly invoked in the prayer. I was aware of feeling slightly ridiculous and had to not let that emerge. oh. now that's what's clicking in—is it really appropriate?" But it's a better sense of making those choices myself rather than having it be an automatic. H: In that book. the kind you read about that causes heart disease. Because you have to do it. habitual kind of response. . . for relaxation. You have to do it well. . but as the peaceful setting of a garden where the patient interacts with the controller within himself. Several sessions in the past have done a similar type of identifying various parts of the personality—a worrier or a real pleasure-lover. As in the cases we have already discussed. In his experiential commentary he discusses the beginning of reconciliation with this aspect of himself: What I was doing was letting myself go so that that part of my personality could come through completely. I felt very relaxed. I swim for exercise and health. . However. It's when the)' don't go well that you start to respond because you don't have control over them. . work. then you're feeling no perfectionism. was the most significant thing. It's not that it's discipline but. physically. .. the relaxation out of it. . And stress. That discipline side of my personality is something that really wants to be on my side. It doesn't really want to fight against me. . coupled together with the prayer at the end where I was able to then realize that I could be friends or use this part of the personality as a help rather than a hindrance. The fact that that got isolated. . 5: They ruin their fun. excellence. what did the Germans represent. accomplishment.. . this sequence of imaginai performance occurs during more typical inner-healing prayer rather than in the bioenergetics grounding exercise.. holding back. The people had to operate underground to avoid the Germans. "Okay. It helps me separate out. it appears in embodied imagery not as an actor. [But what the imaginai personality) wanted to express was a very externalized facade of discipline. . When things are going well and easily. . Compulsive. but also swim for pleasure at my lunch hour. and that kind of discipline taking the joy out of it. . . the tension and I was aware of the kind of physically destructive tension that kind of personality could cause in my body—the stress on my stomach. and I just finished reading The Secret of Santa Vittoria. . .

as a defense against an insecurity that was a consequence of these controls. reminiscent of the woman who merged with herself." An awareness of maintaining habitual tension in the genital area. in the grounding exercise he adopts the postural model of. but that he is the one who by his own choice set up the controller in the first place. is contributed not by the patient. and the masculine and feminine aspects of his being. the overdevelopment of a sense of discipline that was "not external. without which he felt his body would "collapse or fall apart. In one session he reported a vision of Jesus with a child and three other people—the patient. he discovered a sense of being existentially "lost" between self-indulgence (overeating) and discipline (overwork). He also identified. The three "ministered" to the child and Jesus "merged" the three figures into one. In subsequent sessions he identified a childhood longing for freedom in the face of external controls imposed by teachers and his father." is linked to alienation from his masculinity. Finally. . masculine/feminine. but feels external. as it becomes evident that the patient seeks intimacy through making others dependent on his ability to control and "take care of everything. Particularly in the reference to swimming. the controlling subpersonality. and was instructed by the healer to cultivate freedom through his relation to the deity in that in-between space. The patient comes to realize not only that his need to be in control controls him. and thereby incarnates. but as the inhibition of spontaneity. In the therapeutic logic developed by the healer. if "befriended. control/ spontaneity.IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES 139 an awful lot of the stress that I feel is brought on by the internal conflict of this disciplinarian or this controller. we note in this case the occurrence of bodily image and experience on multiple levels: in repeated sessions (not all summarized here) the patient experiences muscular tension in a variety of body parts. A final instance of embodied imagery in this process. insecurity/intimacy. it is evident that control is understood not only as overachievement. Throughout the process the elaboration of alternatives occurs as a series of embodied oppositions: tension/relaxation. but by the assistant healer. his masculinity is the same controller who." Finally. Our third psychocultural theme of intimacy is tied into this complex." will then make way for integration of the masculine and feminine sides of his personality and the possibility of true intimacy. and in prayer walks and talks with the controller in a peaceful garden.

We are already a long way from the experiential muteness in that classic case of the pregnant Cuna Indian patient whose distress in giving birth was ameliorated. by the combination of abstract homology between the structure of the shaman's chant and the structure of the physiological process of labor. Following each patient over time allowed us to understand how therapeutic process transcends the boundaries of particular sessions and permeates the pursuit of everyday life concerns. reexamining these cases at the juncture between ethnographic knowledge about Charismatic healing and the self processes of imagery and memory. . elaboration of alternatives. according to Lcvi-Strauss (1963). and the black-box psychodynamic mechanism of catharsis drawn from Freudian psychoanalysis. This allowed us to monitor incremental change in self and suffering by describing the embodied self process of imaginal performance with respect to the therapeutic functions of disposition. Our method of eliciting experiential commentary allowed us to achieve a greater degree of specificity than is typically presented in accounts of religious healing.140 IMAGINAL PERFORMANCE AND HEALING OF MEMORIES Summary In this chapter we have offered accounts of the experiential specificity of therapeutic process in three Charismatic patients. experience of the sacred. In the next chapter we carry the cultural phenomenology' of the healing of memories a step further. and actualization of change.

when it comes to the relation between imagery and memory. a cognitive account might not be more productive than a phenomenological one. The cognitive approach differs 141 .6 Image. there is a methodological difference between phenomenology and semiotics. and Efficacy Like the relation between imagination and perception with which we were concerned in chapter 4. We must briefly return to the theoretical pole of our discussion to address this issue. Personal memory of events and episodes (in contrast to the memory of schematic autobiographical facts) is known frequently to be experienced in imaginal form (Brewer 1986. So far we have developed a phenomenological argument that imagery in revelation and in imaginal performance is a bodily practice insofar as it engages multiple sensory modalities. it is less easy to reconcile a phenomenological account with one based in the cognitive form of represcntationalism. Casey 1987). At least we could ask for an integration of phenomenological and cognitivist perspectives in an analysis similar to that in which we integrated phenomenology and semiotics. As we discussed in chapter 1. The mutual reference to habit was one way in which we reconciled the phenomenological and semiotic accounts of revelatory imager)'. Yet we might justifiably ask whether. and a bodily mode of being in the world insofar as its final interpretants can be identified as habits. Memory. For an important reason. the relation between imagination and memory is known by scholars to be a close one. and it is precisely this kind of memory with which Charismatic ritual healing is concerned.

1 For him a "rich image" is a mentaJ picture rich in information (ibid. For example." and the events and actions that form the substance of autobiographical memory are defined as "visual-temporal. not the cognitive notion of schema. 2 In Dlace of the two-dimensional understanding of the memory image as /isual representation. the cognitivist philosopher Mark Johnson defines imagination as our "capacity to organize mental representations" (1987:140). but competing cognitive and phenomenological construals of the image in consciousness." Like many cognitive theorists he accordingly relies on a notion of "image-schema. although he claims to have a phenomenological project." which has the curious sense of simultaneously seeming to be the somatic ground of imagery and an abstraction from imagery as bodily practice. These efforts must be applauded. we would have to reconcile not only the relation between the scmiotic image as sign and the phenomenological image in consciousness. MEMORY. and follows Kant's intellcctualist grounding of imagination in the faculty of judgment. However. 3ut the phenomenological notion of habit as immediately embodied practice (Merleau-Ponty 1962. for in the end his project is to place the body "in the mind" rather than "in the world. lurking behind the self is a "self-schema. Connerton 1989). and not an act rich in existential meaning. It is instructive that in order to do so." such that a relevant question becomes whether or not individuals can "form a mental Video recording'" of their memory (Brewer 1986:27-28). we must favor notions of the world as "an underly- . equally brave is the recent effort of cognitive students of memory to include autobiographical memory as a legitimate topic of their research.:24). but also in that it tends to share the empiricist epistcmology that we identified as incompatible with phenomenology. He asserts but docs not demonstrate the lack of a gap between the rational and the bodily. with admitted chagrin. If Johnson's is a brave but hazardous way to integrate the bodily into the study of imagery from a cognitive perspective. but for our purposes they still do not promise the experiential specificity we have found with a cultural phenomenology grounded in the body.142 IMAGE. as the grounding concept for memory. to introduce the "soft" concept of self as the referent to autobiographical memories. AND EFFICACY not only methodologically. as might be expected. one of the leading scholars in this area found it necessary. or whether there is a decisive epistemological step away from the representationalist paradigm to the standpoint of being in the world. Stated another way. For the present we must again favor. is unfortunately beyond the scope of our argument. Whether these positions ultimately can be reconciled. Casey 1987.

If memory images and imaginal performance are only mental representations.3 We must accordingly pursue the nature of imagination and memory as embodied self processes. or an enactment of a problematic scenario with Jesus in the role of healer. though precisely inverted: the former argues from habitual body memory toward commemorative ceremony. Each author's project completes half the hermeneutic circle begun by the other. and 3) that a privileged mode of healing is an imaginal performance of the traumatic event. suggestion. or social support. AND EFFICACY 143 ing field of presentation for the specific content remembered. and of eschewing global notions of catharsis. we will again get no further than Levi-Strauss's (1966) argument that the homology between ritual form and illness process is inherently—and inevitably mystically—efficacious. Within the conventional framework for the anthropological study of religious healing. and that healing requires forgiveness of the trauma's perpetrator. and both move the study of memory not only into the self. the intersubjective milieu. the collective habitus. and we will do so by examining three pivotal ethnographic features that we have observed in the healing of memories: 1) that the emergence of autobiographically significant memories is attributed to revelation. but beyond the mental into the sensate body. and back again. The social theorist's (Connerton) argument fills out that of the philosopher (Casey) much in the way that. beyond the theoretical goal of identifying an existential ground of culture. The trajectory of their arguments is strikingly parallel.IMAGE. 2) that such memories are construed as in some way traumatic. . Let us be reminded that. reconceptualizing the domains of imagination and memory within a paradigm of embodiment has immediate relevance to our empirical goal of determining the efficacy and specificity of ritual healing. The full extent to which memory can be understood as an embodied process is shown in the work of Casey (1987) and Connerton (1986). whereas the latter progresses from commemorative ceremony to the incorporation of memory in habitual bodily practices. We shall continue to draw on the insights of Casey and Connerton throughout this chapter. we can go only so far with the strategy of shifting analytic focus from definitive outcome and cure to incremental process and change. as we found in chapter 1." and of self-presence "of the rememberer himself or herself at the scene remembered" (Casey 1987:69). MEMORY. Bourdieu's analysis of the socially informed body in its habitus complements Merleau-Ponry^s project of inserting the perceptual body synthesis into the cultural world.

AND EFFICACY Revelation as Reminder In our earlier discussion of revelatory imagery we showed that the image as sign is intcrsubjcctively constituted in ritual performance. . It is also evident that I have neither the cultural knowledge nor the spontaneous disposi- . This is how we use word of knowledge. I'm just going to ask for a word.. Relaxation. but our discussion of the image in consciousness was largely from the perspective of the healer. Can you relate to that. . or something that can be at anytime? 5: Well. TC: At this point. [Long pause. hurt and pain. . . . Pm suspicious of that because we were talking about hurt and pain here. I'm getting the word tension. That word will be a symbol of something in your life that needs to be healed. and see what word I get. [A short pause. This . to be more at peace. . [Pause. you need healing like everyone else. Conflict at work. let's take thefirstword I get. Okay? I want to just thank you Lord. lack of self-confidence. a Charismatic healer who is accustomed to experiencing the word of knowledge offers a demonstration to me. does that suggest a time in your life where there was a lot of hurt and pain. hurt and pain? TC: Well . 5: In your life at this point. and that my response is expected to be as spontaneous and open as is the healer's exercise of his gift. I'm getting the word sister. Now. tension. I mean.] One word I get is hurt and pain. Insecurity. In the following text. We now return to revelation from the standpoint of the patient whose memories are at issue.] Self. Does that sug. MEMORY.] Okay. . and you really feel a need for prayer in that area? The healer's ready flow of words of knowledge (which occur in the verbal intuitive modality as described in chapter 4) indicates confidence. It is evident that each word is intended to serve as a reminder to me. but a confidence tempered by awareness of possible "interference" by themes that may originate in our recent conversation rather than in my personal autobiography. Sister.J Tension. . .] Desire for relaxation. to be yourself. Mother. [He prays silently. It will be recalled that the cultural form of such revelation istypicallya "word of knowledge" which is "received" from the deity by the healer.144 IMAGE. [Pause. is this something that should be current. we ask for an area that needed to be healed. the anthropologist: S: What I'm going to do is ask the Lord for an area in your life that needs to be healed.

the word "love" refers to a lack of love. researchers have found that the kind of question asked influences the proportion of responses that will be in the form of imager)' (ibid. The word of knowledge bears a remarkable similarity to a technique devised by Galton in the last century. Experimental psychology points out the systematic nonavailability of negative memories in autobiographical recall protocols (Linton 1986:59). or issue—that corresponds to the word of knowledge. cheerful view of life" (ibid. or the image of a "beautiful bed" indicates a traumatic experience associated with that bed. MEMORY. but that the cultural definition of the word of knowledge constitutes a set of instructions to come up with certain kinds of memories. An approximation of how this works comes from considering the level of generality at which the word of knowledge gains purchase on the supplicant's memory. I am not to make a judgment about past or present relevance and then search my memory. Linton (1986:57-59) has proposed a hierarchical structure of events in long-term memory.:40). and used by experimental psychologists in studying both personal memory and imagery. but to immediately come up with an "area"—an event. and furthermore that whatever comes will require healing prayer. In this technique the researcher presents a word to the subject with the instruction to "think of a specific memory associated with each word" or to "give themselves up to the visual imagery evoked by the word" (Brewer 1986: 37-38). Below mood tone in the hierarchical structure are themes andsubthcmes that define "coherent directions or unifying aspects of life. the principle of interpretation elaborated in Charismatic healing appears to have anticipated and circumvented it. it is of interest that Charismatics attending workshops on word of knowledge are told that whatever comes to them always refers to something negative. too general to provide a memory cue but presumably specific to each memory. It is reasonable to suppose that the repertoire of words and images that we have identified in the word of knowledge not only enhances the occurrence of a memory image that can subsequendy be subjected to imaginal performance. AND EFFICACY 145 tion to respond correctly. It is expected that something will come into consciousness. relationship. When the focus is on personal memory.g..IMAGE." Smaller in scope and more temporally restricted are sets of memories "bound by the coexistence of some significant persistent ori- . and thus constituted as a censoring defense mechanism. At the most general level is mood tone.:60). Given this observation. If memory is culturally biased toward a "generally integrated. e.

the healing procedure is pitched at the level of what Linton calls extendures. Finally. The experience of thinking about a person who happens to phone that same day. or a generalized mood tone. their elements and themes are relatively typical. This coincidence is possible because. A more specific word of knowledge—bed. In general. MEMORY. and action. upon being presented with a word or image. the patient's response may be cast at a level of greater or lesser generality than the image itself. and especially characteristic of Pentecostalism. and texture. although events and episodes can be considered relatively unique. tension—attains its purchase at the level of themes. A word of knowledge of the general type portrayed in my encounter with the hcaJer—hurt. For example. a thematic image may point to a traumatic event. initiated in chapter 4." This is consistent with a tendency observed periodically in the history of Christianity. two men standing with you and Jesus—attains its purchase at the level of elements. This is the basis for the conviction that the word of knowledge is a divine inspiration. This analysis allows us to add precision to our account. little girl in a red dress. and details such as nuances of sound. insofar as it is explicitly organized around stages of life and those persistent orientations that we have identified with the self. color. constituting the "highlights" of extendures. of the coincidence between apt image and autobiographically relevant memory in ritual performance. there are elements of events and episodes such as the actors. The latter is probably the case in the frequently reported situation where. to search for the "divine coincidence. sister. relevant to the patient's unique life." the hand of God in daily life (Poewe 1989).146 IMAGE. a type of recurring episode (such as sexual abuse). In the dominant North American ethnopsychology. setting. autobiographical events are regarded as unique possessions that constitute a unique person with an individual identity. Thus. whereas the cultural typicality of themes and elements is down played. or about a person in the prayer group losing his job the same week another member decides to hire a . AND EFFICACY entation. or an image of a discrete clement may be the synecdoche of such an event. However. Events and episodes are even more self-contained and independently coherent. the patient immediately breaks into weeping. This structure is useful for understanding revelation in the healing of memories as a mnemonic system that taps memory at different levels of generality. the patient's response is typically formulated either as a discrete event." and labeled extendures by Linton. and thus something that the healer "could not possibly have known by human means.

so the word of knowledge is experienced as personally relevant with pinpoint accuracy. In the Church of Scientology studied by Whitehead (1987)." which they experience in a kind of imaginal performance. The negative "charges" of one's accumulated experience are products of and stored in the "Reactive Mind. whereas Charismatics attend to the uniqueness of events and episodes. states Whitehead. While much of the contents of these experiences is one's own. "the charge contained in this idiosyncratic material is held to be secondary to and derivative from the overwhelming charge contained in the 'basic' universal incidents that Hubbard [the church's founder] has discovered" (ibid. are attended to in precisely this manner. The Charismatic sacred self is validated by the appearance of divine spontaneity and coincidence. Just as a conviction of self-reference may occur as one listens to prophetic utterance in a group setting (Csordas 1987). AND EFFICACY 147 new employee. and their relation to the remindand (parallel to the semiotic object of a sign) is not indicative but evocative. whereas the latter are impressed that the word of knowledge is unaccountably relevant to their unique experience." Their experiences through present and previous lives partake of universal incidents occurring in a common cosmic "time track. The former are impressed that their experience conforms to a universal Track and that its emotional charge is stored in a cosmic Bank." colloquially referred to as the "Bank. equally a product of North American ethnopsychology. MEMORY. Scientologists attend to the typicality of themes and elements. people come to understand themselves as protean beings called "thetans. We are now in a position to move from our understanding of revelatory images as signs to a phenomenological understanding of images as reminders. whereas the Scientologist Being is validated by the divine timelcssness of a science-fiction Utopia. That this reinforces rather than diminishes the cultural force of regarding the person as unique can be clarified by noting that it is not the only possible solution.4 The point is that although each person ostensibly has an individual Bank." Whitehead offers several examples of Scientology practitioners saying something to a neophyte that stimulates "spontaneous subjective involvement" with the Bank in a way reminiscent of the Charismatic word of knowledge.IMAGE. not denotative . The technique of the sacred is the inverse of that used by the Charismatics. Casey observes that reminders adumbrate or "shadow forth" a content. Bank is also a metaphysical principle established by the first universal beings.: 190). such that all personal Banks are in effect branches of a single cosmic Bank.

wc must recall that the mnemonic process in healing of memories is cumulative. and finally to her father in bed. but one that evokes concrete self-presence. Finally. to anger at her husband. 68) who. In the second case we encountered a series progressing from the child in the closet. and the memory evoked is not necessarily a reliving in the sense of watching a "videotape" copy. MEMORY. In these terms. Singer (1984:56.148 IMAGE. sees each human being as a symbol. to her father's face superimposed on that of her husband. or that we expect ourselves to do in the future. and future. revelatory imagery constitutes a "mnemotechnic" system. Second. and as a memory itself can serve as a further reminder. and for the supplicant herself becomes a reminder. a bodily practice. upheld by the concreteness of sacred experience in which indeterminate but typical themes and elements adumbrate autobiographically unique events and episodes. Revelatory reminders and rcmindands are not only thoughts and words. Moreover. elaborating on Peirce. Revelatory imagers' also illustrates Casey's point that reminding as a mode of memory takes us beyond a purely mental istic conception of memory as recollection. self and other. but sensuous embodied images. internal and external. AND EFFICACY but allusive (1987:98). as revelatory themes and elements are integral to autobiographical events and episodes. present. Third. as Casey points out. to understand how it collapses past. This is generally the case insofar as all Charismatics pursue healing in the course of "coming to know the Lord. and toward an understanding of the phenomenological unity of mind and body. and future." but is particularly evident in ongoing cases like the first two discussed in chapter 5. to a beautiful bed. the inter- . it collapses the duality between internal and external because the revelation experienced by the supplicant is also part of the memory being reconstructed. What is an image in consciousness for the healer stands between healer and supplicant as a sign. it is quite possible for a reminder to remind us of something that lies in the future. First. revelation collapses the duality between self and other by the intcrsubjective interplay of themes and elements shared within a habitus.5 The past is thus alive in the present. revelatory imagery collapses the duality of mind and body because it is not only a sign but an act. In the first case we observed successive images of the patient's mother that directed the process toward the content of the mother-daughter relationship. present. External reminder and internal remindand are indistinguishable and reciprocal. The apparent oxymoron of a "future reality" (Casey 1987:97) parallels a formulation by M. past.

The elaboration of imagination as a capacity of the sacred self lifts the psychocultural veil of silence that keeps this aspect of sexual oppression shrouded in autobiographical memory. 1973). By way of metacomment. MEMORY. Casey observes that traumatic body memory results in the fragmentation of the lived body: This is the body as broken down into uncoordinated parts and thus as incapable of thetypeof continuous. but the frequency of which has not declined since his day. (1987:155) . This is especially the case with respect to sexual abuse. we must first note that Janet's theory of psychopathology was largely ignored for the first three quarters of the present century. each memory that comes to light in ritual healing is not only constitutive of the current self. Jenkins \99\b). but is a future memory of a sacred self that she is creating. In the strongest sense. and toward the concrete emotional damage of psychological violence (van der Kolk and van der Hart 1989.IMAGE. indeed. Embodiment and Trauma It is impossible to examine the Charismatic emphasis on removing the residual effects of trauma without reference to the work of Pierre Janet (1925. AND EFFICACY 149 pretant of which may be a "future memory" of cognition or a "future self. spontaneous action undertaken by the intact body ("intact" precisely because of its habirualities. Thefragmentedbody is inefficacious and irregular. It is the guarantor of a stable orientation in the world and of the continuity of an emerging disposition within the Charismatic habitus. which serve to ensure efficacity and regularity). Its very intellectual availability is part of a phenomenon of contemporary cultural history that also includes the development of Charismatic heading and of clinical interest in post-traumatic stress disorder. Thus it became possible for the woman in the first case we examined to reconceptualize what the older boys in her childhood did to her as sexual abuse. and thus it became of central therapeutic importance for the woman in the second case to acknowledge repeated rape by her father. its possibilities of free movement have become constricted precisely because of the trauma that has disrupted its spontaneous actions." For the Charismatic. the social reality of which Freud denied. with a complementary shift away from psychoanalytic emphasis on the wishes and fears of fantasy. There is no question that the body is profoundly implicated in such instances.

however. fixed ideas that "organize cognitive. becoming subconscious. it is not surprising that Charismatics . and that for major pathology they often defer to clinical expertise. may be split off or dissociated from consciousness. a subpersonality that had to be negotiated with and which in the vision of the healer was physically merged with the patient's other imaginal bodies. and even resulted in the ambiguity of bodily identity between her father and husband. affective. the severity of which "depends on both the emotional state of the victim at the time of the event and on the cognitive appraisal of the situation. the trauma created by the situational exigencies of living up to internal and external demands was manifested as a controlling "subpersonality" with its distinct.: 1533). These ideas correspond to the Charismatic notions that memories can sometimes be retrieved (from the subconscious) only with the help of divine inspiration. No less is the body implicated in the second case. that their goal is a comprehensive self-transformation. and visceral elements of the traumatic memory while simultaneously keeping them out of conscious awareness" (van der Kolk and van dcr Han 1989:1532). we can understand howr in our first case. MEMORY. [and] determines the lasting impact of the trauma" (ibid. AND EFFICACY Insofar as the body is the existential ground of self.150 IMAGE. the verbal blame for the patient's sexual exploitation and the physical slap in imaginal performance became the disintegration of the maternal body-self and the literal pain of heartache. and that healing can occur only by removing the "bitter root" (vehement emotion) of the experience. and insofar as spontaneity is a salient psychocultural theme for the self. Such memories are invariably associated with a vehement emotion. and was expressed in her comment that prior to healing she had thought her problems were negligible alongside those of people she herself counseled. Nevertheless. That the severity of the trauma is a subjective matter was discovered by the first woman whose healing process we examined. it is the case that Janet was explicitly concerned with overt pathology. where the trauma of sexual abuse was transformed into a fragmentation that required therapeutic merging of childhood and adult selves.6 Charismatics would likely agree with Janet's formulation that memories are automatically integrated into a system that organizes experience and that allows them to remain accessible to consciousness and voluntary control. alienated postural model of repressed muscular tension. Given that Charismatics are concerned as much with memory as a basic self process as with specifically pathogenic memories. Traumatic memories. In the third case.

e. it appears in the psychotherapeutic literature only when tentatively introduced by Christian writers (Gartner 1988.: 1537). and sometimes use the technique of generational or ancestral healing. Some of Janet's therapeutic principles would likely be embraced by Charismatics as well. insofar as toward the end of treatment a patient is often less bitter and more able to recall positive features of a parental relationship (Gartner 1988:314).IMAGE. 7 In Charismatic ritual healing. but also "needed to be modified and transformed. where following the emergence of the traumatic memory the healer instructed her supplicant to forgive the perpetrators of her affliction and offer them to the deity. in this respect Janet's theory recognizes what has frequendy been observed as the essential principle of efficacy in religious healing. He saw memory as an act of creation. however. Charismatics' most common critique of conventional psychotherapy is that it brings memories to consciousness without resolving or healing them. Clearly a Christian notion based on the paradigm of the crucified Christ forgiving his persecutors. Wapnich 1985). The imaginal performance serves precisely to transform memories by placing them in the context of divine presence. rather than as a static recording of events" (ibid. healing will occur for events such as being "lost" as a child (e. or being stranded on an offshore rock as the tide washed in during a childhood beach vacation. Charismatics advocate active involvement in the lifestyle of prayer groups or communities. Csordas 1983). This was evident in the second case we examined. Thus. i. being temporarily separated from one's parents at a public event). thereby both neutralizing and making them meaningful.. even for psychologically healthy people. Indeed. We shall leave the psychotherapeutic status of forgiveness to a debate between psychol- . namely that it succeeds in transforming the meaning of an illness and thus the effect it has on the life of the afflicted (Bourguignon 1976a. Janet also believed that memories had not only to be uncovered. Where Charismatics part company with Janet is in their emphasis on forgiveness as an element in resolving trauma. forgiveness is both a goal and a technique.g. Likewise. MEMORY. placed in their proper context and reconstructed into neutral or meaningful narratives. AND EFFICACY 151 have an essentially populist definition of trauma. Just as Janet advocated interventions such as "changing the patient's lifestyle to fit his emotional strengths and weaknesses and trying to prevent intergenerational transmission of trauma" (ibid..: 1537). One of these authors has observed that forgiveness is often a byproduct of psychotherapy.

and only summarized or objectified in performance events (Csordas 1988). Such reconstruction is likely both when the event was a repeated one. therapeutic process may more often than not" be incremental in nature. MEMORY. Nevertheless.152 IMAGE. seldom has therapeutic process been examined with sufficient specificity to challenge the event-based models presupposed in much of the literature. the role of imaginal performance. Finkler 1985). AND EFFICACY ogists and religionists. and presumes that the truth of an interaction is contained entirely in the interaction. From an anthropological perspective. while the initiatory character of ritual healing is occasionally acknowledged (Crapanzano 1973. In the cases we have examined it is evident that themes and images are developed over time. for we must now address our third main topic of this chapter. weaving the contexts of everyday life and ritual performance into a single phenomenological fabric. through the transformation of traumatic memory. imaginal performance is not a necessary ingredient of every healing session. significant others. Imaginal Performance as Self Process If. In fact. playmates). as is often the case in the process of Charismatic healing of memories (Brewer 1986:42). Moreover. siblings. as is often the case in childhood sexual abuse. most frequent among whom are parents (but sometimes others such as teachers. and we must now examine it more closely. Recent work in experimental psychology suggests that memory may be an essentially reconstructive process rather than one that produces representational copies of past events. we must be careful not to exaggerate the privilege. and the divine figures . If we focus on the actors in imaginal performance. imaginal performance is a privileged moment in that element of therapeutic process we have called the elaboration of alternatives. and when the same event is recalled and discussed a number of times. 8 The transformation effected in imaginal performance must on these grounds alone be understood as part of a larger process. occurring in less than half of the sixty sessions we observed. imaginal performance offers a unique window on the processes of the sacred self. To do so would be an extreme form of the "occasionalist illusion" (Bourdicu 1977:81-82) that direcdy relates practices to properties inscribed in the situation. we notice that they typically include the supplicant in either a child or adult persona.

and I would add that it appears compatible with our notion of imagination as an orientational self process. 1964) and her followers (Isaacs 1943)." This is regarded as a primary developmental and psychological mechanism by which infants attempt to protect the integrity of object relationships by projecting their innate destructivencss onto the environment and introjecting its good aspects or. internal objects are objectified as the actors in imaginal performance. Thus.IMAGE. The nature of the stalemates addressed in the three cases we have examined in chapter 5 can be understood with the Kleinian objectrelations concept of "splitting. MEMORY. recognizing in the phrases "object of relationship" or "object of desire" that the relationship and desire are semiotic interpretants in the form of habitual dispositions. reciprocally. 131). In this view the "objects" are objects of relationships. Hamilton 1989). some fantasy of the conditions leading to the gratification of the wanting" (Greenberg and Mitchell 1983:124. Greenberg and Mitchell point out that this formulation is compatible in principle with the phenomenological notion that all thought is intentional (ibid. By thus incorporating the object-relations perspective into our cultural phenomenology. AND EFFICACY 153 of Jesus and occasionally the Virgin Mary. (Hamilton 1989:1553) In our first case we can see the split between the good and bad self in the preliminary contrast between the patient's son who had the freedom to get dirty and her image of herself as a little girl who was always primly dressed. . and the developmentally earliest objects are the parents. Consistent with our analysis of basic psychocultural . In other words. In the version of the theory espoused by Melanie Klein (1932. . We can also construe the internal object as a kind of semiotic object.: 131). by projecting the good aspects of themselves onto the good object and experiencing themselves removed from discomfort or danger. they split their self-and-object world into all-good and all-bad camps. The concrete experiential presence of these actors in an evocation of developmental themes invites interpretation as a strikingly literal example of "internal object relations." and all desire formulated in phantasy "implies an object of that desire. Implicit in the experience of wanting is some image. we can understand imaginal performance as a manipulation in fantasy of internal objects in order to resolve developmental stalemates." The school of psychoanalytic thought oriented around this concept emphasizes the development of personality through the internalization of relationships (Greenberg and Mitchell 1983. phantasy is "the basic substance of all mental processes. .

A parallel model of self process. MEMORY.154 IMAGE." Later." Here again is a resolution of splitting between the bad childhood self. In the imaginal performance proper the split between good mother and bad mother is dramatized in the central image of the patient seated on the lap of the Virgin9 while holding her own disintegrating mother. In contrast to the idea that the self becomes objectified by splitting itself into good and bad aspects. Winnicotfs (1965) notion that the self becomes divided into a true and false version. the principal characteristic of the good self is spontaneity. It is instead a physical conjunction of the three bodies holding one another. is D. and concludes with a letting go of the bad mother not in the form of an abandonment. and his own aspirations. whereas the bad self is repressed. wants to be "on his side. including the bad self represented by the domineering masculine side of his personality. one of the healers introduces the image in which three aspects of the self merge. but as a relinquishing to the divine figure of Jesus. She repeatedly acknowledges that her husband is good. described by the supplicant as a concrete experience of "growing up. a German general. In the imaginal performance there is a dramatic merging of the childhood self and the adult self. Emerging in the form of revelation from the healer's engaged position in the intersubjective milieu. as it turns out. and the good self understood as a mature Christian woman who "knows who I am in Christ. His resemblance to her actual father allows him to take on the psychological role of the good father. reinforced with the insight that the real mother's badness was in fact a product of vulnerability. manipulative man-hater. Once again in the third case the bad self is a composite of the patient's father. AND EFFICACY themes. W." The bad self is not abandoned. The patient "befriends" this part of himself which. and the progressive impingement of others on the child's as-yet-unintegratcd experience. this image can be interpreted as an indexical icon of the patient's self process. The complex resolution is not a synthesis of good and bad mothers. also formulated in the object-relations tradition. understood as a promiscuous. this version posits an objective split brought about by the mother's inability to actualize the infant's needs. In the second case a preliminary image of good father and bad father appears in the patient's seeing the face of her father superimposed on that of her husband. while at the same time becoming the object of displaced anger for the drunken sexual abuse she suffered as a child. The true . In imaginal performance the good and bad selves open a dialogue. but merged with the good self in the embrace of the divine figure.

In this light the first patient's repressed little girl was a false self fashioned in response to her mother's critical abusiveness and simultaneous need to be "held together. for adults continue to vacillate between states defined by enduring contrasts of "solipsistic subjectivity with objective perception. is a "developmental way station between hallucinatory omnipotence and the recognition of objective reality" (Greenberg and Mitchell 1983:195). we might first try out another of Winnicott's (1958) notions. The child becomes the mother's image of him" (Greenberg and Mitchell 1983:194). especially since it relies on a representationalist interpretation of these figures instead of treating them as phenomena. An immediate response from a psychoanalytic perspective might be that these figures are simply and invariably positive introjects of the parental objects. It might also be said that Jesus is a better candidate for the positive father object than is "God the Father" because that person of the divine trinity is too often experienced as punitivcly stern. though in this instance apparently predicated on paternal rather than maternal demands.IMAGE. The third patient's overachieving childhood self. that constitute "knowing who I am in Christ. as anthropologists we must regard this easy solution as too easy. the mature true self in the second. However. and we have in fact made this interpretation of the Virgin in the first of our cases." Although these analyses constitute a start toward understanding imaginal performance in the healing of memories. goes into hiding" in order to protect itself. Remaining within the framework of internal object-relations theory. however. For the young child the transitional object." The second patient's childhood persona was likewise a false self fashioned in the absence of protection by her mother from her sexually abusive father. It is the rediscovery of the spontaneous true self in the first case. they do not adequately account for the role of the divine figures.: 195). is again a false self. such as a blanket or a teddy bear. MEMORY. and suggest that Jesus is a kind of "transitional" object. struggling for the veneer of control in the face of insecurity. and the self that inhabits the sacred space between discipline and selfindulgence in the third. AND EFFICACY 155 self which is the "source of spontaneous needs. images. the world of 'subjective' objects over which one has total control with the world of separate and independent others" (ibid. the inner world with the world of outer reality. and is replaced by a false self "fashioned out of maternal expectations and claims. Hence we must examine the implications of the indigenous view that in effect grants the divine figures autonomy as internal objects in their own right. and gestures. The implied transition is not a once-andfor-all process. .

Despite this coexistence. the deity is not an external transitional object like a teddy bear. and they both allow the actors in imaginal performance to be transitional objects and to contribute to their aura of the sacred. imagination is relatively more subject to the vicissitudes of existence. Frequently the divine presence offers a sense of security and protection for Charismatic patients that is the condition for some of them to face potentially upsetting contents of traumatic memory. Jesus as an actor in imaginal performance is characterized both by imaginal controlledness and spontaneity. this paradox becomes explicable in the intimate coexistence of imagination and memory as self processes in Charismatic ritual healing. he is the ideal object. Those who would be terrified to face the same material in conventional psychotherapy are able to do so only because they feel themselves under divine protection in ritual healing. however.156 IMAGE. and concretized . a kind of autobiographical sedimentation. MEMORY. omnipotent but shallow. Let us take yet another step. but literally an internal transitional object that synthesizes in itself all the features of omnipotence and those of an objective Other to which one can have a mature relationship. whereas memory is limited by but persistent in its claims on reality. or Other. for Jesus is not only a protective presence but an intimate presence in healing. it is a "thin autonomy" in contrast to the "thick autonomy" of memory. intimate relationship. Moreover. In Charismatic thinking. and by the dense presence of a divine figure who determines the past. with which one can have a mature. memory is characterized by the inescapable reality of the past. whereas imagination is characterized by free play (see chapter 4). In our ethnographic example. Once again it might be suggested that the experience of intimacy cultivated as a sense of divine presence. Object-relations theorists sec an essential paradox in transitional experiencing because it appears to constitute an intermediary realm in which an object is neither under illusory. This means that although imagination is autonomous. Again following Casey (1976. That is. omnipotent control nor part of objective reality. The existential force of an internal transitional object that synthesizes imagination and memory allows the divine actor to perform convincingly for the adult patient in healing some of the same functions as does the blanket or teddy bear for the developing child. These arc precisely the poles of the paradox in transitional experience. and future meaning of memories in which he intervenes. AND EFFICACY The last of these contrasts is particularly relevant for our present discussion. 1987). they nevertheless have contrasting phcnomenological characteristics. present.

While this formulation provides an interesting gloss on the idea of "knowing oneself in Christ. and vision of the Other as special. appears occasionally among devotees who want to be the imaginal "bride of Christ. Is this the case in Charismatics' relation to Jesus? In one of the few empirical studies on the subject. 5) eroticization of the Other which. or an isolated face. which Charismatics express as a hunger for prayer." Not only are the intrapsychic processes of the relation with Jesus similar to those of interpersonal intimacy." a series offiveintrapsychic processes identified by Levine stands out in specifying the features of intimacy in the Charismatics' relation to the deity: 1) imagined presence of the Other. is either a representation of lost parental imagery or a surrogate for the absence of intimacy with a spouse. that intimacy must be a genuine intimacy and its object must be an authentic Other. less relevant due to the indeterminate physical attributes of Jesus.IMAGE. but experience his answer by means of intuitive or auditory imagery. 3) anticipation of togetherness with the Other. most prominent for Charismatics in ritual healing. MEMORY. hands. but still present insofar as the imaginal presence is either a conventional iconic long-haired. a vivid characteristic of Charismatic "prayer life" in which people not only talk to Jesus. but offers each the benefit of coming to know oneself through the relationship. or heart. with the consequences identified by Levine as attachment. but not if the goal is to cultivate a capacity for intimacy as an aspect of the sacred self." or who luxuriate either in the sensuous imaginal embrace10 or in the passively reclining sacred swoon of "resting in the Spirit. 2) invented conversation with the absent Other. If the capacity for intimacy can be cultivated through intimacy with a divine figure. AND EFFICACY 157 in the recurrent embodied image of a divine embrace. In these terms. This interpretation might be adequate if the goal of healing was to create a state of intimacy. concern (expressed as wanting to do the Lord's work). although largely repressed as inappropriate. Jesus is the alterity of the . but also possible in everyday prayer. I would suggest that this experience is neither a surrogate nor a transitional intimacy. white-robed. 4) preoccupation with the physical attributes of the Other. intrinsic value. but a manifestation of genuine intimacy with a primordial aspect of the self that is the existential ground both for its fundamental indeterminacy and for the possibility of an intersubjective relationship—its otherness. Stephen Levine (1991) intriguingly characterizes psychological intimacy as an "elusive state of grace" that requires two people. handsome young man. but the relationship comes to hold an enduring.

and in the possibility of seeing ourselves as objects from the perspective of another (ibid. In contrast. .: 54). The Virgin Mary plays this role for our first patient. and that the personal relation with Jesus is a metaphor for that condition of selfhood. The body is thus a hidden presence or an alien presence. This alterity of the self is not based on anything like Janet's notion of subconscious memories unfamiliar to consciousness. providing an ideal Other to correspond to the self-presence that characterizes autobiographical memory. and whose presence is an act of imagination. MEMORY. The first is complementary to the sense of self-presence which we have already identified as characteristic of memory images (Casey 1987). voice" within. which is an "urgency . a "latency thanks to which anything else can be or become patent" (ibid.:48-55). A N D EFFICACY self Levine (ibid. small. but is an essential feature of our embodied existence. The patient in our second case experienced not only the merger of her childhood and .:54). however. and that is the possibility of experiencing oneself as other or alien to oneself. . but essentially responsive to this reception" (1981:153). this essential otherness originates in the limitations of our physical being that leave us with a sense of inescapable contingency. but which implicates us in anything that happens to our bodies. in the autonomic functioning of our bodies that insistently goes on without us. There is yet a second and deeper sense of the selfs altcrity. The vivid presence of Jesus in imaginal performance is a culturally specific way to complete this second foundational moment. and that to speak of intimacy with oneself is to speak metaphorically.) argues that intimacy always requires two persons. To reiterate our conclusion from chapter 1. The other he calls presence to the other self.158 IMAGE. The deity as imaginal actor is a benevolent objectification of this preobjective sense of alterity. The altcrity of the self can be taken in two senses. I am arguing that the capacity for intimacy begins with an existential coming to terms with the aJterity of the self. Since this is an urgency felt inwardly but before and to the other self. Zaner points out that self-presence as situated rcflcxivity is one of two foundational moments for the self. . . This is the Jesus that speaks internally with the "still. Hence the self is not accidentally or contingendy. In this way the body is the condition of possibility for the divine presence insofar as it is integrally experienced as "the ground for both subjective inwardness and objective outwardness" (ibid. to reveal itself to other inwardly realized selves . . its maturation is intimately bound to the reception given by the other to the selfs urgency.

IMAGE. the Catholic Mass. but a merger with the divinity who embraced them both. whereas Casey makes a parallel point by suggesting that in commemoration the substance of memory in experience is best understood with Levy-Bruhl's (1926) concept of mystical participation. Central to their arguments about memory is the commemorative ceremony. Again exemplifying the complementarity that I alluded to earlier. but also with that very alterity which is the body as existential ground of self. Commemoration and Transformation Bearing in mind this analysis of the roles played by the actors in imaginal performance. In the third case. to that of embodied being in the world. this essential otherness is also the condition of possibility for demonic presence. whether it be the Jewish Passover. we can frame a final discussion of efficacy by rejoining Connerton (1989) and Casey (1987). AND EFFICACY 159 adult selves. memory is situated not in the individual.'' These imaginal acts were a coming to terms not only with the memories of traumatic events. Casey (1987) distinguishes ceremonial commemoration carried out as a public ritual from intrapsychic commemoration that occurs in the psychoanalytic process . insofar as it is not so integrated. By this action memory is located in space as well as time. but at the juncture of the individual and the social. In our terms. Both authors argue that commemoration is a totalizing form of memory that includes components of both bodily and verbal action. and insofar as the action is collective. For both authors commemoration is not a representation of the past. whether textual or cognitive. or the Tanagran festival of Hermes. in this instance an active participation of the commemorator with the object of commemoration. both have embraced the project of moving our understanding of memory from the mode of representation. the American Memorial Day observance. space and time. I want to argue now that the Charismatic healing of memories is a particular kind of commemorative ceremony. a vision by one of the healers places Jesus in a similar role. As we wiU see in chapter 7. while the supplicant reports the negative aspect of alterity in a sense of control that is "not external but feels external. MEMORY. but a re-presentation that collapses the dualities of past and present. Connerton shows that in commemoration the form of memory in practice is not representation but reenactment.

she implicitly acknowledges this universal need. and the ceaseless flux of transient temporality . regarded as preparation for full life in a Christian community. the sheer ever-the-sameness of eternity. . AND EFFICACY of identification. Within the imaginal performance the patient engages in intimate interaction with both the perpetrators of trauma and the divine figures. the wounded and suffering self. arc thus even more profoundly challenged than in other commemorative ceremonies. The patient comes to participate in the cosmic. where intrapsychic commemoration is carried out in explicitly ritual terms.11 Far more than this. intrapsychic and intersubjective. For any time a patient undergoes healing of memories. . On this middle ground of ritual healing. the dualities of body and mind. while the cosmic comes to intimately inhabit the traumatic moments of the patient's autobiography. that Charismatic collective identity is formed. motion and rest. for the memories that are in question are themselves constituents of the patient's self. Again. Revelatory images and imaginal performance constitute the intersubjective milieu of the ritual relationship between healer and patient. in the first instance. It thus links the perdurance of the person in autobiographical time with the perdurance of the divine in cosmic time. ritual healing is also a commemoration in a genuinely collective sense. it is profoundly social. where a person is memorialized in another's psyche. or more precisely that the sacred self is created as a member of that collectivity defined as the kingdom of God.. Here is precisely the significance of the Charismatic precept that everyone is in need of healing. In Casey's terms. In healing of memories we find a middle ground between the two forms. As is true of all commemoration. there is the pcrduring. "Between the fixity. MEMORY. It is in part by this process. but are generally unconcerned with the diachronic component of collective identity (1989:103). Connerton notes that anthropologists who emphasize performance typically show how it makes structure explicit. Here commemorabilia (or semiotic reprcscntamens) are phenomcnologically indistinguishable from commemoranda (or semiotic objects). and in so doing participates in a commemoration of the human condition as defined in the Christian doctrine of original sin and the fall of humankind. providing sameness and difference. What is being commemorated is.160 IMAGE. at the same time and not just in succession" (1987:229). however. the ritual is at the same time a commemoration of the healing and protective presence of the divinity in every moment of the patient's past life.

there is an inherent difficulty in the "expressive exfoliation" of memory. Because of this thick engagement in the actuality of experience. we must finally identify' the source of efficacy in the healing of memories. we can say that the efficacy of therapeutic process is reinforced by the application of imagination's "thin autonomy" to memory's "thick autonomy. We might be expected to conclude that the experience of totality in the commemorative collapse of dualities is that source. With respect to autobiographical memory. 12 Their complementarity in therapeutic process consists in that imagination is "thickened" with existential care. So wherein lies the specificity that we require of a therapeutic efficacy that is at the same time a creative self process? One element of this specificity is the close relationship between imagination and memory we have been observing. AND EFFICACY 161 Elements of Efficacy Having now described the psychological effects of imaginal performance in terms of internal object relations. MEMORY. returning to a distinction that we used above with respect to object relations and therapeutic content. is constantly transforming and undermining the determinacy of the past through its own action and discovering within itself the truth of its own experiencing (Casey 1976. or placebo with which we have expressed dissatisfaction. it is apt to say that imagery is applied to memory. and the relinquishment of control over one's affairs to the deity. At this point we should distinguish that this relationship takes two forms in our material. To this totality we could add that of the simultaneous enactment of our three basic psychocultural themes: the inherent spontaneity of imaginal process. a difficulty' that is absent in imagination (Casey 1987:279-280). Within this complementarity is a specific efficaq' defined by two fea- . and the cultural form of memory as a self process in terms of commemoration. whereas memory is "thinned" by the relative ease of imagination." The thin autonomy of imagination is one of pure possibility. suggestion. although bound up in its origins. in that memory often occurs in imaginal form.[MAGE. imagery and memory are intimately associated. granted the phenomenological salience of such totality. however. the intimacy with the divine figures achieved in that process. Specifically. there is no reason to attribute an efficacy to it. whereas the thick autonomy of memory. With respect to imaginal performance. Unfortunately. To do so would not carry us beyond the imputed efficacy of those nonspecific mechanisms like catharsis.1987).

but real appearances. AND EFFICACY tures: the rhetorical juxtaposition of the divine world of the purely possible to the struggling human world of traumatic autobiographical memory. that imagination is "prcsentifying" rather than productive or reproductive (Casey 1976:2. that imaginative spontaneity is sudden. foremost among which is its inherent efficacity." The phenomenlogical reality of this imagery subsists not only in the vivid multisensory quality of revelation and imaginal performance. or whether imagination constitutes merely an "ami-world" characterized by an essential poverty and nothingness of being (Casey 1976:2-3). the traumatic past. Stephen 1989). anthropologists and philosophers have not only attempted. 225) is critical to its efficacy as a self process for orienting to and engaging the world. is existentially guaranteed by Heideggerian "care. being nothing other than what they appear to be. from the standpoint of religious experience. insofar as the features of imagination (spontaneity. as we have seen. Third.13 not virtually produced by the playing of a "mental videotape. characteristics we expect of divine action. They have also argued over whether it is legitimate to posit a coherent "imaginal world" (Bildwelt). and the phenomcnologicaJ superimposition of divine imagination upon human memory in imaginal performance. the issue is decisively resolved in favor of the Bildwelt as a coherent domain of experiential specificity. . Fourth. MEMORY. It also subsists in that the actors who act upon each other in imaginal performance are not mere representations." but actually present as embodied imaginal performers. the essential indeterminacy of imagining corresponds with the indeterminacy we have found to be characteristic of the self. and makes imagination an apt self process. We must also look to the phenomcnological characteristics of imagination in its own right. Second. imagination gives access to a culturally defined spiritual realm. A fifth element of efficacy originates in the embodied nature of healing imagery. The method of cultural phenomenology has prepared us to make an empirical contribution to this debate: Insofar as. to establish the autonomy of imagination from other mental acts (Casey 1976. a characteristic which. We have observed above that we can hardly fail to imagine what we intend to imagine. selfevidence) correspond to what is expected of a spiritual realm. indeterminacy.162 IMAGE. as we have seen. These are. and insofar as imagination engenders a coherent and cohesive experiential domain by the presence of Jesus as an internal object for patients and a consistent source of divine inspiration for healers. not coincidentally. effortless. and the sacred. and that the contents of imagination are self-evident. and immediate. autonomy. 223.

. there could be no idea whatever of force and action in the world and thus of a dynamic connection of all things: no idea. Johnson 1987). i.. such as holding one's disintegrating mother. This concrete bodily efficacy is the "unmediated feeling of the body's causal efficacy qua 'withness'. observable as his characteristic action in countless episodes of Charismatic healing of memories. however. we can conclude that its efficacy can be traced to the way the body is the existential ground for efficacy in general (Zaner 1981. will be intrinsic to any connection with any past" (Casey 1987:175).e. as we have observed.14 It is also supported by the presence of the divine figures who. of any 'nature' at all" (quoted in Zaner 1981:36). are posited by object-relations theorists to have their origin precisely in early bodily experience. N. In the words of Hans Jonas. There is no more convincing a way that the deity could be both incarnately present and readily accessible. M. Whitehead. Without the body and its elementary self-experience. Patients also experience action being performed on their own bodies. whether they are being held by the Virgin or undergoing a merging of partial selves. This self-presence is supported by the imaginal presence of other internal objects which. . our notion of causality originates in "the universal extrapolation from propriobodily prime experience into the whole of reality. If imaginal performance is embodied in this way. the concrete feeling of bodily efficacy. . following A. is as phcnomenologically real qua embrace as are the words he speaks in the recesses of imagination. The relevance of this argument is extended to the domain of memory by Casey who. or walking in a sacred garden. for if the primordial experience of causal efficacy "is the privileged point of connection to a settled past. AND EFFICACY 163 It might be objected that this claim is too strong since. . like other forms of autobiographical memory (Brewer 1986:42). This objection is weak in the face of the concrete actions performed by patients in imaginal performance. Memory itself is finally grounded in embodiment. achieve their fullest degree of phenomenological concreteness in imaginal performance. especially in the case of parents.. . The embrace from Jesus. .IMAGE. because both demand that we conform to their inescapable actuality. placing loved ones into the sacramental cup. the patient in healing of memories frequendy experiences the event from the perspective of a third person seeing him. in short. The indeterminacy of the exact locus of consciousness (observer or actor) must not be confused with the definiteness of self-presence in imaginal performance. then its own bodily basis.or herself. functioning as efficacious in its own right and not as a . MEMORY. argues that causal efficacy is mutually grounded in the past and in embodiment.

they must heal" (1979:24). is incorporated as a disposition of the sacred self. There is a sixth and final clement of efficacy in imaginal performance. the encounter with divine power is perhaps the one cultural experience that most vividly preserves the sense of phenomenological primordiality (cf. force.164 IMAGE. and because it is enacted by a divine figure its meaning and intent are beyond question. and efficacy. Wherein lies the efficacy of the divine presence is that. AND EFFICACY mere means. This observation carries us a step beyond the celebrated and enigmatic claim of Kleinman and Sung that "to the extent that indigenous practitioners provide culturally legitimated treatment of illness.: 175). There can be no question at this level—the level of the habitus—of whether or not Jesus is successful at transforming a particular memory. reaching back and transforming them as from a distance. Recognizing his presence is the transformation of that memory. even though healers sometimes refer to the healing process as "praying Jesus into" the moments of a patient's life. For Charismatics. but on an existential immediacy that constitutes healing as real. and when the process proceeds according to plan. Because the embrace is imaginal it encapsulates the pure possibility of intimacy." which we have associated with the alterity of the self. of divine presence and causal efficacy. The moods and motivations evoked upon this ground are indeed uniquely realistic. It is critical that the efficacious presence of Jesus does not act on memories from the standpoint of the present. Neither is the imaginal deity "inserted" into the past. . through successive episodes of healing. To be efficacious in its own right is at once to be capable of producing further feelings on subsequent occasions and to re-enact prior feelings in memory" (ibid. because the imagery is embodied it is convincing in that it partakes of the existential ground of all causality. It is thus no accident that the bodily efficacy of the divine embrace is the privileged and recurrent act of transforming traumatic autobiographical memory among Charismatics. have their common ground in embodiment. The immediacy of the imaginal world and of memory. Johnson 1987). efficacious healing is predicated not only on a cultural legitimacy that says healing is possible. but are preserved as prototypes and templates for experiencing the force of divine power—indeed. These primordial experiences of creative and reenactive efficacy do not only become objectified as concepts of force and causality (M. This fundamental "withness. Eliadc 1958).15 the patient comes to "realize" that Jesus was always already there with her. MEMORY.

This series of photographs documents a typical public
healing service conducted by one of several well-known
Catholic Charismatic healing ministries in New
England. Their healing services took place every Sunday
for more than ten years under the leadership of the late
Franciscan priest Rev. John Lazansky. Supplicants at the
healing services of five such ministries responded to our
questionnaire about their experiences of being prayed
with for healing.

1. Before going into the main part of the church where people who
desire healing have assembled, members of the ministry gather in the
church sacristy, clasping hands in a gesture of spiritual community
as they pray for divine blessing of their efforts. The man in the suit at
left wears a red sash with a dove representing the Holy Spirit which
identifies him as an usher in the service. The man at right holds his
hand in the characteristic open-palmed Charismatic prayer posture.

2. The service begins with Father Lazansky walking through the
assembly, holding a crucifix in one hand and selectively laying the
other hand on devotees as they sing a hymn. Other healers observed
sometimes used a liturgical instrument known as an aspergillum to
sprinkle holy water on the assembly while walking among them.
Some people "rest in the Spirit" as the healer lays hands on them
or sprinkles them, slumping back into their seats in the pew.

3. Following a sermon on the theme of divine healing power and the
way it transcends scientific understanding (an allusion to the presence
of we researchers who were photographing the event), Father
Lazansky asks people with particular problems to come forward for
special attention. His selection of problems varies from week to week
based on the divine inspiration available through the charism or
spiritual gift known as "word of knowledge." In this service he was
inspired to pray for children and those who had problems with their
legs. Here he lays hands on a young girl surrounded by her family.

4. While the leader prays at his central station in front of the altar,
other members of the healing ministry divide into teams and spread to
various locations throughout the church. Ushers organize the orderly
approach of devotees to the teams for healing prayer. It is made clear
that healing power is as readily available through the teams as it is
through the principal healer, but nevertheless it is evident that he is
the only one who prays unassisted. Here a team leader (at right) is
assisted by two others as they pray over the woman in glasses. The
team member with his back to the camera also lays a hand on the
team leader in prayerful support. The man at left is the "catcher" who
will break the devotee's fall if she rests in the Spirit. Note the look of
rapt intentness on the faces of team members.

^F

llfta Jit

VMv^'^^B

dm M
5. Throughout the healing service the "music ministry" performs
from a position beside the altar. Some of the numbers are hymns in
which everyone participates, but devotional background music in the
form of soft, prayerful chants is also played, especially during the long
period in which individuals are receiving attention from the healing
teams. A healing team can be seen at work in the right background,
behind the music ministry.

6. A woman beginning to rest in the Spirit falls away from the
outstretched hands laid on her by three healing team members into
the waiting arms of the catcher. Referred to as "slaying in the Spirit"
among Protestant Pentecostals, the experience is described as being
overcome by the power of divine presence. As shown here, the body
is characteristically straight-legged during the fall, and the person
falls direcdy backward to the catcher. It is rare for people falling in
the sacred swoon to collapse or have their knees buckle under them.

7 The same woman resting in the Spirit after having been laid gendy
on the floor by the catcher. She will remain there for several minutes,
experiencing divine power and presence, then get up on her own and
return to her seat in the pews. Not everyone who is prayed with rests
in the Spirit, and the proportion varies from one healing service to
another, depending in part on the emphasis placed by the principal
healer on this practice. The length of time any person remains on the
floor may be only several seconds and rarely lasts longer than an hour
(see chapter 9).

In the background another team of healers prays for a woman who appears about to rest in the Spirit and fall into the waiting arms of the catcher. Father Lazansky prays for a disabled man in a wheelchair. He was under medical care for the infection.8. The priest typically would stand during these prayers. but on this occasion he was suffering from an infected foot and was more comfortable seated. . and he felt no qualms about praying for others while afflicted. A member of the healing ministry who is acting as catcher is also laying on hands.

.9. The woman second from the right wears the usher's sash. The woman at the far right prays in a variant of the open-palmed Charismatic prayer posture. The healer instructs the man to rise from his wheelchair and begins to manipulate the man's disabled hand while he is being steadied by the catcher. she is flanked by two women waiting to approach the healers.

The supplicant is instructed to walk up and down the aisle to demonstrate the power of healing prayer. . The walk is as much a test of his physical capacity and of his willingness to improve as it is a proof of a divinely caused amelioration of his condition (see the discussion of "margin of disability" in chapter 3). but he is much acclaimed by the assembly.10. His movement is tentative and halting as he moves about ten feet from his wheelchair.

deliverance from evil spirits. In that structure we will find a cultural domain that is even more coherently organized than the domain of imager}'.7 Demons and Deliverance A great deal can be told of a people from the character of their demons. Finally. wc approach the third major genre of Charismatic healing. In them we will catch a glimpse of the practical functioning of the habitus. and practices of identifying and dispensing with evil spirits. rules. or entities offers insight not only into the structure of a cosmology. beings. We then discuss the structure of the demonology and the various ways of classifying the action of evil spirits upon humans. but into the structure of the behavioral environment that evil spirits share with humans. How the action of evil spirits is experienced offers insight into the culturally constituted self as an ensemble of capacities for engaging the world. With these issues in mind. for if anything. from the perspective of its most characteristic vulnerabilities. the ritual practices by means of which the influence of evil spirits is banished offer insight into the social consensus that creates a human reality. We begin with the specific techniques. How they are said to afflict humans offers insight. Our discussion will be organized into two main parts. demonic affliction is an affliction of self and a crisis of being in the world. and in which is inscribed both a collective reprcsen165 . How evil spirits are conceptualized as forces. into that cultural objectification wc have labeled the person. corresponding to the behavioral pragmatics of ritual performance and the formal representation and classification of evil spirits.

or could be more easily reafflicted. Deliverance was relatively common along with healing of memories and physical healing in the public healing services that began to be common in the 1970s. Each genre conforms to the stylistic conventions of those denominations: healing of memories appears relatively staid in its emphasis on removing the emotional residue of trauma by means of forgiveness and the invocation of divine presence in imaginal performance. Covenant communities were some of the first groups to adopt deliverance. Deliverance as Ritual Performance Whereas the healing of memories was borrowed from Episcopalian Charismatics. following an episode ("Deliverance Monday") in which two Protestant healers cast out evil spirits from the members of the Word of God community in the late 1960s. many healers eventually shied away from deliverance in the brief encounters possible in these settings. and the history of deliverance must be understood accordingly. deliverance was borrowed from classical Pentccostals and nondenominational nco-Pentccostals. if no provision was made for a "follow-up" to healing. For a time in some Charismatic communities. Yet among Catholic Charismatics the two genres have always been closely related. identifying.166 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE tation of the person and a semiotic of the self. whereas deliverance is relatively dramatic in its emphasis on defining. and in part because of the occasionally violent behavior with which the . the "covenant" document that one signed in order to become a full member included consent to undergo deliverance as a "standard means of purification in the life of the community. and authoritatively commanding the departure of negative emotion and behavior. and a reflection on the ethno-ontology of evil spirits. At first deliverance was a part of initiation into group life. It was assumed that everyone had some degree of affliction. We conclude with a brief discussion of the cultural logic by means of which Charismatics distinguish demonic affliction from psychiatric or medical disorders. This was in part because of the perceived spiritual danger that patients might not be thoroughly freed from demonic influence." Inner healing or healing of memories was a longer process that could then take place subsequent to the initial "freeing" achieved by deliverance. and that spirits were obstacles to spiritual growth. However.

Some reflectively comment that at that time they "saw everything as evil. They would continue to practice deliverance. but only when the necessity arose in the course of inner healing. At times tension was created in Catholic parishes where non-Charismatics were put off by the practice." Most healers would probably agree that organized deliverance practice "peaked" in the mid. and "violent.DExMONS AND DELIVERANCE 167 demons within patients appeared to disrupt the proceedings and frighten participants. The emergence of this model for the 1980s appeared . and that deliverance is ideally a team effort that benefits from having an established group whose members are comfortable in the way their "spiritual gifts" complement one another. Those of the latter school appear most influenced by the notion of a "pneumopsychosomatic" integration of healing genres. It is an ongoing subject of debate among healers whether deliverance should be considered as a separate. and with a much lower public profile. the change was a shift away from the idea of freestanding deliverance ministries and toward the subordination of the practice to an integrated conception of healing. that those practices require a substantial degree of specialized knowledge. one prominent deliverance team in the locality of our research was "put under obedience" to the bishop. the tendency became for inner healing to be the fundamental process. By and large. This kind of change represents a fundamental inversion in the relation between healing of memories and deliverance. Whereas originally deliverance was an initiatory practice meant to remove spiritual obstacles to a subsequent gradual process of inner healing. specialized "ministry." or whether there is properly only one "healing ministry" in which practitioners must be prepared to pray in all the healing genres. with deliverance invoked only upon the emergence of obstacles or "blockages" to that process. Those who are of the former school appear to have been most influenced by the fact that deliverance was introduced as a distinct set of practices. Full-scale sessions of deliverance take place only in private and are conducted by a team. who curtailed their activities for a year. disruptive. and by the ideas that it is spiritually dangerous to "focus too much on the devil." and ran the risk of bringing up traumatic material that they were unprepared to deal with. In such a situation." that attributing problems to evil spirits may give people too much opportunity to look for a "quick fix" without taking responsibility for their problems. and that deliverance practice can at times be undesirably sensational. Following that period the healer who had served as their mentor persuaded the team to reconstitute as an inner-healing ministry.to late 1970s.

for middle class suburban Catholics. From the anthropological standpoint." and the ritual praaices of "casting out" the spirits." Introduction of the performatively less-virulent "ancestral spirits" (cf. Some ill-prepared healers. We can perhaps best understand this evolution of deliverance among Catholic Charismatics as a process of domestication. love. To borrow the title of a popular Protestant book on deliverance. a move aided by the growing number of sympathetic Christian psychotherapists in Charismatic networks. have been known to unduly stir up the emotional milieu of healing by shouting their command for additional emphasis and for a show of divinely sanctioned authority.168 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE to be accompanied by a growing sense of the necessity to complement healing with both psychotherapy and spiritual direction. the corresponding pragmatic logic is that its name also indicates the demon's effect on a person. this command is understood as a potential invitation . making deliverance less wild was making it less 'Violent. domestication moderated the performative elements in ritual healing. We will now show how this process has affected deliverance practice in three domains: the "discernment" or identification of spirits. "underground. Here the anthropologist will recognize the widespread ethno-ontological principle that knowledge of a name grants power over the person named because the name participates in the essence of a person. and joy" in ritual practice. The prototypical method of identifying evil spirits is to command them to name themselves via the voice of the afflicted. If the name of a demon indicates its essence. Even when issued moderately." From the Charismatic standpoint. DISCERNMENT OF SPIRITS One of the basic principles of deliverance in its classical Pentecostal form is the necessity to know the name of an evil spirit before it can be cast out. This technique has largely fallen into disuse. their behavioral or performative "manifestation. or again healers following a more dramatic Protestant style. and thus its discovery adds therapeutic substance to the ritual performance. and it will be recalled that in the Charismatic behavioral environment demons are a kind of person. dealing with spirits was uncomfortably like having "pigs in the parlor. sometimes to the point of driving them. chapter 2) into the cultural repertoire of distress-causing agents can also be understood in this light as an aspect of domestication." and hence more in tune with the motives of "peace. as it were.

might in deliverance be understood as identifying a spirit named Self-Hatred.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 169 to histrionic and disruptive behavior—not necessarily on the part of the afflicted. "I have a problem but I don't know what it is. taunting. . "Hey." This gift occurs both in the form of revelatory imagery as described in chapter 4 and in the inspired reading of a patient's speech. karate. the spirit itself is not speaking. and if it rings true the team. murder and so forth . but in a sense "gives itself away" in the patient's utterance. or behavior. the behavioral pragmatics of this healing genre include a heightened sensitivity to interactive cues. proceeds to cast it out with a prayer of command. with the patient's cooperation. So I told B [another team member]. whether inspired or not. . One healer observed that he did not "pick up" the presence of spirits through the gift of discernment unless a patient was unable to verbalize the problem. a resource for some healers is the spiritual gift of "discernment of spirits. A positive response to the question. may indicate the spirit Anxiety. ask about that spirit. In the domesticated form in which the self-naming of demons is sometimes retained." He was a black belt in karate. or may be named explicitly by an experienced and self-reflective patient. Cursing. Spirits may also reveal themselves through explicit interrogation. but on the part of the spirit reacting through the afflicted to the healer's challenge. She told P [the team leader]. "Hey one of the evil spirits has to be a death wish on other people." That is. arguing. it came out." And sure enough. which is nor just a defensive technique at that point. may name itself indirectly in the speech of the patient. a spirit may name itself in response to direct command. The following example was given by a priest experienced in deliverance: [The patient] had said. . for example. Some healers will say that discernment is the parallel in the spiritual domain of what intuition is in the psychological. demeanor. In such a situation. With respect to speech they report attending not only to choice of words but to tone of voice and rapidity of speech—fast speech. another stated that evil spirits are likely to be involved in situations where a patient comes saying. "Do you have suicidal thoughts?" which in clinical practice might be taken as a symptom of depression. The healer then presents the idea to the patient. "I can kill anyone here with the strike of my hand. the healer recognizes or "picks up" the name in the speech of a patient without direcdy addressing the spirit. and even attempting to deceive the deliverers about the identity and number of spirits present are all behaviors attributed to evil spirits. When the identity of a demon is not patendy evident. In sum.

" the gift of discernment may reveal the spirit Lust. the healer's voice may suddenly "become raspy" The healer recognizes her own "deliverance tongues" as an embodied indication that the agenda of glossolalic prayer has been shifted by divine agency from "praise" to "casting out. Moreover. or to draw him toward an object if it is free from evil. while praying in tongues for a patient. apparendy quite rare. For example. typically with a mellifluous sound. One healer reported physically being flung backward across a room when applying this prayer to the portrait of an evil family forebear. In addition to revelatory imagery and this inspired experiential hermeneutic of speech and behavior cues. One healer stated that ancestral or familial spirits communicate their presence only in the patient's voice or appearance. is that whatever the problem submitted by the patient. in which the healer asks the deity to repel him from an object if it is inhabited by a spirit." a certain something else that is evil. there arc what might be called relatively "objective" criteria for identifying the presence of evil spirits. in the phrase of one healer. mannerisms. whereas demonic spirits may cause cold chills or pain in the healer. facial expression. rather than as the revelation or inspired interpretations characteristic of discernment." In this suddenness we once more see spontaneity' as a criterion of the sacred. By far the most important and widely recognized criterion. Again. "the opposite of the Pat Boone look. One is the suddenness of a problem's onset in a patient's life. the relatively greater virulence of demonic spirits is objectified as the communication of their presence across the boundaries of the healer's body. In a patient's eyes the healer may discern "either hurt or something else. it is beyond his or her ability to control. Still another is embedded in a technique. or sacramental. By objective I mean criteria that arc treated by healers as more or less self-evident indexical signs of demonic presence. however. in a man's demeanor that is. since in North American culture the latter senses tend to be experienced as having a locus more within the perceivcr's body. bible. We will examine . different sensory modalities (visual and olfactory as opposed to proprioceptive and haptic) are objectified as media for different kinds of spirit. For this healer.170 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE Also attended to are body movements. or a sudden change of mood or expression in the course of a healing session. and the movement or appearance of the eyes. Another relatively objective criterion is negative reaction by the patient to utterance of the name of Jesus. or exposure to religious objects such as the crucifix. talk on religious themes.

and of greater relevance to the cultural constitution of the sacred self. We will systematically examine the categories of spirits that constitute the Charismatic demonology in the second half of this chapter. In a more specific example. Bodily twisting and contortion instead of peace while a person is lying on the floor supposedly "resting in the Spirit" manifests the generalized presence of evil. or prayer. such as causing lights to go out." Disruptive manifestations include the kind of antagonism described above when spirits are commanded to name themselves as well as violent behavior accompanied by apparently supernaturally enhanced strength (see chapter 9). but may occur in the settings of everyday life. In a revealing play on the idiom of psychotherapy. For descriptive purposes we can divide these into disruptive manifestations and manifestations of the spirit's departure. Thus the presence of the spirit Anger can be manifest in a contortion of the face or in the eyes. arc those manifestations which can be understood as embodied metaphors of demonic activity in an afflicted person. and are said to occur when evil spirits are threatened by Christian activities such as evangelization. or objects to move apparendy without cause. "Occult" manifestations are those in which spirits reportedly express their presence by causing some disruption in the physical environment. Manifestations attributed to demonic "harassment" may either be disruptions in the physical environment or in a person's emotional state. Both these types of manifestation are not necessarily limited to events of ritual healing. If the identity of a spirit is not yet known these manifestations can sometimes provide clues. candles to be blown out. the "twisting up" of a woman's hands while she was receiving Communion was the manifestation of her Anger and Resentment (the names of two evil spirits) at the Roman Catholic Church. doors to slam. More typical of ritual performance. children's beds to shake. In the first type the evil spirit makes its presence known in a way that may disrupt a session of deliverance. it is sometimes said that "the spirit is acting out.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 171 the way the psychoculturai theme of control is brought into play in defining the essence of evil in the following chapter. DEMONIC MANIFESTATIONS Our next task is to define several types of visible "manifestations" of demonic presence. but from the performative standpoint we must here take note of an implicit category of metaspirits whose manifestations define resistance to the . healing.

For example. the principal manifestation of a Whining Spirit is its pitiful pleading not to be "thrown out of its comfortable abode" within the patient. All I can say is that it happened. not only from skeptical patients but from doubtful healers as well. a Mocking Spirit may debunk the entire proceeding or even the existence of evil spirits themselves. and we were talking about it and I began to get cold. A generalized spirit of Bondage indicates the presence of a more specific spirit not yet identified. but are features of the ritual process itself. We went back to my apartment and I continued to mock him. just disgusting! And I told my partner about it later. It was horrible. He told me later that if you get cold. Unlike the evil spirits we will discuss below. she found herself mocking him a little bit. Awful! It was just ugly. finally I just allowed him to pray with me. that's a sign of evil spirits. for it is sometimes said that Mockery is manifest not in a person's speech but in their facial expression or in a "funny kind of laughter. After watching several episodes in which one of her healing-team partners cast out evil spirits. And he defended it. which I don't understand to this day. it was very real. I grabbed an afghan and put it around me. And I remember going home and feeling so washed. Thus the healer might identify the presence of "Blind Spirit. just like I wanted to urinate downstairs. and I looked in the mirror and my face was gorgeous. Some of these may be manifest in a patient's attitude or may need to be discerned by the healer. another dynamic may underlie this spirit. Other disruptive manifestations may be behavioral rather than attitudinal." the effect of which is to prevent the patient from seeing his own situation. there arc . So I went into the rectors'. I looked in the mirror and I started mocking the whole thing. and feeling radiant. It is evident on functional grounds that the existence of a Mocking Spirit as a potential feature of ritual performance is a valuable rhetorical device for confronting challenges to the ritual system. Well." In my own experience. saying that was the spirit. in the rectory. in the mirror there was an awful look in my eye. And then as I walked down to go to the next patient I had all these filthy thoughts in my head. A Finally. Do you know. However. and I invite the reader to reflect on his or her own experience in this matter. they are manifest not in the life or problems of the patient.172 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE therapeutic process of ritual healing. That's what I wanted most. It didn't feel like I had scrunched up my face or done something [intentionally] to make my eyes look hard and mean. In such a situation it is sometimes said that "the evil spirit in someone is making fun of the Lord's spirit in another. justfilledwith light." The following is an account by a healer who was herself afflicted by a Mocking Spirit. where we kind of hung out between [sessions of praying for] people.

Such a manifestation of departure is understood as a necessary criterion of successful deliverance. writhing on the floor. in the face of emotional tension or on learning of a tragedy. a healer whose hands were upon a patient's head might feel one of her fingers move slightly. In the second type of common manifestation. sneezing. In the 1970s it was reported that spirits might exit or be expelled from their host in the form of screeching. burping. crying. spitting. Thus. or a feeling of lightness as if a burden had been lifted from the patient. Healers accordingly "began looking for less violent ways" of performing deliverance. taking this as a manifestation that the spirit had exited the person's head. some healers identify characteristic manifestations of individual spirits. and yawning. Again.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 173 instances when. a "snake" coming out of the person's mouth. in the 1980s those reported were markedly more tame. slighdy disturbing the finger as it passed." farther than a person could normally bend them of his own accord. They included coughing. with hands bent "way back. In addition to these generic manifestations. and began the domestication of demonic manifestations. and that on occasion it may be interactively elaborated in ritual performance. it apparently became more frequent for the manifestation to occur via the healer rather than the patient. In addition. coughing. and word of their occurrence was not likely to enhance the practitioners' image outside the Charismatic Renewal. The spirit Lust exists with "three heavy breaths" accompanied by a rotten halitosis that smells "worse than a dead person." Such performances were apparendy as unsettling for healers as for patients. a movement in the belly as if a fetus were kicking around. or vomiting —one healer recalled that in those days their team never performed deliverance without a bucket available for vomit. in the words of one healer: . that its very sense of embodied "otherness" may at times be identified as a demonic manifestation." The spirit Masturbation departs with a spontaneous elevation of the arms. Although practitioners of deliverance generally still adhere to the idea that there must be some manifestation of a demon's departure. one finds oneself unintentionally smiling or breaking into anxious laughter. It is worth hypothesizing that this affectively anomalous experience occurs in the highly charged emotional atmosphere of prayer for deliverance. sighing. The spirit Witchcraft exits with a loud shriek sounding "very much like a hyena" and with a distinctive "trajectory of voice. the spirit gives some physical sign that it has left the patient. excretion of feces.

the people who are doing the praying. . or feels as if something is "stuck" when nothing has been swallowed. and its possibility is still clearly acknowledged. Coughing if it's a deep." such that evil spirits were more likely to try to take advantage of and "scare" them. the harder the yawn gets. And coughing very often. And you know you haven't had anything [to eat that might irritate it]. the occurrence of dramatic manifestations has probably nevertheless not disappeared entirely. very intense. Some healers say that "if God is working strongly it draws out the manifestations. This element of learning is complemented by cultivating the reflective emotional atmosphere of inner healing instead of the confrontational atmosphere of deliverance. For the healer the phenomenological condition of domesticating the embodied metaphor of demonic expulsion as a yawn or cough is that it is distinguished as "other" from the mundane yawn or cough." Others appear to understand domestication as a natural process. It all comes out through the healers. It is "deeper" than a yawn of drowsiness. was to replace deliverance with healing of memories. and reverse a tendency to "see everything [i. And the deeper we get in there. Most often for us. when we're praying. deep spirit. And it's very. It's "deliverance yawning.174 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE See." and it's not the same kind of yawning we do when we're sleepy and tired. and the healing system as a whole. Displacing the manifestation from the patient to the healer not only allows it to be more readily controlled in ritual performance. . we're the ones doing it.. They observe that manifestations were worse when they as healers. but also a domesticated performative repertoire of possible or legitimate manifestations. since the latter type of atmosphere may be more conducive to dramatic emotional reactions identifiable as demonic manifestations. every problem] as evil. we do a lot of yawning. When patients who know nothing about evil spirits or deliverance are instructed about the nature of demonic activity. it's like something is stuck there. were less "mature. .e. Yet there were explicit strategies at work in the domestication of demonic manifestations. patients] not aware of spirit activity—and especially in the beginning they're [typically] not—if they don't burp. if they're [i. Although it has quite evidently declined. they come to learn not only what a manifestation is." Another was to introduce the sacraments of reconciliation (confession) and the Eucharist as media of divine power for deliverance.. . but in principle makes it unnecessary for the patient even to know that a spirit is being expelled. as we have seen. Very often it's sort of like an irritation in your throat. One. You know. or if they don't yawn or something. It's a very deep—it starts very surfacetypeas we're praying and going deeper into the person's [human] spirit.e.

however. these tend to be the most formularized prayers in the Charismatic ritual repertoire.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 175 By far the most influential means of domesticating evil spirits. we come against you in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ. because Jesus Christ is master of all." requiring not Charismatic deliverance but a formal Church rite of exorcism. Its failure may be attributed to the intensity' of the "spiritual warfare" in which participants are engaged." or "prayer of authority" for the spirits to depart. performed by a priest with the power conferred by his ordination and with ecclesiastical approval. DISPATCHING DEMONS The final prototypical clement of deliverance is the "prayer of command. One gave the following more-or-less typical example of how she would dispatch a specific spirit: "Spirit of anger. but that the manifestations are those of a psychiatric disorder. possibly adding that the spirit is not to manifest itself or disrupt the proceedings. Apparently an exercise of the biblical prerogative that '"whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven. if improperly dealt with. attack others present as they leave their host. has been the ritual practice of "binding" them. Finally.1 Healers tend to have their own preferred format. Not surprisingly. or to a healer who is presumptuous and unprepared to handle such a serious problem. It may indicate that one is faced by a "full possession." The "authority" to dispatch evil spirits is understood to . Some say that binding also weakens the spirits by preventing them. The binding prayer is a simple performative act: the healer states that in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ she binds the spirit. Perhaps because of caution inspired by the perceived danger of evil spirits which can. failure of the binding prayer may indicate that there is in fact no evil spirit present. and which are understood to have great propensity to deceive and dissimulate. if more than one is present. One healer reported that she bound spirits in order to "work with their [patients'] personality without deceit" instigated by the spirit. binding is not completely successful in all instances. since a spirit is cosmologically bound to obey any command given in the authority of the all-powerful deity. from communicating with each other or calling on support from other demons hovering in the vicinity." this is a practice which Catholic healers claim as their distinctive contribution to the Pentecostal ministry of deliverance. and we send you to the foot of the cross where you will be dealt with by your Lord and master. some more elaborate than others. however.

" a list of all the spirits afflicting a patient. some say that it is safer to bind spirits where they lie for fear that they might "rip up the person as they are expelled. Based on the etiological notion that spirits afflict their hosts by "latching on" to an emotional wound. In subsequent discussion they make certain that the patient understands the ways in which spirits interact with one another to negatively influence his life. since his spiritual authority is understood to be enhanced by the sacrament of ordination. and the patient may also be expected to participate by "renouncing" the spirits. the resulting "empty space" must be filled by something positive." with his healing "light. experienced healers are also dismayed by reports of those who feel it necessary to "shout" at the evil spirits. Moreover. it may linger in the environment or enter others present. Healers often say that once a spirit is cast out. The}' attribute such a relatively undomcsticated procedure either to inexperience or to the influence of "Protestant" deliverance style. for if the spirit is simply commanded to depart its host. it is regarded as somewhat presumptuous for the healer to "tell the spirit where to go. binding is deliverance. Finally. it is thought that at times a healer may misdiscern a human spirit as a demonic spirit. The common technique of "sending the spirits to the cross" is a precautionary measure. Some healers have tended to use binding not only to supplement but to replace the casting out of spirits." i." for that is a divine prerogative. In addition. because when the wound is closed by means of the healing . through "discernment.176 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE derive from invoking the divine name. that they might "tear open" the emotional wound to which they adhere." or with "fruits of the Spirit" such as peace and joy. and thus it is safer to leave the discrimination to the deity lest one accidentally send a distressed human spirit to hell. This aspect of deliverance practice has also undergone domestication. and accordingly they add to the prayer a request that the patient be "filled with God's love. In this view.. since the introduction of ancestral healing. In a formal deliverance the prayer of command may be repeated individually for each spirit. Whereas the command is to be expressed authoritatively. it is regarded as good practice to include a priest on any deliverance team. The result of the deliverance prayer can be observed in the "manifestation" of a spirit's departure.e. and inexperienced healers who neglect that invocation are said to risk opposition and disruptive manifestations by the spirit. and/or by the "sudden" absence of the problem or symptoms—spontaneity is once again a criterion of spiritual power. Some healers prepare.

" with a corresponding decrease in the potential for violence and in the performative necessity for spontaneously manifested results. the spirit no longer has a purchase on the person and must relinquish its hold." One healer replaced the listing of specific demons with a "categorical" or generic command for "all you foul spirits" to depart. and explaining the manifestation of vomiting as "the Lord sweeping out the house. and cast out all without ever know- . which in any case must always be acknowledged and explicitly renounced by the patient (see below on demonology). In this model the process of deliverance itself is reconceived as one in which the malevolent spirit is "dissipated or absorbed" by divine power instead of being "cast out or released. although the overt reason he gave was to ensure that he did not miss any demons in discernment. thereby both posing a direct spiritual danger to the patient and revealing his own ignorance as a healer to the spirits." meaning that sacramental power rather than the power of explicit command will free the person." One healer reported going through a process of casting out each spirit. Although some healers still adhere to the necessity of knowing the identity of evil spirits in order to cast them out. It thus happens that a person undergoing healing prayer can have demons discerned.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 177 of memories. Others both bind the spirit and "send it to the Eucharist" so that the spirit is "released to Jesus in the Eucharist. with the patient participating by repeating the deliverance formula after him. but never explicitly identifying each problem as a spirit." This aspect of domestication is most fully realized when the healer utters the prayer of command silently or under his or her breath. The final step of domestication is taken when the healer chooses not to make the presence of evil spirits known to the patient. bound from manifestation. The principal effect is to greatly simplify performance. Another dimension of domestication is the modification of deliverance prayer toward less specificity and explicitness regarding evil spirits. or that an explicit prayer of command is necessary only in the presence of occult spirits. perhaps euphemizing his or her problem as a "wound" instead of a "spirit. Healers may eschew the formal practice in which "root spirits are named and delivered in hierarchical order" in favor of an indirect method in which the "generalized power of evil is recognized and one utters a simple prayer focused on divine love. Thus they might say that a spirit must be named only if the patient cannot be freed otherwise. this categorical approach has for others reduced the necessity of specific discernment.

and a ritual responsibility to actively renounce. which translates into a pragmatic responsibility to achieve emotional freedom. 1987). or cast out spirits from oneself. upon an inchoate pronoun which is the patient's self (Csordas 1983. both he and the afflicted person may know quite well that an evil spirit is at issue. but still never mention it openly. we must consider two consequences of the domestication of deliverance practice. The identification of multiple spirits also adds the rhetorical power of redundancy as related and near-synonymous spirits are discerned and dispatched. so much so that in cases where both healer and patient are aware of dealing with . in this case identified as the name of a demon. if the cosmological effect of this predication is to objectify evil spirits. In previous accounts I described the efficacy of deliverance according to Fernandez's (1974) model of the metaphoric predication of a quality. Beginning with this account of rhetorical process. and manifestation of a spirit creates rhetorical movement along a qualitative continuum from evil to good. and thus provides a parapsychodynamic idiom for dealing with psychological conflicts. in the case of patients relatively well versed in Charismatic ritual practice.3 Again paraphrasing Fernandez. and who might mistakenly conclude they are "possessed" or "have evil within" them.178 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE ing that they have been delivered. It is also said to protect against the adverse emotional consequences that might ensue if the healers "haven't heard right" in discernment. the ritual discernment. One highly respected healer pointed out that. This mode of procedure avoids the risk of "scaring" the increasing number of people who have access to Charismatic healing without great familiarity with Charismatic practices. bind. 2 To summarize the argument. the psychological effect is to formulate a problem which had previously eluded the patient. with incremental progress indicated by the successive casting out of spirits. casting out. The identification of multiple spirits sets the stage for describing how spirits are interacting within the person. and allows the process to take place over a period of time. The participation of the patient is enlisted in part by reference to the Christian's cosmic responsibility to engage in "spiritual warfare" against the forces of evil. a movement that is completed by some healers when they symbolically "replace" the spirit with positive qualities defined by the vocabulary of motives. This would appear to have profound consequences for understanding the rhetoric of ritual performance. First is that the performative elements of deliverance are toned down.

The adjustment is made along a series of qualitative continua: from wild to tame (the inclusion of ancestral human spirits as alternatives to virulent demonic ones). from external to internal (the tendency to subordinate the emphasis of spiritual affliction from without to that of emotional woundedness within). and manifestation. The second consequence is that when the healer performs deliverance silendy and without any awareness on the part of the patient." the aspect of Scheffs theory that is most useful for construing deliverance as a self process is the necessity of appropriate "aesthetic distance" for performative efficacy." in which case emotional engagement will be too intense. optimal aesthetic distance is a function of "taste" as a disposition within the class habitus. Transformation is impeded if the performance is "underdistanced. A first step toward understanding these consequences is to rethink the metaphoric predication and qualitative movement of the rhetorical process in terms of Scheff s (1979) theory of catharsis. the relevance of aesthetic distance is eliminated when the patient is excluded from the performance. the rhetorical process can be rendered implicit while still remaining in effect. or if it is "overdistanced. casting out." in which case emotional engagement will be insufficient. defining catharsis as a function of the entire process of discernment. In sum. However. from behavior to experience (the identification of habitual behaviors and "sins" yields to the identification of the autobiographical "bitter roots" of those behaviors).DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 179 evil spirits without mentioning them explicitly. Apparently. this kind of exclu- . From this standpoint the domestication of deliverance could be understood as a collective adjustment of ritual practice in order to achieve "optimal" aesthetic distance. discernment becomes more the hierarchical prerogative of the healing minister). As one might also conclude from Bourdieu's (1984) analysis of French middle-class culture. Although the notions of deliverance and catharsis are both compatible with the hydraulic imagery' of North American ethnopsychology that values "releasing" oppressive "internal forces. from violent to peaceful (the toning down of manifestations such that vomiting is replaced by burping or yawning). from Protestant to Catholic (instead of the relatively egalitarian procedure in which the spirits "name themselves" through the afflicted. these continua represent the lines along which a Pentecostal practice is aesthetically adapted from a working-class to a middle-class habitus. its performative elements are rendered absent and can have a rhetorical effect only on the healer. but virtually with invisible performance. Here we are confronted not with imaginal performance as in the healing of memories.

deliverance has always subsumed the ritual functions of healing of memories among some Protestant Pentecostals.4 Yet the healing of memories and ancestral healing have not completely subsumed deliverance as. in contrast.180 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE sion occurred to some degree even in the early days of Catholic Charismatic healing. the highest-ranking Catholic Charismatic ecclesiastic (Suenens 1983). An additional damper was applied by the critical tone concerning deliverance in the fourth "Malines Document" penned by Cardinal Suenens. would be unduly frightened by. Moreover. "invisible" or silent deliverance quite likely helps to preserve the integrity of the healing system for those committed to the reality of evil and the efficacy of deliverance prayer. to the extent that it became less dramatic and less specialized. deliverance is no longer only an operation on the habitus. or even surfer emotional harm if brought face to face with the reality of evil spirits operating in their lives. thus presenting less demand for the ministry. as will become clear in the next chapter. Moreover." it came to be understood that "mature" Charismatics can discern and deliver themselves. If. Insofar as evil spirits are understood to be constantly on the attack in "spiritual warfare. a degree of controversy and negative publicity within the Church certainly encouraged the increasingly low profile of the practice from the 1970s to the 1980s. based on the idea that some patients were not prepared for. There is a final point about the domestication of deliverance that goes beyond those we have already made. and like other elements of Charismatic ritual we have discussed. Especially for those who have come to inhabit the Charismatic world over the course of nearly two decades. healers themselves report that deliverance is both emotionally draining and spiritually dangerous. as deliverance became less available the rank and file became less familiar with it. Domestication may be a cyclical process. with the Wimberite notion of "power evangelism" (Wimber 1986) exerting influence on Charismatics in the late 1980s. However. That is. in a family setting. and some report relief at not being called so regularly or at having the relatively easier method of ancestral healing at their disposal. its practice came to be extended beyond formal ritual settings and into the settings of everyday life. there were intimations of a revival of interest in practices such as deliverance. or among friends. . but one with an integral place in the habitus. deliverance can be a technique of personal control applied to oneself. Very likely. Though it cannot activate a rhetorical process in ritual performance. demonic affliction is uncontrolled habit.

than within esoteric cultic traditions). As we shall see. and impatience. nervousness depression. however. More precisely. such spirits with exotic or mysterious names were occasionally identified. Depression. both the conventional personal names and their specific attributes have been lost. for both Protestants and Catholics the pragmatic nature of healing practice prevailed. Across centuries of virtual desuetude as a psychological idiom (other. there are those that correspond to a full psychocultural repertoire of negative emotions. Moloch. Lust. Magog). behaviors such as rebellion. and it became almost invariably the case that evil spirits were "named for how they act" on a person. interpersonal problems such as .DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 181 The Charismatic Demonology The next step in understanding deliverance as a self process is to take a closer look at the nature of evil spirits. the contemporary demonology reflects the fact that the twentieth century is a golden age of psychology. however. Gog. in addition to demons named for sins. Thus Balberith tempted to homicide and contentiousness.5 When deliverance was first introduced among Catholics in the early 1970s. In the Pentecostal and Charismatic demonology that appeared in the twentieth century. or were inspired or invented names. behaviors. a sin to which it had the power to tempt people.. and Carnivean tempted to obscenity and shamelessness (Robbins 1959). Beelzebub. these names offered only empty performativity. Charismatic healers operate with a rather highly elaborated contemporary demonology. Since they were detached from any attribute that could serve as a psychological referent. passivity. If the Renaissance was a golden age of demonology. perhaps. hyperactivity. this fusion of the personal name and the mode of action of demons has implications for what we might call their ethnoontological status. Thus there are spirits named Anger. and withdrawal. the golden age of Christian dcmonologies. each demon characteristically had both a personal name and a principal attribute.g.1 is a citation in full of the most comprehensive demonology formulated by practitioners of deliverance. A second way in which the contemporary demonology differs from that of the Renaissance is in its relative deemphasis of sin. personal "spirit names" were characteristically either those familiar from the bible (e. Our first insight comes with attention to the names of evil spirits. Eventually. etc. During the Renaissance. Table 7. and thought patterns.6 Here we sec emotions such as insecurity.

.Heaviness Worry Nervousness Sensitiveness Persecution 14) 15) 16) 17) 18) 19) Mental illness 20) Schizophrenia Bitterness Rebellion Strife Control Retaliation Accusation Rejection Insecurity Jealousy Withdrawal Escape Passivity Depression 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) 13) Root or Master Spirit Subordinate Spirits Resentment Hatred Unforgivcncss Violence Temper Anger Retaliation Murder Self-will Stubbornness Disobedience Antisubmissiveness Contention Bickering Argument Quarreling Fighting Possessiveness Dominance Witchcraft Destruction Spite Hatred Sadism Hurt Cruelty Judging Criticism Fault finding Fear of Rejection Self-rejection Inferiority Self-pity Loneliness Timidity Shyness Inadequacy Ineptncss Envy Suspicion Distrust Selfishness Pouting Daydreaming Fantasy Pretension Unreality Indifference Stoicism Passivity Sleepiness Alcohol Drugs Funk Indifference Listlessness Lethargy Despair Despondency Discouragement Defeatism Dejection Hopelessness Suicide Death Insomnia Morbidity Gloom Burden Disgust Anxiety Fear Dread Apprehension Tension Headache Nervous habits Restlessness Excitement Insomnia Roving Self-awareness Fear of man Fear of disapproval Unfairness Fear of judgment Fear of condemnation Fear of accusation Fear of reproof Sensitiveness Insanity Madness Mania Retardation Senility Schizophrenia Paranoia Hallucinations Rejection Rebellion Bitterness Insecurity Inferiority Lust Fantasy-lust Harlotry Fear of rejection Self-rejection Self-accusation Compulsive confession Jealousy Envy Suspicion Distrust Fears Persecution Confrontation Projection Accusation toward others Self-will Selfishness Stubbornness Self-deception Self-seduction (48 others) Tabic 7.1 Charismatic Detnomlogy.

Infirmity Death Inheritance Hyperactivity Cursing Addictive and compulsive (Physical) (Emotional) (Mental) (Curses) Resdessness Driving Pressure Blasphemy Court-jesting Gossip Criticism Backbiting Mockery Nicotine Alcohol Drugs Medications Caffeine Gluttony Belittling (may include any disease or sickness) 39) 40) 41) 42) 43) 44) 38) Fatigue Jealousy Envy Suspicion Distrust Persecution Fears Confrontation Frustration Incoherence Forgerfulness Unbelief Skepticism Procrastination Compromise Confusion Forgetfulncss Indifference Self-delusion Self-seduction Pride Confusion Fear of man Fear of failure Occult spirits Spiritism Intcllcctualism Rationalization Pride Ego Phobias (all kinds) Hysteria Lying Deceit Ego Vanity Self-righteousness Haughtiness Importance Arrogance Theatrics Playacting Sophistication Pretension Stealing Kleptomania Material lust Greed Discontent Price Vanity Ego Frustration Criticism Irritability Intolerance Anger Driving Argument Pride Ego Agitation Frustration Intolerance Resentment Criticism False responsibility False compassion Sorrow Heartache Heartbreak Crying Sadness Cruelty Tiredness Weariness Laziness 21) Paranoia 22) Confusion 23) Doubt 24) Indecision 25) Self-deception 26) Mind-binding 27) Mind idolatry 28) Fears (all kinds) 29) Fear of authority 30) Pride 31) Affectation 32) Covctousness 33) Perfection 34) Competition 35) Impatience 36) False burden 37) Grief Railing .

and social agencies using the Bible and God as a basis. but omitting the blood atonement of Jesus Christ) Ouija board Palmistry Handwriting analysis Automatic handwriting ESP Hypnotism Horoscope Astrology Levitation Fortunctclling Water witching Tarot cards Pendulum Witchcraft Black magic White magic Conjuration Incantation Charms Fetishes Ritualism Formalism Legalism Doctrinal obsession Seduction Doctrinal error Fear of God Fear of hell Fear of lost salvation Religiosity Seance Spirit guide Necromancy Buddhism Taoism Hinduism Islam Shintoism Confucianism SOURCK: Hammond and Hammond (1973: 113-115).Gluttony Self-accusation Guilt Sexual impurity Subordinate Spirits Nervousness Compulsive eating Resentment Frustration Idleness Self-pity Self-reward Self-hatred Self-condemnation Condemnation Shame Unworthiness Embarrassment Lust Fantasy Masturbation Homosexuality Lesbianism Adultery Fornication Incest Harlotry Rape Exposure Frigidity Jehovah's Witnesses Christian Science Rosicrucianism Theosophy LJrantia Subud Latihan Unity Mormonism Bahai Unitarianism (lodges. 52) Spiritism 53) False religions 51) Religious 50) Occult 49) Cults 45) 46) 47) 48) Root or Master Spirit Table 7.1 (continued) . societies.

cosmological. On this level. Under this category. retaliation. self-deception. the category' of religious demons represents a self-reflective recognition that Charismatics may be afflicted with "hyperreligiosity" or "superspirituality" including. and false religions reflect a contemporary attitude that anything "non-Christian" is demonically inspired. That is. the Charismatic demonology may be understood as a collective representation (Durkheim 1965) of the person as a repertoire of potential negative attributes—the person in. Here we must be careful to distinguish a collective representation from the explicit concept of the person which for Charismatics. spiritism. accusation.7 Finally. and ritual. and physical infirmity. The practices of cults. occultism. Alongside such overtly psychological categories. illnesses including mental iUncss. thought patterns such as doubt. indecision. and confusion. gluttony. schizophrenia. T H E D E M O N O L O G Y AS C O L L E C T I V E REPRESENTATION We will have more to say about the principles according to which this demonology is structured. a photographic negative. but already a general conclusion may be drawn. as it were. we can determine the place of the demonology within the Charismatic symbolic system by the way it simultaneously participates in three interrelated terminological domains: the ethnopsychological. the internal consistency of the Charismatic healing system as a cultural system (cf. and competition. taken as a whole. They also of course recall the Renaissance demonologists' campaign against practices such as "witchcraft. Precisely as a kind of collective representation. Schneider 1980) is in part guaranteed by a structural coherence among these domains. overinvolvement with religious matters to the neglect of other life responsibilities is attributed to deceptive demonic machinations. certainly. as we have seen.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 185 strife. The first domain is the ethnopsychological repertoire of everyday . the traditional sins such as cursing. This coherence is defined by the oppositions internal/external and positive/ negative. a preoccupation with evil spirits. covetousness. and sexual impurity are themselves cast in a psychological light. is the tripartite composite of body/mind/spirit.8 We must also distinguish cither of these from the self as a series of indeterminate and differentially elaborated capacities for orientation in the world." which was in some ways more of a preoccupation for the sixteenth century than were evil spirits.

" and the "occult" spirits. the discussion of ancestral healing in chapter 2).2 Most Common Evil Spirits Reported by Catholic Charismatic Healers (each mentioned by at least two healers).9 Thus. Sicilians in particular by the spirit Murder. curses. Italians with occult spirits of the evil eye. The cultural constitution of this repertoire is highlighted by the Charismatics' observation that ethnic groups may be afflicted differentially." and hex signs. but it is also worth recalling the words of another healer who pointed out that in fact there are "as many evil spirits as you can think of psychologically. returning to Janet's term introduced previously. within the United States it was reported from various healers that Irish tend to be afflicted by the spirits Guilt and Anger. Table 7. there is a significant frequency of three of the "seven deadly sins. self-hatred. resentment.186 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE Table 7. perusal of the dcmonology provides a useful precis of the emotional and moral concerns of Charismatic culture. and rage. Anger Fear Lust Hatred Resentment Rejection Occult/Witchcraft Bitterness Pride Depression Guilt Low self-image Self-hatred Unforgiveness Suicide Devaluation Rage words for problematic emotions. bitterness. This two-dimensional representation becomes three-dimensional when we consider how Charismatic healers respond to a query about the most-common evil spirits encountered in healing practice. a precis from which one can also identify the points of its convergence and divergence from other variants of North American culture. behaviors. and so forth.1 is a comprehensive listing of evil spirits encountered "empirically" in the practice of one team of healers. and along with Hispanics and "Orientals" a vulnerability to any spirits "passed down in the bloodline" (cf. Nevertheless. there are as many discrete spirits of Fear as there are possible phobias. Finally. are the potentially "vehement emotions" of fear. Blacks by Hatred and Bitterness as an aftermath of slavery.2. ordered by the number of healers who cited each spirit as among the most common. anger. hatred. Most prominent. Portuguese with the spirit of a father's curse. rejection. guilt. Haitians with spirits of'Voodoo" and black magic. suicide. because of mafia killings. The results. Ameri- ." For example. the "Italian horns. but still prominent. Lower in the list. are self-abnegating emotions of depression. low selfimage. and devaluation. Germans by the spirit Legalism. are presented in table 7.

g. However." The existence of demons as active. Within this domain. the origin of intractable emotion and behavior may be understood as interpersonal. however. each term is explicitly the personal name of a spiritual being. between psychological and spiritual. evil beings in a spiritual realm definitively differentiates the demonology from any mere list of human emotions. Suppression. and Fear of Failure.. two North American healers reported surprise at the relative frequency with which they. and does so in a way that culturally validates a distinction between deliverance and psychotherapy as systems of healing practices. it is telling that our only Portuguese healer reported the high frequency of the spirit Boastfulness among Portuguese immigrant Charismatics. but as taking place between and among interacting people. The possibility of reading these terms simultaneously as emotion or as demon does something more. the demon may be . Anthropologists (e. Following a visit to Korea. for to shift it partly (but definitely not wholly) onto the demonic is also to shift it into the domain of intersubjectivity. From this angle. The Charismatic decentcring of emotion from the discrete self appears to create a similar effect. a demon under the command of Satan. intelligent. It is likely that a comparative demonology among Charismatics in various regions of the world would reveal culturallytypicalterminological sets that could also be interpreted as collective representations of the person in negative image.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 187 cans by the spirits of Nationalism or Emotional Deprivation. This apparendy "culturebound" spirit was not mentioned at all by North American healers of any other ethnic background. A difference such as anger/Anger introduces into the healing system an essential ambiguity between internal origin and external cause. With respect to our interest in self process. It is evident that to a great degree these "empirical" reports reflect a North American ethnopsychology of ethnic stereotypes. between self-possession and demonic possession. in that it creates a structural tension between the two domains. the opposition sets up a rhetorical pull that deccnters the North American ethnopsychology of emotion itself. Lutz 1988) have observed that for some societies emotion is not conceived as originating and residing within a discrete self.encountered the evil spirits Repression. between recognizable human emotions and identifiable demonic influences.10 The second terminological domain in which the demonology is implicated is the cosmological domain. Denial. The relation among terms reflects the social organization of the "kingdom of darkness" against which Christians are engaged in deadly "spiritual warfare.

Recall that the vocabulary of motives consists of terms for ideal personal qualities.188 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE understood to exacerbate the problem. We must note before beginning that. but the opposed principles by which the two domains are structured equally exhibit the contrast between positive and negative. forms of relationship. Not only can a one-to one correspondence be drawn between individual terms. These include the hierarchy of evil spirits. forms of collectivity. or service vs. however. and the origin of the spirits. the degrees of demonic influence. Competition or Covetousness. The final terminological domain in which the demonology participates is that of ritual language. the demonology is differentially elaborated depending on the experience of individual healers. and finally negativities that define the domain of evil and "darkness. Thus we can line up community vs. the demonology is structured as an oppressive hierarchy of proliferating terms that define affliction. Anger or Anxiety. Selfishness. and the afflicted person may be held accountable for cooperating with the deliverance process." The demonology in effect fleshes out the contents of this darkness in such a way that there is virtually a one-to-one correspondence between individual positive terms in the vocabulary of motives and the negative terms in the demonology. Rebellion. DIMENSIONS OF DEMONIC CLASSIFICATION Let us now examine the dimensions of classification that organize the demonology as a tool for ritual practice. Not only would many healers lack the experience to produce a comprehensive . the modes of demonic affliction. peace vs. there is between these two domains taken together and the vocabulary of motives a structural contrast between "negative and positive" representations of the person. Whereas the vocabulary of motives is structured as a discursive cycle of mutually implicating terms constantly reiterated in ritual language. authority vs. activities. also Csordas 1987). specifically the vocabulary of motives described in chapter 1 (cf. love vs. Resentment or Hatred. the latter as a representation of the redundant heaviness weighing upon the afflicted self in isolation. The former can be interpreted as a semantic representation of the mutual implication or interinvolvcment of sacred selves in the Charismatic community. insofar as knowledge of deliverance is a relatively specialized knowledge even among healers. Whereas a structural contrast between "internal and external" characterizes the relationship between the domain of emotions and that of demons.

In the affliction of any one person. Consider first the dimension of hierarchy. Only the most prominent and experienced healer I interviewed had a fully elaborated sense of the demonic hierarchy. This scheme is somewhat reminiscent of the Renaissance demonologies.660." a bit of knowledge readily available in the Bible. however. A more likely explanation for this healer's knowledge is the biographical fact that. She said that there are several ranked classes or "hierarchies. and Third Hierarchy (Virtues. and there are a total of 66 such Families. Only a few are willing or able to elaborate on the structure of that hierarchy. where the group heading names the dominant spirit and the accompanying list identifies its subordinates. This complexity reflects possible variations in the emo- . Cherubim.000 devils (Robbins 1959: 128. Any Charismatic healer would likely acknowledge that evil spirits are hierarchically organized in a "kingdom of darkness" with Satan at its head. she was a member of a Satanic church. The total of 66 "Families" cited by our healer also corresponds to the Renaissance notion of 66 demonic princes commanding 6. however. prior to becoming a Charismatic practitioner of deliverance. and dominations. Principalities. of which she was reluctant to impart more than a few details to me. Angels). but the principles by which the demonology is organized as a cultural system are relevant to only the most experienced." Each Throne has beneath it 6 "Families" of spirits. which consisted of angels of the First Hierarchy (Seraphim." among which are "Thrones." and such high-ranking spirits must always be accompanied by all their minions. knowledge of the demonic hierarchy appears to be limited to the pragmatic awareness that evil spirits tend to operate in "clusters" consisting of a "manager" or "ruler" spirit and various "attending" spirits. They classified fallen angels on the principle of the old fourth-century angelic court. Thrones). One offered a military analogy. A second perusal of the table will show that spirits of the same name may occupy various places within the classification. Powers). Second Hierarchy (Dominions. There is no reason to suppose a direct historical continuity of practice. saying that the hierarchy extended from "imps to corporals to sergeants to generals to Beelzebub. These clusters correspond with the "demon groupings" in table 7. 130). Archangels. since such information is available in published accounts.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 189 list of evil spirits. For most Charismatic healers who practice deliverance. thrones." Another reported that the classes of evil spirits include "principalities. the presence of 7 Thrones is required to constitute a full demonic "possession.1. where such demonologies may be explicitly elaborated (Moody 1974. Truzzi 1974).

For example. In such an instance. There are three central categories. "cardinal" spirits. and the spirits Occult and Spiritism may. for example. An attribute is a characteristic of the spirit as an intelligent entity. Though in form the demonology is hierarchically ordered. the spirits Drugs and Alcohol may appear as subordinates of either Addiction or Escape. and "occult" spirits. that a particular spirit has an attribute of "power" or "knowledge. appear as subordinate to the spirit Mind-Binding. and the spirit Rejection with an aspect of anger. A second dimension of spirit classification is based on the mode of affliction. Protestant Pentecostals who reject the healing of memories in principle do accept this vulnerability theory. or the manner in which the spirit gains purchase on a person. A healer. However. including "ministering" spirits. the spirit Depression with an aspect of anger." the revelation is taken to indicate that the spirit occupies a relatively high position in the demonic hierarchy and therefore may be more difficult to dispel. It can be seen that in practice the demonology becomes quite flexible—rather than a "periodic table" of evil spirits. or "latches on" to the person at the emotional site of this wound. for example. recurrence of the aspect would be taken to indicate that Anger is the dominant spirit in the cluster. in addition to being dominant themselves. and so in effect can do everything their Catholic counterparts can while remaining within the genre of deliverance. For example. subordinated to different master spirits in different instances. some Catholic healers who think that deliverance is "too Protestant." The spirit either enters the person through the metaphorical wound. may "discern" the simultaneous presence in a patient of the spirit Anger. The ministering spirit preys upon vulnerabilities created by emotional trauma or "wounds. Here is the point at which healing of memories and deliverance articulate most closely.190 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE tional circumstances of diflfercnt patients in deliverance. in practice each demonic name (apparently multiple demons can have the same name) can appear at different levels of the hierarchy." An aspect is more or less a kind of nuance to the identity of a spirit. a person who grows up knowing she was an unwanted child will require healing of memories for that reason. the Charismatic demonology is in effect a mnemonic of improvisation. and may in addition require deliverance if a spirit of rejection afflicted her by taking advantage of that traumatic experience. the spirit Resentment can appear as subordinate to either Bitterness or Impatience." too . If the healer discerns. The system becomes more sophisticated with the addition by some healers of the idea that spirits have "aspects" and "attributes.

. and explicit renunciation of the evil spirits and the practices with which they are associated. Cardinal spirits. repentance. sin. Taking into account this double vulnerability. for from ministering to occult spirits the table shows a progression in the degree of active collusion on the part of the afflicted with demonic forces. Occult spirits are dangerous demons which typically have "attributes of power and knowledge. As with many of our previous analyses. Hence it is said that occult practices arc sinful and also that emotionally wounded people are particularly attracted to them. or too potentially sensationalist. however.3 Modes ofDemonic Affliction: Collusion and Vulnerability. can claim without any overt performance of deliverance that healing a traumatic memory that provided the occasion for demonic influence will in itself cause the spirit to relinquish its purchase on the person. this formulation reveals a significant degree of cultural structure that yet remains implicit in the knowledge expressed by healers. and actively by a person. and once under this influence may find that adultery has become an unbreakable habit. Any occult practice—from reading the daily horoscope in the newspaper to participation in Satanic rituals—is regarded as an abuse of divinely given "free will" by relinquishing that will to a power ether than the Christian deity. these spirits are by definition engaged intentionally. the patient requires healing. with their reference to the "cardinal sins.3 shows the relation among these three principal categories with respect to how the modes of affliction bear an additive relation to one another.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 191 Table 7. It is additive not in a merely quantitative sense. Table 7. and intentional activity." are those that afflict a person both through the vulnerability of some "woundedness" and through vulnerability self-created by the commission of sin. it is said that effective deliverance from cardinal spirits requires both inner healing and repentance. Because affliction by occult spirits thus involves vvoundedness. directly. Thus someone who commits the sin of adultery "opens himself' to the influence of the spirit Adultery. Source of Vulnerability Spirit Type Wound Ministering Cardinal Occult 4•4- + Sin Practice + + + spiritually dangerous." Because they are associated with explicit practices.

192 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE Noting once again that we are dealing with a pragmatic demonology. Curiously. chapter 2). it is relevant that experienced healers are able to estimate the proportions of the kinds of spirits they encounter. One said that 80 percent were of the ministering type and 10 percent each were cardinal and occult. preferring to consider all problems such as anger. but from the notion that the source of affliction is not a demon but the deceased spirit of a family member. He combined the senses of familial and familiar in elaborating that these were dead people whose spirits have not "let go" their earthly attachments. not all healers recognize the same categories. it appears that "familiarity" derives neither from a spirit's intimate knowledge of a person nor from the folkloric notion of a witch's familiar. One healer granted legitimacy only to the category of occult spirits. or self-hatred as emotional problems to be dealt with by counseling and inner healing rather than by prayer and deliverance. cardinal. fear. and thus stay "locked . Rather than attempt to account for this somewhat esoteric discrepancy. I will instead give two examples that point to the pragmatic variation in the classification itself. and occult spirits added the "familial" upon further discussion. One healer who articulated the threefold categorization of ministering. but the interlocking spirits appear to be transposed from the hierarchical dimension we described above. his idiosyncratic classification appears to be concerned less with the mode of affliction than with the operational principles by which spirits achieve their maleficent ends. The other stated that 85 percent were of the ministering type and the remaining 15 percent were divided between cardinal and occult spirits. The notions of "familiar" and "familial" spirits have taken on an overlapping and ambiguous relationship since the introduction of prayer for ancestral healing (cf. whereas two who did make the distinction had a quite different account. Another enunciated a classification consisting of "familiar" spirits which "know you" and your vulnerabilities. For some Charismatics. Overall. Also because it is a pragmatic system. and "cardinal" spirits that prey on the vulnerability self-created by sin. two healers who did not make the distinction between ministering and cardinal spirits estimated that half of spirits encountered were occult and half were not. This healer did not mention occult spirits as a separate type. "interlocking" spirits that work in a cluster. depression. in which clusters of spirits operate under the command of a manager spirit or Throne. His categories of familiar and cardinal spirits correspond to the more-common categories of ministering and cardinal.

When. the situation is complicated by the understanding that because demonic spirits can come to know the dead by interaaing with them in the spiritual realm. She turned to him and asked whether. his colleague called him to account. A similar distinction is present in the contemporary demonology. In the Renaissance a distinction was drawn between full-scale possession from within a person and less-severe obsession from without. but do not have complete control.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 193 into what is familiar to them. or may have control over only certain "areas" of the . though elaborated with somewhat different emphases." especially in places like Africa where their living descendants actively relate to them." which is thought to be a demonically inspired occult practice. and it is a matter of discussion whether being "born again" precludes the possibility of being entered andVor possessed by evil spirits. One version of the scale of severity begins with temptation to which all humans are understood to be exposed." was it not necessary to say that the deceased spirit was actually present. or was "hanging around" disturbing a family environment until it could be "set free to be with the Lord. in discussing the incident with me. In oppression the evil spirits1 attack is more directed. He had committed suicide in a parish rectory early in the century. Here empirical experience and theological dictate meet in a cultural impasse. The orthodox position implicates any interaction with deceased spirits as "bordering on spiritualism. but could only be externally besieged. but they remain "outside" the person. However. A final dimension of classification pertains to the severity of demonic activity understood in terms of the degree of control the evil spirits acquire over persons. This distinction was drawn to accommodate the idea that holy men could not be entered and possessed by the devil. and further because evil spirits are skilled at and bent on deceit. thereby adversely affecting the state of mind of all his successors. the contemporary priest/healer cautiously skirted the issue of whether the deceased was an actual spiritual presence. given that they had encountered several situations in which a human spirit was either crying to be set free. they may imitate human ancestral spirits. In obsession the spirits have entered "inside" the person. The practical dilemma for ritual performance was evident in the narration by a priest/laywoman healing team of an instance in which they put to rest the agitated spirit of a deceased priest. Here the ethno-ontological discussion is clouded by a conflict between Charismatics' "empirical" encounters with ancestral spirits and a Catholic orthodoxy that does not permit "ghosts" to linger on earth.

in a gesture toward the theological principle of divinely instituted free will. in which evil spirits arc apparently not intent on gaining any degree of control. Somewhat apart from these is demonic harassment. the distinction both creates a separate genre of ritual healing upon which no judgment of unorthodox)' has been formally proclaimed. only two reported personal involvement in formal exorcism. or a willful contract with the forces of evil. each only once in his career. oppression. Once again there is pragmatic variation in use of these terms. and "complex" affliction in which the afflicted has conspired by having dedicated or "sold" his soul through the influence of the occult type of spirits. this cultural logic holds that only occult spirits can completely possess a person. and possession. Possession is a condition in which the spirits have both entered and taken complete control of the person. In fact. One priest cited the degrees of severity as "obsession. "compound" affliction that requires explicit deliverance of a specific demon. Whether or not this position is held.194 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE person.11 That is. an inner vow. A Catholic writer who has presented a popular journalistic account of exorcism reports that a European bishop acknowledged three thousand exorcism investigations in the period from 1968 to 1974. Given that the only category of spirit that afflicts people through their own intentional practice is the occult. of the eightyseven healing ministers interviewed in our study. that complete possession can occur only with the consent of the possessed. a dedication. Some Charismatics argue." In placing depression immediately before total possession. this scheme interestingly grants great weight to the psychological consequences of relatively profound demonic affliction. of which only four proved to be cases of "authentic" possession (Martin 1976). Another priest distinguished "simple" affliction in which the influence of spirit activity can be removed by the force of inner healing alone. there must be an invitation. and avoids . but on interfering with one's attempt to lead a Christian life or on disrupting spiritual activities such as Christian teaching and healing. on the analogy of a house where fire is contained to one or two rooms. The practical consequence for ritual healing is that lay Charismatics can avoid infringing on the prerogative of the Church and its ordained priests to perform formal exorcism of the fully possessed by practicing deliverance from evil spirits whose influence on a person is in some degree less than possession. Although Charismatics praying for deliverance have been known to read "informally" from the Roman Ritual used in exorcism. depression. Charismatics agree that possession is rare in contrast to other forms of demonic affliction.

its influence must be removed in order for psychotropic medications to be effective. the more severe the illness the stronger the spirit activity surrounding the patient. and spirit. Given the Charismatic concept of the person as a "pneumopsychosomatic" composite of body. contrary to what might be expected from a clinical standpoint. This is the question of the relation between demonic affliction and mental or physical illness. and Evil Spirits We have examined the articulation of the Charismatic demonology with the terminological domains of everyday emotions and behaviors. demonic affliction and mental illness are distinguished as due respectively to spiritual and natural causes. It is also claimed in some instances that ritual healing allows the dosage of medication to be decreased. healers tend to feel that whereas all mental illness involves spirit activity. We have also seen how the demonology is internally organized according to principles of hierarchy. mind. it is also necessary to examine how evil spirits as causal agents are thought to affect the mind and body. however. not all demonic affliction is accompanied by mental illness. In principle. According to one healer who was also in practice as a clinical psychologist. Physical Illness. a notion that appears to remain constant is that evil spirits prey on vulnerability. Although we will see considerable variability in the ideas articulated by healers. However. and severity of affliction. The cultural logic is that the devil is at work in any case of emotional or mental instability because the devil consistendy preys upon people's weaknesses. the spirit Depression can produce the clinical symptoms of depression—and thus the presence and/or interaction of these causes is a matter for "discernment. Even when evil spirits do not play a pan in causing a psychiatric disorder. mode of affliction.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 195 the necessity for the lengthy psychiatric investigation and ecclesiastical approval that must precede formal exorcism. Psychiatric Disorder. if a spirit is causally involved. cosmology. Given that occult spirits are the most virulent. it is thought that the symptoms produced may be similar or identical—e. ." The most general observation is that.. mental patients are most likely to be afflicted by them. and the vocabulary of motives.g.

A second. In some instances it is acknowledged that prayer can be no more than a "Band-Aid" for a problem that requires medication anchor psychotherapy. one can be engaged in occult activities. It is worthy of note that. the cause was purely demonic. There are two reasons that spirit activity is not in all cases psychopathological. however. without being in a psychopathological state. but also in legitimate ailments where "the doctor can't find the problem. perhaps a difficulty that would lead a person to become involved in occult activities to begin with. Because Charismatics respect the efficacy of conventional medicine. in that one becomes engaged with occult spirits only through one's own free will. holding that spirit activity always implies some degree of psychiatric difficulty." We should point out that this latter idea is essentially an indigenous recognition that a person can become habituated to what we have described as a narrow margin of disability (cf. and therefore subject only to divine power. Second. If prayer over several sessions is not effective. Some Charismatics would take exception to the latter position. There are three ways in which evil spirits can be implicated in physical illness. psychiatric difficulties are implied. In any case. . more explicitly "pneumopsychosomatic" understanding holds in cases where a specific spirit is discerned to stand in the way of physical healing. although unciaborated. If this is the case. and hence with occult spirits.196 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE and there is said to be a higher concentration of evil spirits in mental institutions than anywhere else. if the symptoms disappear following prayer for deliverance. Bitterness may be implicated in problems such as arthritis." Removal of such a spirit may allow a chronic illness to be stabilized by medication. demonic harassment is not necessarily aimed at taking control of a person. but may also "condition a person to whatever medical problem they may have. chapter 3). The spirit Infirmity may be active in cases of hypochondria. when it is ineffective and doctors declare an illness incurable. deliverance is expected to result in a complete remission of symptoms without psychiatric intervention. The first is through the action of a generic spirit of infirmity that may weaken or debilitate a person. Thus the spirit Greed (materialism) might be implicated in a woman's inability to conceive. The spirits Unforgiveness. the latter notion implies that the severely mentally ill have some responsibility for their own condition. the presence of an evil spirit may be ipso facto assumed precisely because the problem is beyond the power of human means. the only "objective" criterion is a negative one: because evil spirits are subject to obedience to the divine will. First. Resentment.

It would almost make it unhealable. Diabetes. two of the most experienced practitioners of deliverance were sufficiendy struck by this fact when it came out in our interview that they were led to speculate on whether spirits associated with physical illness constituted a distinct category. Depends on which was there first. . This mode of affliction operates on a model distinct from that described above for the more typical ministering cardinal. As with mental illness. but won't necessarily heal. is a possibility in the Charismatic ritual system." Indeed. the localized and substantive presence of evil spirits. medically. or headache. Finally. But if the sickness was therefirst. But taking the spirit out doesn't necessarily heal it. One renowned Catholic healer explained: Now we've got two things. If the physical illness was there before the spirit. "latching on" to an "emotional wound " but it is usually not a question of precisely where in the body such spirits may be "lodged.12 Aside from demons associated with physical illness. our data occasionally include reports of spirits departing a person as an amorphous. If the spirit was there first. and occult spirits. then you generally can get a healing by removing the spirit.if the person had ulcers and got the spirit lodging in the ulcers. That seems to be a distinction that we've discovered [in practice]. Emphysema. To be sure. Those spirits are understood to act internally or externally to the person. Cancer. though not highly elaborated. reports of sexual demons inhering in the genital area of the afflicted . Does the physical ailment invite [through vulnerability] a spirit. only if a spirit is acting independendy of a natural disease process will deliverance result in a cure. and shows the pragmatic andflexiblenature of their cultural logic of demonic classification. Convulsive Disorder.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 197 backache. if the infirmity or whatever it is. or grieving to a throat ailment. removing the spirit will open the way to healing. Anxiety may contribute to hypertension. or whatever. came in and caused the physical illness if you remove the spirit the person will heal. Leukemia. or does the spirit cause a sickness? What is distinct about this conception is that evil spirits are understood to inhere in the physical substance of the body. it would aggravate it. this anecdote both suggests the persuasiveness to healers of the Cartesian distinction between person and body. Interestingly. shadowy mass that is explicitly noted not to appear as an image. whether in the body as a whole or in discrete organs. and so on. It would make it worse. some Charismatics acknowledge the existence of evil spirits specific to discrete diseases: the spirits Cancer. We've got.

and countries." Healers may be called to a home in which children in particular are under demonic harassment.198 DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE person. discernible as either a generalized "sense of evil" or evident in reports of shakings. Charismatics do not uniformly insist that Homosexuality is an evil spirit—though some say that demonic activity may have "led to it. Moreover. In such cases the notion of vulnerability created by trauma. and because he had observed a prominent Protestant healer cast out such a spirit. scenes of death or tragedy (the site of an Indian massacre or a rape). Particularly controversial are spirits such as Alcoholism and Smoking. for example. sin. Instead. there is some disagreement over what we might call the "ethno-ontological status" of particular spirits or categories of spirits. Spirits can inhabit objects. moving objects. "hide in the walls when the bathroom was redone. or of spirits named for specific physical illnesses. Ethno-ontology of Evil Spirits We must reiterate that the Charismatic demonology is a pragmatic one which is improvised. and reports of unexplained disruptive incidents in a particular locale." One healer stated that he was "95 percent sure" there is a spirit Hypnotism. despite their exceedingly conservative sexual morality. houses. Again." As there is no clear distinction between the spiritual and physical aspect of persons. because when hypnotized one surrenders one's divinely given free will to another human rather than to the deity. a spirit may have subsequently taken an opportunity to. and thus variable. perhaps it is the "spirit Pride with an aspect of nationalism. public buildings). In an interpersonal "atmosphere" conducive to demonic presence. neither is there an absolute distinction between the spiritual and material presence of evil spirits. animals. or foul stenches. in practice." Likewise. Some dispute the legitimacy of ancestral spirits as agents of affliction. brothels. or negative emotion is applied to a place rather than a person. places where occult or sinful acts arc carried out (cemeteries. if there is a spirit behind alcoholism it is Selfishness. Charismatics might debate whether there is a spirit Nationalism. say some. which some Charismatics fear can be too easily invoked to avoid responsibility for one's addictive behavior. towns and cities. In this connection we find Charismatics occasionally dealing with what the popular imagination—again since at least the Renaissance—understands as "poltergeists. .

. but as a vacuum or absence of divine presence. need pictures and parables. As we have seen. one healer described a spirit as "something that the person has nurtured and clung to. though accepting the existence of occult spirits. power. and healers may differ as to when and/or whether the threshold between them is crossed. Such a force is to cite a disclaimer I heard more than once. but as aspects of the "human spirit. another suggested that spirits originate in thought patterns that create an energy that eventually allows them to become autonomous until they become an evil force in the person. some healers may prefer to sec ministering and cardinal spirits not as demonic. and there is considerable ambiguity regarding the point along that continuum at which one locates the threshold between the two." Some Charismatic critics go so far as to reject the validity of compiling a list of spirits such as the one we presented in table 7. They say that once one begins making such lists. like children.1. whereas one healer (a priest) said that it is possible to "see demons holding onto people like monkeys or monsters " another (a psychiatrist) stated that demons are "animistic intellectual constructs for those who." Someone may have an angry spirit or be mean-spirited without being afflicted bv the spirit Anger or Meanness. The cultural phenomenology of the Charismatic world presupposes that the spiritual and the human are inextricably mingled. so that it's become part of them and doesn't allow room for growth." Thinking like Pierre Janet. and to this circumstance Charismatic healers have applied the resources of their culture to formulate a range of possible relations between the existence of evil and human being in the world. such a spirit did not exist. The first is between the human and the demonic." implying an inordinate deemphasis of the "human" element of suffering. The second continuum is that of the degree of concreteness. how could it have been cast out of someone? Nevertheless. and/or personification attributed to evil. For still others it is as if the spirit is not a preexistent entity. For example. he was aware that some apparently worthy Christian psychotherapists use hypnotism. into which "other things" can come. Again.DEMONS AND DELIVERANCE 199 If he reasoned. so he was unwilling to make a definitive judgment. "not a little red devil with horns " but it still requires deliverance. but something that comes into being. "everything is a spirit. and love. The Charismatic demonology appears to be constructed along two separate but related ethno-ontological continua. some will articulate a sense of evil not as the presence of spiritual entities. Instead of an entity that "latches on" to its host.

In particular. and the topic of evil spirits arose differentlv for each. The Woman Whose Cousin Was a Witch The healing team and patient are those described in the vignette of "the woman who merged with herself' (chapter 5). In fact. with the discernment of demonic presence by the team leader: 200 . the event transcribed here occurred at the beginning of the same session. We will conclude with a reflection on the phenomenology of control that will define the experiential specificity in the Charismatic encounter with evil. our concern is to demonstrate the way in which deliverance constitutes a specific kind of emotional self process.8 Encounters with Evil In this chapter we will flesh out our analysis of deliverance by examining texts that show how evil spirits are dealt with in the context of healing sessions. All were involved in ongoing processes of inner healing. We highlight segments of ritual performance that reveal how Charismatics construe spirits as elements of their habitus and threats to the sacred self. In all but the first of the five following cases our diagnostic interview determined that the patient had suffered at least one episode of major depression and'or serious dysthymic disorder.

H: It's gone. H: It is a battle. . We send you to the foot of the cross where you will be dealt with by Lord Jesus Christ. Over here. and that presently surrounds her life.] You're loaded [with evil spirit activity]. she's come back . your Lord and master. he's available [to help in the deliverance]. .ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 201 H: There's a lot of occult surrounding you. Spirit of the occult. .] We claim her for yours. [Tongues. We come against anything and everything that is not of you. your Lord and master.] What's your daughter up to? S: It's [her cousin's daughter]. Spirit of Darkness. We bind you. [Vigorous praying in tongues by team—yawns—healer dispenses holy water on hands of all.] The opening exchange establishes the causal connection between occult spirits and the patient's headache. Lord Jesus Christ. I think that's what it is.] H: In the name of the Lord Jesus Christ. two doors away. . [Several sighs. [The neighbors] have seen her going to a church locally. Forgive H [husband]. S: I renounce Satan. right in the back of your head. . we cast you out. . we come against all the occult that has surrounded her life. See. see chapter 6. Lord Jesus. And my cousin's worse than she ever was. . prayer of thanks by H. you know it? And the headache keeps going from here to here [forehead to base of skull] because I've got it. Michael sticking his sword in the Devil. Fm even considering going to a doctor. Forgive yourself. Is it gone? S: Yes. . but it appears that the s y m p t o m is invoked to explain the cause rather than vice versa.and leg-straightening maneuvers. H: Accept the Lord.] Renounce Satan. As the performance . H: [Begins arm. Jesus. H: There's still something right here. HA [assistant]: I envision St. Michael battling with Satan. yes or no? S: My neck. . how's your head? S: Feels fine. . [Base of skull.] In the name of the Lord Jesus Christ! S: I could envision St. [Touches base of skull. H: Right here. we renounce you and send you to the foot of the cross where you'll be dealt with by Jesus Christ. Okay. I have had vicious headaches. shifts hands from her back and chest to the back of head and forehead. everybody's yawning.. [Loud tongues. S: Well.

And we brought up our niece. Then it started to break up. and you'll never getridof that headache. .. but made present in imagery. Michael before.202 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL unfolds we see the integration of practically a full range of ritual techniques. the patient was instructed to forgive several people and to renounce Satan. This ugly thing with dark—dark figure. The team laid hands on the patients head and shoulders throughout. but I saw that at that moment. Though there is doubtless some merit to such a view. a couple of doors away. like "You'll never be free. The familiarity of all participants with these ritual elements allows a performative fluency and an almost-telegraphic quality that would doubtless mystify the uninitiated observer. and the prayer of command was uttered against specific evil spirits. I saw my sister screaming. and the patient is disposed to say that her head "feels fine" before even the healer is ready to acknowledge that the pain is entirely gone. and he just stuck it right in him." the function of which is a spiritual "show offeree" to enhance what we have called the patient's therapeutic disposition. And Fve come to find out that's the source of it. That's on the tape [of the . huh?) [we both chuckle] and pain. tongues were used both in "authority" for deliverance and for praise to the deity. then here and here and here [gestures] it was just like metal crushing me. . the headache and everything. the technique of "leg-lengthening" was applied. . we might be tempted to conclude that this episode is merely what Dow (1986) would call a "therapeutic prelude. and I have more power. I saw St. Knowing that a profound emotional experience occurs later in this session. I've seen St. so I really feel. what in religious terms might be called faith. and then here. in my chest. the healer's later comment that she suspected something important was going to happen that day might support this interpretation. most anthropological analysis stops short at this point. the powerful archangel was not only invoked. I just couldn't stand it. who's also involved. . . demonic manifestations were evident in the "deliverance yawn" of the healing team. Okay. discernment of demonic presence was exercised by the principal healer. And I justfoundout that she's back in my neighborhood. And when they were really intensely praying. Indeed. as was word of knowledge when she identified the location and persistence of the patient's headache in herself. you know. I have this curse on you. You'll never be free. and when she spontaneously inquired about the patient's daughter. Michael come and take the sword and stick it in the devil. Oh. It is only in subsequent experiential commentary that the full significance of the episode becomes apparent: My cousin's involved in the occult very heavily." And all of this screaming and everything. ah—I had an wyotfty headache (a good term. or what in psychological terms might be called suggestibility.

I believe. it now becomes evident that there is a reason behind the presence of the spirits themselves. The thematization of control and freedom is elaborated in the bodily idiom of uncontrollable headaches. St. Then I just saw Jesus come. The patient's cousin is then seen and heard to scream in threatening protest. and I saw the metal thing break up. Finally. succeeds in breaking the imaginai chains that bound the patient's head and neck in the crushing pain of spiritual bondage. Their presence is a result of a curse by the patient's cousin. whom the patient avers to have seen in other settings as well. which is understood as the true cause of the headache. But then Christ's light came into that. for this strongly disposed patient the entire sequence was a vivid experience of the sacred. She began praying for healing as a prayer-group leader to whom people would come for advice. The coincidence of these headaches with the return of the niece to the neighborhood corresponds with the sisters' competition for control over this young person whom they had cooperated in raising. that's when I saw her. whose professional training was as a bookkeeper/accountant. Instead of the apparent anomaly of the symptom (headache) being invoked to explain the cause (occult spirits) that we formulated above. She had been involved in the Charismatic Renewal for eighteen years.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 203 session]. here carries out the very specific performative act of sticking his sword in the devil." In our language of therapeutic process. . that was around my head and neck just like chains. and then that's when they're praying intensely. just break. The Woman Who Wanted to be Protestant The healer was a woman aged sixty-one. through a curse.. Jesus enters with his divine light which. and it went. . The headache was from her . broke it. in concert with the team's intense prayer in tongues. Once again the episode is played out in an embodied imaginai performance. and the change actualized was relief from the headache. invisible to the observer of the overt ritual performance. and his light. but who had herself become "involved in the occult. Michael. which notably were bad enough that the patient had considered seeking medical care for them. The element of interpersonal control is vivid in that the headaches are interpreted as a means for the cousin to control her. the alternative elaborated was freedom from interpersonal control.

She reported having had a problem with alcohol until she was "born again. It's a matter of identifying and prayer for what it is the blockage within you. however.204 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL In addition. during which the healer sometimes holds the hands of the patient. The patient had recently begun learning about deliverance from evil spirits from a Protestant perspective. Clinically. As we have already seen in the healing of memories. The patient was a housewife and mother of two sons. we used to call it an examination of conscience brought to prayer. had rejected that religion. It begins with discussion about a tape recording of a public deliverance service that she had listened to: S: I listened to a tape of mass [i. Sessions last approximately an hour. with the first forty-five minutes usually devoted to conversation and counseling and the final fifteen minutes to prayer. hoping to continue training in pastoral counseling. including a lack of emotional or sexual intimacy with her husband. but that's a particular situation. She had for the last three years considered herself a Protestant Pentecostal. H: And it's part of the everyday life as a Christian. The following excerpt is from the fourth of five sessions I followed with her. Her chief complaint was a severely strained and uncommunicative marital relationship. but partly due to the snobbishness of a church where most parishioners were economically better off than her childhood family. H: He does that to help you identify within yourself. She conducts private sessions in a Charismatic counseling and healing center. and as is the case in much conventional psychotherapy.e. This is meant to be. and felt that this genre of healing would be helpful for her. large groupl deliverance. and the minister had people read the prayers [listing spirits to be discerned] over three hours each. do you realize that? I realize there is mass deliverance. your blockage. and was at first wary of working with a Catholic Charismatic healer.. through work as a religious education teacher she had become interested in psychology and had recendy returned to college to complete her bachelor's degree. She had been raised as a Catholic. Maybe we can do some of that today. He needs something and God brings it to mind. in a room where she and the patient sit facing one another. the healing process had turned toward the autobiographical past. I believe you have a blockage—pain or resentment in . S: God brings it to mind." and was under medical consultation for what she described as a chronic fatigue syndrome. she had suffered from episodes of major depression and was dysthymic. aged forty-two. and with a high school education.

In prayer. and allowing Jesus to just heal that. You have a hard time visualizing? All right. . recognize an area you remember being hurt. how the past has affected you psychologically. the way I was brought up. So what do we do? We bring alive the Holy Spirit in your childhood. Well. The devil has a way of condemning you. and may still be influencing your thinking. deliverance. The Accuser. Okay? S: What would you name it? H: You could name it just—see it's not a sin. they may be crippled and can only give what they have. It could be several small blockages. lust pray and let Jesus point something out to you to heal. . . There's a reason for that. You don't have to name it if you don't want. that was my childhood. but it's a deliverance in that the negative effects of it will leave. but they have to be forgiven. try to visualize yourself in a particular place in childhood—a home—and allowing lesus to bring forth to vou a picture. no. In prayer. A lot of times you need to be . Visualize. This is what I'm talking about. But if you beat vourself down and say I'm no good. It's looking at something that may be affecting you psychologically. but that's different than going back to something in your childhood or life. I consider it's a deliverance. . It's different. You have to forgive.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL S: H: 5: H: 5: H: S: H: 5: H: S: H: 205 some way. where you may have gotten hurt or need to look at something and bring it to the light of the Holy Spirit." Whatever. you'll never get anywhere. Even lack of forgiveness in yourself. Self-deception. It's not condemning you. you don't have to see it. They're usually caused by pain and resentment. This you can consider if you want. You remember what you felt at a particular time when you were young. That in itself could be a deliverance. You know you've been scarred. "Old photographs. caused by other people set into you. nevertheless. but we don't know where to judge them because the Fourth Commandment says honor Dad and Mom. Something may have psychologically affected you in your life. and we do that in prayer. Is there a particular area in your childhood that you would like me to pray for? I could never pick an area. feeling. to let go of that picture. The devil is condemning. but you can (cd it. and looking at yourself. so you don't have to go back. and he'll keep reminding you of something that God has already forgiven you of. He will deceive you. and you want to bring it to the light of the Holy Spirit and just heal it and clear it away. all that has caused in you psychologically . We're often injured psychologically by our parents. . I think of the devil coming and reminding you constantly of something you've done—digging up the grave.

Heal her. Lord. Heal. . H: Anything else that you want to [bind]? Please bring forgiveness. Bless her life. Lord Jesus. Allow Jesus to heal and to furnish and nourish you with nurturing that your mother and your father should have given you. Allow him to walk with you. Jesus. and most of all the child. and Jesus the physician receiving you. We ask you. It's a scar. S: If Fm talking to somebody that IVe just met and talk and they tell mc that they had such a happy childhood. The spirit of resentment. we rebuke in the name of Jesus Christ. but I wish I had had it too. Lord Jesus.206 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL delivered of pain. . priests. Think of your mother and your father and allow Jesus to heal them both. Feel yourself. walking down through the years. . H: Lord Jesus Christ. Bless the nine months.] We bind and rebuke you. [Whispers prayer in tongues. the grace to let go. . Lord Jesus. to give S the grace to forgive. . anyone who has hurt you that you feel might still have an effect on you today. Remember most of all that Jesus loves you. heal the conception. Walk back with Jesus to the years when you were just a young child. Speak to Jesus. S: To the feet of Jesus. . . . . love. spirit of doubt—Lord Jesus Christ. S: Jesus Christ. Feel yourself walking with Jesus. Allow God's love to heal the fears. Whatever. H: Of resentment. spirit] to the feet of Jesus. Go back. the needs—financial. Fm sure you will be able to remember. S. And I send [you. any negative effects that she may have received within the womb. Heal her memory of bondage to shame. Lord Jesus. screaming and yelling. S: No. Jesus. Lord Jesus.] Break the bondage. of maybe a resentment of being cheated out of a happy childhood. going through the birth. 5: Jesus Christ. She looks to your Spirit to make herself as competent [pause] to see herself as you see her. there's a feeling. Cleanse your mind. We bind. Lord Jesus. Allow Jesus to replace love that you need. Lord Jesus. I would suggest he walk with you at the very time of your conception. H: So in that sense it's in the form of a little bit of a resentment. I bind even' spirit of darkness. of envy. . He died that we might be able to receive these healings. Not that they shouldn't have had it. any teachers. nine months. For your sake you need to forgive and accept with faith that Jesus lived to do something with that. to heal S's memory of being shamed. heal the mother and the father. and through him forgive. S: Spirit of resentment. Try if you can. . We ask you. See them with compassionate thinking and with compassion. their own blindness. See them in their own weakness. [We send the spirit to the feet of Jesus so that it cannot control. . . whatever age you chose. to let her parents go into your hands. the security that you need. H: Send you to the feet of Jesus.

themselves "wounded" by weakness and blindness. ." She again invokes the imagination. Her prayer is for forgiveness. but in terms of their effect. H: And thank you for your kindness to S. compassion.. apparently in an effort to satisfy the patient's evident desire for deliverance. H: We accept. the spirit of unforgiveness. as an emotional "scar. She appears to resist "naming the spirit" as Resentment. we send you to the feet of Jesus. in the language of healing of memories. she also construes spirits as an aspect of everyday life. we ask that any other bondages that S may be sufferingfrom. The healer accommodates to the patients's concern about not being able to visualize. that she might be totally free. Lord Jesus. Acknowledging the devil's role in maintaining negative effects of earlier memories. binding the spirit of doubt. H: Okay. Are there any other areas? 5: I don't know. that you bring to mind any bondages. The healer begins by formulating evil spirits not as entities. She then prays in tongues in order to invoke the divine presence and gather spiritual power.. the freedom that you have given us. Lord Jesus. and repeats that freedom from the psychological effects of whatever memory is brought to mind can be considered deliverance. We ask you to fill her in every one of those spaces with abundance. the spirit of unforgiveness. as an internally operative self-deception instead of an external Accuser. 5: Breakage of all these bondages. Lord. She briefly switches out of prayer to instruct the patient to forgive. . that in a short time. When you doubt. to take authority for these bondages. preferring to describe it. and begins the heaJing-of-memories process of autobiographical review. Lord Jesus Christ.we ask as time goes on. in your name. We praise you. Lord Jesus Christ. . Say with me now: [recites the Lord's PrayerJ. that control her body. the strength and the authority. She describes the process of discernment as a self-examination of conscience instead of a passively spontaneous revelation. and when she reenters her .ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 207 H: By his authority. that's an area we need to concentrate on. We covered a little ground today! Let us recapitulate the ritual action in this lengthy segment. send it to the feet of Jesus. namely ttblockage. S: This freedom that you have given us. Faced with a patient she feels is too eager to attribute her problems to maleficent supernatural influence. H: Break—accept the breakage of these bondages. she equates forgiveness for traumatic memories with deliverance. and allowing the deity to heal the patient's parents. Give her. these spirits. S: We send you to the feet of Jesus.

" The entire sequence is integrated by an intimate conceptuaJ linkage a m o n g notions of internal blockage. . . I was . I'd take them home. you know . Found in the woods. And . . the moonshine that my grandmother had to make all day Saturday . that's where they came from. . . . . And my mothers were from Austria . which is not good for me. TC: Mmhum. Unless they knew. no guidance. So when I would see other people . So. The patient knows how t o take part in the deliverance and repeats each phrase after the healer. they were both. a m . I remember being excited and would get a backhand in the face.208 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL prayer it is a prayer of deliverance. . he used to just have his friends over and they would drink all day . Or she didn't have the patience for her daughters. that she [the healer] was . misery also. . So I was afraid to get excited and afraid t o . . . She didn't realize that we had . a happy childhood. and brought up. I have to realize. And so I guess that just built and built and built and I just. What else was going through your mind. I was always under . TC: Why would they give you the slap? S: Don't ask me. No affection. I mean. . o f . . The healer concludes with a prayer that in effect sets the stage for the process to continue outside the healing setting. after working in a mill all week. . . . . which is really awful. Fear of a slap in the face. I never did. uhm.] I guess she was involved with her own miser)'. And maybe that's one part of the reason why [pause] as a child. uneducated and. And to let God deal with them and not me carry all this around with me saying unforgiveness . . . . when this was happening in the session? 5: Well. oh. It's the whole thing. were both alcoholics. . instructing the patient to "take authority" over any "bondage" that subsequendy "comes to mind. external bondage. I don't have a love for people. . hitting on something that is still in me that needs to be . that that's where they really bind us. . and through your body too. . to be bubbly or laugh or whatever. . . ignorant and violent. . The resentment I feel toward my parents. had to agree with her. . and the binding o f spirits. .] The feet that I'm still carrying it around. . or that you said or did that strikes you as particularly helpful or significant? S: [Pause. and my personality. doing so . I . . no counseling. . very. . . And my father's parents . . and be affectionate. I could love them and. like she said. taken care of. don't have a lot of people. sick. . So what did they know. Following is the patient's post-session reflection o n what happened t o her: S: The resentment [is] that I was robbed of. no. I can't say one incident or another. you know. very choosy about my friends. Sunday. . Affection turned to stray cats. [My mother. My father worked in a mill and was tired most of the time . . . Only with friends or their parents. . I remember my grandfather just sat around all weekend. TC: Was there anything in particular that [the healer] said or did. I used to resent them. Tom. My mother said that.

can work through me.. I heard on the tape were screaming. or what do you think might change? S: Getting rid of. . . not evil spirits. they. Some of the spirits that were coming out of those people. [If I went to the Protestant| deliverance ministry." she maintains a kind of control—she is in "possession" of her resentment and unforgiveness as much as they may threaten to possess her. and they ah. vomit. but insofar as she clings to her emotions and is unable to forgive and thereby to "let go. It would have been different than. believed that. They want. and by his authority. And. And I didn't experience anything like this. and he said to me. This is the control that she must relinquish to the deity as her part in the deliverance. than what we did here. in order to remove the "blockage" and make it possible that the "Holy Spirit can work through me. which we did. and what she had just experienced with the Catholic Charismatic healer. More darkness that comes out of blockage. She's asking me to give it to God in prayer. TC: In the prayer you were binding and rebuking those spirits. that he would do it. exercised on "me and my personality. for it to c-c-come out of me. they come out screaming.." The problem of reconciling cultural styles of healing is evident in the patient's attempt to understand the relationship between the kind of deliverance she had been learning about in the Pentecostal Church. you have the spirit of envy. this is a different form. What she's doing is healing. The following is also drawn from her experiential commentary: S: The healing is related to deliverance." She must "let God deal with" her parents.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 209 TC: What do you think might be the result in your life? What do you think might be developing out of this. Okay. When she acknowledges as especially significant that she is still "carrying around" her resentment. You're gettingridof something. Here we see a complex dynamic of control: the spirits are controlling her. as the patient traces her feeling of an inability to love people back to lack of an intimate parental environment. the "binding" to which she refers is one her parents. [Pause. they don't want to leave. that comes out before the Holy Spirit. Tom. they don't want to leave. of my blockage. the spirit of resentment and unforgiveness..] I don't know if I can make you understand spiritual things. they like their homes. . (Pause] That is . And he claimed it. Or that he has done it. And they fight to stay. probably hindering more of the Holy Spirit within me. The substance of resentment as a controlling force returns us to the psychocultural themes of intimacy and spontaneity. So this is. ordered it in the name of Jesus. And this is what I heard on the tape. and to parental repression of her spontaneous childhood ebullience. And some people gag and it gets caught in their throat. . And. .

what I heard on the tape. was she doing deliverance. like that. I was delivered from that. . by people that I trust. it is painful.210 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL S: I believe that's what she did. took the desire out of me. . but. And I had a hunger . TC: Okay. She said it was a form of deliverance. saying. But. . the next night I went for my regular wine like I drank every night for I don't know how many years. which I used to call a bunch of fairy tales. She said it was a form of deliverance. they have to hold that person down.] And pushing it back. I don't feel that way anymore. But Fve never seen it. that's not true. . . That's an interesting thing that you brought it up. Whereas . I couldn't—couldn't—it hurt. . were there any manifestations? 5. twenty years? Maybe more. WThen they don't want to leave. . But this was. for the knowledge of God that was in there. for you those are not spirits. . it was done diflferendy. So. No. No. But when you say "them. . Now. WTien you were delivered from either of those things. . That's in the past. but. That desire was gone. I believe them. But. . . . for the Bible. this was not a deliverance thing here [today]. . uhm. but they're sort of like feelings? I don't want to put words in your mouth. I just saw Jesus as real personal and . . TC: Was the experience you had of being delivered of drinking more like what those people on the tape were going through? S: No. TC: Right. . It takes eight men to. . [the healer] could answer you better probably. he just. And anyone that did it in my presence. . that I . . like I did today. . ? S: No. sometimes it takes eight men to hold that person down. I didn't have any manifestations. Sec. I still do carry it around I guess. . it was like a knife in my stomach. . . or . And I was a. . this one's [inner] healing. That's just what I heard . And we named it. Any healing is a form of deliverance. In healing. TC: Mmhum. you should feel free of it. God has to manifest this. . when I first became a born-again. . we claimed it to be healed in the name of Jesus. when you said "commanded them to leave. Sometimes a person can have so many that they're all. into the back of my mind . And by facing it. . . See. I don't fed free of it yet. yeah. . [Breath. that they can work. . carry around. TC: Okay. It was. . 5: The spirits. But when she binds and rebukes the spirits and sends them to the foot of Jesus . that instant I was delivered of a few things. It. [and] I couldn't do that anymore (either]. . When I first came to Jesus . whereas ." are you referring to. I faced what was in me. No. you have to face . . And I didn't want it. the envy. . . I guess my question is. . You know. . Or he can harm himself. . . more or less. a swearer. I can't say that I would have done it differently. the whatever . I have to pray as we did today and . . For them to leave. I had a hunger for the. the desire was just gone." Fm not exacdy sure whether . I didn't go through anything. you said that you named it and faced it and commanded them to leave. No. . I. . . I would have done it differently. ? S: To the resentment that I have and the unforgiveness. . believe . I think I've told you 1 was drinking alcohol. That one's deliverance. Well. to . I did.

and like she said. exacdy. and Unforgiveness. . Though this patient's disposition within the ritual-healing system is relatively strong. In the former. ah. when she distinguished it from resentment. I don't know the difference .. By God's grace. he was with me . you have to want them to leave. Let us begin by considering the three "spirits" Envy. I'llfindout. and . whereas in the latter it is the patient's psychological inability to let go. that. Do you feel like it was? 5: No. .ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 211 TC: Mmhum. Let us briefly summarize with respect to our four elements of therapeutic process. . not from what I heard on the. In addition.. That's my idea of deliverance. where instead the spirit Doubt was included. Resentment. partly because of her uncertainty . you know. but is the kind of process-oriented metaspirit we identified in chapter 7. You can't be delivered. . The first of these was "named" by the patient in the session segment transcribed above. It is not related to the substantive emotional issues dealt with. And now. that I faced these things. You know. you know. Looking back now [on my past]. Are you confused or am I confused? I am frustrated because. and what happened here. However. I want to know. between the deliverance that I told you about. she and the healer had in fact confronted evil spirits. ." Yet she acknowledges that. It was not picked up by the healer in the deliverance prayer. and pray. I . The inclusion of doubt likely pertains to precisely the kind of concern for the legitimacy of ritual form that the patient expresses in this segment. . when she cites her own spontaneous deliverance from alcohol and swearing. And I want to know. I don't quite know. That's how I'll do it. Not by anything I can do. however. The omission of Enw might be understood as the healer's attempt to resist what she sees as the patient's eagerness to entity and perhaps multiply spirits. I've lived with them so long that this time I'm gonna hafta let them go. And I'm groping and I'm searching my mind right now. the tape. The patient draws a distinction between deliverance and inner healing: although in both one is "getting rid of something. . even though it did bring pain. I can see that now. I know that this was good. her therapeutic resistance—quite another thing is rather high. .. from everything." deliverance occurs spontaneously whereas in inner healing one must face the situation in its painfullness and give it to God in prayer. but I will . But at the time I was lost. You have to take steps . . she is somewhat stymied by the observation that those instances were not accompanied by the requisite "manifestations. I have the Lord. I don't think you can be delivered . whatever the difference. Tom. . . resistance is expressed as behavioral violence on the part of spirits.

unmarried and living with her family. for which she was under both psychopharmacological treatment with a psychiatrist and in psychotherapy with a psychologist. the third youngest of nine children. The healer in the first was a sixty-year-old Catholic priest who had conducted healing prayer since becoming involved in the Charismatic Renewal twelve years earlier. and although she had ceased attending Charismatic prayer groups after only several months. and in fact the painstaking process of incremental change continued after the patient's participation in our research protocol was completed. and in the formulation of the psychological consequences of resentment and unforgiveness. The patient is then seated on a straight-backed chair in the center of the room. Such sessions. He holds a Doctorate of Ministries degree with concentrations in psychology' and counseling. She is a practicing Catholic. and private sessions in a counseling room of the monaster}' where he resides. The patient was a twenty-seven-year-old woman. The elaboration of alternatives consists both in the juxtaposition of Protestant and Catholic interpretive models. "burnout" from a stressful job from which she had been . Her illness appeared related to life events including lack of success in nursing school (she dropped out). her feeling that she was "losing" most of her friends to marriage. For approximately two years she had been ill with what our diagnostic interview confirmed as panic disorder and major depression. He stands behind her with one hand on her head and another on her shoulder. As for the actualization of change. and the priest anoints her forehead with holy oil.212 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL about the nature of deliverance as a ritual genre. frequently went to public healing services. healing-of-ancestry masses in patient's homes. seldom lasting more than half an hour. praying silently for approximately five minutes. He then asks the patient about any experiences that emerged during the prayer. begin with a period of light talk and counseling. but the discussion between healer and patient of how ritual techniques are applied in everyday life. He conducts public healing services. none is evident in this episode. The Woman Who Was Withering Away This vignette and the one that follows show not the actual casting out of spirits. the experience of the sacred is ambiguous. and following this second period of conversation the session ends.

. leave me. It won't go away. About taking authority over these things within yourself. And . although given his personal approach to demonology it is likely that he himself associated specific emotions with specific demons. you know. . more positive. during which his response to her request for prayer for "severe depression" was to command expulsion of a "spirit of darkness" and suggest that she come to him for private sessions." It is important that previously. and a family environment characterized by an authoritarian father.. . H: Let me clue you in to something. In this episode the desperation of the patient's description of distress indicates both a powerful sense of lack of control and the distinct otherness of a depression and anxiety that "haunts" her and "won't go away. It never leaves me. poor parental relationships. a falling out with a sister to whom she had been quite close. and the presence in the household of a sister afflicted with chronic schizophrenia. H: What did I tell you last time. They have to obey. I can't get rid of it. I don't know how to get rid of it. It's driven me crazy." you know? That Jesus. I had the tremors and the shakes real bad. It's driving me crazy. It's overtaken my whole life. You got to remember that. Like this whole past week while I was at mass. If you say for instance. Some people get caught up. It's like conjuring up a spirit. He had referred only to a generalized spirit of Darkness. when the priest instructed her in the technique of taking authority in the name of the deity. I guess you forgot. he had not identified "these things within yourself' as anything other than emotions. . You take authority in the name of Jesus Christ. whatever. leave me. Oh. You know. "In the name of Christ. . hundreds of [Spanish-speaking] people call themselves Jesus." Trying to force the way that I thought into another direction. yeah. Almost like having some form of cancer. and they're confronting the evil spirit [that] calls himself "Jesus. but it's a false Jesus. uIn the name of Jesus. The following event was cited by her as the most significant of the session in which it occurred: S: I had thoughts like. And I kept saying you know. His directive in this episode to specify the name "Jesus Christ" was more than a move to cover the technique's lack of success." So I always use the name "Jesus Christ" or "Jesus of Nazareth. 5: I have said that to myself at different times. and you command them to just get the heck out. I'm slowly going to wither away. It doesn't leave me.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 213 transferred two months prior to her first panic attack. the fears around other people being there. It haunts me. but a raising of the rhetorical . ." right? There's an evil spirit that calls itself "Jesus". She had entered the ritual healing process after attending a public service conducted by this priest.

You would say 'first and last' or like lin the name of Jesus Christ' or 'in the name of Jesus of Nazareth. "This is a spirit of Darkness. But he said. if you practice it all the time. [Commanding it in the name of Jesus means] the sense that God is always with me. Here is the patient's understanding of the relation of emotion and evil spirit in her own experience: [It was helpful] just to be told irs all in the way that you're thinking." And it should go. And that you should get some source of.And He doesn't want me to feel the way that I'm feeling. ya know. "It should go. Because I'm not thinking in a positive way. That's what I have to work on. And that's a pretty creepy feeling. And how prayer can build your faith. I had never thought along those lines. Because this is not of God. The failure to command one's emotions indicates in the logic of the healing system that a more powerful force is at work. That it has to be of something evil or something darkened.'" [Also]. But the more you sit and the more you dwell on it. Her understanding is summarized in the statement that. and more faith. A real thing in the sense of an evil type of force. So I think that's what he was trying to tell me. It can build your strength. "Leave.. and that's why I'm feeling in the way that I'm feeling.214 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL stakes. I didn't know that it could be like an evil spirit or whatever [calling himself by] that name. you can get that feeling going. in this case a deceitful false (i. And He docs not want me to feel that way. the more you feed into it. If you can have the strength or get the strength up in you to force. "I'm not going to pay attention to it. So. demonic imitator of) Jesus. that's what I think he was trying to tell me. if you can get your mind quickly onto something else and say. It should go. So when he told me at the healing service. . And I've always thought along those lines.. and to give me courage and more strength." And then just pick up something or put your mind right over to something else. which I do believe is real. God was God in that name . The patient pragmatically understands the technique of invoking the deity in order to control one's emotions as a reminder to shift her attention away from the negative and to cultivate inner peace. or when the feeling starts to come over you. Learning how to take charge of your own feelings. . to know that this is not of God. and that's why I'm feeling in the way that I'm . Father calls it the spirit of Darkness.e. Because I'm not thinking in a positive way. when it is commanded to g o in the deity's name. Yes. whatever. of good health. in the name Jesus or in the name of Christ. Faith-wise." it really struck home. it very well could be. "No. . Jesus. . Just to bring it to mind that I should have the strength or have strong enough faith to say in his name. like an inner peace just from that. I had never thought that there could be some type of evil force over me or in me that's really pulling me down or causing me to feel the way that I'm feeling. This is not of health. . . . . I guess I've always known along that this is not of God. [What he said helped me] to know.

and prior to the episode of imaginal performance. and he said "Have you been binding him?" And it was like." and "not of good health. When she did not appear for one of her healing sessions. which indicates that. Yet she clearly got the message that an evil force was involved. perhaps for fear of frightening the patient. although she claims not to "get into the 'other force' very much. "Uuhh. he was inducing her to use the prayer of command on herself without making her fully aware that she was casting out evil spirits. But it is a process that I believe in. it was learned that she had been admitted to a hospital where she was scheduled to undergo a course of electroconvulsive shock therapy. She had been experiencing considerable inner turmoil while she prayed. the healer questioned exacdy how she conceives of this force. turmoil that she felt was related to her preparation to face the difficult issues of her marriage and relationship with her mother." that the power of evil was nevertheless involved in her situation. but that it must go. The day before the session described in chapter 5 she realized. and acknowledging a sense of reassurance at the knowledge that there was a real evil force at work that was "not of God. within myself also. And all of a sudden I realized a lot of my turmoil in prayer could possibly have come from him—well. It is safe to say that this patient had considerably more background in Charismatic ritual practice." Despite the relatively high disposition of the patient. this cultural objectification of lack of emotional control was apparendy not a viable alternative in the face of significant psychopathology. and she replied that it is Satan: S: I don't like to give him [Satan] much credit. greater self-reflectiveness. I talked to Father P [her spiritual advisor] for a few minutes yesterday. but I have to be aware that he is a force that does work against you. And He [the deity] does not want me to feel that way" The priest never said it should go. The Woman in Turmoil The healer and patient arc those in the vignette of "the woman whose mother went to pieces" (chapter 5).ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 215 feeling." I hadn't even thought of it. . During the session. and was rather less severely disturbed than the woman in the preceding vignette. however. acknowledging surprise at the subdety of the technique for specifying the name of the deity. but there was something else that I needed to do.

And I guess my image is. In this instance we find a patient attuned to what we will define below as a threshold of control. and an unsettling. The moment you say "I can't do it. there is a lot of harassment by evil spirits. Then I had a good cry. I think. I bound. And at the same time. sort of adding salt to a wound. from resistance psychologically—but just as you said. "Oh. a point of distinction between emotion and . My basic core was saying. "It's going to be okay and this is the way you go forward. and the evil spirit added to the turmoil. in the sense of touching woundedness that might be there anyway. What spirits did you feel were harassing you? Absolutely. So I was very surprised. . sort of like they come and aggravate our weakness. made into a force that grabs you more deeply perhaps. I really feel that at moments when one is going to make breakthroughs in growth. But it felt good. and that hadn't even entered my mind until he said that. So that the turmoil would probably be there without any harassment. . evil spirits or no evil spirits. You know." to me that becomes the moment when the evil spirits are more active. God. the turmoil and the fear would be there. I believe that. and I felt better. it can be intensified. and I cried. I guess what I'm hearing in terms of the process is you got in touch with the resistance. and I said. What you do to yourself is self-judgment. because it made sense. ? Yeah. sort of at the core of your being. . Yeah. or breakthroughs to freedom. is be.216 H: S: H: 5: H: 5: H: 5: H: S: H: 5: H: ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL Did it help when you did binding prayer? Yes it did. is by the lie of keeping us from seeing in ourselves. there was confusion. Whatever the impact may be. even though we're capable. saying it was okay to do that. You felt some of that turmoil. the sort of anxiety and fear at entering into looking more at the marriage. just simple lines that I had quoted. He said. . So the lie is that we don't see the lie." It was funny because I was looking for a passage in one of my journals and I couldn't find it. part of the way evil spirits work. You know. I was surprised. And did your prayers to bind . I just want to say that I think that happens to all of us when we are in the midst of that turmoil—you know. . or sort of keeping an emotional turmoil sort of locked in. and it leads you into unfreedom and discouragement about yourself. from fear. you really experienced God. Of evil spirits harassing you. The fear and the resistance. But this dominates your consciousness more. but everything I opened to—and it didn't dawn on me when I was opening it—talked about another force." but there was a lot of inner turmoil. That's what I call it. "I'm going to remind you of something again" [the possibility of demonic influence and the use of binding prayer]. just in terms of the whole spirituality dimension. Part of the effect of the evil spirit.

" all these extra doubts start coming in that's extra than the turmoil. and by pointing out that demonic harassment is often timed to disrupt impending "breakthroughs. or spiritual directing. I can't counsel. It's like all of a sudden you start saying. I mean sitting here. I can't mother. or counseling. one of those rock stars. "You have no power over me. And she looks him in the eye and says. You have really said.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 217 evil spirit at which a phenomenological criterion of otherness is met. ." And there's a fabulous movie. and that's theforcethat's leading me into this pain." You'll see it particularly when someone is going to enter into something that's going to heal them. and I felt better." or you bind—the charismatic word is "binding." we again recognize the relevance of SchefFs (1979) theory. and she turns around and she faces him and realizes he has no power over her. And there's a fabulous line at the end." and he literally disintegrates. or leading me into this fear. V/hether it be even an eight-day retreat. I'm fearful. according to which binding can be said to create an aesthetic distance that allows the "crying and feeling better" of catharsis. David Bowie—you ever seen that show? It's done with goblins. I feel there is good and there is evil. And I really believe that once you have identified. I understand what tape you're playing. The patient's commentary is as follows: Well it sounds so strange. But there is a force that likes to feed in on that. And I think [the healer] wasrighton target when she said there is going to be normal turmoil and normal fear." It really is true. but there's another stronger force. the healer uses a standard psychotherapeutic technique of reformulating and "reflecting back" the patient's thoughts. I understand what wheels you've spun. "You have no power over me. And that's identifying evil. When you turn around and say. Logically. "I bound. "You have no power over me. "I understand what's going on. because I'm going to be a better person. Her Charismatic spiritual advisor affirms her sense by reminding her of the binding technique. and I'm not going to buy into it any longer. In the patient's summary of the effect of the binding prayer." Her Charismatic psychotherapist reaffirms her interpretation in several ways: by unhesitatingly asking what the specific spirits were." Throughout. but it's extra. Yes. I've really seen in the past and it's been so dear that when you become aware of it. by reformulating the patient's turmoil as "therapeutic resistance" intensified by demonic activity. And this has happened more and more. by congratulating her for simultaneously "getting in touch" both with the resistance and with the deity's approval of her commitment to the healing process. I do it because I really feel there's two forces. ifs on good and evil. which in turn suggests that perhaps divine guidance was operative in the fortuitous opening of her journal to passages in which she had quoted lines about "another force. yes you are in a turmoil. All of a sudden it lifts. and I cried. "Well. it loses its power.

" and by that reasoning concluded that he should stay away from the deity altogether." for which the son blamed God. Several years later he had begun to read avidly in Protestant and Catholic religious literature. He had attended at least one Charismatic healing service. they lost interest when they discovered his gentle and mild-mannered personality—as if "a gangster had offered them a lollipop. a circumstance that caused him considerable moral consternation in the face of his conservative Catholic background. He described a childhood in a close-knit Catholic family. He had suffered for some time with chronic back pain derived from a work-related injury. Binding is not a reasscrtion of control. Recognizing the "extra" in one's emotions is identifying. who lives with his widowed mother." The patient was a forty-threeyear-old man. intimate relationship with a woman. The Gangster with a Lollipop The healer was the same as in the vignette of "the woman who wanted to be Protestant. evil. He regarded himself as a hypocrite for "only going to God when he needed something. trying to reach a modus vivendi with the deity. stating that he was very religious as a child. or in other words discerning. He rejected religion after his father "died a horrible death. He felt that although the women he met in nightclubs were initially attracted to him because of his "tough" appearance. there is an actualization of change.218 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL This commentary lucidly describes the phenomenology of binding spirits. and he was resentful toward God for not answering his prayers for an appropriate partner. was the inability to form a lasting. and our diagnostic interview indicated that he had suffered four episodes of major depression. but reported being somewhat put off by speaking in tongues as well as by his own inability to rest in the Spirit or to visualize in a guided imagery prayer." . When that recognition is made and that step is taken. but a refusal to be out of control that is available as a permanent alternative within the habitus. the second of three children. The demonic oppression lifts suddenly—spontaneously—and therefore as an experience of the sacred. however. His relationship to the deity was troubled. Several of these relationships were with married women. A series of disappointing relationships of varying duration had left him frustrated and lonely. His chief complaint.

however. . I pray that you win over the evil. to fill him. . S: I will because the evil's not strong enough to take me. .] You are going through a spiritual battle. From the experiential commentary. that he will heal all the pain that you've received down through the years. "You're worthless. That God will make you whole. Help him to experience the love that you have for him.] I bind and I rebuke spirit of unbelief. H: That's the devil saying that to you. 1 send you to the foot of Jesus. with your light. I'll bring back your fortunes." the healer immediately construes the "something" as an evil spirit. here is what occurred from the patient's standpoint: . You've lost everything. in the name of Jesus Christ. Help him to know you. His therapist referred him for inner healing to our healer. also a member of the staff. > The principal issue in this episode is what we have referred to as the patient's disposition with respect to theritual-healingsystem: his feeling of betrayal by the deity focuses the healer's agenda on making him feel that God is on his side. and the following event is drawn from the third session between them: H: S is opening his heart to you in the only way that he can. Fill him. S. and I don't care what you're doing yet. S: Something in me says. Lord Jesus. she names not the spirit Worthlessness. The sense of worthlessness articulated by the patient is the experiential integument that connects his inability to find intimacy with the deity and his inability to find intimacy with a woman. I ask you. Lord. There is a verse that comes to mind from 29 Jeremiah. And I promise to bring you back. H: Okay." This scripture I pray for you. [Returns to conversational tone. Lord. Let your Holy Spirit touch his heart and his mind. Protect him. so God receives you. 1 know it's not easy. where God says. [Softens tone. she casts out this spirit with a prayer of command. that's not God. I have scattered you. but Unbelief. I'll bring back all that you had. . "I will bring you back to your place. I don't care what you've done. . with the desire to be your son. Holding closely to the theme that she has addressed. That he will heal the pain that you now have." That's just what it says. That's the evil.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 219 The patient had been in psychotherapy for several months at a Charismatic counseling center. When he casts this sense in the phrase "something in me says. God loves you. Know that God forgives you as the father went to the prodigal son with open arms and rejoiced. Cover him. You've got to believe that. You want to say an Our Father . Marked by a distinct change in tone of voice. You're not worth a piece of shit. That's the evil.

you're a piece of shit." That's what I'm saying to whatever it is. you're a loser." Things like that. . The devil is anything that goes against positive. For example. . So the positive part of me is stimulating [good thoughts]. is in the phenomenological conditions under which the patient rejects the healer's cultural objectification of this preobjective thought process as an evil spirit. . . that scares me." That really scares the shit out of me. I don't like to think of the devil.. I'll go into a nightclub." Right. I'm not a loser. I'm battling inside. fuck you and your mother. just look around you. . it's just a thought—how do you explain it—don't you ever battle with yourself? Something's telling me. and I'll see everybody sitting there. you know? In this excerpt the patient offers a vivid example of the kind of "depressogenic" thought processes identified by cognitive therapists of depression (Beck et al. everybody would be looking at you like you're an oddball.220 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL For every positive or negative thought I get—if it's an outward positive thought I get an inward negative thought. I'm fighting off the negativity. It's like I'm constandy weighing every move I make. however. . In that respect. It's my own negativity battling my positivity. God doesn't love me. "Fuck you. and I'm talking inside. I'm like praying with her." I keep battling with that. Even though I'm just standing there and she's praying over me. If God really loved you. which you're not. look around you. . why are you in this mess you're in?" Stuff like that goes through my mind. you know who's winning. You're not going to win over me. who's laughing." Then it goes like. See. who's drinking. I don't like "devil. Within the healing system. only against the negative parts that are going through my mind." They call everything negative as being the devil. No way. And I don't like to think that there is such a thing as a "devil. ." And there's something in my mind that will say. while she's praying with me. life would be good/Pd have someone t o love. Ellis 1973). "You'll never be nothing. like it's saying to me. "Well. "Why don't you screw it. How can you believe this [religious] stuff}" And I say in my mind. They say the devil. I don't know if its a spiritual battle. In this case: You are deserving of God's love/God loves you. who's talking. I don't hear voices. you know. "I will not succumb to you. I will not. and if it's a negative outward thought I get a positive inward thought. . "Don't believe that shit. a spirit is present if the emotion or behavior is beyond the control of the afflicted. This lack of control is the foundational m o m e n t . really. And I'm sitting there and I'm saying. "You're different than everybody else in here. It's my own negativity. . your negativity is not going to win over me. 1979. in my mind. My life is a mess/I have n o one to love. "Why are you different from everybody else in here? If you were different. Like I'm saying inside. . If G o d loved me. and I'll say to myself. O u r immediate interest. saying all the negative parts.

In addition. the patient is fearful of acknowledging the existence of the kind of "devil" he learned about in his conservative Catholic upbringing.. The most telling instance is when he opens a sentence.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 221 of the sense of otherness that characterizes the sacred in its negative aspect. . Phenomenology of Control In the cases described in this chapter we have had an opportunity for a close examination of the way evil spirits enter into ritual performance as well as of the way dealing with them contributes to therapeutic process. the demonic. That is." The patient. overt or intentional) thought apparently occurred regardless of whether the initiating thought was positive or negative. like it's saying to me. the phenomenological recognition of lack of control that is the cultural criterion for the objectification of otherness is absent. the occurrence of the negativity was for him not in itself a lack of control. " At times he refers to "it" or "something. however. Lacking these elements of disposition and experience of the sacred—far more than simply the "faith to be healed"—he was unable to elaborate a viable alternative to his "negativity. The healer's "discernment" was thus likely based as much on the spontaneous. but on the contrary the battling against negativity was the preservation of control. and the sheer fact that such incessant "batding" was going on." Thus. evidently did not feel a lack of control." and addresses the negativity as "you. . uncontrolled intrusion of the negative thought upon her prayer. We can now consolidate what the study of the Charismatic demonology and deliverance has taught us about those . it's just a thought. as on the linguistic depersonalizing of the thought process in the patient's reference to "something inside me. "Like I'm saying inside. As for the sense of otherness. ." At others he explicitly says "I say" and takes care to specify that "I don't hear voices. Not only was he at home with this battle." This patient did not return for another healing session. precisely because he was constandy and actively "battling" the negativity.e."1 and that it's "my own negativity battling my positivky. but according to the examples he provided the characteristic process in which he made a spontaneous "inward" response to virtually any "outward" (i. the patient's pronominal usage in the experiential commentary does in fact exhibit a good deal of equivocation.

suffering. Kapferer understands demonic affliction as a dissolution and negation of the self. greed. 1983)." Humans are in fact superior to demons in the Sinhalese cosmological hierarchy. unlike Christian demons. "caught in the gaze of demons. Ritual healing achieves its effect by dramatizing for the subject that demons are not to be feared. person. for Sinhalese. 3 The critical feature of the Meadian self is its constitution in an inner dialogue between the subjective "I" and a "me" that is a self-objectification derived from the way one is objectified by others in social interaction. The "I" and "me" col- . and on the scholarly consensus that the activity of spirits has something to do with the self Once said. cruelty. but an afflicted person is understood to be terrorized by a demonic realm that distortedly appears far superior than himself. and exorcism as the ritual reconstitution of self. and emotions as lust. sorrow. Kapferer suggests that in demonic affliction the "me" is overwhelmed in a demonic reality.222 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL issues—the behavioral environment. they are not conceived as powerful "fallen angels. "demons are consistently associated with such desires. as described by Kapferer (1979£. without much attention to intervening social interactional processes" (1983. and human reality—that we identified at the beginning of chapter 7. passions. with hopes that our discussion might offer a model for an expanded comparative demonology. As in the Charismatic system. it is deobjectified. His notion of the self is attuned to phenomenological considerations. pride. though derived from the work of Mead and Schutz rather than of Hallowell and Merleau-Ponty.198)." (1979b: 155). anger. but also with the theoretical differences among anthropologists in the favored concept of self and with methodological differences in the kind of data presented. Perhaps the clearest way (as well as the way most likely to contribute to a theoretical understanding) to achieve this end is a brief exercise in what we might call comparative demonology. other approaches "seem to pass immediately from cultural ideas to the inner working of individual psychology. etc.. however. The possibility of a comparative demonology rests on the ethnological commonplace that spirits attack humans. in his view. pain. we must be concerned not only with ethnographic variation in what constitutes spirit attack. However. self. literally putting them back in their place." Insofar as it is thus withdrawn from the self-sustaining social interaction of human reality. 1979*. and back again. For the present purposes it will suffice to limit our exercise to one ethnological comparison case.2 Our material is that of Sinhalese Buddhist demonic possession and exorcism. He states a preference for the Meadian (1934) concept of self because. violence.

in Sinhalese exorcism the healer may become possessed by the demon responsible for the patient's affliction." Furthermore. and is regarded not as part of the performance but as a disruption of performance. In Sinhalese exorcism the self-reflective and social senses of participants who are not patients themselves are enhanced insofar as they are fused in the perspective of the generalized Other vis-a-vis the patient." the experience is qualitatively distinct from that which we have described as typical of demonic affliction and deliverance. This perspective of the generalized Other is evident in Charismatic deliverance in that.: 198-201). and the normal multiplicity of selves is reduced into a monolithic subjectivity. This discrimination may be moot in the Sinhalese case. when Charismatic patients enter an altered state of consciousness in "demonic crisis. This phenomenon is related to the situation in those more "domesticated" instances of Charismatic deliverance where demonic manifestations can sometimes occur through the healer.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 223 lapse into a terrifying immediacy. for it is not able to discriminate between the actual experience of an entranced and an unentranced patient. The Meadian perspective allows some powerful interpretations. where what is being treated is a collective representation of the self. more than any other form of Charismatic healing we have discussed. The critical point in the last example is that although possession trance is a key element of Sinhalese ritual performance. insofar as they are fused in a sense of being grounded in the commonality of social activity. "The possession of a patient is not necessary for the symbolic presentation of the negation of the patient's S^lf (Kapferer 1979^:124). in the Meadian analysis of the Sinhalese case. Here is the point where the Meadian analysis reaches the limits of its usefulness. this behavior is explicitly taken on by the exorcist acting as a kind of surrogate. with the result that the self loses its essential capacity for reflecting on its own existence (ibid. and experiential specificity is necessary for adequate interpretation. However. that is. deliverance is ideally performed by a team of healers whose efficacy inheres in the social complementarity of their "spiritual gifts. what is at issue is the presence . or at least in the Meadian level of analysis. as we will see in the next chapter. because the features of demonic activity are based on a shared orchestration of the habitus. To be precise. at least two of which are also relevant to the Charismatic example. Here it is a question not of collective representation but of cultural modulation of the self. Especially in cases where the Sinhalese patient does not become possessed and enter into trance.

to capture the transformative specificity of the self-objectifications achieved in ritual performance. In other words. if we understand Kapferer to be examining the self-objcctifications that are formulated in the interaction between the "me" and the "Other. The latter situation appears to be rare among Charismatics and fits the criteria for what in psychiatry is sometimes referred to as a "demono- .224 ENCOUNTERS WTTH EVIL or absence of the "me" which. Those patients who raise the issue of spirits themselves are said to be of two quite different types: either they are "mature" enough to discern the activity of spirits. we have attempted. recalling our discussion in chapter 1. but is in faa required by the limitations of his data. The episode of trance can be. From the standpoint of embodiment. For this reason the Meadian formulation of the self is not only useful. To go farther. not as it is concretely experienced by the patient. is an elaboration of the psychocultural theme of control. requires "more nearly complete determination of what individuals actually experience. we have been able to examine not the wholesale presence or absence of the self as formulated in the rhetoric of performance." which in turn "awaits other forms of analysis" (ibid." mentally ill. beginning with the preobjective bodily synthesis that is the existential ground of self. With such a form of analysis in place with our interpretation of experiential commentaries. indeed must be. Kapfercr's analysis has to do with "demonic reality as it is understood to be conceived by the patient" (ibid.4 We are now in a position to define the phenomenological essence of this self process which. or they are "off the wall. made intelligible entirely with respect to its place in the structure of the ritual performance. since it is in large part a social construction. or emotionally unbalanced." our analysis of Charismatic deliverance has focused on how self-objectifications arc taken up from an intersubjective milieu into the dialogue between the "I" and the "me. but the existential modulations in performance of the self as a scries of indeterminate processes for engaging the world. as we have already intimated. can be inferred from its social representation by others.). but as one of perception: how is the activity of evil spirits perceived by healers and patients in practice? In general." To summarize using the analytic language that we have been developing for cultural phenomenology.:111). healers say that it is relatively more common for them to discern the presence of spirits than for patients to come explicitly requesting deliverance. the problem of demonic affliction appears not only as a problem of practice. as Kapferer himself indicates. To remain for a moment within the Meadian paradigm.

under the dominion of Satan. a behavior. is out of control—or perhaps more precisely. has become a controlling factor in one's life. the Christian evil spirit. These are all late moments in the process of cultural objectification. Evil spirits interact with humans by harassing. the essential phenomenological criterion of demonic affliction. however.ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 225 logical neurosis. motivations. the cases he discusses are ones in which the presence of a demon is the patient's chief presenting complaint. or an aspect of one's personality. obsessing. as we have shown. If we ignore the methodological dictum that "our perception ends in objects" (Merleau-Ponty 1962:67). That experience. oppressing. there is a great difference between "fantasies about possession and the inability to get past something. we begin with the already-constituted object. Thus care must be taken to distinguish between evil spirits as empirical signs or symptoms of psychopathology and as the religious equivalents of diagnostic constructs (Csordas 1992&). it usually does so onlv on direct questioning by the healer. and whose proper abode is hell. and hence part of that patient's pathology. we can now understand that at the level of being in the world the way these spirits as cultural . a thought pattern. If. However. that is. the self process that leads from the phenomenology of control to the evil spirit as a cultural object. and goals of the self (1955:87)."5 Henderson (1982) argues that this neurosis can be understood. as evidence for the psychodynamic processes of introjection and incorporation. even when the spirit names itself through the voice of the afflicted person. or possessing them. We have seen that a spirit is understood to be an intelligent. is recognition that an emotion. nonmaterial being that is irredeemably evil. from the perspective of internal-object relations theory. Among Charismatics. What is being perceived is not a thing but an experience. This cultural definition is the basis for the dcmonology described above and constitutes its link to the demonologies on the Renaissance. The important distinction for our discussion is that between demons as cultural objects and as experientiallv immediate or concrete self processes in deliverance. It is also the basis for a discourse on interiority/cxteriority in which demons transgress body boundaries and are expelled." We must return to Merleau-Pontes concept of the preobjective in order to understand the self-objectification implicit in deliverance. In the words of one healer. Earlier we cited Hallowell that "culturally reified objects in the behavioral environment may have functions that can be shown to be directly related to the needs. at a representational level the demonology is a negative mirror image of the culturally ideal person.

sign and significance are abstract moments" (1962:166). or emotion as outside their control. This incarnate significance is the central phenomenon of which body and mind. In these acts of self-constitution Merleau-Ponty would distinguish a "primary process of signification in which the thing expressed does not exist apart from the expression. here magnified to cosmological proportions as the uncanny presence of evil spirits. It has control over me. and it goes along with the conventional formulation of demons as cultural objects. I would suggest that the "thing expressed" that "does not exist apart from the expression" is in this case not the cultural object. who typically "discerns" whether a patient's problem is of demonic origin. The phenomenology of the process defined by discernment. What is expressed is a threshold of intensity. ." It is a recognition of that essential "otherness" of the self that we have found to be grounded in our embodied existence. I am being released. or with the help of a healer recognize. the evil spirit. The manifestations are original acts of communication in a highly specified intcrsubjective milieu. taking up residence "inside" their hosts. a particular thought. and it is participation in this habitus that allows the healer to recognize and objectify them as manifestations. Preobjcctively. behavior. Analysis that stops at cultural representation without asking about the cultural phenomenology of deliverance could easily miss an alternate but equally prominent reliance among Charismatics . "I have no control over this. or frequency of distress that is transgressed—there is too much of a particular thought.226 ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL objects are related to the self is to play a role in constituting that self through ritual performance. and in which the signs themselves induce their significance externally. patients do not "perceive" a demon inside themselves—they of their own accord sense. generalization. patients experience "manifestations" as spontaneous and without preordained content. behavior." This kind of language is certainly present among Charismatics. Spirits transgress body boundaries. Also preobjectively. and through ritual means they are again forced "outside. In examining how this otherness is expressed in demonic affliction across cultures. casting out. It is the healer. the specialist in cultural objectification. Although they arc cxistentialiy original. . or emotion. . duration. Here we have perhaps our closest glimpse of a common ground for semiotics and phenomenology. these acts nevertheless take a limited number of common forms because they emerge from a shared habitus. anthropologists are accustomed to attend to metaphors of interiority/exteriority. and manifestation can be summarized by the formula.

ENCOUNTERS WITH EVIL 227 on metaphors of freedom/control. hooking on or into. Instead of transgressing body boundaries. Demonic affliction is thus described in the language of "bondage" to evil spirits. hanging on. grabbing. or grafting onto a person at the site of an emotional wound metaphorically understood as a kind of hole in the self. . The rather Foucauldian metaphor of bondage points directly to the concretely embodied preobjective state of affliction as well as implicidy engaging the afflicted in the struggle to be free. and through deliverance a patient is "released'5 from that bondage. the spirit is described as latching on.

" and neither "lying down" nor "floating" represents an ideal of wide-awake humanity.9 The Raging and the Healing When anthropologists talk about the upright posture as characteristic of human beings. and 3) distance from fellow men—we find ourselves not in intimate contact with others. "parallel verticals that never meet. The phcnomenological psychologist Erwin Straus argued cogently that "upright posture pre-establishes a definite attitude toward the world. and by elevating our heads above ground allowed for a visual command of the surroundings necessary for a hunting way of life. Perhaps most significant. or. but "face to face" with them. Upright posture freed our ancestors' hands for the use of tools. standing is achieved in opposition to the force of gravity. it is almost always with respect to the evolution of our biological organism. Far more than being a biological fact of life. upright posture is an existential fact of life. but "confront" or "encounter" them. the upright posture contributes to a sense of separateness of self by establishing three kinds of experiential distance. Standing erect is not a given for our species." 27. in Straus's words.8 . and constitutes one of the earliest experiences of master}' of self and surroundings. 2) distance from things—unlike quadrupeds. Straus (1966:144-146) summarizes these as follows: 1) distance from the ground—the closest we can come to secure contact with mother earth is to "keep our feet on the ground. however. and constitutes a concrete symbol of the encounter of human will with nature. it is a specific mode of beingin-the-world" (1966:139). and can easily keep them "at arm's length". we are not in direct contact with objects. Even for adults. but must be learned by every child.

and further that such significance is prime material to be thematized and elaborated in ritual praaice. most often writhing but sometimes in stone-cold rigidity. Prostration is an objective act of worship. and is praaiced regularly only as part of the calisthenic spirituality typical in some covenant communities. These two abdications of upright posture stand precisely in the relationship of good and evil as defined in most literal terms by Christianity as a cultural system: one is "caused" by God. whereas resting in the Spirit and demonic crisis originate in the preobjective experiences of well-being and affliction. but is assumed voluntarily. This prayer posture does not result from falling. More relevant to our immediate concerns are two patterned occurrences that are involuntary and spontaneous.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 229 Given the above considerations. frightening. That is. However. falling to the ground." in which a person is overcome with divine power and falls in a semiswoon characterized by tranquility and motor dissociation. The first is "resting in the Spirit. in which a person afflicted by an evil spirit falls to the floor. The principal contrast between these two behaviors and prostration is that whereas the latter is a voluntary statement or representation of human relationship to the deity. the former are the spontaneous enactments of an existential condition. The second is what we may call a demonic crisis. respectively. obscure. The first is prostration in prayer as an expression of submission to the divine will. In our final set of analyses we will examine precisely such a phenomenon—the ritualization of that most striking departure of the body from the vertical. the other by Satan. One occurs widely in Charismatic healing sessions as a ritual technique of the body. They satisfy the requirements of accurate ethnography but only begin the task of cultural phenomenology. whereas the other is rare. whereas being overcome by the Holy Spirit is an experience of well-being in the presence of the deity as well as an experience during which healing is reported to occur. and disruptive of collective ritual. if our attribution of a preobjective character to these phenomena is correct. Among Charismatics there are three occasions when a person may become prone in ritual circumstances. the crisis is an affliction indicating the need for profound spiritual and emotional healing. The two forms of falling are not only enactments of a svmbol system. it must also be recalled that the preobjective is never prccultural. we might conclude that any deviation from the vertical has existential significance. and not only a meaningful alteration of consciousness . Good and evil in this sense are purely emic terms.

a controversy in which the cultural dynamics of this practice are most transparent. but are also experiences whose conditions of possibility define a culture historical epoch. We will conclude by examining the controversy among Charismatics over the authenticity of resting in the Spirit. espe- . the discussion will point to the overarching relevance of the psychocultural themes of spontaneity. and intimacy. affective. what kind of body is the Charismatic one that f^hs under the influence of the sacred—we will draw on accounts of resting in the Spirit given by both Charismatic healers and patients. To answer this question—specifically. It was popularized among Catholics in the early 1970s. Resting in the Spirit as a Technique of the Body Michel Feher has succinctly framed a fundamental question for this part of our study: what kind of body do people "endow themselves with—or attempt to acquire—given the power they attribute to the divine? A practical question. and spiritual elements of the sacred swoon. We will deal first with the behavior of falling and then with the experience of being down. identifying the self processes implicit in Charismatic accounts. We then turn to the relation between resting in the Spirit and healing. Like many Catholic Charismatic ritual practices. but as particularly vivid exemplars of the cultural phenomenology of the self in late twentieth-centum North America.230 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING for the individuals who undergo them. resistance. Our treatment of being down will comprehend motor. the divine and demonic falling of Charismatics allows us to pose the question of why their movement has become such a prominent feature of the contemporary cultural landscape. resting in the Spirit was adopted directly from Protestant healers. We will accordingly address these two phenomena of Charismatic ritual life not only as religious experience. and the play of divine power. Our analysis will show that the principal issues in falling are trust. control. Consistent with our analysis thus far. since it amounts to asking oneself what exercises to do to resemble a god physically or to commune sensually with him" (1989:13). sensonf. Perhaps more clearly than any of the material we have examined to this point. most notably Kathryn Kuhlman.

one occasionally hears resting in the Spirit . and in colloquial Charismatic usage one most frequendy hears the expression "going down" or "going over. In the late 1980s resting in the Spirit appeared to have a renewed surge of popularity." analogizing the experience with the transcendent "sleep of the senses" of Theresa of Avila. Some Catholic Charismatics in Great Britain use the theological term "dormition." as in.and late 1970s along with the practices of prophecy and deliverance from evil spirits. "As soon as the priest anointed me I went down. Less frequent in informal usage is the expression "going out." being "overcome/overwhelmcd/overpowcred in the Spirit. and hence falls in the sacred swoon." and "falling under the power. Their intent was to eliminate the connotation of violence on the part of a deity conceived as intimately loving and gende. in that it shifts the focus from the objective effect of being slain to the subjective affect of resting. leaders of the Catholic movement promulgated "resting in the Spirit" as an alternative. as opposed to being slain "by" the Spirit." which refers instead to a subjective state." as in. At present. the principal behavioral characteristic of the practice. A person slain in the Spirit is forcibly rendered "as if dead" by the power of God. it was called "slaying in the Spirit. These are all formal terms. though slaying in the Spirit persists partly out of habit. The preposition "in" reflects a common feature of Christian language that appears to connote communion with the deity." This expression singles out falling." Linguistic usage is an excellent starting point for unraveling the cultural significance of this practice. and partly due to the continuing influence of Protestants. "The priest anointed me and I went out like a light. Received from the Protestant tradition.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 1 231 daily by the Catholic healer Francis MacNutt." This series expresses a continuum in which increasing emphasis on divine power corresponds to decreasing emphasis on personal experience.2 Yet as a popular phenomenon extending even beyond the bounds of the Charismatic movement it has remained more widespread than these other elements of theritualsystem. however. another example of the domestication of ritual practice described in chapter 7. Its occurrence probably peaked in the mid. The terminological flux is evident in the coexistence of "resting in the Lord. partly influenced by the Protestant evangelist John Wimber's cultivation of "signs and wonders." where "Spirit" refers to the trinitarian Holy Spirit. Uncomfortable with this term. resting in the Spirit is the more popular term among Catholics. This change also has implications for the ritual constitution of self. Finally.

partly for their comfort. "The priest rested me in the Spirit. and 10 percent more than fifty times. "I was rested in the Spirit. 25 percent had never rested in the Spirit. a person may stay down for anywhere from several seconds to hours. Once fallen. sprinkles holy water on the congregation. usually during prayer. In our survey of 587 participants in public healing services. introduced by the evangelist John Wimber.4 Far more relevant wras whether the respondent fit the criteria of being Charismatic or non-Charismatic. of holding people upright so that they may feel successive "waves" of divine power sweeping over them.3 As reported in chapter 2. but most often happens in interactive settings. We shall see that this issue of duration bears its own cultural significance. and retreat settings. in conjunction with the baptism of the Holy Spirit during the initiator)' Life in the Spirit Seminar. it may also occur if the healer only raises a hand. Resting in the Spirit is a technique of the body in the precise sense defined by Mauss (1950&). 13 percent had done so between six and twenty times. 7 percent between twenty-one and fifty times." or in passive construction. Second is the practice. and most notably in large public healing services." The latter forms refer to the interactive dimension of the practice. It may occur to someone in solitude. as in. The phenomenon most often occurs in response to the laying on of hands or the anointing of the forehead with sacramental blessed oil. but also in effect drawing attention to the experiential rather than the behavioral dimension of the practice. prayer for an individual by a team in a post-prayer meeting "prayer-room" session.232 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING used colloquially as a verb. no striking difference is evident in the proportion of male and female resters. Substantial differences exist among individuals in the absolute number of times they have rested in the Spirit. Whereas Charismatics accounted for 50 percent of those who had rested more than five times and onlv 15 . Especially in the case of healers high in the movement's hierarchy of renown. These include one-to-one healing prayer. 29 percent had done so between one and five times. and some have been known to remain on the floor during an entire evening's service. of 84 percent who responded to the question. however. and as such its contextual features and variations can be circumscribed. The centrality of falling is highlighted by two variations that intentionally exclude it. insofar as the divine power that is said to cause it is typically "ministered" by one person to another. or in some cases merely passes in proximity to someone. workshop. First is having participants sit instead of stand when being prayed over. in intensive conference.

Going Down In the most characteristic setting for resting in the Spirit. since it is said that if there are no catchers "the Lord protects people from harm. stand behind each person in order to break a backward fall and ease the person to the floor. non-Charismarics accounted for 48 percent of those who had never rested and only 17 percent of those who had rested more than five times. There are indeed multiple stories of people falling and "cracking their head" (typically on the "corner" of an altar step. he leaves it to others—the catchers—as a demonstration of the solidarity of Christian community. a result construed as additional evidence of divine power. following Bourdieu. in which case they collapse into their seats. Catchers are supposed to prevent injury to people as they fall. which implies either that God abdicates protection or that the person is responsible for the fall in this circumstance. some people fall when the minister walks among the congregation. At the same time it is acknowledged that people are occasionally hurt. The act of falling is spontaneously coordinated in such a way that. the only reference in mv interviews to someone's "knees buckling" was by a woman de- . Most fall during a point in the proceedings when. it can be described as a disposition within the ritual habitus. or a doorjamb) yet remaining unhurt. In most cases. a church pew. but this is not enough to account for their presence. They do not collapse in place or pitch forward or sideways. working closely with the healers are "catchers" who. one by one. and we must proceed to determine the cultural phenomenology of that integration. and may even become angry enough because of it to speak against the Charismatics' good reputation. participants fall backwards into the arms of the catcher with knees unbent (see photograph 6). the public healing service.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 233 percent of those who had never rested.5 Thus the practice appears to be fiillv integrated into the Charismatic ritual habitus. anointing. they approach the healer or healing team for a moment of personalized praver. The other solution is that even if God could protect them. or laying on of hands. in anticipation of resting in the Spirit." This issue leads to a rather complex chain of cultural logic. The solution sometimes given is that these people may not be deep enough into the experience for a relaxed (hence safe) fall. Without explicit instruction.

and induced me to open my eyes. The interaction between subject and catcher is predicated on trust. Both healers and patients vary in the degree to which they expect resting in the Spirit. interactive. I had been praying instead—I may well have lost my balance and toppled backward quite spontaneously into the arms of the waiting catcher. or forehead and neck. a hand on a shoulder. the other touching my forehead. in which. when there is contact. Some Charismatics nonetheless suspect certain healers of literal heavy-handedness and "pushing" to encourage a fall. The interactive dimension of resting in the Spirit includes the subject's relation with both healer and catcher. I was told to stand with arms at my side. a raised hand without touching. the format of falling backward into invisible waiting arms is identical to the "trust exercise" carried out in other North American . Given the above discussion of balance. feet together. In fact. and I trust as well that if my attention had not been occupied by proprioception—if. I will describe the kinesthetic dimension based on my own experience of being prayed with. Slight adjustments of the healers' hands as they prayed compounded the prccariousness of this posture. As I did so my balance shifted entirely to my heels. and eyes closed while two healers laid on hands. in the characteristic language of spontaneity. to "happen" during the services of particular healers. for example." they insist that it is never required. and though most are quite aware of what proportion of participants typically do "go down. as an acknowledged outsider. I trust that anyone experimenting with this posture could have the same experience. it also appears quite likely that visually following a movement of the healer's hand may in itself have a sufficient effect. one with hands on my chest and back. This disposition is constituted by the spontaneous coordination of kinesthetic. even when the patient is not physically touched. or a combination of these if a team is praying with the subject. Those who conduct large services may or may not linger over an individual who appears unlikely to fall. and symbolic dimensions of bodily experience. any variation in pressure or touch may affect balance even though the healer has no intention of pushing. covering the forehead or face with a hand. I received explicit instruction. and who had never witnessed it occurring to others. A variety of styles of laying on hands can be observed: anointing the forehead. Likewise. Charismatics may attribute special "giftedness" to the healer and/or "openness" to the subject in cases of falling without being touched.234 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING scribing the single time the experience "almost" happened to her. one hand on the chest and back.

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settings where its purpose is explicitly to enhance group solidarity
among participants. In the Charismatic setting this basic message of
trust is overlaid with the dual symbolic meaning of support from the
Christian community as embodied in the catcher, and falling into the
invisible nurturant arms of the deity—or as one healer put it, "falling
into the arms of someone you love." Between these two levels of meaning the interaction between subject and catcher also addresses the affective tone of the broader North American behavioral environment, as
shown in the following account by a healer of the first time he rested
in the Spirit:
Well the first time it happened, it was really scary. I was in a pew with my
friend that took me. And I was watching these people go up to get prayed over
and I was watching them fall over. I had never seen that, either. And he was
kind of egging me on, saying, uGo ahead. You're chicken." So I got in line and
I went up, and when it was my turn I went to a priest and a woman. . . . I told
him I needed some prayer and I forget what it was about. I looked at him and
I said "You know, I'm really scared I don't really know what's going to happen." He took my hands, and said, aHold onto my hands, and don't worry
about it. Just close your eyes." And he started to pray. And I could feel myself
going. I just grabbed a hold of him, grabbed on like "I don't want to go over."
And finally I did, and it was really peaceful. Unbelievable. I'll tell you why it
meant something to me, too. One of the developmental crises there in infancy
is trust versus mistrust, and I didn't learn to walk until I was twenty-two months
old. So I know there were some things that weren't appropriate, or there were
some voids in my life. After I got looking at that, I knew that struggle there
with resting in the Spirit was partly related to my own fear of falling. My own
struggle with trust versus mistrust. It was really helpful to me in terms of looking
at me and beginning to make some moves to work on that, which I still am.
This healer, a practicing clinical psychologist, frames his account in
terms of Erikson's (1963) developmental schema, which posits that in
infanq' a person forms an element of his subsequent stance toward life
that is characterized by either basic trust or mistrust. The critical moment in the example is the transmutation of maintaining the upright
posture which, along with Straus, we have seen as a universal existential characteristic of human development—into a concern with trust
understood as a developmental issue. The patient associates his early
inability to achieve uprightness, and hence his prereflective fear of falling with an inability to trust. This results not just in the "healing" of
a specific fear, but initiates a reflective process in which allowing oneself
to fall is thematized in religious terms as trust. Trust in turn is an instance
of the larger psychocultural theme of intimacy, evident here not only

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in the support provided by the catcher, but also in the gesture of holding
hands with and holding on to the healer.
Fear is not the only response to falling. Some quite enjoy it and
describe it as a "letting go," abdicating the demands of remaining erect
in what Straus refers to as "the voluptuous gratification of succumbing"
(1966:144). The issue here is not one of a need to retain control, but
of overcoming "resistance" to an inability to relinquish control to the
deity. Once again there is at work in ritual practice both a prcreflective
and a thematized meaning. Straus (ibid: 143) captures the former in
the following passage:
Upright posture, which wc learn in and through falling, remains threatened by
falls throughout our lives. The natural stance of man is, therefore, "resistance."
A rock reposes in its own weight. The things that surround us appear solid and
safe in their quiet resting on the ground, but man's status demands endeavor. It
is essentially resdess. We arc committed to an ever renewed exertion. Our task
is not finished with getting up and standing. We have to "withstand" He who
is able to accomplish this is called constant, stable.
As the very term "resting" suggests, the trusting intimacy of the ritual
setting is supposed to offer an opportunity momentarily to cease resistance, to take time out from having to withstand. Much more is implied,
however, because the resting is done "in the Spirit." The letting go is
also described as "surrender" and "submission," and is understood as
giving oneself over to the divine will not just for the moment, but in
a moment that symbolizes commitment. Resistance is thus thematized
as resistance to the power of God.
With this thematization we move to the symbolic dimension of falling. An intriguing cultural contradiction emerges, which can be summarized as that between a definition of the person predicated on free will
and a definition of divine power as absolute. It is divine power that
causes a person to fall, and thus falling is a manifestation of divine
power and as such can serve as a sign to encourage faith. This is the
cultural logic behind narratives of persons who rest in the Spirit without
expecting to, without believing in the phenomenon, and especially of
those who resist it, who come to be prayed over with a determination
not to "go down." The following narrative, recounted by one of my
healer informants, is exemplary:
There was a priest I know well. He came with a couple offriendsto Father
Cs service, and we met as I was coming with a couple local people that I was
seeking a healing for. We all came into the church together, and Father X sat

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in the same pew with us. He was invited up to concelebrate mass, and after
mass, before he came back to his seat, Father C asked him, a D o you have the
gift of healing?" And Father X says, "No." "Would you like to?" a Oh, yes."
"Then I'll pray for you that you'll receive the gift of healing." So he dips his
hand into the blessed oil, and anointed his forehead, and Father X went [loud
smashing sound] and the catcher knew it would likely happen and was right
there and caught him. Well, so much for that: Father X did not believe prior
to that time in being slain in the Spirit. He was very outspoken, even in prayer
groups; a holy man, but mistaken on this matter. He didn't believe in it and
publicly said so lots of times. So he went down like a ton of bricks, and when
he got up lined up with four other priests and people formed lines to come to
them for a blessing. He would just raise his hands, and about half of them
would collapse. Among these were two people who were also nonbelievers [in
resting in the Spirit] and they went down. They had been, quote, slain in the
Spirit, unquote, by a priest who had been a nonbeliever ten minutes before.
Now there's an end to this story. Between the mass and the evening healing
service the whole bunch of us that had come in two cars and met accidentally
went out to a little place together for lunch. And Father X says, "That was a
marvelous thing, wasn't it? You know, some of you know that I have not been
a believer in this. I thought people were faking or putting on, or it was wishful
thinking, or something like that, maybe psychosomatic or something. Being a
nonbeliever and going down like that, I was totally out, I believe, because I
saw Father C do this and I expected this, but I didn't feel it or see it because
the next thing a couple of seconds later Fm on my back looking at the ceiling."
And I said, "Father, did you say a few seconds? Group, how long?" We agreed
it was somewhere between five and ten minutes. He could hardly believe it.
He was out so totally.
Whereas other stories recount more of a physical resistance to falling,
including staggering, this one goes a step further in singling out ideological resistance to the practice. The priest is overwhelmed by divine power
in spite of his opposition, and indeed has n o opportunity t o resist physically. Since such a story has a lesson to convey about divine power, t w o
narrative elements arc essential. First, the hallmark of spontaneity must
be exhibited in the way the priest is o v e r c o m e — t h e subject of this type
of story invariably u gocs down like a ton of bricks" or "never knew
what hit him." Second, he must undergo a kind of conversion even
though he is in other respects already a participant in Charismatic activities.
At the same time Charismatics, including those who relate such narratives, insist that the experience can always be resisted if a person so
chooses. The deity has given everyone free will, it is said, and would
never violate that by forcing himself o n a person w h o was not open or
did not consent—"God is a gentleman." This c o m m o n statement has

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the practical effect, regarded as positive, of encouraging people to be
prayed over without feeling required to "go down," or without feeling
guilty and unworthy if they do not fall spontaneously. Yet there is
more than a pragmatic concern behind this formulation, for it is held
in principle that in some circumstances (discussed below) falling against
one's will is taken as a criterion of demonic attack rather than of divine
overpowering. Here we encounter a situation in which cultural representations of power and person fail to coincide because they thematize
psychocultural themes of control and spontaneity in contradictory ways.
It becomes evident that it is all right to surrender control, but unacceptable for control to be taken. This specification clashes with the requirements of spontaneity insofar as God, the divine exemplar of the self,
must have unlimited prerogative of spontaneous action at his primary
locus of interest, the human self.
I would suggest that behind this contradiction lies a fundamental
uneasiness about a cherished Western value—integrity of the ego—in
the face of an unsettling prospect raised by the ritual practice—dissolution of the self. The cultural climate of the late twentieth century does
not guarantee whether the consequences of such dissolution would be
transcendence, healing, and expansion of spiritual horizons, or passivity,
narcissism, and escape into authoritarianism. Yet this contradiction is
in large part a contradiction of representations that is not necessarily
confronted in the indeterminate existential situations inhabited by the
sacred self. If, for example, Father X was "open" to receive the gift of
healing, to what extent was he really resistant to resting in the Spirit?
Most reports of resistance by Charismatics are either accounts of overcoming an initial resistance, or of a pragmatic need to remain erect if
one feels the divine power while "ministering" to others or serving in
some ritual capacity. Moreover, even in the latter situation it is conceivable for Charismatics that divine purpose could be served by an unexpected tumble.
To better grasp the coordination between the symbolism of powrer/
resistance and the kinesthetics of falling, consider the following description by a healer of how power affects the body in light of the above
description of balancing on one's heels as a precursor to "going down":
Actually I think the best way I can explain it is when you're standing, you have
equal weight on the whole footfromtoes to heel. When you pray with people,
the toes can go up. And then the person, they're just like lifted off their toes,
and they're just on the heel, you see. And I've seen different times, people take
a step back to solidify their stand, because they're not accustomed to stand on

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their heel or their toes off the ground. You pray and their toes go up, and they
solidify their feet, and they can do that two, three times, they're fighting it, so
they probably won't rail. They're blocking it, but they know. It's clear from
their reaction that they're blocking it. Many times, you pray with people and
they just take off, that's all.. . . If you're standing, and your chest and head
backs up with that power, the Lord, what's going to happen to your toes?
They're going to lift, [emphasis added]
In this passage we see that analysis of the Charismatic practice is not
complete with a description of "heel balance" as a precursor to falling,
because "toes rising" is inserted as a precursor to heel balance. At this
juncture semiotic and phenomenological language reach what appears
to be an impasse. Is the attribution of "power" a bestowal of symbolic
meaning on the practice or phenomenon, or is power from the outset
essential to its existential meaning? There are certainly reports of people
"resting in the Spirit" before they ever heard of such a thing, and labeling their experience only in retrospect. This would appear to support the
semiotic viewpoint, except that such occurrences are already invariably
embedded in religious settings. The experience thus presupposes some
kind of contact with the sacred, even if it is not yet elaborated either
behaviorally or as a set of conventional meanings for a particular person.
We must be cautious here and note that the very question of symbolic
meaning as representation may be an artifact of our own analysis of the
phenomenon into kinesthetic, interactional, and symbolic dimensions.
For Charismatics the experience is embodied and concrete and lacks the
determinacy bestowed by our analysis. The chain of cultural logic ends
in the divine: one naturally falls if one is balanced on the heels; one is
naturally balanced on the heels if the toes rise; the toes naturally rise if
the head and chest back up; and the head and chest back up with the
force of divine power. Let us continue in a cautionary mode, however,
and emphasize the following: to say that divine power is embodied
does not mean it is "inserted" into or "imposed" upon the body, which
is merely a more subtle form of the representational argument, but that
it partakes of the bodying forth that defines the body as the orientational
locus of self. This is the sense in which "power" is experienced as force
backing up the head and chest. In a variety of equally concrete modes
power is sometimes described as like electricity flowing through the
body, like waves flowing over one, or as something that comes upon
people so that they "never knew what hit them.*' Indeed, there is no
need to limit description of the transcendent element of falling to
Straus's phrase "voluptuous gratification." Why not include electrifying
thrill, surf-tossed abandon, or candle-blown extinguishment?

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It is at this point, I would argue, that the Western cultural tendency
toward nominalization (Kccsing 1989) comes into play and transforms
the expericntially concrete into the conceptually substantial.6 Thus, if
divine power transmitted to a subject can be resisted, it follows that it
can also be "blocked" (by a subject's fear of falling, of the unknown,
or of unusual experience while down; by lack of instruction and knowing what to expect; by becoming unconscious) and can "back up" into
the person laying on hands, thereby causing physical pain and heaviness
in the arms. Several of the most prominent priests whose prayer causes
others to rest in the Spirit are known never to have had the experience
themselves, the explanation being that they arc already so filled with
divine power on a regular basis that the force of the influx does not
overwhelm them and cause them to fall. Note that this could equally
be phrased in terms of being so accustomed to being in the presence
of the deity that one is not overcome. Two healer informants who had
rested in the Spirit, but did so with decreasing frequency, did in fact
offer an explanation in terms of habituation or conditioning. However,
the substantive electric energy or hydraulic language of flow, overflow,
surge, waves, and backup is prominent in the Qiarismatic discourse of
power. Some healers mention that a particular mode of applying their
hands, for example simultaneously on a patient's forehead and back, is
especially effective because these are good points of entry for divine
power. This reification of power establishes it as an autonomous feature
of the Charismatic behavioral environment, at the same time as abstracting it from processes of the self grounded in the bodily synthesis of
the kinesthetic, interactive, and symbolic dimensions of ritual practice.
Divine power thus takes on its cultural character as a causal rather than
a constitutive principle: the sacred is not inherent in the falling, but the
falling is caused by the sacred.

In the Sacred Swoon
Once someone is on the floor, what then? As we have
seen to be the case in accounts of ritual healing, scholarly accounts
of altered states of consciousness frequently rely on global, black-box
mechanisms such as trance, suggestion, and hypnosis. Such accounts
not only stop short of examining the meaning and process of altered
states, but so much lack specificity that they at times conflate cause and

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effect of the phenomena they are invoked to explain. Many authors
appear to be relieved when they can report that the subject "has no
memory" of what transpired once he or she emerges from the state.
To be sure, cultural variations in dispositions toward self-analysis and
reflexivity compound the difficulty of eliciting experiential accounts,7
as does the frequently ineffable or inexpressible character reported of
such experiences. Yet there is no good reason to presume the experiential
muteness of altered states of consciousness. Our analysis in this section
shows that even in this relatively obscure aspect of ritual performance
there is an identifiable specificity of self process.
Two observations about variability will assist us in circumscribing
the experiential dimension of resting in the Spirit. First, a person may
remain with eyes closed, face up on the floor for anywhere from a few
seconds to several hours. Second, the degree of awareness reported by
subjects ranges from total consciousness to complete unconsciousness.
Charismatics familiar with the practice draw on these variations in duration and degree to conclude that there are "levels" of resting in the
Spirit. Memory is typically retained, however. One healer reported that
he had never known anyone to "pass out," but that occasionally some
become "so peaceful they might not remember" what happened.
Not entirely coincident with these variations is the variation in degree
of experiential richness or elaboration. We will examine the more highly
elaborated end of this continuum in the next section when we discuss
the role of resting in the Spirit in healing. At the less elaborated end
of the continuum is a repertoire of feelings and sensations, expressed
as a series of adjectives, similes, and descriptive phrases, and epitomized
by the terms peace and relaxation. It is arguably no accident that in
English these words implicitly deny a dualism of body and self: for
example, a body can be at peace in a state of physical relaxation, and a
self can be peaceful and relaxed from the everyday stress of life. Like
divine power, however, peace (and, for that matter, love) can be substantivized such that one might experience "waves of peace" and even,
in a near oxymoron, be "overpowered with peace."
We will organize our description of the basic sense of peace and
relaxation around groups of terms abstracted from Charismatics' accounts, and later address the methodological question of how we understand the relation between terms and the experience they represent. Our
analysis shows that the "kind of body which comes in contact with
the divine" in the sacred swoon is a particular synthesis of motorium,
sensorium, affect, and spirituality.

VI THE RAGING AND THE HEALING The first clement is best described as a motor dissociation in which hysical relaxation is absolute. Once again in this domain of sensory disengagement and transport. forgetting one's self. to being unable to move at all for the duration of he experience. 4) like being hypnotized. feeling washed over from head to toe. heavy limbs. but with agency or the capacity to act. and a conception of the person as endowed lot only with free will. and this despite the substantivized notion of divine power. umbncss. a linor crisis of self is embedded in the attention given to whether a erson retains the ability to move while down. under sodium pentothal but awake. and the second when someone insists they could have moved f they had wanted to. As with the ability to resist falling. even when someone in the sacred swoon s unable to move. This issue is invariably nentioned. but once down is not held. [t is rare that someone attributes inability to move to being held by a force. it is typically because the self has been rendered passive by being deprived of agency and not because it was coerced vhile actively struggling. The relevant terminological series inludes three related sets: 1) lightness (sometimes like a feather). 2) removed from sensation. The reason the person cannot move is because he motor dissociation is absolute and one has no control of one's body. The series of terms used to describe the experiential modality of the sensorium during resting in the Spirit includes qualities of consciousness as well as sensations: 1) waves of peace or love up and down one's arms. 3) like being in another world/another dimension/somewhere else. and description ranges from being able to stand up immeditely after falling. letting go of weariness. ind resistance gives way to passivity. conscious but not aware of surroundings. buoyncy. The implicit cultural contradiction is between a concepion of varying levels of the experience corresponding to varying degrees >f divine action on the body. 3) restful. things rushing through one ("probably ministering angels flushing through the body"). in suspended animation. floating (sometimes like on a cloud). to being able to get up but not wanting to. In sum. massively tranquilized. letting go of earthly feelings. to being inable to stand up. dizziness (absence of dizziness in one case of a woman who typically becomes dizzy if lying on her back). warmth. The first )f these conceptions is evident when someone says they tried but could lot move. unaware of pressure from the floor one is lying on. and a subseuent feeling of being energized. 2) weakness. Finally. lifeless. inattentive to surroundings. weightlessness. in falling a person is moved by a force. the indeterminacy of self creates a crisis . not aware of one's body.

the spiritual realm. then the activity can be said to be occurring outside consciousness in a space of ineffability." These references are especially likely in narratives about the manifestation of divine power in nonbelievers such as the priest we discussed above." Bad enough in itself. I would argue that they are related to a cultural assimilation of the spiritual and the ineffable. demonic attack. However. Charismatics participate in post-Freudian popular culture and its embrace of the "unconscious." or in terms of the implication that overenthusiastic healers sometimes give a little "push.8 ." directly on the inmost being of someone who is resting in the Spirit.e. Thus one can go "out like a light" or be "completely gone. Separation from one's own personhood and from the deity are serious matters. which should be sacrosanct since one is "created in God's image. The specific nature of this activity need not be perceived by the person who is resting. In such cases the deity "operates like a surgeon on an anesthetized patient.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 243 for the definition of person. There is culturally even more at stake here than in the issues of ability to resist falling or to move while down. Following the tripartite model of the person. it also occurs at a moment when that personhood could presumably be fulfilled by direct interaction with the deity. where the unconscious takes over) may also be an clement in narratives of "deep" healing. Unconsciousness separates one from one's own personhood. one widely experienced healer defined resting in the Spirit as a state of minimum physical and psychological activity with maximum spiritual activity. Recall that the argument that one should be able to resist falling is made in terms of God being a "gendeman. and accordingly unconsciousness while resting in the Spirit is often attributed to psycho pathology. If part of the self is understood to be highly active at the same time as one's immediate experience is defined by the self-awareness of complete passivity.. and predicated on the common but contradictory ethnopsychological premise that the deeper the experience the farther removed from everyday consciousness one becomes. In addition. Yet there are occasional instances of unconsciousness cited without negative attribution. or both. the argument that one should retain consciousness holds that resting in the Spirit is supposed precisely to be a "person-to-person" experience of the divine." The parallel argument that one should be able to move when down is made by attributing hysteria or attention seeking to those who claim they cannot move. Again the critical theme is that of control." so that "unconsciousw/sr" (i. posed as the question of whether one is "conscious or unconscious" while resting in the Spirit.

for example. calm. tension flowing out. representation and embodiment. nonthreatening. the term "presence" can be singled out as performing a critical symbolic function as well. is the case in shamanic ecstasy. they are intimately connected with the fourth terminological series used by Charismatics. and as mutually qualified by their sensory and motor counterparts. sensory. soothing. jubilation. These spiritual terms are as descriptively concrete as those in the three other sets of terms. It is true that such a meaning could easily. abstract and concrete. I am claiming that the words used by our informants are not to be treated merely as terms but as experiences. being heard. One is a reference to the experience as like being in another world or "somewhere else.244 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING The third. being ministered to by God. nonrepresentational. they disclose. being loved. We are due to reflect for a moment about where our argument stands on the shady ground between semiotics and phenomenology. Let us pursue this point with an attempt to formulate the essence of the Charismatic sense of divine presence in resting in the Spirit. They have a fundamentally different status than the terms that constitute the Charismatic vocabulary of motives. and spiritual experiences constitutes divine presence as an experiential gestalt. component of the sacred swoon is summarized in two series of terms: 1) pleasant. This is possible because the synthesis of motor." Although Charismatics talk about a spiritual dimension or realm. 2) cleansed/washed. These terms can only be understood together with. joy. the demonology. there is no support for an interpretation that their spirits are "literally" transported to another world as. enjoyable. closeness to/oneness with the Lord. or affective. in that it condenses the embodied meaning of all the other terms. They are descriptions that give us access to the nondiscursive. freedom (like dying). preobjective element of cultural experience. Let me first point to two tropic features of the Charismatic descriptive language that can save us from an interpretive error. I would argue that focusing on the report of "release" and translating it into the theoretical language of "catharsis" would be to risk a severely impoverished account of the self as culturally constituted. concrete feelings and sensations. summarizing the spiritual dimension of resting in the Spirit: divine presence. quiet. comfortable.be cultivated among . release. affective. From among them all.9 Thus "presence" plays a dual role as one among a series of terms for distinguishable. well-being (like being held or rocked). and as the synthesizing symbol of the experience as a whole. In addition. or the repertoire of emotions we have discussed—they do not represent.

resting in the Spirit would seem to tap into a much earlier stage of psychosexual development than that . it could be said that the subject is "in" the deity' in the sense of being "surrounded by the intimate presence of" the deity. and one gets up.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 245 Charismatics by construing the distortion of temporality while resting (cf." or simply be over. In the sacred swoon the spirit remains with the body. Another tropic feature of this descriptive language is in the term "oneness." Phenomenologically. while they "breathe" (and thereby incorporate) the divine power that permeates the atmosphere of such an event. when the experience ends it may "lift. First of all." This term apparently refers neither to a merging with the deity nor to an incarnation of the deity in the subject. substantivized divine power enters the person. the case of the nonbelieving priest described above) according to the common schema "where was I all that time?" This cultural elaboration is not made. the associated feelings and sensations retain their phenomenological locus in the body. Likewise. the deity as presence does not. An examination of psychodynamic conflicts might seem especially relevant given the apparent frequency of childhood sexual abuse in the population with which we are concerned. These emphases tend to model divine presence as a person-to-person encounter rather than as interpenetration or possession." That the dissociation of resting in the Spirit is not objectified as being "out of the body" indicates a concordance in the Charismatic habitus with the stance that such experiences arc likely to be "occult. We can hardly fail to strike a psychoanalytic chord in noting the "oceanic" (including wave of love) passivity before an omnipotent paternal deity that characterizes resting in the Spirit. This sense of "in" is perhaps the one most accurate for understanding the prepositional phrase of "resting in the Spirit." and with the theological conception of an "incarnationaT spirituality. This understanding of presence conforms to healers' descriptions of the Holy Spirit "hovering" over the participants in a healing service. On the contrary. the understanding of presence conforms to the cultural emphases on the deity as person and on the personal integrity of the experiencing subject. and divine presence is experienced as becoming manifest immediately to the patient. where a markedly similar configuration of motor/sensory dissociation is understood as "disembodiment. Only one informant said. "I call it 'coming back/" specifying that his own phrasing was idiosyncratic. The cultural understanding that the person is "resting" or is "slain" contrasts with that reported by Fernandez (1989) in the African Bwiti cult. however. however.

sensory. communicated with. which. no matter how silent and weighdess it may be in action. the specificity of parts that we have described (motor. our primary purpose in the present discussion is to identify in contrast those respects in which a phenomenon like divine presence is culturally constituted. the psychoanalytic formulation tends to presuppose a precultural psychobiological universal. ministered to. nurtured. there is yet. the psychoanalytic approach surely leads us to invoke that kind of mechanism such as regression in service of the ego. While resting in the Spirit. Reciprocally. . Let us then formulate our account from the standpoint of cultural phenomenology. presence is thematized as intimacy. a certain 'heft'" (1981:56). If. We can clarify by starting with the heaviness of limbs. affective. More generally. held. remains the kind of psychological black box of which we are wary. an experience which is not at all metaphorical in resting in the Spirit. From the standpoint of therapeutic process it does us little good to invoke regression in service of the ego unless we can specify what that service is and precisely how it is achieved. The subject is loved. as we have found. the experience is constituted in the bodily synthesis of preobjectivc self processes. Quoting Plugge. resting in the Spirit offers both a surrogate source of intimacy for the lonely and a prototype upon which human intimacy. the divine presence is an intimate presence in a way that. healed. surpasses human companionship. indetectably hidden. this is to say that the coming into being of "divine presence" as a cultural phenomenon is an objectification of our embodiment itself. This thinglike heft of our bodies in conjunction with the spontaneous lift of customary bodily performances defines our bodies as simultaneously belonging to me and estranged from me. In short. Zaner points out that "within the reflective experience of a healthy limb. though broadly appropriate. the heft that is always there for us preobjectivcly is made determinate. Like the divine presence in imaginal performance. concordant with the psychocultural analysis we have been developing. Whether or not one subscribes to the salience of such a universal. and hence is fundamental to the indeterminacy of embodied otherness.can be modeled. because it encompasses multiple modalities of the body-self. then.246 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING at which the traumas of abuse typically occur. or objectified—its essential alterity becomes an object of somatic attention within the experiential gestalt defined as divine presence. spiritual) defines this gestalt as a whole such that. Finally.

Presence. "touched by. and tranquility with healing. of preparing a person to receive and exercise a spiritual gift. Distinguishing among physical. such that one's life should change if exposed to the kind of overwhelming presence that is said to constitute resting in the Spirit. and emotional healings.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 247 Power. however. resting in the Spirit can serve the purposes of demonstrating divine power. relaxation. Someone who is resistant." or "spoken to" by God (sometimes via embodied imagery). though it is always a "sign of God working" deeply within a person. The corollary is that healing does not require resting in the Spirit. though the experience may augment or consolidate a healing achieved through other ritual means. one informant stated that resting always includes at least a spiritual healing.10 Healing is the most prominent among these. Likewise. psychological. Considering the closeness for Charismatics of "spiritual healing" and "spiritual growth" this statement might itself be reduced to the generality of "God working deeply. of allowing a person to be close to. and the "closed" person who does not make herself "available" to the deity is not apt to be healed." Another healer stated that divine presence is in itself healing. Like any cultural formulations. A practice that ritually maximizes these feelings is thought to reduce "blockage" and "interference" to healing as well as to minimize the "disruption" created by chaotic feelings and circumstances. because it allows divine power to work in a way it could not if one were "in control. or of healing. it is also stated that "going down" increases one's chances to be healed. our study of 587 public healing-service participants shows that the more . The most general (and most often repeated) cultural precept is that resting in the Spirit does not always result in healing. and those who seek healing not to overemphasize the importance of a this particular ritual technique. or afraid to let go of anger is regarded as closed to divine power. Indeed. These precepts have an explicit "pastoral" or social control function in warning those who rest in the Spirit not to overenthusiasticaJly expect to be healed. these are subject to a variety of qualifications." Charismatics typically associate peace. rigid. surrender. of exhibiting the faith of those who are "open" to such power. and we now turn to examination of its relation to the sacred swoon. and Healing In Charismatic ritual life. closed.

It is entirely in order . at different points within the same interview. because it is understood as a direct divine intervention. but who always rested in the Spirit easily and for a considerable duration. with an immediately observable effect.11 Let us take a look at resting in the Spirit's contribution to the ritual system and how it is supposed to work. one is most open and least resistant to divine healing. healers say that the person can "get in the way." and the deity's message in the sacred swoon is." Some healers say that barring unforeseen consequences (such as an onset of a demonic crisis) they cease prayer with a person and move on as soon as the person falls. so it is claimed that resting in the Spirit can achieve in minutes or hours what might take a long time in the healing of memories." One told of a woman who always talked too much. unmediated "ministry" by God to a person. where "God decides how he wants to deal with someone" and the healer "doesn't have anything to do with it. "Shut up and let me do what I want [with you].248 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING frequently people have rested in the Spirit the more likely they arc to report having been healed. one cast in terms of substantivized divine power and the other in terms of the personalized action of the deity "operating" on the immobilized subject. leaving that person "with" the deity. understood as a direct. described it as a "spiritual shock treatment" and as a "spiritual anaesthetizing/* We might offer to reconcile the apparent contradiction by distinguishing the "electric" power that causes one to fall and the dissociation of the sacred swoon proper. First of all. since one's thoughts are slowed and one becomes calm and relaxed. What is in question here is the role of what Prince (1980) has identified as "endogenous processes" in ritual therapy. I believe it implies the simultaneous operation of two metaphors of therapeutic process. The personal metaphor is the more elaborated of the two. resting in the Spirit is said to speed up the healing process. In colloquial parlance." or. One well-known healer." Finally. Just as the healing of memories is often claimed to achieve in months what would take years in conventional psychotherapy. or in cases where they arc so fatigued from their work they just "let the Lord take over. "Shut up and let me be God. This was "the way the Lord brought her under control so he could do something with her. They acknowledge the pragmatic importance of this approach when there is insufficient time for them to attend to individuals at a large healing service. it is stated that a healing attributed to resting in the Spirit is "real" if it occurs suddenly. More than this." Resting in the Spirit is said to be a state in which.

and imaginal." It appears valid to say that the substance of therapeutic self processes that occur in resting in the Spirit can be arrayed on a continuum from simple to complex. The inchoate is in this instance the same as that identified by Fernandez (1974. it's catharsis") rather than as concepts that offer an opening for an account of the specificity of a phenomenon. not to presuppose the cultural constitution of the self. as I have already indicated.12 However. chapter 1). First. and thus can be expected to reflect the Charismatic healing system and the North American ethnopsychology upon which it is based. It is critical. This leads to my second concern. that the essential indeterminacy of self not be presumed to indicate a generality of process. cf. cathartic. we must know what kind of process that is and what is being catharted. The categories of self process overlap with one another and may also be relevant to practices other than resting in the Spirit. and if regression. I would suggest that the specificity of endogenous processes may be less constrained when they are allowed free play within an indeterminate zone in which the self is free to construct a meaning from the repertoire of collective and biographical resources available at that discrete moment. but only as preliminary categories for organizing the data of cultural phenomenology. The subject resting in the Spirit. however. These self processes may be described under three general types: inchoate. It is our purpose to describe. which is that mechanisms such as catharsis and regression appear to presuppose a structure of the self that is much more determinate than we are prepared to accept. may be unaware that anything is "happen- . 1982.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 249 to invoke the terms "catharsis" and "regression in service of the ego" as generalized descriptions of these therapeutic self processes. We examine them here because this practice offers a kind of prototype for how the Charismatic sacred self interacts with the sacred. whether conscious or unconscious. If catharsis is at issue. it is preserved intact and thematized as a mode of the self. The types are posited neither as ethnopsychological nor as ontological categories. how that process takes place and what service it does the "ego. Here I am inclined to concur with the Charismatics who state not that resting in the Spirit allows healing to proceed more generally but that "God can work in/touch/heal a person more specifically" Perhaps paradoxically. they are too often assumed to be global mechanisms that explain phenomena through an assumed uniformity or generality of function ("Aha. let me restate the grounds of my mistrust for such concepts. but instead of being transformed by identity-creating metaphorical processes.

I will cite two examples. whether conscious or unconscious). or the schema of tension building up inside and being vented. Finally." wrhile he experienced images (imaginal self process) of "stressful things he was letting go of" The man subsequently felt healed of back pain he understood to be triggered psychosomatically by family and work problems." In general." The second example is a man who stayed down an hour and a half with "tension." This presupposes a self that can be acted upon outside of consciousness (again. which is subsequently thematized as "ineffability. Such results lack psychological content: if a specific request for healing is made. The frequent observation of eye movement beneath closed lids is culturally interpreted as confirmation of this presupposition. and stress flowing out the whole time. Another is the self which can be released from the "burdens" that weigh it down or hold it "in bondage" to life's cares. such that significant things can happen to one without one knowing it." in line with the ethnopsychological schema of the self taking in or letting out stresses. the metaphor that is predicated on the inchoate self is precisely inchoateness itself. in which the boy often remained unconscious for a long period and required additional prayer. whose identities are culturally conceived as less well-formed than those of adults. and reported that the subsequent peace "changed her life." The second of our types. it will typically refer to a medical or physical problem. She reported discovering the Charismatic movement as a remedy for depression resulting from the death of both parents after caring for them out of strict Irish Catholic duty. the cathartic. Charismatics say that "the Spirit works when a person is not aware. She rested in the Spirit at the same time she was baptized in the Spirit. whereas if there is no specific request. Such is the case in a scenario of children of a manic-depressive father subject to fits of rage. Children. the experiences of "the gift of laughter" or "gift . In Fernandez's terms. The simplest version of the cathartic self process is that those who are "going through a lot" find that everything is more "peaceful" on returning home after resting in the Spirit. the result will be understood as a diffuse spiritual healing. presupposes a double meaning for the self. anxiety. One is a woman who "worried to excess and was always easily upset." yet report a more-or-less specific result. and for the stress of bearing her own child late in her child-bearing years." This woman traced her chronic angst to a combination of childhood events. may experience the inchoate self process. One is the self from which stress and tension are "released. until he finally came to and "was healed of all the hurt." or that "what he's doing to me may be none of my business.250 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING ing.

We have stressed that cultivation of imaginal processes is one of the most vivid features distinguishing the Charismatic self from that of fellow North Americans. of regressed dependence. but assuming that "the Lord was probably releasing something.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 251 of tears" belong equally to the inchoate and the cathartic categories. a Protestant woman imaginally encountering the Virgin Mary and converting to Catholicism. This typical image renders concrete the inchoate "oceanic" feeling of omnipotent presence. The first includes examples such as being healed of goiter upon experiencing an image (described in this case as a concrete apparition) of the Eucharist." not the situation in which he finds himself. and of biographical coherence. . This could be no more powerfully symbolized than with one's own body immobilized on the ground. in these experiences of spontaneous laughing and crying a person may report not knowing why she was laughing or crying." In what I am calling regressed dependence. That is. Following Scheffs theory that catharsis is achieved through aesthetic distancing of the troubling emotion." there is no question that the person will rise again to the right posture of "withstanding. and the affective component with the compelling figures of divine parent and infantilizcd subject. and nurtured while held in God's arms or in his lap. just resting. and preparing a friend for the imminent death of her cancer-afflicted son by narrating an image of the son "dipped by the Lord in a chalice of His blood" in preparation for his "final union with God. even though it may be an occasion for someone to be "born again" or baptized in the Spirit. we would argue that the fallen body achieves the necessary distancing by becoming a metaphor of resignation. and the sharing of a slice of heaven as the reward for devotion. and consists of being soothed. The person is." Fundamental to the cathartic healings is that a person's stance toward the world is "healed. comforted. after all." In that succumbing there is both release through resignation to one's lot. elaborating the sensory component with the inclusion of position and touch. intimacy with the divine is experienced imaginally. Although this is more than the temporary reprieve suggested bv "resting. Three subtypes of imaginal process are prominent in our data on resting in the Spirit: images of divine empowerment. We turn now to the third self process of resting in the Spirit." In this connection it is significant that these healings seem to be neither conceived nor experienced as death and rebirth. This stance is reconstituted by passing through the liminality of the "voluptuous gratification of succumbing.

critics . the marked difference about her was an air of peace. a calmness. and ended in fetal position. and who are subsequently able to "forgive themselves" in a way they could not even in extended inner-healing prayer. including vivid tactile images of the crown of thorns and scourging. When she came forth from that. I forgive everybody.252 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING Biographical coherence is the most complex subtype of imaginal self process in the sacred swoon. A variant of this schema is evident in an account of a girl who when prayed with appeared to go into a seizure. And I would say. Genuine and Spurious Anthropologists have understood for a long time that the principles underlying social life are nearest the surface in situations of controversy. Resting. and that cultural meanings become most accessible where they are most at stake. It occurs in an elaborate series of images. then lay back on a couch and went through "clearly distinguishable" developmental stages." More specifically.'" When this was complete it occurred to her to say to God "That's nice." What these processes of biographical coherence have in common is the presupposition that the self can be substantively rcexperienccd and changed by internally produced eidetic imagery. These stages went "through sucking her thumb. often during an extended period of "resting. or perhaps because of its popularity. From there she rested in the Spirit. understood as the spontaneous and direct action of the deity. CI forgive you one hundred percent in the name of Jesus Christ. and she became part of our community. In spite. Related to this type of condensed biographical replay is the scenario recounted by one healer of persons who experience the suffering and crucifixion of Jesus step by step." The following is a prototypical case: A woman who had been the youngest and newest nun in an overseas mission convent provoked the jealousy of the other sisters by successfully learning the indigenous language. Who's going to forgive me?" At that moment she experienced "the deepest sense of peace" she had ever had. While resting in the Spirit for two and a half hours she not only forgave her fellow missionaries but "every single person who hurt me in my life came before me. resting in the Spirit is a controversial phenomenon for Charismatics. and the heart of the issue is its "authenticity.

In any case. however. there is a continuum of opinion among movement leaders with respect to resting in the Spirit. drawing opposing conclusions about whether these constitute examples of resting in the Spirit. and on the Charismatic cultural definition of the tripartite person. What is meant by authenticity? Apologists would likely agree that genuine resting includes an "objective" energy flow of divine power and a "subjective" openness or responsiveness to that power. spontaneous hypnosis emergent from the personal or colleaive unconscious. Critics range from those opposed to the practice to those who accept it with reservations and "urge caution" in its use. Resting is thus said to be caused by divine power.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 253 challenge the authenticity of resting in the Spirit. constitutive North American psychocultural themes of spontaneity and control. is an ethnographic one—to show that the ideological/theological/pastoral debate about authenticity is predicated on the recurrent. occult mediumistic induction by a nonphysical being or spirit. resting in the Spirit through action of the Holy Spirit. including the ecstatic mystics Theresa of Avila and John of the Cross. group expectation or crowd psychology. To begin with. such as Saul on the road to Damascus and the apostles confronted by the transfiguration of Jesus. George Fox. Our purpose. These two sets of arguments constitute a rhetoric of validation by either analogical or historical precedent. simple hypnosis or suggestion by the healer. even apologists for the practice agree it can at times be inauthentic. John Wesley. They likewise draw opposing conclusions about the historical prototypes of healers known for similar practices. and the fourteenth-century Dominican preacher John Tauler. emotionalism or hysteria. psycho- . whereas apologists argue for its beneficial effects in terms of healing and spiritual development. George Jeffreys.13 Both sides of this internal controversy invoke the same biblical scenarios. and the debate begins with the premise that other than divine causes can produce the effect of falling in a swoon. since the causes arc distributed over the physical. autosuggestion or self-induction.14 To be sure. so it would be possible to examine the varying meanings of religious falling or swooning across historical and cultural contexts. temporary possession by an evil spirit or demon. extending backward in timefromKathryn Kuhlman to Charles Finney. just as a comparative analysis of demonology is possible. such analogies and precedents suggest that. respectively.15 This series recapitulates the tripartite definition of the person. and the same Catholic writers. Consider the following series of possible causes commonly cited by Charismatics: fatigue or exhaustion from an overly long healing service.

Mediumistic induction combines the psychological and spiritual." including some people who would rise from the floor and go immediately to another healing team in order to fall again. Resting in the Spirit may also be regarded as inauthentic if people enjoy it too much or "seek the experience for its own sake. as epitomized in the anecdote of a man who. The first six are considered "human" rather than divine causes. or remain with him or her for a brief period of "soaking prayer" (cf. In addition to the causal criterion. only the final member of this series counts as authentic. the demon (not the patient) may "fake" the experience in order to bring an end to the healer's prayer." did not even fall. with critics citing it as evidence that the . In such a case healers might prevent a person from falling. or one who announced that the evening session of an all-day healing event would include the "layaway plan" (punning on a cherished North American commercial institution). Finally. with emphasis on the psychological. the practice may be deemed inauthentic because a person feigns it and falls intentionally. Charismatics observe that the practice waxes and wanes in different periods and different groups. desire for attention from others. either out of desire for the experience. Here there is no "experience" at all. which it by nature finds disturbing. all share the feature of defining the phenomenon as a spontaneous occurrence with a cause that lies outside intcntionality. and suggests in efFect that a disembodied human spirit acts as the "hypnotist." Some healers are suspected of using the practice to entertain rather than edify. seeing the persons standing on both his right and left "go down. or from peer pressure when most others arc falling. The cultural logic is that since the healer immediately stops praying and lets God take over when a person falls. Some healers suspect this if a person "goes down too quickly" upon being anointed or laid hands on. However. Leaders of two Charismatic communities reported temporarily banning the practice from their healing sessions because of too much "emotionalism and expectation" in an "unspiritual circus atmosphere. and spiritual dimensions. but self-consciously lay down between them." In temporary possession a demonic spirit is said to counterfeit the experience of resting in order to deceive and keep a person away from the deity. foremost among them the one regarded as exclusively authentic. chapter 2) until the demon departs. such as one who merrily led an assembly to a sunny hillock behind a chapel with an invitation to go out to the "slaying hill" (punning slaying in the Spirit with sleighing). It is critical to our argument that the members of this causal series.254 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING logical. This fact has no agreedupon interpretation either.

spiritual adolescence. if otherwise considered to be "spiritually mature. The fact that children occasionally rest in the Spirit is cited as evidence of authenticity. and apologists arguing that the presence of the Holy Spirit flows as the deity determines the needs of particular people and groups at particular moments. as we have seen. but in a person who goes down too many times (such as every time they are prayed over) or stays down for too long or short a period. whereby injury must imply inauthenticity. Once again highlighting spontaneity. some of the "deepest" imaginal healing processes arc said to occur in swoons of long duration." A person who stays down too long is suspect of attention seeking or escapism. one "can tell if it's real. and the majority reported having the experience themselves on at least one occasion. nervousness. Finally. It is the case. It is thought by some that resting is characteristic of a phase of. that there are not only multiple cues that one may look for to "discern" authenticity. One healer stated that in observing a person. that it is precisely the inauthentic that one can identify." Authenticity is questioned not only. but that there is no clear cultural consensus on how to interpret these cues. but again there arc exceptions and. and that one should become more accustomed to withstanding the experience of divine power as one matures. I must emphasize that none of the eighty-seven healers interviewed rejected the possibility of "authentic" resting in the Spirit. heavy breathing. based on the ethnopsychological premise that the psychic structure of children is different from . by a person's looks. in contrast. Falling without injury is a sign of authenticity. but can't be sure if it's not. as it were. as we have seen. however." someone who falls frequently may be said simply to be consistendy "open to the Spirit. The exception is that. a person who stays down too briefly is suspect of having experienced nothing or of not having remained long enough to benefit appropriately from the experience.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 255 practice is faddish. but this is again ambiguous since such eye movement can also be cited as evidence of activity by evil spirits. those who "bring it on themselves" or tcyield to expectation and desire. stance. in a person who "goes down" too quickly." Another said." Eye movement behind closed or scmiclosed lids is frequendy cited as a sign of activity in the spiritual component of the resting person while the body and mind are tranquil. or preoccupation. "the ones you don't expect are authentic. depression. Such a person either "faked it" or was insufficiendy "open to the Spirit." Two healers ventured coincidentally to cite 75 percent as the proportion of spurious resters.

Charismatic healers appear to have an intersubjective awareness of the bodily synthesis as an experiential gestalt composed of all the ambiguous elements of resting in the Spirit that we have identified. The strongest appeal to authenticity by apologists. or at least about the experiential shadow it casts in ritual practice. lewd. especially an unnatural backwards fall.e. are coordinated for a distinct ritual purpose by the existential project summarized in the motives of "spiritual growth" and "Christian community.g." The theoretical formulation in the preceding paragraph gains support from two further observations about indeterminacy. Critics argue that short-term feelings of peace and closeness to God are inadequate if they do not bring lasting change. agitated) movements. but is predicated on shared dispositions in the habitus of contemporary North America. the willingness of infirm elderly people to risk a fall. however." Yet this awareness is possible because the bodily synthesis is not a matter only of individual perception.. who argue that positive results may still accrue from inauthentic experience. Yet this too remains contested. finally. and ." They point to reports of beneficial effects and healing. is taken to support the authenticity of resting in the Spirit. the manner of falling (e. This gestalt defines the propriety of bodily comportment including the appropriate number of falls. Likewise. and that positive results may originate by other means and only mistakenly be attributed to resting in the Spirit.. It allows people both to take a stance and act in the world. Let us return once more to the self-perception of the patient in order to see how existential indeterminacy is thematized in terms of spontaneity and control. The healers* intersubjective awareness is precisely what is objectified as the spiritual gift called "discernment. Even long-term positive results do not satisfy some critics. These experiential vagaries of authenticity point to what we have called the perceptual indeterminacy of embodied existence (see also Csordas 1993). and to relinquish that stance in hopes of finding a new one. whereas apologists respond that resting in the Spirit may be a steppingstone or an incremental part of a healing process that may be going on before and after resting. extraneous (i. is that the practice "bears good fruit. and susceptibilities of children and elderly people. particularly in being relatively guileless and immune to social pressure to conform. sudden.256 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING that of adults. In practice this indeterminacy is an integral feature of the bodily synthesis and the habitus in which it is embedded. These dispositions. the question of authenticity is not far out of mind in the case of women who fall with their "skirts up"). violent. their duration.

however. In these cases the self-reflective questions include whether it happened because the subject felt like it should. a certain lightheadedness. In the first place. Of even greater interest. Of the 493 people who responded to the question. Does the possibility of an "almost"-rested mean that ritual practice excludes or neglects a certain range of preobjective experience. is whether it was authentic if the self played any role in initiating it: "Since I allowed it to happen.7 percent said yes and 37. likes the experience. Beyond the pastoral and theological debate summarized above." that the more spiritually mature may not be overcome or may be more easily overcome. these interviews thematize the indeterminacy of self-perception as actual self-doubt about the authenticity of one's own experience.3 percent (N = 26) of respondents reported they had "almost" rested in the Spirit. unfamiliarity with the terms or the practice is likely accounted for by the 16 percent of respondents who did not answer this question. or that the deity chooses which people should fall. The observations come from our study of 587 participants in healing services whom we asked whether or not each had rested in the Spirit during that particular service.5 percent said no. was it real? Maybe I just gave in. 50. We can safely say that these people experienced some of the constellation of feelings described above and almost fell down. leaving subjects straddling a fence of symbolic ambiguity in a phenomenological noman's land? I would argue instead that almost is a necessary ritual possibility because indeterminacy is essential to ritual practice. or was conforming with everyone else who fell.9 percent (N = 6) of healers interviewed about their own experience of resting in the Spirit. What is distinctive about resting in the Spirit as a self process is that the very indeterminacy of self processes is thematized by notions that the self characterized by free will varies in its degree of "openness" and is capable of "resistance. and so forth. maybe I was just letting go. maybe I just ." whether it be a certain precariousness of balance. 6. And in the second place this uncertainty was also found among 6. Our first observation is that fully 5. The core question. What is of interest is the indeterminacv of self-perception implied in this "almost.5 percent (N = 32) of respondents reported that they were "not sure" whether they rested in the Spirit. Certainly this docs not refer to an inability to report whether or not thev had fallen. Neither does it seem to reflect lack of familiarity with the term resting in the Spirit.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 257 thus to complete a cultural phenomenology of "authenticity" in the sacred swoon.

. It cannot originate in either of these domains.. the self processes of resting in the Spirit are structured more along the lines of the "mind/ body/spirit trichotomy. but to be feigning. spontaneity carries a danger. I don't know if the other times were authentic. I didn't. and trance states] it is in the last. as is evident in the following passage from a Charismatic writer: Of all the psycho-physical experiences [healing. and hence its authenticity. It is at this juncture that our second psychocultural theme of control enters. . from a healer who is also a priest. epitomizes this uncertainty: I would almost say the one time I really thought it was authentic was at Kathryn Kuhlman's service." The following. . I was being prayed with and I was swaying back and forth and I wasn't being pushed. Now. Because its source can be inauthentic. Paradoxically.258 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING relaxed too much. and if I did. this reduces to the readily recognizable Western dualism of natural (psychophysical) and supernatural (spiritual).. the one in which the falling phenomenon is found. Someone who falls on purpose is not judged to be performing a physical act of faith or performing an embodied metaphor of trust in the community. miracles. but must be a spiritual effect whose origin outside the self. if I'm standing up and I'm starting to sway. for genuine resting must at the same time be spontaneous. I was standing and then I wasn't standing. and not be controlled. Authentic resting in the Spirit cannot be incarnated as either a physical or psychological act. Someone who yields control and allows herself to fall is not judged to be performing a psychological act symbolic of surrender to the divine will. I'm feeling myself sway. is ascertained by the phenomenological criterion of spontaneity. it's sometimes easier just to let myself go. but to be influenced by suggestion or conformity. See. The fall must be spontaneous. . I did. Tm not going to get scrupulous about it because it makes no difference. . and the transformation of consciousness unaccompanied by deliberation or any act of will. I wasn't swaying. did I want to fall or not fall. I felt myself swaying." More precisely. What finally becomes clear in these cases is that resting in the Spirit cannot be a spiritual act.16 The first conclusion we can draw from this analysis is that while Charismatics profess to a definition of the tripartite person whose components interact in a "pneumopsychosomatic" way. and this is our second conclusion. so I let myself go. the suspicion of surrender and the criterion of spontaneity bring to the fore a powerful ambivalence that surrounds the psychocultural theme of control. emotional release. and if I didn't. The time at Kathryn Kuhlman's. but only in the spiritual.

as we have seen. and degree of ecclesiastical involvement required in therapy.17 Also relevant here are the process of domestication and the cultural innovation of "binding spirits" which accompanied the diffusion of deliverance from Pentecostal to Catholic circles. Charismatics encounter evil spirits in a variety of ways that do not include episodes of crisis such as those that concern us here. While. It is also less easy to document. the issue remains central. both because of its relative rarity and because it is regarded as a manifestation of evil. (Dobson 1986: 45) This prominent Charismatic author implies that to be out of control is acceptable and even beneficial if the experience is caused by divine power. but nevertheless are exceedingly rare and are largely outside the scope of Charismatic practice.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 259 that the subject loses control of his or her body. Thus demonic crises occupy a more visible position on the cultural horizon than do the torments of exorcism. and it is to one of the most dramatic of these consequences that we now turn. degree of demonic control. and therefore can no longer rely on consciousness to protect him. What is culturally at stake is precisely the potential consequences of losing control. and unlike exorcism they often occur in large group settings. narratives of demonic crisis define the nether pole of a cultural continuum of severity in deliverance. We have already distinguished the practices of formal Catholic exorcism and Charismatic deliverance with respea to the criteria of degree of symptomatic severity. Demonic Crisis in Its Behavioral Environment What we are calling the demonic crisis is not a named practice like resting in the Spirit. In addition. some Charismatics debate whether a person authentically resting is really out of control. The fact of losing physical control places this experience in a category unique even among psycho-physical phenomena. As we have seen. Yet although demonic crises are rare even among cases of deliverance in Charismatic healing. and it alone makes the experience as potentially dangerous as it can be potentially helpful. A demonic crisis may be defined as a situation in which the "manifestations" rage . Cases of exorcism typically include the demonic crisis. they are far more common than the total number of exorcisms that occur.or herself from unwanted and unwarranted influences.

a twitch. or during one of the large periodic regional or national Charismatic conferences." Participants in these events often report the sounds of "loud deliverance behind closed doors. Unlike the situation in some societies for which "crises of possession" are reported (Bourguignon 1976b). and the domestication of deliverance occurred partly in response to such crises. patients in these sessions are most likely to be members of prayer groups with relatively high levels of therapeutic disposition. The most vivid accounts are often from regional and national conferences or specialized workshops where. on the other hand. or falls writhing on the floor in front of her spouse and children. The exercise of spiritual gifts and the concentrated presence of sometimes thousands of Charismatics are understood to invite attack and harassment by the "enemy. At a public healing service." and these events subsequently serve as the source of prototypical narratives about demonic crisis. The afflicted only rarely runs wildly through the streets. the person afflicted is relatively more likely to be someone "off the street. In addition. during which both healing ministers and the potentially afflicted are part of a highly charged spiritual atmosphere where dramatic incidents are expected." since typically only half of participants at such services are active in the Charismatic Renewal. it should be no surprise that there is some overlap between the two phenomena. or an incipient contortion before settling into a peaceful swoon: . who resents and is threatened by such a concentrated demonstration of power and unity within the "kingdom of God. Given that demonic crisis and resting in the Spirit occur in the same ritual settings and share the essential feature of falling.260 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING out of control. Typically. they remain a constant behavioral possibility in the Charismatic world as well as a vivid symbol of evil incarnate. perhaps not coincidentally. the Charismatic demonic crisis almost never occurs in a civic setting or in the course of daily life. Although their frequency has doubtless declined over the past decade. at a public healing service. Healers occasionally observe that a person who falls upon being anointed will go through a slight writhing. Such events usually last several days. and already socialized into Charismatic practices such as "binding" of spirits. the most-renowned Charismatic healers are likely to be in attendance. such a crisis will occur within the religious milieu itself in a private session of healing prayer. It is probably safe to say that demonic crises are less common in local prayer groups where the healers are experienced and where sessions are carefully prepared and conducted in a supportive atmosphere." Satan.

growling or hissing." consistent with the notion that healing occurs spontaneously in resting in the Spirit. is an occasion in which all signs indicate that a spirit is present or on the attack. profanity. We had one particular woman who was living in one of our [covenant community] households. . in the Holy Spirit. These affect-laden behaviors. or change of facial expression is taken to indicate that healing is in process. go well beyond either the disruptive manifestations or the manifestations of successful deliverance discussed in the preceding chapter. a very painful look. the demonic crisis epitomizes violence and rage. The semiotics of manifestations is thus pragmatically dependent on context." The nature of these signs points to a profound phenomenological contrast: whereas resting in the Spirit is characterized by peace and healing. and physical violence (hitting. . And I prayed a little bit more and all of a sudden his whole body relaxed and eased and he stretched right out again. a person prayed with explicitly for deliverance sometimes responds to the prayer by resting in the Spirit. so strong that it twisted and contorted him as it was going. if it occurs within the event of resting. with a very bad look on his face. biting. But the minute he hit thefloor. negative somatic signs indicate that an evil spirit is leaving. An occurrence like this is interpreted as a spontaneous deliverance (or less frequently an inner healing). A person who falls with these negative manifestations is said to "go into deliverance. Something was released from him and it was in that side of his body. Because the demonic crisis is behaviorally more complex than the sacred swoon. and turned and twisted almost in an arc shape to one side. She wanted to go through the Life in the Spirit Semi- . Because resting in the Spirit is by definition an influx of divine power.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 261 A man came up to me [after a prayer meeting] and said he wanted to be prayed over. writhing. So I put my hand on the man and out he went. threats. any "negative manifestation" such as thrashing. the best way to convey a sense of its chaotic gestalt (I plead the legitimacy of the oxymoron upon the narratives that follow) is to recount several vignettes culled from our healer interviews: 1. crying. It is felt that the same "openness" that allows some people easily to rest in the Spirit also allows them to be influenced by demonic forces. However. . The principal behavioral elements of the phenomenon include the emphatic rejection of religious symbols or themes. The demonic crisis. Conversely. however. Then he straightened out and was fine. falling and writhing on the floor. or behaviorally constituted emotions. twitching. shouting or other changes in vocal quality ("guttural" tones that signify a demonic speaker).his whole body distorted. breaking and throwing objects) accompanied by "superhuman strength. displaced by that power.

And there were a lot of other things like a real spirit of Greed and Power. And begin to thrash around on the floor and at one point. and it came time for each individual to be prayed over [for baptism in the Holy Spirit]. and we offered her a lot of support systems. So we asked to see her. But we weren't the be-all and end-all of this deliverance." . something that she almost seemed shocked herself to have happen that way. So she made a free choice. This prototypical case includes nearly all the ritual elements relevant to demonic crisis. The main evil spirit was that of Idolatry. And my inner spirit said to ask to see her with Father R. . The bishop didn't really call it an exorcism. And she did. involvement with the "occult. And we all did. you know. . I think some of the dangers are that it's so difficult because there are a lot of psychological problems too. There was a real spirit of Destruction going on within herself and you know.262 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING nars to find out what they were like. and when we got to the name of Jesus. in that particular individual. And we talked with her about the presence of evil. not swallowing. but just taking it until she got to a place where they were worshiping Satan and they would defecate on the Eucharist. It was spontaneous shouts. She left the room with the speed of lightning. We discussed with her the danger of what she was pursuing in the occult. Things like that. she picked up Father R and threw him clear across the floor. and had given her soul to Satan. or whether she really wanted out of this kind of business. and then she began to talk about her relationship with the occult. this deliverance process needed to go hand in hand with some good counseling and some good spiritual direction. cooccurrence of "emotional" difficulties requiring professional mental health intervention. not being competent. And she would begin to pray the "Our Father" backwards. She needed to make a decision whether she was going to stay in this occult. and she needed obviously to get some good spiritual direction. We certainly could offer some good sound advice. defacing church property or stealing or taking the Eucharist and . And she admitted to having been in a cult. I almost got pneumonia." a cluster of "evil spirits" constituting a negative objectification of the self. she was only like eighty pounds. She made a lot of free choices. He thought there was a real obsession. and we certainly offer her support systems. and that was another time we just—I knew what I knew and I knew I was over my head. and the therapeutic intimacy offered by the support systems of "Christian community. it needed further attention than we were able to give her." and we prayed with her for deliverance. Spirit of Control. and pray the "Hail Mary" backwards. and she really needed. I was teaching the seminars at the time. she went out so fast. and by that time we were a little bit wiser and smarter. and we were praying the "Hail Mary. including spontaneous loss of control and "manifestations" o f rage and violence. she needed to relinquish all ties to that cult. Father C and Father R and I went to the bishop. she would begin all kind of obscenities. So not being qualified. and she lived with us [in the community] for about eight years.

" He said. I knew this person." So then we knew from reading the Bible. Again in this vignette we see the characteristic spontaneous loss o f control. So we started praying with this man. has come in the flesh. The poor guy went downhill really bad. "Repeat after me. We got a call at 5:00 A. I never refused to pray with someone. then they sort of just let him go. He fell to the floor.M. Denial. when you twitch all over. cause he had a spirit of anti-Christ. And he went back to where he was. "If vou don't come pray with me now. He had Deceit in him. He was heavy." And I didn't know I had it [discernment of spirits]. So wc put him in the hands of another priest there. It took about an hour or so." But my husband's spirit knew there was something wrong. we put him in the charge of some priest in his own order there. That's all I got [by way of inspiration]. J. He was bouncing in the chapel. And she asked me that afternoon to pray with her.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 263 2. I could only feel startled. Rejection. Then he came out. And they medicated for a while. Self-hatred. He's doing okay now as far as I hear. and the scripture passage came back to him. T h e healers acknowledge in hindsight the cooccurrence of psychiatric disorder. unless I had this . "I can't say that. we bound off the anti-Christ. physical manifestations. so he started binding it off. He said. And then he had learned the binding prayer. They didn't take good care of him. He was just bouncing up and down. The suicidal state that wc would associate with major depressive disorder is summarized as a constellation of evil spirits objectifying the affective constitution of the self. M's hospital with a breakdown in the psychiatric ward. He's the anti-Christ. I told you we hurt a few people. We went through a three-hour deliverance with the guy." So my husband [also her healing partner] woke me up and we traveled from here to C-town and in that time we prayed three entire rosaries. We talked with him about the [healing power of the] Eucharist and stuff. [After that] we were so weary. And then the priest quieted down and he said. and it was like he had a seizure. and first thing he was up in St. And he started manifesting. and he said. And we got a reading in the Bible: "Whoever cannot say that Jesus Christ is Lord is the anti-Christ. 3. specifically in response to religious content. We didn't have much experience then. We brought our Bible. He had everything. he's the antiChrist. He wasn't foaming or anything like that. You don't know what you're doing. And I told my husband. C. They nurtured him and they loved him for a little bit. in the morning from this priest. I'm going to kill myself. "It's all gone now. but he wasn't having a seizure. and the accompanying violence and rage. but it wasn't really a seizure. And we started praying and I guess stuff started coming to me. you learn. and he started manifesting on the floor. without denying the validity of their deliverance and stressing the eventual resolution of the psychiatric affliction through Charismatic inner-healing prayer. and he got prayed over for some inner healings by a nun over there." Like that. "That looks like he's got this [spirit names]. but he wasn't stable. He was really bouncing like he was having a seizure. I will die if I say it. but then we left him.

RcaJIy beautiful person. They would pray with her. they were calming her. "After the service. and became very bitter. They just started praying on her. but by an attempt to flee." Because it was time for mass to begin. it was a good thing. As we also observed with resting in the Spirit. and her husband decapitated. it is not its necessary criterion. we were having some ministry [healing prayer]. That evening after having some teachings. Most of that was done in private. Til tell you. although these doubtless emerged during the intimate and intensive inner healing subsequently carried out. The narrative is independent. a single dominant evil spirit is associated with a discrete emotional trauma. She went through five hours of deliverance. So I motioned to a couple of the men who also pray with us and in what we . And oh. this young girl had her head down. She tried to forgive the man who did it. Then they spent the rest of the next four days doing inner healing with her. Father M was a little upset. and this girl brought her friend with her. First of all. something in her really fought that prayer. because I was working with someone. but wanted so badly this healing—or else someone made the mistake when they screened her. and was going to require a lot of help and prayer in that night. of reference to psychological or psychiatric themes. they wouldn't even talk to this thing. All through mass.In ail kinds of commotion. An implicit understanding of a psychosomatic connection between the trauma and the woman's back pain is embedded in the cultural reasoning that the woman's spontaneous loss of emotional control was a response to prayer that was ostensibly for her back. half-way down on the bench. I don't know. but they started praying on her for a pain in her back. at the very end. Well. they were very nice with her. The woman had tremendous bitterness. She asked me if I would pray with her friend. One night we were at the church. and I said. She had seen her husband and son killed in front of her. having what we call "rooted bitterness" in her. and I don't know who started praying on her first. although falling is quintessential of the demonic crisis. all kinds of actions. and the whole scene.264 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING feeling not to pray with her. because she had gotten in [to a retreat for healers] under some kind of a false pretense. And I prayed for discernment all through mass. In this vignette of a woman who gained "inappropriate" access to prominent Charismatic healers. She was having voices come out. very bitter. and making all kinds of noises. She had become very. In an automobile accident. voices come out. in this thing. Narratives of demonic crisis suggest that an important variant is characterized not by falling. everything broke loose. We have already encountered this flight scenario in the first vignette and it is elaborated in the following account: 4. That's what thq' dealt withforfivehours. when they prayed on her. but couldn't. And then later on. screaming. she ended up on thefloor. they started dealing with deliverance. this was really. I just felt that this girl had been a long time into drugs. however.

"That girl began a program. which stimulates the central nervous system in preparation for strenuous effort. and spontaneous "release. and rage (against intolerable existential circumstances or perhaps against intrusive behavior by well-intentioned healers). strong one's like a meat cutter and all that—could not hold her. and took two of the boys with me to pray who had been previously on drugs and had been delivered. She was leaping along the street. one characterized by grappling on the floor and the other by an attempt to flee. flight. The effects of this stimulation are doubtless what is being described by participants' attribution of "superhuman strength" to the afflicted. Began to come to church. Docs cultural logic allow that people might feign the crisis. the crisis itself can be understood as a stress response that combines emotions of fear (of one's own distress or perhaps of intimacy itself). All of a sudden she's as quiet as a lamb." The existence of two variants of demonic crisis.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 265 call "catch. And these five men. . The stress response includes secretion of adrenalin. big. Although no evil spirit is named in this vignette (a spirit of Addiction is implied). suggests its essential similarity to the classic "fight or flight" response. And all of a sudden. And we're outside praying in tongues—see. . the police happened to be going by. "I can't believe the change in this giri. They could tell there was something wrong. The people in the church staved there and prayed. They came. And got deliveredfromdrugs. she looked up and she looked at me and it was like I actually sawflamescoming out of her eyes." when we have people going down in the Spirit. And she went leaping out of the church. And began a new life." Although catharsis may be an end result of the deliverance process. So I knew mcn that. This interpretation is strengthened insofar as it allows us to account for one of the more curious features of the phenomenon. At that time. because she was leaping in and out of traffic. when we prav in tongues. They came over with me and started to pray. So I immediately followed them to the police station. or that there can be causes of such behavior other than the demonic? I will present two final narratives by means of which we can answer this question: . superhuman strength. the Holy Spirit prays in us according to the needs of the children of God. She came back the next day. They came over to her and grabbed her and took her. We prayed with her. And all of a sudden the ward maid came out to us and said.18 At this juncture let us ask whether the debate over "authenticity extends to the demonic crisis. This observation leads us once again to demur from hastily labeling demonic crisis as simply "trance" or "catharsis. I'll never forget it. none of them much under six feet. So we don't know how or what he does. it can be identified as a demonic crisis by the constellation of features including flaming eyes. .

Everybody's coming in. too. and my concern was. "This is not going to be allowed in my home. She slept overnight that night. The healer cites the fact that the subject walked in under her own agency in order to delegitimize the spontaneous fall.266 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 5. . cause you get so caught up in the spirits when that is a person there. because that was frightening everybody. as opposed to requiring attention because of a spontaneous loss of control. and we worked with her. And they also have control. . as the healer distinguishes between "what was her and . First. She adds emphasis by pointing out that after the fall the woman had enough free will to stand and climb the stairs. so I went over to her. the class habitus is soundly dominant over spontaneous ritual enactment. She has herfreewill. Later we took her upstairs when we had time. and just brought her into inner healing. an act she was made to perform perhaps as much as a Strausian symbolic statement of uprightness as it was a means to remove her from the gathering. you can't give it just to one person. And when I went upstairs everybody came. I asked them to be quiet. and when she came in. Second. please.and seemed to befineafter the mass. And she was upset because it was . the attention. Then I also had my own family to think of. I can't remember what the spirits were. But I bound them off and upstairs she went. that add up to the conclusion that a demonic crisis in someone's home is simply not appropriate. I had a talk with her and she just wanted a lot of attention. interference. And she wanted that. and what was going on in my household. I think it was something like to cause commotion. And you have to discern which is which. After that we had the mass. And then I had to discern what was her and what was the spirit." And mere were two priests that went to her and started doing a deliverance and I was just graced [inspired] in that moment. We had a woman. and my first thought was. So I bound off [the spirits] and then I spoke with her and told her that she had complete control here. Yet in the end the episode is not entirely disauthenticated. And then I would come in with the gende love [in my speech] and keep loving her and then I asked her if she would please get on her feet and walkrightup those stairs. when we had one of these masses at the house. and she wasfine. And I couldn't allow this stuff And then I went and I sat with the priests afterwards and talked with them and told them how wrong it is. "What's going to happen at the mass?" But she came down to the mass. The healer cites a series of reasons. ya know. The very onset of the crisis is also construed as willful—this is the import of the healer's remark that the woman wanted the attention. But there were three. she fell on the floor and she started screaming and everything. She walked in this house. all having to do with domestic decorum in a middleclass social event. the narrative identifies social circumstances in which ethnopsychological notions of free will and control of the self are strategically invoked. Two key points can be drawn from this vignette.

ya know. And we saw her in the dining room. Then she was also involved in the occult. "Gee. The psychologist phoned. she had all these manifestations. I questioned him. then the diocese called and they called the cardinal. where she had applied to the bishop for exorcism and all this stuff. The psychologist said that at one point he thought that she had all these psychological problems. And it was very hard to say to the boyfriend. . and he immediately went to run over because then she started going into convulsive thing. So we had mass." Her boyfriend came in then. "Ten years?" And he was getting upset because she was becoming very affectionate towards him type of thing. And we said. They always end up here. She showed up later. And as a result of that. I just didn't like it that time from the beginning. this narrative returns us t o the m a n n e r in which the notion of mental illness itself is an integral part of t h e healing system. And this possession has only surfaced in the last two years. I would question just on the normal level. It was almost like looking at something of a psychotic episode or something. just regular." And then began to throw herself on the floor and kick and rage and do all her little thing there. But the other thing that I had said was. "Just let her be. "I don't know anything about the profession. Yes I do. get up." She said. It's just a terrible position to be in. Because I felt like saying. I said to him. but he was convinced somewhere along the line that he had a possession here." and in due course gives her considerable healing attention. You mean you missed it for eight years?" In addition to portraying the healer as m o r e "reasonable" than her secular counterpart.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 267 what was the spirit. It sounded like a fairytale story. We had one come from E-burg. She has to withdraw because she can't handle something right now. of course." And try to be present to her and not be present because of the negative behavior. "Well. . When you're reach'. . physical manifestations. This is the way she'd behave. it came out that she was severely sexually abused from infancy. whatever it is. She's fine. "You've been seeing this girl for ten years. "Come on. and kind of hypnotizing her and putting her into her childhood. "Well. but she didn't come to the mass. but anybody that would keep somebody on for ten years that wasn't growing and was going backwards. myself as a human being. you don't have a spirit. And as soon as she realized she wasn't getting any attention for this thing [we said]. how long have you been seeing her>" And he said. O u r final vignette is related by the healer as a crisis judged to be spurious: 6. . So. "Yes I do. but as he started going into dream therapy with her. What's going on here?" He was not a Christian psychologist. ten years. And it's very hard to turn around and say to her." And I said. And that made him now take a whole new perspective. I don't know. And we continued to drink coflfec and wait for her to finish. and she supposedly went through these uncontrolled rages and she'd kick on the floor and go into a fetal position and scream and everything. ya know. as a parent if it was one of my kids. eighteen months.

and that between immobile resting/creeping like a snake. and in that rejection of religious symbols (epitomized by an inability to say "Jesus" or to pray) is in opposition to intimacy with a "personal" deity embodied in the sacred swoon. and flight are in opposition to intimacy with others." As a case vignette this scrap of data is quite flimsy. Consider the following statement by one of my healer informants.268 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING Healers state that psychiatric disorder can cause such an episode." "mental illness. and the team came and prayed over him and performed the deliverance. where the distinctive feature is the absence or presence of peace. but in other ways it says a great deal. and that anyone who would feign the crisis is likely to be emotionally unstable as well. spontaneity and loss of control arc criterial for the demonic crisis. where the distinctive feature is the presence or absence of violence. with no equivocation about whether the behavior constituted resting in the Spirit or a demonic crisis. however. Again in contrast to resting in the Spirit. The structure we identify is the structure of. but in spontaneous somatic behavior." Distinguishing the proportions of these contributing factors in a particular episode is one of the meanings of "discernment. demonic crisis is a rejection of the cultural ideal of intimacy. and its recognizability is based on the religious objectification of those dispositions as good or evil. but the violent actions are dissociated from the self and attributed to the evil spirit." and "evil spirits. is ultimately regarded as a "gift. In stark contrast. The immediacy of this recognition is based on two precise structural contrasts: that between fallen/thrown. This is doubly true in that violence.19 It is critical that these structural oppositions are discovered in this instance not in mythic texts or predetermined ritual action." In summary. however. According to the cultural logic of the healing system. but in the demonic crisis the evil spirit is acting. spontaneously orchestrated dispositions within the habitus. rage." which like the ability for differential diagnosis among psychiatric clinicians. The observing healer was able to recognize from a distance precisely what was happening. as we saw with the sacred swoon. The ideal of a tranquil self is protected by a cultural rhetoric that replaces the experietitial language of resting in the Spirit . the crisis is not only caused by supernatural force. the crisis can originate from a combination of the "self. following Bourdieu. in a description of a large service she attended: "One man was thrown down and he was creeping in the aisle like a snake. That these are indeed embodied oppositions is a principal claim of our analysis. The structural disjunction is a statement about the self: in the sacred swoon the self is resting.

This behavioral language renders the "inner" self opaque until emotion is reintroduced as the name of a particular evil spirit and reintegrated into the subject's biography. our analysis has been doubly concrete. Self. Methodological differences aside. After all. In contrast. She argues that cultures that allow for occasions of diminished bodily control. but as such it refers to something other than itself.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 269 with a behavioral language for the demonic crisis. and Embodied Existence We would be remiss to go further without comparing our discussion of bodily control with that of Douglas (1973). Control. the second is when the degree of bodily control is taken not as a substantive theme. what we can say is that resting in the Spirit and demonic crisis stand in vivid contrast as deeply corporal thematizations of control in Charismatic ritual life. whereas ours is grounded in the order of being in the world. but as a lack of bodily control. There are two critical moments of abstraction in her argument. In fact. Control is a natural symbol. Perhaps the postmodern condition in which all structural possibilities are copresent renders Douglas's scheme inapplicable. Let our question then be why these phenomena stand in such clear-cut opposi- . but as an index of social structure. will also have less tightly integrated social structures. Douglas's method is grounded firmly in the order of representation. and have also shown how the specific technique of the body enacts or "thematizes" that theme. epitomized by religious possession rituals. the subject in the sacred swoon feels peace and relaxation. We have shown that control is a substantive psychocultural theme in North America. That is. The first is construing ritual possession not in its culturally defined experiential specificity. middle-class citizens? The answer depends on whether one sees our society as actually integrated or entropic. For now. at the end of this chapter we will touch on an example that supports Douglas's thesis with respect to different segments of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal itself. and that among otherwise mainstream. the subject in demonic crisis is not described as feeling anger or rage. but in terms of doing things like yelling or writhing. we might consider putting the phenomena described in this chapter forward as empirical exceptions to Douglas. is not North America a tightly organized society where we have discovered two clear instances of bodily control being relinquished.

We will not complete a cultural phenomenology. . If we consider the demonic crisis and the sacred swoon as embodied modalities of the raging and healing. Heidegger suggests that behind the superficial opposition of good and evil as supernatural forces lie the "raging" and the "healing" as modes of human being. or more precisely by a struggle "in which the very being of the Self is contested" (1987b: 481). where does this lead our cultural phenomenology? The two parts of Heidegger's characteristically cryptic comment about the raging and the healing are separated by a page of discourse about how the juxtaposition of these two modes of being reveals "nihilation" and the "nothing" as intrinsic to Being itself. If demonic crisis and the sacred swoon embody Heidegger's raging and healing. Levin (l9S7a. our interest is in how they do so in a culturally specific way.270 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING tion. Both of these. however. Can we conclude that resting in the Spirit and demonic crisis are essentially opposed as good and evil? This makes eminent sense from the indigenous viewpoint. To healing Being first grants ascent into grace. . characterized respectively by states of malignancy and grace. however. . evil appears all the more in the lighting of being. the sacred in both its faces. I would suggest that what motivates the embodiment of good and evil in these two forms of ritual enactment is implicit in the following passage from Heidegger: With healing. insofar as Being itself is what is contested. (1977:237. The Charismatic sacred swoon and demonic crisis are precisely phenomena of the contested self. if we are satisfied to attach metaphysical labels to ritual practice.238) By my interpretation. The essence of evil docs not consist in the mere baseness of human action but rather in the malice of rage. Certainly we have discovered a far richer structural and phenomenological nexus than could have been anticipated merely by observing that both are ritualized modes of spontaneously abdicating the upright posture. the healing and the raging. but to stop there would be the same as if we had been content to describe the theological debate over "authenticity" without reference to the psychocultural themes by which it is motivated. the two phenomena count as definitive . can essentially occur only in Being. to raging its compulsion to malignancy. Because they reveal the kind of body-self that must exist in order to come into contact with its ultimate mirror.b) offers us a lead by taking up Heidegger's themes in a cultural analysis of the current age as an epoch of nihilism characterized by self-destruction.

Jesus once again assumes the possibility of being cast in the role of a divine mother (Bynum 1986&). The need for divine nurturance may yet lead to a redeployment of gender symbolism such that. If we accept resting in the Spirit and demonic crisis as exemplars of the raging and the healing. The message is about the puniness and vulnerability of the self. In particular. which in resting in the Spirit is the closest the average Charismatic can come to being in heaven itself. In our case. The sacred swoon itself. embodied as mute passivity? Why in contrast does the raging. Girard understands rites of exorcism as historical innovations preeminently suited to fill a cultural gap created by the obsolescence of sacrifice in religious practice—exorcism is violence directed against the devil (1977:123). Self-Destruction. though in ritual practice the violence is ostensibly caused by the demon. characteristics of the self. and no matter how gently he is laid down by the "catcher. take place. like the attempt to domesticate the demonic by "binding" evil spirits.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 271 cultural statements about the self. They are forces that inhere in. and deliverance is directed against the demon. Specifically. and are named for. The self in a rage is also the sacrificial victim. a message that is increasingly more threatening for a beleaguered and contested postmodern self to hear. or Levin's contest over the being of the Self. We . they define the space between an absolute wholeness of divine healing and an absolute nihilation of demonic self-destruction. the violence of the demonic crisis is answered by the unanimity of collective violence against evil spirits. but the spirits are not forces external to the community. spirits of Depression. Thus the attempt to domesticate "slaying" into "resting" in the Spirit. but a ritual innovation sensitive to the decreasing resilience of the self in the face of cultural violence at the end of the twentieth century. take the form of active nihilism? We must acknowledge in resting in the Spirit that healing is culturally formulated as the "voluptuous gratification of succumbing" rather than as an energetic striving for wholeness. Yet the space between may not be so broad. is not exempt from association with violence. The subject is overpowered and overcome. however." ends upflaton his back on the floor. Why is the healing. and we must recall the thesis of Girard about the essential identity of violence and the sacred. as in the Middle Ages. and Deceit. where the other face of the sacred appears unmasked. then their common relation to violence defines the grounds on which Heidegger's contest over Being itself. Yet there is still more to be taken into account in the culturally situated specificity of these experiential modalities. represents not only a transition from a Protestant to Catholic ritual style.

In the uncontrolled preoccupation with self-gratification implied by the action of the sin-based "cardinal spirits" we hear the echoes of narcissism. Evidence for this "ontologicaJ hypothesis" is readily at hand if we examine the ethnopsychology implicit in the threefold Charismatic categorization of evil spirits. we see a reflection of depression as an ontological condition of civilization. Levin (1987«. rejection of religious symbolism. our understanding of their salience in the North American milieu is completed when we observe that the three pathologies and the three classes of demon map onto the psychocultural themes at issue in Charismatic ritual life. to label the forces at work "evil" is relatively safe when that evil is . and the emergence of repressed sexuality suggest the possibility that the crisis can be a protest against an oppression whose source is the patriarchal Charismatic reality itself. Nevertheless. and of the schizophrenia associated with occult spirits is loss of control. the cultural significance of the behavior we have labeled demonic crisis is not exhausted by this account. the process of domestication we have described would be seen less as an effort to harness the forces of nihilism than as a movement for social control and the suppression of protest. In the life-numbing trauma (especially that of sexual abuse) that provides "ministering spirits" with their purchase on the self. elements such as the mocking spirit. A dominant phenomenological element of the depression associated with ministering spirits is suppression of spontaneity. flight. of the narcissism associated with cardinal spirits is retreat from intimacy. These are not mere etiological or nosological categories in an ethnomedical system: their relevance to an existential malaise is evident precisely in the Charismatics' ambiguous ethno-ontological view of demonic origins in cosmology. in principle. Charismatic demonology and deliverance constitute an indigenous set of resources ranged against the forces of nihilism.272 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING must acknowledge in demonic crisis the possible presence of not only the rage of malice. and depression are not confined to the occurrence of discrete psychiatric disorders. Finally.£) argues that the contemporary epidemic psychopathologies of narcissism. In addition. By this interpretation. chapter 8). schizophrenia.20 These considerations suggest that. but are ontologicaJ characteristics of our civilization. but also the rage of protest. Let us touch first on demonic crisis. psychiatric disorder. and the self itself (cf. all of which are thought to be capable of provoking the rage and violence of demonic crisis. In particular. In the bizarre manifestations consequent to flirtation with the darkly evil "occult spirits" we feel the realityshattering chaos of schizophrenia.

that is. abjection. primarily because in the former the abdication of control could be thematized as either surrender or spontaneity. after its introduction in the mid-1970s. resting in the Spirit emphasizes the subjective passivity of "resting" and the objective passivity of being "overcome. This ritual change in the movement at large was paralleled by the incorporation of resting in the Spirit into the aggressive spirituality of . to an external cosmological force. and evil. The problem of "authenticity" never arose with speaking in tongues as it did with resting in the Spirit." actively uttering whatever nonsense syllables she can formulate. I would argue. as it is by the religious system. If we remove the veil of cultural representation. Glossolalia cannot be inauthentic if accompanied by an intention to pray. In contrast. sometimes replacing or preceding the experience of speaking in tongues. What makes this comparison significant is that whereas at the beginning of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in the late 1960s speaking in tongues was the characteristic initiatory experience. so it is the ground of alienation. If the embodied alterity of the self is the phenomenological ground of the sacred." There is neither an act of will in falling nor is there a willful act of speech—the practice is both mute and passive. resting in the Spirit began to share the same niche in the Charismatic ritual ecology. but one cannot have the intention to rest in the Spirit. This combination of activity and passivity in one practice. the increasing passivity of the Charismatic ethos can be demonstrated by tracing the changing relationship between the sacred swoon and two other Charismatic ritual practices. On the side of healing. the crisis of a failed effort at orientation ending in the horror of existential vertigo. In the increasingly conservative 1980s resting in the Spirit occurred (and glossolalia did not) at healing services attended by large numbers of the religious public who did not otherwise participate in Charismatic activities. The Charismatics who typically lead these services refrain from glossolalia for fear of alienating participants. speaking in tongues and prophecy. whereas a person who first begins to speak in tongues is said to "yield to the gift. evil appears as the abject aloneness in which the very alterity of the self has become malignant. What appears as rage is in fact the horror of the self as nothingness." it is also said that the neophyte should ustep out in faith.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 273 attributed. is the concrete operator that allows experiential communion of human and divine in the speaking body. In addition. Resting in the Spirit began to occur in "Life in the Spirit Seminars" when people were baptized in the Holy Spirit.

The most important ritual practice in these groups was utterance in the genre of prophecy. this contrast between the tightly organized covenant community and the loosely organized membership of the larger movement can be taken as evidence. in support of Douglas's (1973) thesis about the relationship between social structure and practices of relinquishing bodily control. or is it truly a moment when the cultural ideal of what Smith (1985) has . the practice entered the community under the influence of Wimberite teachings." Our earlier analysis notwithstanding. a decade after it had become popular in the Charismatic Renewal at large. again within the Charismatic microcosm.274 THE RAGING AND THE HEALING some Charismatic covenant communities. upright religious thought. it apparently achieved greater popularity in a segment of the community that eventually decided to modify' its commitment to the highly "masculinized" authoritarian vision. or a reprieve that allows the self to renew and reassemble its forces? Is what passes as healing really a more insidious form of narcissism. In one community dominated by the active authoritarianism of prophetic utterance. Benedict's (1934) argument that the same ritual feature can take on different meanings within different cultural configurations. Resting in the Spirit did not become popular in covenant communities until about 1985. Against the North American cultural background. It redirects Douglas's rcpresentationalist concern with social structure toward an analysis of specific dispositions inculcated by a ritual technique of the body. which placed it among other dramatic and "masculine" manifestations of divine power in contrast to the broader movement's perceived cultivation of a passive and "feminine" experience of nurturant divine presence. albeit framed within the microcosm of the Charismatic world. or the liberating removal of potentially authoritarian utterance? Is even "authentic" resting in the Spirit an escape into self-indulgence. To qualify this analysis somewhat. an informant in the late 1970s was able to state with some disdain that the passive sacred swoon "doesn't happen here. however. its introduction roughly coincided with a decline of prophecy. This inflection of meaning supports. When it did begin to occur. Moreover. Does the encroachment of resting in the Spirit on the ritual turf of tongues and prophecy in these two different segments of the movement constitute the relative abdication of wide-awake. a change that led to a major schism (Csordas in press). the rise of resting in the Spirit tells us not so much about social structure as about the existential enactment of the psychocultural theme of control qua control.

more and less benign. a cry for freedom or a luxuriating in bondage? What if the passivity of resting in the Spirit is nihilism in divine disguise. . and demonic crisis is a howl against oppression disguised as a bloodchilling howl of destruction? What if they are both forms. or is it a dangerous form of rebellion that must be domesticated? Is it angst or evil. of nihilism? We can go no further in answering these questions.THE RAGING AND THE HEALING 275 called integral selfhood is attained? If this is "the healing. but we can say that the two faces of the sacred self revealed in resting in the Spirit and demonic crisis are very much twentieth-century faces searching for salvation in an epoch of nihilism." is it what the late twentieth century really needs? Is the raging of demonic crisis the only possibility for active protest against intolerable existential circumstances.

in the engagement of problematic emotions with psychocultural themes. it is because there is no such "thing" as the self. There are only self processes. We have documented these processes in the rhetoric and semiotics of ritual language. Yet if healing is the creation of a sacred self." Our answer must be that if the self is elusive. as Hallowell (1955) supposed. Whereas HallowelTs idea of a behavioral environment presumes the environment to be a condition external to the self. it might be objected that we have never said what the sacred self "is. but their "being in the world" is integrated and coordinated within a habitus. and in what sense have we produced a cultural phenomenology of healing? The answer to both questions is that our success depends on whether wre have adequately identified process and transformation in their experiential specificity. the notion of habitus suggests that self process and habitus are mutually constitutive. and these are orientational processes. This notion of self is cross-culturally useful as soon as it is granted that the existential condi276 . The Charismatks who experience these self processes are not only oriented with respect to certain cultural domains. We have been fortunate to have in the Catholic Charismatic healing system an empirical case in which such processes are explicitly elaborated. culturally distinct from the "mainstream" yet recognizable in the context of North American culture.10 Envoi: The Sacred Self In what sense can we claim that we have elaborated a cross-culturally useful phenomcnological theory of the self. in revelation and imaginal performance. and in autobiographical commemoration.

and perhaps implicitly with our own specific ethnopsychological notion of person. since our data come from their twentieth-century equivalent. following Boas." . on the observation that the personal pronoun is a linguistic universal. It is of empirical concern to our argument that he saw the development of the individualistic person played out in the arena of sectarian movements of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. embodiment. the Charismatics. In his fragmentary but influential discussion of the person (1950a). These parallel formulations implicitly identify our recurring issues of perception and practice as domains of the culturally constituted self.1 Hallowell himself built his theory on self-awareness and. To equate self with self-awareness is to confuse it with an aspect of the already-objectified person. and the Christian person.ENVOI 277 tion of the habitus. For anthropologists wary of projecting our own ethnopsychological assumptions onto ethnological method. It may be that he was stymied by not following out a phenomenological analysis that distinguished between the preobjective self and the objectified person. Mauss himself had already reproduced the same duality by elaborating his concept of la notion de penonne quite independently from that of les techniques du corps (1950&). but writing nearly two decades earlier than Hallowell. the classical persona. is generalizable as the ground of culture. We can reflect on our own experience because of the essential altcrity that allows us to experience our own body as an object. and the sacred. Mauss was even less able to treat them together. since this is precisely the kind of duality with which we have been concerned. self-awareness in itself is no longer a convincing starting point. an "other. At the same time. the linguistic argument that appeals to the evidence of the grammatical person begs the question of how representation is related to being in the world. By the same token. It is of theoretical concern that he saw the problem of the person to be associated with the distinction promulgated by Descartes and Spinoza between the world of thought and the material world. As we have discovered. Fogelson (1982:83) notes that Hallowell did not adequately address the relation between his concepts of person and self. the same question that generates semiotics and phenomenology as apparently divergent methodological stances. he argued that particular social conditions are associated with qualitative differences among the totemistic personage. the very possibility of reflexivity is grounded in embodiment. the self. Mauss suggested that all humans have a sense of spiritual and corporal individuality.

for others it is motivated by curiosity about the results of a nondualistic method. However." It also helps account for the necessity at times of theorizing in oxymorons. Scheper-Hughes and Lock 1987). for it is implicated in the very process of recognizing reality as real: the recognition that is the end of orientational processes must be recognition as some kind of cultural person. Objectifications in the social world do not necessarily create enduring objects or immutable persons. but as the processes of orientation and engagement in which the person becomes objectified. we must start not with self-awareness. The body is deeply implicated in this movement. The coexistence of this necessity and this resistance is part of the enduring existential issue of "otherness.278 ENVOI In other words. as is evident in Bourdieu's description of the habitus with phrases such as spontaneous dispositions. but they do create real objeas and persons. social. or between body and mind in the domain of medicine. or being in the world and representation are not given outside the existential self processes that constitute them. object. natural and supernatural in the domain of religion. and at the same time that there is among us a resistance to objectification intent on collapsing duality. It is in the immediacy of lived experience that we come face to face with that indeterminacy in which troublesome dualities are collapsed. An approach beginning with embodiment thus reveals that cultural objectification is a necessity that also inevitably generates duality. but that they are consequences of embodiment as the condition of existence. or political aspects (B. or state of affairs. To be sure. but with the problem of how self-awareness is produced. Given the preobjectivc indeterminacy of perception and practice. self and person. The ontological status of our inevitable dualities is not such that they arc "there" to be discovered. Turner 1984. and those processes are what we must continue to study. than from embodiment as the preobjective condition of social life. generating "ontological" distinctions between. not with the self as an object of awareness. intentionless inven- . but also out of which they are generated in the first place. there is an important movement in contemporary scholarship in the human sciences to collapse dualities such as those we have been discussing. regulated improvisation. It is then the function of ideological critique to observe how objectified dualities are clung to and manipulated. For some it is motivated by an almost moral objection to "Cartesianism". for example. the goal of collapsing dualities is less likely to be achieved by writing about the body in its individual. such objectification must occur. Our point is that the dualities between preobjectivc and objective.

The phenomenological paradigm of embodiment reminds us of this precisely because in beginning with preobjective indeterminacy it slices through the analytic terrain at an unfamiliar angle. Attached to any of these dualities as we may have become. b) has repeatedly cited the Buddhist doctrine of nonself (anatta) in admonishing anthropologists for the ethnocentricity of theorizing the self as an ontological entity. For example. but monitor the extent to which our own theoretical objectifications are cultural artifacts. thematizc self processes. we have encountered a Euro-American tendency to substantivize divine power in our discussions of embodied revelatory imagery and Charismatic "anointing. they are theoretical and not ontological distinctions. to mistake the oxymoron for a contradiction is to misrecognize that one of the dualities challenged in the notion of habitus is that between the conscious and the unconscious (1987:20-23). unfamiliar. it is precisely as a theoretical concept that anatta is of interest for a comparative cultural phenomcnoiogy. Although the linguistic evidence docs not answer the question of whether power is experientially substantivized in the Solomon Islands. intentionality without intention. it does show how our theory may be shaped by our cultural patterns of objectification. As Bourdieu notes. who tells of being surprised in his early work to find that the concept was not salient in the everyday life of ordinary Buddhists. for we must not only study cultural patterns of objectification. Anatta is an understanding of self in terms of indeterminacy and nonentity (Conze 1975:36-39. to the spirit of positivism. and represent the person as much as anyone.ENVOI 279 tion." Keesing (1989) has pointed out how this same tendency among early anthropologists was implicated in the linguistic error of mistranslating the Malaita stative verb mamana as a noun—an error that resulted in our enduring understanding of mana as substantivized spiritual power. . that is. That anatta is itself a theoretical concept is apparent in a reminiscence by Spiro (1987). This last observation introduces a reflexive note into our theorizing. Buddhists objectify the self. However. For while it recognizes self processes as efforts to achieve a sense of entity. knowing without awareness (connaissance sans conscience). A similar point can be made with respect to our tendency to entity the self. Even though the North American self is accurately described as a bounded entity for purposes of ethnography. it holds the resultant self-objectifications to be illusory precisely because of the indeterminacy of existence. Spiro 1982:84-91). Obeyesekcre (1990a. there is no reason to suppose that it is any kind of entity for purposes of comparative research.

rather than of cither belief or knowledge. then. we have found the existential ground of the sacred in the alterity of the self. Bypassing the notions of belief and knowledge. Indeed. otherness and the sacred. of course. As with the concepts of power and self. genres and motives of ritual performance.280 ENVOI This is at least roughly parallel to the phenomcnological notion of self we have been developing. and the criterion of the sacred in the experience of spontaneity. or even (with respect to textuality) as a cosmological narrative. but (with respect to embodiment) as a milieu that is inhabited. In our attempt to maintain a close dialogue between theory and data. that the notion of belief has not figured in our cultural phenomenology. This is presuming. somatic mode . in the same sense in which Leenhardt (1979) described the mythic world of the Canaques of New Caledonia. a certain limitation has accrued to our accounts by the anthropological habit of analyzing religious and ethnomedical phenomena under the concept of "belief. embodiment. Belief is not understood as a concrete act of commitment (with the same etymology as to "belove") but as adherence to an abstract proposition. each of the concepts we have introduced has been a locus of experiential specificity: person and self. but to an understanding of self processes in their specificity. To study belief is thus implicitly to study the consequences of adherence to erroneous propositions. however. It will also be recalled that effort is included in the definition of the self. The principal characteristic of myth is that it constitutes reality. It should hardly be a surprise. chapter 1)." In discussing the role of this concept in anthropological theory. Good (1992) points out that in our analyses beliefs arc presumed to be erroneous and stand in contrast to knowledge presumed to be true. It is due to its evaluative stance. militates against the dialogue between theoretical notions and empirical data that has been one of the driving forces of our method in this book. and it is the constitution of reality in perception and practice. the notion of belief. Perhaps myth is a better term for what we have been studying. that the Buddhist concept becomes one of theology rather than of theory. This is the same effort or existential striving that Buddhism finds so problematic. an effort to become oriented and hence self-objectified (cf. postural model. and thus its intent parts company with our own. that myth is understood not (with respect to rationality) as a set of beliefs. We do not aspire to nonself. insofar as it stands apart from and passes judgment on reality. that has been our underlying concern.

Perhaps paradoxically. control. Insofar as the locus of therapeutic process is the indeterminate self. Thcmatization of laughter as joy is a self-objectification of this double altcrity as sacred. the psychocultural themes of spontaneity. For the patients whose experience we examined most closely. We have found this altcrity to be the condition of possibility for that otherness thematized as sacred. the distinction between image as sign and image in consciousness. and actualization of change. Scheff holds. alterity is transformed into its opposite—self-presence—and self-rejection is transformed into its opposite—divine acceptance. margin of disability. Our analyses of phenomena under these concepts has allowed us to identify the modes of orientation and engagement in the world that transform a suffering self into a sacred self as well as to identify the patterned correspondences between the minute particulars of experience and broader psychocultural themes. Csordas 1990a). imaginal performance. In reflecting on these cases. but it retains the weakness of being founded on an incomplete theory of emotional expression that does not account for cultural objectification and hence therapeutic specificity. . and intimacy.2 If embarrassed laughter is a distancing from uncomfortable emotions. such that it is easiest to document disposition and least easy to specify the nature and scope of change. In laughter the alterity of the self is "exposed" in a double sense. commemoration. and the raging and healing." We have embraced SchefPs (1979) theory of catharsis as an advance. our eschevval of global mechanisms must also be an eschewal of cither global psychiatric "cure" or global religious "conversion.ENVOI 281 of attention. joyous laughter is a distancing from embarrassment. it is at only at this level where existence shows its essential indeterminacy that we have been able to achieve the specificity that we set as our goal. experience of the sacred. We can take this step by reminding ourselves once again that one of the essential features of embodied existence is its alterity. we have shown how therapeutic process is constituted of disposition within the ritual system and the Charismatic habitus. that laughter always indicates embarrassment. elaboration of alternatives. analysis must be incremental and inconclusive. and that of the self-observing reflexive posture necessary for the experience of embarrassment. Motivated by spontaneity as the criterion of the sacred. that of its spontaneity. for example. it appears likely that each of the elements builds on the previous one. but cannot account for why Charismatic laughter in ritual situations is typically thematized as "joy" (cf. This is adequate to a theory of global emotional release. Nonetheless.

sadness. It is above all a methodological starting point in concrete immediacy rather than in abstract structure. nor as a subjective approach in contrast to other more objective ones. conscious and unconscious3 are collapsed. To the extent that this sense is valid. There is a real sense in which the "texts" on which wc rely—reports. By beginning with the preobjcctive field of embodiment. interviews. or observation—can be construed as giving us access to experience. if we have expressed our concern with collapsing—or at least suspending and problematizing—conceptual dualities. As a method of recognizing what is thus disclosed. that field of immediacy where (among others) the analytic dualities of subject and object. the cultural phenomenology that we have elaborated should not be construed primarily as a microanalytic approach in contrast to other macroanalytic ones. but only inferred from language.282 ENVOI The manner in which emotions like embarrassment. On the contrary. we have been able to acquire a sense of the emotional dimension of self processes. I would say that we can identify how emotion is objectified and taken up from experience into language. but complementary methodological moments. . I would argue for the immediacy of embodiment as a starting point only because I am convinced that it is easier to abstract from experience that to arrive at experience from abstraction. for immediacy and structure are not alternatives. we must also insist once again that the opposition between semiotics and phenomenology is a false opposition. Thus. or joy are objectified is critical for the self. I would reiterate my argument against those who say that experience is never accessible.4 I emphasize the notion of a starting point. Language is not only "about" itself: it can be the source of a genuine communication in which the existential situation of others is disclosed and recognizable. narratives.

person. subjectivity. In addition. and the creativity of ritual language will form the substance of a separate volume (Csordas in press). ego. mind. ambiguity and paradox may be elements of specifiable self processes. Still less is it to deny the importance of ambiguity in certain symbols of healing (Laderman 1987). A discussion of Charismatic covenant communities in the context of theories of charisma. 2. I am satisfied that the term self has. 2. subject. including both colloquial and technical terms: self.Notes Preface 1. Shepherd and Saitorius 1989). Mv intent is not to deny the possibility' of nonspecific effects (cf. spirit. In fact. monad. revitalization. transcendental ego. inner man. one should not forget identity and the individual. I have chosen the term self from among a large set of related and nearsynonymous terms. consciousness. Zaner (1981:112) has done us the service of defining this terminological set. soul. psyche. less connotational and theoretical baggage than any of the alternatives. poursaiy ctrc-nu-nunidc. Chapter 1 1. Da-sein. agent. at least for our purposes. metaphor. We are concerned not with whether religious participation in general 283 . For a more detailed discussion of these emphases in the study of therapeutic efficacy sec Csordas and Klcinman (1990). 3. mental substance. transcendental unity of apperception.

8. personal communication). Singer 1984). implicitly prescriptive and therapeutic in intent. That is. self-awareness (Hallowell 1955). and the presence of an implicit semiotics in Merleau-Pontes (1964a: 39-97) explorations in the phenomenology of language. as has been done fruitfully by a number of theorists (James 1983. Even so. existencebeing) in his statement that the body is simultaneously both the original object upon which the work of culture is carried out and the original tool with which that work is achieved (Mauss 1950^:372). a technical means. With . They serve as aids to thought much as do theories of multiple souls among peoples typically described by anthropologists. Johnson 1985). 6. Singer 1989). M. As such they also must be excluded as conceptual starting points for an cultural phenomenology. would have to take into account the not-infrequent reference to Jungian ideas by Charismatic healers. Neither is our aim primarily to apply concepts of self developed in the contemporary discussion among psychologists. A Jungian analysis of the self in contemporary culture. Levin and Vanderpool 1987). intimations of this complementarity can be seen in the presence of an implicit phenomenology in the pioneering semiotic work of Peirce (M. systems of signs and bundles of habits (M. Although their relation has never been worked out in practice. The concept of habitus was introduced by Mauss in his seminal essay on body techniques to refer to the sum total of culturally patterned uses of the body in a society. Mead 1934. Such consequences are evident in Descartes's understanding of the self as a substance. Finally. 1993). 5. However. Singer. and the subjective origin of technique. sign-significance. Mauss anticipated how a paradigm of embodiment might mediate fundamental dualities (mind-body. Charles Taylor (1989) has also taken up the notion of orientation as critical to the self. the soul. No less consequential are contemporary theories of self that define it as consciousness (Devos. they lack the phenomenological immediacy that we require for present purposes. For Mauss it was a means to organize an otherwise miscellaneous domain of culturally patterned behavior. We will not follow the strategy of analyzing the self into components. or the early Christian understanding of self as a kind of entity. Such analyses specify critical functional aspects of self. the body is at once an object of technique. Bailey 1983.284 NOTES TO PAGES 4-9 has a therapeutic effect (Ness 1980. we must be cautious about the principal characteristics we attribute to the self. but with a culturally elaborated healing system that interacts with other sectors of the society's overall health care system (Kleinman 1980). ranging from Smith's (1985) attempts to define the conditions necessary to the ideal of an "integral selfhood" to Lifton's (1976) analysis of the fragmentation and mutability of a "protean self." 7. and Hsu 1985). An additional element of complexity is added by the fact that Charismatics themselves participate in and contribute to this cultural discourse. A more complete exposition of embodiment and indeterminacy can be found in Csordas (1990«. 4." Such analyses are cultural critiques. for these bear methodological consequences. for example. and received only a paragraph of elaboration. states of mind (F. Marsella. or a locus of experience composed of intrapsychic structures and processes (Harris 1989). particularly with respect to orientation in "moral space.

For additional analysis of the necessity of the other to the constitution of the self see Zancr (1981: chapters 9 . and Heidegger. whereas improvised adjustment to objective conditions is the hallmark of the habitus for Bourdieu. from the phenomenological standpoint intersubjeaivity is a socially constituted singularity from the outset. Schutz. and against it discovers the transcendence and indeterminacy of normal existence. This theoretical difference is reflected consistently in different aspects of the two arguments. and discover indeterminacy in a logic of practices that allows cosmology and the quotidian to endlessly mirror one another in agricultural cycles and cycles of daily life. the structure of domestic space and structured judgments of taste. Merlcau-Ponty focuses on the motility of the body in the world. whose analysis draws on the phenomenological work of Schclcr. Gergen (1990) is uncomfortable with the concept of intersubjectivity. from which starting point intersubjeaivity could only be construed as mutual representation of each subjectivity by the other. Behaviorism is essentially dualistic. intentionality is the hallmark of the preobjective for Merleau-Ponty. suggesting that religions of ethical salvation create a sacred self through a "self-deification" achieved by transforming "the average habitus of the human body and the everyday world" (1963:158-59). Merleau-Pontes example relies neither on the empiricist paradigm of stimulus and response (display of emotion causes perception of emotion) nor on the intellectualist paradigm of inner representations compared to one's own inner experience (when I behave like that I am angry. This appeal to behavior in no way makes Merleau-Ponty a behaviorist. The intersubjectivity to which Gergen objects is not that of phenomenology. This presupposes a Cartesian formulation of subjectivity. Merleau-Pontes analysis begins with the lack of bodily synthesis evident in cases of perceptual pathology and aphasia. Weber too invoked the concept of habitus. apparently because he understands it as a relation between two isolated subjectivities or intcntionalities. but which in the theory's strongest form are dismissed as epiphenomenal. whereas Bourdieu focuses on the structured space in which the body moves. epitomized as a human "genius for ambiguity. 12. 9. The denial of radical disjunction between normal and pathological experience is consistent with the conception of mental disorder held by Harry Stack Sullivan (1953). As is evident in the notion of the copresence of another myself. For Merlcau-Ponty the result is to understand the body in terms of its perceptual synthesis. therefore she is angry)." Bourdieu's analyses begin with enduring bodily dispositions in stable societies.1 1 ) . 13. 11.NOTES TO PAGES 11-13 285 intriguing implications for the analysis wc undertake in this book. . 14. 10. choosing behavior over the representations of "inner" experience the existence of which are acknowledged. whereas Bourdieu understands it either in terms of the orchestration and harmonization (1977) or the classifiability (1984) of practices. As a generating principle for perceptual and social existence. In his ethnography of the Kabyle people of northern Africa Bourdieu (1977) gives the examples of how the conceptual distinction male and female is applied in variable ways to the organization of domestic space and to characteristics of domestic utensils.

For a more detailed examination of the genres and motives of Charismatic ritual language in performance see Csordas (1987a). Detailed analyses of specific aspects of Charismatic ritual life appear in several of McGuire's (1975. 1992). and to those of Kirmayer (1990. and when admonished that such behavior would not help matters. emic sense of an authentic. Self is to be understood here in the popular. 1977. which examine metaphor from the standpoint of embodiment. 1991). but has a substantially different thematic significance in the predominantly authoritarian Chinese culture than in North America. Healing ministers were recruited from an initial list of twenty-five individuals and eleven prayer groups provided by the movement's coordinating office for southeast New England. 23. We must point out the difference between any of these three as a potential phenomenon and as an elaborated cultural theme. 19. which are especially useful for a textual approach to metaphor. I restria mention here to the works of Fernandez (1986. Spontaneity. The book is useful as a general introduction to Charismatic ritual language and ritual healing. Chapter 2 1. see Csordas (1992a). and includes a thorough bibliography of scholarship on Pentecostal-Charismatic phenomena through the beginning of the 1980s. is a phenomenon that is discussed by Ots (in press) in a contemporary healing movement in China. 17. and in healing imager)'. Metaphor theory is a rapidly expanding field for which numerous sources could be cited. intimacy cannot be said to be absent from Japanese culture. with additional informants being recommended . in the American predisposition for the kind of spontaneous intimacy evident in attitudes about friendship and community. for example. While the rest of the students waited resignedly for the overused car. justified it by stating he would go crazy if he didn't "do something. discrete. For a discussion which takes up suffering as an explicit phenomenological theme in the cultural patterning of experience see Kleinman and Kleinman (1991)." 22. A European colleague tells of an encounter in front of a sluggish elevator in a high-rise dormitory during her student days. This hypothesis could be empirically tested by examining the role assumed by each of the divine persons in prayerful interaction. individual rather than in the theoretical sense we have elaborated above. but it is not a theme in the cultural patterns associated with marriage as it is in North America (DeVos 1985). 1983) other writings. the texts of prophecies. 20. Likewise. 16. 21. The most comprehensive social science treatment of Catholic Charismatic belief and practice to date is McGuire (1982). 18.286 NOTES TO PAGES 15-27 15. Varenne (1986) also offers an example of how the themes we are discussing interact with one another. the sole American among them suddenly began pounding on the door. For an analysis of the Charismatic Renewal as an international phenomenon.

and in our research locale the diocesan Charismatic newsletter publishes a calendar of healing services. one that attended prayer meetings and spoke in tongues (Charismatics) and one that rarely if ever attended prayer meetings and never spoke in tongues (non-Charismatics). one nun and laywoman team.3 percent. and one husband and wife team. 8. four laywomen. 7. Of these. 6. All of these ten worked in pairs: three priest and laywoman teams. 4. of those who had been prayed with 1-5 times 51. and favors a more militant ideology rather than one oriented to healing. attendance was divided into weekly and less than weekly (including never). Membership in these intentional communities is generally younger. and focused on a range of biographical conceptual. The implication was that the ALANON experience prepared her to be supportive to others in need of healing.NOTES TO PAGES 27-31 287 by earlier participants. This is.8%) The chi-squarc value with 1 degree of freedom was 44. The proportion of active Charismatic and non-Charismatic are virtually identical across gender. Based on their responses.32. These two practice variables were cross-tabulated and the analysis showed definitively that people clustered predominantly into groups. On professionalism and Charismatic healing as well as for a discussion of healers' views on the relation between psychotherapy and ritual healing see Csordas (1990&). For discussion of psychiatrists who also integrate Christianity into their practice see Gaines (1982a). in sharp contrast to the more even gender balance in Charismatic covenant communities. whereas speaking in tongues was divided into often and never. and two laymen. and for 31-50 times 87. thirteen were priests. There is no limit to the number of times someone can receive healing prayers.6%) 79 (16. Interviews lasted from one and a half to four hours. The analysis that shows the consistency of association between attendance at prayer meetings and speaking in tongues is as follows (N = 587. for 6 . pragmatic. and the statistical probability of these results occurring was . parallel to Alcoholics Anonymous and loosely based on Christian principles. 3.8%) Never 84(17. Some weekly or monthly services attract regular devotees who like the style of a particular healer.9 percent. Thus. ALANON is a support organization for relatives of alcoholics. 5. We adopted attendance at prayer meetings and speaking in tongues as two practices suggested by ethnographic experience as valid criteria of Charismatic identity. The only other factor that indisputably indicated whether a person was likely to report having been healed is the number of times he or she had been prayed with for healing. missing = 108): Attendance Weekly < Weekly Tongues Often 144(30. two nuns. however.8%) 164 (34. and experiential issues.1 5 times 76. 2. more highly educated.5 percent reported having been healed. The polysemic nature of gendered symbolism in religion (Bynum 1986) is doubtless of relevance: the male deity .00.

the performance-centered . The robustness of the analysis is somewhat mitigated by the inclusion of 54 individuals who reported both categories. results of medical tests. the category of those who brought physical/medical problems alone contained 138 individuals. Monfouga-Nicholas 1972 on the latter possibility). see Kchoe and Giletti (1981). The categories included the following items from a list of eighteen problems constructed after pretesting the instrument at two earlier healing services. the vexed debate about why this might be the case has invoked factors ranging from gender oppression to nutritional deficiency. Eight percent of women and 13 percent of men failed to respond to this item. depression. These are the cultural performance approach of interpretive anthropology (M. or the basis for creation of a separate domain of interaction that in itself constitutes a social power base (cf. 10. Spiritual: spiritual renewal. Bourguignon (1982) has presented a comparison of approaches to the same African possession religion (the Hausa bori) by a male and a female scholar. With regard to the latter. Lewis (1971) has put forward the classic argument that "ecstatic religions" provide a sense of empowerment to women who are in other ways dominated by men. See Csordas (1983) for a case of Charismatic healing of the habit of masturbation. financial problems. schizophrenia. and I have suggested that differences between French and Anglo-American approaches may also be implicated (Csordas 1987a).288 NOTES TO PAGES 32-35 when he heals and when he wields a sword requires different modes of orientation on the part of the sacred self. the survey did not determine whether or not the respondents remained or intended to remain under the care of any alternative healing system. 11. problems with children. cancer. suggesting that gender differences between observers matter a great deal. 12. AIDS. diabetes. there will likely be variation across specific instances in whether participation is the basis for an illusory sense of empowerment where the hope for divine intervention is accompanied by a lack of all other resources. In this analysis. 9. On the nutritional (calcium deficiency) hypothesis. The first two categories included a variety of specific items from our original survey. and that of emotional/relationship problems contained 125. and which taken together constitute an adequate theory of performance. 1972. Singer 1958. anxiety. 13. each of which approaches the problem from a slightly different angle. There are three principal schools of thought about performance in anthropology. nerves. An equivalent 15 percent from each gender failed to respond to this item. successful surgery. and only the category of "spiritual renewal" remained distinct and uncombined with any other. Geertz 1973). job problems. 15. 14. Emotionalyrelationship: alcoholism. In addition. marital problems. Valuable critiques of Lewis have been offered by Kapferer (1983) and Lambek (1989). physical pain. Even if this is the case. drug abuse. Each category was supplemented by the coding of written responses to a nineteenth option labeled "other problems" Physical illness: heart ailment/disease. the basis for legitimating demands by women on men where husbands must satisfy the spirits who possess their wives. Peacock 1968.

However. 1979). See McGuire (1983) for a comparison of Charismatic verbal acts of empowerment in healing with those in a variety of other North American healing traditions. healers often make statements such as "Spirits don't act that way. simply dealing with inner healing problems under the aegis of prayer for deliverance." This usage of "empirical" to mean "experientially concrete" is also employed by Hufford (1982) in his interesting examination of the "old hag syndrome" in Newfoundland. In the early 1970s some covenant communities made the deliverance from evil spirits a mandator)' part of becoming a community member. 20. 21. 22. I am not aware of any ceremony in which members of a healing ministry are invested with this ritual garb. the second as genre. as too "feminine. Rappoport 1979). 1991. Roseman 1988. 18. This system is felt to be consistent with the relatively masculinized ethos of covenant communities that regards much of Charismatic emotional healing. but private sessions for individual supplicants take place infrequently." Covenant-community leaders or "coordinators" have responsibility to pray for those in their charge." . and the third as act. A Catholic Charismatic healing service in the Wimberite style is described in Csordas (1990*). but it is rare. Bloch 1974. 19. Bauman 1974. Later. institutionalizing the premise that everyone is in need of healing. 1983. The latter practice is associated primarily with the Protestant healing evangelist John YVimber. 17. and partly to the fact that the significantly younger membership is not afflicted with as great a proportion of physical illnesses. Kapferer 1979*. Healing practice in covenant communities takes on a different complexion. and the performative-utterance approach which spans both (Ahern 1979. some Protestant healers acknowledge that they deal with all the same issues that their Catholic counterparts do.1986. The importance of performance in the process of ritual healing is supported by a small but influential body of literature (Tambiah 1977. ongoing relationship of pastoral-leadership ("headship") counseling tended to replace formal healing sessions as the preferred setting for healing and spiritual growth. However. the Chamula Indians of highland Chiapas also regard language as a kind of ritual substance. for example. According to Gossen (1976). and act is present only implicitly. genre. the directive. but complement one another in that the first formulates performance as event. in most of these works the methodological distinction among event. Fabian 1974." or "That does happen. and there are informal opportunities for persons to ask one another for prayer for a variety of issues in addition to healing. Schieffelin 1985. It is difficult to ascenain the fine line between metaphorical and literal meaning in a usage such as "soaking. Tambiah 1985. All share a hermeneutic sense of the importance of context. In response to questioning about the activities of evil spirits. Laderman 1991). partly due to the existence of ongoing everyday relationships. 16.NOTES TO PAGES 36-46 289 approach from sociolinguistics (Hymes 1975. This is the only instance of ritual clothing among Charismatics aside from the mantles and veils of the Word of God and related covenant communities. with its imager)' processes and biographical review (sec below).

Quite aside from whatever may be covered in the literature on therapeutic countertransfercnee. Adequate comparative studies of specificity in therapeutic process must begin with a comprehensive account of performance including event. I took several opportunities to inquire about people's experiences as subjects of ritual . Frank's (1986) account of the sense of bodily wholeness in a woman born without legs and with only partially formed arms. For an additional empirical elaboration of the four elements of process see Csordas (1988). Montagu (1978) cites scholarly literature on the therapeutic value of touch for skin disorders. asthma. definitions of clinical reality. characteristics of practitioners and patients. In fact. as we will find in later chapters. Confirmation of this hypothesis would be furthered if leg-lengthening could be observed closely enough to determine whether the adjustment occurs in minute jerky movements as it does in Schilder's experiment. when it appeared to include a much more vivid tactile dimension than it does among contemporary Charismatics. My discussion here does not include medical uses of touch. Charismatics do appear to substantivize divine power. although as a native English speaker I can understand it cither way. Kleinman (1988) has proposed a valuable comparative framework that takes into account institutional settings. The variability of this habitual engagement in the world is captured from the theoretical standpoint of embodiment in G. as an anthropologist working among the Navajo. the embodied imagery of being covered with divine blood was common in the spirituality of the Middle Ages. and act. whose traditional healers have been tirelessly scrutinized to the neglect of their patients. idioms of therapeutic communication. 24. and therapeutic stages and mechanisms. 3. Chapter 4 1. I am aware of only one study of spontaneous imagery and its possible therapeutic use among psychotherapists (Adler 1981). but is restricted to its performative efficacy within the Charismatic ritual healing system. process. 4. According to Bynum (1989).290 NOTES TO PAGES 46-76 I would argue on principle that Charismatics arc no more or less literal than Gossen's Chamulas. For a more thorough discussion of procedure. From the other side. Chapter 3 1. 2. and outcome. and even schizophrenia. 23. see Csordas and Kleinman (1990). characteristics of interpersonal interaction among participants. genre.

In other words. 3. This objection immediately begins to break down when it is realized that as a cultural phenomenon. while "warmth" is an image of warmth it is a sign of divine power. J. Singer (1981). I was rewarded with reports that imagery does occur. and phenomenologically speaking. In fact. It may be objected that our attempt to align the notions of image and sign strains to juxtapose two very different orders of phenomena: an analogical representative is necessarily an "appearance" (Husserl 1964:133-136) of an actual or fantasy object which it attempts to approximate or imitate. Thus the imagination of warmth must have as its object the sensation of warmth. 5. There is no strict coincidence of both healer and supplicant feeling the heat at the same time. or Kant's between reproductive and productive imagination (sec Casey 1976:131-132). Ward (1985). Giorgio (1987). 2. to fully appreciate its place in Charismatic imaginal life we must recall . Heat is also frequently reported by supplicants who either feel heat within them or feel it in the healer's hands. whereas warmth as a sign may have divine power as its object. Apparently most common among children." it is a manifestation of divine power in a sensory modality. See chapter 2 for definitions of these forms. Although the auditory modality plays a limited role in the imagery of healers. eidetic imagery is neither evenly distributed within populations nor evenly elaborated among the world's cultures and religions. That is. but to aspects of imaginative activity. 6. to experience warmth is to experience divine power. and I have included in the tabulation only those instances in which the healer reported heat in his or her own hands. see Kirmayer (1992). 8. This analysis is not the same as Avicenna's distinction between representative and active imagination. 9. 4. Casey (personal communication) has acknowledged that his account of imagination is less embodied and allows for less engagement than is probably the case in daily life. For important discussions of scientific approaches to imagery research see Ahsen (1987). and Warnock (1976). Anointing is included among these revelatory forms insofar as. 10. on the order of experiences such as the appearance of the traditional deities (Holy People) who tell a person they will become well. the sensation of warmth is isomorphic with divine power. 12. Casey (1976)." suggesting the arbitrariness of distinguishing between 'Svord gift" revelation and other experiences attributed to divine power. like the "word gifts. 11. specifically that any instance of imagery can be understood both as representation and as being-in-the-world. It refers not to types. whereas a representamen is necessarily something other than the object for which it stands. 7. in a given cultural context.NOTES TO PAGES 79-90 291 healing. The practical result was the inclusion of a variety of somatic experiences described above as "anointings. For alternative perspectives on the relation between body and text see Berger (1987) and Kirmayer (1992). On presentation and representation in the metaphoric constitution of bodily experience.

Singer (1984. On the other hand. it's word of knowledge. concordant with the powerful psychodynamic influence on North American ethnopsychology. and countertransference. 13. 19." Another was excluded who. It may be argued that dreamers are sometimes able at least partially able to control the course of their dreams. I will review my criteria for excluding seven healers whom I considered classing as revelatory dreamers. "If it comes. 16." Attitudes toward interpretation of one's own dreams varied from those who were quite suspicious to those who eagerly attended "Jungian" workshops on dream life. The dominant attitude was concisely summarized by the healer who stated that. see Munn (1973) and Daniel (1984) for ethnographic applications of Peirce's semiotics. 17. trained as a psychotherapist. . 20. There is without doubt some overlap between these two broad categories of revelatory images. Skeptics suggest that this healer is herself a devotee of inexpensive perfume. although reporting two possible instances of dreaming about supplicants.292 NOTES TO PAGES 91-96 its frequent occurrence in prophecy. 1989). "My dream only works for me. was excluded because he described his dreams specifically as countertransference dreams warning him away from attraction to a female client. 15. but of boundaries between analytic categories such as imagination. but these abilities are neither essential to everyday dreaming nor possible in the same degree as in imagining. or at least to "redream" a disturbing sequence as well as to terminate dreams. Five of them reported revelatory experiences either in a half-sleep/half-awake state. One healer was reported by devotees of her ministry frequendy to exude a floral scent detectable to those in her presence. because I didn't know him—why would I tell him that?" 18. or being awakened from sleep with some kind of revelation. As one healer succinctly stated in response to the question as to whether something she told an anonymous man during a healing service was a revelatory gift. sensation. Elsewhere (Csordas 1993) I have discussed the manner in which revelatory imagery brings to the fore the indeterminacy not only of embodied existence. intuition. indicative of her own closeness to the deity. In particular. 21. stated uncertainty as to whether their contents actually were relevant to that supplicant or only to himself. perception. Gaines (\9S2b) would take this as evidence of the difference between assimilated Anglo-American or North European spiritual culture and that of the Mediterranean region. primarily in that they tend to include auditor}' imagery so vivid as to be described in one case as "audible" and in another as "almost audible." there is necessarily at least in some sense a degree of iconic relationship even between the symbolic image-as-sign and its object. Another. which is uttered predominantly in settings other than those of ritual healing. In addition to M. So that the reader can assess my judgment that Charismatic healers do in fact deemphasize dreams as a source of revelation. These hypnagogic experiences must be distinguished from true dreaming. 14. a number of healers reported having dreams that were relevant to themselves. because the image-in-consciousness is necessarily constituted by an "analogical representative.

or because the image was part of an imaginal performance and thus shared its interpretant with others in a complex sequence. There are in this strategy necessary methodological choices that constrain . Sessions are audiotaped. and an adapted form of the Schedule of Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia (SADS). Chapter 5 1. Certainly it is relevant that the goddess Mnemosyne. On the other hand. Full discussion of the diagnostic status of the entire set of supplicants will be reserved for a future work. our data include five coherent examples. 4. 21 were excluded either because the data did not allow clear identification of an interpretant. 3. 25. Forgiving the perpetrator of a traumatic event is an essential component of Charismatic healing of memories. Comprehensive analysis of significant events from the full set of sixty sessions will be undertaken in a separate work. The method is an adapted form of the Interpersonal Process Recall method (Elliott 1984. of which our data include fourteen examples. 6. 24. Although what we might call complementary imagery appears to be relatively rare. and 8. a topic that we will take up in the next chapter. 23. 1985) used in psychotherapy process research. Major depression and dysthymic disorder were most common among those who made diagnostic criteria for any disorder.i 11 293 22. 6. or Memory. an interview instrument. Research diagnoses were established using the Hopkins Symptom Checklist (SCL-90). was for the Greeks the mother of the Muses. I have heard of Charismatics attempting to verify revelations of childhood memories and even revelations of events in ancestral generations. 5. and a commentary about the meaning of the event is constituted by responses to a scries of standardized questions. a self-report paper and pencil instrument. Both are in standard use in psychiatric research. This is evident in the contemporary popularity of techniques for "past life regression. individualistic self. In Locke's formulation great emphasis was placed on memory in the form of mental representations as the mode of constitution for our ethnopsvchological notion of the bounded. This conclusion would be reinforced if we had the opportunity to discuss what we could call compound images occurring simultaneously in more than one modality.NOTES TO PAGES 101. 2. Of the 147 total symbolic signs. following which the client is asked to rate the efficacy of the session and to identify the most significant event within the session. That event is played back for the client. This method is the basis for the analysis of the cases presented below in chapters 5. Healers working as a team may also experience this phenomenon." in which life experiences from previous "incarnations" are retrieved and interpreted with respect to their meaning for the self.

from patient to patient with the same healer. A 1950s television character portrayed as an always-smiling "supermom" and housewife. 14. This session took place before the disgrace of Swaggart due to a sexual scandal. She had only after many years learned to drive herself. Thus whereas the intimacy of a marital relationship may be the fundamental problem. For a brief period during her outpatient treatment she was given what was apparendy an antipsychotic medication that had a bad effect on her "nerves'* and proved ineffective: "It did something to my mouth. It was really strange. Note that the presence of the Virgin and Jesus are intentionally introduced by the healer. but only as part of the retrospective commentary on the session. 8. This method is rarely used in anthropological studies of ritual performance. In response to my observation that some cultures placed the seat of emotion in other parts of the body than the heart. 12. introduction of the divine figures into imaginal performance is an element of technique. a progression of healing sessions. Von der Heydt (1970) makes a cogent argument for the congeniality of a Jungian approach in the psychotherapeutic treatment of Catholic patients. such as the "gut. and that cross-cultural research to that effect would be very intriguing indeed. a particular session may focus on an imagery sequence having to do with the supplicant's relation with her mother. the process of a single session. 9. As a child her mother was in terrible accident. 11. and the single most significant event within a session represent increasingly narrow contextual fields.294 NOTES TO PAGES 112-132 the nature of our discussion. although problems of intimacy are very much foregrounded in healing of memories in contrast to other domains of Charismatic life. he was quite popular among Catholic Charismatics. Thus it is correct to say that although divine presence is an element of religious experience. A Protestant Pentecostal television evangelist. . Obviously because of its theological unorthodox)'. 15." 13. it is thus entirely open to question whether a critical dimension of healing process is typically absent from our accounts. Among Charismatics. I had to lock my jaws together till it wore off*'cause I couldn't control my facial muscles. Likewise. 10. the occurrence of imagery processes varies from session to session. not all such healing has direcdy to do with intimacy. healers themselves often remain unaware of the details of imaginal performance that occur in silent prayer. It is important that the central or presenting problem and its corresponding diagnosis do not preclude the emergence in any session of a variety of "memories'' from different aspects of life experience. and across healers. Finally. and a playmate was killed by a car. 7. Clearly the presentation of life histories. Note that the imaginaJ performance is inaccessible in the data recorded within the healing session itself. and since it remains undocumented to what extent imaginal performance occurs in other healing forms." the healertherapist suggested that a physiological connection could be present between emotions and other body parts.

for the Charismatic this would be a divine inspiration that tapped a memory in need of healing. hadn't the faintest idea what to say to the girl. the reader should be reminded that we arc using the indigenous meaning of "self. there is less attention to the mother-daughter relationship than appears warranted by the kind of data we have presented." this is not to say that it is "self-identical" in those repetitions (Casey 1987:285). Gartner also contends that the inability to forgive marks the operation of the psychological defense mechanism of splitting.NOTES TO PAGES 142-160 295 Chapter 6 1. One healer reported the inverse eroticization of a supplicant who was unable to go into the intimate embrace of Jesus during a guided imagery session precisely because "he is a man. For a critique of theories of efficacy including the homology model. occupying the same methodological niche and filling the same intellectual function in their respective perspectives. it may well begin by comparing the notions of schema and habit. For example." As Husserl oSserved. If there is to be a methodological dialogue between cognitive and phenomenological perspectives. For the Scientologist this is coincidentally "pushing a button" that taps the Bank. Even here. so just came out with. as formulated in psychoanalytic object-relations theory. The notion of judgment has been subjected to a lucid phenomenological critique by Merleau-Ponty (1962). 7. which is then carried into imaginal performance. 8. 5. one practitioner "sat down with a fresh student. Casey also notes that when we remember "we get a different past every time." In our own definition. 4So you want to be an auditor!'The girl burst into tears" (Whitehead 1987:215). 10. we reserve the term self for the cultural elaborations of those indeterminate capacities for engaging the world such as imagination. 9." 11. When speaking of the self as constituted of memories. see Csordas and Kleinman (1990). 3. "speaking about oneself by way of the inner parts of one's body" is a culturally elaborated form of narrative discourse about u how each woman suffers history. but though it is always essentially the "same. In my view these are parallel concepts. The most comprehensive discussion of the cultural meaning of the Virgin Mary as ideal mother remains Kristcva's (1986) classic article. We will examine the relevance of this theory to healing of memories immediately below. or intimacy. any essence is indefinitely rcpeatable. however. We exclude the third case since it begins with a memory already formulated by the patient. . and I was sexually abused by a man. 6. Pandolfi shows that among Italian village women. as sense of suffering transmitted from generation to generation and one that is experienced exclusively by women" (1991:62-63). 2. memory. 4.

I would argue that whereas both are thoroughly engaged and embodied. and Charismatic healers often observe potential pitfalls of their own practice. thus increasing vulnerability and decreasing self-esteem. When healing through imaginal performance is undertaken too soon. Yet the positing of a demon may be . there is a relative difference in their modes of operation that is reflected in how they arc experienced as phenomena in consciousness. everything does not always go according to plan. Some of these issues are discussed with respect to mainstream Charismatic healing in Csordas (1990£). Whitehead (personal communication) has raised the issue of whether the relative thinness and thickness as well as the indifference/disengagement offered by Casey suggest that imagination is less embodied than memory. revelatory imagery can be experienced as intrusive or violating. On the notion of "appearances" see chapter 4. Popular and clinical criticism typically assert that attribution of a problem to spirits precludes "owning" one's feelings and thus relinquishes control and responsibility for one's life. 15. and that corresponds with the description given by Casey. since they are not appeals to the deity but direct commands to the evil spirits in the name of. or under the authority' of. Supplicants who have difficulty imagining may feel unworthy or slighted by the deity. 3. it may result in turning attention away from a problem and thus may undermine or preempt an emotional coming to terms or resolution. For a discussion of the kind of pitfalls that may occur when Charismatic healing is attempted by healers marginal to the healing system. Chapter 7 1. and the inchoate pronoun is a "we" rather than an "I" (Csordas 1987«:459-461). 13. There is some disagreement among Charismatic healers as to whether these are properly to be considered prayers at all. When forgiveness is used as a ritual technique in a mechanical fashion and without adequate preparation it may be false and self-righteous. This is the point of convergence between object-relations theory and the phenomenology of embodiment.296 NOTES TO PAGES 161-178 12. and even as traumatic if the supplicant is not emotionally prepared to face a memory. though in that case the metaphor is taken from the positive domain of the vocabulary' of motives. note 8. 2. This is the same metaphorical process that is used in the naming of communities and prayer groups. Thus. 14. As in any healing system. the deity. see Csordas (1992£). Analysis of deliverance is relevant to the question of locus of control in religious healing. H .

9. and were often accompanied by the healer's remark that he or she had never paid much attention to such ethnic differences. To my knowledge the ethnic differentiation of demonology is not culturally elaborated among Charismatics. 12. to say that the structure of the person is represented in the symbol system by a terminology that overtly identifies a class of spiritual beings is necessarily an interpretive rather than a descriptive statement. and insofar as we are describing the organization of the Charismatic demonology qua demonology—diat is. These data emerged only upon specific probing. and by Fabian (1991) of Zairean Cadiolic Charismatics. Here we note only that in cross-cultural perspective possession may either be regarded as positive (by deities or benevolent spirits) or negative (by demons or evil spirits). My understanding is that the two concepts pertain to rather different levels of analysis. 10." a spirit that appears in an atypical case of Catholic Charismatic deliverance documented in Csordas (1992£). Although Protestant Pentecostals. 7. the necessity of working in a team and with additional people praying for spiritual protection and support on the outside. The concern with witchcraft is evident in the classic Renaissance text of the Malleus Maleficarum by the Dominicans Kramer and Sprenger (1971). this may be more an abuse of ritual healing than a feature of the healing system itself.. is defined in relation to a symbol system. however. Crapanzano and Garrison 1977. The anthropological literature on possession is quite substantial (e. Once again. Bourguignon 19766. Such a name is "Andronius. and the components of symbol systems may be related in ways that arc not explicitly articulated as cultural knowledge. 11. there is precedent in the Renaissance. and the characteristics of their classification are compatible with more partial demonologies I have collected from Catholic healers.g. 8. and may or may not be associated with a state of trance. It might be asked why we choose to describe the demonology as a collective representation rather than as a cultural model (Holland and Quinn 1987). A collective representation. 4. though healers acknowledge that particular individuals may use demons to escape responsibility or may expect a "magical. Cultural models are models of cultural knowledge. these healers have had significant influence on Catholics who practice deliverance from evil spirits. Included in the repertoire of precautionary strategies employed by healers are fasting and praying beforehand. For this reason. as knowledge of a cultural domain of evil spirits—we can indeed be said to be elaborating a cultural model. The data for such an analysis have only begun to appear in works by Ackerman (1981) on Malaysian Catholic Charismatics.NOTES TO PAGES 180-197 297 less an abdication of control than an acknowledgment that there already exists a lack of control. Ward 1989). renewal of energies by refraining from formal deliverance for a period of time. where alongside the demonologies we have already mentioned were those in which spirits were . carrying the Eucharist and/or sacramentaJs for protection. and making "visits to the Blessed Sacrament" in church. Thus." painless solution to their problems. 5. 6. postdeliverance prayer to self-deliver spirits "picked up" from supplicants in the process.

1985) and Bilu. dybbuk were characterized as "clinging'* to the afflicted externally. obstinate refusal of the spirits to depart. Like Charismatics. perhaps somewhat hastily. Ortner (1974) offers a relevant if brief characterization of demons among the Sherpas as essentially violent and greedy beings. the Sherpas hold that demons correspond to interior impulses to be defeated by concentration and self-control. For a discussion of a Charismatic case in which the supplicant did hear voices. and the process typically included the necessity of identifying the specific spirit. The work of Bilu (1979. particularly the greedy. Kapferer shares our goal of collapsing the subject-object duality (see chapter 1). our approach has been to begin with the preobjective bodily synthesis in order to capture the process of cultural objectification in an intersubjectivc milieu (cf. underground. but from his theoretical position proposes to do so by examining "the production of subjectivity through participation in an intcrobjective world" (1983:242). 3." whereas "for most lay people the demons are really 'out there. voracious. also Csordas 1990a. \976b) with the explicidy psvehodynamic approaches of Spiro (1987) and Obeyesekere (1981. 1990). lumps the implicidy phenomenological orientation of Hallowell (1955. on the ground. we are in agreement on the basic phenomenological principle that subjectivity and reflective meaning are emergent through being in the world. However. Thus the afflicted often displayed overtly antireligious attitudes. In making this statement Kapferer. As among the Charismatics there is intracultural variation in the demons' ethno-ontological status: for the sophisticated they "are images. there are specific features common to contemporary Christian deliverance. In contrast.: 101). projections of human psychological forces. 2. closed Jewish communities.' and are felt to prey upon people from without" (ibid. the Sherpa demonology is not only a collective representation of the person in its negative aspect. Witzum. but reflects elements of the social structure. or in the water (Robbins 1959:133). whether in the atmosphere. I960) and Bourguignon (1965. Chapter 8 1. 4. and "manifestations" of the spirit's eventual expulsion.:99). . predatory tendencies of the self.298 NOTES TO PAGES 221 -224 classified by their locale of dwelling. although the latter include spirits other than ancestors of the afflicted. However. particularly "any category or group that is threatening or problematic" to the established cultural order (ibid. see Csordas {\992b). Ots 1991). Although Bilu argues that dybbuk possession is a "pure case" of a culture-specific syndrome completely conforming to the cultural physiognomy and needs for social control in traditional. In a psychocultural thematization of control comparable to that of Charismatics. 1980. Jews could be afflicted by either evil spirits (demons) or spirits of the dead (dybbuk). and van der Hart (1989) on spirit affliction in Judaism would certainly have to be considered in any such enterprise.

probability . and were naturally self-selected participants aware that the workshop leader was a proponent of resting in the Spirit.J. as did its phases of communitarianism and millennialism.6. After spending several sessions with this man himself. Their attempt to resolve the contradiction was based on duration—she was "out" only a few seconds—and reduction of the sanction against unconsciousness to a pastoral principle intended to "guard against those who won't get up or can't hear" and are "emotionally checked out. The most vivid instance of this contradiction in my data comes from a couple who are a community leader and a healer. Ralph DiOrio. 3. 46 percent of women and 34 percent of men answered yes. An . and Edward McDonough. it is safe to say that participation in the movement as a whole peaked at about this time. Chi-squarc 52. degrees of freedom 6. This descriptive terminology was elicited from healers who had both rested in the Spirit themselves and witnessed others in the sacred swoon. For a broader ethnological introduction to the diversity of cultural formulations of power see Fogelson and Adams (1977). This is an interesting hypothesis. 6. The vast majority of respondents had been Charismatics for more than three years.00. Robert DeGrandis. reports that 10 percent (N = 20) rested in the Spirit more than a hundred times." but are faced with the fact that the wife was unconscious during what they both acknowledge to be an authentic episode of resting. raises the issue of whether reflective consciousness is not in fact a recent invention in the history of human thought." 9. and the nun Francis Clare. 4.NOTES TO PAGES 225-244 299 5. Other prominent Catholic healers associated with the practice are the priests Robert DeGrandis. 7. S. In a survey of two hundred people who attended his workshops across the country. following Jaynes (1976). They acknowledge teaching that unconsciousness while resting in the Spirit is "not of the Lord. As we have noted. but perhaps not the first time we have underestimated the capacity of our forebears. In a separate question about whether they had rested in the Spirit during the service we visited. still not as commanding a difference as cultural expectation would have it. Chapter 9 1. One healer told of a man who had in vain contacted several priests in the belief that he was being tortured by evil spirits. 8. He indicated that the man probably had serious emotional problems rather than demonic oppression. the healer concluded that he could be of no help. 2. Smith (1985). 5. and suggested that the reason he had gone from priest to priest was that they mutually tended not to validate his self-attribution of demonization.

fear. Female (30%). tingling Heaviness Tense muscles/back Breathlessness None Other floating N = 327 % = 100 156 88 65 59 37 27 21 18 31 48 48 27 20 18 11 8 6 5 10 15 Seventeen of forty-eight "other" responses in this series of physical sensations referred to "peace" and "relaxation. Of the nearly fifty vignettes recounted in the manuscript of Charismatic healer Father DeGrandis. 11. Waves of love Heat. burning Faster heartbeat Vibrations. The first series consists of emotions." The listing of their experiences among both emotions and sensations is in accordance with our observation of their dual psycho-physical character. roughly half were stories of religious experience or conversion. Female (48%). 10. the clergyman found similar proportions of types of healing.300 NOTES TO PAGES 247-248 alternative route to these data comes from responses to preestablished descriptive terms on the part of those among the 587 respondents who said they had the experience during the healing service under observation. Mental: Male' (28%). Spiritual: Male (57%). soiled. Female (13%). Physical: Male (11%)." In his survey of two hundred workshop participants. rejection. N = 315 % = 100 264 Peaceful and calm 84 Relaxed and worry-free 132 42 Joyful and content 126 40 122 Hopeful and inspired 39 Cleansed and renewed 105 33 97 Cared for and accepted 30 Glorious and sanctified 56 18 Pleasant thoughts/memories 49 16 14 Negative feelings 4 (anxiety. unpleasant thoughts/memories) Light. and the "relationship and mental" categories together comprise what is usually called inner healing. and the second of physical sensations. Relationship: Male (18%). undeserving. Female (15%). Our data show unambiguously that the more times people have rested in the Spirit the more likely they are to report having experienced some kind of healing: . The remaining healing narratives conform to the Charismatic typology with stories of "inner healing" predominating over those of "physical healing. where the "spiritual healing" category is likely to correspond to generalized religious experience (or edification) and conversion. depression. anger.

shamanism. comatose." and "large audiences at jazz festivals and pop concerts" while insisting that episodes from the Bible and the experience of Catholic mystics bear virtually nothing in common with the Charismatic practice. four Charismatic texts are of particular importance: Dobson (1986) and Suenens (1987) for the critics. In addition to interview data. and indeed the sacred swoon can be conceived as an embodied technique that achieves such a distancing. suggestion. a nowretired Belgian Cardinal. The polemic is most evident in the writing of Suenens (1987).d. Islam. "primitive African and Latin American tribes.8%) 109 (72. The obvious limitation of this analysis is that those who have rested in the Spirit are also most likely also to have had other kinds of Charismatic healing prayer than that associated with resting in the Spirit. the highest-ranking clergyman in the Catholic Charismatic Renewal and author of six pastoral and theological treatises on the movement known as "Malines Documents. 12. therapeutic or experimental magnetic wave motion. In arguing further that resting in the Spirit might be due to "natural forces" instead of divine power. 14. or somnambulistic states.8%) 42 (27. which makes symbolic "distancing" a requisite of emotional release in both ritual and theater. in his survey of two hundred participants in one of his concentrated "workshops.2%) 20 (12. 100).5%) 140 (87.d." Suenens does his position a grave disservice by uncritically analogizing resting in the Spirit to ethnographically and phenomenologically diverse phenomena from Buddhism. degrees of freedom 2. The best-developed theory of catharsis to date is Scheffs (1979). The concept of regression in service of the ego originates in Kris's (1952) concern with the psychodynamics of creativity. probability . and cataleptic.00.NOTES TO PAGES 249-253 Healed Never 301 Rested in the Spirit 1-5 Times 6+ Times No Yes 35 (37. the precise form of this list is derived from Dobson (1986).: 69) 15.2%) 59 (62. (ibid. It is from modern science that we have learned something about hypnotism.:45. While most of these causes were cited by my informants. 13. telekinesis.5%) 97 308 Total 94 (100%) 151 (100%) 160 (100%) 405 Chi-square 21. who is quoting the Episcopalian . and MacNutt (1977) and DeGrandis (n." found that the proportion of participants who reported healing the first time they rested in the Spirit was 61 percent yes and 31 percent no. Father DeGrandis. he describes some of those natural forces in the following remarkable passage: It was from the time of the German doctor Mesmcr (1734-1815) and his followers that men came to recognize the existence of physiological radioactivity: mesmerism has helped to develop increasingly the psychomagnetic energies latent in each human being. It is noteworthy that both works stem from aesthetic issues and have resulted in concepts of broad therapeutic import.) for the apologists. whereas the proportion who reported ever having a "major healing" while resting in the Spirit was 54 percent yes and 41 percent no (n. the visibility of human auras or emanations.86.

Both of these stances are in fact expressed by some Charismatics. who endowed the former with the positive connotation of a "richly real presence" in relation to other persons. and that in so doing these practices have also moved from the cultural shadows of lower-class marginality to the relative cultural spotlight commanded by the middle class. elements of each theme could be identified within each of the pathological and demonic categories. I use the term distinctive feature in a sense analogous to that of structural linguistics (Jakobson and Halle 1956). That SchefFs theory is worked out using examples of both theater and ritual suggests that the experience of alterity may be the common ground between the aesthetic and the sacred. but seem to represent idiosyncratic reflection on ritual practice rather than systematic intraculturaJ variation. however. At this late stage in our argument. Depression's absence of spontaneity frequently occurs in the absence of. all demonic affliction is associated with absence of control. Like mediumism. or inability to achieve intimacy. 16. The family milieu of diagnosed schizophrenic patients is also often characterized by crises of either overdistanced (critical and hostile) or underdistanccd (emotionally overinvolved) intimacy (Jenkins 1991a).302 NOTES TO PAGES 258-281 Charismatic theologian Morton Kelsey. 20. and take this to support my position that we should demur from invoking suggestion. as we showed in chapter 7. 18. Laderman (1991). I am inclined to concur with the analytic equivalence of these causal mechanisms. Thus the point about cultural visibility must be modified with the statements that with the neo-Pentccostal movement since the 1950s the population participating in this healing system has at least doubled. This point is true only from a purely Catholic perspective. see Selye (1976) and Cannon (1953). 2. 19. their meaning can be interpreted. Roseman (1991). and divine intervention. We recall that Kris (1952) too developed the notion of regression in service of the ego in a study of artistic creativity. where it was practiced throughout most of the present century. Less relevant to our concerns is the evaluative distinction between person and self made by Marcel. expectancy. 17. possession. . however. On the stress response and the action of adrenaline. Certainly. Chapter 10 1. or hypnosis for purposes of scientific explanation. Recent studies that carry us toward an understanding of the relation between aesthetics and the sacred in ritual healing include Kapferer (1983). and the latter with the negative connotation of "idolatry of the solitary self or egolatry (Zaner 1981:181). as it must be recalled that deliverance was received from classical Pentecostal healing. For example. we must be satisfied to oudine our conclusions with rather broad strokes. but they explain nothing. and Desjarlais (1992).

These two dualities in particular will. Jenkins 1991«. Wikan 1990). the most frequent term for the methodological position opposite phenomenology is in fact structuralism rather than semiotics. in which the importance of embodiment for the self is already explicit to varying degrees (Rosaldo 1984.NOTES TO PAGE 282 303 3. . 4. be found to be increasingly relevant in those anthropological writings that problematize the distinction between cognition and emotion. In France. I suspect.

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225. 99. 279-280 Bynum.. 156. 26. 132. 249. Caroline Walker.4 Belief. William. viii.12 Catholic(s). 48. 298 n. V. 298 n. xi. 149. 86. 52. 173. 152. 233. Robert S. 244. Erika. 70. 71. 291 nn. Aaron. 250-251. 260.3. 30. 277. Marc. 289 nn. 59 Daniel.10 323 . 240. 51. 286 n. See also Embodiment Bourdieu.147-148. Jean. 67. 16-18. 298 n. James.23 Casey. 32.6. 119. 278-279. 12 Being in the world.8. 179. 86. 6. 9-15. 152 Cultural specialists. 288 n. E. 291 nn. 276 Connerton. See also Somatic mode of attention Austin. 66.8. 159-160. 276. 159-160 Control. 3. 299 n. 260. 271. 27 Assumptive world.281. Ruth. 280 Benedict. 290 n. 269.8 Catharsis. 285 n. Don. 222-224. 61 Association of Christian Therapists. 274. vii. 50 Blake.l. 276 Behaviorism. 143.10. 278. 220 Behavioral environment. 145. 25-26.2 Charismatics. 18. 204.8.Index Altered states of consciousness. 230-246. vii. 291 n.3 Brewer. 71 Commemoration. 239. 94-95. 23-24. 159-163. xi De Grandis. 79 Anatta (nonself)> 279-280 Anointing.4-6. 300 n. 268. Catholic. John.. xi Comaroff. 218. 166. 273-274. J. Yoram. 109. 142. 33.265. 75. 158-159. 163 Buddhism. 3 Bloch. 299 n. Vincent. 7.. 294 n.16. 105. 283 n. 73 Attention.301 n. J. 287 n. William. 151. techniques of the. 81-83. See Psychocultural themes Covenant communities. 295 n. L. 30-32. 273. 126. 161. 235. identity as.212-213. 49-51. Paul.6 Claiming the healing. viii. 287 n. 2. 54 Body. 72. Pierre. 34 Clifford. 112. 11 Bourguignon.2 Blacking. Edward. 14. 8. 285 nn. 163-164. 17 Crapanzano.7 Charismatic Renewal. 51-56. 3. 80. 17. 134. 179. 41 Beck. 45 Basham. 274 Bilu. 152. 143.

79 Doob. 143. 293 n. 5 5 . 291 nn.19 . Clifford. 278. 293 n. inner (healing of memories).3 Heidegger. 159. 256. 187. 246. 161-163. See also Body Emotion. 85-87. 9 3 . 40-41. 26-29. 89. 59. Jerome. xi Gossen. 109. 235. 35.3. 277-279.l7. 281. 151-152. 117. 130. 30. 25 Feher. James. Atwood. 296 n. 40.3. Michel. physical. 230 Fernandez.19 Dialogue.l n. 286 n. 161-164. 284 n. Mary. 269. Frank. 1. 292 n. 225. 9 Gergen. See also Imagery.. 291 n. 35. See Healing. 49. 152-159. 268. 286 n. Martin. 137.20. 72.3 Erikson. x.2 Eliade. 280 Good. Performance. 297 n.8-10. 43-45. 292 n. modalities. 290 n. 180. 276.21 Image-in-consciousness. 300 n. 79 Douglas. 16. 156. 19. 144-149. 282.3 Hammond. 169. 73 Gaines.6. 194-195. Mary-Jo. Raymond. imaginal. 296 n. Albert. genres of Dcmonology.l n. 293 n.14. 74-108. 297 nn. 60.6 Forgiveness. and conventional health care/psychotherapy. 290 n. 287 n. 303 n. 221-227. 1-3. 152 Fogelson. 148-149. theories of. James. 295 n. 259-269. 149-151.14.8 Hallowell. 4. 114. 297 nn. as spiritual gift or charism. 200. 290 n. and Ida Mac Hammond. 282. initiation of.10 Health care system. 75. I. 292 n. 289 n. 276. 296 n. 164 Elliott.4.2. 214. 284 n. 3. 2. 299 n. 287-288 nn.12. 126. 15. 292 nn. 36-39. 4. 39. Word of knowledge Imagination. 276.5 6 . 6. 140.22 Frank.. 39-45. 298 n. 47.l. 235 Exorcism.2. 296 n.8. Byron.6.4 DcVos.17. 165. 276. 290 n. Erik. 195-198. L. 300 n. 291 nn.3. 179. 303 n. 200-227. evil Depression.l.10. 103. 166-180.21 Imagery. 256-259.8 Imagc-as-sign. xi. 242. 83. 220 Embodiment. 71. 292 n. genres of. 79. 283 ch. 279. 76-79. 41. 87-93. 86. 249-250 Indeterminacy. 302 n. 293 n. 42-43. Edmund. 75.4 Healing. 294 n. 38. 105-106. nonspecific. 301 n i l . 186. 9. 277. 246. 278-279. 14. 124. 298 n. 295 n. 245. Robert. 4. 61 Favazza. 52. 285 n. 107-108. 233. Emile. revelatory. 56. 109-140. George. 277. 41. 54. acts of. 86.17. deliverance. 81-87.22 Habit. Mircca.5. 271 Good. 225 Husserl.12. 274 Dow. 74. D.l3 Girard. 244. 13. x-xii Doob.9. 107-108. 247-252. 3. 18 Durkheim. 28-29.l5 FinkJer. 4. 180.5 Ellis.7. 41. 11-14. 255. 13. 48. therapeutic. 213. 289 n. 211. Gelya. 8. ancestral. 74 Gender. embodied. 39. Kaja. 25-26.7. 285 n 10. 15. 35. 249. Kenneth. 182-184 Healers. 114. 15. Gary. 284 n. 181-195. incremental. 251-252. 5-6.l.23.20. 60.3 Frank. James.324 INDEX Deliverance. 27 Healing. 202 Dreams.9 5 . 85-87. See also Performance. 78. 178. 109-164. 109. 133. 165 Efficacy. 118. xii. team. 31-33. 289 n. 132. 102-105. 49. 107.2 Habitus. 284 n. 7-15. events of (services and sessions). 245. See also Spirits. 300 n. A. 45-49. 180.. 150. Armando. 80-81. 119. 226. 248. 149-151.14. 10. viii. 19. 259 Expectant faith. 291 n. professionalization of. 222-224.15 Geertz. 289 n. 50. Rene. 123. 101. 9-11. 288 n. 187. 39. 283 ch. 56. spiritual.9. 223. 295 n. 292 n. 270 Henderson. 249. imaginal Inchoate. 136-139. 266. 35. 129.

30 Johnson. 286 n. 12-13. 158. 258-259. 141-164. 110. 41 Prince. 296 n. 71 Mauss. 293 nn. 7 .19 Pandolfi. Ashley. Marcel.2 Lazansky. Gananath.4 Kris. 88.21 MacNurt. Morris. 2. 105 Kant. 226. 73. 26.. 253. 199 Janzen. 298 n. 153. C. 284 n. 276. 302 n. Car la. 272 Levinc. 302 n. Rev. 230 Laderman. 136 Prcobjectivc. 292 n. 194. 296 n. 302 n. 298 n. 278-279. Wright. 222-224. Immanuel. 291 n. 186. Meredith. 44 Myth. 270. 290 n. Maurice.14 Occult. 269.15. 1 3 9 . cognitive analysis of. 186. 110. 273-274.2 2 1 . 108. See photo insert Laying on of hands. 35. 284 n. Catherine. 26. 285 n.14. 241. Thomas. 22 Montagu.6 Patients (supplicants). 22. Bruce. 238. control. 11 Postural model. 141-143. 241. 152-159.16. 79-83. 284 n. ix.l n. 280 Leg-lengthening.3. Dennis. 226.12 Protoritual. 55. 18 Orientation. 294 nn. 161 Poewe. 277-278 Prince. Mariella. 146 Possession. 20-21. Stephen. 286 n.l. 84-87. 279. 224. 295 n. 257. 279 Kirmayer. 253-254. 85. 42. 38. 95. 40.l Metaphor. Anton. 290 n. 221-227. 153-159. ix.15. 224. John. Julia.9 Kuhlman. 226-227.3. 282 Placebo effect. 232. Gabriel. 245-246 Psychocultural themes. 143 Linn. See also Ritual Person. 286 n. 19.2 Kristcva.12. 225-226. 142 Merleau-Ponty. 2. 298 n. 72 Ness. and Matthew Linn. 51-56 Lcenhardt. 297 n. 116. Mark.4. Maurice. x. 101. 248. 283 ch. Mclanic. 286 n. 270. 5 Klein. 277-278. 200-227. 285 n. 109-140. 5. 225-226. John. 295 n. xii. 280 Ncu. 71. Laurence. 282. 85. 224 Performance: ritual. 280. 243. 245 O'Neill. 26. 3. 268.8. Kathryn. Roger. . 8. 6. 282 Object relations. 30-35 Pcirce.6 Ortner. ix. 70. Arthur. 284 n. 25 Linton. 284 n. 284 n. 295 n. 193.l.8 . 272.9 . 55 Opler. 14-15. 50 Psychoanalysis. 298 n. 14-15.4.15. 286 n. See Healing. 71. 153 KJcinman. 302 n. 15. 116-117. 78. 105-106. 2 0 3 . 107.l. 229. 50. 163-164 Kakar. 7.17.l 3. 249. 157 LeVi Strauss. 18. 236. 21. 9.3 Objectification. 2. 246.24 325 Murdock. Francis. 78. 145-146 Lurz. 89. 8 . 246.4. 39-40. 58-67. 191. Carol. David Michael. 19. 291 n. 231 Marcel. Charismatic concept of. 4. 199.ll. 50.2 Ots. See Psychocultural themes Janet. 243.3 Obeyesekere. 4. Derek. 246. 30. 296 n. genres of Intcrsubjectiviry. 35-49. 7-15.2 Levin. 2 2 0 . 87. 18. 13.l Margin of disability.22. 240. 249. 6. 258 Phenomenology.4. 286 n.INDEX Inner healing. 71. vii.4 Intimacy'. 12. 203. 83. 187 McGuirc. 142. 262-263. 36. 244. 119. 257. 286 n.8 Memory. 18.2 Mills. Claude. 303 n. Robert. 171-174. 94. 276. 166-180. 296 n. 285 nn. cultural. 248 Prophecy.9 Kapferer. 2. Sherry.2 Keesing. 277. Charles Sanders. 30. 290 n. 4. 65-67. 158. Pierre. 71. 302 n. 242. Raymond. Marigold.20. 149-151. Sudhir. 96 Perception. George P. 203. 164. 4-5. John. 105. 185. Jerome. imaginal. 302 n. 289n.19. 239.

icon. 168.8 Speaking in tongues (glossolalia). 120. Paul. interpretant. discernment of. 97. spontaneity. 170. defined. 256-259. 76-79.20. 65-67. Turner. See also 259. Agnes. 259-269. 139. 272-273. genres of. 19-20. 50 . 238. be. Turner. 83-84. 266. 276. 54 65-67. 18. processes. 260. 270-275. 103-105. 94 Symbiotic cure. 154. 240. 21-22. 46. 289 nn. 8. 149-151.7 Representation. Charismatic. ix. 299 nn.5. 284 n. 168-171. Marina.Psychocultural themes (continued) 273. 70. 217. spontaneity as Straus. 110. 265. Richard.2.9 5 . 134.8. 165-227.4 Shlemon. 32. 302 n. 185 120-123. 113. 5 301 n. 301 n. 44. Melford.15 also Psychocultural themes Sullivan.2 Textuality. 239. 171-175. 43-44. 272. 96-106. 273-274 230-259. otherness/altcrity Sacred as criterion of. defined. Schutz. deliverance Spiro. 161. revelatory 259. 293 n. 238. 301 n. 223. See also Sacred. 244. 55. 94-95. 224-227. 244. 24. 67-70. 286 n. ix. 273. Paul. 286 n. 272. 147. 221-227. 86 SchUder. 229. 84-87. 110-111. 265. Somatic mode of attention. ancestral. Holy. 74-108. 3. 279. 46. 292 170.3. 290 n. 41. 295 n.9 Sanford. 56. 57 268-269.203. 72 Scheff. Ricouer. manifestations of.5.12 Smith. Victor. 86 176. 78. 105-106.l.2. 21. 116. evil.14 Spirits: ancestral or familial. 299 n. 285 n. 231. 19. 67. 5. 249-252. 299 n. 282. Stephen. 143. 179. 198. 103-105 Singer. 284 n. 139. spontaneity as criterion of 152-159. 233-234. Jimmy. 71-73. 271. 292 n. 297 n. 240. 192-193. 157. 144-149.14. 65-66. procedure and outcome. 71. 295 n. 22.3. 157-158. Schneider. 294 n. 85. nn. 18-19.5 .2 Therapeutic process. 54-55. 257-258. 4. 294 n. 152. Resting in the Spirit. 236 criterion of. 26^ 31. 297 n. 261.4 components of. 298 n.ll n. 249. 21. 38. 289 n. 103-104. 18. Suffering. viii-x. ix. 79. Envin. 2. 251. 153.17. 67 211-212. 295 Trauma. 283 Trance. Michelle. Barbara. 219. 239-240. symbol. 3. 127. 4 . 273. 129-133. 256-259. 23. 14. 54. nn. ritual Healing.4. 18. 14. Spontaneity. xii. 97. Revelation. 228.19. Ritual. Alfred. 180. 246. 281. 276. 3. binding of. David. 237. 280. 116.4. 26 Shwedcr. 274-275. 94-95. 268. 244. 302 n. 67. 51. M. 175. 100-101. 246. 303 n. 253. 253 9.5. 85-86.21. Self.14 218. 40 Swaggart. 52. See Psychocultural themes. 276. 55 Sign.6 262-263. 3-4. Spirit. 213. 223-224.3 Sacred. language. distinguished from therapeutic 123. 162 221. Scientology. 291 n.14 Sartre. See also Performance. 240. 70.4. 286 nn. Jean-Paul. 264 n i l . Thomas. 249.5. 276-282. 241-246. 132. 235-236. genres of. 268. 98-99.16. 281. Roseman. Milton. 302 n. 72-73. 235. Suenens. Harry Stack. 148. 157-158. 276-282 Semiotics. 188. 302 n. 147. 209. 175-176. 226. 5-15. 204.20. intimacy. 4. 281. 303 n. See Suggestion. names of. 280. See also Imagery. 207. 9 3 . 181-185. 231. index. 121. 21-22. 209. 273-275. 281.2 Healing. 284 Regression in service of the ego. 86. Leon Joseph. 302 n. 296 n. 160. 102. Terence. 102-106. 290 n. 268.3. Brewster. 80 278. 46-47.

180. 286 n.l .2. 188 Winnicott. 302 n. 154-155 Word of knowledge. 286 n. 231. 246. 126. 158. 14. 232. Harriet. W. Max. D.20 Vocabulary of motives. R. Gerardus. 22. 144-149 Weber. John. 47. 163. 6. Herve.12 Wimber..8 Whitehead. 5 Varenne.INDEX 327 Van der Leeuw.18 Zaner. M. 289 n. 75. 147. 296 n. 285 n. 283 n.14.

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