Professional Documents
Culture Documents
David Garcia
In the concluding chapter of the second volume of Manuel Castellss
magnum opus (1) (published in 97) he declares that "it is in the back
alleys of society, whether in alternative electronic networks or in in
grass roots networks of communal resistance, that I sensed the the
embryos of a new society.." The new social movements "mirroring and
counteracting the networking logic of domination", he identified
earlier in the volume, have indeed proliferated, growing into a highly
visible global movement, and to some degree, succeeding in propelling
their values into the wider world, but his hopes for "a new society"
remain, for the time being, embryonic. But the back alleys he spoke of
back then should not be overlooked for signs of change.
In one such "back alley" in Itaquera, one of the many poor districts
that make up the east zone, on the peripheries of Sao Paulo, some thing
strange has indeed been happening. Among the market stalls and street
traders a surprising number of high priced shops can be found selling
furniture and consumer electronics. In one of these shops a minor
consternation is occurring among the sleek sales-men whose job is to
induce the local populace into a lifetime of debt. On their expensive
widescreen TVs, instead football or the media giant Globos endless
diet of glossy soaps, through bursts of static the inflammatory graphic
artist Latuff suddenly appears. He is instructing a group of group of
wide eyed youngsters how stamps can be used to print provocative
political slogans on bank notes. He is followed by a group of teenage
girls (some as young as fourteen) teaching other kids how to avoid
pregnancy and AIDS with a hilarious demonstration of condom use. But
the TVs are quickly retuned reinstating their normal function in the
Favelas as narcotic dream machines.
These interruptions to normal service originate from a series of live
pirate transmissions emanating from a party held a just across the
street. The party is part of 'finde' a series of events marking the
completion of Autolabs an experiment in transplanting tactical media
labs in free software from the comparatively privileged networks
frequented by well educated artists and activists into three districts:
Ermelino matarazzo, Itaquera and So Miguel Paulista, in the Eastern
zone of the city.
Autolabs was initiated by artist Giseli Vasconcelos who moved swiftly
to capitalize on the success of the first Brazilian tactical media lab
of 2003. formed an alliance of artists, hackers and activists to apply
tactical media principles to the Favelas of Sao Paulo. By the end of
June 2004 were new three media centers have been established not only
based not only on open free software but also on autonomous beliefs and
practices.
The fact that we are not simply witnessing another NGO exercise in
community education was evident by the fact that some of the
instructors were winding up the project, with a live practical
demonstration of how to make pirate television. From February 2004
Exceptional Brazil
The Brazilian embrace of tactical media and Autolabs in particular
cannot be understood without reference to Brazils unique and
contradictory media and software politics. From some perspectives there
could be no more hospitable a soil for tactical media than Brazil. The
national government has the worlds most active and vociferous policy
on free software and the creative commons. And it is not simply a
matter of lip service There is currently a bill before the Brazilian
parliament to introduce a default creative commons license for all
immaterial labor generated in Brazil. The charismatic minister of
culture and popular musician, Gilberto Gill is proposing, (to the
consternation of his record company) to release his next CD under a
creative commons lisence. Hundreds of computer and media centers have
been opened providing high speed internet access to the the poor
districts all running on open source platforms and applications. One
of the principal architects of these so called Telecentros, Sergio
Amadeu is currently being sued by Microsoft for an interview in which
he compared them to "drug dealers", getting poor countries hooked by
giving their product by starting out, giving their products away.
The minister of cultures long term friend and associate Claudio Prado
(they were exiled together in France during the dictatorship years) is
now the driving force behind Polos Digitais a new initiative from his
ministry. Between presentations at the Autolabs, Claudio Prado took me
aside to describe his visionary program of "Polos Digitais" which
involves a high speed roll out hundreds of new media centers with a
training and guidance taking place in a large "mother ship" in the
center of Sao Paolo The program may well have been influenced the
Autolabs initiative as there were several meetings between Claudio
Prado and the Autolabs organizers However a number of local activists
remain critical of the Polos Digitais program, believing that the
imminence of regional elections means that an otherwise worthwhile
initiative will fail through excessive haste coupled to a lack of
understanding of what will work in practice. But still many of those
who were part of Autolabs are willing to take a risk and accept
invitations to be involved.
Globo
Vibrant Tactical Media cultures benefit from the presence of a visible
enemy of demonic proportions. Italy may have Berlosconi but Brazil has
Globo.
Just as openness about sex, drugs can lead foreigners to mistake the
Netherlands for an open and progressive society the same error could be
also be made about "Partido dos Trabalhadores", the Workers Party that
currently holding power in Brazil. The radical approach to the creative
commons may be a fact but it does not signal a wider social program of
a radical nature. In fact the sense of betrayal among those I met in
Sao paulo was palpable. Pablo Ortellado of Indymedia Brazil articulated
the general disappointment by describing how "Partido dos
Trabalhadores" had been "as good a political party can be". It had
succeeded in uniting the radical splinters of the left into a coherent
party with a real chance of power, only to transform itself into
another pragmatic thirdway social democratic party, forever shying away
from any radical choices that would disturb the status quo. All this
has left the radical left more disillusioned than most, to the extent
that a vast mega city on the scale of Sao Paulo could only muster 7000
marchers in the protests that preceded the Iraq war. Rightly or wrongly
much of this is laid at the door of Globo.
Given the scale of Brazil and its hegemonic dominance of Globo must be
counted one of the most powerful media empires on the planet. Like
Berlosconis empire Globo is far more than just TV. Every conceivable
media from print publishing is covered. Globos power to determine the
outcomes of elections and influence key policy decisions on the fly is
well documented. The power of Globo has been well documented in a BBC
documentary -Beyond citizen Kane-, a program that remains officially
banned within Brazil although still it is continuously downloaded and
has acquired the status of a piece of samisdat in the last days of the
Soviet Empire.
Globos endless diet of soap operas and news has an extraordinary grip
over the popular imagination. The power of television in Brazil is
evident simply by the forest of aerials and satellite dishes across the
rooftops of the shanty towns. Even the poorest of the poor have
television, in fact, statistically, a poor family in Brazil is more
likely to own a TV than a refrigerator
During a number of both private and public discussion in the event
which marked the completion of Autolabs, skeptical voices were raised
about the importance of making media when the real issue was class and
poverty. Wasnt it time to re-instate the economy as the master
signifier? When I put this point to the free radio warriors and
activists of Sube-media they rejected the proposition without a moments
hesitation. Brazil, they insisted was a mediatized society of a
particularly virulent nature in which vast swaves of the population
were literally narcotized by Globos diet of soap operas. When I
questioned this view as an over-determinstic about the effects of media
they responded by saying sure people will criticize and talk back to
the media but always from the passive position as they flip through
the options on their remote.
For these Brazil requires a tactical essentialism for tactical media. A
direct operational Do It Yourself Media. What Latuff calls it media
viet cong, people re-making their own reality through making their own
media. Yes open source and creative commons was all very fine but what
is needed is more fundamental transformation in the structures of
existing broadcast media ownership and use. And for all the high minded
initiatives this is simply not on offer. Even the much vaunted
Telecentros in their view are part of a misguided belief in the power
of information alone has to create change. This was the foundation of
the Autolabs critique of the Telecentros offering little other than
access to the net. So what if its all run on Linux if all that the
visitors do is chat and go to Globo websites or the porno?
New Networks of Possibility
"possibilsm"
Given the mind-numbing scale of the problems of Brazil it is not
surprising that I did not meet many optimists during my brief stay but
neither, in truth, did I encounter many out and out pessimists. instead
I was confronted with a seemingly endless talent for improvisation, for
seeing (or creating) possibilities. Against all odds this is the land
of what I only half jokingly started calling the land of "possibilism"
In some ways Autolabs could be seen as Giseli Vasconceloss possibilist
interpretation of her dissatisfaction with the limitations of both the
Telecentros and the Tactical Media labs. She sought to fuse the radical
aesthetic, organizational and pedagogic potential of tactical media
with the willingness of the Telecentros movement to bring media tools
and connectivity to poor districts of Sao Paulo. In conversation with
the other organizers of the Tactical Media Lab, Tatiana Wells,
researcher and information architect specialized in hypermedia, and
Ricardo Rosas, writer, net-critic and web-master of Rizoma.net, Giseli
Vasconcelos set about developing a detailed model of the kind of
centers they wanted to see. The centers that would be formed out of a
close working relationship with people from the "periphic communities"
geared to helping them create their own Autolabs, learn how to maintain
and actively use re-cycled machines to make their own media "developing
visual, sonic and textual sensitivities, making social actions of
collective utility possible" 2. Despite the energy and talents of the
group, they felt they needed to work through organizations who were
already embedded in the eastern zone. But to begin with no one was
willing to commit themselves. Eventually a breakthrough came in the
form of La Fabricca an NGO linked to Fiat who saw a way of relating a
youth action project they were committed to with the intentions of the
Autolabs. In the event what looked soon began to sour as La Fabriccas
institutional agenda and beaurocratic requirements came close to
destroying the project.
However at the outset none of this was yet apparent and with the
endorsement of the NGO the organizers assembled an impressive network
of partners. To begin with there was the critical participation
"Metareciclagem" a group who recondition re-assemble and upgrade
discarded computers connecting them together into functioning networks.
In the context of Autolabs they were responsible for assembling the
networks of re-cycled machines, all running on free software and
teaching how to maintain the equipment. Indymedia Brazil (one of the
most active and impressive Indymedia collectives in Latin America) were
involved teaching online mobilization and collaboration Aspects of the
underlying pedagogic methodology was provided by The Digital
Story-telling Collective (Collective de Historias Digitais) and Museum
of the Person (Museu da Pessoa), both of which are "devoted to