Koha Digest # 80

EDITORIAL THE POLICE, THE SWALLOW OF POLITICS by VETON SURROI "He is not here, we haven't heard of this person", I was told by the duty policeman at the famous "92", the place where one must first ask about an arrested person in Kosova. "He is probably in prison", said the policeman. In the prison, asked about the chance for Astrit Salihu, KOHA's journalist to be there, the surprised guard negatively gesticulated shaking his head and said: "We haven't received any of those. Ask the police!". On my way out through the iron doors of the prison, I could see the offices of the State Security, the place where the person you are looking for is, after receiving two negative answers in the two previous places. Luckily enough, walking down the street I received the news that he was not there any more and that he was enjoying relative freedom in a cafeteria. Astrit is another in the endless list of the people arrested in the evening who are left sleepless and who is subjugated (after a couple of slaps and kicks) to political interrogation. Naturally, these cases have also happened to journalists, and not only after arrest. Ylber Hysa, who was persistently asking for the prorogation of the validity of his passport, was also summoned to the offices of State Security to explain his political visions. Even though these "invitations" have become ordinary, people ask why, why now? It can be justly supposed that all things which are related to information are being followed closely: phone conversations of "interesting people", their bugging... The situation has reached the point in which it is very likely to believe that the offices of the political parties, especially the LDK have more microphones than Radio Prishtina in its best times. Then why the interrogations? Because the police can know everything that is happening, as an event, but it can't know what is going on in people's heads, what they thinks, what they believe. And this is something that the Serbian leadership is after. The Serbian leadership must make decisions about its future behavior in Kosova soon: it must know about every detail linked to Kosova. But, the police has done this always, as someone may say. What is the difference between the past and present interrogations? In the near past, the main focus of interest of the Serbian police was directed towards preventing nay physical resistance of Kosova Albanians (and all sorts of intimidation were used in this direction), today, with the fading of the war rhythm, the political arena is opened again. Here, the Serbian police, the continuance of the Eastern Bloc tradition before the fall of the Berlin Wall, finds itself in a very uneasy position. The whole

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.


police of the Eastern Bloc, which should have defended the Communist regime - fell, because it didn't foresee the feeling of the people, the individual. Serbian policemen have still not understood that this can't be foreseen at all. Welcome to 1989.

DAYTON - KOSOVA BUKOSHI: ENCOURAGING MESSAGES FROM WASHINGTON - BUT NOT TO CAUSE EUPHORIA by LINDITA IMAMI / Washington "The purpose of this visit was to ask the American officials to not neglect Kosova question", said Mr. Bukoshi. Bukoshi said that the issue of Kosova remains to be solved maybe immediately after a solution or agreement is reached in Dayton. "The American party is decided not to stop in Dayton, but the peace process should continue on, with the solution of other problems in the Former Yugoslavia", said Bukoshi. According to Bukoshi, the reason why Kosova remained aside from the peaceful efforts is the complication of the situation in Bosnia and the concentration of the attention of the international community on Bosnia and its priority to stop war there. " In the meeting with two American officials it was said that Kosova's issue was not forgotten at all. We were assured that despite the fact that it wasn't part of the actual peace conversations, it is an issue which the negotiating team and the international community will include on the agenda by all means, at one stage or another phase. Bukoshi declared to KOHA that the American officials were conveyed the concern due to the non participation of the Albanian representatives in the peace conversations about the former Yugoslavia, which, after the Bosnian problem is solved, could make Serbia feel triumphant and make it become even more cruel towards Kosova; they were also conveyed the concern about the permanent and continuous repression and provocations, as is the colonization of Kosova with Krajina refugees. "We gave our arguments why this issues should be included if a real peace and solution for Kosova is really wanted". Commenting the American posture towards Kosova, following the meetings, Bukoshi declared: "The primary preoccupation of the -2-

government and other American forces is how to stop repression in Kosova. This was confirmed and emphasized at the State Department during the meeting with Kornblum. My impression is without wishing to cause euphoria - that the message coming out from these meetings is encouraging: the Kosova question is identified as the next problem to be solved". Asked whether the Americans will mediate in the eventual conversations about Kosova, Bukoshi said: "Since the peace process was transferred from Europe to the USA and the American party is playing a leading role in this process, we expressed our belief that the Americans would be the most suitable to mediate in the peaceful conversations about Kosova. This was neither accepted nor refused. This problem should be perceived as an initial attempt", said Bukoshi. Some analysts have stated that there should be a change of the strategy in Kosova, new methods of a more active resistance should be found, differing from the peaceful resistance so far. In this regard, Bukoshi said : "The peaceful resistance of the Albanian people can't be disputed. But the other extreme, to ritualize this resistance within the new circumstances and the ever more restricted space is not acceptable either. There are better ways of organization. It should be thought about it and other ways should be found, but without having to confront the Serbs. It is a task and obligation of all our political and intellectual forces to create mechanisms in this respect. By organizing ourselves, we must know that we impose ourselves as a factor and consequently, I believe that we would move some things in a positive direction". Bukoshi thinks that demonstrations and protests are a legitimate right of a people that seeks freedom. "During this process, and other process, that of the education of the Albanian people has happened... Albanians have become conscious that Kosova is an issue which can't be evaded and must be confronted by both the international community and Albanians", concluded Bukoshi.

DAYTON - KOSOVA A JOURNEY OF NO RETURN OF A FEDERATION by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina (...) Lord David Owen writes about Kosova's position and the chances to settle this problem, as he sees it, the most delicate of the Former Yugoslavia, in his memoirs. He says that he was a friend of the Milosevic family. According to him, he had accused Milosevic several times of being a greater-Serb nationalist and -3-

expansionist. He would never get nervous because of these accusations. The main problems with Milosevic appeared when Kosova was mentioned. "Each time I mentioned the topic, and this was proven by Mrs. Markovic - Milosevic, he would first stand quiet in order to explode impetuously. He simply tried to evade the theme about Kosova's status", said Owen. And this seems to have been proven true in Dayton. According to some unofficial information, he refused to remain in an informal meeting, because Kosova's issue arose. The sensitiveness of this issue was corroborated by a foreign diplomat who visited Kosova recently. She opened this issue with the question: How to officially present Kosova's problem to Milosevic?" According to her, opening this issue is only a technicality?! Regardless of the Serbian feeling of Milosevic about Kosova, there are different proposals and plans about Kosova which were recently published by BUJKU, referring to the well known proposal given by Predrag Simic about the similarity of the future status of Kosova and the Tirol. The same newspaper wrote about the so called PLAN K, which can easily be a speculation, which in its contents doesn't differ much from Simic's proposal. Nevertheless, this plan is similar to Resolution of the General Assembly adopted on December 23, 1994. It was supported by 114 states, 40 states abstained and 2 (Russia and India) were against. Resolution 48-153, paragraph 3c says: "The authorities of Serbia and Montenegro are requested to: a)to create real democratic institutions in Kosova, including the Parliament and the judiciary, as well as respect the will of the Albanian people as the best way to evade the escalation of the conflict". The only question we asked Simic is why the parallel between Kosova and Tirol? His reply was the following: "Tirol is a region of an ethnic community, a multi-ethnic one, which is quite stable. Secondly, it is the best concept of autonomy ever applied which would suit Kosova, and finally, this evades the "minority" notion. Therefore, it would be said that Kosova is inhabited by two ethnic communities, the Albanian and the Serb. Reacting to our comment that there is a difference between a disintegrated Yugoslavia and a stable Italy, Simic said: "Dayton is precisely aiming at preserving a new federation in this region and this venue will prove that both Bosnia and the remaining territories will federalize again, because the change of the territories is not desired". So, where is the difference between the two? Kosova and Tirol are similar in the model and the time needed to solve the problem. The situation in Tirol was tense and characterized with terrorist attacks committed by groups of German minority from Alto Adiggio which has forced Italy and Austria into state of war. Trying to evade the description of all -4-

what has happened in the period from Austro-Hungary and up to 1992, we will try to explain the content of the autonomy contained in a document of 106 pages, guaranteed by two states, Italy and Austria. The Italian Parliament barely adopted the document (189 in favor and 184 against). According to the statute of the autonomy, this region was given some legislative authority. How sufficient they are can be concluded from the fact that the government of Italy still conserves the authority in the army, police, judiciary, tax administration, communications, PTT network and the border veterinarian service. There is one single paragraph saying "the municipality determines the local police which is responsible to the regional commissioner". The statute does not allow the people in the area to use a plebiscite and declare themselves whether they want to stay in Italy or leave. In regard to this proposal, Fehmi Agani, LDK's vice-chairman says that "it is quite understanding to see the international community and some Serbian intellectual circles to try and evade bloodshed, by finding a solution, even a transitory one, as well as their hope for the democratization of Serbia". This hope, says Agani, seems to grow strong, meanwhile these proposals are lacking one thing: they don't take as ground the fact that the previous autonomy Kosova had can't be reinstalled, for there is no more SFRY, nor federation where it used to function! The Republic of Kosova is the result of the disintegration of Yugoslavia. It also shouldn't be forgotten that from all the former federal units of Yugoslavia, besides Slovenia, Kosova has the most favorable ethnic-social conditions to become independent. Therefore, Simic's comparison of Kosova to Tirol, and comparing Kosova to similar principles in Kosova, as several diplomats say, can't stand, for all states, including Italy, are stable states, meanwhile Yugoslavia is a disintegrating state", concluded Agani. Badinter himself, in his document in 1991, ascertained the end of Yugoslavia and asked for the constitutional rearrangement. Starting from these premises, an Albanian politician declared to a diplomatic representative that "Kosova should first have a sovereign subject which is a good and equal basis for integration in any federation". Autonomy, he said, politically has always been a transitory form and there are no cases in which people were satisfied only with it. It either disappears or it is advanced into independence. An interesting project is that of the Democratic League of Hungarians in Vojvodina. The projected proposals foresee a broader autonomy in the regions inhabited by Hungarians. Grounded on this project, local self-administration should be scaled on four levels. On the first one, the Hungarian Parliament should be elected, authorized for cultural, lingual and educational matters of the Hungarian community all over Vojvodina. In the -5-

second, the fifteen linguistic islands, or some of them, would make up the dominating ethnic groups enjoying local selfadministration, judiciary and taxing power. In the third, "the regions with Hungarian majority would gain special status, which would have councils, judiciary and police". The last level foresees "undertaking measures to combine the neighboring regions with special status to establish the Hungarian Autonomous zone with a unique representative body, a council and government. This draft convention is grounded on the documents of the Council of Europe, and indicates the eventual expansion of administrative powers. However, this plan was rejected by Serbia. Where is, therefore, the basis the international community finds to reinstall an already destroyed federation? Recently, a diplomat declared that , "there can't be any federations composed of two members and that the future Yugoslav federation will exclusively depend on Montenegro and the wish of this republic to live in an unequal federation". All of this remains to be seen. Nothing is clear yet!

INTERVIEW Astrit Salihu, KOHA's journalist THE ALBANIAN-SERB DIALOGUE CONTINUES Interviewed by Serbian State Security / Prishtina Even though they are very hard to get, interviews of policemen and top-policemen have always caused the interest of the public. Usually, the idea is that they are the guards of the secrets the public is interested in. With last week's arrest of Astrit Salihu, the Serbian State Security gave us the chance to make an unusual journalist enterprise: to publish an interview of a journalist conducted by the police. According to A. Salihu, the interview took place in a calm atmosphere, after a spent night in a cold corner (and several blows in the face and kicks). Since we believe that the opinions of our colleague, expressed in this magazine week by week, are of theinterest for the public, we publish the interview containing the main questions and answers which he recalls. * Why did you quit BUJKU? - Because I like KOHA's concept more. I believe it is more open than other magazines or newspapers. This is my conviction.


* What do you think about BUJKU? Is it good that it's editor in chief is at the same time member of LDK's Presidency? - I don't like this fact. * What do you think about the rightists? - I don't know that there are any rightists in Kosova, if you're referring to some people who are more extreme, then they are usually recruited by the ultra-leftists or as they call them Marxists-Leninists and former political prisoners. Now they have also become involved in the largest LDK party. For example, one former political prisoner is now vice-chairman of the LDK Hydajet Hyseni. But this is not all that precise since Hyseni is coming out to be a politically mature person who should be counted on in the future. He seems to be more flexible. * And Demaçi? - I believe that he is very close to Hyseni and that they both are in the same political line, they seem to be more flexible and realistic. * Strange of you not to mention Qosja. What do you think about him? - His political option is reduced to the phrase that Kosova should unite with Albania. I can think the same thing, without being a great politician, right? He should explain how should this purpose be reached. * Which is your posture in regard to dialogue? You have been writing about the possibilities to have Vllasi as a collocutor...? - I would applaud the beginning of the talks. I still believe that everything must be solved through dialogue. * Do you think that Rugova and his people alone should be involved in the dialogue? - In the same way no opposition leader can start dialogue on behalf of Serbia, no one can do it in Kosova either. The conversations should take place on equal levels. * What do you think, has dialogue really started, as you have been writing lately? - My colleague from KOHA Ylber Hysa has been writing about this topic and you probably had the chance to read it. My opinion is -7-

that: no, there is no dialogue yet. I believe that it is only a provocation of the public to see what both sides think. Albanians got trapped and immediately started attacking Vllasi and Bakalli as "people who don't represent Albanians". This is known, isn't it? * What is Rugova's posture towards the magazine you work in? - It has been correct so far. * What do you think about Rugova? How would the Kosova Albanian people react if it finds out that it will get only autonomy, if it is told the truth? - I don't know. It is true that international circles talk about the solution of Kosova's problem within the frame of autonomy. But, on the other hand, we must wait and see what is hidden behind Rugova's optimism. After the beginning of the negotiations in Dayton he is still optimistic. I have criticized this as an answer, you had the chance to read it in KOHA, but still, we must wait and see what is there behind this statement. * Let's suppose Rugova accepts autonomy, do you think this would weaken his position? - I can only suppose about his political maturity. Milosevic lost Knin, but his position is not weakened. Maybe Rugova will also do something similar, maybe he will find himself in new imposed circumstances. * What would Rugova have to do in the eventual negotiations? - Get the optimum. * And that is? - The optimum is all what can be extracted from the present political constellation. I don't know what it will be, I am not a prophet, but it can be called as you wish, autonomy, republic or something else. He has been moderate so far and has not imposed aggressive postures. For the time being, unfortunately, there is no alternative. * Could he be replaced by Hydajet Hyseni, you just said that he should be counted on? - What I said is that we must count on another mature and formed politician, which doesn't mean that he can also be a leader. * Rugova doesn't claim to be a leader? -8-

- I know, he doesn't do it because of modesty, but I believe that you know that he is the undisputable leader. * How do you think Kosova's issue can be solved? - This will not depend on me, but I believe that there should be some federalization of confederacy links, if Albanians are not allowed to secede and they can't achieve it. Maybe a "draft" state will be created, open to both Serbia and Albania. * Who is the editor of the domestic rubric? - No one. This is done by the editorial board once a week. No one is directly responsible. * But Surroi is the Editor in Chief. - Yes. * What is your status in KOHA? - I don't understand the question. * What does Surroi think about you and the others? - He probably has a good opinion of me, as well as the colleagues. * Which journalist is the closest to Surroi? - All of us are. We are also friends. * Where did you get the "Podvorica" file? - From his attorney. I was interested to write about Podvorica's acquittal. * Why? - I believe that this was a good chance to prove that there is no organized terrorism in Kosova. That, in fact, the existence of terrorism was not proven even juridically. There is no proof whatsoever that would prove that Albanians have been organized in forms of terrorist groups. And, personally, I am happy about it.


MACEDONIA 101:19 by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup With the issue of the University of Tetova, the whole baggage of Albanian problems got uncovered. The stand of the Parliament became a catharsis for the Albanians who were allowed, this time, to say all they had in mind, mainly in written presentations. "You know, any proposal which is openly presented to the parliament is legitimate. I believe that this is the way to solve any open issue. This is the democratic way to do it: problems are solved in the Parliament, where laws are adopted". It is a totally another issue whether the requests of the Albanian MPs will be respected. "This will be seen in the last phase of the approval of the law", says Andov's deputy, Tito Petkoski. As if this statement announces the epliogue which should come within the next couple of months, the time it will take for the harmonization of the law. The relation of forces in the highest ruling body does not give any space for optimism to the Albanian side, unless something else happens in the meantime. The present ratio is 101 : 19. "The draft Act on Superior Education which finally reached the parliament by the government is disputable for the Albanians, because it articulates our interests in only one segment. Article 9:2 allows the possibility to train educational staff for elementary schools in their mother tongue, while the high schools staff can get training in their mother tongue only in some particular subjects. We require the reformulation of this article. We request the change of paragraph 1 of this article which states that "educational and scientific activities in superior schools is conducted in Macedonian" which should also say "and also in the languages of the nationalities, i.e. Albanian". If this is accepted then the practical legalization of the University of Tetova", says MP Xheladin Murati. On the other hand, MP Hysni Shaqiri states that if this request is not respected, then the state can be destabilized. "I believe that this ascertainment is exact and grounded". We perceive the destabilization of Macedonia precisely as a result of the nonsolution of many issues related to Albanians. Actually, the University is one of the most serious problems which Albanians face", concluded Shaqiri. This time, Macedonian MPs were "milder" and their discussions were reduced to "1001 reasons" not to accept this request, claiming that we are "creating a state", and that we are lacking - 10 -

money; that Albanians have other universities (in Albania); that the University of Tetova will replace that of Prishtina; that the Macedonians outside Macedonia are studying foreign languages and that this draft-act fulfils the international standards, as Emilija Simoska said at the end. However, the arguments of the "Albanian party" at the Parliament were declared as unacceptable by the minister, and she wouldn't confront them with her arguments. A detail was mentioned: that until recently, the local Universities have inscribed more African and Arab students than Albanians, and another one: that out of 7 thousand new students in the University of Shkup, barely some 300 are Albanians! Following the discussions about this very strange draft, a strange conclusion comes out: Albanian MPs seem not to be very upset; as if they felt that something will happen in the second phase of the Macedonian superior education; on the other hand, Macedonian MPs are extremely relaxed. They are so relaxed because they know that the draft was elaborated in a ministry composed of mainly or exclusively Macedonian experts. They also know that before coming into the hands of the Government, this law had been circulating in the University, where it passed a test. The Government also approved it, and the Macedonian MPs know that there are some members of the cabinet who are Albanians, but whose say is not respected. They are calm in this aspect: their purpose is to allow Albanians say whatever they want, but at the end they will vote as they please. And, this will not happen only once, but it will be repeated. Something similar happened with the Constitution, and recently with the Law on Local SelfAdministration; it happened with the Citizenship Act and some other laws. And who cares..." - said Abdurrahman Aliti. And really, who cares. All did their jobs. The Macedonian progovernmental media placed everything in the frame of the "political marketing" of the Albanian MPs, also stating that "it was a real satisfaction to have the chance to listen to different points of view about superior education, unfortunately linked to ideas of exclusively national background", concludes the commentator of PULS weekly, advocating in favor of the "European model of education" and the elimination of ethnic premises. As if reality were forgotten - the politicians would say - that Macedonia is multi-ethnic and multi-confessional. The disposition of the Macedonian authorities about this, including the requests of the Albanian MPs, is best illustrated by a representative of an international organization dealing with human rights: "In one of our reports, due to a translation mistake, it was "ascertained" that Macedonian and Albanian were official languages in Macedonia. As soon as the report was distributed, the Macedonian officials started calling and denying that there - 11 -

are two official languages in Macedonia!". And really, only Macedonian is spoken in Macedonia; the only script used is cyrillic, even though there have been no remarks yet that this alphabet and the green areas are the only ones which don't hurt the sight...

MACEDONIA (IN)SANE FORCES by ISO RUSI / Shkup President Gligorov's cabinet issued a communique announcing his quick return to his official duties. It informed that "President Gligorov has been fulfilling part of the usual obligations" and that the public "will be informed about his full return to office". The experts understood the communique as a direct confirmation that William Perry, the American Defense Secretary, who is expected to visit Macedonia during this week, will be the first foreign official to be received by Gligorov after the attempt against his life on October 3, even though the Government's portparole denied it on his last press conference. The communique was issued following a contact TV emission of a private TV station about "the security situation in Macedonia", in which the representatives of four parties - Social/Democrats and Liberals on one side and VMRO and the Democrats on the other - explained to the attentive public some interesting details as the one about the fact that the acting President, Speaker Andov, is the one to coordinate the meeting of the Security Council of the Republic, meanwhile President Gligorov was sending his condolences to the state of Israel after Rabin's killing! Naturally, everything would be fine, if the justification would be reduced to the explanation that protocol functions and that the President of the Republic is not the one to, in fact, write telegrams. The explanation which was missing during the TV broadcast came later in the communique. Just several days before this, a very unusual communique of the Liberal Party was issued, and the party insisted it to be published completely by the press and transmitted by the electronic media. The executive council of this party saw it necessary to communicate to the public that "in the sensitive period following the attempt against President Gligorov's life, our state preserved its stability, internal peace and its borders". And that "in those conditions the Liberal Party, in the - 12 -

best possible way, proved that its participation in the government and its determination to preserve the political orientation of the state, as a factor of peace in the region which verified its posture so far, as an independent state". This introduction is in the function of what followed: "that the Executive Board of the Liberal Party, on this occasion, evaluated highly the contribution and activity of the leader of political parties and the Speaker of the Parliament, Andov, who, by applying the constitutional norms, strongly and determinately stood up to defend the policy promoted by the President of the Republic, Kiro Gligorov. In that direction, his statement issued on October 3 strengthened the confidence of the citizens and their determination to stand on the path chosen by the state. Their respect of the deadlines to undertake the acts to open the path to regulate the relations of our country with the Republic of Greece, grounded on good neighborhood and mutual trust, as well as the preservation of the institutions strongly supported by the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia". Then came the compliments to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, of course, also a Liberal: "Several days after the attempt against President Gligorov's life, with his clear statement in the General Assembly of the UN, our minister showed to the world that the Republic of Macedonia will not give up on its foreign policy and that because of this reason, the goal of the inspirers, organizers and executors of the filthy terrorist attack was not achieved". At the end, the communique mentions the brief visit of George Soros, and reproaches his criticism of President Gligorov's policy and his personality as well, in two interviews published by Nova Makedonija and Vecer. "Apart from this, Soros tried to confront the Government of Macedonia with Gligorov, saying that for all the problems he had with Gligorov, he had great understanding from the Government. The Executive Council of the Liberal Party wishes to inform the public that this attempt to divide the public by Soros is rejected, and it is considered that no minister of the coalition should be sitting in a government which would have to choose between Gligorov and Soros". Naturally, the communique caused interest among the public. "Nova Makedonija" in its Saturday's issue published a note stating that whatever the Liberals saw in the interviews, was not in the content of the interviews and Soros's answers. Both the deputy editor in chief and the editor of the rubric qualified the communique as "apparently pragmatic and propagandistic" and "a result of the dangerous political games". What is concerning is that some political circles are trying to - 13 -

differentiate Macedonian media and journalists "according to their attitude" after the attempt against Gligorov. The idea is not new, it was done earlier, the difference is that the purpose is not concealed any more. The "sane" forces are, of course, those which were loyal to the President during all the time, believing that he will come back to political life, while the others calculated about his replacement. Thus, there is more and more talk about the division of media in these two categories, there is also talk about an alleged lunch organized by Stojan Andov, one day after the attempt, with the managers of some Macedonian media and about the visits of some journalists to the Speaker offering "services" in the period after he took over the temporary presidency. The conflict on the League of Macedonia, between the SocialDemocrats and the Liberals allegedly emerged, and the communique of the Liberals came out as an explanation or proof of loyalty to the President who is going back to his duties. Soros's intervention came from the same basis, because his sympathies for Premier Crvenkovski are known since long ago. The liberals, who of course know about the postures of the financial magnate about Gligorov's policies intended to incite the president in Gligorov's eyes. The concern in some editorial boards is increasing, therefore the shock of those who in one way or the other were mistaken, is reasonable.

ECONOMY PLUNDERING IN KOSOVA by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina The process of transformation in Serbia and Montenegro was done in the most unacceptable way. Instead going towards liberalization of this process, the state has taken over it. When it comes to Kosova, there is nothing much to say, for the process has taken place without the presence of the Albanians and by not respecting its interests. Nebojsa Backovic, in one of his publications says that the process of property transformation in Kosova has ended. The problem is only how to revitalize the enterprises, i.e. how to make the integrations function. According to him, this process was developed in two directions. First, 12 enterprises became public (statal). Then, 238 other enterprises transformed. Hence, 22 Kosovan enterprises found themselves within the Belgrade Agricultural Combine, then 8 enterprises became part of Juko (Zitiste), 2 enterprises were taken over by Sartid 1913 - 14 -

(Smederevo, and one each by Branko Krsmanovic (Paracin), Univerzal and Grmec (both Belgrade). Many other enterprises, mainly those verified as trustworthy in the present economic system in Serbia, appear in Kosova with over 51% of the capital. At the same time, the 103 enterprises found no partners for integration, deserted their capital to the different Serbian funds. Regardless of the fact that this whole process is evaluated positively by Backovic, when it is perceived from different aspects, it can't be called otherwise but plundering and the application of political interests of Serbia, so the economy of Kosova would function only within Serbia and in no way independently. Nevertheless, the Serbian authorities claim that the mergers were mistakenly made, and that they should be corrected. Some Albanian analysts tried to study this issue, but didn't manage to give an evaluation of the damage caused by this transformation, which was in essence, the transportation of the basic equipment and the capital to Serbia. The ascertainments that the whole process was made without the participation of Albanians and therefore is not acceptable for us, can't justify the lack of seriousness in the approach. Mustafë Blakaj, followed on all type of plundering Kosova economy underwent since 1990. The following are the main conducted until 1994, which Blakaj published in an analysis: - The GNP in 1990 was 1,8 DEM lower than foreseen, without counting the direct plundering. - When the Bank of Kosova was formally registered as shareholding, its pure capital was 81,6 million dollars. After the introduction of the emergency measures and the initiation of the bankruptcy procedure, everything could be withdrawn from the bank, i.e. 66 individual parties of currency savings worth 98,2 million dollars taken over by "Jugobanka", which is now refusing to pay back to the clients. - In 1990 Serbia took over the budget. It cashed in 393,1 million dinars in Kosova, but it engaged only 0,6% of this sum in Kosova! Can the situation go back to its previous state? according to the flows so far, especially in times when the Serbian government refers to the shares as the right to participate in the capital, then it is pretty hard to restore the situation as it used to be in 1990. The situation can't go back in many enterprises, and only in case Kosova is recognized as an independent state can they be part of the separation balance with Serbia, which would be forced to compensate the caused damage. Previous chronicles explained the transfer of equipment to - 15 -

Serbia, allegedly for repairs, but which were never returned. Only some cases are listed below, without any pretension to claim that this is the whole list. The Pump Factory in Deçan "lost" its main producing machines, therefore there has been no production in the past five years. "Kluz" in Gllogovc has become a garbage deposit, because none of the machines are there and there is no evidence of where they have ended. The building of "Sankos" in Kaçanik is being used as an accommodation center for Krajina refugees, because the machines were previously taken to Shtërpce, becoming private property, but have not started producing yet. "Mineks" in Ferizaj was deprived of its production line of "eurocream", which was actually never put in function... Analyzing the reaction of the Serbian workers, there are indications that many of these equipments are now in the hands of private owners. These workers feel betrayed, for they gained nothing from these transformations, a feeling which is leading towards the strikes and protests. But as long as these circumstances continue, any protests are vane. Burhan Kavaja, one of the former leaders of the UITUK speaks of the methodology of this trade-union to evaluate the caused damage. "Deprivation from salaries and different allowances, based on our calculations, meant a loss of 4,5 billions of American dollars for our workers. The UITUK evaluated that this is what the Serbian government owes the Albanian workers and therefore they would send a bill to the Serbian Government each month, saying that if the bill is not paid in within the legal term, interests would be calculated". It is not known whether the government of Serbia received the bills or not, but it is true that it didn't pay one dinar to the dismissed workers. It is not in its mind to compensate the amount or admit the general damage it caused Kosova. But, even if it were ready to do so, no Kosovan institution really knows how much to ask for. This means that no one knows how much has Kosova lost, because everything was stopped on the appeal "that this matter should be elaborated as soon as possible".

DOSSIER JUSUF ZEJNULLAHU HISTORY IS BEING REPEATED by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina KOHA: How did change of the government take place? ZEJNULLAHU: I think that since the suspension came, both the - 16 -

alternative and we worked individually. There was no coordination, at least there was no unique strategic orientation. Kosova finally entered a situation it had never faced before. Practically, it was a situation of state of war. It was a new situation for both us and the alternative. Even though we had the support of the people, neither us or the alternative have evaluated the situation nor had we set our policy of action. I believe that this is a huge gap which still remains... I believed that Kosova had lost its political factor the moment journalists in "Rilindja" decided to leave the Communist League of Kosova. It was replaced by the alternative and we believed that we should find support in them. But a government couldn't function only through statements and interviews: we needed to take decisions. There was huge confusion after the suspensions. It was almost impossible to establish any coordination in the work of the suspended organs and the ones which were still functioning. The confusion was even more increased with the created atmosphere that all institutions, especially the statal, administration and judiciary, must be deserted. This was present before and after the suspension of the Government and parliament. This request was later expanded to economy and social services. There was this race to quit jobs and the harsh tagging of all those who were still working. The level of patriotism was measured by the velocity of quitting the job. Many circles and individuals gave themselves the right to evaluate the posture and attitude of other people. This was a huge euphoria... People thought that everything would end within two weeks and that they would come back. This is why the Serbian government found it even more easy to dismount the whole network of institutions. On the other hand, even though the Government and Parliament were suspended, Kosova's representatives in the Federation were still there, and the idea was to create an impression that no desinstitutionalization had taken place in Kosova. The functioning abroad was not coordinated either. Kosova had many envoys aborad, and many of them were not authorized. In many cases they confused the Europeans and Americans who didn't have it clear who were the representatives of Kosova! In this situation, some individuals, lead by their personal interests, and considering that time had come for them to become part of history, started a campaign for the formation of the new government, ignoring all legal representatives, the Government and Parliament which still existed. Radio Zagreb - in Albanian was then controlled by individuals and political parties from Kosova, and was used widely for this campaign. KOHA: How were you informed about the change in the government? ZEJNULLAHU: From the press. The justification was that a multi- 17 -

party government was elected, and there was nothing wrong with this. Thus is happened that this government was changed three times and suspended twice within one year! KOHA: Did you have any dilemmas in this respect? ZEJNULLAHU: There were bo dilemmas about the completion or even replacement of the government. But, this could have been done by respecting the constitutional provisions and the situation which was imposed on us, counting on the fact that all forces which supported the executive and parliamentarian acts should become part of it. On that occasion, without any reason, some actions which were contrary to the Constitution were undertaken when the Government was changed. Many individuals started taking responsibilities which didn't belong to them, and there was such a confusion that it wasn't clear who was dealing with politics and who was dealing with the executive matters! I didn't deal with matters of political parties, but they did take over some executive powers. I was willing to change the government, according to the Constitution, but this was not interesting for the ones who were rushing to make the changes... I heard later that there were talks that the Government and Parliament were not necessary any more. This is something like the "use and throw" system... I didn't want to talk about this, but I must say that the Government could have been replaced constitutionally in only two possible ways: to have the Parliament vote non-confidence to the Government, and with my resignation. There was no possibility for the first option to take place, and the second one could have been easily done. It is interesting to state that the Parliament decided to vote in favor of a new government without even discharging the old one. Thus, the Parliament which proved itself with too much sacrifice, became a simple formality. From then on, Kosova lost its parliament and lost its administrative structure which was replaced with associations and councils. KOHA: You were involved in the preparations for the meeting in Stublicka-Toplica, the meeting of Albanian political parties, but you didn't participate in it. Why? ZEJNULLAHU: I was informed that there was going to be a meeting of political parties and other personalities about the future actions. I was not informed about the organizer, the participants, but the idea was to reach an agreement about the future actions of Albanians in general. Naturally, this was of my convenience. Even though we were the legal government and parliament, we couldn't reach any success without any - 18 -

coordination with the political factors. Our posture was that until the free elections we must support all political factors which are acting in Kosova... This was the basis of the preparations which were set in a meeting held in Izola (Slovenia). The request was to complete the government in accordance with the political factor... but I never participated in the meeting, because I was never invited to it! Later I heard that some people commented that I didn't want to attend the meeting, which is completely false. It seemed that this move was a result of the unpreparedness to determine the orientation and the working concept according to the created situation and the situation we were expecting. The media, again, were my source of information about the meeting celebrated in Toplica, where representatives of all political parties in the Former Yugoslavia had met. The impression I got was that the issue of Kosova wouldn't be presented concretely but generally, which was the best way to keep the situation stalling and inert. KOHA: The indictment against you considers the meeting you, accompanied by Agim Mala (director of TV Prishtina - now in exile), had with Ante Markovic, incriminating... ZEJNULLAHU: The incriminating act is our alleged creation of an informal group which requested the assistance of some factors of the republics and the federation, which is absolutely false. All we did is to say that Kosova is a constituent of the Federation, and that if Kosova is suspended, the Federation can't function. I met with Ante Markovic, and Agim Mala had come to the meeting to, on behalf of TV Prishtina, ask for his intervention and the restoration of the normal TV broadcasting. What I told Markovic, I had already written in a letter, therefore, nothing was secret. The situation didn't change after this meeting. KOHA: You came back for exile which lasted several years. What made you decide so and what is your status now? ZEJNULLAHU: It was not my idea to remain outside Kosova forever. I happened to be abroad when the order of my arrest was issued... I never though of me as an emigrant, and therefore one day I decided to come back. I was conscious of all repercussions of my act, but the moment was such that my arrest could have some meaning... KOHA: There have been articles in the Serbian press about your "political re-engagement". What is the truth and what does J. Zejnullahu do today? ZEJNULLAHU: I believe that intrigues and speculations do not deserve any attention. I can say that some Albanian intriguers, afraid that the Albanian question could be solved without their - 19 -

presence, are spreading all sorts of rumors, trying to remove the attention from what is important. Sometimes, these people are more afraid of Albanians than people from the Serbian regime! KOHA: Would you come back to politics? ZEJNULLAHU: Dealing with politics in these conditions is no satisfaction at all, nor does it give security. In fact, I am not apolitical when it comes to the liberty of my people. No Albanian can be so. It is something else to concretely make decisions and have the responsibility for that. I doubt that the politicians today feel any satisfaction, but they deal with it for the sake of the declared aspirations... KOHA: What is your status today? ZEJNULLAHU: In relation to the Serbian government, I am under investigation. I don't feel safe, and you can notice this from the answers I have been giving to you... KOHA: From this distance in time, how do you evaluate the situation during 1989 and 1990. What has been done and what has not? ZEJNULLAHU: I believe that many things which were decided were never accomplished, and I believe that this is reality. Our decisions and declarations were never brought to life. The form exists but the realization doesn't have the content and makes no sense. It is an organization which is without effect. The reasons for this can be elaborated, but personally I am not willing to talk about it. KOHA: What is your posture? ZEJNULLAHU: I have always believed that the situation of Kosova is very serious. Our wishes for independence and freedom were ignored each time they were presented. This has happened because Albanians have often hoped that the others - the "democrats and the developed" in Europe and the world - would take care of our problems. It seems that history repeats itself only in the case of Albanians, and we must not allow it... Everyone of us knows how the things are moving. The peaceful concept the Albanians are following, determines clearly the orientation towards the conversation with the party in conflict - with Serbia... KOHA: What could the talks be about concretely? ZEJNULLAHU: About the clear orientation of Kosova to become free. Serbia knows this, and everything is clear. Postures of both sides are clear. The situation we have been living the past five - 20 -

years doesn't suit us. We have only negative effects from this. We say that we have a parallel rule in Kosova, and this is not true. This is a kind of resistance which doesn't harm Serbia. Such a rule can only be factive, and this is what Serbia's rule in Kosova is like. It is quite clear who is entitled to talk on behalf of the Albanians, it's the president of the Republic, Ibrahim Rugova, and this is clear. I even believe that Milosevic himself is not willing to make any manoeuvres with anyone else, because this can't solve the problem, regardless of the conclusion. From the strategic aspect, I don't consider it favorable for the Kosova issue to be discussed after all other former Yugoslav problems are solved. This practically places Kosova outside the corpus of problems of the former Yugoslavia and makes it a matter of Serbia alone. This can also be the purpose of Serbia, regardless of the pressure it may face. It is also very unfavorable if the issue is opened on a local level by Serbia. Naturally, this will depend on the "concessions" Serbia will make in Croatia and Bosnia, which can be proven negative for Kosova. Also, if Kosova will be discussed after the problems in the Former Yugoslavia are solved, then it will be forced to accept the solution decided upon without its participation. Therefore, we shouldn't be surprised in any way if this happens!

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