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with either themselves or by other local leaders, and many resorted to violence
such as the guereilla war the Achenese against the Dutch, leading to continual
occasional acts of vilent rebellion against their colonial masters until 1930. This
built up frustration among the Javanese and they felt that only through religious
ways were they able to buil a better lfie of themselves and hence proving that
such movements were largely centered on anti-colonialism.
However, SEAsian nationalist movements do not just centre on anti-colonialsim,
but also on othr factors such as the external influences due to the great
depression in 1929. The reat depression in 1929 which is a severe worldwide
economic downturn occurred in the 1930s also plays a part in shaping SEA
nationalist movements but not causing these movements to be entered on anticolonialmism. Instead, the Great Depression in 1929 diverts the attention of
nationalist movements from anti-colonialism to the focus of the interests of the
lcoals, which were severely affected due to the Great Depression. The Great
Depression causes much devastation to countries, especially to those whose
economies rely heabily on trade with the world market as it casuses the tumbling
of world commodities prices. Rapid decrease in profit earned by the peasants
worsens the existing situations of land alienation casuing them to fall into a
vicious cycle off overty as without land, many had to reent land from landowners
to grow cash crops which are normally colonial masters, to grow crops. During
poor harvest, they may not earn enough to feeed their family or had to resort to
borrowing money from moneylenders which are under the colonial masters to
get by. In event when peasants are unable to return their loans, they are often
thrown out of their households. These harsh treatments of the peasants causes
difficult times and even exploited them in the various aspects of their interest,
be it focused on the interests of the locals which were severely affected instead
of it being on anti-colonialism. In Burma, the Great Depression accelerates the
existing trend of land alienation and concentration a growth in substantial
tenated class as more of the peasants are unable tto earn enough due to the
rapidly declining crop prices. An example, is that rice prices in Cochinchina
declined from 7.15 piastres per quintal in 1929 to 1.88 in 1934. The most ovious
rural distress could be seen in lower Burma, there is a huge climb in the rate of
land alienation whereby the proportion of land held by non-agriculturalists
increased from 31% in 1930 to nearly 50% by 1935 and Chettiar moneylenders
controlled 25% of lower Burma area by 1937. Subsequently, despite half a million
hectares of land being left uncultivated as many wage labourers were dismissed
so as to cut cost, landlords continued to increase the exports of rice at the
expense of domestic consumption, casuing the welfare of local Burmese to take
a backseat as the rice consumption in Burma fell by 25% casuing the feelings of
displeasure to buildup. These various harsh treatments therefore allows the
pongyis,, which are Buddhists monks to garner support of the peasant masses to
organize a series of peasant revolts, leading to the most serious of such peasant
revolts, the Saya San reellion in 1930. The frustration over taxation, crime, rice
prices, land alienation, Indian immigration wwhich are normally the Chettiars,
unemployment and colonial degradation of religion by
targeting mainly
moneylenders due to the frustration exacerbated by the Great Dpression and
the colonial rule, alongside with its flaws only serves as a catalyst for the
peasants displeasure to reach its boiling point causing the SEA nationalism to be
concentrated on the lack of self-interests, in terms of economic and the changing
social status of the lcoals due to the continual exploitation of Burmese by the
British. In British Malaya, the Great Depression in 19229 have accelerated and
heightened the local of Malayas discontentment towards the problem of the
trend of existing land alienation by the British and the Chinese in addition with
In the early period of the rise of nationalism in Southeast Asian before World War
Two, most pre-war nationalist leaders started off being motivated merely by anticolonialism, having suffered much grievances from various unpopular impacts of
colonial rule. However subsequently, a growing number of leaders adopted a
greater vision of establishing a nation state that transcended beyond just
overthrowing the colonial government because they witnessed the process of
key international development which inspired them with a greater vision. While
foreign ideologies like republicanism and communism played an increasingly
important role especially after the occurrence of key international events, anticolonialism in its various forms like political and religious-cultural agenda was
still the driving force that spurred the nationalist leaders on throughout their
crusade to gain independence for their country. Hence, this essay seeks to argue
that nationalist leaders in the period before World War Two was mostly motivated
by anti-colonialism because foreign ideologies merely supplemented the
nationalist leaders desires to gain independence while anti-colonialist sentiment
remained the core underpinning throughout the nationalistic cause.
In the early stages of the rise in nationalist movement, even without a greater
vision of nation building, the sheer desire of the nationalist leaders to have a free
and independent nation alone, as inspired by the idea of nationalism they gained
from western education, led them on their pursuit of independence for their
countries, thus showing that anti-colonialism formed the premise motivating the
nationalist leaders vis--vis foreign ideologies. For instance, in Indonesia,
Mohammad Hatta, SutanSjahrir, Soetomo, Sartono embarked on their nationalist
cause because they were inspired by the idea of a modern independent state
they picked up while they studied in the western education system. When
Perhimpunan Indonesia (PI) was created in 1908, the nationalist leaders did not
even have a vision for nation building as the partys aim was only to gain
independence by advocating widespread non-cooperation with the Dutch.
Similarly, in the Philippines,
Compared to nation building, it was more of the fundamental concerns of the
nationalist leaders to modernise and defend their religion and culture against the
colonial government that kindled their desire to support independence, thus
showing the importance of anti-colonial sentiments over foreign ideologies in
motivating the nationalist leaders. For example in Burma, the pongyis, leaders of
Young Mens Buddhist Association (YMBA) created in 1906, became anti-British
and responded to the idea of nationalism because they lost their prestige and
status when the British abolished the Burmese monarchy which indirectly
invalidated the Sangha. Coupled with the influx of foreign customs, cultures,
traditions and languages, the twin pillars of Buddhism and the Burmese
monarchupon which the Burmese identity was built were gravely jeopardised. As
such, the pongyis adopted the idea of nationalism to revive Buddhism and to
restore the Burmese monarchy, and foreign ideologies clearly were not the focus.
Likewise in Indonesia, KyaiHadji and Ahmad Dahlan, leaders of Muhammadiyah
created in 1912, adopted nationalism because they wanted tomodernise reform
Islam in Indonesia and purify it of its non-islamic practices that had sipped in
with colonialism. By building schools, providing free healthcare and setting up
welfare organisations, the nationalist leaders sought to guide the muslim to
modern living and to see beyond their traditional mindset, so that would
understand the idea of nationalism. The fact that the nationalist leaders embrace
nationalism more because of religious and cultural concern which is but a source
of anti-colonialism showed that anti-colonialism is more important than foreign
ideologies in motivating the nationalist leaders.
However, increasing number of nationalist leaders became more motivated by
foreign ideologies and less by anti-colonialism as key international development
transpired to capture the imagination of the nationalist leaders with visions of
nation building they never once had. For example in Indonesia, inspired by the
1917 Bolshevik Revolution, HenkSneevliet, leader of the
IndischeSociaalDemocratischeVereenigning (ISDV) created in 1914, no longer
just wanted to establish a mass-based party, but he started pursuing the
establishment of a communist state and joined ISDV with Saraket Islam (SI)
created 1912 to form the PartaiKomunis Indonesia (PKI) in 1920. Then on, instead
of negotiating with the Dutch, the nationalist leaders adopted revolutionary
tactics of uprisings and uncooperation. Likewise in Vietnam, after 1911 Chinese
revolution, PhanBoiChau and Prince Cuong De also sought to not just gained
independence but to emulate the Chinese example and create a modern republic
through armed revolt and the use of violent tactics like assassination. Hence,
after key international development took place, nationalist leaders became more