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Crusade of Romanianism

Originally named The White Eagles,[1] the Crusade


emerged in early 1935, as a splinter group from the
Iron Guard. Stelescus break with Codreanu was sudden
and public. In 1932, Stelescu was a prominent Guard
politico, tasked with political campaigning in Bucharest
and the youngest Romanian Parliament member.[2] As
documented by visitors Jean and Jrme Tharaud, Stelescu eclipsed his political boss in matters of oratory
and political competence.[3] As a consequence of this,
Codreanu began handing him risky assignments, implicating him in the assassination of Premier Ion G. Duca
(for which Stelescu served a term in prison).[4] It is also
likely that Stelescu was infuriated by Codreanus refusal
to tackle the political establishment head on: in 1934, the
critThe Stelists oscillated between maverick independence Guard was keeping a low prole, content with mildly[5]
icizing
the
authoritarian
King
of
Romania,
Carol
II.
and electoral alliances with more prestigious nationalist
parties. The Crusade was a minor party, whose decision When, in September 1934, Stelescu went public with his
of publicly settling scores with the Iron Guard proved fa- rst denunciations of Codrenist tactics, he was promptly
tal. In the summer of 1936, Stelescu was murdered by an excluded from the Guard. The decision had a vague disIron Guard death squad, and his party only survived for claimer: Stelescu could be welcomed back into the Guard
one more year. Its caretakers during that nal period were on condition that he perform an exceptional act of selfjournalist Alexandru Talex and General Nicolae Rdescu. sacrice.[6] According to later Codrenist mythology, Stelescu had in fact been exposed as the would-be assassin of
Codreanu.[7] For his part, Stelescu alleged that, by hinting at reconciliation, Codreanu had discreetly urged him
1 History
to poison another one of the Iron Guards adversaries:
Foreign Minister Nicolae Titulescu.[8]
The Crusade of Romanianism (Romanian: Cruciada Romnismului, also known as Vulturii Albi, White
Eagles, or Stelitii, Stelists) was an eclectic far-right
movement in Romania, founded in 1934 by Mihai Stelescu. It originated as a dissident faction of the Iron
Guard, Romanias main fascist movement, and was virulently critical of Guard leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.
Stelescu reinterpreted nationalist ideology through the
lens of anticapitalism and humane antisemitism, appropriating some ideas from communism and Italian fascism.
The Crusade was famously associated with Panait Istrati,
world-renowned novelist and dissident communist, who
added into the mix of Romanianism some elements of
libertarian socialism.

1.1

Beginnings

Stelescu left together with some other high-ranking activists of Codreanus movement, who helped him establish the White Eagles party, and possibly convinced
all of the Guards youth sections in Bucharest to join
them.[9] Historian Franklin L. Ford sees the schism as important, arguing that Stelescu eectively took control of
the Cross Brotherhood network, which he had helped
recruit for the Guard in the late 1920s.[10] Citing the
Guards supposed elitism, Stelescu hoped to rely on support from more populist Guardsmen, including Ion Moa
and Gheorghe Clime.[11]
On November 22, 1934,[12][13] Stelescu established his
eponymous weekly newspaper, Cruciada Romnismului,
with Alexandru Talex as editor and himself as director.
Talex, who was politically independent, had been university colleagues with Stelescu. He was moved by Stelescus
marginalization, but, as he recalled in a later interview,
personally disliked him.[14]
Talex and Stelescu were allegedly supplied with funds
by Prince Constantin Karadja,[6] who also contributed
to the paper.[13] Another important gure was Gheorghe

Iron Guard rally, 1933. Codreanu is front row, right, with Stelescu by his side

HISTORY

Beza, an Aromanian dissident of the Iron Guard, famous


for his earlier involvement in political conspiracies.[15]
Other men involved with Stelescus newspaper, and probably his movement, were journalists Sergiu Lecca, Dem.
Bassarabeanu[12] and Mircea Mateescu.[16] Joining them
was a cartoonist, Gall.[17]

PP leader Alexandru Averescu was working to gather as


much support as needed for prompting Carol to hand him
power. His plan backred: on one hand, the Stelists did
not necessarily endorse the idea of a new Averescu government; on the other, the PP moderates protested against
Averescus cohabitation with fascist groups.[22] By early
existed, but the PP
More famously, Cruciada Romnismului hosted articles 1936, the Constitutional Front still
[22]
had
eectively
withdrawn
from
it.
by Panait Istrati. He was a literary celebrity and longtime socialist, whose public denunciation of the Soviet Meanwhile, the Crusade was preparing to settle scores
Union had sparked an international controversy. It is with the Iron Guard. Its newspapers published destill unclear whether Istrati was ever formally aliated tailed reports about the contacts between Codreanu and
with the Crusade as a political party. Some authors sug- King Carol, noting that the Guard enjoyed free pubgest as much.[18] In April Istrati died from tuberculosis in licity in the ocial and semiocial press, and even
Bucharest. He had been unable to support himself dur- that government money was being spent on manufacturing his last months, and relied on government handouts ing Guardist insignia.[23] More disturbingly for Codreanu,
an appeasement that was much ridiculed from the far Stelescu was publishing information regarding secret conleft.[14] An independent Trotskyist newspaper, Proletarul, tacts between the Guard and the royal mistress, Elena Luclaimed that the Stelists had supervised Istratis funeral pescu,[24] as well as statements implicating Codreanu in
ceremony, driving away his leftist friends.[19]
the Duca assassination.[25] Stelescu already expected to
be assassinated by the Codrenists, and repeatedly taunted
his adversaries, instructing them to shoot him, but not in
1.2 Under Stelescu
the back.[26]
In July 1936, while recovering at the Brncovenesc Hospital, where he had undergone an appendectomy, Stelescu fell victim to the Guards revenge. A Decemviri
death squad, comprising ten Theology students,[27] had
formally received Codreanus blessing at the Iron Guard
Congress in Trgu Mure that April.[28] Seizing its opportunity, it stormed into the hospital building and shot
Stelescu to death. This murder left an enduring mark on
public memory because of its ritualistic nature: Stelescus
body was not just riddled with bullets, but also hacked to
pieces.[29]
Stelescu and other Crusade members at Panait Istrati's funeral,
April 1935

1.3 Stelescus posterity


The Stelists were intensely courted by other far-right organizations, with which the Guard was competing for the
nationalist vote. The Crusade was especially close to the
National-Christian Defense League (LANC), from which
the Guard had split almost a decade before, and envisaged
the creation of a united front against democracy and
the radical left.[20] In March 1935, a Crusade delegation
attended a LANCs national congress. The state monitored such agreements, which also involved the Romanian
Front, and reported that the Crusade was in the process
of merging with the LANC.[21]

The orphaned movement still counted among its members some relevant gures in Romanian politics. Nicolae
Rdescu, a Romanian Land Forces general, was an aliate, and, according to some sources, became the Crusades leader upon Stelescus murder.[30] He was in any
case the decision-maker, and probably contributed to
the movements nancing.[31] Previously registered with
Averescus PP, Rdescu was a stated enemy of the political establishment. In 1933, upon presenting his resignation from the army, he had accused proteering politithe kings "camarilla" of commercializing milThe LANC merger never took place. In September 1935, cians and[32]
itary
life.
the Crusade of Romanianism sealed a pact with the rightwing Georgist Liberals and Grigore Foru's extrem- Other Crusade members were harmed by Codrenist atist Citizens Bloc of National Salvation.[22] This three- tacks, and, within the Iron Guard, Stelism became a
pronged alliance aimed at involvement in national pol- crime punishable by death.[33] Nevertheless, Cruciada
itics. The Georgists had also formed a cartel with the Romnismului newspaper was in print until 1937,[12] by
Peoples Party (PP), which had previously been one of the which time some of its members had embraced other
three most powerful parties in Romania. The Georgist"- causes. Moving on from the Crusade, Sergiu Lecca was
Populist alliance, or Constitutional Front, came to in- involved in arranging contacts between the mainstream
National Peasants Party (PN) and communist cells.[34]
clude both the Stelists and the Citizens Bloc.[22]

3
Gheorghe Beza was also accepted into the PN, and later
left Romania altogether.[35] At least one other Stelist had
registered with the Social Democratic Party by 1946.[36]
Instead, Mircea Mateescu returned into the Iron Guard,
celebrating its ght against the deep, massive, darkness
of the Romanian Sodom.[37]
The group dissolved itself, but Rdescu remained politically active into World War II, and was listed as one of
King Carols more potent enemies.[32] He survived the
"National Legionary" episode of Iron Guard rule, when
he was reportedly marginalized as a "Freemason".[38] According to one testimony, the general was never forgiven
by the Guard for having supported Stelescu. During the
putsch of January 1941, Iron Guard assassin squads were
on the lookout for Rdescu, who went into hiding.[39]
Some former Crusade members were already working at
undermining Romanias involvement with the Axis Powers. When, under the Ion Antonescu regime, Romanian troops occupied Transnistria, Rdescu issued a formal protest and spent a full year in the concentration
camp.[32][39] From his diplomatic post, Prince Karadja
extended protection to Jews eeing the Holocaust, coming into conict with the SS.[40] Meanwhile, Sergiu
Lecca, who was the brother of Antonescu aide Radu
Lecca, took part in informal negotiations between Romania and the Allied Powers.[41]

historian Zigu Ornea, Talexs work in this eld makes a


point of obfuscating Istratis contribution to the Crusade,
as well as Talexs own.[13]
This contrasted with the treatment of other former Crusade people: Dem. Bassarabeanus poetry was stricken
from public memory by communist censorship, due to the
authors fascist beliefs.[47] Another poet, Mihu Dragomir,
albeit formally aligned with communist ideology, was investigated for a supposed teenage involvement with the
Crusade.[48]

2 Ideology
2.1 Confusing the extremes
Political historian Stanley G. Payne describes the Crusade as distinct among the Romanian fascist groups: a
tiny organization which sought to target workers and
to inspire socioeconomic transformation.[49] Within the
party, there was always a degree of assimilation between
fascist trappings and far-left causes, indicative of Stelescus indecision. In his rst-ever editorial column, Stelescu derided all political uniforms, and implicitly all political extremes, stating: one can believe in something
without donning a colored shirt, just as one can wear
a colored shirt without believing in anything. He demanded a united front of fearless warriors, entirely
cut o from all preexisting ideologies.[50] In March 1935
Eugne Ionesco, the left-leaning literary columnist, noted
that Stelescus newspaper made a habit of confusing the
extremes. Ionesco was referring to Cruciada Romnismului 's appreciation for the socialist poetry of Liviu Bratoloveanu.[51]

Although still an anticommunist, Rdescu was brought to


high oce by the Soviet occupation of Romania, and,
from December 1944, served as Prime Minister. He
refused to sanction Soviet abuse of power and clashed
with the Romanian Communist Party, while pursuing war
against Nazi Germany.[39][38][42] Additionally, Rdescu
was also at war with the Iron Guard puppet government
that was set up behind enemy lines, but it is still debated
whether or not he actually protected those Guardsmen
The appropriation of leftist ideas was especially apparent
who did not defect to the Germans.[38]
after the Crusades involvement in the international IsThe toppling of Rdescus cabinet in February 1945 was
trati scandal. When he rst publicized his pact with Stea new step toward the communization of Romania.[39][43]
lescu, Istrati specied an absolute requirement that the
Indicted as a crypto-fascist by the communist authoriCrusade keep itself equally distant from fascism, comties, he escaped to New York City, where he helped form
munism and the antisemitism of hooligans.[52] In one of
the Romanian National Committee.[39][44] The surviving
his letters, where he paraphrases the Stelist program, Ismembership of the Crusade of Romanianism was also
trati rearms this principle, while also noting: Ours is
hunted down. According to aviator Ion Cooveanu, who
a national movement for economic change, for civic eduwas for long a political prisoner of the Romanian comcation and for social combat. We are against capitalism,
munist republic, Stelists were a distinct faction among
oppression and violence.[53]
the anticommunist underground. Cooveanu (quoted by
writer Niculae Gheran) recalled that, once in prison, Cru- The group was entirely against the parliamentary syssade members used to bicker with Iron Guard rivals. tem, but harbored two distinct currents when it came
Cooveanu also notes that the Stelist faction accepted into to supplanting it. Stelescu himself wrote that democits ranks the poet Radu Gyr, until discovering that he was racy sickens us, since it had resulted in inept governance
by a mass of nitwits.[54] The movement viewed liberinforming on them for the Guardists.[45]
alism and human rights with suspicion rather than hosTalex himself was not touched by communist persecutility, since they left the door open for capitalism and
tions and was perceived by the authorities as a fellow
politicking.[55] Istrati had dissenting views. In its Christtraveler.[31] When Istrati was posthumously rehabilitated
mas 1934 issue, Cruciada Romnismului published his
in the 1970s, Talex worked on publishing his manuscripts
Letter to... the Right, which called democracy putrid
and his correspondence.[13][14][46] As argued by cultural
but described dictatorship as an unsound regime: Dicta-

torship, of whatever kind, signals that the social organism


has grown old. It is the system that will suppress in its
adversary all his ghting means, to take them over for its
own use, like an old man who ties up a robust youth and
then proceeds to beat him up at his own convenience.[56]
Beyond its anticapitalism, the Crusade had as its main
characteristic a strong connection with Italian fascism, as
opposed to Nazism. Historian Francisco Veiga describes
this as being a necessary repositioning against Codreanus Germanophilia"when Nazi Germany and Italy
where still competing with each other in Southeastern Europe.[27] Other historians also stress the Crusades antiNazism. F. L. Ford also writes that Stelescus dramatic forecasts are notable protests against the Guards
Nazication.[57] Armin Heinen paraphrases Stelescus
message: he feared [Germany] would impose upon
Romania the status of a colony.[11] Also according to
Heinen, Codreanus celebration of Nazism as an international phenomenon had turned Stelescus attention toward
the Benito Mussolini alternative.[58]

2.2

Istratis spiritual movement

As Talex recalls, Istrati was bothered by Stelescus


homages to Mussolini, and, on one occasion, threatened
to withdraw from the common enterprise.[14] His own political preferences were veering toward libertarian socialism and anarchism.[59] Inspired by Gandhism, the Letter to... the Right advised against all forms of political
violence.[60] Istrati saw the Crusade as rather a spiritual
movement. According to Ornea, this was a naive assessment, and evidenced the degree to which Istrati was being
manipulated by Talex.[13]
For Istratis adversaries on the left, the Crusade involvement was proof that Istrati was a covert fascist. The allegations were publicized by two of Istratis former colleagues in international communism, Henri Barbusse and
Francis Jourdain.[61] According to such sources, Istratis
mercenary literature and his contributions to a fascist
newspaper earned him some 50,000, paid for by big
oil.[62] Overall, Trotskyist commentators were more lenient, writing o Istratis inconsistencies as a sign of his
perennial nervous instability.[19]
Istrati made a point of responding in Stelescus paper, under the headline The Objectivity of the 'Independent'
Communist Press (March 21, 1935).[63] He was publicly defended by his friend, the anti-Soviet leftist Victor
Serge, who described Istratis last combat in verse:
However, Istratis connection with the Crusade was not
his only contact with right-wing radicalism: he had
also promised to have his political testament printed
in Gringoire, a newspaper of the French far-right.[64]
Against Talexs disclaimers, several later exegetes have
reanimated the debate about Istratis possible fascist leanings. Historian Jean-Michel Palmier includes Istratis
name on a list of intellectuals [who] saw for a moment

IDEOLOGY

in fascism the possibility of arousing a crisis-struck Europe from its lethargy. He is in the company of Knut
Hamsun, Ezra Pound and Wyndham Lewis.[65] Philologist Tudorel Urian asks: Who really is Istrati: the frantic socialist he was before his visit to the USSR [...] or
the nationalist of his very last months, the emblem of a
Guardist periodical? There is something that those who
judge him rarely take into account: in the periods when
he irted with socialism [...] and Guardism, both movements where in their romantic, idealistic stages. Once he
came face to face with the brutal realities of the Soviet
regime, Istrati broke with socialism and perhaps his famous motto, je ne marche pas ['no, I won't bite'] would
have come into play in relation with the Guardists, should
he have lived to see their earliest crimes.[66]
According to literary historian Angelo Mitchievici, Interestingly, [the Crusade] had stated its dissidence and a
distinct position within the Iron Guard movement. Perhaps it was the groups marginal, dissident status that appealed to Istrati. [...] Even if, in this very context, Panait
Istrati endures as a freelancer, he could not have evaded
the abusive assimilation into a direction that did not truly
reect his anities.[31]

2.3 On antisemitism and Christianity


The Istrati scandal touches another controversial aspect of Stelist policies: their Iron Guard-inherited antisemitism. Stelescu sent the message in November 1934,
when he criticized ethnic minorities for monopolizing the
job market: Factory positions for Romanian workers,
our own kind rst and if anything is left we would gladly
share it with the foreigner, if he is indeed in need of.[67]
According to Veiga, Istrati toned down the antisemitism
of Stelescu and his followers, but the [Stelist] Movement
continued to be a far-right one.[27] Also, the disillusionment he felt toward Soviet communism did not manage
to make Istrati into a fascist; quite the contrary, he was
the one to inuence Stelescu, making him renounce, for
instance, his antisemitism.[68] Among the Crusade men,
Prince Karadja witnessed rst-hand the application of antisemitic terror in 1930s Germany, and was already taking
measures to protect the Jewish Romanian expatriates.[69]
In his papers of 1935, Istrati presents himself exclusively as an enemy of the Jewish bourgeoisie, a class
he describes as corrupt, pseudo-humanitarian, pseudodemocratic and accuses of stirring up scandal.[53] Istratis articles in Cruciada Romnismului are more
adamantly philosemitic. One of them, A Letter to
Love, led to a series of articles on the subject, from Stelescu and other Crusade people.[13] In his own articles,
Talex answered for the Stelist movement: Panait Istrati,
do you know what it is we need? A st... The Crusade of
Romanianism will attempt to become that st... Our antisemitism? Just the same as yours: a humane one. But it
is also combative, for as long as the Judaic element shall
attempt to set up a state within our own state, sabotaging

2.4

Dening Romanianism

us with any opportunity it gets.[13] Stelescus newspaper a militant Roman Catholic.[76]


was noted for its obstinate claim that Jews were a rootless, The Crusade believed that its mission included protecting
disloyal race.[70]
Christian interests against the consequences of modernity. It was critical of feminism, noting that Christianity itself had liberated women, had given them status and
purpose. However, it also asserted that woman was the
guardian angel, always in the shadow of man. Feminism, meanwhile, was equality in vice.[77] The Stelists
also accused the Soviet Union and its Romanian sympathizers (for instance the sta of Cuvntul Liber newspaper) of mounting an international campaign against
Christianity.[75]

2.4 Dening Romanianism

A satirical take on the Romanian eagle as the guiding principle


of Romanianism. 1929 cartoon by Nicolae Tonitza

The Crusades agenda was debated among Jewish Romanian intellectuals. Fellow writer Mihail Sebastian described Istrati as politically illiterate and addled.[71]
In his words, Mr. Istrati ghts nowadays for the Crusade
of Romanianism, searching for the formula of reasonable
antisemitism (neither here nor there), for the way into a
more gentle chauvinism, for a nice agreement between
his anarchic vocation and a methodical process of bashing heads in.[72] Other Jewish literary gures, including
Josu Jhouda, issued statements in support of Istratis
stance.[73]
The Crusade may have contextualized its antisemitic reexes within a pro-Christian bias. The American Jewish Committee papers describe the Crusade as a Fascist group which did not have anti-Jewish tendencies,
quoting Stelescus statement that he was not a Jew-baiter
and that, although his party was nationalist, it was inspired by genuine Christian principles.[74] The movement resented the secularization of public aairs, and
expressed admiration for Romanian Orthodoxy: And if
some church servants have indeed trespassed, faith itself
is not to blame. The belief in God and The Cross is a
banner and support for our combat, and the token of our
coming victory.[75] However, according to at least one
account, the ailing Istrati was in the process of becoming

When Stelescu founded his White Eagles, the rightwing nativists, the centrists and the advocates of left-wing
nationalism in Romania had been disputing over the concept of Romanianism for over a decade. The idea of a
homegrown ideological current of that name was swiftly
embraced by intellectual sympathizers of the Iron Guard,
among them Nae Ionescu, Nichifor Crainic, Alexandru
Randa, Traian Brileanu and Mihail Manoilescu.[78] An
alternative Romanianism, liberal and skeptical toward nationalist rhetoric, was being promoted by the philosophers Constantin Rdulescu-Motru and Mircea Eliade,
who demanded the continuous Westernization of Romanian society.[79] Before he was won over by fascism,
Eliade dened Romanianism as neither fascism nor
chauvinismrather, the mere desire to realize an organic, unitary, ethnic, balanced state.[80]
The Crusades version of the concept borrowed from all
sides of the debate. In his democracy sickens us essay, Stelescu proposed: Romanianism is the only credo
that might invigorate this nation. Solutions for its sons,
from its bosom, within its spirit, on its soil.[81] According to Talex, this brand of Romanianism was noble and
creative, Istrati being its leading exponent.[13] When rst
introduced to Gandhism and the Ramakrishna Mission in
1930, Istrati himself had declared: To me, the Occident
is dead.[60] In 1934, Stelescus newspaper noted with satisfaction that nationalism was even making its comeback
in the Soviet Union. Reading the Soviet press, the Stelists
remarked that references to the Comintern and the cause
of proletarian internationalism were being discarded, and
that Mother Russia was returning in force.[82]
Talex, who described himself as a know-nothing in political matters,[14] had for a personal idol the nationalist
historian Vasile Prvan. He was especially inspired by
Prvans Russophobia, which colored his reading of Istratis work.[14] His admiration for Romanianism pitted him against the more cosmopolitan liberals of the
day, prompting the Crusades journalistic attacks against
Eugen Lovinescu, the doyen of Romanian liberalism.
Lovinescu (who had been Talexs high school teacher)[14]
was called a con artist in Cruciada Romnismului.[83]

3 NOTES

Notes

[1] Gheran, p.439


[2] Veiga, p.159, 228, 241
[3] Heinen, p.253; Veiga, p.241
[4] Heinen, p.253, 446
[5] Ornea, p.306-307; Veiga, p.228-230, 241
[6] Ornea (1995), p.306
[7] Heinen, p.253, 277; Veiga, p.241
[8] Iron Guard Accused of Plotting Titulescus Death, in the
Jewish Telegraphic Agency News, Nr. 213/1937
[9] Veiga, p.229, 241
[10] Ford, p.268
[11] Heinen, p.253
[12] Ileana-Stanca Desa, Elena Ioana Mluanu, Cornelia Luminia Radu, Iliana Sulic, Publicaiile periodice romneti
(ziare, gazete, reviste). Vol. V, 1: Catalog alfabetic 1931
1935, Editura Academiei, Bucharest, 2009, p.316. ISBN
973-27-0980-4
[13] (Romanian) Z. Ornea, Cum a devenit Istrati scriitor, in
Romnia Literar, Nr. 22/1999
[14] (Romanian) Mugur Popovici, " 'Panait Istrati m-a ajutat
s rmn om ntr-o lume de lupi' ", in Romnia Literar,
Nr. 48/2009
[15] Heinen, p.183-184, 187, 278, 477
[16] (Romanian) Victor Durnea, Un avangardist uitat Mihail Dan, in Anuar de Lingvistic i Istorie Literar, Vol.
XLIIXLIII, 2002-2003, p.174

[26] Ornea (1995), p.307


[27] Veiga, p.229
[28] Gheorghe & erbu, p.268; Heinen, p.259-260, 278, 281284, 290, 446; Ornea (1995), p.204, 307
[29] Gheran, p.440; Heinen, p.260; Ornea (1995), p.308;
Veiga, p.229
[30] V. Liveanu, Particulariti ale strategiei politice a Partidului Comunist Romn n revoluia popular. Revendicrile imediate i obiectivul nal, in Studii. Revist de
Istorie, Nr. 3/1971, p.584
[31] Mitchievici, p.94
[32] Gheorghe & erbu, p.303
[33] Heinen, p.260, 278, 283-284, 291, 483
[34] Stelian Tnase, N.D. Cocea, un boier amoral/N.D.
Cocea, an Immoral Boyar (I), in Sfera Politicii, Nr.
136/2009, p.56
[35] Veiga, p.14, 207
[36] (Romanian) Melania ru, Procesul de desinare a
Partidului social-democrat. Studiu de caz - judeul Bihor, in the 1st December University of Alba Iulia Buletinul Cercurilor tiinice Studeneti, Arheologie - Istorie Muzeologie, Nr. 8 (2002), p.178
[37] (Romanian) Mircea Mateescu, Organizarea haosului
romnesc, in Universul Literar, Nr. 39/1940, p.1, 6 (digitized by the Babe-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
[38] (Romanian) Neagu Djuvara, Replic. Din nou despre exilul romnesc, in Observator Cultural, Nr. 140, October
2002

[17] Neagu Rdulescu, Turnul Babel, Cugetarea-Georgescu


Delafras, Bucharest, 1944, p.39

[39] (Romanian) Alexandru erbnescu, Nicolae Rdescu 6


martie 1945, in Memoria. Revista Gndirii Arestate, Nr.
50

[18] Ionesco, p.184; Veiga, p.229

[40] Trac & Obiziuc, passim

[19] Tnase (2004), p.53

[41] Dan Amedeo Lzrescu, Andrei Goldner, Opiuni n politica extern", in Ion Solacolu (ed.), Tragedia Romniei:
1939-1947. Institutul Naional pentru Memoria Exilului
Romnesc: Restituiri I, Editura Pro Historia, Bucharest,
2004, p.69-70. ISBN 973-85206-7-3

[20] Demisia Doctorului Trifu, in Cruciada Romnismului,


November 22, 1934, p.6
[21] (Romanian) Radu Florian Bruja, Din istoria partidului naional cretin n Bucovina (1935-1937)", in the
Romanian Academy (George Bari Institute of History)
Historica Yearbook 2010, p.83
[22] Gheorghe I. Florescu, Alexandru Averescu, omul politic
(VIII)", in Convorbiri Literare, December 2009

[42] Gheorghe & erbu, p.303-304


[43] Gheorghe & erbu, p.304-305
[44] Gheorghe & erbu, p.305, 307
[45] Gheran, p.439-440

[23] Eliza Campus, Despre politica extern antinaional a


guvernelor burghezo-moiereti din Romnia, n timpul
politicii imperialiste de aa-zis 'neintervenie' ", in Studii.
Revist de Istorie, Nr. 3/1952, p.51
[24] Ornea (1995), p.298-299, 306-307
[25] Heinen, p.277

[46] Mitchievici, p.88-89, 94


[47] (Romanian) Andrei Moldovan, Din corespondena lui
Liviu Rebreanu, in Vatra, Nr. 11/2011, p.58
[48] (Romanian) Paul Cernat, Anii '50 i Tnrul Scriitor", in
Observator Cultural, Nr. 285, August 2005

[49] Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-45,


Routledge, London, 1995, p.284. ISBN 978-0-29914874-4

[74] Harry Scheiderman, Review of the Year 5697, p.440,


at the American Jewish Committee Archives; retrieved
February 17, 2013

[50] Mihai Stelescu, Prefa", in Cruciada Romnismului,


November 22, 1934, p.1

[75] Am fost ateni..., in Cruciada Romnismului, November


22, 1934, p.3

[51] Ionesco, p.183-184

[76] Michel de Galzain, Une me du feu: Monseigneur


Vladimir Ghika, ditions Beauchesne, Paris, 1961, p.8384

[52] (Romanian) Teodor Vrgolici, Publicistica lui Panait Istrati, in Romnia Literar, Nr. 14/2007
[53] Mermoz & Talex, p.292

[77] Icad, Cronica femenin.


Femeia, in Cruciada
Romnismului, November 22, 1934, p.7

[54] Ornea (1995), p.59-60

[78] Ornea (1995), p.87-95, 98-102, 108, 110, 124-126, 374

[55] Const. Barcaroiu, Incertitudinea muncii, in Cruciada


Romnismului, November 22, 1934, p.7

[79] Ornea (1995), p.119-129, 134-137

[56] Revista revistelor. Cruciada Romnismului", in Revista


Fundaiilor Regale, Nr. 2/1935, p.476-477
[57] Ford, p.268-269
[58] Heinen, p.300
[59] Mermoz & Talex, p.282, 283, 299-300; Mitchievici,
p.82-83, 88-89; Roux, p.95-96, 101-104
[60] (Romanian) Liviu Borda, Istrati, Rolland i reprezentanii 'Renaterii indiene' ", in Idei n Dialog, Nr. 8/2005
(republished by Romnia Cultural)
[61] Mermoz & Talex, p.284-285, 289, 291, 301-302, 305;
Roux, p.103; Tnase (2004), p.56
[62] (Spanish) Cayetano Crdova Iturburu, Panait Istrati, in
Nueva Revista. Poltica, Arte, Economa, N 4/1935, p.3
(online copy at the Internet Archive Fedor Ganz Collection)

[80] Ornea (1995), p.135-136


[81] Ornea (1995), p.60
[82] Presa de peste grani", in Cruciada Romnismului,
November 22, 1934, p.6
[83] Ornea (1995), p.439-440

4 References
Cruciada Romnismului, Year I, Issue 1, November
22, 1934
Franklin L. Ford, Political Murder: From Tyrannicide to Terrorism, Harvard University Press, Harvard, 1985. ISBN 0-674-68636-5

[64] Mitchievici, p.86, 94

(Romanian) Constantin Gheorghe, Miliana erbu,


Minitrii de interne (1862 2007). Mic enciclopedie, Romanian Ministry of the Interior, 2007. ISBN
978-973-745-048-7

[65] Jean-Michel Palmier, Weimar in Exile: The Antifascist


Emigration in Europe and America, Verso Books, London
& New York City, 2006, p.49-50. ISBN 1-84467-068-6

Niculae Gheran, Arta de a pguba. 3: ndrtul


cortinei, Editura Biblioteca Bucuretilor, Bucharest,
2012. ISBN 978-606-8337-24-1

[63] Mermoz & Talex, p.289

[66] (Romanian) Tudorel Urian, Cine a fost Panait Istrati?",


in Romnia Literar, Nr. 10/2004
[67] Mihai Stelescu, "omajul, in Cruciada Romnismului,
November 22, 1934, p.3
[68] Veiga, p.241
[69] Trac & Obiziuc, p.110-113
[70] Henri Zalis, Despre Mihail Sebastian, cu dragoste i cu
strngere de inim", in Realitatea Evreiasc, Nr. 5455/1997
[71] Tnase (2004), p.53-55
[72] Tnase (2004), p.54
[73] Mermoz & Talex, p.292-294

Armin Heinen, Legiunea 'Arhanghelul Mihail': o


contribuie la problema fascismului internaional,
Humanitas, Bucharest, 2006. ISBN 973-50-11581
Eugne Ionesco, Texte recuperate, in Caiete Critice, Nr. 5-6-7/2009, p.177-184
Marcel Mermoz, Alexandru Talex, Justice pour
Panat Istrati, in Panait Istrati, Vers l'autre ame.
Aprs seize mois dans l'U.R.S.S. Confession pour
vaincus, ditions Gallimard, Paris, 1987, p.274308. ISBN 2-07-032412-5
(Romanian) Angelo Mitchievici, Panait Istrati
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4
Z. Ornea, Anii treizeci.
Extrema dreapt
romneasc, Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne,
Bucharest, 1995. ISBN 973-9155-43-X
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Diplomatul Constantin I. Karadja i situaia
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REFERENCES

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