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This file is created to help you engage in the method of fugitivity. This would require you to not
only advocate fugitivity, movement, elusiveness, freedom, but to also perform fugitive
knowledge in debate.
A general 1NC is included and does not look like most 1nc’s that you may be used to because the
performance of the 1nc has to be consistent with the Tremblay McGraw evidence that speaks to
the power of playing with language and the parallels between the freedom generated by black
linguistic practices and the physical freedom experienced by those that had once been enslaved.
The key to winning with this method isn’t a huge impact debate but in reading, re-reading, and
then reading the method cards again. A negative ballot can be achieved by winning a single link
to the affirmative (whether it be the state or micro political) and leveraging that link argument to
justify why black people need alternative routes to accessing freedom that don’t leave them
exposed/require them to be fully known or understood by those that can oppress them.
There is no heavy “ AT: Perm” section because method debates are about what you DID in the
debate , not about what you want to happen. You shouldn’t be using this file until you understand
where perms came from and why they may not apply to method debates.
You should be explaining why your performance is valuable and your method evidence is
where you should be leaning on. Additional “aff doesn’t get method arguments” are helpful and
can be in any part of the block.
The 1NC should be read separately from the Link Debate in the first speech. If you are going to
read links in the first speech I suggest reading those on the Solvency Flow to leave your judges
room to flow the case debate.
The better your solvency take outs against the affirmative, the more attractive your method will
look to a judge.
A floating PIC is also a pretty good option that you may want to take the next few weeks
learning how to work into your wheelhouse.
Re(member) , read. Because shade came from reading.

1NC Fugitivity
Lauryn Hill, “Motives and Thoughts”
Rotating bodies, confusion of sound
Negative imagery, holding us down
Social delusion, clearly constructed
Human condition, morals corrupted
Trapped in reaction, lawlessness, war
Dissatisfaction from bowels to core
Devil's technology, strategy for
Human mythologies, urban folklore
Sick of psychology, counterfeit cure
Wicked theology, robbing the poor
Scheme demonology mislead the pure
Strictly strategically studying war
Light shown in darkness, image exposed
Few can see through the new emperor's clothes
Lustful this hustle turn humans to hoes
When the blind lead the blind, just more trouble and woes
It's the mind that they chose
Its designed to stay closed
Standard of jokers, court jester a logic
Sick looking cosmics, from schoolyards to college
Primitive man with civilized knowledge

System collapse and he still won't acknowledge
God is the saviour, studies behavior
Trying to fix the mix mind that he gave ya
Stiff-necked scholars on prescription meds
Wishing their problems were all in their heads
Moral dilemma, pride is the root
Misguided from youth, heart divided from truth
Egyptians and Grecians, spiritually dead
Imperially led, by the gods in their heads
Motives and thoughts
Industrial wealth
Global economy, in it for self
Heart full of madness, covered with kind
Pleasure designed to take over your mind
Furnished in godliness, painted in good
This tainted priesthood got real saints misunderstood
While classes in government, set up the veil
And cultivate minds for more mythical tales
Typical Hollywood follies good girl
While vice and corruption take over the world
Motives and thoughts
Check your motives and thoughts
Blind with the wickedness, deep in your heart

Modern day wickedness is all you've been taught
Lied to your neighbors, so you get ahead
Modern day trickery is all you've been fed
Motives and thoughts
Check your motives and thought

FRED MOTEN ,”the salve trade”
all down on perdido street, from san juan
to inglewood, up on that bridge, up where the
soul trees grow by soul, dance to fantastic
information while we kick off the modern world.
the whistle sounded good like a kiss on a train.
a track below us in the cabinet in the tunnel
under the water. a steady boom to lift us out.
nobody lived, not without digging, but he wore
that ivory waistcoat and we loved to see that shit.
I love my people too much to be around them
at school. I slip underneath the cinema tree, move myself
in half, dance to fray, write a paper on the salve trade.
the big fat women and the heliocopters they bring
with them to watch them and their kids. whole longass sheets of improper names. we refused to act right
at the hospital and I was right with ’em. at the wrong time
I started reading my paper and ash flew from their big ol’
legs. we rub down and dance everyday at the broke clinic
and I was right with ’em. johnny griffin turns to this long
burning to pray for fire. make a song about the sky they stole.
if you ain’t gon’ get down then what you come here for?
what they bring your ass up in here for if you ain’t gon’
tear shit up? if you wasn’t just as happy to be here as you was
to come then what you gon’ do, simple motherfucker? the salve trade

Nicki Giovanni-.Ego-Tripping I was born in the Congo I walked to the Fertile Crescent and built The Sphinx I designed a pyramid so tough that a star That only glows every one hundred years falls Into the center giving divine perfect light I am bad I sat on the throne Drinking nectar with Allah I got hot and sent an ice age to Europe To cool my thirst My oldest daughter is Nefertiti The tears from my birth pains Created the Nile I am a beautiful woman I gazed on the forest and burned Out the Sahara desert With a packet of goat's meat And a change of clothes I crossed it in two hours I am a gazelle so swift So swift you can't catch me For a birthday present when he was three I gave my son Hannibal an elephant He gave me Rome for mother's day My strength flows ever on My son Noah built New/Ark and I stood proudly at the helm As we sailed on a soft summer day I turned myself into myself and was Jesus Men intone my loving name All praises All praises I am the one who would save I sowed diamonds in my back yard My bowels deliver uranium The filings from my fingernails are Semi-precious jewels .

On a trip north I caught a cold and blew My nose giving oil to the Arab world I am so hip even my errors are correct I sailed west to reach east and had to round off The earth as I went The hair from my head thinned and gold was laid Across three continents I am so perfect so divine so ethereal so surreal I cannot be comprehended except by my permission I mean.I.....can fly Like a bird in the sky .

Her work articulates a need for a more equitable ecology. Additionally. and Muse & Drudge (2006). While Spahr asserts that “what has interested me about Mullen’s work has been her attention to reading.Smith] Harryette Mullen has published five books of original poetry—Tree Tall Woman (1981). Mullen is actively engaged in recovering this legacy through her creative. foreground its complex “mixtery” of disparate sources and infl uences. or. language. Pp 71-94 (Article) Oxford University Press [E. . Her archive manifests in the form of the palimpsest. including Black Arts. pag. gender. escape. Muse & Drudge (1995). that is here but is not here. No. Steinian modernism. and Deborah Mix. enclosure and fugitive run. an . illustrating its rich and critical interrogation and reframing of literary history. Mix locates Mullen’s work in Trimmings and S*PeRM**K*T in relation to Gertrude Stein but demonstrates how Mullen’s “subversion of convention . Santa Cruz “Enclosure and Run: The Fugitive Recyclopedia of Harryette Mullen’s Writing” MELUS Volume 35. scholarly.and identity-centered poetry’s concerns with community building and alliance” (115).). one of acknowledgment and memory. which reprints Tree Tall Woman and also includes a previously unpublished collection. an attention that is rooted in the intersection between language writing’s pursuit of wild reading and autonomy. and forgotten histories and found discourses and runs with and recycles them. Mullen produces a formal strategy predicated on the communal participation of others and distinctive among innovative poets—the recyclopedia. The fugitive is not simply imagined or demanded but in the use of language and it’s constant re-reading and re-use. I contend in addition that Mullen’s writing is characterized by a productive tension between “enclosure” and “run. ongoing poesis. she has published two books which reissue her earlier works: Blues Baby: Early Poems (2002). Mullen’s work plies the tensions between these disparate but mutually dependent poles. and the archive. critique. erased. Tremblay McGraw 10 Robin Tremblay-McGraw @University of California.1 Poised in the dialectic of what I call “enclosure” (identity. racism. . and difference. Cummings points out that “Mullen’s work then has garnered critical adulation not only because it works to synthesize disparate traditions. and Language writing. exclusion. Mullen self-consciously inherits and intervenes in what Kathy Lou Schultz calls the “legacy gone missing” of “avant-garde practice by African-American women poets” (n. but because it refl ects on that synthesis explicitly” (24). and poetic voice” (466).Our poetics exist as part of a “legacy gone missing”. Importantly. From the negotiation of this tension . and editorial work. and the discourse of the commodity. Allison Cummings. each critic also emphasizes Mullen’s attention to communal reading practices and several situate Mullen’s work as a negotiation between multiple discourses and infl uences. Frost. she invites the reader to participate in this educative process of conservation and production. and revision). is both more complicated [than Stein’s] (in its inclusion of race in the welter of discourses of femininity and sexuality) and more communitarian (in its recognition of the individuals tangled in these linguistic webs” (71). that is there but is not there.2 Summer 2010. Her writing engages in political and social criticism with particular attention to race. and historical references. including Elisabeth A. while it delights in the pleasures of an infi nite linguistic jouissance. history. Mullen’s writing creates texts that remain open to ambiguity. She takes debased. Trimmings (1991). her archive is a recyclopedia. Frost demonstrates Mullen’s rare (“among recent avant-garde poets”) revamping of the lyric and argues 72 that Mullen “constructs lyric otherwise—as an experiment in collective reading and an assertion of the complexities of community. linguistic. S*PeRM**K*T. and information and the fugitivity that is both a thematics and a formal strategy. images. S*PeRM**K*T (1992). she and we as readers are caught up in her recyclopedia. and Sleeping with the Dictionary (2002). Juliana Spahr.” between an archive of cultural. and Recyclopedia: Trimmings. Many of the critics who have written about Mullen’s work. but also. Surveying Mullen’s body of work as a whole and elaborating on Cummings’s assertion that Mullen self-consciously refl ects her work’s synthesis of multiple discourses. conservation and reuse. a strategy that both utilizes enclosure and run. diffi culty. flight. and limitation) and “run” (mobility. to use a fi gure that Mullen herself foregrounds.

He is more like a palimpsest. . effectively dying in order to take up a new life as a free person or as a black who passes for white. Furthermore.” . (par. Flight and travel (voluntary or not) undertaken by slaves. the son of an African king who was taken into slavery and wrote from England in the eighteenth century. or nomads does not always erase histories but rather sometimes produces a palimpsestic and productive layering. a state of fl ux. the global slave trade. Mullen writes about Olaudah Equiano. 25)\ Mullen links the structure of her poetry to the fl ight of the fugitive slave and then connects these movements of fugitivity with freedom.ongoing poetics of reuse that benefi ts from the multiple perspectives of a heterogeneous community. a state of change.” This quote suggests that freedom is elusive.” This is a “recurring refrain in Jacobs’s and other slave narratives. she notes that in texts such as Harriet Jacobs’s Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Historically. Discussing how “captivity disrupts his life. Partly because I wanted things to be in fl ux. Interestingly. For some. . historical strategies of escape for enslaved blacks. for Equiano “retrospectively this disruption of cultural continuity is fi gured as a divine providence that intervenes to open up a new identity and destiny—a destiny constructed out of the individual’s unique interaction with chance and continually changing environments— rather than a predetermined fate or fi xed identity” (60). This is one of the things that is most fascinating to me about the slave narratives I was studying while I was writing my dissertation. but never acquires a fi xed signifi cation. In an interview with Cynthia Hogue. but not an unproblematic or uncomplicated means. Such a freedom is utopian and fugitive. Furthermore. “Death is better than slavery. vanishing into the white race in his third and fi nal escape” (82). refugees. Mullen delineates the connection of the fugitive to her own work: I wanted the poem to have that quality of quick movement from one thing to another. fl ight can create a kind of open archive always sedimented and palimpsestic so that past . exhausting. For some individuals fl ight and “cultural disruption” will enable strategic redefi nitions or recycling and make possible an identity open to change and resignifi cation. . The concept of the fugitive in Mullen’s work is connected equally to the history of the United States. so that this African child fails to be ritually initiated [via scarifi cation] as an adult member of his tribe. in the literature of passing Mullen surveys in her article “Optic White: Blackness and the Production of Whiteness. exiles.” which explores how whites repress and suppress miscegenation and argues that the racial category of white is predicated on the black. at the point of [the slave’s] deciding to escape and . so you want to keep moving. . momentary. In the pages of Equiano’s prolifi c narrative. . and subject to failure. the black body retains its relation to a place of origin. freedom means leaving one’s family and community. If you stand still too long. (“Gender” 59) According to Mullen. Mullen’s formal strategies explicitly reference the history of the fugitive slave laws. as his reconstruction of early memories goes to show. . [that] acquires an ironic signifi cance when Benjamin [Jacobs’s lightskinned uncle] dies as a slave. instead layers of meaning accumulate as the character of the narrator evolves through a series of travels and adventures. in fl ight. or like the protean “form of this Narrative.” Mullen notes that in Equiano’s own discursive production: the displaced African is no blank page. . they will put chains on you. In her doctoral dissertation. from one subject or thought to another. the freedom that people experience is actually when they are on the road. and a state of mind. and formal methods for escaping and reinventing genre and poetic method. Mullen simultaneously problematizes the effi cacy of such movement and the resultant freedom gained when she further locates the moment of “true freedom . journey. it is discursive rather than related to the location of the body. the fugitive is both critical and generative and intimately linked to Mullen’s concept of the recyclopedia. . The true freedom in the slave narrative is at the point of deciding to escape and the journey north . The diffi culties of fl ight and the frequency of slaves being returned to owners as mandated by the Fugitive Slave Act made the journey north dangerous. from one mood or emotion to another. fl ight is a means of escape.

contaminated. Such a process entails both identifying and preserving histories and experiences elided and prohibited from offi cial discourses and simultaneously exposing such discourses’ bad faith. can serve to identify an original “use” (the racist construction of blacks as waste. Recycle references reuse. even those that construct blacks as dirty. the moral idiom and semiotic registers of remembering against the grain of the history of New World black deracination. history. metaphors. It entails a cyclical reuse of given materials and a process that takes dirty. and worthless “waste” materials and turns them into something newly usable.” and the taking of intractable “used” or “waste” material and making it suitable for something new.traces are not erased but available and recontextualized. The neologism recyclopedia in the title of Mullen’s collection of three of her previous books is a combination of recycle and encyclopedia. these discursive tigations reveal the often unmarked and unnamed structurings of various internecine ideologies. arrest. Mullen includes in her recyclopedia many diverse materials. and the future. paideia. Rather than placing them under lock and key in order to solidify. for example). fugitive fl ight rewrites identity by enabling a return to and reappropriation of the past. Mullen’s recyclopedia enables the sort of activity described by David Scott that opens up “vast possibilities not just of memory but of countermemory. and discourses. grammars. . subjection. marginalized. her writing enables the critical recycling of problematic materials to produce something new. Mullen’s neologism clearly articulates a project that is both process and product. meaning education. contaminated. yet she is particularly attentive to bringing to the surface the unarticulated. Mullen’s recyclopedia suggests that the continual reuse of materials. and exclusion” (vi). and worthless. Individuals and texts constructed out of fugitive fl ight from the law or those that travel across multiple cultural communities constitute the “recyclopedias” of disparate experiences. Mullen’s recyclopedia constructs fugitive movement as a means of escape from arrest and as a productive process of remembering and rewriting. reader. something with different or oppositional value for writer. In the process. Pedia recalls encyclopedia and its Greek root. suggesting “to use again in the original form. and exclude racist and sexist discourses. refi gured and thus open to the future. Mullen remakes the encyclopedia—the discourse and its attendant pedagogies—through her recycling of its alphabets. ideologies. nearly lost. and other tropes. and invisible as well as the “used” or “waste” material. In the recyclopedia.

and discipline are entwined in the historical fabric of white supremacist social formations from conquest and chattel enslavement onward. the old relations of classical white supremacist apartheid are necessarily and persistently reinvented: racial subjection becomes a technology of inclusion that crucially accompanies – and is radically enhanced by – ongoing proliferations of racist state and state-sanctioned violence . when white locality is internally populated by alien others who have neither immigrated nor invaded the space. 2009] white supremacist territoriality – a structure of feeling that organizes the cohesion of racial and spatial entitlement – that ‘multiculturalism’ is recognized as a fact of life. capture. and patriotically valorized at once and in turn. As subjects (including ostensibly ‘non-white’ subjects) identify with this sentimental structure – a process that is not cleanly agential or altogether voluntary – they enter a relation of discomforting intimacy with embodied threats to their sense of the ‘local’. Smith 2005). Rather. It thus is within the confines of Homeland Security as . University of California. become objects of a discrete discursive labor as well as material/military endeavors. It is in these moments of discomfort. policed. I do not mean to suggest that either consensus building or identity formation are benign projects of autonomous racial self-invention. Those alien bodies and subjects. and Abolition”Critical Sociology. As white bodies and subjects exert the capacity to manifest authority and presence in places they both do and do not physically occupy (call the latter ‘absentee’ white supremacy for shorthand). White Locality. something to be tolerated. Riverside. that logics of incorporation and inclusion become crucial to the historical project of white supremacist globality. “The Terms of Engagement: Warfare. they become specified and particularized sites for white locality’s punitive performances: racialized punishment. On the one hand. in this historical moment. an empirical feature of the world that is inescapable and unavoidable. Volume 36. but have in multiple ways become occupied by the praxis of white localityconstruction. and the emergence of white locality’s hypermobility has necessitated new technologies commensurate with the hyperpresence – actual and virtual – of white subjectivities. whose movement suggests the possibility of disruption and disarticulation. Issue 1. white locality is a site of existential identification that generates (and therefore corresponds to) a white supremacist materiality. this logic of multiculturalist white supremacist inclusion does not exclusively rely on strategies of coercion or punishment to assimilate others – such as in the paradigmatic examples of bodily subjection that formed the institutional machinery of Native American boarding and mission schools (Adams 1995. not reducible to discrete arrangements of institutionalized (and state legitimated) violence or strategies of social exclusion (Da Silva 2007) but are significantly altered and innovated through the crises of bodily proximity that white locality bears to its alien (and even enemy) populations. somehow operating independently of the structuring relations of dominance that characterize a given social formation. but instead builds upon the more plastic and sustainable platforms of consensus and collective identity formation.2NC Fugitivity The Role of the Ballot is the deconstruct white supremacist territoriality Rodriguez 2009 [Dylan Rodriguez. Most importantly. I am arguing that the social technologies of white supremacy are. Further.

ships that carried millions of African men. The world as we knew and created it was destroyed in a continual scorched earth policy of the white man.S. the Taino. the Montauk. imagination. The integration of our past and our present holocausts and our struggle to define our own lives and have our basic needs met are at the core of the inseparable struggles for world peace and social betterment. Most men and women of color resisted and fought back. from legal rights. reveal both complex resistance to holocaust and undevelopment and often conflicted responses to the military and war. and the demonical apparatus of war aimed at the human spirit. and the other Native American names of thousands of U. We must remember the names of concentration camps such as Jesus. Nevertheless. the Narragansett. The experience of Jews and other Europeans under the Nazis can teach us the value of understanding the totality of destructive intent. Yet the dayto. from feminism. from national liberation. Many have criticized the Jews for forcing non-Jews to remember the 6 million Jews who died under the Nazis and for etching the names Auschwitz and Buchenwald. [1989. and vision that include the voices and experiences of people of color. women. A Jewish father pushed his daughter from the lines of certain death at Auschwitz and said. They are unmindful that our lands and peoples have already been and are being destroyed as part of the "final solution" of the "color line. because of their particular history. The peace movement suffers greatly from its lack of a historical and holistic perspective. social movements such as the civil rights-black power movement in the United States have always demanded peace with justice. Terezin and Warsaw in s women of color. Justice. with liberation. enslaved. Yet a Integrity. usually by fire . and the victims of the Cambodian "killing fields" that nuclear war is the major danger to human life on the planet and that only a nuclear "winter" embodies fear and futurelessness for humanity. This technological and material progress has been in direct proportion to the undevelopment of women of color. frequently want people of color to fear what they fear and define peace as they define it. toward a better life for all people. too. In our society it is people of color who are the most oppressed. political struggles. we. the Delaware. from international alliances and friendships. are "remembrances" of all the holocausts against the people of the world. We must remember the holocausts visited against the . People of color were and are victims of holocausts-that is. He died. from education reform. and with social and economic reconstruction and cultural freedom at home and abroad. Black people-have moved in a more humane direction as a society. "You will be a remembrance-You tell the story." She lived. Native American male) and the general (human being). no allwhite movement can have the strength to bring about basic changes. In this multi-racial and racist society. The Holocausts Women of color are survivors of and remain casualties of holocausts. Brotherhood." It is difficult to persuade the remnants of Native American tribes. and weaponry. of open armed conflict between countries or between factions within the same country. the movement's goals and messages have therefore been easily coopted and expropriated by world leaders who share the same culture of racial dominance and arrogance. the extensiveness of torture. black female. You survive. the survival. stockpiling. like Gorbachev and Reagan. 172-176] Recent efforts by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and President Ronald Reagan to limit nuclear testing. These pacifists.We can’t risk white supremacy---Institutional structures of domination create everyday holocausts—you should reject singular focused impacts in favor of working against the ongoing extinctions of people of color Omolade 89. and our minds. especially black women in the United States. The Achilles heel of the organized peace movement in this country has always been its whiteness.1 Western man's whiteness. pp. and rising up of women of color. while still protecting their own arsenals and selling arms to countries and factions around the world. towns that stand for tribes of people who are no more. and movements toward peace have developed from a culture and history mobilized against women of color . nor did we sell or lease our lands to the white man for wealth. The peace movement's racist blinders have divorced peace from freedom. Barbara Omolade is a historian of black women for the past twenty years and an organizer in both the women’s and civil rights/black power movements. Many peace activists are similarly blind to the constant wars and threats of war being waged against people of color and the planet by those who march for "peace" and by those they march against. Indeed our entire history teaches us that when people of color have organized and struggled-most especially. It is axiomatic that basic changes do not occur in any society unless the people who are oppressed move to make them occur. the Choctaw. “We Speak for the Planet” in “Rocking the ship of state : toward a feminist peace politics”. vividly demonstrate how "peace" can become an abstract concept within a culture of war. enlightened science. the starving of African deserts. The political advancements of white men have grown directly from the devastation and holocaust of people of color and our lands . and children chained and brutalized across the ocean to the "New World. practice. But women of color were not soldiers. from the particular (for example. of great and widespread destruction. and force marched into plantation labor camps to serve the white masters of war and to build their empires and war machines." We must remember the Arawaks. and we are direct victims of war-that is. nor did we trade animal pelts or slaves to the white man for guns. were slaughtered. from human rights.

the aboriginal peoples of Australia. the numbers. the faces. and to political representation. The holocaust lives. If men and women in South Africa do not use organized violence. We must remember the slaughter of men and women at Sharpeville. ever. it also refers to the permanent institutionalization of war that is part of every fascist and racist regime. the sterilized in Puerto Rico. Like other fascist regimes. are routinely arrested without cause. and the women broken in our holocausts-we must remember the names. such as happened in New York City .S. nor is it simply resistance to nuclear war and war machinery. South Africa disallows any democratic rights to black people. the children of Soweto. Whereas the particularity of the Jewish holocaust under the Nazis is over. teenagers by a white man. they could remain in the permanent violent state of the slave. peoples in developing countries must use a varied repertoire of issues. our holocausts continue. The litany of "you will be blown up. the men maimed. Christians. tactics. to free speech. representing the worst form of institutionalized oppression and strife. penal colonies such as Robbin Island. Unfortunately. The "regime is an affront to the dignity of all Africans on the continent and a stark reminder of the absence of equality and peace. Yet all successful revolutionary movements have used organized violence. Peace is not merely an absence of 'conflict that enables white middleclass comfort. We are the madres locos (crazy mothers) in the Argentinian square silently demanding news of our missing kin from the fascists who rule. and the elderly-the "useless appendages of South Africa"-into barren. who have developed the Nazi techniques of terror to more sophisticated levels. Could it be that pacifism and nonviolence cannot become a way of life for the oppressed? Are they only tactics with specific and limited use for protecting people from further violence? For most people in the developing communities and the developing world consistent nonviolence is a luxury. to dissent. and atheists during the Nazi regime. and Mahatma Gandhi who have used nonviolent resistance charged that those who used violence to obtain justice were just as evil as their oppressors.Hawaiians. forget the children disfigured. the holocaust does not only refer to the mass murder of Jews. and confronted with the economic and social disparities of a nation built around racial separation. prison murder of protestors such as Stephen Biko. We are the children of El Salvador who see our mothers and fathers shot in front of our eyes. a presumed source of resistance. and the men of Attica. sometimes nonviolent demonstrations for justice are the appropriate strategy for protesting the shooting of black . and U. arid bantustans without resources for survival have replaced the need for concentration camps. The Organization of African Unity's regional intergovernmental meeting in 1984 in Tanzania was called to review and appraise the achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women. detained without limits. We are the Palestinian and Lebanese women and children overrun by Israeli. Legally and economically. It is a threat to world peace as pervasive and thorough as nuclear war. The regime has all the typical Nazi-like political apparatus: house arrests of dissenters such as Winnie Mandela. Black people. the violence and holocaust that people of color face daily. South African apartheid is structural and institutionalized racial war. Black sexsegregated barracks and cells attached to work sites achieve two objectives: The work camps destroy black family and community life. We are the starving in the Sahel. they are denied the right to vote. The meeting considered South Africa's racist apartheid regime a peace issue. children. and the stories and teach them to our children and our children's children so the world can never forget our suffering and our courage. not daring to speak of it with our lipsyet. and attempt to create human automatons whose purpose is to serve the South African state's drive toward wealth and hegemony. Passes replace the Nazi badges and stars. Forced removals of women. Lebanese. To survive. Jr. especially children. We are the brothers and sisters of Grenada who carry the seeds of the New Jewel Movement in our hearts. soldiers. the Pacific Island peoples. Skin color is the ultimate badge of persecution. Sometimes arms are needed to defeat apartheid and defend freedom in South Africa. to peaceful assembly. We must never. it presumes that those who have and use nonviolent weapons will refrain from using them long enough for nonviolent resisters to win political battles. Our holocaust is South Africa ruled by men who loved Adolf Hitler. This is especially true of national liberation movements that have obtained state power and reorganized the institutions of their nations for the benefit of the people." Pacifists such as Martin Luther King. too" directed by a white man to a black woman obscures the permanency and institutionalization of war. and the women and children of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. and approaches. the poor in Brazil. We are the women and children of the bantustans and refugee camps and the prisoners of Robbin Island.

Her writing also mobilizes puns and anagrams that entail the literal movement and recycling of letters and sounds from word to word. but also an active criticism that is productive and creative: “the folks shuffl e off / this mortal coffl e and / bamboula back to / the motherland” (Muse 31). This phrase is followed by another that refers to slaves being chained together in a line. The word shuffl e suggests both the dragging of feet and also “an evasive trick. This singular use in the quatrain of the ou or long u vowel sound with the vowel o calls attention to and sets up a rhyme between the words in which the sounds are contained. the later lines recasting the earlier so that the word shuffl e references the content of the poem but also one of its formal strategies—it moves forward and backward and reorganizes its own materials. the reader understands that the “folks . including her use of discrepant discourses— from advertising. and elsewhere as slaves and then depicted in racist caricatures as shuffl ing fi gures. Out of constraint comes not only a citation of historical abuses. and the discourses of black intellectuals—that run into and across one another. extending thematically and phonically the mobility or stretch suggested by bamboula. so that shuffl ing in the quatrain becomes an evasive or regenerative strategy.” They use the bamboula—a song and a dance performed in “early nineteenth century slave dances held at Congo Square in New Orleans” (Donaldson 63)—figuratively to escape through culture to the “motherland. the Caribbean. the shuffl ing of the fi rst line seems to be the force that gets the folks off “this mortal coffle”.’ because it’s not a neutral term when you’re talking about images of black people” (“Solo” 668). It does not lose its initial meaning but rather the trope turns back on itself. hymns. “this mortal coffle. the ways in which words. In an interview with Calvin Bedient. Mullen’s use of assonance and consonance in this quatrain and elsewhere further underscores the fugitive interrelation between lines. In Mullen’s discursive play. the ou and the o are phonically .” Furthermore. A close examination of one particular word in several pieces of writing is illustrative. Santa Cruz “Enclosure and Run: The Fugitive Recyclopedia of Harryette Mullen’s Writing” MELUS Volume 35. this second line of the quatrain refers to a time that precedes the content of the fi rst line—Africans are fi rst dehumanized and brought to North America. No. they shuffle off line.Our method of fugitivity makes black freedom a possibility Tremblay McGraw 10 Robin Tremblay-McGraw @University of California. Here the language is playful and deadly serious. as Mullen points out in her interview with Bedient. mimetic and critical. . evasion” (“Shuffl e”) while it also retains. The ou in bamboula is picked up and extended by the o in the word to at the end of the line. and tropes echo and reverberate.” a line of bodies subject to death. It also marks similarity and difference. This quatrain performs a resignifi cation of its own lines. but ends up performing something else. In terms of history. Mullen discusses the use of the word shuffl e in Muse & Drudge: “[T]here’s always at least some punning going on with ‘shuffl ing. the blues. in minstrel shows. The quatrain begins with the folks shuffling off. . We understand it as a potentially subversive resignifi cation. its association with racist depictions of blacks on fi lm. sounds. we must reinterpret the fi rst line as more than a racist caricature. words retain their histories even as they are redeployed and recycled. popular songs.Smith] Fugitivity and the recyclopedia are figures and processes exemplifi ed in Mullen’s writing in numerous ways. bamboula back to / the motherland. a racist depiction. in the third line of the quatrain.2 Summer 2010. It looks like one thing initially. Pp 71-94 (Article) Oxford University Press [E. Having read the whole quatrain. and in other cultural productions (“Solo” 668). are disassembled and reassembled. Yet.

ephemeral. These returns to the past constitute the “archive. Furthermore. written in the late twentieth century. and nonlinear. Materials—words. . There is a constant recombinatory shuffl ing between past and present. ou. elastic.” the shuffl ed playing or catalog cards that turn up in different combinations and in different hands. the poem. images. and occurring in the present moment (in the present tense) of the quatrain while it also refers to a fugitive moment of quasi-freedom for slaves on Sundays in nineteenth-century New Orleans. Flight and fugitivity enable escape and a way back to the motherland.similar in these words though the sound is produced differently –one with a single o and the other with a diphthong. does not attest to literal contemporary experience but inscribes such historical facts and experiences and makes evident their resonances in the palimpsestic present. short and long vowel sounds—and temporalities can be shuffl ed and reordered like cards in a deck or the (now) old-fashioned catalog cards in a library. a disordering of temporality and geography. letters. Time as constructed in this quatrain is malleable. even if that return is fi gurative.

If inclusionary attempts often reaffirm “a hegemonic core to which the margins are added without any significant destabilization of that core” or continue to valorize the very center that is problematic to begin with. Pushing inclusion. fetishization. [and]commodification. in many liberal democratic societies.” This belief an inclusionary impulse that needs to be problematized the privileging of inclusion politics does not account for the ways that inclusion can still oppress or fail to alter structures of domination. advocates of radical democracy generally see the problem as one of implementation and realization of the ideals of modern democracies rather than the ideals and structures themselves. The inability of radical democratic inclusion politics to deal with because inclusion retaining peripheralization is a key limitation. Dhaliwal. Doctoral candidate in the ethnic studies department at the University of California at Berkley. where she teaches courses in Asian American and Women’s studies. This interpretation misses how the “other( ed)” can be include to actually craft a hegemonic self. opposition. inclusion. 1996. and the State ( Can the Subaltern Vote)”. it is clear that the motivation to include needs questioning. subjectivity. Citizenship. and. and exoticization. most notably. “Radical Democracy: identity. identity. and that it consists in trying to extend the principles of equality and liberty to an increasing number of social relations. 43-44] soap Asking “How will ‘radical’ democracy deal with colonial legacies in ways that ‘non-radical’ democracy does not”. many subordinated groups have been “included” by being accorded certain formal rights like the right to vote. to name a few. The governing assumptions or conceptual logic guiding gestures to include must be integrated to grapple with oppression in the form of appropriation.AT: PERM The permutation turns the politics of inclusion into appropriation that fails to question the core of the scholarship of the 1AC. Liberal discourses that presume to want to make everyone a “self” (through inclusion) ignore that the liberal “self” always needs and is often manufactured in opposition to the “other(ed)” (the excluded) . Liberal discourses and their encouragement of inclusion politics do not adequately theorize “oppressive inclusion” and tend to interpret “inclusion” as a sign of “fairness” and “equality”. in fact. believes that “radical democracy is the only viable alternative for the Left today. especially given that. Chantal Mouffe. Dhaliwal ‘96 [Amarpal K. pg. This results in the reproduction of oppression because it valorizes the original hegemonic structure. I will critique this presumed alternative for its embeddedness in modernist principles about difference.

Such claims are routinely ignored. discredited. Much more threatening is the challenge that alternative epistemologies offer to the basic process used by the powerful to legitimate their knowledge claims. . Consciousness. An alternative epistemology challenges all certified knowledge and opens up the question of whether what has been taken to be true can stand the test of alternative ways of validating truth.. If the epistemology used to validate knowledge comes into question. The existence of a selfdefined Black women’s standpoint using an Afrocentric feminist epistemology calls into question the content of what currently passes as truth and simultaneously challenges the process of arriving at the truth. and the Politics of Empowerment (1990) Routledge: New York and London. . then all prior knowledge claims validated under the dominant model become suspect. Alternative knowledge claims in and of themselves are rarely threatening to conventional knowledge.AT: PERM The Perm is Strategic whiteness---It shifts to absorb and discredit alternative epistemologies that challenge the framework through which they validate knowledge. COLLINS 90 Patricia Hill Collins “Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge. or simply absorbed and marginalized in existing paradigms.

Link Debate .

Harvard Law School] “Perfecting Slavery” Boston College Law School Faculty Papers 1-27-2005 [E. He was admitted to the practice of law in Suffolk County. Farley [Associate Professor.”83 Separate or together. The slave gives his product to the law. dissenting. The empty vessels of law are filled with white-over-black.” Fifty years after Brown. we see that the white race is “the dominant race in this country . if it . Equality of right could not be thought except from the position of the slave. Smith] In 1995.79 With Missouri v. in achievements. . @ Boston College Law School. Jenkins ended the saga. the majority and the dissent agreed about white-over-black. Sumner used Morris’s argument and lost. As Dylan puts it. gives us an uncanny reflection of the lived relations that we disavow. The slave does the dreamwork needed to make life look like death and death look like life. in education. The slave fashions a prayer for relief from white-over-black and gives it to the law. argued that the white race would forever remain “the dominant race in this country . Massachusetts in 1847. .. .”80 Missouri v. The slave builds the law rooms of the many mansions of the house of law. The label on the vessel may say whatever it says but its sum and substance will be white-over-black as surely as the Triangle Trade that gave the whites of New England the leisure for all their town meetings followed the molasses-to-rum-toslaves formula. like any commodity. in prestige. equal rights. all of it is white-over-black in a system that is white-over-black. The slave attempts to escape through fantasies of right and equality and dreams a system of equal rights into being. J.” Harlan’s dissent became Brown I and II. in other words. Fifty years after Brown. Jenkins we find “the tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living. the one who suffers. . The slave would not suffer if it were not the slave. a place we never left. in wealth and in power. there is no reason to doubt the truth of Justice Harlan’s statement that “the great heritage” and the “principles of constitutional liberty” would allow the “the white race” to “continue to be” “the dominant race in this country” “for all time. is itself the .D.”84 Equality of right. The empty vessels of law are filled with the lived relations that we attempt to disavow. The slave. holds fast to principles of constitutional protects the dream of equal rights and the result of continued slavery in the United States. The two filed their appeal together. . equal or unequal.”81 The slave argues for equal rights. Missouri v. Morris then enlisted white abolitionist Charles Sumner to argue the case on appeal to the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts. The slave’s product. Justice Harlan. Jenkins returns us to white-over-black. . Robert Morris was the second black lawyer in the United States.82 The Boston School Committee separated school children into black and white and assigned each to separate schools. the thought-product of the slave. The following year he was enlisted by Benjamin Roberts and fiveyear old Sarah Roberts in her effort to attain an education free of the colorline. The slave dreams of all the equations that are needed to balance the system’s every crisis. was filled with white-over-black and then returned as “separate but equal.Constitution Link The Constitution is part of the problem--. Farley 05 Anthony P. it is a perfect map of the undiscovered country. Morris argued that separation destroys equality and lost at trial. “[t]hat long black cloud is coming down. In Plessy.

Slaves are trained to not think this way.”85 The slave forges its own chains through its juridical strivings. But the master cannot be anything other than the master. .author of Justice Harlan’s “great heritage” and “principles of constitutional liberty. the many crises of the system of white-over-black blossom in revolution. the system of property. There is a colorline or there is not. Slavery is death. just as the slave cannot be anything but the slave. and the system of law. Slaves are trained to be objects. Without the dreamwork of the slave. The flames are wooed from their buds and continue to unfold until the entire plantation system is gone. The servile insurrection continues until it brings down the system of marks. If the master of the future might be good then the crisis of servile insurrection can be deferred again and again and again. The slave builds the home for the future good will of the master. a home for the future good will of the master.86 That is what its dream of equality of right amounts to.

In other words. that I myself was a slave. ultimately elide an understanding and acknowledgment of the slave’s pain? Beyond evidence of slavery’ s crime.” In addition. in fact. the humanity extended to the slave inadvertently confirms the expectations and desires definitive of the relations of chattel slavery. Rankin begins to feel for himself rather than for those whom this exercise in imagination presumably is designed to reach . Moreover. In the fantasy of being beaten. rape. Rankin becomes a proxy and the other’s pain is acknowledged to the degree that it can be imagined. this flight of imagination and slipping into the captive’s body unlatches a Pandora’ s box and. then it becomes clear that empathy is double-edged. give rise to a shared sentience between those formerly indifferent and those suffering . The ambivalent character of empathy— more exactly. but when I fancied the cruel lash was approaching my wife and children. Properly speaking. and my imagination depicted in lively colors. empathy is a projection of oneself into another in order to better understand the other or “ the projection of one’ s own personality into an object. Oxford University Press 1997] The shocking accounts of whipping. the dilemma— the denial of black sentience and the obscurity of suffering— is not attenuated but instantiated. Rankin must substitute himself and his wife and children for the black captive in order that this pain be perceived and experienced. the slave’s status as object of property. and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America. 1 began in reality tofeel for myself. The “ horrible scenes of cruelty that were presented to [his] mind” as a consequence of this imagining aroused the “ highest pitch of indignant feeling. surprisingly. Although Rankin’ s fantasy culminates in indignant outcries against the institution of slavery and. Hartman Scenes of Subjection: Terror. mutilation. and disturbing . every indignant principle of my bloody nature was excited to the highest degree. So." Therefore. this recourse tofantasy reveals an anxiety about making the slave’ s suffering legible. This production of empathy allows the white body to slip under the skin of the captive. the case of Rankin’s empathic identification is as much due to his good intentions and heartfelt opposition to slavery as to the fungibility of the captive body. this scenario enables Rankin to speak not only for but literally in the place of the enslaved. this suffering is occluded by the other’s obliteration. their shrieks. Hartman 97 [Saidiya V. has Rankin ameliorated indifference or only confirmed the difficulty of understanding the suffering of the enslaved? Can the white witness of the spectacle of suffering affirm the materiality of black sentience only by feeling for himself? Does this not only exacerbate the idea that black sentience is inconceivable and unimaginable but. the repressive effects of empathy— as Jonathan Boyarin notes. and the repression of counterdiscourses on the “ peculiar institution. that he literally narrates an imagined scenario in which he. what comes to the fore is the difficulty and slipperiness of empathy.Black Suffering Reps Link The accounts of black suffering in exchange for a ballot produces a feigned connection between the human and the captive body that allows white bodies to produce a phantasmical scenario in which they literally fear for their own enslavement. and thereby establish the common humanity of all men on the basis of this extended suffering. While this flight of imagination enables a vicarious firsthand experience of the lash . Rankin must volunteer himself and his family for abasement. what does this exposure of the suffering body of the bondsman yield? Does this not reinforce the “ thingly” quality of the captive by reducing the body to evidence in the very effort to establish the humanity of the enslaved? Does it not reproduce the hyperembodiness of the powerless? The purpose of these inquiries is not to cast doubt on Rankin’ s motives for recounting these events but to consider the precariousness of empathy and the thin line between witness and spectator. for the abhorrence and indignity roused by these scenes of terror. clearly. the predicament of witnessing given the legal status of blacks. Given the litany of horrors that fill Rankin’s pages. erasing the lived experience of the enslaved and triggering a narcissistic cycle in which they use the subordinate body as a playground for their fantasies. Rankin must supplant the black captive in order to give expression to black suffering. is enslaved. with the attribution to the object of one’s own emotions. the purpose of this identification is to highlight the crimes of slavery. excoriates the pleasure experienced by the master in this brutal exercise of power. my wife. which range from the mockery of the coffle to the dismemberment and incineration of a slave boy. and feelings of others. thoughts. by exploiting the vulnerability of the captive body as a vessel for the uses. By making the suffering of others his own. This anxiety is historically determined by the denial of black sentience. along with his wife and child. Put differently the effort to counteract the commonplace callousness to black suffering requires that the white body be positioned in the place of the black body in order to make this suffering visible and intelligible. he creates the scenariofor shared feelings: My flighty imagination added much to the tumult of passion by persuading me. aroused the strongest feelings of resentment. So intent and determined is Rankin to establish that slaves possess the same nature and feelings as himself. By believing himself to be and by phantasmically becoming the enslaved. and suicide assault the barrier of indifference. unsettling. their tears. for in making the other’s suffering one’ s own. and bloody stripes. for the moment. ” 4 Yet empathy in important respects confounds Rankin’ s efforts to identify with the enslaved because in making the Olive’s suffering his own. and as a consequence. and my children— the thoughts of being whipped at the pleasure of a morose and capricious master. in the very ease of possessing the abased and enslaved body. Slavery. and with my wife and children placed under the reign of terror. (56) The nature of the feelings aroused here is rather complicated. . the phantasmic vehicle of this identification is complicated. In order to convince the reader of the horrors of slavery. Yet if this violence can become palpable and indignation can be fully aroused only through the masochistic fantasy. yet by virtue of this substitution the object of identification threatens to disappear. and unleashes Rankin's fiery indignation and resentment.

effaces and restricts black sentience.can be located in the “ obliteration of otherness” or the facile intimacy that enables identification with the other only as we “ feel ourselves into those we imagine as ourselves. we need ask why the site of suffering so readily lends itself to inviting identification. circulating reports of slavery’ s horrors. the spectacle of punishment. the acclaimed transformative capacities of pain in sentimental culture. However. the prevalence of public displays of suffering inclusive of the pageantry of the trade. on the other. what I am trying to suggest is that if the scene of beating readily lends itself to an identification with the enslaved. and the passage through the “ bloodstained gate. increases the difficulty of beholding black suffering since the endeavor to bring pain close exploits the spectacle of the body in pain and oddly confirms the spectral character of suffering and the inability to witness the captive’ s pain. in complete defiance of Rankin’s good intention. the shocking and ghostly presence of pain. all of which contributed to the idea / t hat the feelings and consciousness of the enslaved were most available at this site.” which was a convention of the slave narrative. given the violent domination and dishonor constitutive of enslavement. and the violence of identification. If. pain extends humanity to the dispossessed and the ability to sustain suffering leads to transcendence. on one hand.” And as a consequence.5 This is not to suggest that empathy can be discarded or that Rankin’ s desire to exist in the place of the other can be dismissed as a narcissistic exercise but rather to highlight the dangers of a too-easy intimacy.6 As well. in other words. or. . the consideration of the self that occurs at the expense of the slave’ s suffering. it does so at the risk of fixing and naturalizing this condition of pained embodiment and. the runaway success of Unde Tom's Cabin. the spectral and spectacular character of this suffering. Why is pain the conduit of identification? This question may seem to beg the obvious. empathy fails to expand the space of the other but merely places the self in its stead.

or civic responsibility. absolving them from feeling any sense of responsibility to rebuild the physical infrastructure of American schools. Highlighting the parallel between economic and political markets. 2005. Neoliberal policy in the development of charter schools does not create an “equal playing field”. The danger in such an ideological approach to educational policy and other implications is that the “rhetoric of color-blindness is commonly used as a pretext to continue to justify hierarchical racial divisions (Parker. It is the triumph of economic logic over all other domains of human existence. and cultural weight to the power of whiteness. subordinating the state to the market. A paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Research Association. too little attention is paid to the fact that American public education “depends heavily on local property taxes. facilities. 2001. besides being viewed as purely functional (Burbules & Sherman 1979). a strong work ethic.pdf Neoliberalism fosters an economic theory of democracy. justice. and Bowles and Gintis are extensive in scope.” This ideological standpoint leaves Whites and the elite free and clear. and therefore represents the end of history (Giroux 2004). the history of racialization and discrimination in both the national and New Orleans context are implicit in every facet of the restructuring process. what ends up occurring is that the market ideology approach to education veils how racial histories accrue political. This is to say that without reform addressing past and the state itself. The idea is that democracy is commodified at the price of political liberalism. Also. little consideration in reform language considers the question of what education is and seeks to accomplish.Economy Link Neoliberalism and economic growth is fundamentally raced—the idea that trade is a level playing field perpetuates colorblind visions that make race invisible Ward Univ. Market ideology is the triumph of capital over politics as well as morality.illinois. Of particular interest are that reforms and research to this end were all results based with a primary focus on individualism. the labor market. “racial inequality in educational funding and other forms of educational opportunity were explicit policies of the state throughout the country (Anderson. only themselves to blame for the conditions in which they exist (Anderson. programs. the too discrimination by way of race and class then reform initiatives are not only still inequitable and unequal but still in fact discriminatory. Finally.” Whereas the federal response is for local and state governance to turn to market ideology to solve the questions of equal educational opportunities. the ideological stance of “equal educational opportunity” concentrates too heavily on site based reform. The promotion of a new relationship between government and knowledge: the development of new forms of social accounting and expertise (via technological advances) to promote notions of government at a distance. but also in discussions of educational equity in general. 44). by undoing the memory of past discrimination. Particularly through reform initiatives using market ideology. high moral values.” Though market ideology virtually ignores notions of race. Race. in whiteness. It legitimates the idea that America has achieve a “level playing field” and as such privileges in education and economic opportunities that Whites enjoy are due to individual “determination. 150). This leaves millions of students in need of decent facilities and educational opportunities.urban. and inequalities in tax revenues among school districts produce inequalities in educational resources. particularly in urban districts. The chartering of public education is representative of a much larger effort that is deeply ingrained in America’s racial %20Silences_Robert%20Ward. 2004). choosing to view schools as autonomous instead of as closely tied to the wider society of racial segregation mechanisms. 133). and meritocracy. 2003. especially in urban areas. and a sound investment in education (Giroux. As such. power is “uncoupled from matters of ethics and social responsibility (Giroux. and unseating our historical consciousness of institutional discrimination it seeks to overlook civic values in the interest of developing commercial interests. Through a shift in focus from individual actors or governing bodies determining school structures to the market as the primary delineator. ‘07 Robert Anthony-. 2004. This occurs simply by virtue of refusal to acknowledge it. in contrast.” . http://www. April Draft.” Thus. Under the neoliberal approach to education through charter schools. of Illinois @ Urbana-Champaign. colorblindness negates relationships between racial difference and power. 35). As a final point from the establishment of common schools in the early 19th century to the market approach to education in the present day. Major criticism levied on both reform movements since the mid 1950’s and research such as the landmarks studies of the Coleman Report and the work of Jencks. competition. social responsibility is shifted from the state and those governing bodies onto the poor and oppressed groups and historical discriminatory policies and treatments forgotten. Neoliberal Silences. and in a strange twist of fate. economic. & The Hope of CRT. and in the new left’s attempts to position class over the legacy of racialization in America. and opportunities (Walters. The notion of educational reform for “equal educational opportunity” finds little material import and is purely ideological at best.” What the market approach to educational reform offers to Whites and the power structures driving these reforms is the belief that the concept of institutional racism have no merit. This task proves critical for sustaining a high-quality learning environment for those students who have been cheated from such opportunities. 59). The need through actualizing the academic function of education to place individuals in the division of labor and integrate them into the workforce (distributive and economic functions of education) takes precedent for charters and is disconnected from concepts of the social. market ideology replaces longstanding social contracts that sought equality and opportunities that public schools were hoped to one day fulfill. 2001.

it has been argued that globalization accentuates. 1997). find substantial variability in the level of involvement in international trade and in the relative contribution of international trade to regional economic growth. 1990. these processes have (heretofore) been highly uneven across all geographic scales. 1998). 1997). Brien and Leichenko. By 1994. characterized by an increasing proportion of trade and resource flows taking place both within and between between three major economic regions. often referred as the Triad. for example. 1994).Center for International Climate and Environmental Research At the U of Oslo. As a result. 1997). Within China. Greider. globalization is exacerbating existing patterns of uneven development within China. yet this region receives only 1% of total world foreign direct investment (World Bank. 1996. locally oriented firms (Conroy and Glasmeier. the uneven nature of globalization leads to the emergence of winners and losers. In fact. (1997). More than 10% of the world population currently lives in Sub-Saharan Africa. winners may also include subnational regions and social groups which benefit directly or indirectly from globalization (Tardanico and Rosenberg. the Triad accounted for 87% of world merchandise output and 80% of world merchandise exports (Dicken.1% of world foreign direct investment (World Bank. the impacts of globalization have been highly uneven. Additional losers may include other regions and groups that are left out of globalization processes or that experience direct negative impacts. the European Union and East and Southeast Asia (led by Japan). rather than erodes. which include large transnational corporations and advanced and newly industrializing countries (Cook and Kirkpatrick. . Mittelman. coastal regions have been increasingly integrated into the global economy.Hayward and Erickson (1995) and Noponen et al. 1997. 2000 (Karen . Similarly. Fischer. Even within an advanced country such as the United States. These three regions. Increased concentration of global economic activity among the Triad has meant that large regions outside the Triad. 1998).Economy Link Globalization reinforces racial divisions between nations. Studies of international trade involvement of US cities and regions by Markusen et al. Canada and Mexico). Frequently identified losers in the process of globalization include countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. "Double exposure: assessing the impacts of climate change within the context of economic globalization. Examination of the global distribution of foreign direct investment among low and middle income countries aptly illustrates these regional differences (Table 2). particularly Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. 2000). South Asia contains 22% of the world population. Pages 221–232) Despite a widespread perception that globalization is a unifying and all-encompassing force. national and regional differences (Mittelman. October 2000. while more remote areas of the country remain largely untouched by globalization. accounted for 76% of world output and 71% of world trade in 1980 (Dicken. have become increasing marginalized vis a vis the global economy (Castells. Rutgers University. Globalization processes are also uneven among regions within countries (Hirst and Thompson. 1993). 1996). but receives only 1.Department of Geography and Center for Urban Policy Research. 1994). As with climate change. as noted above. and Robin . as well as unionized labor and small. In addition to globalization's frequently identified winners. for example. Processes of globalization have been uneven among major regions of the world. including North America (US." Global Environmental Change Volume 10. Issue 3. (1991).

the slave’s leap of faith. The mark is race. Much is made of these meetings. less freedom. and while it cultivates the field of law hoping for an answer.9 Property and law follow the mark. White-over-black is neosegregation. and differentiates our otherwise common flesh.D. and so on—that are said to precede existence. The movement from slavery to segregation to neosegregation to whatever form of whiteover-black it is that may come with post-modernity or after is not toward freedom. less education. under conditions of hierarchy. J. less land. The slave’s free choice. these struggles for law. All of it is white-over-black.Legalism Link Anthony P. segregation. The mark must be made on the flesh because that is where we start from. and neosegregation has not forgotten its origin. by gender. will fail whether the request is granted or denied. and so on. The slave perfects itself as a slave when it bows down before its master of its own free will. education begins our childhood. We begin with childhood and childhood begins with education. The mark is all there is to the reality of those essences—race. The mark organizes. and that continually. class. The law guarding the gates of slavery. Only after emancipation and legal equality.6 To wake from slavery is to see that everything must go. kingdom. it remembers its father and its grandfather before that. The mark is a system. White-over-black is segregation. The request is produced through an injury. the mark is class. We are haunted by slavery. Why? Because the fact of need itself means that the request will fail. can the slave perfect itself as a slave. Hegemony/Modeling Link Their Modeling advantage is based on the exportation of a violent anxiety and fear of raced . town meeting. To be exact. less. The story of progress up from slavery is told juridically in the form of the rule of law. Smith] Slavery is with us still. We are animated by slavery. the law of segregation has not been forgotten by the law of neosegregation. by class. Commons.. to discuss equality and freedom. the mark is. as Maria Grahn-Farley observes: The law of slavery has not been forgotten by the law of segregation. these festivals of the universal. orients. it knows what color to count. @ Boston College Law School. Farley [Associate Professor. but the law does not forget its father. The movement from slavery to segregation to neosegregation is the movement of slavery perfecting itself. for rights.3 When exactly does this perfection of slavery take place? The slave bows down before its master when it prays for legal relief. there are many mansions in the house of law. And so it goes. gender. White-over-black is slavery and segregation and neosegregation and every situation in which the distribution of material or spiritual goods follows the colorline. only after rights. White-over-black is slavery. Slavery is the rule of law. the longest lie. The request for equality and freedom. every law Requests for equality and freedom will always fail. It knows what master it serves. the mark is gender. We are called by race. when it prays for equal rights.8 The initial injury is the marking of bodies for less—less respect. And slavery is death. Bourgeois legality is the condition wherein equals are said to enter the commons of reason4 or the kingdom of ends5 or the New England town meeting of the soul to discuss universalizable principles. There is a pleasure in hierarchy. The story of progress up from slavery is a lie. only white-overblack. That is the moment in which the slave accomplishes the impossible reconciliation of its freedom with its unfreedom by willing itself unfree. We begin with an education in our hierarchies. Harvard Law School] “Perfecting Slavery” Boston College Law School Faculty Papers 1-27-2005 [E. can only be taken under conditions of legal equality. Childhood is where we begin and. that childhood is already marked.

expired. which includes NGOs. and dislocations. but is simultaneously mobilized. then. it is possible to reconceptualize the significance of the Abu Ghraib spectacle as only one signification of a regime of dominance that is neither (simply) local nor (erratically) exceptional. and can therefore only be adequately articulated as a genealogy and theory of the allegedly “domestic” US prison regime’s “globality” (I will clarify my use of this concept in the next part of this introduction). tedium of military corruption and incompetence. rather than as a self-contained or foreclosed jurisprudential practice: therein. In other words. and perhaps most if not all elements of the global establishment left. I contend in this essay that a new theoretical framing is required to critically address (and correct) the artificial delineation of the statecraft of Abu Ghraib prison.juridical. produce. “American Globality And the US Prison regime: State Violence And White Supremacy from Abu Ghraib to Stockton to bagong diwa”. given the geopolitical dispersals. The overarching concern animating this essay revolves around the peculiarity of US global dominance in the historical present: that is. Ateneo de Manila University. Consider imprisonment. its resident uS establishment left. (institutional-discursive) rearticulations. and rendered bare in the tombs of the uS-commandeered Abu Ghraib prison: here. a genealogy and social theory of US state violence specific to the regime of the prison needs to be delicately situated within the ensemble of institutional relations. in offering this initial attempt at such a framing. and historical conjunctures that precede. as somehow unique and exceptional to places outside the US proper. what modalities of “rule” and statecraft give form and coherence to the (sapatial-temporal) transitions.bodies Rodriguez ‘07 [Dylan. Further. Kritika Kultura 9 (2007): 022-048] To consider the US prison as a global practice of dominance. etc. PhD in Ethnic Studies Program of the University of California Berkeley and Associate Proffessor of Ethnic Studies at University of California Riverside. we might begin with the now-indelible photo exhibition of captive brown men manipulated. administrative responsibilities. I am amplifying the capacity of the US prison to inaugurate technologies of power that exceed its nominal relegation to the domain of the criminal. proliferating. and sectarian organizations. 2007. As the bodies of tortured prisoners in this somewhere else. and sustain places like the Abu Ghraib prison. as a practice of social ordering and geopolitical power. and (apparent) novelties of “War on Terror” neoliberalism? Put well as the differently differently. as formed social relations generated by US hegemonies across sites and historical contexts. have become the hypervisible and accessible raw material for a global critique of the US state—with Abu Ghraib often serving as the signifier for a generalized mobilization of sentiment against the American occupation—the intimate and proximate bodies of those locally and intimately imprisoned within the localities of the United States constantly threaten to disappear from the political and moral registers of US civil society. I am concerned less with the idiosyncrasies of the carceral spectacle (who did what. and other US formed and/or mediated carceral sites across the global landscape. that is. and global. political intercourses. but are no less implicated in the global reach of US state formation? . what technologies and institutionalities thread between forms of state and state-sanctioned dominance that are nominally autonomous of the US state.) than I am with its inscription of the where in which the worst of uS prison/state violence incurs. In this sense. beyond and outside the formal national domain of the United States. political parties. and b) the array of “global” (or extra-domestic) technologies of violence that form the premises of possibility for those social formations and hegemonies integral to the contemporary moment of US global dominance. I am suggesting a genealogy of US state violence that can more sufficiently conceptualize the logical continuities and material articulations between a) the ongoing projects of domestic warfare organic to the white supremacist US racial state.

Public Hostility Link Making policy decisions based on the outrage /hostility of the public without focusing on the needs of black people is historically anti-black. feel no remorse and say it was “God’s plan. as it was. Perhaps if the white women on this jury could see a murdered child — as opposed to a “black” child — they would instinctively know that Trayvon was afraid of Zimmerman. no other way to see the facts of this case — beyond a reasonable doubt or otherwise. The story of self-defense seemed logical to them given the brown body lying on the ground. It bears reminding that it was Sanford’s police who first allowed Zimmerman to walk away uncharged — his gun in tote. to blindly ignore the need for equal treatment and equal justice. There is. It is this fundamental disconnect — an unwillingness or inability to see African-Americans as fully realized human beings — that allows whites forcible response to any violence perpetrated in reaction to injustice their own department has engendered. It was their decision not to investigate the case as a crime that led to public outcry. Trayvon Martin was profiled not just by Zimmerman on the night he was killed. pride and pain. confused by this man following him in the dark. It is only because of their total failure to do their jobs that the world now knows the name and face of Trayvon The complete incompetence (or indifference) of Sanford police is why certain evidence that could have more easily convicted Zimmerman was inadmissible at trial — the most glaring example being their failure to perform a toxicology test on Zimmerman the night he shot Martin. of two white defense attorneys. two white prosecutors and a mostly white jury presided over by a white judge — choose to disregard the life of an innocent black teenager. and perhaps they could intuit Trayvon screaming for his life. The day before a jury delivered an acquittal in the murder trial of George Zimmerman . “We will not tolerate anyone who uses this verdict as an excuse to violate the law. as he did again yesterday. after all. They are allowed to emote fear.” Human beings are allowed to be angry. rallies and marches. Had they done so. . “Our real problem is white rage” JUL 15. who is white. it can hardly be a surprising result. But the same police now threaten a quick and This arrogant call to remain calm in the face of such fatal injustice reveals a basic disregard for the humanity of black people. there can be no peace. But neither justice nor humanity are colorblind in the eyes of American law. relief. But in the American South it seems white folks suddenly believe that decorum and charm are a proper response to unspeakable acts of violence and unconscionable injustice . insomnia and aggressive behavior. alcohol or the two prescriptions drugs he had admittedly been taking — Temazepan and Adderall — the side effects of which include hallucinations. joy. African-Americans are never protected or served by the law enforcement apparatus — yet they are always subject to its military might. Sanford police coyly “tolerated” the actual killing of an unarmed black child.” The veiled threat of an aggressive police response to imaginary civil unrest belies the very logic that led to Trayvon Martin’s death to begin with. The nation’s sociopolitical consciousness remains plagued by a three-fifths compromise that devalues the lives of black people in general. Decorum and calm are only requirements for those that speak up against the racism of America Williams 13 Edward Wyckoff Williams. and black boys and men in particular. This is the new Jim Crow realized. And when the criminal justice system — in the hands. said. For. Sanford police let Zimmerman walk away. Seminole County Sherif Don Eslinger and Sanford Police Chief Cecil Smith gave a national press conference to appeal for a peaceful reaction to the verdict — regardless of its outcome. you see. contributing editor at The Root and a contributor to Al Jazeera America. It is this warped mentality that led George Zimmerman to murder an unarmed child. Instead. Eslinger. quietly into the night. love. but yet refuse to “tolerate” any anger expressed for the acquittal of his If there is no justice. 2013 http://www. it would have revealed whether he was under the influence of either illegal substances.

a series of lynchings escalated into hundreds of angry white rioters killing an unknown number of black citizens and leaving the entire town in waste. But what is most confounding is the fact that a black male who chooses to riot is as likely to be met with violent and deadly force as if he were walking quietly home with Skittles and iced tea in-hand. a mob of armed white men charged into a black neighborhood. AfricanAmerican civil rights leaders. Fla. She highlighted the key fact that in America’s history the worst “race riots” featured violent attacks perpetrated by whites against blacks: The Tulsa race riot In Tulsa. which are often the primary purpose for protests by black and brown people.000 people homeless. But there are many angry white people out there. riots of 1923. politicians and religious authorities have all echoed the call for calm in the wake of the verdict. White males aren’t stopped by police in disproportionate numbers nor frisked before entering movie theaters and first-grade classrooms. Melissa Harris-Perry. The image of a threatening black male prevails in the minds of white prosecutors. prejudice and bias even prior to his election. The disparate precedent set. and legislative legacy as much as the Zimmerman jury invalidated the civil rights of Trayvon. killing over 300 victims and leaving an estimated 8. In Rosewood. liberty and pursuit of happiness has been reiterated and reinforced by public policy and social malaise for centuries.The paradox of being implicitly excluded from the guarantee of life. burning homes. The Republican Party and its neo-Confederate Tea Party wing has been committed to invalidating his political but by the very people charged with adjudicating justice on behalf of his senseless death. . juries and of 1921 and the Rosewood. average citizens alike — and the Zimmerman verdict will only serve to solidify that concept and embolden like-minded vigilantes to behave recklessly and act with impunity against the lives. therefore. President Barack Obama is not immune — as he’s become the target of incessant “white rage”: race-baiting attacks. on her eponymous MSNBC show. explained this weekend that “race riots” is a biased term that dismisses the underlying calls for justice. For African-Americans this is not new. This is the ultimate tragedy that Zimmerman’s trial has unleashed in the so-called “post-racial” age. bodies and souls of black folks. Yet white rage is never articulated by America’s law enforcement as a reason to fear or strategically organize against.. becomes all the more insulting when we’re told to simply shut up and bear it.

counter-storytelling is an important tenet of CRT because it can be used (particularly by subordinated groups) to combat the pervasiveness of the privileged discourses of the majority (DeCuir & Dixson. “The interest of blacks in achieving racial equality will be accommodated only when it converges with the interest of whites” (Bell. as long as they (i. In this regard. our intention is to focus on three things: the NLs. the interest convergence principle—which posits that Whites will tolerate or support the advancement of the racially underrepresented particularly when it promotes their own self-interest—is an integral part of CRT and the arguments made above. MLB’s integration. Furthermore. color blindness. we provide a brief overview of critical race theory (CRT) and more specifically elaborate on the interest convergence principle as a central tenet of CRT. we use critical race theorist Derrick Bell’s (1980) interest convergence principle as a conceptual framework to critically examine and better understand the integration of MLB. being White has major privileges because Whiteness is the optimal status criterion or standard on which all other racial groups are judged and evaluated in American society. Fourth.g. Lomax. First. Instead. Although we are both keenly aware of the significance of both the aforementioned topics. Therefore. and equality that permeate the greater dialogue and discourse on the subject. and ideologies of Whites (Milner. p. extending beyond the oversimplified notions of racial progress. Finally. 2004). The interest convergence principle dictates that when Whites’ interests converge with Blacks’ need for equality. 1980. we conclude with a concise summary of the interest convergence principle’s influence on the integration of MLB and the impact it had on the NLs.. In the sections to follow. and we offer suggestions for future research directions. it is important to critically reflect on the motives behind White power brokers’ decision to integrate America’s pastime. including sport. 1993) or valuable commodity resulting from the historical social construction of race and the role the legal system played in reifying conceptions of race (see Haney-Lopez. As suggested by Effa Manley (1948) in the quotation at the beginning of this article. Third. Miller & Wiggins. Second. post– World War II American sport and society. As it relates to African Americans and sport. and most relevant to our purpose in this article. have potential to counter the “taken-for-granted” assumptions of the status quo and cast doubt on the master narratives widely espoused in society and sport. and there are some defining principles that most scholars embrace. 1997). This tenet of CRT focuses on how racial equality and equity will be promoted and pursued when they converge with the interests. 2008). Fifth. nor is it to provide readers with an in-depth examination of MLB’s integration as a component of a larger context (e. we attempt to do a few things. scholars argue that this is a camouflage for the power. and advantages Whites have gained throughout American history (Tate. and the interest convergence principle. 2004). their players. Second. 2). 523). It originated in the 1970s from the work of legal scholars (particularly Derrick Bell) who were disenchanted with the stalled progress of traditional civil rights litigation to produce meaningful racial reform (Taylor. see Lanctot. 1998). and others who work on their behalf.. privileges. including . Our goal is to provide a new perspective on MLB’s integration and stimulate critical thought by providing a more holistic viewpoint. we quickly highlight the history of the NLs. Fourth. and the social impact they had on the Black community. 334). CRT offers a critique of liberalism by exposing the limitations of civil rights law. 2004. CRT is not an abstract set of ideas or rules (Taylor. as was the case with the integration of MLB.e. their financial viability. The second focus is to begin to build a foundation for a new. CRT rejects the notion that racism is outdated and argues against ideas such as objectivity. needs. In terms of self-interests and systematic interests. 523). White power brokers) do not have to alter or adjust “their own ways and systems. 2003). see Lanctot. statuses. we discuss applications of the interest convergence principle in American sport and society. traditional antidiscrimination laws are of dubious value in ameliorating its adverse impact on African Americans in sports” (p. 1998). Davis (1999) asserted. we hope that readers will begin to question the seemingly altruistic notions of equity and equality on behalf of Branch Rickey and MLB in their efforts to integrate America’s national pastime. Singer 10 Joshua DeLorme and John N. According to Milner (2008). The embedded nature and permanence of racism are reflected in America’s many social systems and institutions. “Inherent in the tensions of convergence between whites and others are matters of self and systematic interests and a loss-gain binary” (p. By introducing Bell’s principle as a potential governing theme of MLB’s integration. 2003). the loss-gain binary suggests that Whites desire to negotiate and make difficult decisions in providing more equitable policies and practices might mean that they lose something of great importance to them.and upper-class whites” (p. and privileges of experiencing life” (p. The purpose of this article is not to provide an allencompassing historical review of the Black community’s involvement with the game of baseball (for details. standing alone. The first is that racism is a normal fixture and occurrence in American society that is reproduced through routine and extraordinary. traditions. 333). “Whiteness” has been deemed a property interest (Harris. we interrogate the process of integration and discuss its subsequent aftermath. argued that people in power (typically Related to this point. equity. “Because of the subtle nature of aversive racism. for details. Singer of Texas A&M “The Interest Convergence Principle and the Integration of Major League Baseball”2010 Journal of Black Studies [E.Radical Movements Link Radical movements aren’t radical---any strategy that is a “pre-requisite “ to engaging in the system will result in interest convergence and the smooth functioning of the system. Scholars have suggested that laws designed to address racial inequality are often undermined before they can be fully implemented (Crenshaw. First. 1996). and experiences that critically affect the quality of life and opportunities of racial groups (Brown. “the Fourteenth Amendment. this article has two guiding purposes. The narratives and stories of subordinated groups. it can be Whites) might sometimes support policies and practices that do not oppress and discriminate. 1988). more critical paradigm to examine the integration of MLB.Smith] The interest convergence principle states. and meritocracy. 2004. which have been advanced by many people in society (including Whites and racially underrepresented groups). Third. 1998). CRT is a form of scholarship that is rooted in the mission and struggles of the civil rights movement (Taylor. will not authorize a judicial remedy providing effective racial equality for blacks where the remedy sought threatens the superior status of middle. expectations. Bell argued. Sixth. the ensuing false generosity given on the part of Whites is often disproportionate to the gains received by the Black community.

1995. Powers.S. 2007. 1980). Bell’s interest convergence principle has also been used to examine and explain phenomena in fields outside of law. thus eliminating future interactions with said schools. 2007). tax policy (see Brown. numeracy. 2004. which translates to potential lost revenue and lost fan and alumni support. science. Board of Education of Topeka. Lobel. 45). 2008). Bell’s (1980) principle is applicable here because. Donnor noted. we provide a bit more insight into the history and origins of the interest convergence principle and specifically discuss how it has been used to critically analyze issues within the context of American sport. 2009). Castagno and Lee (2007) used the interest convergence principle in a qualitative study concerning the use of American Indian mascots as representatives for collegiate sports teams. 6). Dudziak. the university will not altruistically ban competition with teams using American Indian mascots. . but the institution is even more protective of its own interests by still scheduling games with teams with whom they have long standing commitments. 60). opposing teams from bringing their American Indian mascots to the university for competition. Recently. not simply those concerned about the immortality of racial inequality. Rogers & Oakes. Furthermore. 2004. linguistic status and their ability to reproduce these benefits and interests to their children and future generations. prestige. 2006. the majority of the benefit is realized by the universities and their athletic departments (overwhelmingly operated by elite Whites. and women’s studies (Crenshaw. the university would lose some of its most long-standing rivalries. literacy. Perea. it has also been applied to the context of sport in American society (Castagno & Lee. Since the interest convergence principle’s initial application by Bell (1980). (p. many of the athletes themselves leave the universities without a true education and no careers in professional sports. therefore. it has even been used to examine phenomena beyond the dichotomy of Black versus White (Castagno & Lee. but also those whites in policymaking positions able to see the economic and political advances at home and abroad that would follow abandonment of segregation. as . 7). The interest convergence principle has been applied to American college sport and also provides a useful lens to critically analyze professional sport. 2005). (p. Bell’s piece has also been used to specifically look at issues of class and race pertaining to the earned income tax credit component of U. 2007. 519) rendered in the landmark 1954 Supreme Court case Brown v. 2007. 1995. 334) This could be problematic for some Whites. Forman. 2007. (p. it has most often been used in reference to the holding rendered in Brown and/or what factors compelled that decision (Balkin. In other words.g. more specifically the integration of MLB. because it stands to lose too much for its so-called altruism. because it stands to incur great losses by severing ties with these “long standing commitments” (p. 524) This quotation embraces the essence of the principle of interest convergence. 2007. Therefore. Bell quoted Weschler as saying. such as economics (Rubin. Donnor. 2006. Bell’s (1980) interest convergence principle was created in response to esteemed lawyer and law professor Herbert Weschler’s “harsh and nagging criticism of the decision” (p. 521). Snipes & Waters. 2005. Gaines. integration forces an association upon those for whom it is unpleasant or repugnant” (p. In the sections to follow. In the next section. privilege. 2005). On the other hand. the groundbreaking ruling that officially desegregated public schools in America. They applied it to a university’s policy that discourages. esteem. 2004. “For the majority of Black males who participate in major football programs either earning a college degree or developing a strong academic skill-set in technology. 1996). Delgado. but does not prohibit. the university will not it was in Bell’s original context schedule a competition against an opponent with an American Indian mascot.their power. history and the humanities is although universities and their athletic departments reap the lucrative benefits of Black players’ labor on the field. 2008). unless said team is a “traditional rival or a conference member” (p. 1996).. Lapchick. Gerken. although integration provided these young Black student-athletes with more opportunities to attend college. Shiu. 2007. social status. while Black studentathletes generate the majority of the monetary and intangible rewards (e. Wing. 1999). In some cases. Weschler was mainly concerned with the principles involved in making a decision such as the one rendered in Brown and believed that the principle of interest in the case was not discrimination but the right to associate with whomever one pleases (Bell. Yet it refuses to eradicate all connections with schools that use American Indian mascots. 7) Bell’s (1980) principle is appropriately applied here because the university’s administration is acknowledging the problematic nature of schools’ using American Indian mascots. Shiu. media coverage) for the colleges or universities as a result of their athletic prowess (for empirical support. “If the freedom of association is denied by segregation. Bell believed that the decision in Brown to break with the court’s long-held position on these issues [segregation] cannot be understood without some consideration of the decision’s value to whites. education (Ladsen-Billings & Tate. see Singer. Castagno and Lee believed that the interest convergence principle is demonstrated in the “traditional rival/conference member” component of the policy. we attempt to address this. 2006). Donnor (2005) used the principle of interest convergence “as an analytical lens for understanding the complex role of race in the educational experiences of African-American football student athletes” (p. 2004. Taylor. Hence. insofar as the institution clearly recognizes and honors the interests of the Native community on campus by refusing to schedule games with some teams who have Native mascots. notoriety. because the idea of Whites losing something and people of color gaining something could cause the property value of Whiteness to depreciate (Milner. unlikely” (p.

However. and economic review of the NLs. Because the face of MLB’s integration (Jackie Roosevelt Robinson) was a former NL sensation. we need to provide a brief historical. social. . before MLB’s integration can be properly scrutinized. it is both relevant and necessary to inspect the stand-alone entity that was the NLs and the role it played in the Black community.

However. 2010 (Patricia Allen. Cambridge Journal of Regions. those who benefit—and those who do not—are arranged along already familiar lines of class. establishing the right of all residents to adequate. Canada. Dahlberg (1994) found that the formation of food policy councils failed where there was more emphasis on hunger than on other food system issues. are ethnic minorities..pdf> Accessed: 2/21/15 RJS) Yet a prevalent viewpoint within local food movements is that a sustainable and equitable agrifood economy can and should be based upon a family-farm agrarian structure (Allen and Hinrichs. 2010). Workers and owners in the food system have interests that are not necessarily consonant. which upholds a belief in the moral and economic primacy of farming over other occupations and ways of producing (Fink. 2004). more equitable decisions that prioritize the common good. 2006). where strong leadership and commitment to justice have led to the creation of a food policy for the city that prioritizes food justice. local food policy councils are illustrative of deliberate efforts to practice food democracy at a local level. while local means physical geographic dimensions. In some cases. community-based refers to residents having control over and making decisions about their food system. In the local food movement there is a sense that. .ssc. Guthman et al. highlighting social justice issues can alienate others in the food system working on different priorities. For example. ethnicity and gender. While this is a beautiful vision. We can learn from the efforts in Toronto. Working toward social equity in local food systems requires questioning an assumption of shared interests among all members of the community when there are often substantially different material interests and power In contrast. The greater emphasis on farmers than on food-system workers in the local food movement inadvertently gives less attention to ethnic minorities simply because few farms are owned by nonwhites. Economy and Society 2010 <https://www. This is in keeping with American agrarianism. not currently prioritized in most food-system localization efforts. 2006). Latinos and AfricanAmericans own only 3% of farms in the USA and only 1. nutritious food and promoting food production and distribution systems that are grounded in equity (Toronto Food Policy. Anderson (2008) differentiates local. localities contain within them wide demographic ranges and social relationships of power and privilege embedded within the place itself. For her. Toronto is also an example of a community in which people from many regions and cultures share a particular place and are developing socially inclusive ‘creative food economies’ (Donald and Blay-Palmer. although to date there has been little discussion of other food-system workers. for instance. at times due to social justice issues. these efforts have had challenges in addressing the diverse interests of their members.and community-based food systems. because people live together in a locality and encounter each other.Small Farms Link An advocacy for 'small farms' naturalizes Whiteness by valorizing a group of largely white farmers and whitewashes immigrant and minority exploitation. they will make better.5% of farmland (US Department of Agriculture.wisc. 1992). Nearly all local food campaigns and many of those involved in direct marketing prioritize supporting farmers. At both global and local scales. Given the disparate material and cultural conditions within localities . In an early study of local food policy councils. Taken together. local food actors must be wary of the assumption that people within a community will necessarily have the same understandings or interests by dint of the fact that they share the same geographic place or are involved in the food system (Allen. most hired farm labourers. Allen. 2009). 2007.

The images of an unruly world. liberalism. the embodiment of universal values of human rights. In his much-noted article in the New York Times Magazine entitled “The American Empire. conquest and the white man’s burden. rather. past and present. resistance means irrational opposition to modernity and universal human values. In this logic. . According to this logic. resistance to empire can never be opposition to the imposition of foreign rule.” Michael Ignatieff appended the subtitle “The Burden” but insisted that “America’s empire is not like empires of times past. built on colonies. of failed modernity. it upholds a doctrine of limited sovereignty for others and thus deems the entire world a potential site of intervention. Kipling’s “lesser breeds without the law.S. and democracy. imperial actions.” in his corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. that America is the apotheosis of history.S. the United States claims the authority to “make sovereign judgments on what is right and what is wrong” for everyone else and “to exempt itself with an absolutely clear conscience from all the rules that it proclaims and applies to others. muse) This is also a narrative about race.”12 Denial and exceptionalism are apparently alive and well. Universalism thus can be made manifest only through the threat and use of violence. racial codes and colonial Orientalism. In American studies we need to go beyond simply exposing the racism of empire and examine the dynamics by which Arabs and the religion of Islam are becoming racialized through the interplay of templates of U. President of American Studies Association @ Pennsylvania University.” or Roosevelt’s “loosening ties of civilized society. 03 (Amy. of anarchy and chaos. They share a teleological narrative of inevitability.” in Madeleine Albright’s words. If in these narratives imperial power is deemed the solution to a broken world.Hegemony/Modeling Link Defenses of hegemony is just rhetoric that rely upon a flawed Eurocentric misconception of reality Kaplan. may have something to do with the world’s problems. the neoconservative and the liberal interventionist—have much in common. then they preempt any counternarratives that claim U. They take American exceptionalism to new heights: its paradoxical claim to uniqueness and universality at the same time. recycle stereotypes of racial inferiority from earlier colonial discourses about races who are incapable of governing themselves.”13 Absolutely protective of its own sovereignty. Violent Belongings and the Question of Empire Today Presidential Address to the American Studies Association. the “indispensable nation. These narratives of the origins of the current empire—that is.

genocide. and thus houses the capacity for mobilization of an epochal (and peculiar) white supremacist global logic. As a formation of violence that self-perpetuates a peculiar social project through the discursive structures of warfare. What would it mean. It inscribes two forms of domination that tend to slip from the attention of political theorists. white supremacist modalities of imprisonment as the perpetual end rather than the self-contained means of American globality? I am suggesting a conception of the prison regime that focuses on what cultural and political theorist Allen Feldman calls a “formation of violence. Feldman writes. It is only a theoretical foregrounding of the white supremacist state and social formation of the united States that will allow us to understand the uS prison regime as an American globality that materializes as it prototypes state violence and for that matter. activist mobilization. as something to be made. to assert this.” imitate. and more pointedly a global mobilization of a white supremacist social formation (read: a united States of America formed by the social-economic geographies of racial chattel slavery and their recodification through the post-13th Amendment innovation of other technologies of criminalization and imprisonment).” rather it is a formulation of world order (hence. juridically coded. PhD in Ethnic Studies Program of the University of California Berkeley and Associate Proffessor of Ethnic Studies at University of California Riverside. mobilizes. the prison regime reflects the moral. the growing autonomy of violence as a self-legitimating sphere of social discourse and transaction points to the inability of any sphere of social practice to totalize society. and cultural inscription of Manifest Destiny (and its descendant material cultural and state-building articulations of racist and white supremacist conquest. citizenship. detain. the prison regime strategically institutionalizes the biopolitical structures of white racial/nationalist ascendancy—it quite concretely provides a definition for white American personhood. and is fundamental to the geographic transformations. however. the notion of American globality I have begun discussing here already exceeds negri and Hardt’s formulation to the extent that it is a global racial formation. and militarized/economic mobilizations of “globalization” generally. then. a dynamic and perpetual labor of institutionalization rather than a definitive modernist institution) in which massively scaled. I am suggesting the opposite: the US prison regime exceeds as it enmeshes the ensemble of social relations that cohere uS civil society. and (grassroots as well as professional) scholarly praxis. This contention should not be confused with the sometimes parochial (if not politically chauvinistic) proposition that American state and state-sanctioned regimes of bodily violence and human immobilization are somehow self-contained “domestic” productions that are exceptional to the united States of America. In fact. and culturally recoded? the structure of presumption—and therefore relative political silence—enmeshing the prison’s centrality to the logic of American globality is precisely evidence of the fundamental power of the uS prison regime within the larger schema of American hegemony. to consider state-crafted. the US prison regime composes an acute formation of racial and white supremacist violence. Violence itself both reflects and accelerates the experience of society as an incomplete project. and racialized patriotism.Hegemony/ Modeling Link US hegemony is just the racial violence of America gone global –aff claims to benevolence are symptoms of white privilege Rodriguez ‘07 [Dylan. including Negri and Hardt: first. or reenact these institutionalizations of power. “American Globality And the US Prison regime: State Violence And White Supremacy from Abu Ghraib to Stockton to bagong diwa”. I would say. and that other “global” sites simply “import. .” which anchors the contemporary articulation of white supremacy as a global technology of coercion and hegemony. endlessly strategized technologies of human immobilization address (while never fully resolving) the socio-political crises of globalization. that we can examine the problem of how “the Prison” is a modality (and not just a reified product or outcome) of American statecraft in the current political moment. freedom. 2007. obliterate become voiced. the focal question becomes: How does the right of the US-as-global police to kill. The US prison regime’s production of human immobilization and death composes some of the fundamental modalities of American national coherence. its complex organization and creative production of racist and white supremacist bodily violence. spiritual. “state power” itself through a specific institutional site. and prototypes across various localities. and population control) across different historical moments. It is only in this context. is to also argue that the constituting violence of the US prison regime has remained somewhat undertheorized and objectified in the overlapping realms of public discourse. Here I am arguing that it is not possible to conceptualize and critically address the emergence and global proliferation of the (uS/global) prison industrial complex outside a fundamental understanding of what are literally its technical and technological premises: namely. institutional vicissitudes. Ateneo de Manila University. The US prison regime defines a global logic of social organization that constitutes. Second. In this sense the uS prison regime is ultimately really not an “institution. Kritika Kultura 9 (2007): 022-048] In fact. to invoke and critically rearticulate negri and Hardt’s formulation.

In Coulthard’s reading.**[to physically destroy the regime—see earlier in card] Thus. Povinelli has interrogated how the incarceration of Indigeneity in an impossible ideal of authentic traditions within settler discourse works to “defuse struggles for liberation waged against the modern liberal state and recuperate these struggles as moments in which the future of the nation and its core institutions and values are ensured rather than shaken” (2002: 29). In Black Skin.25). Coulthard’s intervention thus complements recent critiques of settler state recognition as serving to perpetuate the colonial order. Coulthard demonstrates how negotiations with the Canadian government transformed traditional reciprocal Dene relationships with the land into rights to participate in the exploitation of the land as a resource. . for Fanon. and continually distorts the meaning of colonized subjectivity. Coulthard eschews negotiation with the settler state and calls instead for confronting colonial authorities through an Indigenous political resurgence in which increased militancy plays a central role. However. and Short argues for the constitution of a multinational liberalism in which settler society enters a treaty confederacy with Indigenous peoples.Department of Geography @University of British Columbia. they subjugate themselves to circumscribed categories of colonial reason. the original brutality of primitive accumulation morphs into a regime of subjectification that imparts a 6 seeming consensuality to the reproduction of colonial hierarchies . such as Elizabeth Povinelli’s (2002) The Cunning of Recognition and Damien Short’s (2008) Reconciliation and Colonial Power.wordpress. He applies Fanon’s analysis to interrogate the colonial function of the contemporary politics of White Masks. The effect is insidious. the master and the slave. Coulthard contributes to and extends the critique of state recognition. Fanon argues that colonized subjects can only achieve self-definition by struggling against (and ultimately overthrowing) colonial regimes. colonized peoples must eschew the politics of mutual recognition and instead develop knowledge of self through struggle. Fanon is a prophylactic against the offers of state recognition for Indigenous peoples. but which actually served to weaken Aboriginal claims” (2008: 7). To breach the subjective effects of settler colonialism.pdf> Coulthard dedicates the majority of Red Skin. Fanon (2008) rebuts the Hegelian conceptualization of mutual recognition. finding that colonial power works to define the horizon of recognition. meaning that there is a mutual interdependence between Master and Slave.” Review of Red Skin. in a chapter on Dene land claims in the Arctic. For example. McCreary 15 Tyler McCreary. White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition” February 2015 Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography < https://radicalantipode. where there can be no true reciprocity between Master and Slave–colonizer and colonized–because the former always sets the terms of the latter’s recognition.Public Reclamation Link Public reclamation is based on a politics of recognition that re-affirms the unequal power relationship between the colonizer and the colonizer. dismantling the myth of reciprocity between Master and Slave. When Indigenous peoples quest for forms of justice sanctioned by colonial authorities. emphasizing the necessity of confrontation. as colonized peoples learn to internalize colonial frames. He makes the case that Indigenous efforts to gain recognition within the existing order necessarily fail to achieve meaningful justice because they remain premised on the preservation of the settler colonial political economy. For Hegel. Similarly. Coulthard argues that the foundation of settler society in the dispossession of Indigenous peoples necessitates direct confrontation to enable Indigenous peoples to subjectively decolonize. Any offer of mutual recognition in the colonial context is thus “profoundly asymmetrical and nonreciprocal” (p. 5 Developing the argument that recognition of colonized peoples cannot be granted but must be won through struggle. Coulthard turns to Franz Fanon. Once such frames become normalized. Hegelian frames do not hold in the colonial context.files. these subjects’ dialectical juxtaposition enables each to obtain consciousness of the self against the foil of the other. White Masks to an analysis of the subjective dynamics of Indigenous peoples’ relationship to settler colonialism. Short argues that reconciliation processes in Australia have “exhibited a subtle yet pervasive nation building agenda that appeared to offer ‘post-colonial’ legitimacy via the ‘inclusion’ of previously excluded Aboriginal peoples. Where Povinelli lauds Indigenous peoples’ strategic negotiations of the slippages and fractures within colonial discourse.

and other disenfranchised communities. Tell it back to you in such a way that it has become mine. Finally. because it relies upon Western notions of power as scarce and concentrated. Damage-centered researchers may operate. 67. not wealthy. Only speak from that space in the margin that is a sign of deprivation. one that refuses to forgive past blunders and see how things have changed in recent decades.tional resources. to tell their stories. I am still author.sen to pursue other lines of inquiry than the pain narratives typical of their disciplines. We observe that much of the work of the academy is to reproduce stories of oppression in its own voice . authority.munities that are not White. The researcher-self is made anew by telling back the story of the marginalized/subaltern subject. it is our view that while many individual scholars have cho. Only speak your pain” (hooks. The costs of a politics of recognition that is rooted in naming pain have been critiqued by recent decolonizing and feminist scholars (Hartman. These reparations presumably take the form of addi. my own. and retelling narratives of pain is troubling. Yet the forces that invite “Do not speak in a voice of resistance. 2009. Sadiya Hartman ( 1997) . observation of how much of social science research is concerned with providing recognition to the presumed voiceless. and sovereign adjustments . animated by the voices on the margins. an unfulfilled longing. and because it requires disenfranchised Elsewhere. Only tell me about your pain. 2007. even benevolently.tion themselves as both singularly defective and powerless to make change (2010). However. both for its voyeurism and for its consumptive implacability. Tuck and Yang 14 (Eve Tuck and K. at the center of the analysis in this chapter is a concern with the fixation social science research has exhibited in eliciting pain stories from com.¶ In her bell hooks (1990) portrays the core message from the academy to those on the margins as thus:¶ No need to hear your voice when I can talk about you better than you can speak about yourself. emphasis in the original) is not just a rare historical occurrence in anthropology and related fields. Eve has observed that “won” reparations rarely communities are left with a narrative that tells them that they are broken. Further. or empirically substantiating the oppression and pain of Native communities. political. novice researchers emerge from doctoral programs eager to launch pain-based inquiry projects because they believe that such approaches embody what it means to do social science. this passage describes the ways in which the researcher’s voice is constituted by. 343). Wayne Yang . affirmative actions.strated fascination with telling become reality.Public Reclamation Link Public reclamation in the academy only makes disenfranchised communities more disempowered. Academe’s demon. Hooks works to untangle the almost imperceptible differences between forces that silence and forces that seemingly liberate by inviting those on the margins to speak. the voice of the colonised” (Simpson. (p. 343)¶ Hooks’s words resonate with our examination of the symbolic violence of the academy. 2007. Ch12)/JA educational research and much of social science research has been concerned with documenting damage. I am still colonizer the speaking subject and you are now at the center of my talk. Eve (Tuck. and in some disciplinary iterations. Re-writing you I write myself anew. At first. And then I will tell it back to you in a new way. and not straight. settlements. this may read as an intolerant condemnation of the academy. a wound. p. R-Words: Refusing Research¶ . 2009). 2014.¶ urban communities.¶ those on the margins to speak also say. p. 1997.¶ Similarly. Imagining “itself to be a voice. within a theory of change in which harm must be recorded or proven in order to convince an outside adjudicator that reparations are deserved. No need to hear your voice. I want to know your story. and that in many cases. and other material. Eve has described this theory of change1 as both colonial and flawed. In Scenes of Subjection. Tuck. 2010) has argued that communities to posi. a recognition that is enamored with knowing through pain. The collection of pain narratives and the theories of change that champion the value of such narratives are so prevalent in the social sciences that one might surmise that they are indeed what the academy is about. legitimated ¶ by. 1990.

Recognition “humanizes” the slave. and it is this drive. Wolfe (1999) has explored how the contoured logic of settler colonialism (p. in fiction author Sherril Jaffe’s words.” (1996.recognizing the personhood of slaves enhanced the power of the Southern slave. Social science disciplines have inherited the persistent drive to supersede the conditions of their operations from settler colonial logic. we note how the agency of Margaret Garner or Nat Turner can only be viewed as outsider violence that humane society must reject while simultaneously upholding the legitimated violence of the state to punish such outsider violence . well-to-do. Guthrie (1976) traces the roots of psychology to the need to “sci. Or is this limited conferral of humanity merely a reinscription of subjugation and pained existence?” (p. Hartman describes how slave-as-victim as human accordingly establishes slave-as-agent as criminal. Northern women.¶ We are struck by the pervasive silence on questions regarding the contempo. mainly White. 1997. 3). cruelty beyond the limits of the socially tolerable. such protocols do not prompt reflection upon the underlying beliefs about knowledge and change that too often go unexplored or unacknowledged. “scars make your body more interesting. a kind of unquestioning push forward. “making personhood coterminous with injury” (Hartman.” (2011. while simultaneously authorizing necessary violence to suppress slave agency. Applying Hartman’s analysis. “[T]he recognition of humanity require[s] the event of excessive violence. in order to acknowledge and protect the slave’s person” (p. 93).rary rationale(s) for social science research. without ori. You are in pain. Hartman asks. natural. Why do researchers collect pain narratives? Why does the academy want them?¶ An initial and partial answer is because settler colonial ideology believes that. that is. for fear of deterioration if extracted. 2007). “Is it possible that such recognition effectively forecloses agency as the object of punishment . to make itself invisible. but when looked at more closely. In response. Selden. 1999. . 58). short of fiction bearing that sentiment as title captures the exquisite crossing of wounds and . The origins of many social science disciplines in maintaining logics of domination. and some. 55). many social science disciplines emerged from the need to provide justifications for social hierarchies undergirded by White supremacy and manifest destiny (see also Gould. Though a variety of ethical and procedural protocols require researchers to compose statements regarding the objectives or purposes of a particular project. are regularly thought to be just errant or inauspicious beginnings—much like the ways in which the genocide of Indigenous peoples that afforded the founding of the Unites States has been reduced to an unfortunate byproduct of the birthing of a new and great nation. because settler colonialism is “characterized by a persistent drive to supersede the conditions of its operation . to generate portraits of abuse that ergo recognize slaves as human (Hartman. p. 55). Tuck & Guishard.owning class. while sometimes addressed in graduate schools.what flimsy.¶ As numerous scholars have denoted. Jaffe’s work of short. The discusses how slave emerges as a legal person only when seen as criminal or “a violated body in need of limited forms of protection” (p. Supplicating narratives of former slaves were deployed effectively by abolitionists. such rationales might be best examined in situ. Like a maritime archaeological site. p. new laws afforded minimal standards of existence. The rationale for conducting social science research that collects pain narratives seems to be self-evident for many scholars.entifically” prove the supremacy of the White mind. 5) can be mapped onto the microactivities of anthropology. therefore you are. and inevitable. forthcoming). but is predicated upon her or his abjection. p. 1981. 55). the rationales may be unconsidered. argues Lorenzo Veracini. Such amnesia is required in settler colonial societies. Furthermore. and not the origins of the disciplines that we attend to now. .gin (and without end).

and often in doing so. holds the wounded body as more engrossing than the body that is not wounded (though the person with a wounded body curiosity and pleasure. In settler colonial logic. formed and informed by settler colonial ideology. In to document the problems faced by communities. of the verifiability of a lived life.Settler colonial ideology. Emerging and established social science researchers set out experience. abuse. has developed the same palate for pain. does not politically or materially benefit for being more engrossing). scars more enthralling than the body unmarked by settler colonial ideology. pain is more compelling than privilege. and neglect. constituted by its conscription of others. . recircu. Academe. pain is evidence of authenticity.late common tropes of dysfunction.

but becomes a problem when used to prejudge people’s competence and ability and result in the development of unfair and incorrect expectations. The effect of stereotyping is prejudice and the behavior is discriminatory. the task of identifying and eliminating institutional/organizational barriers. One feeling that many African American women have is that they have to out perform and out strategize their white male and white female colleagues to succeed. Aerospace 7 Obiomon et. Ph. black women are marginalized by a decades of marginalization of black culture and women. happy go-lucky. Obiomon et. active in sports. NASA. White women may be more socially and culturally accepted in a white male dominated organization than women of color. al 2007 [Pamela Holland Obiomon. NASA]”Advancement of Women of Color in Science. Manager. not say too much.. Stereotyping affects the psychic energy of the African American. Manager. It has also been shown that after negative feedback.nyu. and body shape. where the norms. Gender seems to be an easier barrier to negotiate than race. contending with stereotypes that consider them inferior and incompetent.S. dress. they did not receive the same benefits from these investments. Stereotypes based on ethnicity have been shown to bias evaluations (Bodenhausen & Wyer. When individuals are isolated by people who do not want to work with them. A stereotype is a belief that all members of a specific group share certain traits or characteristics. entertainers and poor performers in academics. resulting in an increase in the chances of advancement in the STEM disciplines. Ph. Technology. Jackson. Bicultural stress is another barrier that impedes the performance of African American women in STEM environments. skin. . Smith University. Adrienne Holland Wowo. Shirley Holland-Hunt. (Diehl & Jonas.. They are constantly under pressure to be superstars. The ability to perform well in an environment where one must be creative. As a result of stereotyping they often feel that their work is unfairly scrutinized and that they are not adequately challenged (Tickles. 2006).A. 1991).%20Women%20in %20Stem%20Tickles. 1974). ostentatious. In many cases. Studies have indicated that everyone holds stereotypes (Fazio. or agree just to fit in. biases. Dunton & Williams. The moment African Americans enter a predominately white organization.D. Virginia Cook Tickles.women/Adv. the group internalizes performance anxiety. Being part of a network increases information and knowledge. 1985). African American women are often excluded from networks and isolated in the work environment.Smith] To promote career advancement of women scientists and engineers at all levels. 2005). race and additional work experiences. the African American attempts to disprove stereotypes until their technical value can be exemplified to the organization and/or when the organization recognizes their value. Engineering. Individuals oftentimes become disillusioned and leave the organization. Consequently. 1997). Women of color stand out overtly because of hair.https://www. Acceptance into organizational networks is important to long-term advancement.D. In many cases.November There is little tolerance of appreciation for cultural diversity in terms of behavioral styles. Many African Americans feel like they have to say the right thing.. Increased pressure to perform can result in choking under pressure (Steele & Aronson 1995). For women of color their work lives are embedded in white male dominated organizations. lazy. the stereotype is finally eradicated. Prairie View A&M University. and structures that impede women is critical.1995). Research by the Monthly Labor Review indicated that even though the African American woman had the same educational background and. One reason for this lack of acceptance is racial visibility. Specifically. and Math (STEM) Disciplines” Faculty Resource Network . Women of color have to wear two hats: one at home and one at work. cultures. 1995). and values are based on the Anglo-Saxon tradition and the Protestant work ethic of western society (Barriers.. However. or rich aesthetics representing multiculturalism. African Americans in STEM are concerned about about how others perceive them. African Americans have to manage two cultural contexts: one European American and the other African American.B. a large amount of time is spent legitimizing one’s place in the organization. media portrayals etc.Space Link The STEM fields and NASA are steeped in anti-black racism. individuals internalized a reduced sense of self-esteem (Fein & Spencer. in fact. Stereotyping is a barrier that is present in every environment. declines as a result of the pressure formed from the anxiety of disproving stereotypes (Steele &Aronson. M.html [E. culture. there is a pressure to disprove preconceived stereotyping. disparities in salaries related to poor performance can be justified. African Americans are generally stereotyped as superstitious. M. Stereotypes are learned from parents. Internal stereotyping may not be harmful. after a protracted period of high performance. Zanna & Cooper. Treating people in accordance to a negative stereotype can bring out stereotype confirming behavior (Word. 2007 Johnson C. UPS. After being exposed to repeated negative images of their ability.

. 2001). They find themselves isolated with colleagues who do not want to work with them and have few outlets to express their frustrations and disappointments. Tokenism represents another impediment for African American women in STEM occupations. these solutions provide ideas on how to penetrate these barriers and should be uniquely tailored to cultivate a paradigm that empowers the African American woman to improve opportunities for advancement in the STEM workplace. 1994) because token members get the attention. These solutions are not a “one size fit all”. They are often isolated in the work environment. To overcome their perceived incompetence. as STEM work cultures are unique and dependent upon several factors. Long and Scott describe a triple penalty for women scientists (a) barriers in STEM field. Bell & Nkomo. Alternatively. Research by Karter. In this regard.Barriers for women. Without mentors they must learn to succeed from the main stream of organizational life. Tokenism begins when a lone African American becomes part of an organization or is placed in an area where they are underrepresented or only one of a kind. and (c) the inequities in the African American community. Cultural differences at social gatherings make individuals feel out of place. African American women are very conscious of their double minority standard. particularly African American women in STEM fields. (b) as a women in a male dominated field. Although these limitations exist. African Americans feel like they are outsiders. African American women are doubly disadvantaged.gender have a negative impact on the work experiences and career advancement of African American women (Coombs 2003. the psychological effects of being treated as a token take a heavy toll on the emotional and psychic energy of African Americans. Makobella and Green speak of a tri-consciousness of lived experiences (a) as an African American woman. distorted and overly scrutinized . not their work. Repeated poor performance leads to devaluing of ability. Performance decreases (Saenz. According to the Glass Ceiling Commission. are magnified. There is a limited supply of these mentors because in the past educators have failed to nurture and mentor young black women (Jordan. yet high level performance may not necessarily lead to comparable rewards and the same level of recognition given to whites. whether good or bad. (b) perceived discrimination (limited aspirations). When African Americans are perceived as tokens by majority group employees their behavior and job performance. A token is a member of a group that is included in a larger group through policy or practice to desegregate. there are also solutions that may diminish the effect these barriers have on the career advancement of African American women in STEM occupations. In many cases increased pressure to perform leads to choking under pressure (Steele and Aronson. and (c) discrimination in opportunities and rewards. 1995). 1997 on stressful environmental factors reveal that under-representation leads to high visibility and sets into place a variety of negative perceptions of persons labeled as tokens. are real. 2006). they experience increased pressure to perform.

Chair. the concept of the terrorist emerged as the modern manifestation of the savage in American political rhetoric. American Association of Colleges and Universities Institute on HighImpact Practices and Student Success. Ph. It has used the images of Ayatollah Khomeini. only increased military expenditures and continuous warfare can contain the terrorist threat to American civilization. “Savage Perils: Racial Frontiers and Nuclear Apocalypse in American Culture” pdf] This history provides the necessary context for understanding President Bush’s rhetoric about the “war on terror.Terrorism Link Representations of savage terrorists cannot be separated by historical racism— critiquing faulty assumptions is key to eliminate racist mythologies. Understanding this saga is essential if we want to eliminate such racist mythologies from American life. B. Santa Barbara. in English University of California. Los Angeles. Osama Bin Laden. in English University of California. the U.A. darkskinned primitives bent on destroying the “civilized world. Muammar Khadafi. University of Oklahoma Press : Norman.A. government has used a parade of nonwhite terrorists and dictators to whip up support for its policies.” Bush did not create the image of the terrorist: in the 1970s. Santa Barbara.” According to the U. irrational. D. President Bush’s “war on terror” is only the latest installment in an ongoing fictional saga that has been at the heart of American identity since the beginning of the republic. in English (High Honors) University of California. and Kim Jong Il to reinforce the sense that white American civilization is under siege by nonwhite savages.” Since the Iran hostage crisis of 1979–1980. the threat that terrorists will get control of high technology remains the biggest fear in the “war on terror. . government. ‘7 [2007. As President Bush’s repeated comments underscore. Sharp. University of Vermont. Like savages. terrorists were described as cruel. Patrick B. Santa Barbara. Sharp. M. Saddam Hussein. Department of Liberal Studies California State University.S.S.

It is no exaggeration in saying that for most of the world's one billion Muslims terrorism. bombing of Afghanistan are being held throughout the world? The majority of dark humanity is saying to the United States that racism and militarism are not the solutions to the world's major problems. U. because its behavior illustrates its complete contempt for international cooperation.that help to create the very conditions for extremist violence to flourish. the U.pdf] The bombing campaign against the people of Afghanistan will be described in history as the "U. to repeat. allowed the Israelis to move over 200. and only erodes American credibility in Muslim nations around the world.S.Prof of History and Political Science @ Columbia U Director of the Institute for Research in African American Studies.zcommunications. the U. www. Straw explained: "there is never any excuse for Millions of moderate and progressive Muslims who sincerely denounce terrorism are nevertheless frustrated by the United States's extensive clientage relationship with Israel. that number probably exceeds 15. its military-industrial occupation -. South Africa.S. Even Britain. Manning.S.000 troops to support the Palestinian Authority's security force? There is. a permanent tribunal now being established at The Hague. Exxon Mobil. ally. We can only end the threat of terrorism by addressing constructively the routine violence of poverty." can only be answered from the vantage point of the Third World's widespread poverty. culture and color. no justification for terrorism by anyone. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw stated that frustration over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict might create an excuse for terrorism. the world's Can Americans who are not Muslims truly comprehend how morally offensive this overwhelming U. The question. really believes that. or by joint Saudi-U.000 Jewish settlers—one half of them after the signing of the 1993 peace agreement government in Durban opposed the definition of slavery as "a crime against humanity. construction companies and arms suppliers have made over $50 billion in Saudi Arabia. and the blockade against Iraq that has been responsible for the needless is to them? Even before September 11. ’01 [November 20th. Netherlands. intransigence towards negotiations and human rights violations as having contributed to the environment for Arab terrorist retaliation. At the same time. in the final analysis only another form of violence. citizens are employed by Saudi corporations. media and opinion makers repeatedly have gone out of their way to twist facts and to distort the political realities of the Middle East. government authorized the allocation of a paltry $250.S. the U. and more with securing future petroleum production rights in central Asia. How does terrorist Osama bin Laden gain loyal followers from northern Nigeria to Indonesia? Perhaps it has something to do with America's massive presence -.of Saudi Arabia.S. Because without justice. regularly stationed five to six thousand troops in Saudi Arabia. financed by more than $3 billion in annual subsidies. . with the possible exception of the Israelis.such as the blanket support for Israel. "Why Do They Hate Us?. It polemically manipulated the charge of antiSemitism to evade discussions concerning the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people. occupying presence in their holy land largest corporation. reached an agreement with the Saudi government to develop gas projects worth between $20 to $26 billion. Cuba. The United States government cannot engage in effective multilateral actions to suppress fact.S. by insisting that the Osama bin Laden group's murderous assaults had nothing to do with Israel's policies towards the Palestinians . Today. Bush's staunchest ally.'s close deaths of thousands of children -. online publication. They want to know why the U.S. Just months ago." The launching of military strikes against peasants does nothing to suppress terrorism. policies -. There is a direct linkage between the terrible events of September 11 and the politics represented by the United Nations World Conference Against Racism held in Durban. hunger and economic exploitation.S. anytime. November 20. our country and ourselves from the violence of terrorism.Terrorism Link American policies are one of the largest causes of terrorism Marable.S.S. Is it any wonder that much of the Third World questions our motives? The carpet-bombing of the Taliban seems to Third World observers to have less to do with the suppression of terrorism. world's subaltern masses represented at Durban sought to advance a new global discussion about the political economy of racism -. To struggle for peace. The U. against the Third World. as the apartheid regime of South Africa was for black people. Nobody else in the world. corporate partnerships . over thirty thousand U." that Israel is as anathema to them. The United States owed $582 million in back dues to the United Nations.O. during his visit to Jerusalem. to find new paths toward reconciliation across the boundaries of religion.000. offered to send 15. hunger and exploitation which characterizes the daily existence of several billion people on this planet. refused to ratify the 1965 United Nations Convention on the Elimination of Racism." It refused to acknowledge the historic and contemporary effects of colonialism.000 American troops. Republican conservatives demand that the United States should be exempt from the jurisdiction of an International Criminal Court. links Israel's conference organizers by the Ford Foundation. only days prior to the terrorist attacks. Racism is. government react if the P. How would the U. Should we therefore be surprised that Palestinian children celebrate in the streets of their occupied territories when they see televised images of our largest buildings being destroyed? Should we be shocked that hundreds of protest marches in opposition to the U. The U.and the United States insulted the entire international community. Today. The Washington Post recently revealed that in the past two decades. racial segregation and apartheid on the underdevelopment and oppression of the non-European world. we must stop the violence of racism and class inequality. compared to over $10 million provided to For three decades. Transnational capitalism and the repressive neoliberal policies of structural adjustment represent a dead end for the developing world. Z SPACE.L.S. and it paid up only when the September 11 attacks jeopardized its national security. To stop the violence of relocate in occupied Palestine. But it is U.S. there is an obvious need to understand the environment in which terrorism breeds. there can be no peace. is the only way to protect our cities.S. In late September. For the 2001 World Conference Against Racism.S.

Impact Debate .

California.15 This unconscious association has led officers to misidentify blacks with more stereotypically black features such as dark skin. Finally. Recent studies demonstrate that implicit dehumanization predicts police violence against black juveniles. racial violence is inevitable regardless of whether officers have malicious racial motives or citizens engage in objectively threatening behaviors. Missouri. Myers Jr.Smith] The recent rash of police killing unarmed black men has brought national attention to the persistent problem of policing and racial violence. Part I discusses how unconscious racial biases and implicit white favoritism can result in racial disparities in police violence.14 Two specific types of implicit racial biases are consequential when it comes to racial violence.8 This number is underinclusive because the FBI database is based on self-reports by departments that choose to participate and only includes deaths that the police conclude are justifiable. and can predict a subset of real world behaviors. These cases include the well-known and highly controversial death of Michael Brown in Ferguson.19 In one of these studies.5 Dante Parker in San Bernardino County. I. Ohio. white supremacy and racial subordination have become embedded not only within social systems and institutions but also within our minds.3 John Crawford III in Beavercreek. can conflict with conscious attitudes.Black Death Impact Confrontations with the structures of state power result in black death Richardson 15 L. thus. but in opposite ways. unless corrective structural and institutional interventions are made. 83 Fordham L. even when conscious racial animus is absent.4 Ezell Ford in Los Angeles. For instance. in St. full lips.7 Data reported to the FBI indicate that white police officers killed black citizens almost twice a week between 2005 and 2012.16 to engage in unconscious racial profiling. Missouri.6 and Vonderrit D. Rev.13 Decades of research demonstrate that most Americans are unconsciously biased against black individuals. Part II moves beyond unconscious biases and focuses instead on how the personal insecurities of police officers in the form of stereotype threat and masculinity threat also can lead to racial violence. it is tempting to blame racial violence on either the racial animus of officers or the purportedly threatening behaviors of victims because it simplifies the problem. Ohio. reducing the problem of racial violence to the individual policecitizen interaction at issue obscures how current policing practices and culture entrench racial subordination and.Additionally.10 Certainly.20 Similar effects did not occur when the victim was white or when individuals were not primed. Song Richardson @ UC Irvine School of Law and Wales “Police Racial Violence: Lessons from Social Psychology”. either the individual officer or citizen is at fault.2 Eric Garner in Staten Island.18 More recently. Implicit dehumanization refers to the tendency of individuals to unconsciously associate blacks with apes. Part III argues that when considered in combination.12 as well as whether individuals exhibit nonverbal discomfort when interacting with non-whites. these psychological processes powerfully demonstrate why racial violence is inevitable and overdetermined given current policing practices and culture. However. implicit racial biases can influence whether blackindividuals receive callback interviews11 and life-saving medical procedures. and wide noses as criminal suspects. Part III concludes by discussing the need to implement institutional and structural changes to reduce instances of racial violence. California.17 and to shoot more stereotypical-looking black suspects more quickly than others in computer simulations. a second type of unconscious anti-black bias has proven consequential to racial violence. 2961 (2015) [E. Louis.9 Many accounts attempt to explain these instances of racial violence at the hands of the police. ranging from arguments that the police acted justifiably to arguments likening these killings to Jim Crow lynchings. Implicit racial biases typically refer to unconscious anti-black bias in the form of negative stereotypes (beliefs) and attitudes (feelings) that are widely held. This is because as a result of our nation’s sordid racial history. racial violence.1 as well as the deaths of twelve-year-old Tamir Rice in Cleveland. First is the implicit association between blacks and criminality. IMPLICIT RACIAL BIAS AND IMPLICIT WHITE FAVORITISM Both implicit racial bias and implicit white favoritism are consequential when it comes to racial violence. this study found that implicit dehumanization influences real world behaviors. This Essay proceeds in three parts. subjects who had been subliminally primed with images of apes were more likely to find a vicious beating of a black suspect to be justified. As a result. New York. The .

more likely to be dehumanized. a sister concept. they are more likely to be shot. one study found that when subjects were primed with white faces. Considering implicit white favoritism in tandem with implicit racial bias is important because it illuminates that racial disparities would remain in the context of racial violence even if all implicit anti-black biases were eliminated. has received almost no attention in the legal literature.”25 While the concept of implicit white favoritism is new. leading to preferential treatment for persons of that group. facilitating racial violence against them.24 In that article. As a result.21 The recognition that implicit racial biases can cause racially disparate effects. white men “are automatically and cognitively disassociated with violence. they were slower to identify weapons than when they had not been primed withany faces at all. critical race scholars have long identified white supremacy as a central building block of racial subordination. I am only aware of one law review article on the subject.27 As Professor Smith and his colleagues explain. and Zoë Robinson explain that implicit white favoritism is “the automatic association of positive stereotypes and attitudes with members of a favored group.”30 In other words. is becoming increasingly commonplace in mainstream discussions of police violence. even in the absence of conscious bias. the more likely they were to have used force against black children throughout the course of their careers. Professors Robert Smith. . In the context of the American criminal justice system.22 This science demonstrates that even when people are acting in identical ways. implicit favoritism is white favoritism. and more likely to be seen as deserving of an officer’s use of force. “Removing out-group derogation is not the same as being race-neutral. It is simply cognitively more taxing to associate whites with criminality .researchers discovered that the more closely police officers unconsciously associated black youths with apes.26 Now.23 While significant attention has been paid to implicit anti-black racial bias. being white protects people against racial violence.”28 For instance. while black men are associated with violence and criminality.29 Thus. implicit racial bias places black citizens more at risk of mistaken judgments of danger and criminality. social psychological evidence provides empirical support for the theory. Justin Levinson. implicit white favoritism.

p. and political differences.Extinction Impact Isolation of racially oppressed groups leads to extinction. and social studies are directly or indirectly linked to the material conditions of human beings. MARABLE Director of the Institute for Research in African American Studies 1984 Manning-Professor of History @ Columbia University. but by the common people. Peace between the superpowers is directly linked to the evolution of democratic rights. Black Americans also comprehend that peace is not the absence of conflict. the recognition that we share with the Soviet people a Community of social. There are no impartial observers. now. white Americans must begin to view themselves as a distinct minority in a world dominated by people of color. All art and aesthetics. “Speaking Truth to Power: Essays on Race. expressed the perspective of the black Peace tradition as a passionate belie in humanity: “Every artist. Through the bifurcation of our moral and social consciences against the cold abstractions of research and “value-free” social science. economic development. Cultural and intellectual activity for it is inseparable from politics. By hesitating to dedicate ourselves and our work to the pursuit of peace and social justice. where he stands. 198-199. observed in his autobiographical work Here I Stand. the great black artist and activist. scientific inquiry. during the Spanish Civil War. “I learned that the essential character of a nation is determined not by the tipper classes. or the virus of anti-Semitism. and the existing set of power relationships which dictates the policies of the modern state. If we fail to do so. and social class inequality exist. apartheid. force the intellectual if the peace consensus of black America remains isolated from the electoral mainstream.E. the results may be the termination of humanity itself. and cultural interests. When intellectual artists fail to combat racial or gender inequality. have also comprehended their unique role in the struggle for peace arid social justice. despite their religions. economic.” Any people who experience generations of oppression gain an awareness of the innate commonalty of all human beings. and . Paul Robeson. their creative energies may indirectly contribute to the ideological justification for prejudice and social oppression. The commitment to contest public dogmas. Most blacks recognize that peace is the realization of social justice and human dignity for all nations and historically oppressed peoples. In order to reverse the logic of the Cold War. As Paul Robeson. Peace more than anything else is the recognition of the oneness of humanity. and perhaps set the ideological basis necessary for World War III. DuBois to the present. Resistance and Radicalism. and that the Common people of all nations are truly brothers in the great family of mankind. social tensions will erupt into confrontations. Black intellectuals. we inevitably contribute to the dynamics of national chauvinism. Militarism. into the terrain of ideological debate. life has no alternative. every scientist must decide. we may console ourselves by suggesting that we play 110 role in the escalation of the Cold War political culture. and social justice in the third world periphery. front W. This is equally the case for the problem of war and peace. ethnic. As long as institutional racism.B.

the simulated jollity and coerced festivity of the slave trade and the instrumental recreations of plantation management document the investment in and obsession with “ black enjoyment” and the significance of these orchestrated amusements as part of a larger effort to dissimulate the extreme violence of the institution and disavow the pain of captivity. going before the master.14 The constitution of blackness as an abject and degraded condition and the fascination with the other’s enjoyment went hand in hand. In light of these concerns. the combination of imagined scenes of cruelty with those culled from unquestionable authority evidences the crisis of witnessing that results from the legal subjection of slaves. Moreover. slep it up lively on the auction block. Essentially. and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America. blacks were envisioned fundamentally as vehicles for white enjoyment. and endowed with great mimetic capacities. and impossible character of agency? Or does it exemplify the use of the body as an instrument against the self? The scenes of subjection considered here— the coerced spectacles orchestrated to encourage the trade in black flesh. for those forced to dance on the decks of slave ships crossing the Middle Passage. Slavery. similarly constituted the African as childish. this was as much the consequence of the chattel status of the captive as it was of the excess enjoyment imputed to the other. Hartman 97 Saidiya V. Most important. enjoyment disclosed the sentiments and expectations of the “ peculiar institution . hedonistic. conversely. this chapter wrestles with the following questions: Does the extension of humanity to the enslaved ironically reinscribe their subjugated status? Do the figurative capacities of blackness enable white flights of fantasy while increasing the likelihood of the captive’ s disappearance ? Can the moral embrace of pain extricate itself from pleasures borne by subjection? In other words. the transubstantiation of abjection into contentment suggested that the traumas of slavery were easily redressed and. and amuse the master and his friends were seen 11s the purveyors of pleasure. scenes of torture and festivity. and hedonistic nature of the image of the enslaved that they crave. Above all. does the scene of the tyrannized slave at the bloodstained gate delight the loathsome master and provide wholesome pleasures to the upright and the virtuous ? Is the act of “ witnessing” a kind of looking no less entangled with the wielding of power and the extraction of enjoyment? Does the captive’s dance allay grief or articulate the fraught. The pageantry of the coffle. these characteristics defined the infamous and renowned Sambo. The amazing popularity of the “ darkies” of the minstrel stage must be considered in this light. the dissimulation of suffering through spectacle. This history is of central importance when evaluating the politics of pleasure. In this way.13 All of this is further complicated by the “ half-articulate” and “ incoherent song” that confounds the transparency of testimony and radically complicates the rendering of slavery. Hartman Scenes of Subjection:Terror. Oxford University Press 1997 What concerns me here is the spectacular nature of black suffering and. Indeed. infantile. This forces the captive body to disappear as the master subjugates the flesh of their property to their wishes yet again. and the tactics of resistance. in all ol its sundry and unspeakable expressions. The affiliation of performance and blackness can be attributed to the spectactularization of black pain and racist conceptions of Negro nature as carefree. enjoyment defined the relation of the dominant race to the enslaved. stepping it up lively on the auction block. contented. Indeed. In one respect. compromised. infantile. In other words. likewise. the convergence of terror and enjoyment cannot be understood outside it. ranging from the proslavery plantation pastoralism to the romantic racialism of abolitionists. the nefarious uses of chattel licensed by the legal and social relations of slavery articulated the nexus of pleasure and possession and bespoke the critical role of diversion in securing the relations of bondage. the prevalence of black song confirmed blacks’ restricted sentience and immunity to sorrow. the constitution of the subject. primitive.White Enjoyment Impact The spectacular nature of their discourse allow white’s to take pleasure in the carefree. Contending variants of racism. the uses of slave property. and the blackface mask of minstrelsy and melodrama all evidenced the entanglements of terror and enjoyment . and indifferent to suffering and to an interested misreading of the interdependence of labor and song common among the enslaved. the tragedy of virtuous women and the antics of outrageous darkies— all turn upon the simulation of agency and the excesses of black enjoyment. At the same time. the spectacular dimensions of slavery engender this crisis of witnessing as much as the repression of black testimony since to the degree that the body speaks it is made to speak the master’s truth and augments his power through the imposition and intensification of pain.


Aff Answers .

They demanded that the promise of individual rights be realized in everyday life and encouraged suspicion of the words and power of all manner of authorities—political. The divergence between political marginality and cultural influence stems. or caskmakers. it needs to win over a section of the governing elite (it doesn’t hurt to gain support from some wealthy philanthropists as well). In 1875. However. Robert Schilling. What most demanded. Abolitionists did not achieve their goal until midway through the Civil War. and degrading civic morality. They believe that every individual should be permitted to do what and how it pleases. some radicals deliberately gave up their search for the sublime to concentrate on the merely persuasive. economic. some of the same qualities that alienated leftists from the electorate made them pioneers in generating an alluringly rebellious culture. At the same time.S. During just one period of about four decades—from the late 1870s to the end of the First World War— could radicals authentically claim to represent more than a tiny number of Americans who belonged to what was. reflected on why socialists were making so little headway among the hard-working citizenry: …. when Abraham Lincoln and his fellow Republicans realized that the promise of emancipation could speed victory for the North. as long as the rights and liberties of others are not injured or infringed upon. the U. It has always been difficult for these top and. But furious internal conflicts.Perm Perm : View the aff as a starting point for change. from the kinds of people who have been the mainstays of the American Left. the public face and voice of the Left emanated from an uneasy alliance: between men and women from elite backgrounds and those from such groups as Jewish immigrant workers and plebeian blacks whom most Americans viewed as dangerous outsiders. a German immigrant who was an official in the coopers. history were not that radical at all.S. factories. the radicals who made the most difference in U. But as George Orwell. no aesthetic slouch. and social justice did not need to win votes to become popular. radical feminism. and hostility toward both nationalism and organized religion helped make the political Left a taste few Americans cared to acquire. These ideological pioneers also influenced forces around the world that adapted the culture of the U. the notion that an individual is entirely responsible for his or her own fortunes.S. Militant unionists were not able to gain a measure of power in mines. sexuality. Radical ideas about race. and remains. observed. to convince more than a small minority of voters to embrace their program for sweeping change. Only when Lyndon Johnson and other liberal Democrats conquered their fears of disorder and gave up on the white South could the black freedom movement celebrate passage of the civil rights and voting rights acts. corrupting politicians.everything that smacks in the least of a curtailment of personal or individual liberty is most obnoxious to [Americans]. Both before and after this period. Dissent Spring p. Most American radicals grasped this simple truth. Thus. gender. feminists. Indeed. They just required an audience. a penchant for dogmatism. and on the waterfront until Franklin Roosevelt needed labor votes during the New Deal. an unsustainable alliance of white students from elite colleges and black people like Fannie Lou Hamer and Huey Newton from the ranks of the working poor. particularly young ones. and never under its own name. leftists did not champion self-reliance. and gay liberation in the 1960s and 1970s. Has the US Left Made a Difference. union. For a political movement to gain any major goal.” In a sense. Radicals did help to catalyze mass movements. 52-54) But when political radicals made a big difference. was the fulfillment of two ideals their fellow Americans already cherished: individual freedom and communal responsibility . Talented orators. artists. Of course. History @ Georgetown. the most popular document in the national canon. Left—like . in essence. But this period ended after the First World War—due partly to the epochal split in the international socialist movement. At the time. writers. “the opinion that art should have nothing to do with politics is itself a political attitude. Only on a handful of occasions has the Left achieved such a victory. the majority of the population: white Christians from the working and lower-middle class. Left to their own purposes—from the early sprouts of socialism and feminism in the1830s to the subcultures of black power. Radicals lost most of the constituency they had gained among ordinary white Christians and have never been able to regain it. and Labor parties elsewhere in the industrial world were almost entirely lost to the American Left—and deeply skeptical about the vision of solidarity that inspired the great welfare states of Europe. under a government such as proposed by the social Democracy. who felt stifled by orthodox values and social hierarchies.bottom insurgencies to present themselves as plausible alternatives to the major parties. Communist. in part. But they did uphold the modernist vision that Americans should be free to pursue happiness unfettered by inherited hierarchies and identities. Radical politics best serve the needs of black people when they start with the state Kazin 11 (Michael. and academics associated with the Left put forth new ideas and lifestyles that stirred the imagination of many Americans. this group included Americans from various trades and regions who condemned growing corporations for controlling the marketplace. This was true in the abolitionist movement—when such New England brahmins as Wendell Phillips and Maria Weston Chapman fought alongside Frederick Douglass and Sojourner Truth. and religious. And leftists who were able to articulate or represent their views in creative ways often found one. And it was also the case in the New Left of the 1960s. they generally did so as decidedly junior partners in a coalition driven by establishment reformers. [But] this personal liberty must be surrendered and placed under the control of the State. the wageearning masses who voted for Socialist. Abolitionists. savvy Marxists all quoted the words of the Declaration of Independence. Arts created to serve political ends are always vulnerable to criticism.

radicals promoted collectivist ends by appealing to the wisdom of “the people” at large. Marxian views. Edward Bellamy. Particularly during times of economic hardship and war..” .its counterparts around the world—struggled to establish a new order animated by a desire for social fraternity. rather than by preaching the grim inevitability of class struggle. the Left always had to demand that the national faith apply equally to everyone and oppose those who wanted to reserve its use for privileged groups and undemocratic causes. gained more influence than did those organizers who espoused secular. “its promises and dreams…are too much to live up to and too much to escape.” writes the critic Greil Marcus. To gain a sympathetic hearing. “America is a trap. Such radical social gospelers as Harriet Beecher Stowe. But it was not always possible to wrap a movement’s destiny in the flag. Jr. But American leftists who articulated this credo successfully did so in a patriotic and often religious key. The labor motto “An injury to one is an injury to all” rippled far beyond picket lines and marches of the unemployed. and Martin Luther King.

Why that is talking about pain must we deemphasize your beauty to put aside or substitute it before talking about plans to commence.Dialogue They can’t solve our affirmative--The language games of the alternative are bad for dialogue and makes collective politics impossible Bankey 13 Brendon Bankey. This the Monkey does with a rhetorical trick. who is the true King of the Jungle for everyone else in the animal kingdom. Harvard failed to acknowledge the presence of the advocacy statement that West Georgia set forth at the beginning of the debate. the Lion. the contesting of an idea presumes some agreement about what that idea is and how Signifyin(g) presents a problem for resistance spaces of debate because it creates confusion about the necessity of challenging normative structures. we must agree about what it is that is being debated before we can debate it. This need for safety. West Georgia’s affirmative consisted primarily of poetry and jazz music inspired by the BAM.” The Signifying Monkey views texts as having an “indeterminate relationship between truth on one hand and understanding on the other. signifyin(g) is more concerned with demonstrating rhetorical prowess than generating successful resistance. In other words. White racists are . this example this whole central advantage because we understand that y’all want a text so we give you text and then we trick you. signifyin(g) “only exacerbates the Black critic’s estrangement from the important social. One can read the Monkey as the team signifyin(g) on the Lion.” To understand the true relationship of signifyin(g) to policy debate. where black and white semantic fields collide. “Esu is the Yoruba figure of the meta-level of formal language use. … As deceivers. by avoiding direct contestation in favor of playing the indeterminancy of language. If anything. … We who are dark have done precious little talking about our pain in this post-civil rights era and probably a bit too much posturing about our plans. As a survival tactic. August 2013 https://wakespace. Like.” In The Signifying Monkey.” 2 The 2012-2013 NDTCEDA resolution read – Resolved: The United States Federal Government should substantially reduce restrictions on and/or substantially increase financial incentives for energy production in the United States of one or more of the following: coal. nuclear power. within the AfroAmerican literary tradition. They are absolutely wrong.” In this sense. however. and the Elephant—who are bound together in a trinary relationship. signifyin(g) as public argument is infected by what Ruth Shively describes as a “‘parasitic’ need” for “an order to subvert.39 A useful example of this phenomena occurred in the Octafinal debate of the 2013 NDT between Harvard University and The University of West Georgia . the Elephant is.38 This tale corresponds well to the participants of policy debate. “signifyin(g) is the black trope of tropes. demonstrators. is the “essential point” that Gates's poststructuralist ideology will not allow him to explore. At its core.lib. in this case the political and social safety of black lives.2 They argued that discussing federal government action was necessary to preserve debate as a site of political engagement. West Georgia rebutted Harvard’s position by arguing. … And a demonstrator’s audience must know what is being resisted. who tells lies.The “Fact Of Blackness” Does Not Exist: An Evocative Criticism Of Resistance Rhetoric In Academic Policy Debate And Its (Mis)Use Of Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin. solar and shit. signifyin(g) resonates in “perpendicular universes” to common white interpretations of terms to achieve “the obscuring of apparent meaning. Rather than seek out genuine argument. signifyin(g) disguises advocacy in tropes. Read alongside Reid-Brinkley’s assessment of the Louisville Project.” Through black vernacular structure. West Georgia went on to win the debate on a 4-1 decision. they seek to convince the traditional team they have “spoken literally. political. who represents the traditional team. among other things.pdf The Afro-American literary tradition contains in it the character Esu.40 137 In this particular debate. you know. wind power. Baker is “anathema” to resistance because it “arrest[s]” black folks’ ability to challenge their objectivity by cloaking that challenge in language. natural gas. We’re tricking 1 This is a common acronym for “United States Federal Government. This is how we engage within this debate space and this is how we engage outside of the debate space.” Accordingly. Resisters. … a play on language use. We are constantly in a state of subversion where we are tricking white people into these ideas. it fails the task of recovering from social death because it is reliant on masking itself in the presence of white bodies.37 Affectively. that the preceding statement met the negative’s interpretation for debate. is no match for the Lion’s physical prowess. Rather than erect the challenge of disalienation through authentic speech acts. “tricksters” mask their faces against the blows of white supremacy.43 Instead of arguing openly. moreover.’” Similarly. the traditional team “realizes that [its] status has been deflated … because [it] fundamentally misunderstood the status of the” signifyin(g) team’s arguments. Shively writes: 139 At the very least.” Instead of taking a discursive scalpel to one might go about intelligibly contesting it.42 In this respect demonstrates the success of signifyin(g) as a strategy for winning individual debate rounds. solar power. An observer of this form of performance is left without an understanding of the necessity of an institutional challenge. of the ontological and epistemological status of figurative language and its interpretation. Joyce explains: Relying on the power of words. and who is a rhetorical genius—is intent on demystifying the Lion’s self-imposed status as King of the Jungle. they added the following statement to the beginning of the first affirmative constructive: Listen! I think y’all should listen. By masking language through rhetorical tricks. it retreats into alienation and treats public “existence [as] a [linguistic] game” to be played by tricking white folks in shared spaces. signifyin(g) is particularly suspect. especially in settings of debate. Gates explains: The action represented in Monkey tales turns upon the action of three stock characters—the Monkey. I think the USFG1 should do something with…. Accordingly. the figure for black rhetorical figures” that seeks to disguise the black vernacular from white audiences. Moten argues that the signifyin(g) tradition as forwarded by Henry Louis Gates. The affirmative offered a performance that violated traditional genres of debate to express how language has objectified black humanity in the United States. Jr. The signifyin(g) team seeks to deflate the perceived superiority of the traditional debaters by rendering them “hapless” due to their inability to interpret the black vernacular. who is full of guile. it is necessary to reflect on an important myth that corresponds to the Signifying Monkey’s extended tradition. The Monkey. Arguing for the need of a new language to articulate black humanity before seeking action. For Tell. however. “the Monkey’s language of 135 Signifyin(g) functions as a metaphor for formal revision. The Monkey—a rhetorical trickster figure. Throughout the tournament. It is this commonality that the monkey exploits and destabilizes. In short. Resistance requires a mutual understanding to challenge opposing forces.45 the abstractions that suppress black humanity.” The relevance of this interpretive principle for this discussion is that the signifyin(g) takes place “at Esu’s crossroads. 138 white people with . it exploits homonymic tension between common white cultural understandings of terms. Moreover. West Georgia ‘tricked’ Harvard with their opening statement that signified on a normative plan. economic.41 Harvard responded to West Georgia’s position with a Framework argument stating that the affirmative should be rejected for its failure to provide a normative plan that endorsed the Returning to the original tales of the Signifying Monkey. signifyin(g) fails to generate the necessary discomfort for white folks to challenge negative essentialism of black humanity.46 Signifyin(g)’s reliance on deconstruction is ultimately “nihilistic” because it refuses to recognize the possibility for communication to alleviate social death. we have a surplus of plans…what we do not have is a language. until the monkey's environment is safe. The monkey's survival depends on a common understanding of language that he shares with the lion and the elephant. and Houston A. “undoing the synthetic work of rhetoric and its tropes” is a requirement for achieving the “‘first and final point of resistance. MA in Communication @Wake Forest. clearly. the monkey in the tale of The Signifying Monkey uses the power of words to manipulate the lion and the elephant so as to secure his 140 own survival. intertextuality.wfu. contest is meaningless if there is a lack of agreement or communication about what is being contested. He writes: The deliberate construction of such misreadings is a part of a black folk discursive legacy where the storyteller becomes a “trickster” (Gates). “the Signifying Monkey serves as the figure-of-figures. the monkey has to stay in the tree until the lion leaves—that is. … Nor can one demonstrate resistance to a policy if no one knows that it is a policy.” Upon losing to the signifyin(g) strategy. Joyce Ann Joyce argues that. According to Gates. when all along [they have] spoken figuratively. White Masks”. as the trope in which are encoded several other peculiarly black rhetorical tropes. they stated: One should mainly wonder why of course. Observe the following statement from West Georgia’s first affirmative rebuttal: They read all these arguments about how we’re not political engagement. crude oil. The Monkey’s task.” it calls into question its viability at fostering disalienation and acknowledgment. While this serves West Georgia’s purpose of a “survival tactic. Within this strategy. Watts identifies this aspect of the signifyin(g) tradition as antithetical to the goal of fostering public voice. The judge 136 corresponds to the Elephant . Recognizing its viability as a successful debate strategy does not however guarantee its success at fostering resistance. then. however. and … psychological forces that shape Black culture. and debaters must have some shared ideas about the subject and/or the terms of their disagreements. why we cannot do both. is to trick the Lion into tangling with the Elephant.44 As a model of argument to foster black public voice and resistance. like Esu. who is represented as the Signifying Monkey. This explains why traditional teams are commonly upset when they lose to non-traditional strategies. signifyin(g) leaves negative essentialisms in place as it is content to trope the trope. he explains.I think the USFG should do something with…with energy. Their dissatisfaction stems not from losing the debate as much as not understanding the function of their opponent’s argument throughout the debate.

in the space of this public acknowledgment on the ethics and emotions of African American speech. This raises the question of whether the remaining judges voted in acknowledgment West Georgia’s ethical critique of normative debate or simply because they successfully tricked Harvard . it was clear that the ‘plan’ they provided met Harvard’s initial Framework interpretation. Thus. then it appears imperative that we do away with signifyin(g) as a method of argument .tricked into believing that no challenge to their authority accompanies such public performances. “voice” occurs. myself included. If it is true. … White Americans must note the stresses placed on public speech.47 In the context of the debate between West Georgia and Harvard. . it is difficult to separate their victory from the new advocacy text they provided at the beginning of their affirmative. they won largely in part because of the signifyin(g) act that began the affirmative. And so he asks black citizen singers to reflect on the rhetorical potentialities of speaking 141 unmasked and in the open. that privileged debaters must acknowledge the voices of marginalized people in order to challenge their unquestioned assumptions of whiteness. Despite the power of their advocacy which challenged traditional forms of debate requiring plan action. Du Bois understands that an overt form of public acknowledgment is required for the cultivation of a black public voice. as Wise posits. For the four individuals who determined West Georgia won the debate.

offering anodyne praise for the city’s officers. and Eric Garner on Staten Island have largely died down. as The Village Voice put it.B. What was it all for? What came of it? Where do we go from here ? First. as is often the case.Visibility Good Fugitivity is a bad strategy--. report.B.” Now the discouraging news. Andrew Cuomo’s proposal for an independent monitor in cases where grand juries fail to indict officers in the death of a civilian. collaborative relationships between local law enforcement and the communities they protect. In this month’s State of the City speech. The worry is that rapprochement may come to resemble appeasement. maybe break some ribs. charge that carries a maximum penalty of one year in prison and is often tossed out — to a felony Policy Solutions First Poetry is aesthetically valuable but doesn’t result in material change. range. “The number of felony suspects fatally shot by police last year — 461 — was the most in two decades. The issue of police-community relations was raised but not solved. This raised the hackles of many reform advocates. the president of the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association. and The task force has held listening sessions around the country. Mo. The Chicago Tribune reported that “U. the mayor skipped an opportunity to address the issue of the police and minorities communities. violent crimes including murders fell 4. amid the stillness.” Something about these numbers doesn’t add up.4 percent in 2013 to their lowest number since the 1970s. said. Blow“Beyond ‘Black Lives Matter’” New York Times Online FEB. such severe penalties for sometimes subjective or even dubious charges seem disproportionate and an attempt to chill dissent. The Ferguson Police Department last week began testing a “less lethal” device that attaches to an officer’s gun. the encouraging news. de Blasio hardly mentioned policing. Bratton has announced the creation of a separate police unit of roughly 500 patrol officers to handle temporary issues like large protests. The burden is to remain vigilant. but not kill him. raising an issue to the point where it can no longer be ignored is the grist for the policy mill..” The Huffington Post reported in November that in 2013. But in truth. which in part aims to “foster strong. This is what happens when a story fades from the headlines. there was no full resolution or reconciliation. In New York. 2015 The Black Lives Matter protesters took some criticism for what others viewed as a lack of clear focus and detailed agenda. 27 law enforcement officers “were killed as a result of felonious acts — the lowest such figure in more than 50 years of F. asking the Legislature to make assaulting a police officer at a public assembly a Class B felony. “When a bullet fired. According to a November USA Today report. has moved on to measles and back to the Islamic State’s medieval murder tactics. as is its wont. Those stories no longer command front page placement or lead the news. there is movement. The memory of mistrust still wafts through the air like the smell of rot being carried by the breeze. The immediacy of protests gives way to the glacial pace of policy. and Police Commissioner Bill Bratton seems to be going out of his way to reassure the department at the expense of future protests. Santa Clara University School of Law (Monica. In the same way that Occupy Wall Street forever elevated that concept of income inequality.B.” The White House has promoted the use of body cameras. The news machine. is holding round-table discussions.I. hungry for newness. reporting.According to The Washington Post.only public visibility and pressure on the government can improve black lives Blow 15 Charles M.I. but in the scrum of protests.” That month. “also called for enhanced penalties against protesters.I. and it will be interesting to see whether the protests and the heightened sensibilities they brought to the surface will affect these numbers in next year’s reporting. and Attorney General Eric Holder Jr. so that movement is in the right direction. President Obama signed an executive order establishing the Task Force on 21st Century Policing. Pat Lynch. Abandoning rights based frameworks is uniquely worse for women of color – the theory that informs fugitivity should be applied to developing policy solutions Evans 1993 – Assistant Professor of Law. the Black Lives Matter protesters have elevated the idea of inequity in policing as it relates to minority communities. after Mayor Bill de Blasio and the police union came to loggerheads. even among his supporters. He has resisted Gov. In December. According to BuzzFeed. Visibility and vocalization have value. continuing a decades-long downturn. the heat is dialed down and the eyes avert: In the silence. Protests following the grand jury decisions in the police killings of Michael Brown in Ferguson. the product’s makers said — even at close police departments across the country are considering their purchase and use. the F. according to a new F. And he proposed raising resisting arrest from a misdemeanor — a . it melded with an attached projectile the size of a Ping-Pong ball that flew with enough force to knock a person down. But. 9. which would carry a penalty of up to 25 years in prison. .S.” Few people support resisting arrest or assaulting officers.

is the "right" view of the rights dilemma? The arguments on both sides are compelling. or of us.the right to be left alone." n79 -. in her exploration of implicit patriarchal norms underlying tort law. The critique of individual rights has centered on a recognition that various communities experience the world in fundamentally different ways. 263) The critique of rights discourse explicitly and implicitly challenges the emphasis placed on individualism and autonomy as the appropriate model of the Brandeis conception of rights: That the individual shall have full protection in person and in property is a principle as old as the common law. difficult to recognize as a position deriving from and expressing local values rather than embodying a universal truth. n84 However. . I will focus on the atomistic view of rights discourse. n75 Some claim that rights set the individual against the community and provide the basis by which the individual may fend off and avoid her responsibilities to the world. we need to be able to fend Them off by reference to rights. it is the very definition of the enjoyment of life. not opposed to. -. Communities of color do not have that luxury. . n77 To the extent that the resources in question include money and property (including property interests in being white).where fraternity is a principle which recognizes the reality of community enjoyment and responsibility as a necessary co-partner of "liberty" -. are simultaneously drawn to apparently contradictory positions. rights discourse may perpetuate patriarchal orderings of legal rules that gain legitimacy by marginalizing other ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ even scholars of outsider jurisprudence constitute a multiplicity of voices.' just as it is connected with one's beliefs and values. n70¶ The primacy of individualism traditionally has been." n72 then justice occurs only to the extent that one's beliefs and values are legitimated. [*293] While I share many of the concerns both explicitly and implicitly present in this passage.L. in ¶ ¶ ¶ multiplicities of their experiences. The rights model.the sexual harasser. Yet they fail to acknowledge the limited range of options presented to Blacks in a context where they were deemed "other. while feminism emphasizes relationships. When They -. For the purposes of this discussion. OUTLAW CULTURE AND THE RHETORIC OF RIGHTS. Thus. communitarian concepts.the process by which the current social order is posited as naturally occurring. n71 If "the experience of justice is intimately connected with one's perceptions of 'fact. with its emphasis on individual autonomy. Rev. n86 In this passage.” 28 Harv. To some. individualism and self-interest. both the Lockean formula of "life. Clubwomen have constructed theories of rights in combination with. . "to be left alone" is not only a means to the enjoyment of life. and the difficulty that CLS has had posing an alternative to rights that is viable for subordinated communities. the police. n76 Critics of the rhetoric of individualistic [*290] autonomy assert that it teaches a person to jealously guard his rights to finite and shrinking resources from intrusion of outsiders.-C. Professor Robin West argues that women perceive and receive the world in ways profoundly different from men. L. . and property" broadened. Legal scholars offer several criticisms of rights. especially to women of color who. . Only those (for example. are white men associated with an elite profession. Professor Leslie Bender. C. limiting/redemptive role that rights play for subordinated communities. [Critical legal scholars] are correct in observing that engaging in rights discourse has helped to de-radicalize and co-opt the challenge. n85¶ [*292] The argument of the privileged position of rights critique may be characterized this way: rights may not be great. then. the prosecutor-inquisitor -. For instance. n80 In this Brandeis view. but they have also been the means by which oppressed groups have secured . abstract and acontextual vantage points. At this point. but that a man has a right to the distribution status quo. My concern with standard CLS disutility arguments. we ¶ ¶ . to a great degree. Multiple Consciousness and Outlaw Culture I argue for a reconceptualization of the rights/relationship discourse: clubwomen's practices suggest that rights are not necessarily premised on individualistic self-absorption or even self-interest as such. We'd better have some rights to fall back on. especially when the critique is advanced by Critical Legal Studies (CLS) scholars who. To respect and creatively respond to the complexities of these issues. is at the core of American liberalism and reflects what Mark Tushnet describes as a "legitimation" function -.come after us. . context. and not all the voices are committed to a departure from the rights model as the best means of legitimating subordinated communities. notes that "our legal system . is that they conflate concepts of rights.“STEALING AWAY: BLACK WOMEN. but it has been found necessary from time to time to define anew the exact nature and extent of such protection . my own dissatisfaction with CLS arguments regarding the disutility of rights does not replicate the Crenshaw or Delgado positions. the critique of rights speaks from a position of privilege even as it reveals the privileged position of traditional legal discourse. Gradually the scope of these legal rights "to life. . political and social orderings. Professor Crenshaw highlights the dilemma for black reformers posed by the dual. Must we relinquish reliance on individualism and rights in order to give expression to the core experiences of subordinated communities? Is it possible to develop a the jurisprudence that includes subordinated communities in the conversation on justice and still maintain a viable concept of rights? B." and the unlikelihood that specific demands for inclusion and equality would be heard if articulated in other terms. even if rights reflect only local values and not universally experienced truths. but when They come after us. Rights discourse. and factual particulars for resolving human problems. n78 critics claim that the rights model allows for the manipulation of legal rules to perpetuate and legitimate existing inequitable distributions of power and opportunity. Intersectionality.¶ Kimberle Crenshaw's work in law epistemologies and other ways of relating to the world. and now the right to life has come to mean the right to enjoy life. . n82 A related critique of atomistic rights rhetoric focuses on its origin in and expression of non-universal masculine values of abstraction and rationalism. the survival of their movement in the face of private and state repression . n74 The construction of legal rules and norms of justice that reflect and speak from womencentered or women-informed epistemologies may rest on values other than rights. equality and fraternity. liberty and the pursuit of happiness" (expressed by Brandeis as the enjoyment of life) rest upon and are conflated with the right to be left alone. . . liberty and property" [*291] and the Jeffersonian inalienable rights of "life. white male law professors at elite institutions) who least need rights in order to secure their existence have the luxury of abandoning rights as an organizing jurisprudential principle. one may well ask what is so wrong with rights. resolves problems through male inquiries formulated from distanced. as well as critiques of those arguments. individualism and autonomy. These disparities suggest that alternate epistemologies [*289] could provide the basis for alternate legal models.R. What. n81 This model leaves very little room for "fraternity" or for recognition of communal responsibility. talking that "relationship-and-interconnectedness" talk won't help much. n73 Scholarly discussions of essentialism and our own experiences (if we allow ourselves to trust our experiences) tell us that women of color perceive and receive the world quite differently from white women." n83 Viewed in this way. the child abuser. has devolved from the 18th century French model of "liberty. but they're all we've got. as it is practiced in American courts and in the larger society. Those concepts can and should be evaluated separately. The rights model posits that inequitable distributions are at worst lamentable. because it's a sure bet that the market will not take care of things. in which rights as the core principle of legal ordering perpetuates an atomistic and disconnected view of the world. liberty. They may have legitimated racial inequality. It's all well and good to talk about abstraction and atomism embedded in individualism. and continues to be. ¶ and legitimation posits:¶ Rights have been important.

. Jr. .can assist . outlaws are an appropriate and ¶ particularly helpful model of how to simultaneously hold on to rights and hold the nation to its promise of rights while using other. . although African-American women's experiences in communities have not been recognized as representing an alternate ethic of interconnectedness. The either/or paradigm does not serve the ultimate goal of creating a legal scheme that speaks from the experiences of all. said: We've come here today to cash a check. in defining the elements of justice. . . Martin Luther King.. . Dr. . Patricia Hill Collins notes that. outlaw culture does not abandon the concept of rights: outlaws still have a claim upon the legal system to the extent that the system is centered on the discourse of rights. [But] we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. Professor Matsuda suggests "[t]hat those who have experienced discrimination speak with a special voice to which we should listen.must first be willing to move away from the model of binary opposites. Therefore. Rather than adopting an ethic of care and relationships to replace rights as an organizing principle of jurisprudence. n91 He was urging the nation to honor its broken promise of constitutional rights to people of color. they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir ." n88 Looking to the communal activity of the clubwomen and their outlaw culture provides valuable insights into strategies for bringing an ethic of care and interconnectedness into political and legal discourse.adopting the perspective of those [*294] who have seen and felt the falsity of the liberal promise -. . Instead of honoring this sacred obligation. Martin Luther King. non-rights epistemologies for self-definition. n89 Looking to black women and outlaw scholarship as being win/lose. Looking to the bottom -. . n90 Outlaw culture is an extraordinarily complex but/and intersection of life outside the purview of law that still holds law to its promises. When the ¶ architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution . ¶ ¶ ¶ prove quite useful as a means of informing our understanding of rights and relationships. America has given the Negro people a bad check . Characterizing the rights question as a dilemma reinforces the relationship to law and legal n87 Appreciation of the complex relationship of rights and voice suggests that a but/and rather than an either/or approach would better serve. Women in outlaw culture have also built a rich life in the absence of rights. . Jr.¶ Outlaw culture involves the practice of shifting in culture would and out of identities. black women's day-to-day actions in fact construct a community based on a care ethic. Like Dr. I propose that scholars turn to those women and communities of women who embody an outlaw culture as a source of guidance for constructing lives at the margins of rights. He was saying that a promise [*295] broken is still a promise. .

For women. is the subject of a new study published in the journal Health Affairs. the study's lead author. The gap. meaning that the discrepancy between life expectancies of whites and blacks actually got worse. which is a good thing.5 years longer than black women. in particular. the gap increased by 1. Although overall life expectancies for both blacks and whites increased in all> Aug.1 years for women. "We've known for the past couple of years that the nationwide gap in life expectancy between blacks and whites has been going down. In men." said Sam Harper of McGill University in Montreal. Wisconsin was the only state in which the gap showed a statistically significant increase.1 years longer than black men. known as the life expectancy gap. has been closing over expectancy gap is decreasing Connover 14 Emily Conover “Life expectancy gap between blacks and whites improves — but not in Wisconsin” Journal Sentinel < http://www. the first year of data the scientists studied. This difference in life expectancy between blacks and whites. this gap had shrunk to 5.6 years off their life expectancy gap for men. the study shows. New York. and 3.S. Twenty years later. the data was consistent with no change in the gap. American life is improving for black people---. and white women lived 5.Black Life Improving Death is not the same threat that it used to be. shaving 5. 4. Black Americans. white men in the U. lived on average 8. on average.8 years for women. do not live as long as white Americans. .jsonline. particularly for women. But the scientists wanted to know how these trends played out when separated by states .6 years. the scientists found that different states were performing differently in reducing the discrepancy between white and black life expectancies. outperformed the other states. In 1990. are lagging in comparison to other states. 2014 The discrepancy in life expectancy between black and white Americans is improving — but not in Wisconsin. but Midwestern states. and Wisconsin in particular. Wisconsin is the only state in which the life expectancy gap between blacks and whites has grown significantly. according to research published Monday.4 years for men and 3. But we didn't know at all how specific states had been doing.