You are on page 1of 10




housing and architecture. improved quality of life for citizens and global environmental responsibilities. and emphasis on contemporary relevance and the application of theory to advance planning practice. national and local levels. in both cases characterised by: an international approach. These pressures are often contradictory and create difficult dilemmas for policy-makers.(t~f. In these changing circumstances. the private seClor and non-go\·ernmental organisations in discussions o\'er the role of planning in relation to the environment and cities. in many different organisations. Cities are today faced with new pressures for economic competitiveness. greater accountability and participation. They ha\'e had to engage with actors in go\'ernment. There have been major changes across the globe. especially in the context of fiscal austerity. New relationships are developing between the levels of state aClivity and between public and private sectors as different interests respond to the new conditions. The intention of the Planning. The momentum for this has been maintained by continued action at international. A new emironmental agenda emerged from me Brundtland Repon and the Rio Earth Summit prioritising the goal of sustainable devel· opmcnt. Cilies series is to explore the changing halUre of planning and contribute to the debate about its future. from many backgrounds. Economic processes have become increasingly globalized and new spatial patterns of economic activity have emerged. Environment. planners. public and social administration. as well as in politics. not just changing admjnisu-ations in vaJ. hare come to re-evaluate their work. .es Editors: Yvonne Rydin and Andrew Thornley The context in which planning operates has changed dramatically in recent years.ous countries but also the sweeping away of old ideologies and the tentative emergence of new ones.rtf! PLANNING· [NYI RON H[HT •(111[\ SCI. geography and urban studies. extensi\'e lise of case studies. The series is primarily aimed at students and practitioners of planning and such related professions as estate management. It comprises both general texts and books designed to make a more particular contribution.

Planning G PalSY Heale yan d A ngela Hull WIth Davoudi .Collaborative Planning Shaping Places in Fragmented Societies Se ri es Edi to rs: Yvo nn e Rydin and Andrew Tho rnley Published Second Edition Planning Philip Allme Theory ndinge r PalSY H ealey Collahorative Planning (2nd edn) Pe te r . Plmming and Landscape Yvo nn e Rydin Urban and Environmental Planning in lbe UK (2nd edn) GeoffVigar.Newman and And rew Tho rn ley Planrung World Cities Michae l O xley EcononUcs. ovemance and Spatial Strategy in Britain Forthcoming Ruth Finche r and Kurt Iveso n Planning for Difference. Planning and Housing Patsy Healey Department of Town and Count. . Diversity and En counter T ed J{j tchen Skills for Planning Practice OtlU!T tilies planned include Introduction to Planning Urban Design 21st-Century Planning palgrave rracrrll In .y Planning University of Newcastle upon Tyne School of Architecture. SlInin .

Traditions of planning tho ught The origins of planning Three planning traditions The interpre tive. communicative turn in planning thro~ 7 7 10 W 2. Spatial planning systems and practices Spatial planning: from regu lating land use rig hts to managing spatial organisation Spatial and e nvironmental planning systems Spatial and environmental planning as a social process vii 72 72 75 83 .Contents x Lisl oj Figures Prefau to the Second edition XI Preface to the First edition Acknowledgements PART I xii xvi TOWARDS AN INSTITUTIONALIST ACCOUNT AN D COMMUNICATIVE THEORY O F PLANNING Introduction 3 I. Ao institutio nalist approach to spatial change and environmental planning The challe nge Beyond 'structure' and 'science' 31 31 35 Modernity and the poslll1odern ' turn' 38 Transforming mode rnity: Giddens and Habermas An instiLUtionalist approach Cultural em bedd edness A normati\'c viewpoint 43 55 62 68 3.

CoUaborative planning: a contested practice in evolution Introduction The intentions of the book The contributions of the book Developments in as politics and tee IlIque trategy-ma . Living in the natural world The environmentalist challenge Conceptions o f the environment in spatial planning Debates in con temporary environmental policy The environmental debate and spatial planning The transfonnative power of the new environmentalism PART ill 91 9 95 99 103 112 119 122 126 131 13 1 136 144 15 1 156 160 164 169 175 186 193 PROCESSES FOR COLlABORATIVE PlANNING lntroduction 199 7. democratic governance Rigl1l5 and duties Resources Criteria for redeeming challenges Governance competences . Emergent practices of collaborauve gov~rnance. 8. A proaches to systemiC lI1. Str3 te ~. T~e parameters of systemIC msutuuonaJ deSign fOl participative. An e"ohing understanding of the planlllng project 315 315 3 17 321 Bibliography 339 Indtx 362 324 330 336 . .lUu~n~1 deSign . Building institutionaJ capacity through collaborauve planning IX 243 243 248 263 268 281 284 284 288 295 30 1 304 306 310 10.titutional design for collaborative planning 9. Planning and governance Government and governance Politics. networks and lifestyles The power relations of social life Social diversity and social polarisation Community and everyday life Social life and local environmenLS 5. policy and planning Forms and styles of go\'ernance E\'o lving forms of governance The u-ansformation of governance 205 205 211 219 231 239 processes and plans ". land and property Spatial planning and economic life \Vhat is a local economy? Local econom ies. ~ Quesllons or the institutional deSign of strategy-ma mg activity . Systemic iDS · f aming and framing the instance SystemiC r . " through incluslOnary argumentauon Strategy·rna k mg . . land and property markets and planning regulation Local economic development strategies and spatial planning Land and property markets and land use regulation Local governance and local economies: a pro-active role 6..viii Contents THE CHANGING DYNAMICS OF URBAN REGIONS Introduction Contents PART II 4. Everyday life and local environments The relations of socia l life People and househo lds Identities. .es. Local economies. · k·..institutionalist' therorising about go\'ernance . . idealism to 'common sense From ra d ·cal I · . g as generating strategic conVlClion Plannm h .

We e mpathise with the th rea ts to peoples and species across th e g lo be. a nd th e subject o f o ur ho pes fo r effective community regu la ti o n . they are loaded wi th respo nsibilities fo r safeguarding en viro nmental qua li ties a nd pro tec tin g people 's ilHeresLS.Introduction In western societies th ese d ays.that is. settle ments and ne ig hbo u rhoods where we li ve and wo rk and whe re we ccrexiSl with each Olh er and o ther species . to protect endangered species and preve nt glo bal po llutio n . Giddens. o\'er wh ic h we ha\'e limi ted co ntro l ( Beck. They fo rm a substantial part of th e age nd as o f local newspapers. we are kee nl y aware o f the q ualities of our enviro nm e n ts. and o f d aily co nversation . At the supra-natio nal and g lo bal scale. It is reinforced by th e se nse th a t we live in wo rlds of mul tiple forces . this pe rception helps to mobilise th e ac tivi ti es of glo bal press ure gro ups. the regio ns. 1990). At the level of locality .multipl e conflic ts ove r cha nges to local em'ironmenLS are critical preocc upations of local social and po litical life. \Ve puzzle ovc r ho w to m anage Ollf Co-exislc nce in shared spaces. have th e ir powe r and justifi cati o n in th e role they p lay in he lping t he poli ti cal comm u nities o f places work out how to manage the ir collective co nce rn s a bout 3 . radio and televisio n programmes. a t th e same tim e. This a n xie ty partly arises beca use we kn ow so muc h about what is happening all o. Pla nn e rs a re attacked a t diffe re nt times fo r allowing so methin g to happe n o r fo r stopping it. Pla nnin g systems and praClices. ' '''e al'e concern e d about changes to the local wo rlds in wh ic h we a nd o ur childre n spe nd our daily lives. We worry a bo ut pla ne tary cond itio ns and g lobal slistaina bi lity. 1992.'e r th e place in o ur kn owled ge-ric h worlds. Spatial and environme n ta l plannin g syste ms a re a t th e hean o f these local concerns. sLich as Greenpeace a nd th e \<"o rldwid e Fund fo r alU re. The fi gure o f 'the plann e r ' is bo th a n o bject of blame and hostili ty. howeve r mu ch th ey may become rouunised in to u nquestioned p rocedures.

Healey. As a result. there is a new interest in the sU'ategic role of spatial planning systems (CEC. Hall. the diversity o. It is being given added force by the economic recognition of the role of the qualities of places in promoting economic co mpetitiveness in tra ns-national and global contexts (see Chapter 5)_ Global considerations are promoting greater concern with the qualities of localiti es.Iog)'. that the state could assume. It demands a territorial and spatial perspective. through which societies develop ways of managing their common affa irs. and exploit and trample over biospheric systems.sociology. ~he institutional approach emphasises the range of Slakes which people have in local environments.f . It offers a way of mobilising for change through collective effo rts in transforming ways of thinking. ecology_ It chall enges the organisation of government programmes into functional sectors. and takes as a normati"e position an ethical commitmenlLO enabling all stakeholders to have a voice. Low. This arises partly as a result of o ur environmental concerns. drawing P ap . place and biosphere are generated. as will be discussed in Chapter 6. Part I of the book sets the background ror these new ideas by reviewing the main lines of debate in planning thought. This book addresses this challenge. and. -ent thinking about public pollcy_ cU~his sets a new challenge for the design of instituti o nal mechanisms rnrough which political commun ities ca~ address their common problems about the management of enVIronmental change in localities. conlras t to the current interest in the combmatlon of fleXible and regulaton' governance which permeates much ena bl 109 ' _. It introduces the institutionalist and communicative positions and some of its uleoretical u nderpi nnin gs and antecedents. The understanding and practice of planning is thus at the interlocking of the study of the dynamics of urban and regional change and the study and normati\'e practice of governance. McDougall and Thomas (eds). . economic policy. Motte and Needham.regJOna I eco n o miCS . Boyer. The commun icative approach both offers a way fonvard in the design of governance processes for a shared~power world (Bryson and Crosby. politics. m 'conti 0 . This commitment is reflected in the use of 'we' in this book.4 Institutionalist Account and Communicative Theory' of Planning the qualities of shared spaces and local en\' n c~. in Europe at least. or processes of governance. It req~lires new ways of un. of places and regions. and with the political processes. Motte (ed _). as people in our planet. It thus presents a way forward in realising the practical meaning of participatory democracy in pluralist societies. ed ucation po licy or environmental protection policy. 1982. It develops a commu_nicativeap~roac h to the design of governance systems and practices. 1 _ I' spatial organisation and the location of de\'e opm ent. this new interest needs LO be accompa nied by new understandings and practices. the design of planning s)'st~ms a~ld planning practices. Any evaluation and critique of their role needs LO engage with understanding of the social processes through which concerns about space.. through which to perceive how the different activities we engage in as we go about our daily lives or conduct o ur businesses 'bump up' against each other. such as social welfare policy. 1991)_ It comes up against powerful intellectual forces. 1983. 1988.s of fostering collaborati\'e. This territorial and spatial perspective has a new salience in the contemporary world. It makes VISible and explains the dimensions of that diversity and helps to reveal the way power relations enter the finegrain of practices. 1994. 1995)_ However. 1992). 1996. It develops an mslliulLOnabst roach LO understa ndin g urban and regional change. Khakee. on recent de\'elop ments III This focuses on the social relations through which daily life and business organisation are conducted. consensus-building practices. structuring the public policy game and inh ibiting the assertio n of many stakes.ways we have of asserting claims for policy attention. geography. The hisLOry of contemporary planning ideas and practices shows just how difficult it has been both to conceptualise this terrain and to develop organisation al mechanisms to address it (Hea ley. 1987. The planning systems in place across most westel-n co untries were designed with conceptio ns of integrated and self-contained local economies and societies in d SOCIO . which segment our understanding into disciplinary fields . not the open and globally-reach ing relationships whic h characterise much of today's local economies and social life. Friedmann. focuslllg on wa). a nd reviews . . economics. that is. T hey Introduction 5 'take charge' and d in Europe atieast. to indicate situations and dilemmas we all share. and the way social and biospheric relations interweave.derstandmg wllh which to grasp the dynamiCs of urban and regional change and new ways of thinking abo ut the instituti o nal design o~ go~'en.

This chapte r reviews th e traditions of planning thought. forma l institutional practice. scientific knowledge and . The objective is firstly. increasingly. 10 introduce the new communicative planning theory as a foundation for a form of collaborative planning.ideas to play with and develop. against which critiques are developed and new ways of thinking brought fonvard. Pan II develops an institutionalist perspective on everyday life. or through reflecting on the field. Pan III focuses on governance processes and the challenge of institutional design for collaborative planning. the soft infrastnulure of practices for developing and maintaining particular strategies in speCific places. either through what they do. and the hard infrastructure of the rules and resources of policy systems. recipes and techniques for understanding and acting. Thus. bui lt up through a mixture of evangelism. 1 Traditions of Planning Thought The origins of planning Every field of endeavour has its history of ideas and practices a nd its traditions of debate. This 'store' provides advice. proverbs. These act as a store of experience . Throughout. upon whic h new approaches can build. which those within the field can draw upon in developing their own contributions. as a kind of 'ground-<:Iearing' exercise. and is only now beginning to escape. and inspiration . It argues for attention at two le. to identify those elements of the tradition which provide resources upon which a transformation of planning thought can build. such a store provides intellectual reso urces. It may also act as a foil. the business world and the biosphere. metaphors and arguments. the discussion proceeds by locating issues in previous approaches. academic development. to emphasise what needs to be discarded if the transformation is to be effective. secondly. but at the same time pointing o ut continuities an d resources in earlier ideas. It represents a continual effort to interrelate conceptions of the quali ties and social dynamics of places with notions of th e social processes 7 . The planning tradition itself has generally bee n 'trapped' inside a modernist instrume ntal ratio naJism for many years. focusing on their development in a Euro pean and American context. and thirdly.6 InstitutionaList Account and Communicative Themy of PLanning spatial planning as a 'field ' of public policy. But it may also act as a constraint on intellectual innovation. to clear out conce ptions which have little place in the new approaches. by locking perceptions and understandings into particu lar moulds which are difficu lt to discard. The planning tradition is a curious one. of myths.·els.

and a role in mainLaining the way cities function and governance works (Friedmann. k' nO\\'I1 as democratic states. . . pednothe marriage of science and individual freedom to industry d . 1972. They were a t the vanguard of a transforming effort (Boyer. This emphasises planning as the management of a product. 1940). 1987). in logical and systematic ways. of land a nd property rights and the provision of urban services. displacing autocratic states across westcrn SOCI. as knowing subjects wi th righLS and responsibilities. thro ug h European city-slates. the inteHectual sea change which we now labe l in the history of Western thought as th e 'En lightenment' (Hall an d Gieben. after the horrendous experiences of war and of the economic depression before it. Students of planning are sti ll sometimes taught a history of urban form. se IftheIr I ·· ·Slglll I icantIy slape I d . . environmental pollution and periodic collapse in market processes.. Scientific knowledge could provide an objective basis for idcntifying present problems and predicting future possibilities. as opposed to the .·ndividual franch ise. in science. Enlightenment thinke rs argued for the importance of eI . the culturc of planning as it has evolved in the past century is rooted in a much broader philosophical and social transformation. Their successors. political an d economic context. philosophy and econom ics. . . 1983. or to the power of the big capitalist companies. . a who le body of ideas seemed to develop together. building the welfare states which would deli\'er a reasonable quality of life to the majority of citizens. I ·111 d··d t Ile rig liS f 0 IVI ua Is to pursue on . po hu_ca Contemporary western concepnons of democracy. Davies. upheld by a religious preoccupation with the inner life (Sennet. though there \\'ere intermittent periods of totalitarian eues. This body of thought emphasised the value of scientific knowledge. 1961). Towards the end of the eighteenth century. more efficient and effecti\'e order to . It is this intellect~al movement which these days we refer to as the project of modernIty (see Chapter 2). 1990). Impartial reason could be used as the measure of just actions (Young.8 Tradilions oJ Planning Thought Institutionalist Account and Communicative Theory of Planning of 'shaping places' through the articulation and implemenLation of policies.-e seems slight. argu ments began to build up in favour of planning the trajectol1' of the future. The complexity of the political and economic processes whICh resulted. based the ume. from the Greeks and Romans. The systematic planning of economies. the irrationalities of market processes and of political dictatorships could be replaced with a new rationality. 1991). Ravetz. in the broad· est sense of the management of organisation of space. They stressed th e value of an open environment for business and commerce. 1973. The key resource for this project of planning was seen as scientific knowledge and instrumental rationa li ty. . with their mi xture of positive advances in terms of wealth generation and the spread of benefits combined with gr~ss social inequalities. a deliberate opposition to religious dogma and monarchial attitudes. However. . led to a growing in terest in the management of the social-spatial relations unfolding within states and cities. for as long as they have existed. within which room for lransformati\'e manoeu· v. . and livelihoods. It also witnessed tlle rise of . regimes.thI·\. it osci llates in its emphases between a radical. the physical shape and form. systematic exclusions (of class. T his leads lO an ambiguous relation to the social context of planning work. . as against power through the 'divi ne right' of kings an d barons. to tlle present industrial and post-industrial metropolis (Mumford. transformative inten· Lion. 1992). the l ndusu-ial RevolutIon. Planners in Europe in the 1940s and 1950s saw themselves as being a t the forefront of a transforming effort. empirical inquiry and acti ng in the world to impro\'c it.111 t h·IS . 1992). Faced by these dynamic and contradictol1' forces. ratller than being perpetually vulnerable to the vo latility of markets. ted economic organ · lsallon were Intcres . . thc morphology and spatial organisation of the urban region. nmerce came the great surge 0 f·1I1vennon an d expanSIOn an d c Ol ' . 9 I nlanagement of the empires and city-states of Europe at . as Karl Mannheim put it (Mannheim. ethlllcity and race). 1980). It offered a 'transformative mechanism' with which to change and maintain a new. Instru mental rationality focused on relating m~ans (how to do things) to ends (what co uld be achieved). and the primacy of pro Ii t-see k··mg. often feel themselves operat· ing within a complex and often uncomfortable. Out of thIS chmate of thought. gender. d (Hall and Gieben. Cities ha\'e been planned in one way or a notller. In this way. in contrast. planning as the 'rational mastcl1' of the irrational'. of cities and of neighbourhoods thus became a growing preoccupation of national and local governments faced with the burgeoning problems generated by dynamic and often \'o latile economic and political conditions. As John Friedmann has rcpeatedly poilHed out.

or service industries. was preoccupIed 'th b failures of capitalistic m k WI oth th e eco n o mic and th ' . 1933. Those who criticise planning still often have this model of planning in mind. IllIua y. .. came to power. exp IClt goals set for i:. In practice. W Ie 1 promotes health IlICnce and beauty in urban ' • economy. p anne social order. Further. . TIIe interest in teo ar. and was informed by a e recovery of human dign ity. DUg 1 which economic planning whl"ch' IS mh e ntan ce. state LOO sho be managed by local commullllles. Kee ble. materialist and rational' p anlll~g IS a VIVId expression of the TI 1St conceptIon of a I d Ie processes of production and d' . 'th ' . Co-ordination in space was su bordinated LO rela Lively independent development programmes of the different natio nal ministries. . inspired by simi lar ideas of class struggle. Karl Marx ' d eve Iopment driven by th C''... ' . a fair distribution of the . th • e to SOcia l The second strand is t~~~of ~h~:ework of a 'welfare developlllent of towns h " I anagement of the P'''Y'''cal . such a concen tratio n of economic and political po wer at the apex of a national system not only encouraged forms of governance unrespo nsive to people's needs. e t hird IS II • PU bllC' administration and oli . ~ ~lIm ately. . for benefir. secondaryand tertiary. was to replace the marketplace and the processes of lIa niftsto. . \V IlIe h together would f. m o p a nnin g . centralised 'command and control' planning was in creasingly dis· credited. whic h aims to ac hieve cJency III meeu ng I" pu b lic agencies. n ~an. His bsefve II he 0" ' ulated as a political programme in th e Communist er arllc ans\~. ulIlg growth . The first is that • alJns to manag I o f nations a nd regio I ' . e Lle prOdUCLive Is for f I M ann h e im h ad prim ns. o nance t .. 1St e ntrepreneurs to markets b I ' .conomic planning The tradition of economic I . usually based on a conve ntional division between primary. capitalist production processes we re replaced with centralised planning an d programming by the state. \. In theory. powe u because it b' d percepUon with intellectual h com me empirical deeply humanitarian concenl ~~. e stnvmg of capi tar max Im ise profits in c . . Three planning traditions The cUlture of spatial pi " " . Adams 1994) Thsettmgs " (Abercrombie. er:laprocesses . Marx argued that breark t S representing labo ur sh ou Id engage III ' •c Iass stru gg Ie ' lhe lorce .. with indi\·idual enterprises driven by ce ntrally-established produc tion targets rather than the drive for profitability. .mlge "" . ' lC managemen 1 P both effectiven ess and effi . II " P "ch was run by the people. ~I arx's political strategy underplllned the commulllst pohucal mO\'ement. which gained e normo us leve rage in the early part of the twentieth century as labour move ments across th e wo rld stru g· led to improve work in g co nditions. processes ofproductio d' 'b exc h ange was immensely IT I n. tc ing.s 0 f IIldustrial .iLh th e objective of taking con ~rol of the s~te. 1952.. and. cy ~nalyslS•. nomIc p nnmg arose i fi cntique of the processes of ind . Traditions of Planning 7/!Oug"t II cked and degraded by the production processes I' h he saW a tta "lie d' 1 Il'llleteenth-century England (Kitchin g. 1988). representing economic sectors. But where communist . It also provided man y opportunities for corrupt practice (Bicanic. . Economic activity was typically seen to consist of a number of production sectors. elr SOCial costs. .'I 1' IS th .I0 Institutionalist A CCOunt and Co """' mmumcatwe 71leory 0' Plan " ~ nzng the management of urban regions and to " generally" economic m'. to e nsure efficient prod ' Istnbutlo n had to be plan ned uc tJon and con tin . . .!'ng ompetHJVe re C" y exp o ltmg people's ( Iddens 1987 Ki h ' Sources H IS analys is of capitalist . d e mocra· tic practice a nd social welfa re. In the economic arena. d " b cen woven together 0 tannmgasilhasa f h rnve In Our times u 0 1 fee strands of th h grown up in the co ntext of th'. and the original Marxist idea of withering away was forgotten. " . an y III mmd link d . building up an adeq uaLe knowledge base at the centre proved enduringly difficult and the logic of effective and efficient production quickly gOt replaced by a ' politi cs of meeting targets'. and III order to sVslem \~f h I he power of capitalists on governance. they tended to reinforce the state. the uld wither away. some protagonists of eco no mic I . As a result. from the point of view of economic efficiency. 1988). leavlllg economiC acuvIlY and gover. production targets were to be infonl'led by scientific researc h and tec hni cal understanding.egimes or socialist regimes. rOm a general mounted a d evas tating atta k ustnal capitalism.s of growth It P an~ lIlg. . 1967). IStn ution and . driven by capitahsuc compeuuon WI a governance roducuon . Ia bOur and d es tro).on the social cosr.~nce. .