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The Fia And The Established Sporting Governing Bodies Management Essay

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Ever since the replacement of post modernity with globalisation as the predominant
social theory (T. Miller et al, 2001), academics of sport have taken an interest on
International Sport Governing bodies and their role in an era where, (according to the
hyperglobalist tradition at least (D. Held et all, 1999), nation states and their institutions
are going into decline. The two most commonly mentioned (and researched)
International Sport Institutions are FIFA ( J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson 1999, J. Sugden
and A. Tomlinson 2003), (the International Federation of Football Associations) and the
IOC (the International Olympic Committee), (M. Roche, 2000). These are the respective
governing bodies of football and the Olympic Games worldwide, and subsequently
responsible of staging the world's two most popular sporting events; the FIFA World
Cup and the Olympic Games. This essay will attempt to investigate in what extent does a
slightly different sport, motor racing (through its most popular discipline, F1 GP racing),
complies with the trademarks in world sport organisation set by the aforementioned
institutions. For this purpose, I have opted to compare the structure of FIFA and the
FIA (Federation Internationale de l' Automobile), as well as the two sports (from their
league structure point of view mainly),. Before that, however, I have decided to outline
some of the characteristics of motor sport, which make it defer from mainstream bodily'
sports, as well as clarify some definitions and terminology that is widely used to describe
it. Moreover, I have seeked to make a comparison between the two individuals that
transformed these two organisations into what they are today: Dr Joao Havelange and
Bernie Ecclestone.

The role of these individuals within the structures of the Fedrations will be examined,
taking into account the existing theories concerning agency, which try to understand the
role individuals can play in a social system. Specifically, the essay will focus on the
impact Havelange (as FIFA president from 1974-1998) and Ecclestone (as F1's

commercial rights' holder) had in what Miller refers to as Televisualisation (Miller et

all, op. cit. p. 4)' of sport.
Televisualisation, along with Commodification (ibid, p. 4), will be further discussed, as
they were the key factors that resulted in the economic growth of both FIFA and FIA, by
being the marketing tools for boosting the image of football and motor racing
worldwide. As a conclusion, some thoughts about the commercial future of Formula One
will be outlined, mostly influenced by Sugden and Tomlinson's thoughts on the future of
FIFA (J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson 2005).
Unfortunately, due to the relative lack of scholarly sources on motor racing, historical
information has been gathered mostly from journalistic sources, with every attempt
made to ensure these are credible ones. The same applies to information acquired from
the World Wide Web, where only established sites (such as the FIA official site, the
Financial Times and the European Union) have been used. Finally, as most of the
original notes for this essay had been in Greek, I have used the Oxford Greek-English
Learner's Dictionary as a reference (D. N. Stavropoulos, 2004).

The nature of Motor Sport

Due to its peculiarities, motor sport is not a popular participant sport, unlike football.
Whereas football is easy to play, requiring minimum equipment such as a ball and two
posts, and can take any place in any open space, motor sport is centred around such a
sophisticated equipment as a racing car, which is very expensive to purchase and run,
and it is restricted to specifically designed race tracks. Many consider it not to be a
proper' sport; First, because a driver's ability is compromised by the competitiveness of
his or her equipment, and therefore not always the most capable can challenge for
victory, if they are not well-equipped. Secondly, because mainstream sport in most cases
involves an athlete physically using his/her body to perform. A person sitting on a car is
not considered as a true athlete, although in the higher disciplines, such as F1, a driver
has to endure lateral forces of up to 4g for approximately 1 and a half hour (the average
duration of a GP race), and at the same time being completely concentrated in order to
achieve consecutive laps with accuracy of tenths of a second. Motor Sport has various
disciplines, which, unlike many other sports, are available for representatives of both
genders to participate in and compete against each other. The motor sport discipline
whose structure will be compared to football will be Formula One, for many the highest

echelon of motor racing (Table 1). More specifically, with Formula One' we refer to the
Formula One World Championship, which is regulated by the FIA.

Racing Type

Power Output (in bhp)

Champ Car


Formula 1


F1 equivalency Formula


Indy Racing League


Grand Prix Masters






Table 1: (Power outputs of racing categories (F1Racing magazine 2006)

What is Formula One
The name Formula One' was only introduced in 1947 when racing activities resumed
after the 2nd World War. Formula 1 was actually a code used to identify the technical
regulations under which grand prix cars should be run at the races. Formula 1 racing
began in 1947 therefore, although only in 1950 was a World Championship for Formula
one cars organised (A. Cimarosti). However, F1 as a discipline exists in other sports as
well, for example powerboating.

What is a Grand Prix

The first Grand Prix' (grand prize) for automobiles was organised as such for the first
time in 1906 by the AFC (Automobile Club de France) (ibid). Ever since it has become
almost synonymous with big motor sport events, and with Formula One since the
inception of the World Championship in 1950. The term Grand Prix though is also used
in other sports, such as motorcycle racing and some IAAF meetings.

Ownership of Formula One - the FIA

The FIA owns the name Formula One World Championship'(www. 2006). In
their website the FIA describe themselves as a non-profit making association
( 2006)' who, since it's birth in
1904, (it) has been dedicated to representing the interests of motor organisations and
motor car users throughout the world. It is also the governing body of motor sport
worldwide' (ibid). Today it consists of 213 national motoring organisations from 125
countries (, 2006). We should
bear in mind that unlike for example FIFA, which only has authority over football, the
FIA is responsible for all the types of car racing (rallying, racing, hill climbing etc), but
that does not include motorcycle racing, which is the responsibility of the FIM
(Federation International of Motorcycle).

The date of its foundation suggests it was conceived during a time when, according to
Miller again, it was Europe's high point for setting in place the global governance of
sport. Miller points out that most of the world's governing bodies were founded after the
proclamation of the Olympic movement at the turn of the century; he also goes on to
mention the establishment of equivalents for football, cricket, athletics and tennis (T.
Miller et al, op. cit. p. 10 ). However, one of the peculiarities of the FIA is that it is not
entirely a sporting body (see Table 2).
FIA General Assembly
FIA President
Deputy President FIA Senate Deputy President
(Mobility and Automobile) (Sport)

World Council for Mobility and the Automobile World Motor Sport Council
Mobility and Automobile Commissions Sporting Commissions
International Court of appeal

Table 2. The structure of the FIA (, 2006 ).
Instead, the FIA consists of the World council for Mobility and the Automobile, and the
World Motor Sport council. The World Motor Sport Council is the world governing body
of the FIA Formula One World Championship. This is the sporting branch of the FIA
under whose jurisdiction come all forms of international motor sport involving land
vehicles with four or more wheels'. Of significant importance is the existence of the FIA
International Court of Appeal, which is the final appeal tribunal for international motor
sport. (...)Iit resolves disputes brought before it by any motor sport's National Sporting
Authorities worldwide, or by the President of the FIA. It can also settle non-sporting
disputes brought by national motor racing organisations affiliated to the FIA'
(, 2006).
The existence of the International Court of Appeal within the FIA structure points out to
what Ken Foster refers to private justice' among global sporting organisations. He
argues that the intent [...] is to create a zone of private justice within the sporting field
of regulation that excludes judicial supervision or intervention with the decision-making
process of international sporting federations. It denies athletes -[and teams]- access to
national courts and leaves them dependent on the arbitrary justice of the international
sporting federation themselves. Athletes can claim redress only from an arbitration
panel created and appointed by the international sporting federation itself [...], (K.
Foster, 2005). It appears that the FIA has followed FIFA's and the IOC's example, in
taking advantage of the difficulties of monitoring INGOs. Foster underlines that states
are unwilling or incapable of challenging the power of international sporting
federations[...] (ibid. p.68). In addition, he points out alternative ways of avoiding legal
scrutiny' by making it compulsory in their rules that disputes go only to private
arbitration, and by asking athletes to sign agreements not tot take legal action against
international sporting federations'(ibid. p.69). Indeed, according to Allison, [modern
sport] has developed highly autonomous international organisations (...)' (L. Allison and
T Monnington, 2005).
In the same text, Foster has previously commented on the general attitude of powerful
sporting bodies: Historically, sport has been governed by management structures that
were hierarchical and authoritarian. Their ideology, and often their legal form, was that

of a private club (...). The commercialisation, and the later commodification [which will
be discussed later on this essay] of sport put pressure on their legal form. Private clubs
began to exercise significant economic power over sport. (...). International sporting
bodies, as federations of national associations, in turn organised global sport. (...) the
need for due process in decision-making and the need to prevent abuses of dominant
power within the sport were two important consequences of this [the] legal intervention
(K Foster, in Allison, 2005).
So far it appears that the FIA is complying with the models of regulation of FIFA and the
IOC in certain aspects, such as being an International Non-Government- Organisation
(INGO). But, because of its very nature, the motor sport governing body does not
entirely follow FIFA's and the IOC's patterns. For example, Sugden and Tomlinson
(again), argue that drawing upon Archer's classification of types of international
organisations, (C. Archer, 1992), (...) since its foundation in 1904, FIFA has transformed
itself from and INGO (International Non-Government- Organisation) into a BINGO
(Business International Non-Government Organisation (...), (J Sugden and A
Tomlinson, 2005). They go on to comment that FIFA's reason for existence has been
increasingly profit-driven (...) and has become a leading example of the
professionalisation and commercialisation of modern sport (...), (Ibid. p.27). From a
capitalistic point of view, one would assume that it would be normal for every
organisation to seek profit. Sugden and Tomlinson, though, observe that such
commercial activity coming from INGOs is illegal, and refer to Morozov's claim: As
Morozov states, the aims and activities of an international organisation must be in
keeping with the universally accepted principles of international law embodied in the
charter of the United Nations and must not have a commercial character or pursue
profit-making aims, ( G. Morozov, (1997).

( However, the FIA cannot be considered to belong in the category of INGOs becoming
BINGOs. Like FIFA and the IOC, it has opted to locate its corresponding offices in
Switzerland ( .html, 2006), something which, as Sugden
and Tomlinson point out, underlines [FIFA's] political and fiscal autonomy (and
unaccountability), ( J Sugden and A Tomlinson, 1998); but it has not directly benefited
economically by promoting the Formula One World Championship.

Although it states that part of its resources shall be derived from income arising directly
or indirectly from sporting activities, including the FIA champions
(, 2006), hips, it cannot benefit directly from
exploiting Formula One's and other FIA championships' commercial rights. Foster,
again, gives a detailed account of how the case of motor sport became a unique example
of governmental intrusion into a global sporting body's self-regulation, ( K Foster, in
Allison 2005). According to a European Commission principal, a governing body of
sport needs to separate its regulation of the sport from its commercial activities in
promoting events and in maximising their commercial value; a governing body must not
use its regulatory functions improperly to exclude its commercial rivals from the sport
(Official European Journal, 13/06/01, Cases COMP/35.163: COMP/36.638;
COMP/36.776. GTR/FIA & others, 2005). It is suggested that FIA used its monopoly
position by the threat of imposing sanctions to drivers, circuits, teams and promoters
who wouldn't grant them exclusivity, thus rendering them unable to compete in rival
series. Moreover, broadcasters who televised rival events were given least favourable
agreements (K Foster in Allison, 2005).
The result of the European Commissions intervention was the change of regulations on
behalf of the FIA: They insisted on a complete separation of the regulatory function of
FIA, as the governing body of the sport, and its commercial function of exploiting the
broadcasting rights to all motor sport events under its jurisdiction. The separation is
(was) designed to prevent conflicts of interest. The Commission also limited the extent
to which FIA, as the regulator of the sport, can take measures to prevent rival promoters
of events competing with FIA's events. The Commission wanted to separate the function
of the FIA in promoting events (and thereby gaining commercial benefit) from that of
licensing events as part of its regulatory function. The role of a governing body,
according to the Commission, is to act fairly and create a level playing field so that all
promoters of events are treated equally and carefully (Ibid. p.84). Foster justifies the
Commissions' decision thus: The different approach by the Commission can be
explained because motor sport is a globalised, rather than an internationalised, sport. It
had a commercial structure of management and offered no cultural or social
justification of its anti-competitive behaviour. As such it was subject to normal
commercial criteria in its regulation, (Ibid); and goes on to comment that this example
may be unusual in that there was an excessive intermingling of the regulatory and
commercial functions within the governing structures of international motor sport.
However, it indicates that regional regulation can be effective and that the fear that

globalised sport can escape all regulation and be immune from legal intervention may
be exaggerated (Ibid).

Structure of the FIA Formula One World Championship

Indeed, the structure of the FIA Formula One World Championship seems very much to
resemble the American (commercial) model of sport, although being originally a
European concept, as described above. Foster, once again, offers the key characteristics
in American and European sport. (see Table 3.)

European (socio-cultural)


Sporting Competition



Open Pyramid. Promotion and


Closed league; ringfenced

body's role

Vertical solidarity; sport for all

Profit maximisation;
promote elite stars as


National leagues; local teams.

Transnational or global
Opposition to relocation of teams & leagues; footloose
transnational leagues


Important for National Identity

Structure of

Single representative federal body League or commissioner

Non-existent or minimal

Table 3. (European model of sport vs American model of sport), (Ibid. p.74).

By attempting to compare the structures of football and Formula One, we can relatively
easily identify that the former belongs to the European tradition. It was indeed
conceived as a sporting competition first and foremost. It is rather doubtful that there
had been a plan to make profit out of football when the FA was founded in 1886. The
open pyramid system is adopted, with clubs being promoted and relegated form the
divisions of their national leagues, depending on their performance. Football has been

conceived as a sport for all, and FIFA's initiatives such as the goal project confirm this (J
Sugdan and A Tomlinson, 2003). Moreover, with the existence of events such as the
FIFA World Cup which is exclusively contested for by National teams, the importance of
national identity in football is displayed. Finally, the FIFA remains the only
representative body for the sport. In contrast, the structure of the FIA Formula One
World Championship complies in general terms with the American (commercial one),
although with few noticeable exceptions. It should be noted that, before starting to
analyse Formula One racing using this model, we can identify in its nature all but one of
the strands that are identified by Scholte, (A. J. Scholte, 2000). The only one absent is
Internationalisation, as there are no international competitions in Formula One.
Instead, it is an entirely globalised sport. There are no national Formula One
championships. The only Formula One championship organised today is the World
Championship. Liberalisation, universalisation and, most importantly, globalisation are
all evident:

There are no cross border restrictions in Formula One, as it does not operate on a
national level. The races can be held in any country, provided it has an FIA- affiliated
national sporting body, and drivers and teams can come form any country as well.

(...)A global sport (...) needs to be simple in its structure and thus readily understood by
those who have never played the game before, (Foster, in Allison, p. 66). This is more
than evident in Formula One, whereas although most people are unlikely to have driven
a Formula One car in full racing trim, unless they are professional racing drivers, they
can easily understand its concept, that the faster car wins the race.

Globalisation/ Americanisation:
Rationalisation of Formula One has been achieved since its conception in 1950.
Written rules were adopted and a championship was organised in order to rationally
identify' (Ibid), the best driver, (and the best team in 1958 with the introduction of the
Constructors' championship). In addition, it also complies with imperialism and
westernization. Foster comments that Developing countries are excluded because they

have fewer facilities (...). Sports like motor racing require massive technical capital that
excludes them' (Ibid).

Foster observes that we have global broadcasting of sport and global fans; (Ibid. p.67),
and goes on to quote Giulianotti: Globalisation brings with it a disembedding of local
social and political ties between club [-in Formula One's case, team] and community (R.
Giulianotti, 2005). This is again present in the case of Formula One.
As races are not contested in the teams' home grounds, but rather, in race tracks
scattered throughout the world, there is not much connection between their national
identity (with the exception of Ferrari, who still carries some sense of Italian-ness'). Relocation for Formula One teams is usual, provided this gives them a better chance of
winning. Hence, Renault are based in Enstone, UK, Toyota in Cologne, Germany, etc.
Furthermore, the ease with which teams can change their identity overnight is unique:
The tartan-liveried team of former Scottish triple World Champion Jackie Stewart,
founded in 1997 was turned into Jaguar in 2000, proudly painted in British Racing
Green colour, and Red Bull in 2005, after the name of an Austrian-made energy drink.
The globalised nature of Formula One (especially in its difference to internationalised
sport) has also been identified by Houlihan: Globalised sport (...) has rootless teams,
with multi national or nationally ambiguous teams' ( B. Houlihan, 2005), [for example
McLaren are a British team, founded by a New Zealander (Bruce McLaren), have a
German engine provider (Mercedes) and their drivers come from Finland (Kimi
Raikkonen) and Colombia (Juan Pablo Montoya)]. These rootless, de-territorialised
sports are often typified by their identification with commercial sponsors'. [for example
Scuderia Ferrari Marlboro', and Mild Seven Benetton Renault F1 Team']. Formula One
teams are defined by their manufacturers, such as Ferrari' (Ibid).
Going back to the American vs European model, we have already argued that although
Formula One racing was conceived in Europe on the turn of the 20th century, its current
management has rendered it a primarily profit-making sport. One could argue that until
1968, when cigarette advertising (and generally corporate advertising) appeared in
Formula One, (, see also, 2005), the sport belonged to the European tradition.
Up until then, any profit made was incidental, not central. Only starting and prize

money was available to the competitors. In the 1970s, with sponsorship cash and
television money heavily influencing the sport (P. Menard, 2004), Formula One became
a profit-making sport. The role of television coverage in that will be discussed later in
the essay.
As for the league structure of Formula One, it is totally commercial. As mentioned
before, there is only one Formula One contest, the World Championship. Entry to it is
not based on a promotion system, but strictly on capitalistic values. In other words, only
those who can afford it can enter. A recent example was that of the new Super Aguri
racing team. Although the rules state that applications to compete in the Championship
may be submitted to the FIA (...) two years prior to the Championship in which the
applicant wishes to compet (...), ( /resources/documents/, 2006), the team
applied in autumn 2005. However, the application was successful. On January 2006,
FIA issued the following statement: Following receipt of the necessary financial
guarantee and with the unanimous support of the competing teams, the FIA has
accepted the late entry of the Super Aguri F1 Team to the 2006 Formula One World
Championship, (,
2006). This incident is characteristic of an American-type closed league, as Foster
describes it: The entry [to the league] is controlled by the incumbents. There is a fixed
number of teams in the league [in Formula One's case, the highest number of cars that
can take part in the Championship is 24] with no relegation. New teams cannot break
into the closed shop unless the league decides that its overall economic wealth will be
improved by expansion franchises. The economic risks of sporting failure are reduced
and this makes capital investment in a team franchise more attractive' (K. Foster, in
Allison (2005), p. 75).
In terms of the Governing body's role, it is also an occasion where F1 follows the
American model. Vertical solidarity is non-existent, as there are no lower Formula One
leagues. Even for motor sport in general, Formula One revenues are not redistributed to
lower formulae, and there is no effort to make motor racing a sport for all'. Only
whoever can afford motor racing can enter it. Formula One seeks to maximise its profits
by commodificating itself. Elite stars are promoted as celebrities. For example, an
attempt to present Jenson Button as a star has taken place in Britain, while in the case
of Germany, Lincoln Allison and Terry Monnington comment: (Lotthar Matthaus),
Michael Schumacher, (and Bernhard Langer) have been more importantly formative of

young people's images of Germany in the last generation that have Fichte, Hegel and
Bismark, (L. Allison and T. Monningtonin, 2005).
The American model seems to suit Formula One best again when questions about its
relation to national identity arise. What Foster observes as a characteristic of the
American model, is that there is little sense of national identity (...). The leagues
identification of its supporters is one of commercial customers rather than fans. The
business can and will be moved whenever commercial considerations dictate, more like
a supermarket chain than a sports team, (Foster, in Allison p. 75).
This is partly true for Formula One and relevant to de-territorilisation. Most teams can
relocate, as mentioned, and race venues can be changed, as was the case in recent years,
with traditional European races (like the Austrian GP) being dropped from the calendar
in favour of new venues in Asia (Bahrain, Malaysia, Turkey, China). However, when the
sport was conceived, (prior to advertising) the racing cars would be usually painted in
their national colours (green for Britain, blue for France, silver for Germany, Red for
Italy etc). Today only Ferrari maintains some sense of national identity, being the only
team remaining of those who took part in the inaugural 1950 World Championship; and
they are still carrying the traditional racing colours (Rosso Corse'). It is the only team
that has fans (usually fans support drivers, not teams), the tifosi, and the race tracks of
Imola and Monza are considered their home'. In a lesser extent, that could apply to
British teams and the Silverstone circuit. Few customs that refer to the presence of
nationalism in past years still remain. One such example is the playing of the national
anthem for both winning driver and constructor during the award-giving ceremony. At
the same time, the hoisting of the flags in honour of the first, second and third drivers
takes place. Another is the existence of a small flag next to the name of the driver, to
indicate his or her nationality, on their racing overalls and on the sides of the car's
cockpit. Finally, there are no national teams competitions in Formula One, (In 2006, a
rival series to F1, A1GP appeared), and, as mentioned before, the FIA is the only
regulating sporting body.

However, we have seen that in practice, because of the aforementioned intervention of
the European Commission in the governing of Formula One, many key decisions about
the sport are taken by the person who administrates its commercial rights and not the

governing body. This person could be considered the equivalent of a commissioner in a

commercial model.
In the case of Formula One, he is Bernie Ecclestone, through his FOM company.
FOA/FOM, companies controlled by (...) Ecclestone, are engaged in the promotion of
the FIA Formula One Championship.
The 1998 Concorde Agreement provides that FOA is the Commercial Rights Holder to
the FIA Formula One Championship. FOA is thus responsible for televising and
generally commercializing the Championship. On 28 May 1999, FOA changed its name
to Formula One Management Limited (FOM) which manages the rights. The
commercial rights themselves were taken over by an associated company, now also
named FOA, (
Miller underlines the importance of televisualisation in sport: Television was the prime
motor in the development of post-war sport(...) helping to constitute a sports/media
complex or media-sports-culture complex of sports organisation, media/marketing
organisations, and media personnel (broadcasters and journalists). Dependency of
sports organisations upon the media is due to the importance of continued revenue for
(...) competitions. The direction of sport incorporation might be viewed as media
exposure-> increased revenue-> professionalisation-> more competitive and
spectacular play-> larger television audiences-> further media exposure and so on. As
the media becomes increasingly important in this cycle, they dictate what they want
from the sport [in Formula One that was evident when pressure from TV companies
resulted in changing the qualifying format that had existed for decades, in order for
there to be track action during all the time of the coverage, and space for advertising
brakes] (...). This complex places media at the very heart of sport's structures and
practices, because without the media's capacity to carry sports signs and myths to large
and diverse audiences across the globe,(...)sport could be a minor folk pursuit. (...)
Television coverage, especially in its satellite form, has become the prime unit of
currency in the cultural economy of sport(...). The economic infrastructure of
professional sport would collapse without the media's material and cultural capital' (T.
Miller, op. cit. p. 68); and Foster adds: The collective selling of broadcasting rights to
sporting events (...) is a key factor in promoting solidarity within the sport. Unless the
governing body can control these valuable commodities, they will be unable to generate

sufficient revenue to act as trustees for a redistributive mechanism, (K. Foster, in

Allison, p. 82).
In Formula One, that redistributive mechanism is the Concorde agreement, (Article 4.2
cases COMP/35.163, COMP/36.638, COMP/36.776 GTR/FIA & others), a secret
agreement between FIA, the teams and Ecclestone. The Concorde Agreement dictates
what percentage of the revenues from the exploitation of the commercial rights of F1
each of the parties will be receiving.

Miller's previous over-underlining of the importance of the media resembles the answer
Guido Tognoni gave to Sugden and Tomlinson, when asked about the role of Havelange
in the transformation of FIFA into a heavyweight sporting organisation:'in the 60's it
started to explode...the money...and this is not the merit of Havelange, it is the merit of
the circumstances of the time.
He didn't do a magical miracle, he did what everybody would have done during this
time(...) TV made it', (Guido Tognoni, 1998). The authors are right to observe that
Tognoni [was] both right and wrong (...) -right to emphasize the context, but wrong to
underplay Havelange's astuteness in seeking the appropriate partners for his
development plans', (J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson, 1998).Sugden and Tomlinson's
viewpoint was based on Anthony Giddens' theory of structuration.
In his chapter Elements of the theory of structuration, (A Giddens, 1984), Giddens
points out that agency refers(...) to [people's] capability in of doing things; [It] concerns
events of which an individual is the perpetrator, in the sense that the individual could, at
any phase in a given sequence of conduct, have acted differently.
Whatever happened would not have happened if that individual had not intervened,
(Ibid). On the one hand Havelange could hardly have foreseen the extreme forms of
influence that marketing and media would have on aspects of football (...). On the other,
this is not to deny the importance of the agent in historical process and social structure,
(J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson, op. cit.). The same should apply for Bernie Ecclestone; He
made very good use of the situation he found himself in, and proof to that is that he's
more renown that the FIA president, Max Mosley.

Formula one and football have many similarities between them, but also differences that
are the outcome of their different natures. However, they seem to follow some patterns
like the organisational structure of an INGO, taking advantage of the marketing
opportunities that television coverage brought in the 60s. According to Lovell,
Ecclestone even recruited Christian Vogt in the 80s as a TV consultant, who had
previously been handling the TV rights for FIFA,UEFA and the IAAF amongst others in
the past, (T. Lovell, p.227); In recent years, they have both made attempts to emphasize
on their global' nature, trying to brake in the North American and South-East Asia
continents. In 1994 FIFA tried to increase (association) football's popularity in the
United States, by staging the World Cup there; and in 2000, Formula One re-visited
America for the first time since 1991. However, Americans seem to prefer their own
football code (NFL) to soccer' and their motor sport institutions (ChampCar, NASCAR)
to F1. South East Asia proved to be a more convenient location, with FIFA hosting its
World Cup in Japan and Korea in 2002; at the same time, F1 broke into China and
Malaysia, by staging GPs in Shanghai and Kuala Lumpur. As opposed to the American
case, their quests into Asia proved to be a bit more successful, with the emergence of
local heroes, such as the South Korea national team, and Malaysian driver Alex Yoong.
The question for the future is until when these sports will be able to remain profitable
under their current structure. Will the money from World Cups and GPs continue to be
flowing? And what about the successors to the agents that made it happen? In FIFA,
Blatter has already replaced Havelange, and Sugden and Tomlinson have hinted that he
might not be as good as his predecessor, (J. Sugden and A. Tolinson, 2005). Bernie
Ecclestone is already 77; so far, his management of Formula One's commercial rights
remain as professional as ever. But for how long will this situation last, considering no
successor with Ecclestone's stature has been identified? In any case, if they want to
retain their hegemonic positions in World Sport, both governing bodies must ensure
they are able to adapt to the ever changing social environment.

See T. Miller et al, (2001), Globalization and Sport, SAGE Publications, p. 6
For the hyperglobalist thesis and the Globalization debate in general, see D. held et al,
(1999), Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture, Polity Press, p. 3

For example, see J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson, (1999), Great Balls of fire-How Big
Money is hijacking World Football, Mainstream Publishing, J. Sugden and A.
Tomlinson (2003), Badfellas-FIFA family at war, Mainstream Publishing and others
For example M. Roche, (2000), Mega Events in modernity: Olympics and Expos in the
growth of global culture, Routledge, H.J Lenskyj, Inside the Olympic Industry: Power,
Politics and Activism, State University of New York Press
Miller et al, op. cit. p.4
Ibid. p. 4
J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson, (2005), Not for the good of the game in The Global Politics
of Sport: The role of global institutions in Sport (Allison), Routledge
D. N. Stavropoulos, (2004), Oxford Greek-English Learner's Dictionary, Oxford
University Press
Taken from F1 Racing magazine, (2006), January issue, p. 8.
A. Cimarosti, The history of Grand Prix Motor Racing
For a full list of FIA-run competitions, (2006), see (Accessed 2 February) , (2006), (Accessed 2 February)
A full list of the FIA's affiliated mem/er clubs can be found at, (2006), (Accessed 1 February)
T. Miller et al, op. cit. p. 10, (2006), (Accessed 1 February), (2006), (Accessed 2 February)

K. Foster, Alternative Models for the Regulation of Global Sport , in The Global Politics
of Sport (Allison), op. cit. p. 69
Ibid. p.68
Ibid. p. 69
L. Allison and T Monnington, (2005), Sport, prestige and international relations in
K. Foster, in Allison, p. 63
C. Archer, International Orgnisations, (1992), Second Edition, Routledge 1992, cited in
J Sugden and A Tomlinson, (2005), Not for the Good of the Game in Allison
J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson in Allison (2005), p. 26
Ibid p. 27
G. Morozov, (1997), The Socialist Conception, International Social Science Journal 29
no.1: 28-45, cited in J. Sugden and A Tomlinson in Allison (2005) .html, (2006), (Accessed February 2)
J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson, FIFA and the contest for world football: Who rules the
peoples' game? Polity Press 1998, p. 6, (2006), Article 25d (Accessed 2 February)
K. Foster, in Allison (2005), p. 83
Official European Journal, (2005), 13/06/01, Cases COMP/35.163: COMP/36.638;
COMP/36.776. GTR/FIA & others, cited in Foster, in Allison, p. 83.
K. Foster in Allison, (2005), p. 83
Ibid, p. 84

Ibid, p. 74
J. Sugdan and A Tomlinson, (2003), Badfellas- FIFA family at war, Mainstream
Publishing, p. 35
A. J. Scholte, Globalisation; a critical introduction (Basingstoke: Palgrave 2000), cited
in Foster, in Allison, p. 63
Foster, in Allison, p. 66
Ibid, p. 67
R. Giulianotti, (1999), Football: A Sociology of the Global Game (Cambridge: Polity
Presss 1999, p. 95), cited in Foster, in Allison (2005), p. 67.
B. Houlihan Sport and Globalisation in Sport and Society: a student introduction, edited
by Houlihan (London, SAGE 2003), cited in Foster in Allison (2005), p. 67
Ibid., (2005), (for confirmation of the site's validity, see also, (Accessed 29th September)
P. Menard, (2004),The Great Encyclopedia of Formula One, Edition, Chronosports S.
A., 2003, Volume I p. 201
S_pdf, (2006), (Accessed 1 February), (2006), (Accessed 1
Foster, in Allison (2005), p. 75

L Allison and T Monningtonin, (2005), in The Global Politics of Sport (Allison 2005)
Foster, in Allison p. 75
In 2006, a rival series to F1, A1GP appeared. This is not organised by the FIA, and it is
the only racing series where national teams take place instead of commercial teams,
using identical cars
Article 2, cases COMP/35.163, COMP/36.638, COMP/36.776 GTR/FIA & others,
Official European Journal, available at for the structure of
FOM, see Appendix 1
Miller, op. cit. p. 68
Foster, in Allison, p. 82
Article 4.2 cases COMP/35.163, COMP/36.638, COMP/36.776 GTR/FIA & others,
Official European Journal, available at
Guido Tognoni, (1998), cited in J Sugden and A Tomlinson FIFA and the contest for
World Football - who rules the peoples' game? Polity Press
J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson, (1998), FIFA and the contest for World Football - who
rules the peoples' game? Polity Press, p. 43
A. Giddens, (1984), The constitution of societyPolity Press, p.9

J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson, op. cit.
T. Lovell, (2005), Inside the Formula One World of Bernie Ecclestone Metro Publishing
Ltd, p. 227
J. Sugden and A. Tolinson in Allison, p. 27