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Evolution of Democratic

System in Pakistan
M Imtiaz Shahid

emocracy and participatory governance are popular political notions in todays world. Fair and free
elections are the key pre-requisite of democracy. However, democracy lacks substance unless the
electoral process is coupled with the supremacy of the constitution, the rule of law, and civil and
political rights and freedoms for the people. The state must practice the principle of equal
citizenship irrespective of religion, caste, ethnicity and regional background. It must also ensure equality of
opportunity to all for advancement in social, economic and political domains and guarantee security of life
and property of its citizens.
While it easy for the rulers, political leaders and parties, and others to pronounce their commitment to
these principles, the real challenge lies in making them operational. The key question is how does one
create and sustain institutions and processes that reflect the spirit of democracy and participatory
governance? A large number of states are unable to fulfill these conditions. The commitment of many
rulers, leaders, and organizations to democracy is merely rhetorical or they view democracy as an
instrument to achieve power and then implement a partisan non-democratic agenda. Others selectively
employ some aspects of democracy to create a faade. Still others hold elections, establish elected
legislative bodies and install elected governments but do not empower these institutions and the people
holding key positions in them. Power is thus exercised by an elite group while a semblance of democracy
is created to legitimize its rule. These operational realities create the problem of quality and substance of

Professed Values and Operational Realities

In Pakistan, the rulers, political parties and leaders and the civil society groups support
democracy at the normative or conceptual level. The politically active circles demand representative
governance and participatory decision making in the political and economic fields. They highlight fair and
free electoral process, the rule of law, socio-economic justice and accountability of those exercising state
power as the pre-requisites for a political system.
However, there are serious problems with these principles at the operational level in Pakistan.
Power structure and style of governance often negated these principles. Most rulers, civilian and military,
pursued personalization of power and authoritarian style of governance, assigning a high premium to
personal loyalty and uncritical acceptance of what the ruler or the party chief decides. .This was coupled
with partisan use of state apparatus and resources, and an elitist and exploitative socio-economic system.
A conflict between the professed democratic values and the operational realities of
authoritarianism and non-sustainable civilian institutions and processes is the main feature of Pakistani
political experience. The redeeming feature of this conflict is that despite the long spells of authoritarian
and military rule, the theoretical commitment to democracy and participatory governance has persisted in
Pakistan. None of the two political trends has been able to overwhelm each other. If democracy could not
function on a continuous basis, the authoritarian and military rule did not get accepted as a normal or
legitimate political system. This engenders the hope that the overall commitment to democracy would
continue to persist as one of the most cherished norms in the polity and a governance system that falters
on democracy would not be able to cultivate voluntary popular support.
The failure to institutionalize participatory governance has caused much alienation at the popular
level. A good number of people feel that they are irrelevant to power management at the federal and
provincial levels. The rulers are so engrossed in their power game that they are not bothered about the
interest and welfare of the common people. Such a perception of low political efficacy is reflected in the
declining voting percentage in the general elections. A good number of voters maintain that their vote does
not matter much in the selection of the rulers. Invariably they express negative views about the rulers as
well as those opposing them. Despite all this, the people have not given up on democracy. While talking

This chapter is taken from M Imtiaz Shahids recently published book Pakistan Afairs

2 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

about their helplessness with reference to changing the rulers, they continue to subscribe to the norms of democracy and
participatory governance and emphasize the accountability of the rulers. They are therefore vulnerable to mobilization for
realization of these norms and values.
The political system of Pakistan is characterized by intermittent breakdown of constitution and political order, weak
and non-viable political institutions and processes, rapid expansion of the role of the military bureaucratic elite, military rule
and military dominated civilian governments, and authoritarian and narrow-based power management.
Pakistans political history can be divided into different phases with reference to the dominant style of governance
and political management:
1. Civilian political government:
August 1947-October 1958 December 1971-July 1977
2. Direct Military Rule:
October 1958-June 1962
March 1969-December1971 July 1977-December 1985 October 1999November 2002
3. Selective use of Democracy by the Military (Post-military rule) June 1962-March 1969
March 1985-November 1988
4. Militarys influence from the sidelines on policy making under civilian governments
December 1988-October 1999
5. Militarys direct involvement in power management after the end of military rule; constitutional and legal
role for the military
October 1999-2008
6. . Militarys influence from the sidelines on policy making under civilian governments
2008-to date

Historical Overview
Pakistan, like India, adopted the Government of India Act, 1935 with some changes to meet the requirements of an
independent state as the Interim Constitution, 1947. It provided for a parliamentary system of government, although the
governor general enjoyed special powers and the federal government exercised some overriding powers over provinces.
Pakistans early rulers did not pay much attention to democratization of the political system because their major concern was
how to ensure the survival of the state in view of internal and external challenges. The fear of the collapse of the state
reinforced authoritarian governance and political management.
Pakistan faced serious administrative and management problems caused by the partition process These included
the division of civil and military assets of the British Indian government between India and Pakistan, communal riots and the
movement of population to and from Pakistan, and the troubled relations with India, including the first war on Kashmir, 194748. Pakistan had to set up a federal government in Karachi and a provincial government in Dhaka at a time when it lacked
experienced civil servants and military officers.
While Pakistan was coping with initial administrative and humanitarian problems, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the father
of the nation, died in September 1948, thirteen months after the establishment of Pakistan. This set in motion the political
trends that undermined the already weak political institutions and fragmented the political process. Most of post-Jinnah
political leaders had regional and local stature and did not have a nationwide appeal which regionalized and localized politics.
This made it difficult for the political parties and leaders to pursue a coherent approach towards the problems and issues of
the early years. They were unable to develop consensus on the operational norms of the polity and took 8 1/2 years to frame
a constitution which did not enjoy the unqualified support of all the major parties, leaders and regions. By the time the
constitution was introduced (March 23, 1956) a strong tradition of violation of parliamentary norms was established, the
political parties were divided and the assembly was unable to assert its primacy. The effective power had shifted to the
Governor General/ President.
The acute administrative problems, degeneration of the political parties and the inability of the political leaders to
command widespread political support enabled the governor general to amass power. He manipulated the divided political
forces and decided about the making or unmaking of governments. Given the bureaucratic background of Governor Generals
(Ghulam Muhammad (1951-55) and a combined military and civilian-bureaucratic background of Governor General/
President Iskander Mirza (1955-1958); they could rely on the top bureaucracy and the military for support. This contributed to
the rise of the bureaucratic-military elite in Pakistani politics which further undermined the prospects of democracy.
By 1954-55, the top brass of the military (mainly the Army) emerged as the key policy makers along with the bureaucracy.
They made major input to policy making on foreign policy, security issues and domestic affairs. By October 1958, the Army
Chief, General Muhammad Ayub Khan, overthrew the tottering civilian government with the full support of President Iskander
Mirza. The latter was knocked out of power by the generals within 20 days of the military take-over. Since then the top brass
of the military have either ruled the country directly or influenced governance and policy management from the background.
The first military ruler, Ayub Khan, ruled the country under martial law from October 1958 to June 1962, when he
introduced a presidential constitution. Though direct military rule came to an end but the 1962 Constitution attempted to give
a legal and constitutional cover to Ayubs centralized and authoritarian rule which did not allow the growth of autonomous
civilian institutions and processes, although the state media projected his rule as the beginning of a new era of participatory
governance. His governments political management and economic policies accentuated economic disparities among the
people and the regions and caused much political and social alienation in parts of Pakistan, especially in what was then East
Ayub Khan was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, in March 1969, who abrogated Ayubs 1962 Constitution
and imposed martial law in the country. This was another troubled period in Pakistans politics. The military government was
unable to cope with the demands from East Pakistan for socioeconomic equity and political participation. The military
resorted to an extremely brutal military action in East Pakistan (March 25, 1971 onwards) and engaged in a war with India
(November-December 1971). Pakistans military debacle at the hands of India led to the breakup of the original Pakistan and

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

the establishment of Bangladesh as an independent state. Such a major military and political setback forced General Yahya
Khan to quit and handover power on December 20, 1971 to a civilian leader, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto whose Pakistan Peoples
Party had the largest number of the National Assembly seats in what was left of Pakistan, i.e. the present Pakistan.
Z.A. Bhutto asserted civilian primacy over the military during his rule (December 20, 1971 to July 5, 1977) against
the backdrop of the serious damage to the militarys reputation in the wake of the military debacle of 1971. Initially, he retired
several senior officers and changed the militarys command structure. However, his ability to assert his primacy over the
military eroded when he began to cultivate the militarys support to pursue his strident policy towards India and employed
authoritarian methods to deal with the domestic opposition. When the opposition launched anti-Bhutto agitation on the pretext
that the government had rigged the 1977 general elections, the military led General Zia-ul-Haq, Chief of the Army Staff, had
no problem in dislodging Bhutto and assuming power on July 5, 1977. The opposition parties welcomed the military take over
because it removed Bhutto from power.
General Zia-ul-Haqs martial law from July 1977 to December 1985 was the longest period of direct military rule in
Pakistan. He sought political support for his rule by vowing the orthodox and conservative Islamic groups and tilted the state
policies heavily in their favour. His rule was helped by his governments partnership with the West, especially the United
States, for reinforcing Afghan-Islamic resistance to the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. As a frontline state for the
U.S. policy to dislodge the Soviet Union from Afghanistan, General Zias government obtained international financial and
diplomatic support which contributed to sustaining his military rule. His policies promoted religious extremism and militancy,
undermining the prospects of social and cultural pluralism and participatory institutions and processes. These trends
continued after he civilianized his military rule in 1985 by introducing far reaching changes in the 1973 Constitution and coopting a section of the political elite to ensure his continued centrality to governance and political management.
In the post Zia period (1988-99) the elected civilian governments functioned but the top commanders closely
monitored the performance of these governments and made their views on political and security matters known to them. The
generals were prepared to stay on the sidelines provided their professional and corporate interests were not threatened by
the civilian leaders. Therefore, governance for Benazir Bhutto (December 1988-August 1990, October 1993-November 1996)
and Nawaz Sharif (November 1990-July 1993, February 1997-October 1999) was a delicate balancing act between the
civilian government and the top brass of the military. The scope for autonomous political action by the civilian leaders
depended on their ability to maintain cordial interaction with the top military commanders.
The military returned to power on October 12, 1999 after dislodging the civilian government of Nawaz Sharif. There
were two significant changes in the disposition of the senior military commanders during the fourth phase of direct military
rule. First, the military was no longer willing to stay on the sidelines and viewed itself as critical to internal stability and
continuity. It advocated a direct and constitutional role for the top brass. Second, the military expanded its nonprofessional
role to such an extent that it could not give a free hand to the civilian political leaders.
The military has spread out in government and semi-government institutions and pursues wide ranging commercial
and business activities, especially in the fields of industry, transport, health care, education, and real estate development. It
seeks assignments from the federal and provincial governments for civil construction projects. Given the militarys expanded
interests and its involvement in governance, its role in Pakistan can be described as hegemonic.

The Musharraf Model

General Pervez Musharraf, Chief of the Army Staff since October 1998, assumed power after his top commanders
dislodged the elected civilian government of Nawaz Sharif on October 12, 1999. He designated himself as the Chief
Executive and suspended the constitution to impose military rule, avoiding the use of the term of martial law.
General Pervez Musharraf carefully tailored the transition to constitutional and civilian rule in 2002. The underlying
consideration was his staying on as an effective President in the post-military rule period and the continuation of the policy
measures adopted by his military regime. The transition process was deigned to share power with a section of the political
leaders rather than transfer power to civilian political leaders.
He ensured his continuation in office before starting the transition process by holding a state managed uncontested
referendum on April 30, 2002 to get him elected as President for five years. This was followed by the introduction of far
reaching changes in the 1973 Constitution to enhance his powers and to give a constitutional cover to the role of the top
brass in policy making through the issuance of the Legal Framework Order (LFO) in August. Meanwhile a breakaway faction
of the PML-Nawaz Sharif, labeled as the PML- Quaid -i -Azam, was co-opted for partnership. The PML-Q enjoyed state
patronage which enabled it to emerge as the single largest party in the National Assembly and it obtained a clear majority in
the Punjab Provincial Assembly. The military regimes major adversary, the PPP, came second in the National Assembly and
obtained the largest number of seats (not an absolute majority) in the Sindh Provincial Assembly.
The Presidency and the intelligence agencies played an active role in creating the PML-Q led coalitions at the
federal level and in Sindh and Balochistan. In the Punjab, the PML-Q had a majority to form the government. Thus, the
National Assembly began to function on November 16 and General Pervez Musharraf took the oath as the elected President
for five years. The provincial governments were installed in November-December and the Senate, upper house of the
parliament, was elected in the last week of February 2003 and resumed functioning on March 12, 2003, which marked the full
restoration of the 1973 Constitution as amended by the LFO.
Pakistan thus returned to constitutional rule with elected parliament and provincial assemblies as well as elected
governments at the federal and provincial levels. However, the political arrangements were dominated by the Presidency.
President Pervez Musharraf not only exercised the enhanced powers under the LFO but he also continued as the Army Chief
an unusual combination in a democratic polity-which gave him an overriding clout in the polity.
The focal point of the post-2002 political order is President-Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf who functions as
an effective ruler, overshadowing the Prime Minister and the Parliament. This political arrangement could be described as the
Musharraf model of governance and political management. The effective powers are concentrated in President-Army Chief
Pervez Musharraf and his army/ intelligence affiliates who command the political system both at the federal and provincial
levels. The establishment of the National Security Council in April 2004 which provides a legal cover to the expanded role of
the top brass of the military further reinforces the position of the President and the brass of the military.
The Musharraf model emphasizes the unity of command, centralization, management rather than participation and
the guardianship of the political process by the military. The elected government and the parliament have to function within

4 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

the space made available to them by the top commanders. The political clout of the civilian leaders depends on their ability to
work in harmony with the top generals.
The parliament and the provincial assemblies have not been able to acquire an autonomous and assertive role in
the polity. The effective power at both federal and provincial levels is located outside the parliament and the provincial
assemblies. Consequently, the seekers of state power and resources focus on the presidency and its Army/ intelligence and
bureaucratic affiliates. The assemblies have done limited legislative work and their functioning has been marred by bitter
exchanges between the government and the opposition, violation of parliamentary norms, the quorum problem and boycotts
by the opposition parties. The members complain about the frequent absence of the ministers from the two houses of the
parliament and the inadequacy of the answers by the government to their questions. The assemblies have to make a real
effort to fulfill even the constitutional requirement of the minimum working days in a year.
The prime ministerial changes in June 2004 (Zafarullah Jamali to Chaudhry Shujaat Hussein) and August
(Chaudhry Shujaat Hussein to Shaukat Aziz) demonstrated the weakness of the National Assembly and the ruling coalition
led by the PML. The decision for these changes was made in the presidency and the National Assembly and the PML simply
endorsed it. Jamali got his budget passed from the parliament which amounted to a vote of confidence for his government.
Two days later, he had to quit under pressure from the Presidency. The PML accepted the change and his entire cabinet was
reappointed under the new prime minister.
This system restricts the participatory opportunities for the mainstream political parties, i.e. the PPP and the PMLNawaz, which are viewed as the major adversaries of the Musharraf dominated political order. The confrontation between the
government and the opposition has increased over time. This means that the political process is not moving in the direction
of consensus building and its support base continues to be narrow, limited to the co-opted section of the political elite.
The strains in the federal-provincial relations have increased because the provinces complain about the
domineering role of the military dominated federal government. The federal government has not resolved many federalprovincial issues which have created a strong impression in the smaller provinces that the federal government was
deliberately doing this to keep political and financial pressures on the provinces. Some of the major issues are the
determination of the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award on distribution of revenues between the federal and
provincial governments,, the construction of dams for storing water and power generation, the Greater Thal Canal issue, the
share of the KPK in net profit of hydel power generated in that province, the gas royalty for Balochistan, and the federal
government mega development projects in Balochistan and the construction of new army cantonments in that province. If
confrontation and bitterness persist in the political system and the competing political interests do not adopt accommodating
disposition the sustainability of the present political system may not be guaranteed.

Problems of Democracy
The major features of the Pakistani polity show serious problems of democracy. At times, democracy and
participatory governance are either totally non-existent or their quality is poor.

Institutional Imbalance
Pakistan inherited institutional imbalance at the time of independence in August 1947. The state apparatus, i.e. the
bureaucracy, the military and the intelligence services, was more organized and developed than the political and democratic
institutions. Further, the first Interim Constitution, 1947, also strengthened bureaucracy and authoritarian governance. This
imbalance was reinforced by two inter-related trends in the political domain.
First, the process of political decay and degeneration was set in motion soon after independence. The Muslim
League that led the independence movement, lacked sufficient organization and capacity for state and nation building. A
good number of Muslim League leaders had feudal or semi-feudal background, and were motivated by personal or power
ambition rather than building the party as a viable organization capable of standing on its own feet. Other political parties also
suffered from similar problems of internal disharmony and conflict, indiscipline and a lack of direction. As a consequence,
they were unable to offer a viable alternative to the Muslim League and failed to articulate and aggregate interests within a
participatory national political framework. They also failed to create viable political institutions or processes capable of
pursuing meaningful socio-economic policies.
Second, the bureaucracy and the military maintained their professional disposition marked by hierarchy, discipline,
and esprit de corps. The serious administrative problems in the early years of independence led the civilian government to
seek the support of the military and the bureaucracy. Pakistans security problems with India, especially the first Kashmir war,
also helped to strengthen the militarys position in the polity. All Pakistani civilian governments supported a strong defence
posture and allocated a substantial portion of the national budget to defence and security. The militarys position in the polity
received additional boost with Pakistans participation in the U.S. sponsored military alliances in the mid- 1950s. This
facilitated weapon transfers to Pakistan and its military obtained training by Americans in Pakistan and the U.S. which
increased the militarys efficiency and strike power. Thus, the degeneration of the political machinery was in sharp contrast to
the increasing efficiency, discipline, and confidence of the military.
These developments accentuated institutional imbalance and worked to the disadvantage of the civilian leaders.
The weak and fragmented political forces found it difficult to sustain themselves without the support and cooperation of the
bureaucracy and the military. This enabled the bureaucracy and the military to enhance their role in policy making and
management and they began to dominate politics. In October 1958, the military swept aside the fragile political institutions
and established its direct rule, with the bureaucracy as the junior partner.
The role of various civilian and military intelligence agencies expanded in the political domain during the military rule
of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1985) when the military regime used the intelligence agencies to divide and fragment the
political forces. The war against the Soviet troops in Afghanistan (1980-1989) and the linkages between Pakistani intelligence
agencies and their U.S. counterparts in the context of the Afghan war helped to put more material resources at the disposal
of Pakistans intelligence agencies. Some of these agencies have been playing active political role since 1988, helping some
political parties and groups while building pressure on others keeping in view the militarys political agenda. They have
interfered in the national and provincial elections which has raised doubts about the credibility of the electoral process. Some
of these agencies were active in politics during after the 2002 general elections. These were also instrumental to creating the
ruling coalition at the federal level and in Sindh and Balochistan after the October 2002 elections. The active political role of
the intelligence agencies weakens the autonomous growth of civilian political institutions and processes.

Political Consensus-building

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

The democratic process cannot become functional without a minimum consensus on the operational norms of the
polity. The minimum consensus is the beginning point. As the political process functions over time and it offers opportunities
for sharing power and political advancement, it evokes more support from among different sections of the society and the
polity. The scope of consensus widens when more groups and individuals enter the political mainstream through the
democratic norms as set out in the constitution and law. This makes the political institutions and processes viable.
The Pakistani polity has been unable to fully develop a consensus on the operational political norms. Whatever
understanding developed among the competing interests at one point of time was allowed to fitter away with the passage of
time because of the non-accommodating disposition of the competing interests and an open defiance of constitutionalism
and norms of democracy. Therefore, all constitutions turned controversial with the passage of time because they were
violated by the power wielders.
Pakistan functioned without a constitution for years under martial law imposed by the Army Chief which made him
the repository of all authority and power in the country. If constitution can be easily set aside or subordinated to the will of the
military ruler, the tradition of constitutionalism and participatory governance cannot develop. The civilian rulers also amended
the constitution in a partisan manner by employing parliamentary majority, and disregarded the need of building consensus.
A low level of tolerance of dissent and a poor tradition of open debate on important national issues has hindered the
growth of a broadly shared consensus on the framework for political action. The dominant elite often endeavoured to develop
selective consensus by excluding those disagreeing with them. It is not merely the dominant elite who suppress dissent,
several civil society groups manifest intolerance and use violence against those who question their views.
The steady growth of Islamic extremism and militancy and Islamic-sectarian movements since the early 1980s has
stifled the free flow of ideas on the issues of national importance. It gave rise to religious and cultural intolerance and
increased the level of civic violence. The rival extremist religious groups did not hesitate to use violence against each other.
The major victims of these trends were social and cultural pluralism, political tolerance and accommodation of dissent. The
participatory processes also suffered as the religious extremists gained strength in Pakistan. Such a political and cultural
environment is not conducive to growth of democracy, constitutionalism and the rule of law.

Political Parties and Leadership

Political harmony and democratic evolution is facilitated primarily by political parties and leaders. These are
important instruments of interest articulation and aggregation and serve as vehicles of political mobilization. In Pakistan,
political parties have traditionally been weak and unable to perform their main function in an effective and meaningful
The role of the political parties has suffered due to, inter alia, periodic restrictions on political activities under military
rule, infrequent elections, weak organizational structure and poor discipline among the members, absence of attractive socioeconomic pogrammes, and a paucity of financial resources. Political parties also suffer from factionalism based on
personality, region and ideology.
The Muslim League that led the independence movement failed to transform itself from a national movement to a
national party. It suffered from organizational incoherence, ideological confusion and a crisis of leadership. The parties that
emerged in the post-independence period could not present a better alternative. They suffered from the weaknesses that
ailed the Muslim League. Consequently, the political parties could not work for political consensus building and political
stability and continuity.
Most Pakistani political parties lack resources and trained human-power to undertake dispassionate and scientific
study of the socio-political and economic problems. The emphasis is on rhetoric and sloganeering which may be useful for
mobilization purposes but it cannot be a substitute to serious, scientific and analytical study of the societal problems. The
level of debate in the two houses of the parliament and provincial assemblies is low and these elected bodies often face the
shortage of quorum which shows the non-seriousness of the political parties and their members in the elected houses in
dealing with the national issues and problems. Quite often the ministers and parliamentary secretaries are not available in the
house to respond to the issues raised by the members.
The political parties or their coalitions that exercised power since the mid-1950s were either floated by the
establishment (the military and top bureaucracy and the intelligence agencies) or these enjoyed its blessings. The coalition
building at the national level in pre-1958 period and especially the setting up of the Republican Party in 1956, provides ample
evidence of the role of the establishment in party politics. Generals Ayub Khan patronized a faction of the Muslim League
which was turned into the ruling party in 1962-63. General Zia-ul-Haq pursued a similar strategy. He co-opted a faction of the
Muslim League which ruled with his blessings after he restored civilian and constitutional rule in 1985. General Pervez
Musharraf has done the same by co-opting a faction of the Muslim League and installed governments under its leadership at
the federal level and in Sindh, Balochistan and the Punjab in November-December 2002.
The only exception to this rule of state sponsorship of the ruling parties is the Awami League (pre-1971) and the
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) which did not owe their origin and rise to political eminence to the establishment. The Awami
League won the 1970 general elections despite the strong opposition of the military government. So did the Pakistan People
Party (PPP) which won majorities in the 1970s in the Punjab and Sindh. In 1971, the Awami League was pushed out of
Pakistan. The military transferred power to the PPP after it lost the war to India in December 1971. The PPP continues to
face the distrust of the establishment.
The political parties formed electoral alliances and political coalitions. These have generally been ephemeral in
nature because of differences in their political orientations and limited experience of working together. Furthermore, each
party suffers from internal incoherence which undermines its role in a coalition. Political parties have been relatively more
successful as a movement for pursuing a limited agenda like the overthrow of a sitting government, than as a political party
because this requires a viable organization and a broadly shared long term political agenda.

Islam and Politics

A predominant majority of Pakistanis agree that the Pakistani political system must have some relationship with
Islam. However, there are strong differences on the precise nature of relationship between Islam and the polity. There is a
lack consensus on the institutions and processes to be set up under the rubric of Islamic state. Most conservative and
orthodox elements want to establish a puritanical Islamic state with an emphasis on the punitive, regulative and extractive
role of the Islamic state. Others emphasize the egalitarian norms of Islam and underline the principles of equality, socio-

6 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

economic justice and the modern notions of the state, civil and political rights and participatory governance. To them, Islam is
a source of guidance and provides the ethical foundations of the polity rather than offering a specific political structure or a
legal code for the modern times. Another debate pertains to the political disposition of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of
Pakistan: Did he advocate an ideological Islamic state or a secular system with no links with Islam or a modern democratic
state that viewed Islam as one of the sources of law and ethics? Still another issue is how far the Two-nation theory is
relevant to the post-independence period for shaping political choices? Was Pakistan created as a Muslim state or an Islamic
General Zia-ul-Haq tilted the political balance in favour of the orthodox and conservative interpretation of the Islamic
polity in order to win over the conservative and orthodox religious groups. He made several administrative and legal changes
reflecting the puritanical Islamic principles as advocated by the orthodox and conservative groups. This increased religious
and cultural intolerance and religious extremism in Pakistan. The official circles and the religious groups engaged in massive
propaganda against the notion of participatory governance, constitutionalism, and the rule of law, equal citizenship and civil
and political rights as western implants in Pakistan.
The post-Zia civilian governments were too weak to undo the Islamic laws made by the military regime of Zia-ulHaq. General Musharraf talked of enlightened moderation as the organizing principle for the Pakistani political system but he
too did not revise the Islamic laws and punishments introduced by General Zia-ul-Haq. He was constrained by the need of
the support of the Muttahida-i-Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), a conglomerate of 6 Islamic conservative parties, for staying in power.
The rise of Islamic orthodoxy has also increased Islamic-sectarian violence which poses a major threat to the fabric of the
Pakistani society.
The inconclusive debate on Islams relationship with the Pakistani state and the political system adversely affects
the prospects of democracy. Most conservative and orthodox Islamic groups reject democracy as a western system or
support it to the extent of using the electoral process to attain power and then implement their notion of Islamic system. As
long as there is a lack of consensus on the precise relationship between Islam and the Pakistans constitutional, legal and
political system, democratic institutions and processes would not fully develop and become sustainable.

Military Rule and Constitutional and Political Engineering

The repeated assumption of power by the military and its desire to shape the Pakistani polity in accordance with its
political preferences has also undermined the steady growth and sustainability of democratic institutions and processes. The
military rulers either abolished the constitution or suspended it to acquire supreme legislative and administrative powers. This
disrupted the development of civilian institutions and processes and made it impossible for them to develop strong roots in
the polity. After every ten years or so, the military returned the country to square one, promising to introduce a system
designed to respond to the needs and aspiration of the people and reflected the operational political realities of the country.
While establishing the post military rule political order the military regimes did not pursue a non-partisan approach.
The overriding consideration with the military rulers was to ensure their stay in power and the continuity of the policies
introduced during the period of direct military rule. They engaged in constitutional engineering either by introducing a new
constitution (Ayub Khan in 1962)) or by making drastic changes in the existing constitutional system to protect the interests of
the military regime. Zia-ul-Haq and Pervez Musharraf introduced far reaching changes in the 1973 constitution in 1985 and
2002 respectively to sustain their centrality to the political process and to ensure that no political party could unilaterally alter
the policy measures adopted by the military regime.
Constitutional engineering was coupled with the co-option of the political elite that was willing to play politics in
accordance with the rules determined by the military rulers and supported their continued stay in power. Ayub Khan, Zia-ulHaq and Pervez Musharraf resorted to co-option of a section of the political elite. Their co-option strategy focused on some
faction of the Muslim League. The strategy of co-option pre-supposed the exclusion of those who openly challenged the
military-initiated political arrangements. This strategy was adopted by the above named military rulers for replacing direct
military rule with new political arrangements based on sharing of power between the top brass of the military and the coopted political leadership. Another strategy adopted by the Pakistani military rulers was the holding of carefully managed
general elections to ensure that the co-opted leaders performed better than their adversaries.
The political institutions and processes created by the military regime reflected the military ethos of hierarchy,
discipline and management and were often based on a narrow and selective consensus. These institutions and processes
could not develop an autonomous political profile and remained closely associated with the generals. That was the major
reason that they often faltered in responding to the demands for political participation and socio-economic justice. The quality
of democracy was poor in the post-military rule political arrangements.

Geo-Politics: A Stark Reality1

Pakistan could not change its geography, nor escape from its social, cultural, political, economic and strategic influences. On
its independence in 1947, Pakistan was a house divided not against itself but by more than 1000 miles of hostile Indian
territory. The world itself was divided in two rival and mutually hostile blocs presenting our foreign policy with a difficult choice;
either align with the free world represented at that time by Western democracies or accept subservience to the authoritarian
and monolithic Communist system.
The most important factor circumscribing democracys growth in Pakistan has been its geopolitical location which
not only shaped its personality as a state but also conditioned its domestic as well as external behaviour. Emerging from the
trauma of sub-continental turmoil, the young state of Pakistan, faced with the stark reality of its geo-political environment,
especially its troubled relationship with India due to last-minute British manipulations in leaving behind disputed borders,
gravitated naturally to the pole that stood for freedom and democracy in that intensely bi-polar world.
It sought alliances with the West. In making that deliberate choice, Pakistan obviously was also guided by its overriding security and economic interests. On its part, the West, especially the US looked at Pakistan and its special geopolitical importance as a strategic asset in its containment policy against Soviet expansionism. They could not find a better
partner than a country with Pakistans exceptional location and potential for a crucial role in the final stages of the Cold War.
The ensuing sequence of history speaks for itself in determining what really happened to democracy in Pakistan.

1 Shamshad Ahmad, The Tale of Democracy in Pakistan

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

The US-Pakistan relationship has, no doubt, seen ups and downs with rotating phases of engagement and
estrangement depending on the nature of regional and global dynamics. Notably, every US engagement with Pakistan was
issue-specific and not based on shared perspectives. The spells of close ties between the two countries have been, and may
continue to be, single-issue engagements of limited or uncertain duration. (Cold war, Afghanistan and now terrorism)
Interestingly, during each phase in which relations with the US were good, we in Pakistan had either a military or
military-controlled government, whereas in Washington, the policy direction on Pakistan was in the hands of a Republican
White House with Pentagon and the CIA playing a central role. Also, ironically, most of the estrangement phases of the USPakistan relationship happened when we had a civilian elected government and they had a Democrat Administration.
As a painful legacy of these episodes of engagement with Washington, we continue to carry a huge baggage in
terms of massive Afghan refugee influx and a culture of drugs and guns, commonly known as the Kalashnikov culture
which has almost torn apart our social and political fabric. Since 9/11, Pakistan has been a frontline state in the US-led war
on terror. In addition to invisible emotional fall out, this war has cost Pakistan staggering military burden, irreparable
economic loss and an unquantifiable collateral damage in terms of internal displacement, social chaos, political instability and
endemic violence.
While there is a cumulative historic perspective to our political crises, we have suffered most from the legacy of two
long spells of military rule in our country, eleven years of General Zia-ul-Haq and nine years of General Pervez Musharraf.
Both came to power through military coups in breach of their constitutional oath and both subverted the Constitution,
destroyed institutions and ruined our social fabric by fueling religion-based militant extremism as a tool of their statecraft.
But lets be honest. The problem is not the US-Pakistan relationship. The problem is its poor and self-serving
management on both sides. For Washington, it has remained a transactional relationship. On our side, the problem is the
nature that our successive self-centred rulers have always sought to give to this relationship as their political and economic
lifeline through their opportunistic policies and notorious deals. It is time for both sides now to remake this important
relationship on the basis of universally established norms of inter-state relations.
The objective must be not to weaken this equation but to strengthen it by infusing in it greater mutually relevant
political, economic and strategic content. It must no longer remain a transactional relationship and must go beyond the
issue of terrorism. It must reach out to democratic and liberal forces and the business community in our country, and also the
younger generation in Pakistan which may resent US power but not its ideals.
And in their success alone lies the very future of Pakistan as a strong and stable democratic country with a
moderate and progressive outlook and as a factor of regional and global stability. Democracy, pluralism, security, market
economy and people-oriented development must be the constant features of this relationship.

What is Wrong with Pakistan?

Given the common history, everyone wants to know why India is democratic and Pakistan is not. What after all is
wrong with Pakistan? Instead of finding rational answers to this question in history, Prof. Sumit Ganguly, like many others,
seems to have succumbed to the temptation of attributing Indias democracy to Hinduism and Pakistans autocracy to Islam.
That is not the case.
For us, it is not sufficient only to attribute Pakistans failure in democracy to its tradition of leadership miscarriages or
military take-overs. There are in fact deep-rooted historical, socio-cultural and geo-political factors that have been
conditioning the post-independence democratic tradition in Pakistan. Since independence, the politics and governments in
Pakistan have remained hostage to the elite classes which have been inimical to any political liberalization in the country.
Indeed, history never looks like history when you are living through it. Within less than a quarter of a century of our
independent statehood, we lost half the country. Some blamed it on our physically being a house divided not against itself but
by sitting astride more than one thousand miles of a hostile Indias territory. The reality however was that as a newly
independent nation, we just could not cope with the challenges of freedom inherent in our geopolitical and structural fault
lines. Language became our first bte noire. We are still possessed by the same ghosts in the name of culture, ethnicity and
Unlike Indias Congress Party, the Muslim League, Pakistans founding party was almost wholly dominated by a few
feudal families, whom the British had patronised before partition and were powerful enough to retain control over national
affairs through the bureaucracy and the armed forces. While India was born with an intact bureaucratic apparatus in Delhi,
Pakistan had to build an entire government in 1947 under a state of emergency.
Besides military and the civil bureaucracy which wielded real authority, we saw a number of politicians being cycled
through those political and economic crises. Invariably, the politicians proved to be corrupt, interested only in maintaining
their political power and securing their own interests or those of their elite fraternity. As elected leaders, they never inspired
hope for a democratic state that could provide socio-economic justice and fair administration to all Pakistani citizens.
Even after Muslim Leagues disintegration, the same feudalised oligarchy consisting of different men at different
times under different political flags has remained in power with or without military collaboration. The feudal power structure is
indeed at the root of Pakistans political decay. It has also resisted land reforms in the country which it sees as a strike at its
own roots.
Instead of removing our systemic weaknesses and reinforcing the unifying elements of our nationhood, our powerhungry politicians have always succumbed to narrowly-based self-serving temptations. They rejected the popular will freely
expressed in the December 1970 elections, and instead of exploring political remedies to the resultant crisis went along a
military solution. It was the height of political opportunism and a humiliating military debacle leaving Pakistan physically
amputated; the worst that could happen to any country.
And yet, we learnt no lesson from our mistakes. We are repeating the same mistakes. The very reasons that
precipitated the 1971 tragedy remained un-addressed in the new constitution which was adopted in 1973 under pressures
emanating in the aftermath of the breakup tragedy rather than on merits of the document itself. Those who had no
constitution-making mandate and were in fact responsible for creating a parliamentary gridlock leading to the breakup of
Pakistan ironically became the authors of the flawed 1973 constitution.
The political government formed in 1973 soon had problems with two provinces, the NWFP (now KPK) and
Balochistan. Governments were dissolved and governor rule was imposed in these provinces. This was followed by an

8 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

armed uprising in some parts of Balochistan. The then prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto then realised the need for systemic
changes in the country. He went into early elections in the hope of a two-third majority in parliament to be able to amend the
constitution. His plans were preempted by a military takeover.
Since then, the 1973 constitution has been amended twenty-two times but no government has ever attempted to
correct the systemic anachronisms in our federal structure or to redress provincial grievances. The so-called devolution
under the eighteenth amendment provides no solution to the core issue of inter-provincial disparities.
The problem is that the overbearing feudal and tribal power structure in Pakistan has been too deeply entrenched to
let any systemic change take place. It doesnt suit them. They have always resisted reform in the country which they fear will
erode their vested power and influence base.
In the process, the country has failed to develop a sustainable democratic system based on constitutional
supremacy and institutional integrity. The main casualties have been the state institutions and the process of national
integration. The country is also engaged in a precarious struggle to define a national identity and evolve a political system
needed for its ethnically and linguistically diverse population.
Pakistan is known to have over twenty languages and nearly 300 distinct dialects. This diversity contributed to
chronic regional tensions and provincial disharmony, which not only impeded the process of constitution-making but also
remained a potential threat to central authority.
No wonder, there are demands now for more ethnic-linguistic provincial units in the country. No one agrees with the
logic of these self-serving demands when we need greater societal cohesion, not fragmentation. We cannot afford new
controversies reviving the old ethnic and linguistic chasms. But if inter-provincial disparities are to be removed, we cant
simply wish them away. A surgical remedy would be indispensable.

Systemic Aberrations
At the time of our independence in 1947, we inherited the Government of India Act, 1935, which remained our
constitutional framework, with necessary adaptations and modifications in the form of the Indian Independence Act, 1947,
passed by the British parliament. Seven years of debate failed to produce agreement on fundamental issues such as regional
representation or the structure of a constitution. This impasse prompted Governor General Ghulam Mohammad to dismiss
the Constituent Assembly on Oct 24, 1954, in what was the first coup of our history, though a civilian one.
The new Constituent Assembly produced the first Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which came into
force on March 23, 1956. It provided a parliamentary form of government with a president elected by the members of the
National Assembly and the two provincial assemblies of East Pakistan and West Pakistan and a cabinet of ministers headed
by a prime minister appointed by the president. Each province was effectively administered by a governor assisted by a small
team of ministers.
This constitution remained operative for about two-and-a-half years. Even with the abrogation of the constitution and
declaration of martial law in October 1958, no change was made in this federal setup in the second constitution adopted in
The late fifties and early sixties when this arrangement was in place was perhaps the only period during which the
bulk of the population of this country lived in peace and relative prosperity with nominal unemployment. Other than constant
political wrangling and intrigues among our politicians, we were a peaceful, tolerant, contented, liberal and law-abiding
society till the 1971 tragedy, after which successive domestic and regional events tearing apart our social and political fabric,
disrupted Pakistans progress as a model for Third World countries.
In the 1970s, we also tried a half-baked version of socialism, the outcome of an arbitrary, personalised approach of
an elected prime minister, who nationalised in one stroke our banks, schools and colleges and major industries. The whole
systemic perversity had to be reversed at a cost still being paid by the nation. At the moment, we are stuck with another
systemic perversity, with an elected president undemocratically also remaining the head of his party while virtually using the
head of governments powers that do not belong to him. It is neither a parliamentary nor presidential form of government.
Ours is the story of a society that has been going round and round in aimless circles for 65 years. Absence of
democracy, rule of law and good governance is its continuing hallmark. The country has been engaged in a precarious
struggle to define a national identity and evolve a political system for its ethnically and linguistically diverse population.
This diversity contributed to chronic regional tensions and provincial disharmony, which not only impeded the
process of constitution-making but also remained a potential threat to central authority. The question of provincial autonomy
remains the key to addressing the issues of federalism in our country. There is a strong underlying resentment in Balochistan
and in other smaller provinces against what is seen as continued Punjabi dominance and inequitable distribution of power
and resources.
In the former East Pakistan too, the problems started with a similar deep-rooted sense of deprivation and a feeling
of political and economic alienation, which over time became a politico-constitutional crisis culminating into demand for larger
autonomy and leading eventually to the break-up of the country. We find our provincial system not only fueling misrule and
corruption but also aggravating sense of inequality and deprivation among different parts of the country.
Our Constitution does not provide a solution to the genuine concerns on the inequality of the size of provinces and
lopsided sharing of political and economic power. The need for drastic change in our present anachronistic set up is urgent to
get rid of the same old usurpers of the countrys politics, outmoded social and political structures and elitist-led status quo in
our country.

The Way Forward

We are currently suffering the worst governance crisis of our history. The gross inadequacies in governmental
handling of serious problems affecting the common man, including continuing food and energy shortages, unabated violence
and extremism and countrywide lawlessness have never been so acute. Our present rulers have been amply tested and
inspire no hope. The nation desperately looks for an alternative, someone with integrity and credibility and a plan with an able
team to remake the State of Pakistan like Malaysias Mahathir and Singapores Lee Kuan Yew.
The country must come out of the farcical democratic mode opting for genuine democracy rooted in the will of the
people and based on constitutional supremacy, institutional integrity, rule of law and good governance. It is never too late. It

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

is also time for our armed forces to let the country be governed by democratically elected representatives of the people. For
them nothing would be more honorable than reverting to their constitutionally-defined professional role and respecting the
legitimacy of their peoples democratic aspirations and socio-economic needs.
In todays context, what is important for Pakistan itself is the need to be stable politically and strong economically so
as to be self-reliant and immune to external constraints and exploitation. Our countrys peculiar socio-economic and political
culture, based on feudal and tribal structure, high rate of poverty and illiteracy, and inequality of wealth and power are
symptomatic of a lopsided situation that warrants the beginning of an end to the current socio-economic disparities and
political exploitation of the people by the privileged few of our country.
What in fact we need is the remaking of the State of Pakistan as envisioned by Quaid-e-Azam, free of ethnic and
linguistic labels and sectarian, communal and regional disharmony. We need a new Pakistan where strict adherence to the
Constitution shall be ensured as a solemn social contract enabling the citizens to live their lives and raise their children in
dignity, free from fear, want, hunger, disease, illiteracy, corruption, intolerance, violence, oppression and injustice. We want
our country to be the one in which democracy, not dictatorship will endure, where economic growth and social justice
reinforce each other.
Our new Pakistan must be strong enough to live at peace with itself and with the rest of the world as a highly
responsible nuclear-weapon state committed to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, particularly the principles of
sovereign equality, territorial integrity, external non-interference and peaceful settlement of bilateral disputes. Pakistan must
be seen in its region as a source of strength and stability, not as the hub of terrorism and extremism.
And finally, instead of always blaming outsiders for our domestic problems, we should have the courage to admit
that there is something fundamentally wrong with our own governance patterns. Our systemic perversities are the root cause
of our governance failures. Our problems are not external; our problems are domestic. Our foremost priority is to fix the
fundamentals of our governance. We need domestic consolidation through democracy based on constitutional supremacy,
institutional integrity and independent judiciary, rule of law, accountability & good governance.

The System Must Change

Our Constitution has been amended umpteen times for furtherance of political power and expediency. If any further
changes are needed in our Constitution to correct the systemic anachronisms in our federal structure and to redress
provincial grievances, they should be made before it is too late to remove the underlying causes of injustice and socioeconomic deprivation of the people of the smaller provinces.
Every political leader is promising a change but doesnt seem to be ready yet to come out with any blueprint for the
promised change. It is time for a surgical operation to root out the countrys systemic perversities. We cannot afford to
remain complacent spectators any longer. Here are some suggestions for consideration before the coming election:
1. 1. Presidential System:

Given our pathetic performance in our political conduct and discipline since our independence, we, like most
developing countries, are perhaps not yet fit for the parliamentary system. Britain struggled for centuries to reach its
current parliamentary status. For us, it would be too long and too arduous a journey to be indefinitely chasing
illusory goals.

Temperamentally, we are a presidential nation. It is time we abandoned the system that we have never been able
to practice. Even the Quaid-e-Azam had doubts about the practicality of a parliamentary system in Pakistan. We
should explore an adult franchise-based presidential system suitably designed for and tailored to Pakistans
2. Proportional Representation:



We must also adopt the system of proportional representation that ensures representation of political parties in
national legislature proportionate to the percentage of popular vote they receive. It will provide greater access to
non-feudal, non-elitist educated middle class people in elected assemblies.
3. Recasting Federal Structure:

Also needed is rationalization of our federal system by revisiting our current provincial architecture looking for a
pragmatic solution to the problems of regional disparities. Reason, not self-serving emotion should be our yardstick.

Looking at the systems of other developed and developing countries, we find ourselves a unique example of a
federation with almost no parallel anywhere in the world. No country, roughly equal to Pakistans geographical and
population size has so few and so large provinces.

While large unequal provinces are always prone to breed and fuel secessionist mindsets, smaller provinces serve
as a safety valve against such tendencies. Nigeria, a large country, on its independence had three regions and soon
started facing a religion-based secessionist war in Biafra Region in the 1960s. It solved its federal problems by
forming smaller provinces and today, in addition to Abuja as the federal territory, it has 36 states subdivided into 774
local government areas.

Most of the large and medium size countries in todays world have divided themselves into small size provinces or
states as administrative units. Examples: China 34 provinces, India 28 states and 7 union territories, Iran 30
provinces, Indonesia 33, Egypt 26, France 26, Germany16, Switzerland 26 cantons, Nigeria 37, Philippines 80,
Thailand 78, Turkey 81, UK 114 counties and USA 50 states.

In any unequal, parochially defined set up irrespective of historical identities, no method of governance can work. It
is a system designed for paralysis which we are already experiencing. Our present provincial set up has long been
the cause of political instability with an ever-looming threat to the countrys further disintegration. Lately, there have
been demands for more provinces on ethnic or linguistic grounds.

If this trend were to continue, we will be left with a loosely wired skeleton of a federation with more political space
available to self-serving, disgruntled and corrupt politicians to play havoc with this country. We must resist this
opportunistic approach and remove the inherent flaws in our system by recasting our federal architecture.


The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

This we can do preferably by eliminating altogether the present four linguistic-ethnic-based provinces and replacing
them with forty or more administratively-determined provinces both as federating as well as administrative units of
the State of Pakistan.

In case, our traditional feudalist mindset does not let this change happen and is bent upon retaining the present
ethnic-based federal identities, we could still opt for an alternative restructuring of the federation by retaining the
present four ethnic-linguistic-based provinces redesignated as states constituting the federating units of Pakistan
with a constitutionally redefined role and status.

The functions of the four redesignated states shall be limited only to an oversight and supervisory role over the
provincial and district governments in their respective jurisdiction and maintaining liaison on their behalf with the
Central Government in terms of administrative, judicial, police, law & order, and financial matters.

In this task, the four states will have very small functional secretariats for supervisory coordination with their
respective provinces administrations. All administrative responsibilities shall be transferred to the local levels
obviating the need for state cabinets, assemblies or secretariats.

The present provincial assemblies should be abolished and replaced with much smaller elected legislative bodies
called State Councils for the needed law-making purposes within the respective states.

There will be no state chief minister or cabinets and instead the elected governor as the representative of the
federation will oversee the running of the affairs of the provinces with the help of the elected provincial
administrations within his state.
4. New Provincial Architecture:


In order to separate governance from ethnic-linguistic considerations and to eliminate at least one known tier of
redundancy and dirty politics of greed and power, i.e., the present provincial structure, we create forty or more
provinces as administrative units ensuring a balance in geographical and population size.

In any case, a Sindhi will remain a Sindhi even as parts of Karachi, Hyderabad, Mirpur Khas or Larkana Province
and so would be other nationalities no matter where they reside.

By dividing the country into smaller administrative units as provinces, we would not only be eliminating the causes of
regional acrimony and discontent but also ensuring effective and efficient governance through elected bodies at
local and grassroots levels.

To avoid any large-scale fresh re-demarcation of land boundaries and re-channelling of irrigations canals and
tributaries, the best solution will be to convert the existing divisional commissionaries into new provinces headed by
elected administrators with a suitable title. (Suggested List of Provinces in Annex I)
5. Districts as Basic Unit of Governance:

The newly-designated provinces will have administrations comprising of elected councils headed by an elected
administrator and assisted by professional burearocracy. But the basic unit of governance should be the present
districts, each headed by an elected person with prescribed eligibility criteria, with the help of small elected bodies at
all local levels.

The new provincial units shall be responsible for an oversight and coordinatory role providing support to the district
governments within their jurisdiction and maintaining liaison with the central government in terms of administrative,
judicial, and financial matters.

The district governments need to be strengthened through adequate resources for meeting citizens basic
requirements like food, shelter, education, health, security and justice at the local level, and through a monitoring
mechanism will be made accountable to ensure efficient functioning.

Elected district, tehsil and mohalla/village/community councils will involve the people as in other democratic
societies in the running of their affairs. Common mans problems shall be addressed at the local level with public
safety, law and order and timely justice guaranteed and delivered to them at their doorsteps.

Election to all local councils except district councils should be on two-yearly adult franchise basis and no member
will be allowed more than two 2-year elected terms to widen the scope of democratic process at the grassroots
5. Federal Government:


The sanctity of separation of powers should be the basis of the federal system with three organs of the State
functioning independently with usual checks and balances.

The federal government should retain only ten to twelve ministries responsible to formulate and implement national
policies in important areas, notably defence, economy, education, foreign affairs, national security, trade,
communication, justice and law. All other subjects should be transferred to states for effective handling through the
new smaller provinces and districts as basic units of governance.

Bicameral system of legislature should continue with necessary adjustments giving all provinces equal
representation in the Senate as at present except that all seats including those reserved for women and minorities
should be filled through direct elections.

Both houses together will legislate as in any presidential system on matters of national importance such as budget
and economy, foreign affairs and national security to help the federal government in formulating and implementing
policies on these subjects.

Election to both houses should be held every four years through Proportional Representation system ensuring
representation of political parties proportionate to the actual popular vote they receive in the polls.

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs



The National Assembly and the Senate will concentrate on their job of legislation, deliberate on national issues to
help the government in formulating and implementing sound, well considered domestic policies including on national
security, economy, budget and foreign affairs.
7. Balochistan Quagmire:

Despite its abundance of natural resources, Balochistan remains the most backward province of the country and its
legitimate political and economic grievances have long remained unaddressed.

There is a strong underlying resentment in Balochistan (and in other provinces also) against what is seen as
continued Punjabi dominance, inequitable distribution of political power and resources, and exploitation of
provinces natural wealth.

We must genuinely look for fair and permanent solutions. The problems in Balochistan will be resolved only through
political and economic means, not by use of military force or through violence and militancy.

These problems are also rooted in our flawed federal system and will be best resolved by the proposed restructuring
of the federation. With smaller units of governance, the issues of governance and availability or distribution of
resources shall also be easy to handle.

The Baloch interests will also be best safeguarded in a strong and stable Pakistan and in an environment of peace
and tranquility free of exploitation, blackmail or duress from any source.

But like elsewhere in the world, the people of Balochistan also need to be freed of the outdated and exploitative
Darbari and Sardari tribal system which keeps them backward to sustain its own privilege and power.

Instead of fuelling self-serving nationalist unrest and obstructing genuine development and security related
projects, the Sardars and Nawabs should come out of their exploitative mode and join the countrys political
mainstream to genuinely work for the socio-economic well-being of their people.

In implementing development projects, it will also be easier for the local governments to deliver in terms of improved
infrastructure and better living facilities, including health and educational services, and access to the use of their
natural resources.


The proposal to strengthen district governments, to form small equal provinces with a limited role in governance and
a lean central government as outlined above, will bring about following major advantages:It will eliminate the cause of acrimony and discontent among the different regions.
The central government, unburdened from mundane routine affairs will be able to concentrate on formulating and
implementing national level policies more effectively.
It will end duplication of responsibilities between different levels now causing confusion and despondency in
governance. Eliminating one tier of assemblies, cabinets and secretariats at provincial level and concentrating the
role of legislation at the national level, will help in effective functioning of the country.
By doing away with the provincial legislative and secretariat structures, we will be saving huge expenses now being
incurred on maintaining provincial assemblies, minsters, advisors, parliamentary secretaries and large
administrative secretariats.
It will bring the desired level of political stability. The parties winning national level elections will be able to form
stable governments at the centre without having to make compromises to form provincial governments.
It will meet the demands of sub national group eliminating threats of further breakup of the Country as experienced
in 1971, by removing causes of discontent, neutralising propaganda themes like hatred against Punjabis, developed
by our adversaries for a long time.
Disturbances and discontent in an area would be isolated, promptly addressed and problems easily resolved without
affecting other areas.
The role of State Governor to support the provincial and district governments in maintaining law and order by
providing required force and in dispensation of quick justice by maintaining judicial infrastructure at his disposal will
establish inherent checks and balance eliminating chances of district governments going overboard.
Responding to the aspirations and genuine needs of the people of Pakistan, facilitating them in solving their
problems at local level and ending acrimony on divisive issues, will act as catalyst to our progress and strengthen us
as a nation.

Democracy in Pakistan faced a host of difficulties which did not let the democratic principles, institutions and
processes develop firm roots in the polity. Pakistan started with the parliamentary system of governance but the legacy of
institutional imbalance and authoritarianism, problems encountered in the setting up of the new state, the external security
pressures and the fear of the collapse of the state adversely affected the prospects of democracy. Other factors that caused
the problems for democracy included the crisis of leadership in the aftermath of the demise of Jinnah, failure of the Muslim
League to transform itself from a nationalist movement to a national party, fragmentation and degeneration of the political
forces and the rise of the bureaucratic-military elite. Long before the first military takeover in October 1958 the dominant elite
were talking about the unsuitability of liberal democracy for Pakistan.
Intermittent constitutional and political breakdown, the ascendancy of the military to power and the efforts of the top
brass of the military to introduce a political system that protected their professional and corporate interests made it difficult to
create participatory political institutions and processes that could command the voluntary support of the diversified political
interests. The military elite employed the democratic principles in a selective manner and their policy of co-option of a section
of the political leaders and exclusion of others accentuated polarization and jeopardized the prospects of political
accommodation and consensus-building.


The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

The experience suggests that democratic institutions and processes stabilize and mature if their natural evolution is
not obstructed by partisan considerations. These must function in their true spirit over time, offering all citizens and groups an
equal and fair opportunity to enter the political mainstream and compete for power and influence. This helps to build support
for the political institutions and facilitates their sustainability. In Pakistan, periodic breakdown of the political order and
repeated military take-over or attempts by the top brass to shape the political process to their political preferences did not
ensure political continuity and the competing interest did not get equal opportunity to freely enter the political mainstream. .
Democracy and the autonomy of civilian institutions and processes has been the major casualty of the expanded
role of the military. Whenever Pakistan returned to civilian and constitutional rule, the quality of democracy remained poor. It
is a case of democracy deficit. The long term endurance of the political institutions and the prospects of democracy faces
four major challenges in Pakistan: the non-expansion of participatory opportunities for those viewed as adversaries by the
military dominated regime, the poor performance of the elected assemblies, failure to build consensus on the operational
norms of the political system, and a drift towards confrontation, religious and cultural intolerance and extremism.
This does not mean that the people have given up on the primacy of the popular will, participatory governance,
accountability of the rulers and governance for serving the people. The ideological commitment to these principles persists
which will continue to question the legitimacy of non- participatory and authoritarian governance and political management.
Unfortunately, when the gravest of problems stare us in the face, we tend to ignore them only because we cant do
anything about them. As an expression of our helplessness, we just like to carry on with life, at times even ridiculing those
who speak of the need for things to be set right. As a country and as a nation, at this critical juncture in our history we cannot
leave ourselves to the vagaries of time or at the mercy of our corrupt and incompetent rulers. We cant even innocently
continue to believe that everything will be all right, magically or providentially.
We must remember that Pakistan of 1947 could not survive even for twenty five years. Despite the 1973
Constitution, the remaining Pakistan continues to face threat of further disintegration mainly due to unaddressed concerns of
different regions. These are exceptional times warranting exceptional responses to our problems. We must avoid reaching
points of no return. The nation desperately looks for an alternative, someone with integrity and credibility and a vision with an
able team to remake the State of Pakistan like Malaysias Mahathir and Singapores Lee Kuan Yew.
To avert the vicious cycle of known tragedies, we need a serious and purposeful national
effort involving a holistic review of our governmental system and a parallel discourse among major
political stakeholders and key civil society segments including the media and lawyers community to
explore and evolve a national remedial and recovery plan before it is too late. Elections alone will not
make any difference. They are just another exploitative exercise in which the power of wealth and feudal
control remain the decisive factor. For qualitative change in the country, the system itself must change.


Dr. Aftab Ahmed Mangi, Dr. Hakim Ali Kanasro, Prof. Dr. Aslam Pervez Memon


akistan came in to being on 14 august 1947 under the leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah who
became its first Governor General. It consisted of Muslim majority areas Bengal, Punjab, N.W.F.P, the Tribal areas,
Sindh and Baluchistan, these were the parts of old British colony of the India. It was a country facing short resources
for existence, seeking security and stability to maintain its identity. As a new born country its prime task was to
develop a strong bureaucracy and political system to build a national integrity as the founder said the foundations of your
state have been laid, and it is now for you to build. For the lack of administrative talent, political and administrative structure
then followed the legacies of the British Raj left behind. The main problem of administrative development in the new state
had to change the colonial bureaucratic practice with a new standard but imposed a highly centralized constitutional system
by the government and could not change the old bureaucratic practice in a country which was physically and culturally
distinct. As a developing country, the focus should have had been to change new concept from the colonial experience and
the Western concept of bureaucratic as Riggs suggested for developing countries to bring about the desired change for
political and economic stability which were fundamentals for leading a country to modernization.
Keywords: Bureaucracy, Government, Colonial, Policies, Elites.

There are two versions of the discussion which are the bureaucracy is good when it provide services to the
inhabitants in the country keep justice, intact law and order and maintain peace final results is prosperity and sustainable
growth in the economy. The second is bureaucracy is worst when it causes and nourishes nepotisms, corruption at
grassroots level, lack competencies and promotes anarchy which leads to the failure of weak democracies. In the research
paper it has been tried to outline the exploitation that has happened due to the bureaucratic involvement in the politics and
could not focus duties and responsibilities. One cannot discredit bureaucracys achievements in the developed countries for
providing essential services to the people but in the growth of democratic government or provincial autonomy it deemed not
very conductive (Khalid B. Sayeed 1967). In the Report of Sindh Special Court of Inquiry, it had been proposed that
secretaries should be allowed to draw attention of the Governor if the ministers disregarded the rules of business.
Understanding the term bureaucracy can be traced to the writings of a German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920), he said
bureaucratic system is one in which officials have defined behavioral characteristics: the bureaucratic administrator must
ultimately be compliant and must be prepared to administer rules peacefully; this meant that bureaucratic system develops
more as possible. The focus was on the incapability of individual bureaucrats to follow the organizational policy due to a set
of bad inducement that were uneven with the goals of bureaucracy. The ideas of the unsuccessful states contrasts from that

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs


of the delicate state has absence of ability and have to raise an environment favorable to stand progress. Bureaucracy must
be above and beyond political the loyalty they are to serve the people not to one political person and the main function of the
bureaucrat is to provide service to people with no political coalition and interference. There is a need to initiative the safety,
tenure and control of the exceptional powers of rulers for appointments, transfers and promotions of public officials. The
renovation of Pakistans bureaucracies has to commence with returning to the rule of system in bureaucracy and make sure
protection of tenure with accountability. There is the prior need of job security of civil servants the political based decisions on
promotion, recruitment, removal and career side for the officials makes disappointment among bureaucrats. The ever
growing quantity of vacancies focus to political recruitments all back to decreasing competence of the bureaucrats. The
connection between performance, reward and individual merit is uncontrolled due to political involvements and the
effectiveness and output of the organization is bargained.

Literature Review
It was argued in 18th century in France by De Gournay. Ferrel Heady (1984) stated that here are four different sets
of meanings of bureaucracy. (1) A system of rule or governmental system in which official dominate. (2) Method of conduct
the application of General rules. (3) The past explanation is concept of bureaucracy as Efficiency or inefficiency. Herman
Finer (1945) said that the weaknesses of public bureaucrats in the action of their responsibilities creates the illness named
bureaucracy, There are corrective, but not to the point of excellence, according to this concept bureaucracy is at best
efficiency, involving unnecessary rules and procedures, and at worst the stifling of all initiatives by using these rules and
procedures to block them; (4) bureaucracy refers to those who work in bureaus. Historical roots of Pakistani bureaucracy
under the British colonial law and traces that the British structure of administration was established to uniform the desires of a
colonial influence. In Pakistan the system of bureaucratic rules and regulations were not combined with much alteration at
the time of freedom. The alternative to resolve the problem immediate and making grounds for future policies the government
exceeded to creating bureaucratic control over politicians. The assumption arise that a centralized bureaucracy was
influenced by Punjab province and it created reservations among the other province that their lack of development is due to
the lesser access in decision-making at the national level and it presume even today. The reforms of civil services in 1973
established and a new system of common training program was compulsory at the civil services academy, Lahore. Classes
among the government servants were eliminated and change by integrated grading system and the first batch accepted as
the 1 st common. Lateral entry was introduced which was a direct risk to the bureaucrats because now political appointees
would be a part of their system. There was a clash between civil servants who were armed with extraordinary powers, and
politicians. The Chief Secretary, who was the head of the entire civil service of the province, was buildup an enormous
amount of power for the purpose of better efficiency and coordination. The Chief Secretary was from Punjab and the civil
service in the province was dominated by Punjabi and Urdu speaking people who had migrated from India. There was no
meeting of minds among Bureaucratic elites and created a conflict between them and it became harmful in the political,
social and institutional setting. The environment change into differences when one considered that the politicians of Punjab
were much closer to their civil servants and military officers than the others could ever be Khalid B. Sayeed (1967). The
Punjab province felt that to counter the aspirations of the Bengali Majority and Bengalis would obviously come to complain
that their slight majority was being undermined through the principle of equality. Charles H. Kennedy. (1987) Describes that
Pakistan as a bureaucratic state and its dominant rule in country, lobbying of the bureaucracy since the 1973 reforms. Ralph
Briabanti (1967) Debates several sides of the administration it comprises serious evidence and can be used as a reference.
Heeger, Gerald A. (1977) claims that Bureaucratic supremacy in Pakistan caused not due to supremacy of organization but
the domination of government departments by the bureaucrats. The works on bureaucracy is mostly derived from the effort
of German social scientist Max Weber in the 19th century. Weber (1968) in his view the bureaucrat has to follow these
standards: Rationality, Specialization, political neutrality, Merit recruitment and long term career rankings. Bureaucrat has to
offer the plan for assessing the unsympathetic role to the ruling party but ensure neutrality and the responsibilities of the
bureaucrat are to enforcement actual policy as a part of their job. The regulations give the basis for bureaucracy that to
achieve goal, protect political intervention, and urges to follow the standard of authority.

Characteristics of Healthier Bureaucracy

Bureaucracy is not the only cause of failure in the national development but political leaders and military
interventions are also responsible. The common view is that the bureaucracy is responsible because of their corruption,
nepotism, usual incompetence and thrust power beyond this illness there are the reasons counted as socio-political and
socio-economic as an institution it is considered ill-organized. It means as an organization itself is not only responsible. There
is no confusion that if state is able to give services based on rule of law, and bring prosperity to the public effectively it may
be because of good bureaucracy. Pakistan is a country of180 million people cannot be managed without effective
bureaucracy having rules, neutral decision making and proper training finally political neutrality, free organizational conduct
covered by law and then hard accountability. The Politicians have confused the bureaucracy and turned it into a tool to serve
their interest instead of public. Good bureaucrat playes role faire and follow rules, hierarchy of authority, accountability and
professional ethics. The Politics have no role in administration but they have to follow the laws, goals and to decide strategy.
The renovating laws and policies into proceedings is the job of bureaucracy, which are to be passed in clear and answerable
ways. Bureaucracy can be successful only if it has the protection from the vindictive actions of rulers. Coverage of
bureaucracy to the people and analysis medias watch will make them able to shrink the scale of dishonesty and to bring
administrative improvement. Political parties are making pledge of carry peace, security, and provide jobs, minimize. The
bureaucrats have recognized political intervention as a main concern. There is further need to investigate how to
strengthening Pakistani bureaucracy; and to assess their observations in the bureaucracy where they were the part, their
observation about them, their community, their superiors, and the organization they stand for. The bureaucrat be allocated to
the position based on merit, and it would be his performance that would be enough to obtain him to the next level. All
bureaucrats would work based on principles of hard work and free and neutral in judgment, no benefit to be achieved from
favoritism with the political leaders and their impartiality also means that no political incursion in recruitments of public
servants the appointments are only on the basis of merit. Political impartiality provides the sense of security to bureaucrat it is
observed. The common view is that, if public service is provided freedom to work according to law and avoid to favoritism by
the political government and intervention from any political part that can be more effective.

Characteristics of Awful Bureaucracy

Pakistans bureaucracies are affected by many troubles other than insecurity and loss of professionalism. The
uncertainty arises from the corruption and nepotism, but it has been complexes by the ethnic devotions, notions of piety and
accounts of religiosity, which give reason for ignoring organizational ethics. A broad selection of exercise should be taken to
create codes of conduct for various services. Apart from changing the behavioral standards its formation and practice need a
foremost renovation. The anthropologist observers how Pakistani bureaucracy becomes purposeless, a new book of

14 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

Matthew S. Hull 2012 must be read for reference. The literature emerged in 1990 exposed Pakistans failure because of
malfunctioning in bureaucracy and it linked with its politicizing. Fair role and Services suffers when a bureaucrat is not
impartial and is associated to serve the benefit of an individual, and following personal benefit, at the cost of national interest.
Serving the interests of politicians and ensuring the politicians vote bank, working for chosen benefit and not for a common
man, results the causes of corruption in bureaucracy. The concept of political neutrality has been taken as a feature and tool
with which to assess the capability and performance of the bureaucracy in developing countries and to improve it.

According to the statistical bulletin of Pakistan, the population of country now has crossed 180 million which needs
restructuring of the bureaucracy, and rebuild Pakistan through adoption of modern system of government machinery which
can be used to support popular democratic governments in implementation of their programs and bureaucracy assures
continuity of development programs, etc. National consideration, security, and economic development are the most important
objectives for any nation- state in the third word. Literally speaking, Pakistans history is a chronicle of bureaucratic
mismanagement. Economic and political development is in a mess. Majority of the peoples of Pakistan are uneducated. In
short, socially, economically, politically, Pakistan is ruined and its security is vulnerable among the nations. There were the
leaders who could have changed the destiny of Pakistan like Quaid-e- Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah who died very soon,
General Muhammad Ayub Khan, Zulfqar Ali Bhutto, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif etc. The existence of
bureaucracy, under political backing was not easy, the bureaucracy itself desperate and consequently disagreement arise.
The then governments were operating within the limitations, crises, and inter-provincial rivalries. The state has to provide
services, justice, maintain law and carry prosperity, and if it has to be effective, it has to have a good bureaucracy. The
military and civilian bureaucracy is building its time to stability of government. Civil services worked efficiently up to 1960s
and to resist social pressures and act on rules ended a few years after 1947. The success of the civilian government through
its trials tribulation, to build political and economic institutions to withstand the tempests of the time is yet to be seen. It's true
if politicians and the military have not demoralized the bureaucracy, turning it into a collection of self-serving individuals,
instead of an institution based on rules, the hierarchy of authority, accountability and professional ethics, the success would
have been visible today. If the spring is here, can winter be far behind. Weber said
Once bureaucracy is fully established among the social structures which are the hardest to
destroy. Imposition of martial law is the cry of certain segments of society. If that happens, then,
Pakistans development: economic, social, political and institutional is not sighted far in the coming
future. Global perception is that the bureaucracies of the developing countries are permanent
stakeholders and the copartner; Politions are for the tenure Government has to make bureaucracies
neutral in its role to stabilize the growth and system of the country

Managing Local
Governance in Pakistan
Dr. Ghazal Khawaja Hummayun Akhtar

The concept of decentralization in the form of Local government is the most effective way to deliver goods and services at
the grass root level. The concept is as old as the governments itself. Since the inception of Pakistan in 1947 the strong
bureaucratic control in the country was not at all conducive to public participation in political affairs, which eventually led local
self-government to regression, hampering the administrative and financial influx of local bodies. Since no elections were held
for the first eleven years, these institutions lagged behind and, therefore, fell prey to ineffective functioning. The underlying
study is comparing three systems of local government in Pakistan and shed light on the motive behind every dictatorial
initiated local governments plan
Keywords: Decentralization, local government, Devolution Power Plan, Basic Democracies, District Administration.

Concept of Decentralization

ecentralization, or decentralizing governance, refers to the restructuring or reorganization of authority so that there is
a system of co-responsibility between institutions of governance at the central, regional and local levels according to
the principle of subsidiary, thus increasing the overall quality and effectiveness of the system of governance, while
increasing the authority and capacities of sub-national levels. Decentralization could also be expected to contribute
to key elements of good governance, such as increasing people's opportunities for participation in economic, social and
political decisions; assisting in developing people's capacities; and enhancing government responsiveness, transparency and
accountability. (UN DP, September 1997)
Decentralization is basically concerned with how government is structured, and how authorities, powers, and
responsibilities are divided among the central government and sub-ordinate tiers of government. Formally, decentralization is
defined as the transfer of responsibility for planning, management, and resource utilization and allocation from the central
government to (a) field units of federal government ministries or agencies; (b) sub-ordinate units or levels of government; (c)
semi-autonomous public authorities or corporations; (d) area wide regional or functional authorities. (Cheema A, 2006)
Decentralization has become a popular theme in development thinking and practice for at least two decades
(Klugman, 1994). There are two main factors that contribute towards the growing popularity of decentralization since the
a. The global democratic expansion.
b. Belief in the technical efficiency of decentralization.
Over the last two decades, an increasing number of countries have made efforts to decentralize government
services, particularly health & population programs. According to many scholars, decentralization has evolved as a result of:

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs


a. A global trend towards local autonomy and self governance, and the tendency to reduce reliance on centralized planning of
economies and be more responsive to local needs.
b. Countries receiving international assistance have also been pressured by donors like Germany and the United States to
improve the delivery of public services in terms of responsiveness, effectiveness and efficiency through decentralization.
c. A realization that centrally administered programs do not always provide for effective program delivery at the local level, as
they do not consider local needs.

Problems in Decentralization
Despite the limitations associated with delivery of services by the central government, the experience with
decentralization has been quite mixed (Burki, 1999).The most frequently- cited problem is the lack of capacity at sub-national
levels of government to exercise responsibility for public services. A second problem is that decentralization has led to
misaligned responsibilities, possibly because the process is incomplete, possibly for political reasons. Third, while
decentralization was in some cases intended to strengthen the political power of lower tiers of government vis--vis the
center, it has also increased the possibility of political capture within these lower tiers. Fourth, a host of other problems have
nevertheless undermined service delivery in decentralizing economies. For instance, the soft-budget constraint facing subnational governments has led to over borrowing (Rodden, 2003).

Historical Perspective of Local Governance in Sub-Continent

Local government ruled in the sub-continent for centuries in the form of Panchayats. The decentralization plan of the
Mauryan and Gupta Empires in sub-continent was quite unique, which unfortunately remained anonymous to the Western
World until modern times. History reveals that the Panchayats, considered as the essential unit of national governance,
played a pivotal role in resolving disputes and promoting cultural heritage. This proves that the establishment of local
government in early human history had the potential and wisdom to mediate local affairs efficiently on a decentralized basis.
The Mughals also established the Kotwal system in urban areas, where the Kotwal was treated as the central governing
authority of the policies exercised in the municipal administration. A Kotwal enjoyed full autonomy of decision-making of the
town under his supervision. His role spanned over a wide range of duties, exercising his authority on a wider prospect which
even the present day municipal bodies have failed to achieve.
Later, an attempt was made by the East India Company in 1688 through the Municipal Committee in Madras. This system
had created social classes in society. The gap that this governance system had created required a more refined and yet
defined operational unit, which could exercise equality for all and tone down the supremacy that was existent amongst the
elite class. The Viceroy of India, Lord Ri ppon (1880-1884), in 1882 sensed the need to bridge the gap between the rulers
and local men to effectuate a proper local governmental setup in the sub-continent. The Viceroy terminated the then existent
system of local governments. His reforms mainly focused on imparting political education with a view to achieve maximum
efficiency and high level of performance. He dissolved the enormous local boards and converted them into smaller units and
replaced the nomination system by the electoral system, to encourage maximum participation of the local people, in the
government. All subsequent developments of the institutions of local government in the sub-continent followed these
footsteps (Talbot, 2012).

Management of Local Government in Pakistan

Unfortunately, unlike many developed countries, the local government system in Pakistan does not enjoy
constitutional protection. According to the constitution 1973, Local government is a subject of the provincial governments.
The provincial governments may or may not establish a local government in their respective provinces. With three local
government arrangements initiated only by military dictators, the motivations and intentions behind decentralization
endeavors in Pakistan are questionable. A study shows that decentralization efforts in Pakistan have always had a strong
political motive behind it that served the military dictators struggle for legitimacy, and rarely redistributed the real power. (Sal
man, 2012)
The history of local government in Pakistan was purely based on three diverse local governmental setups, namely:

General Ayub Khans Basic Democracies Order of 1958

General Zia- ul-Haqs Provincial Local Government Ordinances of 1979

General Pervez Musharrafs Devolution of Power Plan 2000

In 1958, President Ayub Khan promulgated a four tiered Basic Democracies Order (BDO), which sought to establish
a new class of loyal and obedient citizens as encapsulated by Lord Rippon. The system was effectively used as Electoral
College by Ayub Khan against Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah in Presidential election. The Rural Works Program (RWP) was
launched by President Ayub Khan with the objective of enhancing the human skills of the rural population for the integration
of the local government structure with the nation-building department. The political role and bureaucratic control under BDO
suffered great criticism from a particular segment of the society. This system lost its worth for its creator and died after 1964,
due to its association with the Military.
Then, General Yahya, the successor of General Ayub, announced general elections in 1969. Subsequently, in 1971,
the history of Pakistan, marked with the fall of East Pakistan, became Bangladesh, while West Pakistan came under the
control of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). In Pakistan, the system of local government was abolished by the government
of PPP in 1971. To settle the matters rightfully, the third Constitution of Pakistan was announced by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in
1972. It is important to mention here that the Constitution of Pakistan 1972 laid special emphasis on the Local Government
System in Pakistan. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (Article 7) recognizes that local authorities (with
power to tax) as an organ of the State. Article 32 provides that;
The state shall encourage local government institutions composed of elected representatives of the areas
concerned and in such institutions special representation will be given to peasants, workers and women.(Pakistan,
As per the directives of the Federal Government, the Provincial Governments promulgated Peoples Local
Government Ordinances in their respective jurisdictions in March 1972. The grass-root level institution of Union Council in the
rural areas was eliminated under the Integrated Rural Development Program (IRDP). The IRDP exercised authority to
provide services to the rural areas to safeguard their rights and provide them with a proper system to effectively meet their

16 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

basic requirements. The RWP was, however, replaced by Peoples Works Program with the objectives being largely the
same as IRDP. This program provided a relatively restricted bureaucratic control and assured participation of the people and
sufficient autonomy at all levels.
The Provincial Governments, enacted The Peoples Local Government Act 1975, which provided for the popularly
elected Union Councils, District Councils (in rural areas) and Town Committees, in addition to the Municipal Committees ( in
rural areas), headed by a Chairman. However, these laws and systems never gained ground and merely remained on
papers; nor did they pave the way for any elections at various levels of local bodies.
The military government of General Zia-ul-Haq followed next in 1977 and brought the Local Government Ordinance
along with it in 1979, which consisted of three-tiers and introduced non-political, elected local bodies in 1979, 1983, 1987 and
1991 in all the four provinces.
The study highlights that General Zia combined political centralization at the federal and provincial levels with a
strategy to encourage electoral representation only at the local level. The Ordinance addressed the strategic approach
towards governance by bringing the urban and rural local systems together.
From the above discussion so far, it becomes evident that there was almost little difference in the functioning,
structure and fiscal capacity between the Local Government Systems propounded by General Zia and General Ayub Khan.
Moreover, they served as a double-edged sword as it safeguarded the constitutional feature to their military coup dtat and
on the other hand gained favor of the masses. Hence, both local bodies continued to lack constitutional protection.
Ayub Khans local government had urban-rural divide that restricted the mobility of resources from urban to rural
areas. General Zia attempted to reduce the role of bureaucracy in the local bodies system. All members were elected either
directly or indirectly on the basis of non-party. These local body elections were severely criticized, but were legitimized by the
General Zia sought to shift the whole perspective to urban focused policies in order to dominate the political
scenario set by former Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. History reveals that there was an absence of political linkage
between the province and local government that led to tension between them. This was the result of non-party basis
elections, which generated a lack of political ownership with regard to the local tier. Moreover, local governments faced
financial constraints since revenue was concentrated in the hands of the Federal Government. Moreover, the subsequent
civil governments, however, did not show any interest in this setup. The conflict between the provincial and local tiers
resulted in the suspension of local bodies between 1993 and 1998.
The local bodies remained non-functional in the democratic regime that was experimentally driven for eleven years.
The political history of Pakistan is replete with incidences of military rule being brought forth to facilitate effective governance.
In October 1999, the Chief Executive of Pakistan, General Pervez M usharraf, came with a seven-point agenda, out
of which, one was the Devolution of Power Plan. The basic phenomenon under this new plan was to ensure the introduction
of genuine democracy at the grass-root level. The strategy for the Devolution of Power Plan involved three basic principles:

Rights and responsibilities based on the

- The right to development - The right to participation - - The right to information


In order to make the restructuring successful for the purpose of delivering services to the people, five empowerment
targets were identified:

To transfer the political powers

To decentralize administrative authority
To deconcentrate the management functions
To disperse the power-authority nexus
To the proper distribution of resources to the districts

General Musharrafs agenda claimed that the Devolution Plan would be a beginning of a political revolution that
would enable people to enjoy equality in administrative affairs and endeavored to shift power from the elite to the common
man. The basic aim was to terminate corrupt and fraudulent civilian government, which was authoritarian in its nature. The
study delineates clearly that Musharrafs regime came with the goal to empower local people by providing them with
improved governance and means for local and ultimately state development. The objective of the Devolution of Power Plan
was to restructure responsibilities and smoothen the flow of resources among the three tiers of the government federal,
provincial and local, with appropriate authority to perform duties assigned to them.
Under the Devolution of Power Plan, two subsequent elections at local level were held in 2001 and 2005 by the
Chief Executive, General Pervez Musharraf. For the very first time, the rural-urban division was abolished, constitutional
protection was given, seats for women were reserved, and the powers of the Deputy Commissioners office were terminated,
under this three-tiered system. It empowered the elected Nazim to entertain authority with the bureaucracy in the district.
The structure of the Devolution Plan initiated a number of problems. As the local bodies election was non-party
based, the absence of party affiliation was the main hindrance in political mobilization. Hence, political parties were left
behind and some elites belonging to certain castes were brought forward to contest against each other, which gave rise to
personal rivalries at local levels. As a consequence, this adversely affected the common man who lost his right to participate
in the decision-making and governance of the State.
This is to bring on record that Musharrafs reforms received the same criticism as that of Zias (that decentralization
was an attempt at legitimizing the unconstitutional rule of the Military). Fortunately, Musharraf received a high level of
assistance and encouragement from international politics to implement decentralization in Pakistan. Furthermore, due to the
existence of many local Councils in the provinces, it became difficult to maintain a conducive relationship among local
administration and elected Provincial Governments. The Devolution Plan could not appropriately address the checks and
balances of the elected bodies and the District Nazims accountability was never conducted. The District Councils, along with

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs


monitoring committees, were authorized to keep a check on the Nazims, but they had little power to exercise. A number of
monitoring committees did exist, but on papers only.

Democracy has proven itself to be a system that has given people supreme power. It has ensured that it is not just
essential for people to be submissive to all the rules and regulations laid down by the government, but that their active
participation is also mandatory to strategize the governance to benefit all. However, democracy cannot be achieved without
encouraging local people in the governmental process through the local government.
Decentralization has been an effective tool for boosting the economy, for effectuating better governance and in
rendering the citizens capable of decision- making and policy implementation.
The nature of devolution is actually a concept of subsidiary. The revenues and resources are assigned after careful
discussion with the stakeholders. The principle of subsidiary demands that local governments must have sufficient authority.
An elected local government with clearly defined authority plays a vital role in the economic development of a community.
The possession of appropriate power allows the local government to express views openly which may be incorporated in
decision-making and then be implemented, hence, contributing to improving the quality of life of all citizens locally.
It is imperative to highlight that Local Government System encourages political freedom, coordination and
collaboration, principle of subsidiary, free and fair elections, community development and capacity building. The capacity
building of human resource is of crucial importance for the success of reforms. Therefore, the local government system has
made it compulsory for officials to acquire training for efficient and effective governance. As a key issue, administrative
reforms need to be taken in three areas:

Division of powers between local, legislative and executive branches.

Reforms of the executive branch
Coordination with other governmental authorities

Every reform undertaken should aim towards holding the local governmental setup
accountable to the local population rather than to the higher levels of government. For a brief
overlook of three local governance system in Pakistan see table.

Table: Local Government Ordinances of Pakistan at Glance

Local Government
Ordinances of Pakistan at
Glance Basic Democracies of
Non-Party base election
No clash in administrative
Urbanization of rural areas
Composed of equally elected
and nominated members
Elections did not held on adult
No union council at urban level

LG Ordinance of 1979

Devolution of Power Plan


Non-Party base election

No clash in administrative
Urbanization of rural areas
Composed of more nominated
and less elected members
Elections held on adult franchise

Non-Party base election

Bureaucratic clash because of
Police Order 2000
Ruralization of urban areas.
Composed of more elected and
less nominated members
Elections held on adult franchise

No union council at urban level

Less autonomous local system

Rural-urban divide
Educated voters participated
more in Polls
Four tiered Local Government
Voters turnout more
Elected Chairman
Rural focused policies
Centre directly intervened with
the affairs at local level

Less autonomous local system

Rural-urban divide
Un-educated voters participated
more in Polls
Four tiered Local Government
Voters turnout less
Elected Chairman
Urban focused policies
Less interference by Centre into
the affairs of local level and only
through Province

No constitutional protection

No constitutional protection

No women participation

No women participation

DC reports to non-elected
provincial secretariat

DC reports to non-elected
provincial secretariat

DC with executive and

magistracy powers
Limited responsibilities and role

DC with executive powers

Urban areas also elect union

Creates States within State
No rural-urban divide
Young and educated voters
participated more in Polls
Three tiered Local Government
Voters turnout more
Elected Nazim as chairman
Youth focused policies
Less interference by Center but
having direct relationship as
Mayor is accountable to
Constitutional protection was
given under Article 140-A
Ensured women participated
through 33% reserved seats.
District administration head,
DCO reported to Nazim, the
elected head of government
DCO no longer retains executive
magistracy and revenue powers
Transfer of vast majority of
public services to the local



The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

No significant link between

elected provincial/federal and
local govt. since provincial
administration directly and
elected representatives
indirectly responsible for
provision of goods and services.

Minor link established between

elected provincial/federal and
local govt.

Direct link initiated between

centre and local bodies.

Highlights of Economic Survey

of Pakistan 2014-15
Ministry of Finance

Growth and Investment

Global economic growth during the outgoing year has
witnessed some continuing signs of improvement with a
pick-up in high-income economies along with some
improvement in developing countries.
China and Pakistan have made agreements to establish
China Pakistan Economic Corridor between the two
countries. The corridor will serve as a driver for connectivity,
trade in the world is expected to increase and Pakistan will
take benefits through multiple dimensions.
Major trading partners of Pakistan are growing with better
outlook, which will certainly have positive impact on the
economy of Pakistan and provides an opportunity to uplift
socio-economic condition of common man in the country.
Pakistan is improving quantitatively and qualitatively as
growth achieved 4.24 percent is broad based and is the
highest achievement since 2008-09.
Major success of the outgoing fiscal year includes:
picking up economic growth, inflation contained at lowest
level since 2003, improvement in tax collection, reduction in
fiscal deficit, worker remittances touches new height,
successful launching of Sukuk, foreign exchange reserves
significantly increased and stock market created new
The GDP growth accelerates to 4.24 percent in 2014-15
against the growth of 4.03 percent recorded in the same
period last year. The growth momentum is broad based, as
all sectors namely agriculture, industry and services have
supported economic growth.
The agriculture sector accounts for 20.9 percent of GDP
and 43.5 percent of employment, the sector has strong
backward and forward linkages. The agriculture sector has
four sub-sectors including: crops, livestock, fisheries and
The industrial sector contributes 20.30 percent in GDP; it
is also a major source of tax revenues for the government
and also contributes significantly in the provision of job
opportunities to the labour force.
Industrial sector continued growth process and recorded
growth at 3.62 percent as compared to 4.45 percent last
The manufacturing is the most important sub-sector of
the industrial sector comprising 65.4 percent share in the
overall industrial sector. Growth of manufacturing is
registered at 3.17 percent compared to the growth of 4.46
percent last year.
Manufacturing has three sub-components; namely the
Large-Scale Manufacturing (LSM) with the share of 80
percent, Small Scale Manufacturing with the share of 13
percent and Slaughtering with the share of 7 percent.
Small scale manufacturing witnessed growth at 8.24
percent against the growth of 8.29 percent last year and
slaughtering growth is recorded at 3.32 percent as
compared to 3.40 percent last year.

LSM has registered the growth of 2.38 percent as

compared to the growth of 3.99 percent last year.
The share of construction in industrial sector is 12
percent and is one of the potential components of
industries. The construction sector has registered a growth
of 7.05 percent against the growth of 7.25 percent of last
Mining and quarrying sub-sector contains 14.4 percent
share of the industrial sector. This sub- sector witnessed a
growth of 3.84 percent as compared to 1.65 percent growth
of last year.
Electricity generation & distribution and Gas Distribution
is the most essential component of industrial sector. This
sub-sector has registered growth at 1.94 percent as
compared to 5.57 percent in last year.
The share of the services sector has reached to 58.8
percent in 2014-15. Services sector contains six sub-sectors
including: Transport, Storage and Communication;
Wholesale and Retail Trade; Finance and Insurance;
Housing Services (Ownership of Dwellings); General
Government Services (Public Administration and Defense);
and Other Private Services (Social Services).
The Services sector has witnessed a growth rate of 4.95
percent as compared to 4.37 percent last year. The growth
performance in services sector is broad based, all
components contributed positively in growth, Finance and
Insurance at 6.1 percent, General Government Services at
9.4 percent, Housing Services at 4.0 percent, Other Private
Services at 5.9 percent, Transport, Storage and
Communication at 4.2 percent and Wholesale and Retail
Trade at 3.4 percent.
Three main drivers of economic growth are consumption,
investment and export. Pakistani society like other
developing countries is a consumption oriented society,
having high marginal propensity to consume.
The private consumption expenditure in nominal terms
reached to 79.20 percent of GDP, whereas public
consumption expenditures are 11.84 percent of GDP. Total
consumption expenditures have reached to 91.04 percent of
GDP in outgoing fiscal year compared to 91.46 percent of
last fiscal year.
Per capita income in dollar terms recorded a significant
growth of 9.25 percent in 2014-15 as compared to 3.83
percent last year. The per capita income in dollar terms has
reached to $1,512 in 2014-15.
Total investment is recorded at 15.12 percent of GDP, Fix
investment is registered at 13.52 percent of GDP. Private
investment witnessed at 9.66 percent of GDP. Investment
has been hard hit by internal and external factors during the
last few years but now situation is improving.
Total investment witnessed a growth of 10.21 percent as
compared to 8.4 percent last year. Public investment
recorded an impressive growth rate at 25.56 percent as
compared to 6.82 percent last year.

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

Total investment which was recorded at Rs.3756 billion in
2013-14 increased to Rs.4140 billion for 2014-15.
Public investment which was recorded at Rs.842 billion in
2013-14 is reported at Rs. 1057 billion in 2014-15.
Public investment as a percent of GDP increased to 3.86
percent against the 3.36 percent last year.
During July-March, 2014-15 credit to private sector flows
increased to Rs.228.2 billion against the expansion of
Rs.305 billion in the comparable period last year.
National savings are 14.5 percent of GDP in 2014-15
compared to 13.7 percent in 2013-14. Domestic savings is
witnessed at 8.4 percent of GDP in 2014-15 as compared to
8 percent of GDP in 2013-14. Net foreign resource inflows
are financing the saving investment gap.
Present government has launched comprehensive plan
to create investment friendly environment and to attract
foreign investors in the country. As is evident, the capital
market has reached to new height and emitting positive
signals for restoring the investors confidence.
Pakistans policy trends have been consistent, with
liberalization, de-regulation, privatization, and facilitation
being its foremost cornerstones. Board of Investment (BOI)
under the Prime Ministers office has approved investment
policy to provide more investment friendly environment to
Foreign private investment has reached to $1666.2
million during July-April 2015 as compared to $1050.3
million showing 58.6 percent higher as compared to last
year. Out of total foreign investment, the FD I inflow has
reached to $2057.3 million.
The major inflow of FDI is from US, Hong Kong, UK,
Switzerland and UAE. Oil & gas exploration, financial
business, power, communications and Chemicals remained
major recipients.
The government is also aiming to explore new markets to
export its manpower as well as incentives for the
remittances to further enhance its growth. The available
data suggest inflow of the remittances for the period of JulyApril 2014-15 stood at $ 14969.66 million compared to $
12897.91 million during the corresponding period last year,
which is 16.06 percent higher over the previous period.

The agriculture growth stood at 2.9 percent during JulyMarch, 2014-15 as compared to 2.7 percent during the last
During 2014-15, cotton production stood at 13,983
thousand bales as compared to 12,769 thousand bales in
2013-14 and registered an increase of 9.5 percent.
Wheat production decreased to 25,478 thousand tonnes
in 2014-15 as compared to 25,979 thousand tonnes in
2013-14 showing a decrease of 1.9 percent.
Rice production has increased to 7,005 thousand tonnes
in 2014-15 as compared to 6,798 thousand tonnes in 201314 showing an increase of 3.0 percent.
Sugarcane production has decreased to 62,652
thousand tonnes in 2014-15, as compared to 67,460
thousand tonnes last year, and registered a decrease of 7.1
Maize production had decreased to 4,695 thousand
tonnes in 2014-15, as compared to 4,944 thousand tonnes
in 2013-14 showing a decrease of 5.0 percent.
Other crops that contributed 11.1 percent value addition
in agriculture witnessed a positive growth of 1.1 percent in
2014-15, against negative growth of 5.4 percent during the
same period last year.
Gram production has increased to 484 thousand tonnes
in 2014-15 as compared to 399 thousand tonnes in 201415, showing an increase of 21.3 percent.
During July-March 2014-15, the production of Potatoes,
Moong, Onions and Chillies increased by 6.3 percent, 6.2
percent, 1.3 percent and 0.3 percent, respectively. While
production of other pulses Mash and Masoor (Lentil)


decreased by 12.7 and 5.8 percent, respectively.

During July-March, 2014-15 about 446.1 thousand
tonnes of improved seeds of various K harif/Rabi crops
were procured.
During July- March, 2014-15, the banks have disbursed
Rs. 326.0 billion which is 65.2 percent of the overall annual
target of Rs. 500 billion and 27.5 percent higher than
disbursement of Rs. 255.7 billion made during the
corresponding period last year. The banks were able to
achieve 65 percent of their annual indicative targets of Rs
500 billion.
During 2014-15, the availability of water for K harif 2014
stood at 69.3 MA F showing an increase of 5.8 percent
more than Kharif 2013 and 3.3 percent more than the
normal supplies of 67.1 MAF. The water availability during
Rabi season 2014-15 is estimated at 33.1 MAF, which is 1.8
percent higher than Rabi 2013-14 but 9.1 percent less than
the normal availability of 36.4 MAF.
Kharif 2014 started with inventory of 386 thousand
tonnes of urea. Total availability of urea (including 122
thousand tonnes of imported supplies and 2451 thousand
tonnes of domestic production) was about 2959 thousand
tonnes against the offtake of 2716 thousand tonnes, leaving
an inventory of 184 thousand tonnes for Rabi 2014-15.
Total availability of DAP during Kharif 2014 was 1023
thousand tonnes comprising 99 thousand tonnes of
inventory, 524 thousand tonnes of imported supplies and
400 thousand tonnes of local production. DAP offtake was
586 thousand tonnes leaving closing balance of 430
thousand tonnes for coming Rabi 2014-15.
Manufacturing and Mining
Large Scale Manufacturing (LSM) during July-March
2014-15 registered a growth of 2.5 percent as compared to
4.6 percent in the same period last year. The Year on Year
(YoY) growth for March 2015 stood at 4.5 percent as
against negative growth of 1.0 percent in March 2014.
The sub sectors recorded negative growth during the
period July-March FY 2014-15 over corresponding period of
last year incldes Wood Product declined by 78.46 percent,
Engineering Products 10.68 percent, Paper and Board 7.26
percent, Food Beverage and Tobacco 1.03 percent and
Rubber products 0.56 percent.
The sector showing growth during July-March 2014-15
such as Iron and Steel Products 35.63 percent, Automobiles
17.02 percent ,Leather Products 9.62 percent, Electronics
8.21 percent, Pharmaceuticals 6.38 percent , Chemicals
5.94 percent , Non Metallic mineral products 2.56 percent,
Coke & Petroleum Products 4.73 percent , Fertilizers 0.95
percent and Textile 0.50 percent.
Automobile sector such as trucks, tractors, cars & jeeps
and LCVs registered growth of 53.9 percent, 44.6 percent,
23.1 percent and 31.2 percent, respectively.
Mining and Quarrying sector grew by 3.8 percent in
2014-15 as against 1.6 percent last year. Soap stone, Crude
oil, Gypsum, Coal and Lime Stone posted a positive growth
rate of 41.68 percent, 14.03 percent, 8.11 percent, 4.12
percent and 3.73 percent. However, some witnessed
negative growth rate during the period under review such as
Phosphate 47.75 percent, Dolomite 46.87 percent, Sulphur
42.06 percent, Bauxite 25.69 percent and Magnesite 7.44

Fiscal development
During July-March of 2014-15, fiscal deficit as percent of
GDP was contained at 3.8 percent against 3.9 percent in
the same period of fiscal year 2013-14.
Total expenditure of Rs.5, 642.4 billion was estimated for
the full year, comprising of Rs.4, 462.3 billion of current
expenditure and Rs. 1, 180.1 billion of development
expenditure and net lending.
During July-March, 2014-15, total expenditures stood at
Rs.3731.6 billion against Rs.3, 446.2 billion in the same
period of fiscal year 2013-14, thus posted a growth of 8.3
percent. Of which, current expenditure grew at 10.1 percent

20 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

and amounted to Rs.3,199.1 billion against Rs.2,904.6
to Rs. 175.1 billion in the comparable period last year.
billion in the comparable period last year.
Within the banking system, government has retired
Development expenditure and net lending grew by 6.9
Rs.532.4 billion to SBP during July-8thMay, 2014-15 against
percent during July-March, 2014-15 and reached to
the retirement of Rs. 10.5 billion in the same period last
Rs.594.0 billion against Rs.555.8 billion in the same period
last year.
On the other hand government has borrowed Rs.1,133.6
PSDP has witnessed a growth of 27.1 percent and
billion during July-8th May,2014-15 as compared to
reached at Rs.499.4 billion against Rs.393.0 billion in the
Rs.250.6 billion in the same period last year. Significant
comparable period of fiscal year 2013-14. Overall
borrowing from scheduled banks for budgetary support
development expenditures registered a remarkable growth
during the current fiscal year reflects a major shift from the
of 23.4 percent during the same period. Within PSDP,
central bank to scheduled banks because of State Bank of
Federal and Provincial PSDP grew by 7.6 and 46.0 percent,
Pakistan (SBP) Amendment Act 2012, which required net
respectively, during first nine months of current fiscal year
zero government borrowing from the SB P at the end of
each quarter.
Total revenue increased by 8.3 percent during July During July-8th May,2014-15, loans for commodity
March, 2014-15 and stood at Rs. 2,682.6billion as
operations witnessed a net retirement of Rs.20.8 billion
compared to Rs.2,477.4billion in the same period of 2013against the retirement of Rs.65.0 billion witnessed in the
same period last year.
Tax revenues amounted to Rs.2, 063.2 billion against
Credit to private sector increased to Rs.161.7 billion
Rs.1,786.2 billion in the same period last year, thus posted
during July- 8th May, 2014-15 against the expansion of
a growth of 15.5 percent. Significant growth in tax revenues
Rs.292.9 billion in the same period of last year, thus posted
was mainly on account of considerable rise in federal tax
a growth of 4.3 percent as compared to 8.7 percent in the
collection of 16.2 percent.
comparable period of last year. However, despite low
expansion, credit to private sector posted a growth of 6.6
Non tax revenues posted a negative growth of 10.4
percent on year on year basis as on 8th May,2014-15
percent during July-March,2014-15, and amounted to
against the growth of 5.2 percent recorded in the same
Rs.619.5 billion against Rs.691.2 billion in the same period
period last year.
last year.
Following a decline in policy rate, weighted average
Fiscal accounts witnessed respite on account of reduced
lending rate on fresh disbursements has also reduced from
subsidies, which remained lower than last year as it stood at
10.53 percent in March, 2014 to 9.31 percent in
Rs.185.9 billion during July-March,2014-15 against
March,2015. Similarly, weighted average deposit rate
Rs.201.8 billion in the same period of fiscal year 2013-14.
offered on fresh deposits also reduced from 5.80 percent in
Following a growth of 8.6 percent in provincial taxes and
March, 2014 to 5.22 percent in March, 2015.
8.8 percent in federal transfers, provincial surplus amounted
Capital Market
to Rs. 194.0 billion.
Pakistan ranked third in calendar year 2014 amongst the
During July-April, 2014-15, FBR has collected Rs.1972.4
top ten best performing markets in the world. Pakistan was
billion as provisional tax revenues against Rs. 1744.9 billion
able to secure a place in the top ten for the third
reflecting a growth of 13.0 percent.
consecutive year now.
During July-April, 2014-15, Direct taxes remained a
In 2014, the KSE-100 Index gained 6,870 points from
major source of FBR tax revenue collection, contributing
25,261 to 32,131 level, generating a handsome return of 27
39.3 percent of total FBR revenues. Net collection was
percent (31 percent return in US$ terms) for the investors.
estimated at Rs.775.9 billion against Rs.658.1billion in the
comparable period of fiscal year 2013-14.
During the first ten months (Jul-Apr, 2014-15) of current
fiscal year, the Karachi Stock Exchange (KSE) benchmark Indirect taxes increased 10.1 percent in first ten months
100 Index increased by 4,077 points and closed at 33,730
of current fiscal year and accounted for 61.0 percent of total
points on 30th April against 29,653 on June 30, 2014
FBR collection. Net collection was estimated at
showing a gain of 13.75 percent during first ten months of
Rs.1,196.5billion against Rs.1,086.9billion in the same
current fiscal year despite political turmoil during first half of
period last year.
the current year.
Money and Credit
The significant performance of the stock market during
During the current fiscal year, SBP reduced the policy
current fiscal year can be attributed to a number of positive
rate by a cumulative 300 bps to 7.0 percent w.e.f 25th May,
factors including a stable macroeconomic environment,
2015 which is the lowest rate in last 42 years reflecting
relative stable exchange rate, acceleration in the
improved macroeconomic conditions towards the end of
privatization process, downward inflationary trend, prudent
fiscal year 2014-15.
monetary policies and strengthened economic growth.
Broad Money (M2) witnessed an increase of 7.33 percent
Market capitalization has increased by 4.03 percent or
during July-8th May, 2014-15 against the expansion of 7.05
from Rs.7,022.70 billion on June 30, 2014 to Rs.7,305.81
percent in the comparable period last year.
billion on April 30, 2015.
Reserve Money grew at 11.51 percent during July-8th
During the first three quarters of the current fiscal year
May, 2014-15 against the growth of 9.84 percent in the
2014-15, the combined paid-up capital of fifteen big
comparable period last year. Net Foreign Assets (NFA) of
companies was Rs.190.24 billion, which constituted 16.15
SBP remained the main driver of reserve money growth
percent of the total listed capital at KSE.
during the current fiscal year.
China Shanghai Composite index showed a robust
Within Broad Money, Net Foreign Assets (NFA) of the
growth of 117 percent, Japan Nikkei improved by 28.7
banking sector witnessed an increase and reached to
percent while Hong Kong Hang Seng increased by 21.3
Rs.220.1 billion during July-8th May, 2014-15 as against the
percent during the period under review. Whereas, Indias
net expansion of Rs.243.7 billion in the comparable period
Sensex increased only by 6.3 percent, US S& P by 6.4
of fiscal year 2013-14.
percent and UK FTSE by 3.2 percent during July-April 2014 NDA of the banking sector grew at 5.45 percent
15. KSE growth of 13.75 percent during this period
(Rs.510.5 billion) during July-8th May, 2014-15 as
remained better than the some of the regional and
compared to net expansion of 4.43 percent (Rs.380.6
international markets.
billion) in the same period last year.
During the period July 2014 to December 2014, five debt
The government borrowing from the banking system for
securities were issued which include two domestic Sukuk
budgetary support and commodity operations stood at
amounting to Rs. 26 billion, one international Sukuk of Rs.
Rs.579.7 billion during July-8thMay, 2014-15 as compared

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

100 billion (US$ one billion) and two Privately placed Term
Finance Certificates amounting Rs. 6 billion.
The SECP has issued Sukuk Regulation, 2015 under
Section 506A of the Companies Ordinance, 1984 which
require appointment of Shariah Advisor and Investment
Agent. An efficient, broad- based and well-regulated Sukuk
market will greatly help in the development of capital
market. The purpose of making the Sukuk regulations is to
facilitate the issuers for fund raising from the capital market.

The inflation rate measured by the changes in CPI,
averaged at 4.8 percent during July-April, 2014-15 against
8.7 percent in the comparable period last year, which is
lowest since 2003.
The food inflation on average basis in July-April, 201415, is estimated at 3.6 percent and non-food 5.7 percent, as
against 9.3 percent and 8.2 percent in the corresponding
period last year.
CPI food items have declining trend in prices of potatoes,
vegetable ghee, cooking oil, wheat, rice and eggs.
Core inflation on average basis during July-April, 201415, stood at 6.9 percent against 8.3 percent last year.
W PI during July-April, 2014-15, on annual average basis
has recorded an increase of 0.03 percent against 8.3
percent last year.
The wholesale prices of non-food items, whose prices
decreased from previous year are furnace oil, kerosene oil,
diesel, cotton yarn, soap, printing paper and cement.
SPI recorded an increase of 1.9 percent during July-April,
2014-15 against 9.8 percent last year.
Inflation has been contained during current fiscal year
due to better supply position of major and minor crops, and
regular monitoring of prices and supply chain by the
National Price Monitoring Committee.
National Price Monitoring Committee chair by Federal
Finance Minister, monitor prices of essential commodities in
consultation with provincial governments and concerned
Federal Ministries/Divisions and organization.

Trade and Payments

Pakistans overall external account balance posted a
surplus of US $ 2.12 billion during Jul-Apr 2014-15 against
US $ 1.95 billion in the corresponding period last year due
to marked improvement in the current account and
substantial foreign exchange inflows.
The current account deficit stood at US$1.4 billion during
Jul-Apr 2014-15, which was 53.5 percent less than the
deficit of US $ 2.9 billion in Jul-Apr 2013-14.
Services account deficit remained lower and stood at
$1,632 million during July-April 2014-15 as compared to $
2,349 million during the same period last year. Lower
services account deficit was due to inflows of US $ 1.5
billion under CSF. Lower freight expense (as shipping
companies have apparently started passing on the impact of
cheaper oi l) also provided some relief.
Capital and Financial account recorded a lower surplus
of US $ 3.2 billion during Jul -Apr 2014- 15 compared to US
$ 5.3 billion during the same period last financial year.
Workers remittances recorded an increase of 16.1
percent during Jul-Apr 2014-15 and reached to $ 14,969.7
million as against $ 12,897.9 million in the comparable
period of last year.
Foreign exchange reserves improved substantially and
reached US $ 17.8 billion by end of April 2015, from US $
14.2 billion at end June 2014.
Pak Rupee recorded a depreciation of 2.9 percent in JulApril FY 15. The Exchange rate which at the end of June
2014 was RS 98.80/$ went up by the end of April 2015 to
Rs 101.75/$.
As a result of GSP Plus, Pakistans exports to EU have
increased from US $ 6.21 billion during 2013 to US $ 7.54
billion in 2014. Thus as a result of GSP Plus, Pakistans


exports to EU registered an increase of US $ 1.32 billion in

one year. This represents an increase of 21 percent.
As per SBP data exports during the first ten month (JulyApril) of the current year stood at US$ 20,176 million
against US $ 20,834 million during corresponding period
last year.
Imports during the first ten months (July-April) declined
by 1.6 percent compared with the same period last year and
stood at $ 34,086 million against $34,645 million same
period last year.
Based on SBP data, trade deficit posted marginal
increase of around 0.7 percent during Jul-Apr FY 15
primarily due to decline in Exports. Trade account balance
recorded deficit of US $ 13,910 million during Jul-April FY15
as against US $ 13,811 million corresponding period last

Public Debt
Public debt was recorded at Rs.16,936 billion or 61.8
percent of GDP as at end-March 2015 compared with 62
percent during the same period last year.
Public debt recorded an increase of Rs.940 billion during
first nine months of current fiscal year as compared with Rs.
1,272 billion during the same period last year.
The primary source of increase in public debt was in
domestic debt that positioned at Rs. 11,932 billion
representing an increase of Rs.1,012 billion, whereas,
external debt posed at Rs.5,004 billion representing a
decrease of Rs.72 billion as compared to end June 2014.
Government made progress in achieving the targets set
under Pakistans first Medium Term Debt Management
Strategy (2013/14 - 2017/18) as the government was able to
reduce its refinancing risk by re-profiling its domestic debt
and increasing the external inflows.
Pakistan successfully returned to the International
Islamic Bond market in November 2014 with the issuance of
US$ 1 billion Pakistan International Sukuk.
Pakistan has become eligible for concessional IBRD
funding which will be used to fund priority infrastructure /
development projects.
During July-March, 2014-15, public debt servicing was
recorded at Rs.1,193 billion against the annual budgeted
estimate of Rs. 1,686 billion. Public debt servicing
consumed nearly 44.5 percent of total revenues during first
nine months of current fiscal year against a ratio of 47
percent during the same period last year.
EDL stock was recorded at US$ 62.6 billion as at end
March 2015 out of which external public debt was US$ 49.1
billion. Public external debt witnessed a decline of US$ 2.3
billion during first nine months of current fiscal year.
During first nine months of 2014-15, disbursements
including loans and grants stood at US$ 4,001 million
compared with US$ 2,301 million during the same period
last year.
Pakistan also received US$ 2,106 million from the IMF.
Importantly, net inflows from the IMF stood at US$ 1,041
million during first nine months of current fiscal year
compared with net outflow of US$ 861 million during the
same period last year.
Servicing of EDL fell by US$ 1,282 million in first nine
months of current fiscal year as compared to the same
period last year and recorded at US$ 5,303 million. Out of
this total, principal repayments were US$ 3,291 million and
interest payments were US$ 812 million, whereas an
amount of US$ 1,200 million was rolled over. Among the
principal repayments, US$ 935 million of multilateral debt
and US$ 1040 million of IMF accounted for most of the

According to the latest Pakistan Social and Living
Standards Measurement (PSL M) Survey 2013- 14, literacy
remains higher in urban areas (74 percent) than in rural
areas (49 percent), and is more prevalent for men (81.0

22 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

percent) compared to women (66.0 percent) in urban areas.
maternity and child health centres in the same period of last
Province wise data suggests that Punjab leads with 61
The number of doctors has increased to 17,5223,
percent followed by Si ndh with 56 percent, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa with 53 percent and Balochistan with 43
dentists 15,106, nurses 90,276 and hospital beds 118,041 in
the country during 2014-15 compared to 167,759 doctors,
13,716 dentists, 86,183 nurses and 118,378 hospital beds
Government of Pakistan is currently spending 2.1
last year. The population and health facilities ratio worked
percent of its GDP on education sector and is fully
out 1,073 persons per doctors, 12,447 persons per dentist
committed to enhance education spending from 2.1 percent
and 1,593 persons per hospital bed. It was 1,099 persons
of GDP to 4.0 percent of GDP by 2018.
per doctor, 13,441 per dentist and availability of one bed for
GER at the primary level excluding Katchi (prep) for the
1,557 persons in 2013- 14.
age group 5-9 years at national level during 2013-14
During nine months of 2014-15, 3,500 doctors, 350
recorded at 90.0 percent as compared to 91 percent in
dentists, 3,300 nurses and 4,500 paramedics have
completed their academic courses and 3,900 new beds
Amongst the provinces, Punjab has shown significant
have been added in the hospitals compared to 5,000
performance by achieving Primary level GER at 100.0
doctors, 500 dentists, 3,150 nurses, 4,500 paramedics and
percent against 98 percent in 2012-13 while other provinces
3,600 beds in last year.
have performed negatively i.e. Si ndh GER declined to 76
Moreover, some 6 million children have been immunized
percent in 2013-14 against 81 percent in 2012-13 and
and 20 million packets of ORS have been distributed.
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa also declined to 89 percent in 2013-14
A number of health program are implemented, which
against 91 percent in 2012-13 while Balochistan GER also
declined to 67 percent in 2013-14 as compared to 73
include Malaria, TB, A I Ds and Food and Nutrition
percent in 2012-13.
Net Enrolment Rates (N ER) at the national level during
For the current year a total outlay for health sector is
2013-14 remained at 57 percent.
budgeted at Rs.114.2 billion which included Rs.31.9 billion
for development and Rs.82.3 billion for current expenditure
Province wise comparison reveals that Punjab N ER
which is equivalent to 0.42 percent of GDP during 2014-15.
slightly improved to 64 percent in 2013-14 as compared to
62 percent in 2012-13 while N ER of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
[Population, Labour force and Employment
remained at 54 percent. Si ndh NER declined to 48 percent
Pakistans estimated population is 191.71 million in 2015
in 2013-14 as compared to 52 percent in 2012-13; while
however; population was 188.0 million in 2014.
Balochistan witnessed declined to 39 percent in 2013-14 as
Population Growth Rate has shown improvement and it
compared to 45 percent in 2012-13.
decreased from 1.95 percent in 2014 to 1.92 percent in
At national level, the total number of enrolments during
2013-14 was recorded at 42.1 million as compared to 41.1
Total Fertility Rate (TFR) is 3.2 children per women in
million during the same period last year. This indicates an
increase of 2.4 percent and it is estimated to increase to
43.4 million during 2014-15.
Life expectancy for female has improved from 66.9 year
to 67.3 years in 2015 and life expectancy for male has
The number of institutes which stood at 240.9 thousands
increased from 64.9 years to 65.2 years in 2015.
during 2013-14 as compared to 241.5 thousands during last
year. This shows a slightly decline of 0.2 percent. However,
Crude Birth Rate has improved from 26.4 per thousand
the number of institutes is estimated to increase to 244.9
to 26.1 per thousand and Crude Death Rate has decreased
thousands during 2014-15.
from 6.90 per thousand to 6.80 per thousand in 2015.
The number of teachers during 2013-14 was recorded at
Urban population has increased from 72.50 million in
1.53 million as compared to 1.55 million during last year
2014 to 75.19 million in 2015 while rural population has
showing a decline of 1.2 percent. This number of teachers is
increased to 116.5 million from 115.5 million in 2015.
estimated to increase further to 1.57 million during the year
The total labour force has reached at 60.09 million in
Under Prime Ministers Hunarmand Pakistan Program
The total number of people employed during 2013-14
short-term skill development training up to six-month
was 56.52 million,
duration courses was conducted in collaboration with public
Unemployment rate has decreased from 6.24 percent in
and private sector training institutes. It covers four priority
2012-13 to 6.0 percent in 2013-14.
sectors including: Construction, Agriculture (Dairy &
Livestock), IT & Telecommunication and Skills for Women.
The share of employment in agriculture sector has
So far, 116,776 trainees have been trained.
decreased to 43.5 percent in 2013-14 as compared to 43.7
H EC is also contributing to play its role in running
percent in 2012-13.
different scholarship programmes to enhance academic
The share of employment in transport sector has
qualification at various levels on merit basis in line with
increased to 5.4 percent in 2013-14 as compared to 4.98
specified criteria. During the period 2008-14, a total number
percent in 2012-13.
of 10,376 Scholarships were awarded under different
The share of employment in trade sector has increased
programmes of H EC.
to 14.58 percent in 2013-14 from 14.39 percent in 2012-13.
Under Prime Ministers Fee Reimbursement Scheme for
The government has provided an option to the youth to
less developed areas, Reimbursement to around 50,000
set up their own enterprises through Prime Ministers Small
students of less developed areas is being carried out during
Business and Interest Free loan Schemes and disbursed
Rs. 4408.094 million and Rs. 729.37 million respectively.
The Government of Pakistan has allocated Rs.20.021
The government has distributed 55,697 laptops as of
billion in PSD P 2014-15 for 191 development projects (136
April 2015 among students studying in public sector
ongoing and 55 new ) of HEC with main focus on Human
universities to enhance their research capabilities.
Resource Development through merit and Need based
21934 trainees have completed their training under the
Youth Skill Development Scheme.
Health & Nutrition
The government has allocated Rs.70 million for National
In the whole country, there are 1,142 hospitals, 5,499
Internship Programme and an amount of Rs 3,146,710
dispensaries, 5,438 basic health units and 671 maternity
expenditure incurred as of April 2015.
and child health centre as compared to 1,113 hospital,
The number of emigrant has increased from 0.622 million
5,413 dispensaries, 5,571 basic health units and 687

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

in 2013 to 0.75 million in 2014 which include 0.32 million
unskilled, 0.28 million skilled, 0.12 million semi-skilled

Transport and Communications

Pakistans total road network is around 263,942 Kms
which carries over 96 percent of inland freight and 92
percent of passenger traffic.
Length of NHA road network is around 12,131 kms
comprises of 39 national highways, motorways, expressway
and strategic roads.
During 2014-15, N HA executed 72 development projects
costing Rs. 1,342 billion. Government of Pakistan has
allocated Rs. 111.56 billion in the Federal PSD P 2014-15
for N HAs development projects.
Government of Punjab and the Federal government have
jointly completed twin cities Rawalpindi-Islamabad MetroBus service project with a total cost of Rs. 44.21 billion.
Metro bus project will be fully functional after May 30, 2015.
The entire length of 8.6 Km of Metro Bus corridor in
Rawalpindi area shall be of elevated structure whereas 14
Km in Islamabad shall be at-grade.
The network of Pakistan Railway comprises of 7,791
route kilometres, 452 Locomotives, 1,732 passenger
coaches and 15,948 freight wagons.
The government is taking new initiatives to improve the
performance of Pakistan Railways by repairing/purchasing
of locomotives, enhanced H SD oil reserves up to 12 days
to streamline the train operation.
During financial year 2014-15, 90 K ms of track has been
rehabilitated besides doubling of 57 kms track.
During 2014-15, Pakistan Railways procured and
assembled 202 passenger coaches, rehabilitate 27
locomotives and repaired 150 locomotives at the cost of Rs.
11.289 billion.
During 2014, PIA management embarked upon a mission
of Revival of PIA under new initiatives/steps to improve the
performance of PIA by contracts re-negotiation, route
rationalization, re-deploying ai rcrafts on more profitable
domestic and international routes. Due to these steps PIA
expenditure decreased by 38 percent and its operating
revenue increased from Rs. 95.771 billion to Rs. 99.519
billion in 2014.
Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PN SC)
provides transportation services for crude oil requirements
of the country comprises of nine vessels of various
types/size with a total deadweight capacity of 681,806
During July-March, 2014-15, PNSC companies earned
revenue of Rs.12.20 billion as against Rs. 11.37 billion over
the corresponding period of last year.
During July-March 2014-15, Port Qasim Authority
handled 21.618 million TEUs (Twenty Equal Units) of
container traffic which is 14.0 percent higher over the
corresponding period of last year.
At Gwadar Port, 5,315.5 million tons Urea import was
handled during July-March 2014-15.
During July-March 2014-15, the total cargo handled at
Gwadar Port stood at 6.279 million tons against 5.764
million tons over the corresponding period of last year
showing a growth of 8.9 percent.
Telecom revenues during Jul -Dec 2014-15, amounted to
Rs.299.0 billion which made this sector very attractive for
further investment.
Tel edensity has been improved and facilities have
reached to 75.2 percent of population.
The introduction of 3G/4G spectrum would help in
expediting socio-economic progress of the country. Auction
of 3G /4G spectrum is the major achievement of the
government in Telecom Sector and has brought an
investment of US$ 1790 million.
During July-Dec, 2014-15, Telecom sector contributed


73.22 billion to the national exchequer in terms of taxes etc.

Cellular Mobile subscribers reached to 134.9 million at
the end of March, 2015.
During the period July-March 2014-15, an amount of Rs.
126 billion has been collected through National saving
Schemes and Pakistan post has earned commission
amounting to Rs.630 million.

During the recent visit of President of China, Pakistan
and China signed 51 Memorandums of Understanding
(MoUs) relating to diverse aspects of bilateral relations,
including the Pakistan China Economic Corridor and series
of energy projects. Thus almost $15.5 billion worth of coal,
wind, solar and hydro energy projects will come online by
2017 and when mature will add 10,400 megawatts of
energy to Pakistans national grid.
Asian Development Bank has approved assistance
packages to help Pakistan to undertake key reforms in the
power sector. This included funding to ensure energy
delivery to industrial and private consumers. The Jamshoro
Power Generation Project, which on completion in 2018, will
add 1,300 megawatts (MW) to the countrys electricity grid.
Reliability of the power distribution network is also being
enhanced through the investment of $167.2 million to
upgrade 284 grid stations.
The World Bank also approved a financing package from
the International Development Association (IDA) to help
expand hydro-electricity generation in Pakistan through the
development of the Dasu Hydropower Stage-I Project
(DHP-I). The package consists of an IDA Credit of $588.4
million and an IDA Partial Credit Guarantee (PCG) of $460
million to help mobilize commercial financing for the project.
DHP-I would have 2,160 megawatt (MW) hydropower plant
on the main Indus River, which can be expanded to 4,320
MW in future with less additional cost.
During July-March FY 2015, primary energy supplied
increased to 50.9 million TOE compared to 48.8 million TOE
showing a growth of 4.4 percent while energy consumption
increased to 25.1 million TOE compared to 24.6 million TOE
in same period last year showing a growth of 2.0 percent

Pakistan Energy Sources:

Transport and power sectors remained the highest sector
in the usage of oil / petroleum products.
The longer term trend suggests that composition of
energy consumption, the composition is changing by
substituting the gas as cheaper source compared to oil
being expensive. However due to gas load management,
share of oil has again started rising.

Natural Gas
With respect to gas, Pakistan has one of the most
developed gas transmission and distribution network in the
region but on account of its increased share in energy
consumption, the gap between its demand and supply is
The gas load management is mostly restricted to Punjab
Province as its shared in gas supply is about 5 percent
while it has a share of almost 46 percent of national gas
SNGPL is meeting the requirement of more than 4.8
million consumers of domestic, commercial, CNG and
industrial categories through its distribution network. All
categories of consumers are fed through a common
distribution network. There is a continuous extension in
SNGPLs network. On an average, there has been an
increase in gas demand by 40-50 M MCFD (based on
average consumption during summer months) and 80-100
M M CFD (based on average consumption during winter
months) each year.
Government of Pakistan is taking following steps to
overcome the shortage of natural gas in the country:

Contain the natural gas demand at current level

Increase indigenous gas supplies

24 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

Promotion of LPG air mix

Gharo, Sindh

Import of LNG

50 MW Foundation Wind Power-II (Pvt.) Ltd., Khuttikun,

Gharo, Sindh

Import of Gas from Iran


Import of Gas from Turkmenistan

On May 5, 2015, the Prime Minister inaugurated 100MW
Today Pakistan is the world leading CNG user country
solar energy project which will generate 100 MW electricity.
with more than 3 million NGVs (Natural Gas Vehicles) plying
In Solar Energy, 33 LOIs for cumulative capacity of
on the roads. The choice of conversion is mainly due to the
approximately 888.1 MW On-Grid Solar PV power plants
fact that prices of CNG is significantly less than petrol price.
have been issued
Currently there are more than 3,414 CNG stations in the
country fulfilling the fuel need of the NGVs.
Biomass / Waste-to-energy
The Government of Pakistan is now successful to import
Following Biomass/ Waste-to-Energy projects are in
500 million cubic feet per day (mmcfd) of LNG from Qatar.
various stages of implementation under IPP mode:
As per LNG Policy in 2006/2011 the project structures can

M/s SSJD (12 MW) Sindh

be (i) integrated, in which the terminal developer arranges

M/s Lumen Energia (12 MW Shahkot) Punjab

LNG imports as well as its buyers and (ii) unbundled, in
which the terminal developer, LNG importer and LNG

M/s Biomass Power Generation Limited (12 MW),

buyers are different
The current 400 MMCFD of Regasified LNG (RLNG) will

M/s Green Sure Environmental Solutions (12 MW),

be provided to the power sector including Nine (9) gasMardan, KPK
based Independent Power Plants (I PP) -- KA PCO, Fauj i
Social Safety Nets
Kabi rwal a, Rouche, Halmore, Orient, Saif Energy,
Sapphire, Altern Energy, and Davis Energen for
The government is fully committed to follow a sustained
replacement of Diesel or L SFO consumption. This RLNG
poverty reduction strategy and allocate a minimum of 4.5
will allow these power plants to generate an additional 9
percent of GDP to social and poverty related expenditures.
Billion KWh per annum, equivalent to an additional 10
The government prioritized 17 pro-poor sectors through the
percent of total current annual power generation, without
Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) in the PRSPinvestment in any new generation capacity.
Expenditure on pro-poor sectors in 2010-11 stood at
13.24 percent of GDP. In 2011-12, these were 11.55 percent
The Government considers Thar coal development as a
of GDP and in 2012-13, 13.10 percent of GDP. During 2013flagship project. Thar Coal Projects have been enlisted as
14, total expenditures for these sectors were slightly
early harvest projects by the CPEC (China-Pakistan
increased and amounted to Rs 1,934.095 billion, which was
Economic Corridor), Sindh Engro Coal Mining Company
14.16 percent of GDP.
(SECMS) and Si no Si ndh Resources (Pvt.) Limited (SSRL)
During July-December 2014-15, Rs. 667.47 billion
have been prioritized as top priority projects to be financed
expenditures have been made in these sectors.
by Chinese institutions. There is a complete synergy
between the Federal and the Provincial Government of
BISP is continuing to eradicate extreme poverty through
Sindh. Total power generation anticipated from these three
provision of cash transfers. The present government
projects is 2400 MW by 2018.
increased the cash benefit for the poorest of the poor up to
25 percent from Rs 1200/- to Rs 1500/- per month.
The present government increased BISP budgetary
The installed capacity of PEPCO system was 20,850 MW
allocation to Rs. 97 billion in 2014-15 from Rs.75 billion in
at the end of June 2013 which has gone up to 22,104 MW
2013-14. Total expenditure of BISP during the current fiscal
by the end of June 2014 with hydro and thermal capacities
year is projected to cross Rs. 90 billion.
occupying 7,097 MW and 15,007 MW respectively. Out of
aforementioned thermal capacity, 5,458 MW is owned by
The number of BISP beneficiaries is expected to
ex-WAPDA GENCOs, 650 by PAEC and rest by
increase from 4.6 million in 2013-14 to 5.0 million by the end
IPPs/Rentals. There is also 55 MW of isolated generation
of this financial year.
capacity at Pasni&Punjgoor areas in Baluchistan. The
BISP is expected to enroll 500,000 children in school
installed capacity of PEPCO system has gone up to 22,577
during the current financial year under its Waseela-eMW by the end of March 2015 with hydro and thermal
Taleem initiative. The government has increased the
capacities occupying 7,097 MW and 15,480 MW
monthly stipend under the Waseela-e-Taleem initiative to
Rs. 250 per month per child from Rs. 200.
It is also mentionable that the village electrification
Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund (PPAF) also provides
program is an integral part of the total power sector
assistance in microcredit, water and infrastructure, drought
development program. It is important for not only to raise
mitigation, education, health and emergency response
the productivity but also to raise socio-economic standards
interventions. During the period of July 2014 to March 2015,
of the population living in rural areas. The progressive
Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund has managed to disburse
number of villages electrified has increased from 1, 89,018
an amount of Rs 9.8 billion to its various on-going projects.
on 30th June 2014 to 1, 93,511 at the end of March 2015
Under the 18th Constitutional Amendment, the subject of
while As of March 2015, the number of consumers has risen
Zakat has been devolved to the Provinces/Federal Areas. A
to 23.258 million.
total amount of Rs. 4778.18 million is distributed in bulk
To mitigate the impact of rising cost of thermal power and
amongst the provinces and other administrative areas for
narrow down the demand-supply gap, the work on mega
the year 2014-15.
projects like Neelam-Jhelum (969 MW) and DiamirBasha
Pakistan Bait-ul-Mal (PBM) is also making efforts for
(4500 MW) hydropower projects is under way.:
eradication of poverty by providing assistance to destitute,
Alternative Energy Sources Wind
widows, orphans, invalid, infirm and other needy persons
through different initiatives. During July 2014 to March 2015,
There are almost thirty one (31) wind power IPPs (1810
Pakistan Bait-ul-Mal (PBM) has managed to disburse an
MW) holding LOIs issued by AEDB are at various stages of
amount of Rs. 2.28 billion to its core projects.
project development while following projects are under

50 MW Three Gorges First Wind Farm Pakistan (Pvt.)

An action plan for implementation of National Climate
Ltd., Jhampir Sindh
Change Policy has been finalized and requires adequate

50 MW Foundation Wind Power-I Ltd. Khuttikun,

sharing of responsibilities at all levels for its implementation.

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs

National Impact Assessment Program (NIAP) conducted
by Pakistan Environment Protection Agency is aimed to
contribute to sustainable development in Pakistan through
strengthening the environmental impact assessment
process introducing Strategic Environmental Assessment
(SEA) in national development planning.
Access to an adequate supply of water for all (agriculture,
industry and domestic users) is one of the absolute priorities
of Vision 2025. Top five goals for water security are:
Increase water storage capacity, applicable to the
requirements of each province in line with defined strategic
needs and international benchmarks: from currently 30 days
to 45 days by 2018 and 90 days by 2025.

Invest in proven methods and technologies to minimize

wastage (e.g. in the agriculture sector), promote
conversation and gain efficiencies through rationalization of

Enable more effective allocation with direct reference to

national & provincial priorities and related social and
economic considerations.

Establish institutional mechanisms e.g. a National

all resources of water (surface, subsurface ,rain) and their
sectoral and regional allocations

Provision of access to a minimum baseline of suitable

water to every person in Pakistan.
The recommendations that can be considered for the
improvement of solid waste management in Pakistan


Raising awareness about consequences caused by

solid waste pollution.

Collective role of government sector, NGOs, Private

sector for solid waste management.

Legislation should be done which would be effective

and find ways to implement its effectively application of 3
Rs (Reduce, Recycle and Reuse) concept in solid waste
management system.

House to house collection of solid waste should be


Littering of solid waste should be prohibited in cities,

towns and urban areas. Proper segregation would be vital
for scientific disposal of waste.

Developing legal framework and national guidelines for

solid waste management that includes waste management
and basic recycling rules.
In order to build the momentum and accelerate the
progress on sanitation and hygiene in the country, Pakistan
Conference on Sanitation (PACOSAN) was held in
February, 2015 in collaboration with the key development
working in the country. Pakistan
government is committed to save its
children from death, living with
disabilities or not achieving their
potential physical and mental
growth to compete with other
nations in the world.

Social Problems
in Pakistan
Rana Saad Iqbal, Muhammad Ather Shehzad, Ather Abdul Jabbar, Qazi Muhammad Ubaid

Social Issues of Pakistan



Health Care Conditions

Educational Problems


Food Crisis



Corruption in widespread. Pakistan is ranked as a 42 nd corrupted country of the world according to Transparency
International Corruption Perception Index.
The expert sources indicate that the following sectors are among the most affected by corruption.

Police and law enforcement.

Judiciary and legal professions.

Power sector.

Tax and customs.

Land administration.

Health and education.


To import or export without paying lawful customs charges or duties.

Smuggling severely harms the economy of Pakistan in multidimensional ways.

For more details read Pakistan Affairs Paradigms by M Imtiaz Shahid


The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

Smuggling undermines thelocal industry, discourages the legal imports and reduces the volume of revenues
collected from duties.
Unfortunately a parallel underground economy has taken roots in Pakistan.
Health Care Conditions

Even after decades of existence there is no equal distribution of wealth and resources.

Many Pakistanis suffer from physical and emotional problems but there is no proper health care system in place.

Mental illness is still surrounded by visible stigma.

Children still suffer from malnutrition because of pervasive poverty.

Many patients with emergency only see a doctor when they get violent and have a nervous breakdown.

Educational Problems

Pakistan illiteracy rate is decreasing continuously as the schools have not kept up with the population explosion.

Most people in villages cannot read or write.

There is no standardized educational system.

There is also a problem of different medium of instructions in private and public sector.

In Pakistan there is also a lack of technical education.


Pakistan plays a key and highly conflicted role in the global war on terror.

Today terrorism is threatening the very roots and fabric of Pakistans nationhood.

The major causes of terrorism in Pakistan are

Political crisis.

Economic conditions.

Standard of living.

Religious extremism.

Food Crisis
The world financial experts have placed
Pakistan on a list of 36 countries that face a serious food crises.
It has two aspects

Unavailability of edibles.

Soaring prices due to gap in demand and supply of edibles.

Child Labor

The full-time employment of children who are under a minimum legal age.

The last survey in 1996 figured out

3.3 millionchild labourers in Pakistan, out of which 2.4million were boys and 0.9 were girls.

Most of the child laborers are working in ruler areas as compare to urban areas.

In Pakistan child labor is related to

Craft and related trade activities.

Brick making.

Stone crushing.

Carpet making.

Agriculture sector.

Factories and industries.

Poverty In Pakistan
Poverty is the main issue of Pakistan.
According to 2007-08 analysis,17.2 % of the total population lived below the poverty line which is the lowest figures in
history of Pakistan.
Main factors of poverty in Pakistan are:


Natural disasters.

Pakistan's Domestic Affairs


Lack of adequate governance.

Poor industrial standards.


How To Overcome
Suggestions To Overcome Corruption!

Parliaments can and should adopt appropriate legislation, take an active role in the ratification of relevant
international instruments and incorporate their provisions in national legislation.

They should also make maximum use of the constitutional, parliamentary and other legal mechanisms available to
ensure full accountability and transparency in government.

In recognition of the important role Supreme Audit Institutions, as well as other bodies such as Ombudsman, play in
combating corruption, parliaments should lay down the appropriate legal framework for the establishment and
functioning of such institutions including through the provision of adequate resources and proper follow-up to the
work and reports of such bodies.
Suggestions To Overcome Smuggling

A law was set that the vehicles will be checked with help of fixed and mobile laboratories.
Suggestions To Overcome Health Care Conditions

Reducing widespread prevalence of communicable diseases.

Addressing inadequacies in primary/secondary health care services.

Removing professional/managerial deficiencies in the district health system.

Promoting greater gender equity.

Bridging basic nutrition gaps in the target-population.

Correcting urban bias in health sector.

Introducing required regulation in private medical sector.

Creating Mass Awareness in Public Health.

Effecting Improvements in the Drug Sector.

Capacity-building for Health Policy Monitoring.

Suggestions To Overcome Educational Problems
Government should take following measures.

Increase education budget

Establish more schools and appoint qualified and trained teachers

Technical education must be given to all the classes.

Promote primary education

Suggestions To Overcome Terrorism

The real solution is to kill the root of Terrorism and systematically change the attitude of those peoples who are
involved in terrorism

Military operations against terrorists are also very necessary.

Education, Justice, Pour politics can stop the Terrorism.

Preventing and resolving conflicts with Taliban and other religious groups.

Strengthening the protection of weak targets.

A fully demarcated border with Afghanistan which will prevent the foreign intrusion in the country.
Suggestions To Overcome Food Crisis

Stop smuggling.

Removing differences between provinces.

Follow proper way of import and export utilities.

To reduce unemployment.
Suggestions To Overcome Poverty

Poverty arouse due to lack of discipline with money:

Live as close as you can to a budget and resist the urge to spend frivolously.

Stop discrimination of sex.

By maintaining system of Zakat.

28 The Advanced Contemporary Affairs (Book 93)

Law of Pakistan about Child Labor

Article 11 of the Constitution prohibits all forms of slavery, forced labor and child labor;

Article 17 provides for a fundamental right to exercise the freedom of association and the right to form unions.

Article 37(e) makes provision for securing just and humane conditions of work, ensuring that children and women
are not employed in vocations unsuited to their age or sex, and for maternity benefits for women in employment.
Law of Pakistan about Education

The Constitution of Pakistan framed in 1973 promised to its citizens in Article 37 (b) & (c) that

The State shall remove illiteracy and provide free and compulsory secondary education within
the minimum possible period; make technical and professional education generally available
and higher education equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.

The Constitution also corresponds with Article 26 (1) of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights which says that
"Everyone has the right to education.

New Arrivals
(According to New Syllabus of CSS)
Pakistan Affairs Paradigms (PAPs)
Advanced General Science
Advanced General Ability Tests
Advanced Islamiat (in Urdu)
Advanced Political Science (Paper 1)
Advanced Political Science (Paper 2)
Rethinking Public Administration
Advanced Environmental Science
Advanced Governance & Public Policies
Advanced Town Planning & Urban Management
Advanced Criminology
Advanced Anthropology
Advanced Urdu
Advanced Punjabi
Advanced Gender Studies
Advanced Environmental Sciences
Advanced Philosophy
Advanced History of USA
Advanced British History
Advanced Journalism & Mass Communication
An Advanced Study in Sociology (For CSS)
Advanced International Law
Innovative Notes on Geography
Innovative Notes on Muslim Law & Jurisprudence
Innovative Notes on Mercantile Law
Innovative Notes on International Relations (Paper 1)
Innovative Notes on International Relations (Paper 2)

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