Professional Documents
Culture Documents
basic decency and humanity). Unfortunately, the upper echelons of the new
administration are teeming with appointees who seem wedded to the
Rajapaksa way. At least Tilak Marapana had the decency to resign after his
outrageous conduct over the Avant-Garde issue, but many other politicians
and political-appointees openly and shamelessly follow the worst practices
of the Rajapaksas, starting with corruption and nepotism.
There are 57 member states in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, but
antediluvian punishments such as stoning to death are implemented only in
a very small number of them. Most Islamic countries with Sharia Law do not
endorse let alone resort to such outrageously barbaric punishments. Saudi
Arabia is almost unique in this regard (its probably the only country in the
world where a man can get away with a light prison sentence after raping
and murdering his baby daughterii). Cushioned by oil wealth, strategic geopolitical location and complete Western backing, it persists in ignoring
humanitarian norms and international pressure. A concerted international
campaign has failed to save Raif Badawi, a Saudi blogger, who had been
sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment and 1,000 lashes. Another
campaign is being waged to save the life of Palestinian poet, Ashraf Fayadh
who had been sentenced to death by a Saudi court, but so far authorities
have not relented. Though every effort must be made to save the life of the
Lankan migrant worker, the chances of success are rather slim.
The case of Rizana Nafeek and of the unnamed woman from Maradana
shed a disconcerting light on the reality of Lankan development. Despite all
the fancy infrastructural projects, the Lankan economy will collapse if
deprived of the earnings from our migrant workers. That is why the
Rajapaksa Government did not ban any more Lankans from going to Saudi
Arabia as unskilled workers (especially domestic workers), even after the
Rizana Nafeek tragedy.
Now the ball is in the court of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration.
Will it do what the Rajapaksas didnt and ban any more economic migration
to Saudi Arabia? Will it give priority to two goals which have the potential of
reducing economic migration in the medium term: employment generation
and reduction of living costs?
The bubble
Economics was the Achilles Heel of the Rajapaksas and nowhere is this
failure more evident than in Hambantota. Under Rajapaksa rule, the district
got a port, an airport, a convention hall, an international cricket stadium, a
botanical garden, a TV/film studio, a six-lane road and an artificial island.
But the people didnt get jobs, houses or even clean drinking water; small
country roads remained in a state of disrepair and poverty continued to be
rampant.
A tragedy which happened to a family in Tangalle in November 2015 is
symbolic of this Rajapaksa developmental failure. A seven year old boy in
Ranna, Tangalle died after complaining of stomach pain. He had to be
carried for more than a kilometre on a rural road (which was in a state of
disrepair); the resultant delay in getting him to a hospital may have
contributed to his death. Even the boys funeral became a problem because
the familys wattle-and-daub hut was so miniscule. The family had been
promised Rs. 100,000 by the previous Government to build a new house,
but received only Rs. 30,000. The father is a radio mechanic but cannot
earn enough in the economically depressed community. The mother is
unemployed.
All this is in the Rajapaksa heartland, the area which supposedly
experienced exponential development in the last nine years. Families like
these are faced with a choice beggary or going abroad as migrant
labourers.
In his Budget speech, the Finance Minister acknowledged the existence of
three interrelated problems which, if left unattended, can destroy whatever
good that has been achieved since January 2015: a looming debt trap; a
youth unemployment rate bordering on 20%; and 20% of populace
subsisting on less than two US dollars a day (around Rs. 280).These are
politico-economic landmines which can make Sri Lankas future as bloody
as her past.
A de jure breakup of the SLFP is
unavoidable and is likely to happen
before the upcoming Local Government
elections. The pro-Rajapaksa breakaway
group is bound to embrace racist and
religious extremism as its main banner.
This new Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist
entity will turn to unemployed young
people for foot-soldiers and people
subsisting on less than two dollars for
supporters/voters. If the Government
keeps some of its economic promises,
neither foot-soldiers nor voters will be
available in sufficient numbers and the
SLFP breakaway group will dwindle into
politico-electoral irrelevance. But if the
Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration
fails to deliver on its economic promises,
if it succumbs to signature Rajapaksa
evils such as massive corruption and
limitless nepotism, the politicopsychological landscape of the country
can change in favour of extremism.
That is why the new Government needs
to take seriously the precarious condition