Koha Digest # 141 Date: 19 March 1997

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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sponsorship will be used in the struggle against communism. In fact, he used that to build a system and state, whose energies are concentrated to fight against those that are considered enemies by the government. Albania's courts, the prosecutors' offices and the secret police spent more than half of the budget and their time to accuse, investigate and condemn Berisha's antagonists. As a result, after five years of democracy, Albania remained a weaker state than in times of the previous regime. This "democratic" state proved to be incapable of opening private banks or allow private emission of media and at the same time to be incapable of defending military barracks or to prevent the attacks against state buildings in the past two months. Albanians know what is the biggest source of these problems: their president, who ordered the army to attack the people so he wouldn't lose the power. In the past days, the international media wrote a great bit about the peace proposal of the president. Nevertheless, ordinary Albanians who have been celebrating their achievements in the past days, are fully aware that Berisha's change of tone is due to the imposition made by other regions. The report is that 70% of the army has deserted and the soldiers have joined the insurgents. But, the west is no longer living in illusions: Berisha was willing to break the revolt with tanks. Only the moment he saw the Kalashyikovs turn to the North, he was forced to consider the hand-over of the government that was built with an iron hand. The price of these presidential games for power was extremely high. In three months, Albanians lost almost 2 billions of dollars, almost 200 people were killed and some 200 thousand others have taken weapons. The population is armed more than ever in the history of Albania A new army appeared - that one that has no control whatsoever. Friends in Vlorë say that ore than ten years will be needed to disarm the people, and the biggest optimists say it will take three years. Any government in Albania will have it difficult to convince the people to hand in the weapons that will represent a threat to the region. The only way to hand - in the weapons is to buy them, and if this is taken into account, then the assistance the West will give to Albania will have to increase. Especially the assistance meant for southern Albania where starvation is threatening - in which the state could swap food for weapons or finally buy the stolen weapons. -2-

Any postponement of the beginning of the disarmament of southern Albania, could allow the appearance of the Albanian version of Jokhar Dudayev, whose appetite for adventures will be much bigger that the whole of Albania is. The local leaders, some of them are former military officers, have already appeared in Vlorë, Sarandë, Gjiorkastër and have decided to become part of the political processes. Each day of delay allows the population of southern Albania to get acquainted with new weapons and new military strategies. Right now, people in southern Albania ask only for Berisha's resignation and maybe his departure from Albania. This will probably not be an issue in the coming months when the officers that have successfully led this triumphal revolt, will join the negotiations. If they get organized, and this seems to be the case, it will be very hard for the present opposition to spread its influence down south. The Albanians don't trust the opposition much, but it needs the support to evade the military anarchy in order to become a military force. Sali Berisha didn't keep his promise and he failed to be the first democrat of the state. Instead, he chose to be its last dictator. For three millions Albanians in Albania and the West that fully supported Berisha, this is a huge shame. Communism came to power in Albania with bloodshed and it seems it will leave in the same way.

THE MYTH ON THE CLANS by ARDIAN KLOSI / Germany At first sight, the conflict in Albania looks like a confrontation between the North and the South. In fact, many journalists tend to present it as a conflict between clans. A more exact scenario would be that one which would present the citizens of the South fighting along with the regular military units and members of the secret police that have deserted the military barracks and have risen against the government. During centuries, the Albanian clans or tribes have had an important role in the history full of unrest of this country. All its leaders depended on the clan's appertaining: Enver Hoxha's communist regime and his successors depended largely on the support of the Southern clans. Berisha, who is mainly supported by the Northern clans, especially those of his place of origin, the Tropojë mountains. Nevertheless, Albania has never succumbed to an open conflict -3-

between the clans in the North and the South, despite the huge differences between the lands of the Gegë up North and the Toskë down South. With the exemption of Shkodër, the North remains mainly underdeveloped compared to the South that is economically more vital and more prosperous. A loss for the North was also the '72 law that declared the Toskë dialect the only and the official dialect of Albania. The Ottoman occupation in the 14th century and the division of the country in administrative units, Vilayets and Pashaluks that has stressed the difference between the North and the South. Despite this situation up to the 19th century, the Gegë-Toskë divisions were interlinked with the increasing culture of the towns such as Shkodër, Shkup, Elbasan, Berat and Yanina, and this is why a considerable autonomy was granted to the mountainous tribes in the North. The regions down South, as Himara, had a kind of independence. Even the conflicts between the Albanian military leaders at the beginning of the 19th century were not related to the Gegë-Toskë relations. The Southers pashas, such as Kara Mahmut Pasha or Ali Pashë Tepelena attacked their weaker neighbors aiming at expanding their territories and never hesitated to use Gegë mercenaries to suppress the Christian insurrections in Himarë. The possible North-South conflict became evident in times of Enver Hoxha's communist regime, when he together with his followers, mainly from the South, destroyed systematically the North's culture, especially the urban center in Shkodër - the capital of the region. They also tried to eliminate the Catholic community, historically centered up North. After oppressing brutally the resistance, Hoxha presented the "proletariat of the people" as a pan-Albanian phenomenon and gradually appointed some picked Northerners in his government. His successor, whom he had appointed personally, was from Shkodër. During the five years in power, Berisha followed the same tactics as his communist predecessor. Anyhow, he failed in his attempts to win the support of the South or to bring in leaders from the South in his government. On the contrary, his supporters from Tropojë and other parts of the North were appointed leaders in the Southern localities. Their governments were corrupted: the South's indifference became hatred towards Berisha and all his work. The ruin of the pyramidal schemes in which they had invested incited their anger and turned into open rebellion - and this was the reason why the largest part of the army joined the Southerners against the chief commander of the army and the state, president Berisha.

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It has been said that Berisha could mobilize the young in the North to resist the "Southern rebels" because "they wish to take over Tirana and go as far as the North". It seems that his propaganda, for the first time in Albania, will be successful in transforming the conflict between the people and the government in a civil war between the North and the South. (Ardian Klosi lives in Germany and is commentator for "KOHA JONË")

SO CLOSE, SO FAR by EDI RAMA / Tirana I was born to two atheist parents and Catholic grandmother, daughter of a Venetian woman and an Albanian man from the Catholic community from Norther Albania. In Shkodër. She taught me Italian and helped me during the long nights of the present dictatorship in Albania to read Dante, Shakespeare, Dostoevsky, Proust, Shoppenhauer and Nietzsche in old Italian editions published in times of World War II. These old thinkers and champions of free speech, secretly talked to me in Italian in times when dictatorship was about to die. Albanians turned towards Italy by connecting their receivers and catch Italian signals. Then Italian TV was the only mirror of the free world that we had. Our dreams of freedom would get different magic forms as we watched their TV. The TV circle among us was made of seven hangers connected to one pole and two spoons connected to the cable's hanger. Such inventions were banned and this is why they were placed behind the closets or under the beds, meanwhile under the splendor of the warm Albanian sun the huge statues of Enver Hoxha and other heroes of real-socialism would spread the shadow over the people. The journey in another planet imagined by Albanians during that half century really started in 1990 with the enormous exodus of Albanians to the west. We found ourselves closed in the football stadiums in Brindisi and Bari; Afterwards, following the brutal beating we were promised to be taken to the rich North. Instead, we were taken back East, in the prison in which we were born and in which we will probably die. We came back to Albania but this time under the leadership of the democratic former Stalinist: Sali Berisha. "This land is not a prison, but is a free land which is headed strongly towards democracy", said the wise man from the North. -5-

Later they closed the eyes to the first signs of the authoritarian regime and then to the irregularities in the May elections. When a group of opposers went out to the street to protests, the "democratic" opposition in Tirana attacked them as if they were refugees in an Italian football stadium. "The bloodshed caused by the Albanian police is nothing compared to the bloodshed in Paris and London in 1960", said the Italian ambassador wishing to stress that violence is primary in democratic states. In 1993, the leader of the opposition Fatos Nano was arrested and condemned. Europe's silence helped the confirmation of the sentence and the former communist opposition to be cursed, responsible for the crimes committed in the past, regardless of the fact that Berisha has been member of Enver Hoxha's communist party for 25 years. Supported by Europe, Berisha led Albania into a corrupt and vulgar circle. The state property became private so it could turn Berisha's supporters richer, meanwhile journalists and the militants of the opposition were being arrested. The police used force to interrupt the hunger strike of the former political prisoners who were asking for full rehabilitation in the post-communist society. Berisha took over the radio and TV using it to irritate the opposition. He also made impossible the existence of other channels. The professors who wouldn't prove loyal enough were dismissed. Writers and artists that dared to protest against the obstacles to democracy were attacked with metal tubes. Indifferent to the brutality in Albania, Europe saluted the strong man from Tirana. Europe thought that Berisha was the only one who could guarantee stability in the Balkans. His duty was to prevent the centring of the attention on the violation of human rights in Kosova and Macedonia. In the meantime, the shadow of the old dictatorship started showing again. Many appeals came form the opposition and the intelligentsia in Washington, but none from Europe. The ambassadors of Italy and Germany pressured the OSCE to validate the May elections' results. Europe denied all principles democracy is based on and now it is shocked with Berisha, the man that created the illusion of the post-communist economy of Albania. This illusion was partially contoured by the pyramidal schemes, whereas its essence was the traffic of arms and drugs in cooperation with the Mafia and the Government. Albania has also provided fuel to Serbia during the war in Bosnia, by scandalously breaching the embargo. "Albania is an example of the respect of the embargo", had said Europe's delegate-observer on TVSH after meeting with President Berisha. A couple of days ago, an opposition journal published two -6-

photographs: one of Maksude Kademi, the inventor of the pyramidal schemes and the other of Lenny Fischer, chairman of the European Council Assembly and at the same time Berisha's strong supporter. The title of the article was: "The two most famous women of Albania". After being decorated by Berisha, Fischer had declared: "Albania is rapidly advancing towards democracy". The world knows what happened. Albania is just a step away from civil war. Several days ago, an Italian official said that "Berisha is a modern leader", on the TV we had relied our forces. On 2 March, the offices of the only independent Albanian daily "KOHA JON·" were burned down by the police and all what remains now is a graffiti on the wall: "European friends, help us find our state". (Edi Rama is a painter from Tirana)

THE PRICE OF FREEDOM OF SPEECH by NIKOLLË LESI / Tirana KOHA JONË is the first independent newspaper in Albania, with the first number published on 11 May 1991. Initially, with a circulation of 1,300 copies, it was weekly published in Lezhë, some 70 kilometers north of Tirana. In the first days of political pluralism in Albania, it strongly supported Berisha's Democratic Party which was then opposition to the Socialist Party in power. In 1992, as a fortnightly, KOHA JONË started criticizing the DP also. After coming to power in the elections on 22 March 1992, the government of the Democratic Party started pressuring KOHA JONË and it was then that we suffered the first arrests of our journalists and publishers. On 20 April 1990, the government of premier Meksi banned the publication of the magazine for three weeks. The publisher was arrested, but later released, thanks to the pressure of the public. On 17 March 1993, the editor in chief of the magazine KOHA JONË, Aleksandër Frangaj was arrested by order of Defense Minister Safet Zhulali. He was sentenced to one month in prison. On 3 January 1994, KOHA JONË becomes a daily newspaper and its circulation was the second largest, after the Socialist ZËRI I POPULLIT. On 31 January 1994, editor in chief Aleksandër Frangaj and his deputy Martin Leka were rearrested facing Zhulali's accusations. After a month in detention without any indictment, Frangaj was released, while Leka ends up with a 18 months long sentence. On 19 March 1994, KOHA JONË becomes the daily with the highest circulation, 30,000 copies a day - a respected number in a place that counts only three million -7-

inhabitants. During 1994 and 1995, the newspaper improved the structure and enriched the contents with new columns and materials. Its profile always tended to be close to the Western newspapers. At the same time, KOHA JONË remains critical towards the government and the DP, publishing information of the trafficking of weapons and drugs as well as the corruption of the government. Journalists of KOHA JONË regularly paid a high price for their freedom of speech - they were often beaten by the secret police. On 15 January 1996, the deputy minister of interior, Agim Shehu, reacted to an article that revealed the corruption within this ministry, and confiscated all distribution vehicles that we had. We were forced to rent other cars, at a considerable high price. Our cars remained blocked in the police stations for over 65 days, two of them even 7 months without any explanation. On 25 February 1996, after the explosion that happened in the center of Tirana in front of the VEFA Supermarket, armed policemen broke into our premises and arrested 33 journalists who were interrogated till the next day. In May 1996, journalists Altin Hazizaj was arrested for an article on the police activities in Tirana's suburbs. After three days of arrest, he was fined 500 dollars. With the beginning of the pyramidal schemes' crisis, the pressure on KOHA JONË increases. In December 1996, the journalists are beaten by the police. On 17 January 1997, our correspondent from Korçë was held in detention and beaten for 11 days. In the first months of January our circulation reached the incredible 65 thousand copies, while the second-highest circulation was of the pro-government daily "Albania" with 14 thousand copies. Our circulation was even limited because the printers controlled by the government would refuse to print more copies. In the early hours of 2 March 1997, with the proclamation of the KOHA digest 141.txt Date: Mon, 24 Mar 1997 09:46:47 +0200

state of emergency, a group of 20 people, which are believed to be members of the secret police, entered in our premises and after beating the guard, burned down our building, computers and all equipment we had. The material damage is worth 225 thousand US$. Our journalist Zamir Dule who had sleep in the office, was arrested and interrogated in the police station. On March 3, journalist Alfred Peza was arrested and kept in detention a whole day. He was also beaten a couple of times and interrogated about the ownership of the journal. For the time being, because of the lack of computers and offices, KOHA JONË can't be published. It's voice has been stopped. It calls for help and solidarity. -8-

(Nikollë Lesi is publisher and director of KOHA JONË)

ALBANIA FROM CHAOS IN K(A)OS-OVA by FISNIK ABRASHI / Prishtinë In 1991, we witnessed the first Albanian exodus after World War II. People, after the fall of communism in Albania, chose no means to reach the shores of Italy. The arrival of what was announced as democracy, found many Albanians in camps for the clandestine or the streets of Western towns. Now, six years later, Albania is again facing a situation which some identify as civil war, while others as anarchy, chaos, etc. Many things are still unclear, for those who stay and those who flee. The most important thing is to save your head - seems to be the motto that explains everything. Many Kosovars temporarily living in Albania, wished to escape as soon as the crisis burst. Some of them told us their stories about the shock they have suffered and which they seem have not come out from... Valbona, mother of three children from Prishtinë The rebels holding three fingers up asked us: "Why are you leaving Albania?" - whereas the Montenegrin policemen provoked us: "Which is your fatherland?" We departed from the Skënderbej square. The fear was huge. We didn't know whether we could go back home at all. Everyone had tearing eyes and all were begging the bus driver for the ride. In a bus with 43 seats, there were 58 of us. People were standing. We left a large number of Kosovars back there. My husband and his friends remained there...they can't come back. The situation in Tirana looked quite normal. People were going ahead with life as if nothing were happening. The shops were open and there was more traffic than usual. People in Tirana thought that nothing was happening down south. Our neighbors were surprised to see us leave. They told us that we were Kosovars and as such we should be fearless. We departed at 14,05 and the town seemed calm. Everything seemed normal up to Fushë Krujë. As soon as we passed Fushë Krujë, we approached the northern villages. We reached Laç, and saw many people running as crazy. Immediately afterwards we heard shooting. There was a group of people right beside a hill, holding three fingers up and, of course, with -9-

rifles in their hands. Some of the women in the bus started panicking. As we saw the three fingers in the air, we didn't know whether this was Albania or Serbia, whether they would spare us or kill us. A child wanted to urinate, but the bus driver said that at no price would he stop. After we passed Laç we came to the area that I believe was the most dangerous, as regards the number of weapons in the hands of the people. As we entered Lezhë, two people with an endelss number of weapons on them, stopped the bus. One of them entered. He asked whether there was something for them. He repeated the question three times. He finally got the reply from the driver: "these are all Kosovars". He asked why were we leaving. Then he told us that we were lucky. Half an hour ago Fushë Krujë and Laç went under fire. After we passed the "checkpoint", while a lot of shooting was heard, children started crying. I begged them to lie on the floor, so a flying bullet wouldn't hit them. We escaped. We reached the border and the Montenegrins took us over. They didn't make any problems to those whose three months' residence permit had expired. But, we waited from 20,10 to 21,15. They started provoking us, asking us which one was our fatherland. We remained silent. The fear was that they'd return us. A police patrol car escorted us to Podgorica. When we arrived there, the bus had to be parked in the police station's parking lot. The driver and owner of the bus were taken inside. First they took our passports. Then came the investigating judge together with some police inspectors. After four hours, the driver came back and we finally departed to Kosova. Iliriana, mother from Prishtinë At Qafëthanë, the rebels let us go with, while the Macedonian border policemen received us with a crazy smile on their faces. During the journey we saw armed people who as if saluted us who were in the bus, by shooting in the air. We didn't notice that there was any shooting against people or cars that were moving. The only pressure we had was the noise the shooting caused. Amongst the armed people, there were too many children, masked and it seemed as if they pereceived everything as a children's game. We had no problems along the road, no one mistreated us. The most interesting detail was the absence of the Albanian border policemen, for the cross-point was now controlled by the "rebels". They let us go without any problems. When we reached the Macedonian side. The reception was accompanied by their ironic smiles. It was the first time, though, that we crossed the border without any rigorous check-up.

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MACEDONIA THE ETHNIC DEVIL IN MACEDONIA TOO by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup As this issue of KOHA is closing, the Macedonian parliament has started a debate on inter-ethnic relations which (as tense as they are) are threatening the stability of the state. The troika of the European Union (Greece, France and Great Britain) delivered premier Crvenkovski a declaration that contains the concern because of the students' protests which "produced antiethnic slogans in Shkup and Tetovë" (the last town is mentioned in the context of the slogans heard in the meetings that celebrated the victory of the PPDSH in the local elections in it). "The stability and the prosperity of the town is of essential importance not only for the population in Macedonia, but also for the security of the region", says the EU Declaration. Such a pronouncement was preceded by an unexpected visit of OSCE's High Commissioner for Minorities, Max Van der Stoel, who met the Macedonian authorities and the Albanian political parties and whose topic of discussion was mainly the anti-Albanian demonstrations in Shkup and some other towns in Macedonia, but also PPDSH's announcements that if the Albanian requests are not taken into account and if the central government will block the activities of the municipalities in which this party won the local elections, then it will make a call for civil disobedience. In the meeting between Gligorov and Stoel, the Macedonian president admitted that the protests of the Macedonian students as well as the developments in the municipalities of Gostivar and Tetovë could cause the political instability of the country: "To be honest, I was terrified with the slogans in the first days of the demonstrations. Some of them were so aggressive that they can only harm the inter-ethnic relations in this country", declared Van der Stoel, and in order to establish a balance he continued: "...as far as I understand, in the manifestations in Tetovë there were also slogans that don't show much tolerance towards Macedonians". I believe, he finished, that it is in the interest of the different ethnic groups to build up this state together, and instead of offending one-another, they should establish a dialogue: all parties should respect the laws in force, but also the rights and obligations that derive from the signed international documents, including those of human rights... Initially, it seems that the protests of students were organized by the ruling party, however in the past days the opposition parties, especially VMRO-DPMNE openly supported them, although - 11 -

Ljupco Georgijevski tried to assure that his party considers that "all inter-ethnic relations are matter of the governmental coalition personified in two parties, SDLM and PPD". The Constitutional Court, by refusing to stop the application of the Law on the Pedagogical Faculty, has just announced that the deliberation on the constitutionality and legality of this law will take place on March 27. The hunger-strikers at the town's park, in front of the parliament building are "fed" and protected by the opposition which is faithful in imposing anticipated elections... The situation in Albania is followed with great attention by the Macedonian leadership: last Wednesday, for the second time, the Ministry of Defense said to have increased the military preparedness of the armed forces along the border with Albania. Minister Blagoj Handzinski declared that he had no information on whether Albanian volunteers from Macedonia had joined the Albanian state troops. Local Albanian forces besides the initial support to the political measures undertaken by Berisha, have made no pronouncement at all. In the meantime, Minister of Justice, Vlado Popovski, announced the adoption of the Law on the use of the national symbols of the nationalities which, according to him, should be different from their "Mother" countries. Three Albanians in Tetovë (from the PPDSH) will face charges for flying the Albanian national flag. Competent organs have said nothing so far about the flag with the Vergina star that has been flying since some time in Shkup. This flag was replaced by the actual national flag of Macedonia. Albanians say that in these cases, the government is mother to ones and step-mother to others...

KOSOVA INTERVIEW, Mahmut BAKALLI, former communist leader of Kosova "THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVA AS AN INDEPENDENT STATE AND - FULL STOP" prepared by ARLINDA DESKU & BEDRI GASHI / Prishtinë Last Tuesday, by chance it was 11 March - the anniversary of the '81 demonstrations, which Kosova completely forgot this time. The guest of the "Faik Konica" School of Journalism was Mahmut Bakalli, and this was the conversation that took place. - 12 -

FK: You claim to the dissatisfied with the actual politics in Kosova. You share this feeling with many other people in Kosova. Is national reconciliation necessary in Kosova too, before something bad happens? BAKALLI: I know I am not the only dissatisfied with the actual politics in Kosova in the sense of activities. Politics also implies acting, it is not only philosophy. I don't believe that we should proclaim national reconciliation in Kosova, but I believe that Rugova should call all political parties and coordinate the work with them. The LDK needs to discuss the question of coordination with other political forces, including people outside political parties that could help. But, how should we convince Rugova to gather all political forces? I don't believe we should ignore him, on the contrary we should fully support him. But this is hard to do when he is closed inside. It is not a matter of national reconciliation, but coordination of activities of all political forces in Kosova. FK: Where do you find the guilty for the tragedy Albania is living? BAKALLI: It is not time to give evaluations on the blame. It is time to calm down the situation. This is primary. Intimately I believe that Berisha and the ruling party are to blame. Not because they are democrats, but because they have brought the situation up to here with two things: the snatch of votes and money. Where these two things occur, there is no democracy. These two things have occurred during the rule of the DP. I wouldn't go publicly saying that it is Berisha's fault, because he has an important role to play in the coming days. All who are doing something in favor of the stabilization of the country should be supported. FK: What is your evaluation of Sali Berisha's reelection? BAKALLI: Very bad. Why did he have to reelect himself in the most tragic times in a parliament which is almost of one party, i.e., as if it were a central committee? The election could have waited. FK: How do you comment the three fingers sign in Albania? BAKALLI: It is irrational. It could be a misunderstanding, ignorance, even the direct influence of Greece and Serbia, which is possible with the images shown on TV - that three fingers mean protest. FK: You said: coordination of political activities in Kosova is necessary, which means that things are not as they should be? - 13 -

Then how are you going to go to America? Second, in 1992 there was an initiative for national reconciliation. Berisha has done it, without including us. What is your opinion? BAKALLI: You are right about the question regarding America, for practically there is no agreement between political forces. There will be 5-6 of us as individuals or as representatives of political parties. We must coordinate things before going there. Regarding you second question. National reconciliation as a notion, as an idea, as an aspiration is something different from what Berisha's program foresees. I don't agree with the name the agreement in Albania has. National reconciliation is a matter of the people in a historical process which should involve all societal, political and intellectual forces. National reconciliation can't be done with the decision of a political organ. Another term should have been found. In our case in Kosova, I believe that several steps should be taken before. I am referring to political consensus. When I say Rugova should gather the forces and coordinate them, I don't say that he should do national reconciliation, because that is not in his hands. National reconciliation is a process and it is in the hands of the people. However, I also believe that political consensus is an important step towards national reconciliation. FK: You said that conditions for friendly relations with the neighboring countries should be created, How much has your generation worked in this direction in favor of our generation? BAKALLI: We have always worked on this, but unfortunately, it was covered with a wafer called "brotherhood and unity", ideologically burdened. The truth is that our whole generation was in favor of good understanding between people. We have invested a lot on understanding. How come it fell apart so fast? Because of the ideology, the Serbian hegemony. This is why the coming generations should make efforts to affirm understanding between people, but not burdened with violence, threats and pressure. The only happy people is the one that is not burdened with hatred and xenophobia. FK: On 11 March 1981, the students of the University of Kosova asked for the Republic of Kosova. Why didn't the leadership of Kosova then support the students, but rather tortured and offended them? BAKALLI: I didn't support them. I still think as I did then although history could prove me wrong. I am not slave to history nor am I its author. I am a creator of history and as such I must take the good and bad things. I believe that the 11 March demonstrations had no determined political formulation. Political - 14 -

requests came later. I still believe that the '81 demonstrations were not welcome, because they deteriorated the position, not of the leadership, but of Kosova as a constituent of the federation. I believe that the demonstrations could have waited, but I also believe that the demonstrators shouldn't have been beaten either. This is why I demanded in the Provincial Committee the creation of a state commission that would punish those who used the force. The leadership didn't support the demonstrators because they believed that they were doing no good to our people. I didn't agree with the demonstrations, but neither with the draconic measures of Serbia and Yugoslavia against the Albanian people. This is why I resigned from all political functions I had. FK: How much will the tragic events in Albania influence the national question in Kosova? BAKALLI: It weakens Kosova's position even more, but I don't believe that the methods of unrest will be reflected here. We must ourselves choose the methods that would help us accelerate the solution of our question. It is not good that our methods of struggle are represented by someone else on TVSH, be it Ismail Kadare, because this is a matter of the political parties in Kosova. The place of political action must have visions, because politics without vision is bad politics. But also only visions without the support of political reality can only turn into illusions.

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