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Community Rights in Global Perspective Saneh Chamarik

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Community Rights in Global Perspective*

-Saneh Chamarik-


Let me first of all express my deep gratitude for the honour of addressingjhis highly important III MMSEA conference. It is indeed a rare opportunity for myself to learn and be associated with the distinguished parti~ipant~ her~. who are in the know, actually a greatdeal more so than I. In this regard, may I also convey my everlasting thanks to all the Thai friends and colleagues as well as Dr. David Thomas for their kind support-and collaboration in bringing me up int6tb.is realm of creative down-to-earth learning. That was a most refreshing experience~+~till vivid in my mind with a kind of intellectual upliftin,gJor me as student of politics. I am glad they also take an active part in this forum right from the beginning with Chiangmai conferences some seven years ago. One only hopes all these persistent and oontinuing efforts will eventually bear fruits in fulfilling the common P'"'''!.jJ>'_U.~

own lives with dignity.

Looking over the scheduled agendas, it is obvious that practically everything is well taken care of. On my part and with all due respect, I only wish in my small way to add something

* Keynote delivered at the III MMSEA (Montane Mainland Southeast Asia) Conference, Yunnan, 25-26 August 2002.


to enlarge the scope of our thought. It is not about the body of knowledge and expertise as such which I shall have nothing to contribute to, but concerning the ways and means of social learning on the local people's part. I am sure this is the true and ultimate purpose of the whole dialogue, which we could not afford to lose sight of. This point just cannot be overemphasized. In view of the current trends of glo:9a1 dI~q[der and transnational threat to biological resources and indigenous knowl dge, the time has now

come for a real att:'· urgent need for the com on people's direct action in order to pro ct their own legitimate rfgb,ts and liberties, and thereby rectifying the existing imbalances in, political and economic relationship It is the questionofhbw social learning and action could possibly .. ~ m~d, to prqceed in constructive and peaceful manner, with a vie:W,;t6:isettihgbtl(;.the path towards a new


social order based on freedom and justice at all levels of human

society. Presumably this isgqing to be a very hard and long, long process that requires a high degr~e of tolerance, perseverance, and

wisdom. Nevertheless, iti challenge we all should have in

ture of things and common

Meanwhile, there is the other side of the coin, too.

As one western writer pertinently voices the call for an alternative global economic order that is geared to the real needs of people and the Earth, and which "must accept that the era of 'the wealth of


nations' is past, and treat the 21st century as a multi-level oneworld economy."i The rationale is none other than the neoliberalism's own built-in indulgence in over-production and overconsumption for the sake of profit maximization, ostensibly dubbed economic growth. This line of rethinking and articulating is getting more and more hearings all over, East and West, as the time goes by. That, mind you,ishbtUcinot too naively and conveniently be construed as consolation and reason fo ejoice. It is essentially to serve as an objective understanding of the ynamics of life, and

then to get prepare going to be quite oppressors alike.

be ready for constructive changes. This is enormous task for the oppressed and the

Creating a sense of regional identity

That is "fhy,'ini,addressing ourselves to the concern

for indigenous knowledg -diversity, it is vitally important

"fiilJrly long range view of the

for all of us, to begin with, t

whole matter. That is to say, a cer:taln perspective beyond the immediate needs of making a living and day-to-day resource management. If I am not mistaken, at least from our own empirical research evidence, we have quite a good number of exemplary cases of ethnic and rural communities with well established traditional


practices for sustainable livelihoods and resource management. And of course we can take the relevant individual cases for appropriate application elsewhere, as we have been doing nowadays. But that is actually only part of the whole story. The real and long-term problem is how a sense of commonality, inter-relatedness and solidarity could be instilled into the people's mind, and where to start. In fact, if one may say §Q, the very title of this conference already suggests itself: MontanejMainland.Southeast Asia. Here is the key to further upderstanding of what we ha been trying to do and to achieve - the 1l0listic dimension of South~Last Asia as tropical resource base and its in~egrity. That is to say, not just pieces of biodiversity and indigenou~ knowledge in isolatfdnffom one another.

As we all know, SoutheaSt Asia constitutes both as the strategic sea route from the middle east to the Pacific coast, and as one among the world's most tropical resource-rich regions. As such, it has always been subjeiDttQ the Western powers' rivalry and domination ever since af r the Industrial Revolution and imperialism that followed. he achievement of national independence and so-called self-determination after the World War II does not help much in actuality. It only brings about forces that accelerate and intensify divisiveness and resource exploitation even further in the course of nation building, modernization and then misdirected development. All along, Southeast Asia's precious


biological resources, indigenous knowledge, and thus local communities, constantly fall prey to all sorts of exploitations, abuses, and marginalization, as we all are witnessing today. And right now with the economic globalization and biotechnological advancement intensifying during the past two decades, genetic resources become the main target for gaining the decisive power over the world economy under the meremptive force for profit maximization and economic growth. All this is the obvious threat to the earth's fragile ecosystems, and for that matter, to the people living in them. In short, the threat to~he people's basic right to-llfe.

Under the circumstances,theI1, the issues of biodiversity and indigenousknowiedge needs somehow to be conceived of in perspective of a regional whole,Bot just so routinely in parts: i.e., in qualitatively hollsticrather than quantitatively reductionist terms. Implicit in all this is a keen sense of geographical unity as well as a kind of people-to-peeple inter-relatedness. Nowadays there

are so much talks about

n programmes for strengthening ndc;pmmunities. But without a sufficient awareness of and positive taken towards the goal of commonality and solidarity, all these talks and efforts will come to

naught, however earnest and enthusiastic they might be. And exactly this is one most difficult part of the whole task, as far as the speaker's own experience can tell. Nonetheless, it is absolutely a prerequisite


that must come before all else. For this very reason, three shared and interrelated perceptions are to be taken note of here for the benefit of further dialogue.

(i) Bio-diversity to be understood and acted upon as constituting one unifying tropical resource base, and thus commonality and consolidation. transcending the existing inter/ intra-national boundaries and divisions am~::mg local communities;

(ii) Inter-relatedness betWeen the mountain, lowland, and marttinfs .. areas and peoples to fOlan one unifying network of resource-based local communities collectively marginalized in the face of the common threatofgTobalization and alienated elitism; and,

(iii) e~llective recognition of the real need for self-reform on the basis .. of self-reliance and the right to development, so that the endogenous sources of knowledge and creativity could be revitalized anddeveloped as the basis upon which

modern knowledge could adapted and assimilatedY

be ··effectively and appropriately

All these, to be sure, come more or less within the purview of this conference. Only that it is so vitally important as to deserve to be emphasized and put into a coherent policy and strategic plan of common action. As a matter of fact, initiatives


have already been taken on the part of local peoples and communities themselves the world over. So much so that there have now been emerging the new concept of collective rights based on the community ways of life, and naturally in a great variety of forms and practices. This current trend of cultural pluralism is admittedly the new phenomenon in the Western self-proclaimed style of universal, individuaHstiC:~n~t mono-cultural sphere of influence in the field of human rights. It is iaevltably.acund to meet with powerful resistance an pposition, or destruction !if possible. Since it obviously not onl oses a spiritual and intellectual challenge, but also stands in the way to the ultimate goal of domination and hegemony inherent'i the Western civilizatiOn ever since after the evol~tions ..• enturies ago. This is indeed the real "clash of civiliz·ati@ns";to"b row Samuel Huntington's notorious phrase, though in entirely different context of Globalization vs. Re-Iocallzation, Or, in the more familiar political economy jargons, Global Totalitarianism vs. Grassroots Emancipation and Democracy. This tra tural confrontation is most likely gT.jn~o the 21st century. So let us try to explore and assess the potential forces of both the pros and cons, so that ways and means could be found to collectively set our global society on the path towards real freedom, justice, stability, and peace.


A Certain Progressive and Democratic Global Framework

All the above considerations take the whole subject matter under discussion into the world of politics of human rights. It is therefore deemed appropriate to look into how it is worked out in real life. For this purpose, two preliminary interrelated points are suggested here. The one is c()nc.~rned with the nature and reality of human rights itself; the other with the creation of progressive and democratic international human rights instruments on the part of the United Nations.

First, human rights are certainly not something to come by as gifts. They are, from Tony Evans' historical observation, "concerned with establishing and maintaining the moral claims that legitimate particular interests", or in Neil Stammers' more precise explanation, "ideas and practices concerning human rights are created by people (sic) in parti'€utar historical, social, and economic circumstances "iii To put itstrictlYi,·on empirical ground, they are the straightforward result of stn.tgglF\ghardly characteristic of any specific culture or tradition. Perhaps, Heiner Bielefeld's analysis can very well help clarify the issue here:


... Human rights did not develop as a "natural unfolding" of humanitarian ideas deeply rooted in the cultural and religious traditions of Europe. On the contrary, people in the West, too, had (and still have) to fight to have their rights respected .... These rights ... are achievements brought about in long-lasting politica1c:onflicts during the process of modernization in Europe. Theyare by no means the eternafh,eritage of an original cultural endowment of Europe.iV

On this account, all tl1e ambivalence shouldh6wbe put to rest as to the current controversy about both cultural essentialism and relativism. The one, Western claiming monopoly of the definition on human rights; while another, non-Western denying the fundamental universality of human rights, i.e., human life and dignity. The two, thus far, Ganonly indulge in self-styled polemics and actually get us nowhee in te~ms of human progress, to be here defined as freedom from dom ;~ti6nacc()rding to W.F. Wertheim's Emancipation Principle. v As a matter .. 6ffact, both human freedom and human progrk£v8simply constitute two sides of the same coin. One cannot do without the other. The inclusive "four freedoms" - freedom of expression, religious freedom, freedom from want, freedom from fear - that Franklin D. Roosevelt advocated towards


the end of World War II underlying the vision of peace, security and human rights, are basically along the same line of thinking. As we all well remember, it is this global vision that brought about the establishment of the United Nations and subsequently the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. From then on, the world body takes upon itself the major task of gradually and persistently expanding and broadening the scqpe 6~hlJman rights even further. And it is still going on fairlyconsistently.In spite of .. ~ts inherent weaknesses and Iimitations.tboth legal and operational, as international organization. But at th(;! very least, it can afford toprovide a certain legitimate democratic grpundwork for the rights holders, the people, to work their way out h a moral support ofgl6mn public opinion. Fortunately enough, the.subject matter of bio-diversity and indigenous knowledge, ourtnatn conc:ern.liere, also falls within the purview in such global democratic perspective. It is worthwhile then to briefly inquire into how well it fares under the auspices of the United Nations, so as to getth~ idea as to what more needs to be done and how.

This leads us to the second poinf:'lhat is, the question of international law and order and that of human freedom and progress. For the purpose, I shall gratefully draw on part of one IUeN-commissioned study under the rubric: Traditional Resource Rights: International


Instruments for Protection and Compensation for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities. vi

This is just to give a rough outline of what is in stock with regard to the existing state of international human rights instruments, both legally binding and not legally binding. Those legally binding consist of four main agreements: UN International Covenant on Civil andPolitiqlRights (ICCPR) 1976, UN International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (lCESCR) 1976, International cabour Organization Convention 169 Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in IndependentCountries (lc0169) 1989, and Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) 1992. For those with non-legal binding, three deserve to be referred to here as guidelines for further action:HN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DDRIP) 1994,UNDr~t Declaration of Principles on Human Rights and the Environment (DDHRE) 1994, and the Leipzig Declaration on Farmers' Rights. From these somewhat scattered provisions, a Ilumber of relevant points could be drawn with regard to the traditl urce rights of indigenous peoples, as follows.

(i) Self-determination and development;

(ii) Disposal of natural wealth and resources; (iii) Protection of minority culture;

(iv) Religious freedom;


(v) Environment integrity;

(vi) Intellectual property rights;

(vii) Recognition of customary law and practice; (viii) Farmers' Rights.

The two, (i) and (ii), in particular are technically ambivalent regarding the question of jurisdiction. While the CBD confirms the sovereign rights of States over indigenous peoples' lands, territories, and natural resources, both the ICESCR an ICCPR stress the rights of all "peoples" in plural number to self-determmation and to freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources, So under the circumstances, indigenous peoples are concerned, quite justifiably, that such sovereign rights might just as well be extended and encroaching upon their traditional knowledge, innovations, and practices. On the other hahd,theVieWin favour of minorities is opposed by national governments for fear of the national integrity and their own sovereign rights being eroded thereby. All in all, then, as far as the international agreements with legal binding are concerned and under the eXi§Jing structure of power relationships, there is bound to be a gap andinsoIuble .. contradictions. In this perspective, it makes sense for a new initiative being taken from within the United Nations in a long process of consultation with indigenous leaders, and that resulted in the DDRIP with a fairly comprehensive framework to work with. Though not legally binding, it is meant to serve as the standard international document and


thus the basis for any further discussions and negotiations concerning indigenous peoples that are to follow suit. Its principal features of indigenous peoples' rights are well summarized in the above-mentioned meN study, and therefore to be cited in full here for the benefit of fellow participants as well as community leaders in general.'"

(i) l~lg1ittqself-determination, representation, and full partieipation;

Recognitidnof;~~sting t aty arrangements with indigenous peoples;

(iii) ~ght to determine own citizenry and obligations

(v) Rightto live in freedom, peace, and security Wit)!lOpt military intervention or involvement; (vi) Right lOH~eligious freedom and protection of

sacr nd objects, including ecosystem,

(vii) Right to restitu ·Oh and redress for cultural, intellectual, religious or spiritual property that is taken or used without authorization;

(viii) Right to free and prior informed consent;


(ix) Right to control access and exert ownership over plants, animals and minerals vital to their cultures;

(x) Right to own, develop, control and use the lands and territories, including the total environment of the lands, air, waters, coastal areas, sea-ice, floraandfallna and other resources which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used;

(xi) Rigb,t to special measures to control, develop and protect their sciences, technologies and cultural manifestations, includtrrgfiiiman and other genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of the properfiesofJauna and flora, oral tradition,literature, designs and visual and performing arts;

(xii) Right to just and fair compensation for any such aCtivitiestnat have adverse environmental, economic, soci~l, i::ulturpJ or spiritual impact.


Legally binding or not, the effectiveness of all these numerated rights - i.e, moral claims - depends in the last analysis on the strength of their being recognized and respected as legitimate in society. Thailand is a good example. In spite of currently constitutional provisions for community rights with regard to indigenous knowledge and bio-diversity, the very issues under discussion in this fOrUm,all these moral claims are still far from being realized in practice. This is because a mere legal or moral formula cannot just exist on own without social and cultural backup. This is certainly not a matter of disappointment or outright despair. That would unfortunately be too light-hearted and superficial. It all is the nature of thlngsrthat'ls, the beginning of a social process just like any strenuous process of struggles for freedom in human history. The crucial difference is that indigenous peoples and rural communities nowadays do not just stand alone in all this. A meaningful and substantive beginning has already been made

with at least a of world public opinions and people's

movements behind it, tho h still very much in face to face

with the power that be.

Retrogressive and authoritarian global politics of human rights

There are two major and interrelated factors that stand in the way of development towards human freedom and progress: one conventional and another a new market totalitarianism. The fi,irfl~s something to do with the good old

''''!",'i.\j"d: <[Lk··hHTi

definition of human rights itself] It is of c. rse the historical West that did inspire t rights and dignity. A yet it only falls back on'and confines itself to those created in "particular historical, social,and economic circumstances" of the enteenth and eighteentncenturies. That is why the meaning and sc e gfi~uma ights is narrowly defined as those strictly concerned Wi~hlf~ndividu iberties, property rights, and the rule of law. In short, jti~t those with judiciable qualifications. In Jeremy Bentham's classiopelemic against the French Revolution's Declaration of the Rights pf Ma and of the Citizens expounding the natural and inalienable .

from imaginary laws, from laws of nature, fancied and invented by poets, rhetoricians, and dealers in moral and intellectual poisons, come imaginary rights, a bastard brood of monsters" viii


That is also why the collective economic and social rights are seen in the West as out of bound of the human rights standards, and just as a matter of specific concerns for humanitarians and philanthropists, as well as social welfare. And all this, despite the UN long-established principle of the indivisibility and interdependence of the civil and political rights, and the economic, social and cultural~~ghttiiHHH,!'!l,~ reason is not hard to find, and for a very good historical reason to~. After the real motivating forces behind all the' ast liberal r~Mi~ti6ns wer none other than the


commercial and m [dle classes, the haves. A!Jilg to these days, all

the cherished value and tradition of liberalism are still energetically


sustained by exactl he same forces, withfITs{lhctive and adverse e s~at'f and e have-nots, It is the latter adversary that still remaf~ thein~Iii~~ exclusive target, now that the liberals have come to a,~sume the power of the state itself. In this context, it is of no s~r~rise as to why it is only and purely the civil and political liber~~eslh t count as the standard measure of

human rights. All of who uld have nothing to do with the

mere "imaginary" collective e and cultural rights.

In such a state of affairs, Western liberalism turns itself into the sharp divide between the haves and the have-nots, the rich and the poor, the ruling and the ruled, domination and freedom. Whatever angle one looks at, they amount to practically


the same predicaments. Following the Industrial Revolution, the politics of the haves - Western styled property rights - fast developed into a three-pronged cult of industrial capitalism dealing with human, nature, and market. All of which, under the guise of economic science with the celebrated Adam Smith as progenitor. From then on, the economic system is to take precedence over society. And that, in the distipguished economic historian Karl Polanyi's words, " means no lessthan the.rij-nning of society as an adjunct to the market. Instead of economy being embedded in social relations, social relations are embedded in the economic system ".ix In this scheme of thought, then, human beings are to be valued and treated as mere units of labour, and natUfeas raw materials. And both, the natural and.human substance of society, are to be transformed into material commodrties,anq therefore to be subject to the market mechanism which is steadfastly held to be selfregulating beyond social control. This is how the market economy historically came about in commercial-made society, and hence the creed of free trade and fre(;! market.x All of which, solely and infinitely for the sake of ind\jstrialprogress and capital accumulation.

Against such an extremist ideological background, colonization and appropriation of nature proceeds in full force ever since. Here we can see how the Western tenet of rights and liberties


comes into play, that is, within the framework of individualism, property rights and the rule of law. Of all this, the determining factor lies with property rights which, according to John Locke's three-century old theory of value, are created by extracting resources from nature with one's labour. That is how capital comes into being and as a result, as Vandana Shiva succinctly puts it,

"c.oniy capital can add value to .... appropriated nature, and hence only thos~ who own the capital have the natural rights to own natural resoutses; a right that supersedes; the common rights of others with priorc1aims.Capital is thus defined as a source of freedom, but this fre~dom is based on thedell1al of freedom to the land, forests, rivers and bio-diversity th~t capital claims as its own." xi

And all this emphatically and nonchalantly defined as a matter of economic freedom and the interplay of market forces in the industrial West! Vandana5hiva, again, so appropriately brands this as the process of thef~ .... and robbery. It is not only the people's freedom and collective rightStl1atare~ndangered and lost. But most importantly it is the human rightto life itself that is subject to constant threat and destruction, as everyone knows full well how all these commons are valuable and indispensable as the life support and sustenance base of local people and communities. So along the process of appropriation and privatization of the commons, the


indigenous peoples and rural communities' rights and livelihoods become thereby marginalized and impoverished, as we are all witnessing today. But then, again, that is of no serious concern, especially now that a remedy has been found by way of the so-called "social safety net" as defined by the World Bank, whereby all the expected troubles and threats to the status quo can be contained. Needless to say, this kind of pejpl~ii~e i~ea and measure is well shared by

$li#yf!U "Jhrd1bn

many a distinguisHed economist! and acas e alike.


at all. The colonizatiof};;;Qf nature is now reaching its new height with the all-powerful capital 'extending from manipulation to mono oly of life itself, througfl'lJiotechnological capabilities and the accom nied(~ tellectual property rights regime.


This in itself explains the ad'l1al st ;~~~nce and technology in the contemporary world. It is'qil practically corporate-oriented and under the same old paradigm pf industrialism, something to beware of for the common people, wflostruggle for freedom. As Andrew Kimbrell very well describe

Biotechnology extends humanity'Shteach over the forces of nature as no technology in history has ever done. Bioengineers are now manipulating life forms in much the same way as the engineers of the Industrial Revolution were able to separate, collect, utilize, and exploit inanimate materials.


Just as previous generations manipulated plastics and metals into the machines and products of the Industrial age, we are now manipulating and indeed transferring living materials into the new commodities of the global age of biotechnology.

The raw material for this new enterprise is genetic resources.

Just as the powers oHIfe ti1.iti4§trial age colonized the world in search of minerals andifossil fuels, the biocol

new biological

rmed into profitable

.'Jletic engineering."

In th recent past, bio-technological development has been well known an tak,enifor granted in the areas of diseasecausing bacteria for the b~~ef1t ofih~rt~~d. Life forms, i.e., products of nature themselves, are! presumed under the traditional legal doctrine to be non-patentable. All this, however, has been radically changed by the US Supreme'Ceurt's decision in 1980 to the contrary

that life is indeed patent

he brand new policy is thereby

unilaterally created, openin ay .... for the US transnational corporations, with all the capital, technOtbgy and market well under control, to acquire the patenting of indigenous plants and animals, and hence knowledge. Since then, a good number of patents have been issued on cases like the neem tree and Basmati rice of India, Jasmine rice and medicinal plants of Thailand, and still many others


to follow. All these incidents are already well known and so blatantly arbitrary. On top of that, there is also now the planned global patent regime under negotiation in the World Trade Organization, known as Trade Related Intellectual Property (TRIPS), to be imposed on the Third World countries.xiii If getting through, it is not only biodiversity and indigenous knowledge that is in grave danger of extinction, but also a toHll and absolute control on the whole life on earth. And all, again, in the name of economic liberalism and free market.

It is also how the Western self-styled concept of human rights has b(;,!en working withirtlhe framework of individualism, property rights.an,d the rule of law. As Professor Edward Herman ofWhartonSchoolsuc(inc1Jy and instructively puts in his opening remarks:

Doesn't a growth process in which large numbers are immiserated while a smalfelite prospers necessarily entail serious human rights violations? In liberal theory, and in the definitions used by the major human rights organizations of the West: No. Human rights are political and personal rights ... ; they do not include economic rights to subsistence, education, health card, housing and employment. Thus if immiseration follows from the normal workings of the market system, based on the economic power of private


corporations and banks, and with the help of the IMF, World Bank, US government, and a nominally democratic regime like that of Mexico or Chile, no human rights violations are involved. xiv

Looking ahead

So after three full centuries, the celebrated liberalism of the West only ends up by imposing its own specific set of human rights on the whole. world as something absolute and universal. Might thus makes right, and unilateral "right" brings in its train arbitrary rule and social disintegration. Thisisthe crux of the matter. The alternative way out of this destructive end, as Karl Polanyi suggested in his highly insightful reading into the history of Industrial Revolution, is to turn to "the principle of social protection aiming at the conservation of man and nature as well as productive organization, relying on the varying support of those most immediately affected bytl].e deleterious action of the market ... ".xv Or what, in the contemporarycontesa.james Robertson conceives of as creating a global economy that-is'both human enabling and nature conseiving.i" The social principle and practice such as this of course sounds quite familiar to our fellow indigenous peoples and rural communities. After all, it is precisely their traditional way of everyday life. There is nothing extraordinary about it. But,


mind you, it becomes something so alien and subversive in the current world of industrialism, where the freedom of capital and free market turns into absolutism and totalitarian control over life on earth.

It is in this global perspective that the issue of biodiversity and indigenougkhQwl~dge must needs address itself. As emphasized earlier on, it is the whole que. . on of human freedom and progress that'is at stake. Butfirst and fore ost, the grassroots peoples and communlqes must pull themselves together as united front in face to face with the transnational structure-of power. As a matter of fact, because of its own overbeariing abuse and aggrandizement, the agent's of indpstrialcapitalism - transnational corporations, the IMF, the Wprld Bank,etc. - have to confront with strong protests and increasingly steadfast opposition from the common people, urban and ~ural, everywhere. But street actions and manifestoes in themselves would be of no avail without

community rights being rec{)g . level, both in principle and in p

and realized at the grassroots .>iAs for the role of nation-

states, little, if any, can be expected under the contemporary elite system that, more often than not, tends to be alienated from its own people. On the other hand, empowering local communities would greatly help consolidate nation-states vis-a-vis transnational encroachments. Humanity has gone through the age of nation


building, modernization and development patterned upon Western industrial capitalism. Throughout, local communities have been neglected and their traditional resource rights marginalized and trampled upon. The result is human impoverishment and natural degradation. In the circumstances, then, a new democracy is to be required and worked out with local communities as its base. Indeed, indigenous peoples arid tUta1.communities can significantly provide part of the answer.

Ther~ remains one final point to be taken note of here. The need for self-reform has already been earlier mentioned. The emphasis is onthe principle of self"rellallce and right to selfdevelopment. Community rights are being raised here, not just for the sake of defense mechanlsm agairistencroachment from outside, but mainly as the foundation of a new global democratic order, so that the principle of social protection and human-enabling/ natureconserving economy cap realistically be established. It is that, on top of the traditional r c: rights as well comprehensively op the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, something needs to be donewith regard to the existing structure of power relationships within community itself. For one thing, for community rights to be universally recognized and respected, the value and rights of individuals must be well taken into account In this respect, we can learn a good deal from the


West, despite all its shortcomings. Coming into the changing and globalizing world, local communities also need human creativity. And true creativity can only come from free and open society. The point is that community rights as a system also need to allow for individual rights and creativity. Undoubtedly this is a highly delicate task inevitably involved in the process of social change. It is the fundamental question of hoW human aspirations and rising expectations, especially of new generaticns.can be accommodated and fulfilled. So this is problem of the future, and no status quo can ever provide solution. It is indeed the great-challenge, that is, challenge from within. One only has high hope that local traditional knowledge and wisdom will be able to Hveupto its potential creativity in the common task of social reconstruction, globally and locally.


1 James Robertson, Future Wealth: A New Economics for the 21st Century, London, Cassell Publishers Limited, 1990, p. ix.

1 Saneh Chamarik, "Technological Self-Reliance and Cultural Freedom", in C.G, Weeramantry, ed., Human Rights and Scientific and Technolpgical Development, Tokyo, United Nations University Press, 1990, p •. 56.

1 Tony Evans, "Introduction: power, hegemony and the universalization of human rights", in Tony Evans, ed., Human Rights Fifty Years On, ManchesterUniversity Press, 1998, p. 4.

1 Heiner Bielefeld, "WESTERN VERSUS ISLAMIC HUMAN RIGHTS CONCEPTION? A Critique of Cultural Essentialism in the Discussion of fluman Rights", Political Theory, vol. 28, No.1, February 2QOO, pp. 96-97.

1 W.F. Wertheim, Evolution alldRevolution: The Rising Wave of Emancipation, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1974, p.47.


1 Darrell A. Posey, Traditional Resource Rights: International Instruments for Protection and Compensation tor Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities, mCN - The World Conservation Union, 1996, particularly Chapters 1-5.

1 Ibid. p. 28.

1 Cited in The E~~;~mist, " August 18th-24"

s of Human Rights",

aki, "The Need for anfBtercivilizational

';'.{. •. ,


Approach to Bvaluatlag Human Rights" , and Cliris jochntck, "Human Rights for thl Next Century" , Itum'a:ll'1?!ights Dialogue,

1 Karl Polanyi, The

Transformation: the political

and economic origins qf pur time, Boston, Beacon Press, 1957, p. 57.

1 Ibid., p. 42-42, 132, 135

1 Vandana Shiva, " The Enclosure of the Commons", Third World Resurgence, Issue No 84, 1997, p. 6.


1 Andrew Kimbrell, " Biocolonization: The Patenting of Life and the Global Market in Body Parts", in Jerry Mander and Edward Goldsmith, ed., The Case against the Global Economy and for a Return toward the Local, San Francisco, Sierra Club Books, 1996, pp.131-132.

1 Ibid., 133-137

1 Edward S.Herman, "Immiseratiori.i& Human Rights", Third World ReSa:,rgence, Issue No. 58,lJp.ne 1995, p. 41.

1 Karl Polanyi, 0 . cit., p. 132. Itatlcsibine


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