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PUBLIC: SECURITY ASSESSMENT & INTELLIGENCE PROFILE MISSION: SISTER MURUK 06

Free West Papua
Campaign Pacifica
One People One Soul

Suite 17 / 288 Brunswick St
Fitzroy, VIC 3065
mob: +61 (0)409 268 978
fax +61 (0)3 9445 0311
 freepapua_pacifica@hush.ai

w w w . f r e e w e s t p a p u a . c o m

SECURITY ASSESSMENT &
INTELLIGENCE PROFILE

West Papua Border Mission
May/June 2006

FOR ISSUES RELATING TO:
SITI WAINGGAI;
REFUGEES FROM MARCH 16 VIOLENCE;
TNI & BORDER SitRep;
JIHADI CAMPS

compiled by
Nick Chesterfield,
International Officer
Free West Papua Campaign Pacifica (Melb)
Osa-Tara-Lia (AUSTRALIA)
manukoreri@hush.ai SECURE if using HUSHMAIL

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CONTENTS
Introduction 3
Executive Summary 3
Glossary 5
1.0 OVERVIEW OF SITI SITUATION 6
1.1 NICO BALAGAIZE 6
1.2 PHILOMEN NUMBERI AND ERWIND AGE 6
1.3 PNGDF & ESPPSC 7
1.4 KOPASSUS INFILTRATION 7
1.5 CURRENT SITI STATUS 8
1.6 FUTURE OPTIONS 8
2.0 OVERVIEW OF MARCH 16 ISSUES 9
Timbul Silaen's presence at March 16 10
2.1 ESCAPE ISSUES 10
2.1.1. Operasi WANYAMBE 11
2.1.2. Concerns for Relatives 13
2.1.3. Fears of Persecution 13
2.1.4. Safety and security if remaining in PNG 13
2.1.5. Students' assessments of conditions in West Papua 13
2.2 MISSING PERSONS AND ACCOUNTING 14
2.3 CURRENT SECURITY STATUS OF REFUGEES 14
2.4 APPLICATIONS 15
2.5 CONTACTS 15

3.0 MILITARY & SECURITY INTELLIGENCE SITUATION 16
3.1 WEWAK 16
3.2 KAUP AND RH OPERATIONS 16
3.3 CAMPS 16
3.4 NAVAL INTELLIGENCE, AND ABU SAYYAF ARRIVAL 17
3.5 PATRICK PRUAITCH AND NEW PEOPLES ARMY 17
3.5.1.BARGE 17
3.6 VANIMO 17
3.7 WUTUNG 18
3.8 BEWANI 19
3.9 BASE CAMP 20
3.10 APRIL 10 ATTACK 20
3.11 BORDER ASSESEMENTS 21
3.11.1. BATAS 22
3.11.2. WEMBI 22
3.11.3. ARSO: CENTRAL COMMAND AND OPERATIONS BASE 23
Aviation intels 24
Jihadis 24
3.12 TNI LONG TERM (TEN YEAR) PLAN 25
3.13 REQUIREMENTS 26
3.14 FORECAST 28
3.15 CONCLUSIONS 28

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 29
APPENDIX 1: CIVIL RIGHTS OF ABEPURA 16 MARCH 2006 SUSPECTS THREATENED
APPENDIX 2: TAPOL BULLETIN 183: Papuans tortured, policemen killed
APPENDIX 3: FRONT PEPERA STATMENT
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Introduction
A 30 day mission was commenced on May 14th 2006 to go in to PNG and other places unspecified nearby. As
people remember the mission was to:
• organise security and different options for Siti Wainggai;
• locate, assist, interview, secure and treat a group of 85 refugees from the March 16 Freeport protests in
hiding in PNG;
• locate and assess the remainder of the 600 refugees – the entire student population of West Papua;
• collect information and complete a current accurate security assesment of the border region as it relates to
West Papua;
• And to follow up on corruption allegations and forest security issues as outline in my report Terror-razing
the Forest (google im tasol!).

It is critical at this point to say that all prisoners at all times were treated in accordance with international law, and
although there was anger and times where we all felt like punching these human rights abusers, we were careful to
send a message that we are much better than the TNI, and we will not lower ourselves to threatening behaviour or
violent conduct, even despite the validity of tribal law in this situation. It is also extremely important to assert that
we were at all times acting in accordance with PNG law, and had full cooperation with the agencies that were
assisting. I am saying this because certain people with personal axes to grind are alleging that this mission was
illegal, and we were engaging in illegal activities or conspiracy. This is certainly not the case, and if it is I would be
charged by now, as I have been fully open with all the activities (security issues aside).
Therefore this is a report using raw intelligence compiled from interviews with the refugees that we were able to
locate, our security networks, PNGDF 2RPIR/INT (who kindly provided me with relevant documents and
background, and security support, although as they have no money, we had to pay for it all).
It is critical to assert that any information contained herein is the result of an extensive and exhaustive interview
process with survivors. It does not contain direct photographic or forensic evidence, although this will be
forthcoming. It highlights the immediate need for full transparency in the area, and fully transparent investigations.
This report is a challenge to the allegedly civilian leadership of Indonesia to allow in to the areas Indonesian and
Papuan NGOs, and Human rights investigators with full access and no difficulties in their way, free from threats and
intimidation, and assisted by international humanitarian workers in data collection and compilation. If the
Indonesian people are serious about promoting democracy and the rule of law, then a full process of accountability
must be proven to be happening. The eyes of the world are on Papua anyway, so there is no use hiding or denying
evidence. It will be proven eventually.
However, I would dearly love for me to be proven wrong in all or any of the allegations contained within.
Please note that this report specifically is a Situation Report, Security Assessment and Intelligence profile, and
separate paper will be complied to look at the illegal logging, so please have patience. Unfortunately, cerebral
malaria and a huge workload can slow one down a bit.

Executive Summary
Nick Chesterfield compiled this report as a result of fieldwork he undertook from May 14 to 14 June 2006 on behalf
of the Free West Papua campaign in Australia. The work was funded by grassroots donations from Australia.

For too long the security and human rights issues present along the border of the Papua Niugini and West Papua
have been ignored at the strategic peril of countries in the region. In abandoning those who fought so hard for our
freedom in World War 2, we have missed out on a genuine opportunity to stop displacement of our neighbours, and
to genuinely combat terrorism on our doorstep.

Currently a massive troop buildup is occurring on the border by the Indonesian military, who have so far managed
to resist genuine civilian control within Indonesia. After the defensive killings of five security personnel and agents
provocateur in the demonstrations of March 15/16, the Indonesian military and Police have conducted widespread
reprisals against students and the family members of all university students in West Papua. The TNI's network of
terror has spread furthermore deep within Papua Niugini and has made its presence felt within isolated
communities along the border, who are living in fear of an imminent invasion. Evidence was uncovered that a
massive ground offensive is in the final stages of planning, and there are questions that need to answered publicly
by many people in the region to prevent this from happening.
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This Security Assesment also revisits some of the military evidence uncovered in “Terror-Razing the Forest:
Guns,Corruption, Illegal logging, JI & the Indonesian military in Papua Niugini” which was release in January of this
year and has caused quite a stir already. It contains the following information:

(i) Documentation of situation if Siti Wainggai
This report present information that there has been an on-going program carried out by the Indonesian authorities
to capture Siti Wainggai in Papua New Guinea and return her to Indonesia. Siti Wainggai is the mother of child
who travelled with her father to Australia with the 43 asylum seekers in January 2006. Siti Wainggai fled to Papua
New Guinea after being forced to make a statement by Indonesian authorities that her child had been abducted by
“its” father and taken to Australia against her wishes.

The report presents information that is not safe for Siti Wainggai to stay in Papua New Guinea. A scenario is
presented for her to go to New Zealand as a refugee.

(ii) Circumstances of students fleeing aftermath of demonstrations in Jayapura of March 15/16 2006.
Results of interviews and information collected about the West Papuan students who were seeking political asylum
after the March 15 & 16 2006 demonstrations in Jayapura suggest that there are many hundreds of students and
other persons who have left Jayapura and have gone into hiding because of concerns for their personal safety.

Interviews undertaken demonstrate that these persons have been subjected to beatings, torture, retaliatory action
and reprisal killings by Indonesian authorities. The information presented demonstrates that these persons face a
real threat of persecution, imprisonment or death in West Papuan from the Indonesian
authorities. Information is presented that parents or relatives of these persons have also been subjected to reprisal
and torture.

On the basis of the information presented these persons appear to be political refugees who face real danger of
persecution from Indonesia.

Information contained in the report presents an argument that these persons may not be safe from Indonesian
authorities while staying in Papua New Guinea, and that international assistance is immediately required.

(iii) Links between timber logging operations, Indonesian military and Islamic militia
This report presents strong information about links between personnel of the Indonesian military and commercial
logging operations along the north coast of Papua New Guinea. The report relies on information to suggest that
the commercial fish industry and timber logging operations in Papua New Guinea are working with Indonesian
military and armed militias from Phillipines & Indonesia. Information is presented that these armed personnel are
providing security for the industry operations. The nature and origin of these armed personnel suggests that a
strategic political role is be being played by these personnel.

It has been established that past and present members of Indonesian military have interests in logging and
resource exploitation. These interests form a military industry complex, which has been ongoing in Indonesia since
the Suharto era. It seems plausible that these same interests have extended into logging interests in Papua New
Guinea. Information presented by the author in the past argues this is the case. Where this is proven, the military
industrial complex which includes Indonesia’s TNI is entrenched in Papua New Guinea.

(iv) OPM attack on TNI camp in Border region
This report presents information about an attack by the OPM on an Indonesian military camp on April 10 2006. It is
reported that this attack was supposed to assist the students fleeing persecution after the March 15/16 2006
demonstration.

(v) Indonesian Troops and Militia in the northern border region
This presents details of very large deployments of Indonesian troops and equipment along the northern border
region with Papua New Guinea. Information is presented about TNI installations including locations, equipment,
troop numbers & battalion identifications, which extend through territory along the northern section of the Trans
Irian Highway to Wutung.

The report presents information that Islamist or Jihadist type militias are currently active & training in the immediate
region.

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Information is presented that local people have been removed from the area of military operations, face restricted
movement and face an vastly increased danger of attack.

(vi) General situation in northern coast of Papua New Guinea
The report details concern of PNG people in the border region for incursion or attack by Indonesian troops into
Papua New Guinea territory. The reports suggest that Papua New Guinea Government has little capacity or
willingness to respond to an incursion.

The report details some information about the landowners in Saundan province working to wrestle control of the
logging operations from RH.

(vii)Additional Comment
Information presented in the report suggests that the corrupt nature of the current PNG Government of Michael
Somare is assisting Indonesian territorial and business interests’ in the region. This begs the question of what
happens if the government in Papua New Guinea stops being compliant to timber & resource companies and their
military associates in Indonesia.

It seems credible that the Indonesian force along the border could be used to secure strategic interests further
inside Papua New Guinea if the need arose.

The report of Kopassus and militia already in Papua New Guinea suggests that this military control is already being
established.

Small detachments of armed forces can be used to make local people scared and powerless. Then the local people
will be unable to act against increased troop numbers and any increased Indonesian control will face an already
compliant population.

This report suggests a stealthy campaign by the TNI for territorial control is already underway in PNG.

GLOSSARY
ADF Australian Defence Force Merdeka)
AOI Area of Interest PAPINDO Large retail Joint venture across PNG,
BRIMOB Mobile Brigade, POLRI owned by Kopassus, The Chief & cronies
BIN Badan Inteligen Negara (State PNG Papua New Guinea
Intelligence Body – Indon) PNGDF PNG Defence Force
CARITAS Catholic Church Aid Agency POLDA Provincial Police (Kepolisian Daerah)
“The Chief” Michael Somare, Kopassus' main business POLRI Indonesian National Police (Polisi Republik
partner; alleged PNG Prime Minister Indonesia)
CITES Convention on International Trade in POM Port Moresby
Endangered Species PPC Police Provincial Commander
ELSHAM The Institute for Human Rights Study & RAAF Royal Australian Air Force
Advocacy RH Rimbunan-Hijau Group of companies
ESCOW East Sepik Council of Women RPNGC Royal PNG Constabulary
ESP East Sepik Province SBY Indonesian (P)resident, General Susilo
ESPPSC ESP Provincial Security Committee Bambang Yudhoyono
FWPCP Free West Papua Campaign Pacifica (Melb) SGI Satuan Gagas Intelijen – Disruptive / Divisive
GOLKAR Golongan Karya (Functional Groups) (literal trans.) Intelligence Unit, Kopassus
IMET Internat. Military Education/Training Prog. SIL Summer Institute of Linguistics
Intel The catch all phrase for Indonesian Terror-Razing Terror-razing the Forest: Guns, Corruption,
intelligence bodies, agents & taxi drivers Illegal logging, JI & the Indonesian military in
KODAM Territorial Command Structure,TNI Papua Niugini; a preliminary investigation
KomnasHAM National Human Rights Commission (Just google it and you will find it!)
KONTRAS Commission for Anti-Violence and Forced TNI Indonesian National Army (Tentara Nasional
Disappearances Indonesia)
KOPASSUS Special Forces,TNI TPN Papuan National (Liberation) Army /
KOSTRAD Strategic Reserves Command,TNI Tentara Papua (Pembebasan) Nasional
MAF Mission Aviation Fellowship TRIKORA Triple Command of the “People”, TNI
MELSOL Melanesian Solidarity UnCEN Universitas Cenderawasih, Abepura
MoU Memorandum of understanding VFP/WTK Vanimo Forest Products
NGO Nongovernmental organization WPNA West Papua National Authority
NIO National (Niugini) Intelligence Organisation YLBHI Indonesia Legal Aid Institute Foundation
OPM Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua

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1.0 OVERVIEW OF SITI SITUATION
The controversial Lady of West Papua has caused a major political headache between Australia and Indonesia.
Despite protestations to the contrary by Indonesia and Australia, Siti Wainggai is one of the key figures in the
whole mega politicisation of the issue of West Papua. Siti, from Serui off the North coast of Papua, is the wife of
Yunus Wainggai, the captain of the outrigger canoe that brought the 43 Asylum Seekers to Cape York in January.
She is also the mother of Anike, the 4 year old girl on the outrigger also granted asylum, who was alleged to have
been taken to Australia without her mothers consent. Siti was away visiting family in Manokwari at the time Yunus
took Anike on the outrigger to freedom, but even though initially uninformed, is fully supportive of that decision.
Ms Wainggai was first detained by TNI and BIN agents in Jayapura after the granting of Refugee Status for 42 of
the 43 Asylum Seekers. On the morning of 10th April she was summoned with Marvin and Nico Wainggai to the
presence of the Acting Governor of Jayapura. She was informed in that meeting that the following morning, 11 th
April, she would be taken to Jakarta to stay at the Istana Merdeka with SBY and that he would look after her. It
was not indicated if she were to ever be released.

She was then forced to sign a preliminary statement to SBY to be used as blackmail stating that her daughter was
taken without her consent and that Anike must be returned to her in Indonesia. This was to be used to force the
Australian Government to release Yunus and Anike into the hands of those who would surely kill or harm them, the
Indonesian military. The officer in charge was Yeheskiel Muabuay, from the SGI of KODAM XVII Trikora Papua.

She was taken to a relatives house where TNI were in force, threatening family members to cooperate under
orders from Jakarta. Siti was forced by the agents in front of a TVRI crew to cry and read this statement as part of
the Intel pressure campaign on Australia. She was offered a substantial amount of cash, over 40 million Rupiah
(Siti could not recall the exact amount) in a large envelope, but she resisted and refused the cash.

Siti went into hiding the next morning and decided to flee West Papua. She departed Jayapura at 0400 on
Saturday April 15th by boat where she was smuggled through to Wewak, arriving at 1700 that evening. She was
then taken into a secure location by the Network with whom she has remained.

Upon securing the Siti situation, we put into place several concurrent plans for her. I will not elaborate beyond
saying she is in the safest, strongest and most capable sets of hands in Papua and the controversial lady of West
Papua will be under permanent protection in very due course. Of course, we still need the international community
to do all it can to ensure that Siti is reunited with her family as soon as possible.

1.1 NICO BALAGAIZE
Controversy was developing before we even got to the north coast. On the night of Tuesday May 16 our network
intercepted and arrested Nico Balagaize for espionage and many other issues. He was paid by a Colonel
Pakpahan (KOPASSUS) at the POM Indonesian Embassy (Defence Attache) to secure Siti Wainggai and take her
back to Jakarta to meet SBY, against her will. He was also given a very large sum of cash in order to bend Siti's
will, but she is a much stronger woman than that.

Balagaize is still in prison in Moresby in the most adequate conditions available for a man who was going to kidnap
a woman to take her to her death. Bear in mind, the normal
conditions in PNG prisons are massively underfunded and difficult for
normal prisoners. We may check on him from time to time, but he is
not popular with the Papuan prison population, and will not be
accorded any special privilege's. There are many more prisoners in
PNG that deserve better treatment than this man. However there is
an understanding that he will not be treated in the same way that he
happily cooperated with the Indonesians to treat other Papuans.

1.2 PHILOMEN NUMBERI AND ERWIND AGE
Upon arrival on the north coast, we were informed by our network that
another two agents, Philomen Numberi (brother of the Indonesian
Fisheries minister and ex-Indonesian Stooge governor of Papua,
Freddy Numberi), and a Malukan, Erwind Age Johanis Latumaerissa,
had been sent by the Vanimo consulate to take Siti across the
border. We put them under surveillance immediately, let them have a
good nights sleep (they'd need it), and then arrested them in the
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morning with the assistance of trusted National Intelligence (police) officers within our network. After official
interrogation, they were handed over to us and we took them for a little drive, where we interviewed them on video
at the beach. They were terrified when we put them in the car, but I stopped the car, and turned to them,
guaranteed their safety and explained that we were not human rights abusers unlike their bosses the TNI. We
gave them food and drink, and assured them we didn't put arsenic in it like they do. This approach really worked.
They opened up massively on film, and we got the confessions we needed without a threat of or actual violence.
They explained in clear detail exactly what pressure they were put under by BIN, what would happen to their
families if they failed, and mechanisms with which the Indonesian military and state use to rule by fear. There is
over an hour of footage, but its intelligence value is limited to the information they gave on the plot to capture Siti.
Oh, and also our Malukan friend admitting that the TNI were the real culprits of the Bali bombings and the Jemaah
Islamiyah is just a Kopassus operation, for extra territorial purposes, that is was the same people who were behind
the terror and destruction in his homeland (Ambon. Etc, 2000).
Of course, the Indonesian government deny that they had anything to do with any of this. You draw your own
conclusions.
1.3 PNGDF & ESPPSC
Very Briefly, the PNGDF, West Papua office, Caritas PNG Wewak, ESCOW and the National Intelligence
Organisation have formed the East Sepik Provincial Security Committee, and the Peace and Good Order Network.
I am personally a principal member also, although I am incorrectly described as Greenpeace member. Not one,
never have been.

This network co-operates to share information, resources, and analysis to prevent the Indonesian military interests
from completely destroying the country, and particularly East Sepik. At the moment it is mainly an unbudgeted (as
everything is in PNG) network to gather intelligence on the activities of those connected with Somare and RH. We
do also do various operations together as required. There is a desperate need to help fund this operation also.

1.4 KOPASSUS INFILTRATION
Our network secured extensive evidence of Kopassus presence and infiltration of the Wewak and East Sepik area.
This took two forms:
• a presence connected with the Somare / Rimbunan issues (see section 3)
• specific operation to secure Ms Wainggai and forcibly return her to West Papua and Jakarta. This will be
examined here.

Obviously the situation of the capture of the spies was the clincher in this. This is a complex situation and we can
only really skim over the surface of these issues and players.

Moses Poi, the PNG border control officer in business with Kopassus in Jayapura (he co-owns brothels in Jayapura
according to our well paced informants), had been appointed by the UNHCR to be the UN delegate for the
Department of Foreign Affairs. This was a situation not at all to the approval of Siti, or the network around her.

Moses Poi is directly responsible for the forcible return of West Papuan refugees in 1984, 1986, 1988, 1991, and
1996. Many of these refugees met their deaths at the hands of Kopassus after their repatriation, and we have oral
testimonies of intimidation, abuses and disappearances from the TNI on the relatives of those original refugees. A
clear majority of refugee processing has been rejected by Poi during the entire period of his posting have been
returned to TNI hands. He is also currently involved in some questionable activities in Wutung inclding putting
heavy and intimidatory pressure on local people who do not wish to be involved in corrupt land deals, especially
regarding the lighthouse (see section 3.11.1).

I detailed the ongoing infiltration issues extensively in Terror-razing so please refer to this for background and
reference. This also caused a lot of people in ESP to look very closely at the presence of certain Indonesian
nationals in Wewak, and closely monitor their activities. Unfortunately, this has had the effect of driving it slightly
underground, but the upside is that their activities are less blatant and intimidatory. In fact, evidence uncovered
shows the Kopassus agents around Wewak have had to go on a “charm offensive” and play favours with people.
From close monitoring and personal conversations, we have established that Papuans involved in this corruption
are no longer just asking ”what's in it for me?”, but “what is in it for my people, and why should I go with
Indonesia?”. I am not sure if one can call this progress, but it is an increased awareness at the least.

However, they do still run the economy of Wewak, and people are now having a hard time differentiating between
PapIndo and the “Native” Garamut Trading, given that they are now next door to each other and swap personnel
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regularly. They must have been taking corporate structure lessons from Rimbunan.

Unfortunately, the easiest way to tell if Kopassus are around is to follow the broken and raped women. There are
still too many reports coming in from inside Wewak about Kopassus men taking local girls (the young ones), raping
them and using them as slaves. The Shanti timber site house at Kreer Heights is still operating as a sex abuse
house, and young children are still being abused daily, as well as young women. After they abuse them, they are
paying the victims enough for a few days food each. One wonders how this can still happen.

One day when we went to see Siti, a white Landcruiser troopy with Vanimo plates (VAA905), and registered to
VFP, was tailing us, and was sitting outside a location that we had great concerns about. There was another four
wheel drive consistently attempting to intercept Siti's location also (VAA 819).

There were several meetings at the Windjammer hotel on the beach. I found out something very interesting about
the Windjammer. The “owner” there, a German expat Hugo, is not really the owner at all: Michael Somare is, and
Hugo is the manager. I watched many interesting deals occur here, and Kopassus were crawling all over the place
with impunity. I had my security with me and there were several tense moments. Luckily, it was the Australian
Rugby State of Origin, and the Indonesian agents were wearing light blue shirts. This is the wrong colour shirt to
wear in PNG on State of Origin Night. Especially at a bar, and especially when the Maroons are losing (if you are
Papuan, you go for the Maroons, otherwise you are not a Papuan!). The agents had to remove themselves for
their own safety!

After this night, there were no more security incidents to speak of, although we continued to received credible
intelligence that more agents were on their way (although they were going to wait until the Origin had finished).

The author received several desperate phone calls from our network in Wewak on 20th June to reporting a very new
black “Puma” Indonesian helicopter was hovering over the area Ms Wainggai was secured. After extensive
investigation, I have been able to rule out any Indonesian connection. In fact it was the Health Minister, Sir Peter
Barter, flying his own helicopter, a Eurocopter – which looks nothing like a Puma - delivering whooping cough
vaccines to remote villages in East Sepik. Memo to Barter: please put some distinguishing marks on your chopper,
as they are identical to the Indonesians fast choppers and cause a lot of fear in the area.

1.5 CURRENT SITI STATUS
Ms Wainggai is still under threat, although her protective networks are very proactive in their security awareness. If
we receive confirmation of a imminent threat, we have legal heavily armed support on 24 hour standby within 5
minutes. Siti is being moved around secure locations regularly. Her main issue is that she is bored and has to be
kept off the streets, although she is in genuine fear that she will be kidnapped. She cannot have a normal life and
hates having to live with guards and razor wire. She is a free woman, but she is not free until we can get her to
safety, and permanent protection. There is also a distinct lack of resources and her presence is certainly stretching
the other needs of the people of ESP.

1.6 FUTURE OPTIONS
Through an application made prior to the commencement of the mission, the New Zealand government has offered
Siti protection if she is referred formally through the UNHCR process. The original request was for assistance to
evacuate Siti through PNG, but NZ understandably could not abandon its original commitment to the UN process.
NZ has also offered assistance to the students, for the same reasons. Through personal contact with the PM
Helen Clark, it has been made clear that the new annual refugee intake of 750 people will begin again on July 1,
and the NZ government will favourably consider any application made by the West Papuans through the UN
process.

The UNHCR has been provided with background information, but understandably has its hands tied until a meeting
can be facilitated with and through a PNG Foreign Affairs official.

There is a Plan B, and a Plan C, and a Plan D, even a Plan E; certainly none of which will be elaborated on here.
Sorry folks ;->

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2.0 OVERVIEW OF MARCH 16 ISSUES
There are conservative estimates that tens of thousands of people have been killed by the TNI security forces since
the 1970s in the Freeport project area, funded at over US$50 million per year by Freeport McMoRan1. The
environmental devastation wreaked by the company is unparalleled, with poisoned tailings washed into the Aikjwa
river, poisoning all animal and plant life in its path and wider, and destroying medicine and food sources for the
Kamoro and Amungme peoples. The tailings mess is even visible from space. West Papua was invaded by
Indonesia for this gold mine which provides 49% of Indonesian revenue, not including the bribes paid to the
military.
According to the students interviewed in the border area, they started “the demonstration which we were
demanding Indonesian government and Freeport mining company to stop operations in Timika. Freeport mine is
and had been the cause of human rights abuse, destruction of environment and is part of the problem; and the first
place, we are the landowners and were not involved in the start of the Agreement. The Indonesians and America
signed the Agreement without consulting the landowners. That is why we students support the landowners to
come to negotiations.”
In this context, students from UNCEN Cenderawasih (Bird of Paradise University) in Abepura, just outside of
Jayapura, took to the streets to defend their wantoks. Students, including Indonesian supporters, had also been
involved in the occupations of the PT Freeport HQ in Jakarta, which resulted in most of that building's destruction.
The military were incensed at this challenge to their 43 years of impunity and so issued orders to take out the
movement.
“We started protesting on the 15th by blocking the roads to UNCEN. We
continued on the 16th when we made the main demand to close the Freeport
mine. The authorities didn’t respond to the demand, and the Brimob {special
forces police) and POLRI started to divide us into two groups: 1 from {on}
Jayapura side and 1 from {on} Sentani side; and {they} tried to break the
roadblock {set up by the students}. Also at the time, there were negotiations
undergoing with the police and military and an airforce intelligence officer
(left) was in the protest. He threw the first stones at police to provoke
violence. That is when the clash started. Polri and Brimob attacked with tear
gas and bullets and were firing into the crowd, and then the students
responded with stones and sticks, which is when the police and intelligence
were killed.”

Another student in Vanimo: (we witnessed) “the wave
of shootings at the demonstration. M16, ss1, SS2,
AK47s- they used these guns to fire at the
demonstration plus tear gas. Tank and bazookas were
there but were used as a means to scare the
students. From my own eyes I had seen one been
shot. Because of the shooting we dispersed but I
heard that many got hurt and killed. While I was in the
bush I heard one of my friend was shot by Indonesia
and thrown at the rubbish dump in Napbri at Abe.
There were also 14 bodies found at Abe pandam pulun
Abepura.................. During my escape from the
military and police we camped in the bush (forest) with
27 other students, we were followed by Police and
military daily. We made makeshift camps if it was
raining but mostly we slept under trees. Indonesians when they found our camps and found we had left they fire
their guns here and there. These were the incidents that happened.”
The events of March 16 were captured on film by Father Peter Woods, who played it to the world when he got back
to Australia a few days later. Immediately after the demonstration, students fled to the jungle behind the university
where 16 bodies were later found at the most heavily guarded rubbish dump in the region.

1 Paying for Protection: Freeport Mine and the Indonesian security forces. Global Witness, July 2005
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Timbul Silaen's presence at March 16
One of the most disturbing pieces of evidence captured on
film during the shooting of the unarmed students (and up until
that stage, peaceful) was the presence of Timbul Silaen, the
former POLRI Commander of West Papua and the police
chief during the carnage of 1999 in East Timor (at right,
wearing Detasmen 88 cap2). Silaen was one of many TNI
and POLRI figures acquitted of crimes against humanity for
his role in forming, arming, training and ordering the
genocide, and one of several commanders who escaped
justice for orchestrating the bloodshed in very dodgy trials in
Indonesia. UN Serious Crimes Unit indictments still apply for his war crimes.
Silaen is also the mentor of Euricio Guterres, the brutal former AITARAK militia
leader who caused so much of the carnage and bloodshed, Guterres has also been
seen in many centres around West Papua where militia activity has been present
(see in further detail section 3.11.3). Silaen has officially retired from the Police,
but has a bad habit of turning up in places several days before terror attacks, and
has a history of being a troubleshooter (maker) for some very dark forces. He was
in Sulawesi
when militias
started to be
used aginst
the locals, and
has form in the
Silaen in Poso, Sulawesi, just
after more militia bombings Malukus, and
linked to TNI figures pretty much
everywhere in
Indonesia “communal” violence occurs.
Questions need to be asked about what Silaen
was doing standing with the Police Chief and
the chief of intelligence in Papua, surrounding
the students just minutes before agents
provocateur provoked the Police to shoot the
students. His very presence is evidence that Timbul Silaen at Abepura, March 16 2006, surrounding student leaders,
standing with Tommy Jacobus (?) (at Silaen's left) and the Papua
some sort of East Timor style mayhem and Intelligence Chief (on his right), just before POLRI started shooting .
terror is being planned by the Indonesian
Police and Military, and is totally consistent with the terror inflicted upon the students and local people in the border
region. Questions need to be asked about what he is doing in West Papua at the time where there of a militia
build-up, and a renewed presence across West Papua of the very “rogue elements” that have such a brutal history.
To paraphrase the SBS Dateline report, “Inside Indonesia's War on Terror” (which was quoted extensively in
Terror-razing the Forest):
“ Rogue elements indeed...... So what on earth is Timbul Silaen doing here with the... chief of intelligence (of
Papua)? Is he just along for the ride or is he now on the intelligence payroll? Whatever the answer, the continuing
role of these same old state terrorists is truly disturbing.”

2.1 ESCAPE ISSUES
Students fanned out across West Papua, some hiding for a week, some heading east, and some trying to return to
their houses only to find them burnt down and their families missing. The TNI were close behind them, and shot at
sight. One group I met with described to me the helicopters chasing them and shooting randomly when they got to
an area they had information the students were hiding in. One group tried to flee by boat, but the navy chased
them, rammed the boat and stabbed to death one student first in the water and then in the boat. They picked up
three others who are all in prison, being tortured daily.

“Yes I was threatened after the 16th. My photo was published in the newspaper {Cenderawasih Pos, 18th March,
2006 as a wanted man or DPO (Daftar Penciran Orang). The TNI and POLRI went to my house and shot my
2 Detasmen 88 is the elite “anti” terror squad of POLRI. Silaen has misused 88 for many of this purposes before, including in
Sulawesi, West Papua and East Timor
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house, but I jumped out the back window and ran away. There were 5 BRIMOB fully armed with full riot gear. The
TNI were using 8 SGI {Satuan Gagas Intelijen – Disruptive / Divisive (literal translation) Intelligence Unit of
Kopassus} agents taking photos. They threatened to kill me because they believed I was part of the defensive
killing of three Indonesian Agents on March 16.”
2.1.1 Operasi WANYAMBE
On the 19th of April the group of 23 students left the Dock VIII at 0400 West Papua time. 400 metres out of Dock
VIII, two navy boats appeared and gave chase. One navy boat ran behind along the coast and one ran at the front
of the boat. The students tried to put the boat to full speed but because it was only a 19 footer, with 23 passengers
on board it could not outrun the TNI boats. The boat was then rammed by the first navy boat and it capsized.
Finally the boat was sunk after it was rammed again. The students all swam in different directions for their lives.
They explained to the author that this was done so that if one got caught then some at least would survive and get
to safety.

One of the students was stabbed in the water by the navy repeatedly with either a gaff or a bayonet on a rifle. This
was confirmed through interviews with the survivors, however the two closest students to the capsized boat
witnessed TNI personnel stabbing the student in the boat. This student, Benidiktus Dimi, was killed. Another,
Abisay Salmon Keiya, was also captured. Yulianus Pigome went missing, and was later picked up by the police, as
he was not a strong swimmer and he was taken the the Dock 2 Naval hosptial under heavy guard. He is still in the
custody of POLRI. A third, given the name Johan (not Jonah) Wenda was rescued and arrested, and was put
together with Pigome and Keiya. (The rest of this group have safely and successfully made it to PNG and are
currently in hiding, and have been contacted by the author, which is where the testimony came from.)

According to a survivor: “The boat capsized and I removed a pair of my change (clothes) with my certificate and
bible. I was pulled by the sea current six times, and so I let go of my certificate and hold on to a rock and managed
to survive. I believe we were being followed because I saw dims {beams?} of light from behind and in front of us .
At 4:00 am I heard my friends voice saying, “Let me go, I want to swim!”. I believe he was stabbed while my other
friend went missing for good.”

The Navy recovered documents from the wreckage of the boat and they alleged that these documents were
relating to independence activities. Also alleged by the Indonesian military was that the students had several
Morning Star flags. Papua Police chief Brig. Gen. Tommy Jacobus claimed that this incident was the result of
rough seas, and that the TNI were merely rescuing confused survivors. From the contradictory Jakarta Post of 21
April 2006:

“Suspicions the boat's passengers were asylum seekers came on the grounds the Bintang Kejora flag of
the separatist Free Papuan Movement was found in one of the 15 rescued backpacks along with a banner
reading "West Papua students are hunted by the TNI (the Indonesian Military)/Polri (the National Police) so
we seek asylum in another country" and the lyrics of Mars Suaka Politik (Asylum Seeker's Marching Tune).
Tommy said it was likely the passengers were planning to display the banner and flag to attract media
attention upon their arrival in Papua New Guinea. Documents found in the 15 bags -- largely student IDs
and school diplomas -- indicated most of the passengers were students.
Tommy said the TNI and Polri in Papua had not been in pursuit of the students. He said the rumours were
started by a certain group who had arranged the asylum seekers' departure. However, he did not name the
group.
"Who is hunting down the students? No one. The police have issued a list of 19 wanted people related to
the Abepura case. Apart from those 19 people, no one is being hunted down. It's simply an excuse made
following the (Australian government's) move to grant temporary visas to 42 Papuans," he said.

However, we can clearly demonstrate that the students are being hunted down by the TNI and POLRI, under the
command of Jacobus himself.

Subsequent to this, the TNI and POLRI launched Operation Wanyambe to locate the missing students. They
visited the Depapre area at Muris Kecil and Muris Besar 80 kilometres west of the capital Jayapura, and we had
sketchy reports that the villages in the area were attacked to find the students.

It is believed that Operasi Wanyambe is the name for the operation to locate all of the 600 students. So far 37
people in total have been detained across Papua in relation to March 16, although we have only verified the
whereabouts of the 23 detained at POLDA in Jayapura (please see para 2.1.2). We have the names of those from
Group 1 who were disappeared by Mr Joseph Turot, Papua Provincial MP for Kerom, with BIN, SGI and BRIMOB

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officers.

These Students are: {MIA of 28 (Group 1)}

1.Yohana Gebze F 7.Denni Wenda M
2.Diana Gebze F 8.Ermius Mohi M
3.Jefri Tabuni M 9.Ronni Sanni M
4.Amosi Silak M 10.Yepta Kalakmabin M
5.Marthew Pahabol M 11.Lazarus Morin M
6.Simon Mohi M
The team gathered intel that these people were taken by a senior BIN man and Member of Parliament for Koram,
Mr Joseph Turot, with officers from Brimob. These 11 students have not been seen or heard from since and we
hold grave and urgent concerns for their safety.
STUDENTS IN CUSTODY AND ACCOUNTED FOR (IN NO ORDER):
CHARGES
1. Selvius Bobii is charged with inciting others to use violence (Article 160 of the Criminal Code).
2. Nelson Rumbiak is charged with aggravated theft (Article 365) for stealing two canisters that had been used
by Brimob for tear gas to break up the action before the conflict occurred, which had been found by the accused at
the site of the incident.
3. Othen Dapyal, Elkana Lokobal, Musa Asso, Moses Lobokal, Mon Jefri Obaja Pawika and Mathias Mihel
Dimara are charged with using violence against other persons (Article 170).
4. Ferdinando Pakage and Luis Gedi are charged jointly with resisting members of the security forces in the
performance of their duties, resulting in loss of life of a security force member (Article 212 relating to 214, para 2).
5. Marcus Kayame, Patrisius Aronggear, Thomas Ukago, Perius Waker, Elyas Tameka and Bensiur Mirin
jointly used violence to resist members of the security forces in the performance of their duties (Articles 218 and
214, para 1).
Additionally, there are another seven students who have not been named.
On July 24, many of these students above were sentenced to prison for the actions. Nelson Rumbiak was gaoled
for six years for “violating the Criminal Code when he took a tear gas canister belonging to Daud Soleman”, a
police officer who died in the incident (not by Rumbiak's hand).
Patrisius Aronggear, Thomas Ukagol, Penius Waker, Othen Dapyal, Elkana Lokobal, Mon Obadja Pawika, Bensuir
Mirin and Musa Asso were each sentenced to five years. It is unclear what has happened to the two other
defendants. According to the Jakarta Post,
“the defendants' lawyers left the court when the verdicts were read out to protest the sentences they
called "subjective" and said did not take into account witness testimony and other evidence.”
"The judges's verdicts have been contaminated by an evaluation outside the court. The judges are like
laymen -- they have sentenced the defendants before the legal process is completed, only because
they were influenced by watching TV coverage of the incident or reading newspapers," Paskalis
Letsoin, one of the lawyers, said. Paskalis said the team would appeal against the verdicts.”
i
Please view in more detail Appendix 1: CIVIL RIGHTS OF ABEPURA 16 MARCH 2006 SUSPECTS
THREATENED; and Appendix 2: “Papuans tortured, policemen killed” ii
Documentation
Very few of the refugees contacted were able to bring any travel documents and only a few of them had other
identity documents. However, members of other groups will be able to corroborate their identity if interviewed
separately. There is building evidence that from March 18, the SGI went to all the universities and campuses
across West Papua, and ransacked the dormitories and accommodation of the students, destroying all possessions
and papers. We have reports also that some of these dormitories were torched by POLRI. Several students,
including several contacted still inside, have reported that armed BIN and SGI also went to the administration of the
universities and demanded all papers relating to all West Papuan university students, which were then seized, and
have not been returned. From these acts, it seems that the TNI are trying to obliterate all traces of all West Papuan
students. Accroding to one: “No I don’t have any travel documents. I have (to go) away with the clothes that was
on me. All my certification and other ideas were left in my dormitory. The army have gone in our dormitory and
destroyed them.”

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2.1.2 Concerns for Relatives
All those interviewed expressed great concern about the safety of their relatives left behind. From a student leader:
“They will be targeted by TNI and Intel. That is why we are asking for international protection and attention for my
family. I was worried that since I released the report {Front PEPERA STATEMENT from the protest, see Appendix
3iii), my brothers, sisters, aunties and uncles will be targeted just as they are doing with Siti Wainggai.”
Some of the students reported that their family members have already been targeted in home villages.
A key student leader described in harrowing detail the situation with his mother. “After the March 16 clash at
UNCEN, and at the18th (Saturday), Intel (POLRI) arrested my mother, then took her from the house to the
university. They wanted to kill her in front of the university but she was struggling and shouting hard, and so they
took her to POLDA and tortured her, burned her with cigarettes and beat her up for three days at the gaol. After
three days, KOMNAS HAM and MRP came to the Police station and took her out from the station in an
unconscious condition. Right now, she reported all these facts to KOMNAS HAM, and the police are harassing her
daily to find me. Her life is in danger. After this they sent the Intel and are still doing so, to find out where I am.”
It has been confirmed through various sources that this is the case, although we are trying to get through to
KOMNAS HAM for access to their documents to expand on the circumstances and status.
“Yes. I am very concern(ed) of my family safety, security and their lives. It is typical, it is Indonesian ways to harass
family members of persons involved in the Papuan struggle. I heard while in the jungle after the 16th March
demonstrations military and police have gone to my family and asked questions. I am very worried of their safety.”
We received very detailed reports that the TNI, POLRI and BIN visited the home villages of some of these students
to hunt them down. In Boven Digul and Tanah Merah, we got reports that the entire home villages of the students
had been burnt down by the TNI, as in Paniai, Waighete, and Wamena districts. We have not been able to verify
the status of these reports and so urge anyone who is able to confirm this situation immediately.
2.1.3 Fears of Persecution
Every student expressed the strong and rational fear that if returned to West Papua they would be captured and
killed, “or exterminated”, by the Indonesian apparatus. According to the chair of Front PERPERA: “As I was one of
the organisers of the demonstration, I know I would be a target, and will be killed. This is why we fled to PNG.”
The students all said that they fear for their lives if returned to Indonesian hands. This is best described in their
own words.
Languages student, late 20s: “They will kill me, but I do not want to go back to “Indonesia” while Indonesia is still
there, or to be dealt with under Indonesia law, as they will kill me.”
Seminarian, mid-20s, male: “I feel that if I back to West Papua I will be in danger, because of the incident of 16th
March 2006. I am wanted by Indonesia and if I go or send back the Indonesian police and military will kill me. Don’t
send me back. I want to stay safe in PNG or another country and die there. The most important thing is not to
send me back to West Papua.”
2.1.4 Safety and security if remaining in PNG
Not one of the students interviewed felt under permanent protection if they were to remain in PNG. They are very
aware of the close business relationships between Somare, the National Alliance and Kopassus. “We wonder why
the local people here support the timber companies that are run by the TNI, so no, we cannot feel safe here.” said a
law student.
Another: “According to my feeling, we will never get permanent protection in PNG and would much rather be in
Australia or New Zealand where we will be safe. We are finding that PNG just wants to keep it quiet and are too
close to the TNI.”
It has been clearly demonstrated through much reporting, and also with my previous report “Terror-razing the
Forest” that the PNG government's interests under Michael Somare lie in profitable corrupt business relationships
with Indonesian military figures and not with the safety and security of PNG or West Papuans. Every step of the
way we saw how Indonesian agents could operate with impunity, especially under Somare's own nose.
2.1.5 Students' assessments of conditions in West Papua
The easiest way to present this is to just show what the students said verbatim:
“There is trouble everywhere. All West Papuans students are no longer at the universities.”

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“The situation in West Papua is serious. Every sector of life is controlled by TNI. For instance when the logging
people go to cut the trees and destroy my home, the landowners complain about the logging, and the TNI come
and shoot them. Simple as that. The logging companies in our area, KorIndo and Barito {Rimbunan Hijau} are run
by the military.”
“They are logging in the villages and on our traditional land. The company does not pay respect to the landowners
because it is backed by the TNI. After they harvest the logs, the next plan is to run the oil palm companies. They
want us off the land completely and it started in 1995. They are doing Genocide directly and indirectly. They order
us, with no compensation, off the land and have no concern for our future. We really have nowhere to go, no food,
no nothing.”
Seminarian, mid-20s, male: The security situation in West Papua- the Indonesian government have sent in so
many military personnel, and they have cut the number of West Papuan population. The military are now based in
every woods, village and district/sub-district, and the West Papuans are finding it very difficult to talk about Papuan
freedom and struggle…. And also very difficult for freedom of movement of the local population; a lot of human
rights abuse is happening daily, and the local population is scared. The incidents of human rights abuse is not
brought before the courts.”
Sociology and political science student, mid 20s: “The condition in West Papua is deteriorating with Indonesian
military personnel everywhere now. Just like Musa has said. West Papua needs a lot of international media
attention to document the human rights abuse, torture and killings; and for the last 43 years the international
community has turned a blind eye on Papua. On behalf of the West Papuan people, the student action in TImika
and many others like Paniai and the incident at Wamena by raising the Morning Star Flag. 6th October 2000 where
500 people were killed and a bulldozer was used to dig a mass burial for the 500 people. The Indonesian
Government on this incident have claimed that only 6 people were killed. We need international protection in our
fight for independence. International journalists and media is very important to document a lot of incidents like this,
that is not reported.”
Every student has either directly or indirectly experienced torture or mistreatment by occupation forces. Once
again, in their own words:
Seminarian, mid-20s, male: “Yes, I was beaten, kicked by boot, and mistreated by the police. I have a scar on my
right leg from the torture. I been punched with fists, hit with cop sticks {batons} over my body by BRIMOB (special
Police) I cannot remember how many times. It was continuous beating by 5 police personnel having turns. From
those beatings I had badly swollen and cut face and bruises on my right leg, and went for medical treatment after
the release.”
“Yes –I was tortured being the leader of the raising the flag (peaceful raising of the Morning Star flag in front of
Wamena Parliament house on 2nd July 1998) . I was burnt with cigarettes, hot irons. I was beaten so badly. At
one stage in the torture I thought “I will die now” but with the hand of God I am alive. God had given me the extra
live to continue fighting for the independence of West Papua. This is my cause.”
GROUP SEPARATIONS
3.1 MISSING PERSONS AND ACCOUNTING
as of 3rd July 2006
accounted for inside PNG 100
accounted for inside West Papua (at large) 82
imprisoned or under detention in WP (alive) 23
arrested, missing 18
presumed murdered with evidence 140
missing, unaccounted for 260
Total student body fled from UNCEN after March 16: 600
STOP PRESS: As of August 1, we have reports (verified) of another 25 students who have made it across
the border and are in safety. We have also reports (unverfied) that between 200 to 300 students have
successfully sought refuge and are with different OPM commands around West Papua.
3.2 CURRENT SECURITY STATUS OF REFUGEES
The refugees' immediate security situation is grave to say the least. The Indonesian military have intensified their
efforts to hunt down and capture the refugees. We have received many reports around Wutung of special platoons
under Operation Wanyambe being drilled to capture them extra-territorially and their position within PNG is not
secure. Vanimo is almost completely overrun with the TNI and BIN, and even as a staging point for movement to
other locations within PNG, this is not secure. Given logistical constraints, there is no choice but to move people

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further afield.

Our security networks are strong, and if need be, we have independent armed support, as well as trust networks
within the security forces. However, the PNGDF garrison has been compromised in the past, and the Police are
completely useless and corrupt. They are in fact a major part of the security problem.

Ideally, we do not wish any of these refugees who remain at high risk to remain in Vanimo for longer than 24 hours,
as they are at grave risk of kidnapping or assassination. The TNI have been moving weapons utilising the
WTK/VFP Timber vessels and operations. As already shown, they have completely infiltrated the normal daily life
in Vanimo. Even when I was going to the Air Niugini office, I had Kopassus following me. I have a great deal of
fear for people that do not have such levels of security.

More salient however, is that these are traumatised people without access to money, food or medicine. The
Sandaun people will support them as best they can, but they do not have the resources to feed more than a few.
Some of the students had cerebral malaria at time of interview, and all are at risk. There are serious
malnourishment and associated health issues facing every student. They need security. We urge all concerned
parties to immediately assist in the safe passage of these students to a third country where they can be safe.

We have not been able to adequately verify the status of all the missing students, despite weeks of consistent
effort. Our team has been very thorough, but safe communications are an issue. If anyone has extra contacts that
they can verify with whether or not the students are safe and accounted for – without endangering anyone by
utilising tapped phones – then please notify us as soon as possible. As yet, we still have over 400 students
missing, and we genuinely fear that out this 400, 202 have been killed. It is absolutely urgent that we verify the
whereabouts of these young men and women.

2.3 APPLICATIONS
Background information for applications for those asylum seekers contacted initially have now lodged upon arrival
in Canberra with the UNHCR Regional Director, and also to the PNG officers. Copies have made also to the NZ
Government to facilitate an option that NZ has offered. (Note: this is not meaning they will take any one, but will be
doing all that they are legally obliged to do under the 1951 Refugee Convention). These applications will also be
made available upon vetted request to any legal representatives who wish to take this on.

However, the UN has made it clear that this is not a beginning of the process in itself and that they must contact
PNG officials. This is the great Catch 22 of the entire issue. As with Siti, current PNG Foreign Affairs (Immigration)
officials under Somare are not trustworthy because of the massive Indonesian corruption issues that have
overtaken the PNG government. Furthermore, the UNHCR have made it clear that we are not in a position to
“officer shop” or “agency shop”. However, we will reserve our rights to publicise the issue heavily to cause people
to act decisively, in forms which may or may not involve international actions and intense non-violent pressure. In
addition, these are not just rights, but obligations according to the Helsinki Convention, in preventing the
commission of a crime of international proportions.

2.4 CONTACTS
Authorised contacts for the current security protection operation for the refugees have been provided with
communications avenues to get this thing happening properly. We have representatives appointed in every Area of
Interest. There may be spokespeople available for comment on different aspects of this report and operations,
please contact the author for exact details. If people require further information, please also contact the author
(details at end). Please be aware that due to the high security issues surrounding this mission, I will be unable to
provide contacts until I know who I am giving them to, and that we have had to compartmentalise different aspects
of the mission. If it was done any other way people will be killed by the TNI, and I am not going to allow this to
happen on my watch.

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3.0 MILITARY & SECURITY INTELLIGENCE SITUATION REPORT

3.1 WEWAK
Wewak has recently been the scene of much intrigue, especially given the presence of the West Papua National
Authority figures and a medium refugee population. It is also an area which until the present, has been a lot safer
to organise solidarity and internal West Papua freedom activities.

Recently ADF advisors conducted a major security review for PNGDF facilities, and I am heartened to see that I
could no longer just wander into the unattended armoury like I did on my last visit. In fact, they even have a fence
for the base! Progress!

However, every Indonesian vessel, government,
private or otherwise, still brings in many Indonesian
military personnel, as do the flights from Vanimo.
On the day we were flying to Vanimo, three
Kopassus men (confirmed) flew in to surveille
myself and my team, and flew back with us on the
same flight. They were visibly not happy when
they saw me talking with PNGDF and ADF people
on friendly terms. And less so when we threatened
them with capture like their comrades (we
managed to slip away in Vanimo). But they do
need to remember that it is not their country and they just cannot carry on like that on “sovereign” land.

The local corruption issues raised in Terror-razing are still ongoing, but as detailed before, are much less blatant
with Indonesian operatives having to embark on a charm offensive at every opportunity.

3.2 KAUP AND RH OPERATIONS
Our time in the Wewak area was spent checking the security and intelligence in the region and going to the logging
camps. There were some, um, exciting trips, being chased by Indonesian military personnel who were working as
Rimbunan Hijau security. Their radios were brand new Indonesian military HF radios, handsets looked to be styled
similar to Barretts.
We found much evidence of corruption in Michael Somares home area, and got a great hour long interview with
his uncle slamming Somare and his brat children and his deals with militias, and detailing the human rights
violations in the area. We also found much of the 800 million cubic metres of illegal kwila (merbau) logs going to
the Olympic stadium in Beijing (all the Kwila on New Guinea island will be destroyed for two weeks of sport - a
sacred ancestral, medicine and habitat tree).
Exact location is at 03.80924° S, 143.99791° E
Another of our network was later able to go into the logging camp and
beach head at Kaup, and took substantial photographic evidence of illegal
Kwila (including shipping codes and destinations in UK, Singapore,
Canada, and Brisbane), and the sex workers camp right next to Arthur
Somare's house. One interesting little tug boat turned up on camera with
the barge full of weapons and illegal timber, the Nusantara 8 (right). In
Terror-razing, this was the tug that was offering assault rifles to children in
exchange for cannabis in Wewak. This is a nice little connection. (Please
contact the author for copies of these photos.)
3.3 CAMPS
Intelligence was received by our networks that present in the Kaup concession were camps associated with militia
activities, alongside the Rimbunan / Sumas / Samass / Womwomg / Kopassus operations (pick your day of the
week for the appropriate name). Our security network team was assembled and went in to investigate, but
unfortunately the roads were in such bad condition that we didn't get to the AoI until night. There was a lot of
listening, but we didn't personally see weapons. However we got chased again by the Indons and there were a few
close calls. We also drove right into the middle of a militia camp of Laskar Jihad connected illegal "workers" just
after prayers in the middle of the night. Good GPS points and footage, if a bit shaky - the roads are ridiculous,
destroyed by log trucks and D9s. Main Camp location is at AMBAG, 03.95938° S, 143.95876° E
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One thing we observed closely was that all the people on these sites, whether Papuan (very few of them) or
Indonesian, were very antagonistic toward us, ambivalent at best. There was an air of something very dodgy going
on, and all present were very much “rough individuals”. We met on several occasions with outright hostility, and
there were several occasions where we thought that our hidden (legal) weapons might have to be engaged, but
managed to get out of these situations with a great deal of bluffing (just a redneck Aussie timber worker on
holiday!). It was during one of these chases that I got to see the comms hardware mentioned before.

There were some very broken looking Papuan women being held at the camps, although we didn't get time to
verify if they were abducted sex slaves. Given their demeanour it seems this is the case.

There are also armed Papuan and Indonesian guards at posts at the following locations (GPS accurate to within
28m at time of reading, although understandably I couldn't wait around for more satellites to come in):
03.87037° S, 143.95515° E
03.94060° S, 143.95933° E (suspect camp within 500 metres north of this location: could hear and smell kettles
and cooking gear through the bush, suspected Jihadis were cooking nasi lemak)
03.91172° S, 144.10136°E (suspect camp within 1000 metres of this location further East, and off main road,
according to credible reports from locals).
Something is certainly fishy in this area, and the armed Indonesian personnel on site are protecting it heavily. This
alone warrants investigation.
3.4 NAVAL INTELLIGENCE, AND ABU SAYYAF ARRIVAL
Members of our networks met a very interesting connected expatriate gentleman who offered to come on board to
be our eyes and ears in certain locations. This man, who is very credibly connected with seafarers out of the north
coast, was approached for a lucrative business opportunity to help equip a new camp for 300 new Filipino illegal
workers in the area. The ostensible reason was for an expansion to the tuna cannery project owned by RD Tuna,
but the backers of this project were not too familiar with RD's operations, according to our informant. He rejected
their offer, but reported to us that these 300 were not really interested in business. They were Abu Sayyaf and
wished to set up a training camp. They are due to arrive in Wewak around August or June. He also confirmed that
he personally witnessed some of the sea swaps detailed in Terror-Razing the Forest. He will be reporting further
on this directly to us.

3.5 PATRICK PRUAITCH AND NEW PEOPLES ARMY
It has been alleged and reported through our networks that the Forestry Minister Patrick Pruaitch was spending
time in the southern Phillipines around April, with the New People's Army. This is still something we are
investigating and if verified would make perfect sense. The source is highly credible. Pruaitch has long been
receiving money from undisclosed sources in the Asian timber business. According to the outgoing treasurer Bart
Philomen3, Pruaitch was also directly implicated in blocking the setup of audit committees in Cabinet into the
National Forest Authority and National Fisheries Authority, together with Somare and Fisheries Minister Ben Semri.
Pruiatch has also been attacked significantly by a clear majority in his electorate, which suffers from some of the
most serious economic and social neglect in the country (unlike Pruaitch's bank balance). Pruaitch is hardly ever
present in his electorate of Aitape, and is creating a second tsunami of forest destruction for his people.

It still begs the question as to why he was in the Phillippines and what business he was seeking with the NPA -
maybe it was for their forestry expertise?! The NPA, although once idealistic fighters, have long since descended
into mercenary action for multinational corporations, such as WMC and other Australian ventures, and massive
Asian timber concerns. Many former fighters have joined up in very flexible commitment to the Abu Sayyaf. It
seems Pruaitch is very keen from all reports to be striking up new opportunities and this may be a door in for Abu
Sayyaf and their TNI mates. This is one very interesting development to certainly keep a close eye on.

3.5.1 BARGE
Upon arriving on the north coast, we immediately received reports of the movements of the infamous barges
shipping weapons and personnel into PNG. The initial barges identified in Terror-razing were the Romnas 10 and
the Boongaya. We now also have the WM Benefit Plus II (although some of us believe that the Benefit is actually a
repainted Romnas 10). Note the infamous Kopassus run, gun smuggling tug Nusantara 8 next to this barge
(below). All these barges are continually moving in and out of the log sites with no ability for the honest Customs to
intercept or even assess them.

3 Post-Courier, Thursday 13th July , 2006, “Auditors shunned”
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I was informed that the situation where every Customs and police
patrol that was pencilled in had been cancelled at the last minute
on orders from Waigani. It does not take much to see which
person or persons have the authority in Waigani to cancel such
missions. There had not been an effective enforcement patrol for
at least three years to Hawain, and Kaup was completely off the
radar due to the presence of Somare. As for the operations in
Aitape, they were directly intervened in by Pruaitch himself. Got
something to hide Paddy?

Customs personnel are willing to speak out if offered protection to
verify this situation.

ESPSC members assisted with a Customs surveillance
mission on the west coast after reports of a barge that left
Vanimo, and failed to turn up in Wewak as its manifest
stated. Unsurprisingly, it turned up at the logging sites
and went straight back to “Indonesian” waters, without
even bothering with any Customs formalities. The same
story is happening continuously. Despite the recent
blanket statements by RH, there is a huge amount of
evidence to support this. Little wonder they want to avoid
Customs involvment. The author uncovered a big dark
Kwila coloured
reason why this
would be the
case; NFA
certified illegal
timber is being
clear-felled out of
Somare's own (alleged) home area4. We also found illegal logs given NFA
stickers, when they were clearly being spirited out of the country without
duties being paid. Somebody (or a few people, one of whom would have to
be the “Big Man”), is pocketing something here, and here is a taster (at left).

This indicates a clear pattern that must be combatted immediately. This is one of the prime back doors into PNG
used by Indonesian military personnel and their JI and Rimbunan heavies. At the very least, the chickens that are
kept by every illegal worker come straight from the areas where the alleged Bird Flu is, if the Bird Flu exists, and
there are no checks. The barges bring in plenty of these every time they dock.

3.6 VANIMO
My teammate and myself arrived in Vanimo on the 25th and immediately divided our local crew into four teams to
interview and connect with the refugees. After ascertaining locations we variously walked for several nights on
different missions through flooded rivers, stinking sago swamps and very wet conditions to get to the various
locations of refugees along the border.

Vanimo was seething when we arrived, having just had a demonstration of over 3000 people against Rimbunan
and the TNI involvement in logging. My report, Terror-razing the Forest caused a huge stir and everyone, even in
the local villages, had read it or been read it. Long story short, all the landowners in the forest concession areas
have got together and put in a rival bid for community timber management against RH/VFP with a company called
GVG Moma, led by one of the former ring leaders of the 1997 Sandline uprising, Mr Belden Namah. Belden, a
former PNGDF senior officer, spent a lot of time inside for his part of the mutiny, but is a senior traditional
landowner leader from the area. He is being reinstated in the PNGDF as a Colonel, and is firmly in our camp, and
very much against the TNI. This will be a flashpoint. The demo ended up with all the corrupt police surrounded
and the cars of the timber execs smashed while they were in them, although everyone has appealed for calm.

4 It is not actually his land, but belongs to his wife's family – we even gathered evidence that shows fully that he is not a
customary chief in any way, but I will save that for a few more months. Sorry Michael, but if you want your people to keep lying
for you, you must look after them a little better – they are not so scared to speak out anymore. I know I am teasing folks, but I
am just putting together all the evidence at the moment. One thing at a time.
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Vanimo' economy is completely controlled by the TNI, and people are finally starting to wake up in their strong
opposition to this and organise. I outlined some of the forms of control in Terror-razing and unfortunately
experienced this daily while I was there. Every shop is owned by Kopassus, the agents walk around as if they own
the place and they really do intimidate local people. Most locals do not publicly stand up against the TNI operatives
because they know that when the invasion comes, they and their families will be killed. There is a “strong” air of
resignation in Vanimo to the inevitable, and Papuans were finding it difficult to organise, until the GVG Moma bid
gave them the chance to channel their resentment and hurt into something strongpla.
The GVG Moma bid has now been successfully won, and the reports are that all the local people in that concession
area may be set to benefit. All Indonesian personnel no longer have a “legal” right to be in the area. It is felt that
by the locals that this may cause the Indonesian military to become angry, and certainly we are receiving reports of
straight military presences and incursions in the region (See Wutung and Bewani sections).
Now that this bid has been won, it is believed that this will lead to a measurable improvement in conditions for the
economic security of the border people, and in turn will discourage corrupt deals being pursued with the ever
corrupting influence of the TNI across at Batas. Government services have pretty much abandoned the entire
border area over the last twenty years.
According to Belden Namah: “Men, women and children have suffered for a very long time. The Government has
abandoned its responsibility to the people, it seems. We must ensure that the benefits to the people are real and
sustainable,"
Another positive is that many new police from other areas have been posted to Sandaun, including a new PPC that
is not tainted by any allegations of corruption, and certainly no evidence of any. We look forward to him being
successful in his work, although he faces an uphill battle. Regardless, Vanimo is certainly a town to watch very
closely.
3.7 WUTUNG
The border area from Wutung to Sengi has not been
patrolled by either PNGDF or RPNGC for seventeen
years. We have clear evidence that every time a military
patrol is scheduled from 2RPIR, certain forces from Submarine
Waigani overrule the patrol and it gets postponed for sighted, July 21st
another year.

As with the Customs patrols that are cancelled, there are
Flag raisings
only a few people in PNG with the authority to cancel
operations such as these. Again, the obvious question
that is raised is, what is being hidden by the cancellation
of the patrols, and by whom?

Jerry Singirok, the former PNGDF Commander that stood Immediate border area, Wutung
up to the government over the 1997 Sandline Affair, has
publicly slammed the lack of security on the border saying “that it creates an open door for terrorists” to come into
PNG.

I met with several PNGDF personnel who were very upset about these issues. Commodore Peter Ilau was r upon
the border at the beginning of July and reported that the border post was unattended during the the night hours,
and that there is no way to assess what or whoever is coming across the border. He has since deployed an
emergency platoon, but they still do not have petrol to do their job.

Some of the incursions that have been reported to me in recent weeks.

July 20th: 11pm, two short bursts of automatic fire heard from the border post on the Indonesian side (in No-man's
Land, 40 m from the border gate) toward the PNG post.

July 21st: TNI-AL (Indonesian Navy) Cakra Submarine with a large Indonesian flag brightly painted on below
Conning Tower, had surfaced less than 50m from the shore at Musu village, over 10 kilometres inside PNG. This
happened at approximately 10 pm. Military Witnesses reported that even though it was a dark night, the sub was
that close that the flag could be seen on the hull.

Three platoons of TNI Kostrad and Kopassus (mixed) were also deployed to the forward Indonesian border post at
about the same time. They deployed in full combat gear and body armour according to our witnesses.
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July 22nd: 1 platoon allegedly deployed deep inside; witnessed raising five (5) Indonesian flags and flagpoles

July 23rd: Late morning, 200 metres on Vanimo side of Wutung village, standing on bush track to food garden,
local women reported four (4) TNI in full gear and threatened them with weapons. The women turned and ran
straight to the PNG police post and reported this incident.

July 24th: OPM platoon retaliated by raising 5 Morning Star flags above the Border posts around Wutung on the
hillsides and from the top of Mount Bougainville. TNI platoons responded with automatic weapon fire to the flags,
but were unsuccessful in removing them. PNG observers fear that TNI will come in overnight and remove flags.

Somare and SBY were due to have an official opening of the Indonesian /PNG Border Free Trade Zone on 26 th
July, with large presence of TNI for security detachment. Formation of Free Trade Zone has been deferred from
26th July to any date in August 2006, allegedly because the PNG Government was not ready .

PNG Police have asked for the international community to provide body armour for post, at least 12 sets.

The TNI has approached the local landowners at Wutung just over the line next to the lighthouse (built by the TNI
on the the PNG side) to put in two more helipads at the lighthouse. The TNI will not say why they want it and the
locals have decided to knock it back and so far are holding firm.

Moses Poi, the border protection officer mentioned earlier, is the man from PNG Foreign Affairs who is technically
responsible for border security. As a man that co-owns brothel with Kopassus, his conduct for many years has not
brought much confidence into border security. We have evidence that he has accumulated a large amount of kago
and cash from the Indonesians.

3.7 BEWANI
Locals at Bewani have indicated an increase in the number of Indonesian personnel sighted on logging tracks in
the area. This has greatly distressed the people there and they are fearful of what they may suffer in the next few
weeks. They have reported several more incursions across the border, especially around the Nialpuna crossing
where the forest has been cleared and many more posts set up. They are a bit worried that the Kopassus that
witnessed the RAAF Hercules at Bewani last year have marked them down as a forward base for ADF.

Bewani people have also indicated that the laden Hercules capable airstrip and HLZs (on RAAF files) will be
readied when we are asked to get them ready. I inspected the strip and there are no major earthworks to be done.
It is just a matter of the the youth groups doing what they need to do when we (FWPCP) contact them.

We had report from OPM near Bewani that at around midday on July 7 th, between 2 and 30 soldiers in full battle
gear came in about three kilometres from a location of extreme concern. They were observed taking full
reconnaissance measurements of the surrounding area and then turned back to where they came, somewhere
near ARSO.

3.8 BASE CAMP
One of the primary bases for the OPM in the region is in the general area somewhere between Green River and
Vanimo (Sorry folks, you get no more clues than that - I shall not specify its exact location in this document for
obvious reasons). Our Numbawan Team went to this region to intercept and interview the refugees that
information had confirmed were in hiding in the area. We conducted interviews over a 3 day period of the students,
longer term refugees and one of the commanders of the Northern region, Nico Ipo Hau, on the security situation
there. It was described to us that in this general region was the place mentioned in “Terror-razing the Forest”
where the Indonesians landed their helicopter when the ADF team were there on a health mission. Many mornings
when we were there, we could hear tanks starting up in the distance, and every few hours we could hear
helicopters, as the border was shouting distance.

The local villagers, whilst highly supportive of their brothers and sisters that they were hosting, were extremely
concerned about the inevitability of an attack on their village – less than 10 kilometres from the border. Whilst in
the area, I was privy to discussions relating to evacuations and intelligence reconnaissance, and I have a high level
of concern that people may not survive an onslaught. I was told of several occassions when Kopassus patrols, in
full camouflage turned up at a school in the region and started shooting pigs, although there were people were
hiding in the trees watching it all.

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It is also problematic that the village is full of spies and factions. Some factions want armed struggle, others are
willing to give the Zone of Peace and international non-violent action support, but all are hampered by almost zero
communication apart from foot. Additionally, the TNI have compromised many people here through threats and
torture on their families across the border, so there is no guarantee for the safety of anyone arriving in this area.

There are also serious health issues. Cholera is present in very limited forms (local people are currently able to
keep it under control). However this may not be the case if more people were to arrive, although sanitary planning
is a strong skill that these people perfected over 20,000 years ago. Fresh Water is limited near the villages
(nearest fresh river several kilometres away). Cerebral Malaria has also killed many people in the last six months.
It is hard to get exact figures, but to the order of 50-80 in the immediate area (20km radius) in the past 12 months.

There is also a nasty new form of Malaria or similar, which results in extreme liver and kidney pain, high fever,
vomiting and diarrhoea. I know, I got it, and it shuts you down for weeks (hence why this report is so late). It is
critical to get good supplies of Artesunate (Arthemeter) into the area ASAP, as most people respond well to that.
There is also another opportunity to produce effective low cost anti-malarials for the longer term. (see in
Requirements)

There is a desperate need to get some High Protein packs into the area for approx 4000 people, as all natural
sources of protein have been severely limited, and Sago is not the most nutritious staple.

HLZ evac GPS data is available only to vetted people, please contact me securely for details.

3.9 APRIL 10 ATTACK
In response to the attacks on the students on March 16, the northern command of the OPM launched a limited
offensive against a TNI post at Wembi. Under the command of Petrus Tabuni, a company of OPM soldiers
attacked the post, causing all the soliders there to flee. Tabuni himself cut off the head of the commander with a
machete, although a large number of TPN troops sustained serious injuries, and approximately 16 were killed in the
ensuing firefight (exact number unconfirmed).

This marks a radical departure from the Zone of Peace and nonviolent struggle. However, it does need to be
pointed out (not condoned) that this was done to give escaping students cover so that they would not be killed by
TNI and that the people in the area have been suffering terrible atrocities (see next section) from these military
posts, which have been intensifying since March 16. It has been made abundantly clear to the Northern Command
that this action can be counter-productive to the struggle if allowed to continue. This has been agreed, although
they do reserve the right fof self-defence, as is their right that nobody can deny (especially if the international
community do not assist). However, these actions have brought a stronger threat of reprisals on the locals and the
TNI are massing to conduct a cross border security occupation imminently (see below).

Stories are being spread by TNI and in Cenderawasih Pos about the April 10 attack being supplied with AK-47s by
Australian Forces to precipitate an invasion. This is clearly ridiculous, as it is something that the OPM could only
wish for, and AK-47s do not come from Australia. Assessments of this disinformation indicate a pretextual
campaign being created by TNI forces to justify military build up in area.

3.10 BORDER ASSESEMENTS
The situation is extremely grim on the border, with the people completely abandoned by Somare and the PNG
government. Teachers are not eligible for pay if they operate in the border (not that any teachers in PNG get paid
either), there are no health workers or supplies, and the Vanimo Forest Products (owned by RH and TNI) have
destroyed the only roads. There is a great deal of very credible fear that the TNI are about to launch a major
offensive within the next few weeks to wipe out all the OPM camps and their supporters along from Wutung to the
Green River / Sengi area. All villagers have been gathering what they are calling “Balus bilums” (or “pigeon (flight
or aircraft) packs”) for the moment they have to flee into the jungle, and bush camps are being readied.
One of the positives about the hard work of the Bewani landowners in defending their forests is that people are
communicating and organising heavily against the TNI, and the intelligence networks are very strong.
There are limited arms in the region and local warriors are formed into guerilla units. The OPM in the region are
desperate to take military action as they are getting agitated watching their family members get killed. They are
vastly out gunned and out equipped by the TNI, and they are not trained killers or brutal human rights violators.
They are calling for international supporters to be with them and to communicate to the outside world should the
inevitable happen.

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PUBLIC
DOCUMENT
VERSION:
BORDER
ZONE
BLACKED
OUT FOR
PROTECTIVE
SECURITY
REASONS

3.10.1 BATAS
See economic program under 3.13B
4 tanks deployed at border, inserted on Jingas (log trucks) under cover of darkness approximately 250 metres
(forward) and 400 metres (rear) from the border, on either side of the road.

New shopping facility and military barracks being built 40 metres (yes, metres) from the PNG Police post.

3.10.2 WEMBI
Mobile tent camps are now randomly placed along the border. These were (prior to March 16) placed in
connection with the established TNI posts every 10 kilometres. At the time of collection of this information, they
were built every two odd kilometres. Each tent camp houses one platoon of regular TNI, 5 Kopassus soldiers, and
1 platoon of irregulars (Laskar Jihad).

TNI has stopped all villagers along the border from moving around and going to their food gardens. This has
created a massive humanitarian emergency in this district and TNI is therefore feeding the villagers from Rice and
tinned fish stored on the oval at Wembe, brought down from Jayapura and Jakarta.
One platoon and one militia unit (20 troops each) are placed together in each village to control local population
movement; This has been confirmed at the following locations:
• Wembi • Yati
• Bewan Mati • Sko
• Awasin • Moso
• Wambes

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PUBLIC
DOCUMENT
VERSION:
BORDER
ZONE
BLACKED
OUT FOR
PROTECTIVE
SECURITY
REASONS

TNI soldiers observed by OPM Intel to be deployed in full battle gear along entire Areas of Interest. Each
KOSTRAD deployed seen in ballistic helmet with night vision mounted, body armour, full webbing, and three
bandoliers each (bullet belts). They usually never wear that sort of gear, just berets.

In every oil palm plantation there is a platoon camped with 5 Kopassus additional to each platoon. All are under
the command of KOSTRAD 751 at Arso. All the Landowners and villagers on the massive Oil Palm plantations
have been moved to secured camps at Sentani (just outside Jayapura). These have been described by locals as
“concentration camps”. They have reported that relatives are not allowed access to this unless they are living
inside the camp perimeters.

Buildings in Wembi village ware burnt down by TNI KOSTRAD company from 751 Battalion 4 weeks prior at time of
interview (30/5), unconfirmed as to how many deaths. Interviewee estimated a minimum 100 deaths at burning.

3.10.3 ARSO
ARSO IS THE CENTRAL COMMAND AND OPERATIONS BASE
Battalions that are identified as currently involved in the operations with command based at Arso are:
• 751 • possibly 754
• 757 • 1 unknown
with personnel from the following Divisions:
• Diponegoro • Pattimura
• Hasinuddin • Brawawijaya
• TOTAL CONFIRMED TROOPS IN ARSO / WEMBI SUBDISTRICT: 2500
Credible and accurate estimates of a total of up to 14,500 TNI (not including militias) from Wutung/Batas to Sengi
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(adjacent to Green River). This does not include POLRI and/or Brimob. Numbers are unconfirmed, but credibly
believed to be in the order of between 2000-2500 personnel in the AOI.

At the soccer field near the Arso command centre there are four B double type Fuel Tankers and several static fuel
tanks. There is also nearby (not indicated exact location) a whole platoon of bulldozers (over 20). We have
credible information that several airstrips are being cleared simultaneously. Aerial surveillance will confirm this.
Escapees from these villages tell that the area has been declared DOM (Daerah Operasi Militer – or military
operations area) and that any people without ID (try getting ID in the jungle) will be detained.

Aviation intels:
Our intels reported four Puma helicopters based in the area that conduct regular border patrols (daily). They
indicated that these helicopters have some sort of sensors (not described what) under the fuselage and something
above the rotors. They were unclear about the types of weapons on board, but said they carried small missiles and
a cannon.

The author was just informed that there are also about three
to five Eurocopters that are fully armed, and have been
moving at high speed in the area, flying parallel to the border.

There are also regularly three “big ugly Russian Helicopters
with guns all over them” that have been seen in the area.
From questioning, I think these are the big Hinds or MILs (not
sure of designation so have included file photo at right of
these particular gunships (at rear)).

TNI Hercules' have regularly been seen in the area (every
day or two for some weeks after March 16, and every four
days after that) flying low, and sometimes with landing gear
extended.

The author has been informed that the illegal Rimbunan Hijau airfield identified in Terror-razing the Forest was in
fact built with SIL and MAF, and is now a registered airfield. It was built with local hand and foot labour and no
bulldozers were used, just wheelbarrows. The author is still perplexed though as to why there were dozer track
marks on site.
There is heavy troop transport traffic along the Trans Irian from Jayapura since March 16. It has also been
confirmed that many convoys are passing through Sko and southward along the border road.

There is also a camp built at the Mu River border crossing checkpoint with 1 battalion of mixed troops (1000 men,
mixed KOSTRAD, Territorial, and Kopassus).

Special Forces and Brimob are currently housed in large tent barracks, gradually being replaced with brick and
permanent housing structures for TNI. Once each building is built, TNI has been moving troops into defensive
perimeters a kilometre around each barracks, and forcing all villagers in the way out of the area and off their land.
Transmigrants and jihadis are then being brought in once the TNI base is secured, all the way along the Trans-Irian
Highway.

Jihadis
• We confirmed the existence of a major Militia training camp at Arso / Ambat. The Training camp area is
ten (10) hectares of land.
• Also camp at Arso / Koya (between Arso Kilo 14 Pos Militer and Skamto) with 500 soldiers (Laskar Jihadis
and TNI).
• There is a Militia camp reported at every battalion base along the Trans Irian Highway from sea to sea,
although we have only definitively confirmed in the area from Batas to Sengi. (There, there is nothing; no
security on the beach. I know, I walked across it several times just because I could.)
• The biggest Jihad training centre in Jayapura is at the Antrop Mosque. Specialist JI personnel have come
from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Oman, and other places on the Arabian Peninsula, which has a
base of over 10,000 members. Noordin Top has been reportedly been seen regularly in this area, although
we would really need a photo to confirm that. Considering this is also one of the main mosques for the
Indonesian military, this comes as no surprise at all.
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• The Jihadi training centre for “Asian” Jihadis (Filipino, Thai, Malay, and Indonesian) is based from the
central mosque in Manokwari, where numbers are believed to be similar or even greater, although we are
still attempting to confirm this number.

There were about six separate but unconfirmed reports that in both March and April when the top brass were
inspecting the area, the most infamous man with a mullet in our region, Euricio Guterres, was seen around Arso,
Wembi, Batom, Digul, Tanah Merah, Merauke, Wamena and Timika. He was described as a “short, stocky
Timorese man with a Billy Ray Cyrus haircut and a bad attitude”. This could only be one person. There is
definitely a connection to be investigated here, and the Gimp's presence particularly indicates that the TNI is
planning another escalation of the militia campaign in the border region. Given the reports that Guterres was seen
with Jihadis (never knew he was a Muslim), any belief that this is anything other than a TNI campaign needs to be
discounted.

The Jihadis are not just learning the Koran (or they are not learning any of it, given their less than Islamic
behaviour). In the Arso area, the escapees are reporting moving, terrible and compelling stories of the activities of
Jihadis teaming up with Kopassus. These death squads are called “Ninjas” by the locals, and they have been
described by several survivors as dressed in head to toe black traditional Javanese ninja warrior gear.

Two witnesses to several killings described some aspects of the killings in detail: Since late February, over 40
people have been brutally murdered at night around Wembi, usually by their throats being slashed and then
disembowelled.

One particular incident involved a young Papuan couple coming back from the markets in Jayapura. On the
evening of March 13, after dark, ninja militias stopped this young couple on the road just east of Arso, late because
of breakdown, and killed them with swords. They disembowelled both of them, and allegedly slashed their throats
whilst still alive. They dumped them in a ditch, covered them with banana leaves, dumped their motorbike on top of
them and covered that too with banana leaves. The next morning, our interviewee found them because of the
amount of blood on the road, and after alerting their family, ran to PNG.

There is no connection between any of the victims apart from the fact that they are all Papuans and from the same
region. The killings are completely terroristic, and completely random. This is clear evidence of a deliberate
campaign of extermination of West Papuan people. These acts fit the legally accepted definitions of of genocide.

The only positive is that it has completely stopped all drunkenness. Nobody will get drunk any more because they
are too scared that as black people, they will get murdered. The international community must act now. How many
acts of Genocide does is take to make the world see that it is genocide?

3.11 TNI LONG TERM (TEN YEAR) PLAN
There have long been reports of a document that outlined a plan for the TNI's plans for West Papua and in the
longer term for Papua Niugini. We now have access to copies ( we are still trying to get them copied, although they
are present in Port Moresby). This document is called “JAKBINTER KOWILHAN IV : MALUKU, IRIAN JAYA AND
PNG”. It is the Trikora (3 command) and Kopassus “revised military strategies” and ten year plan for Papua
Niugini. This strategy can be outlined as follows:

A. The strategy clearly spells out the aims of setting up a consulate and economic operations base in Vanimo,
Sandaun to implement the tactics of a three phase strategy. These phases are (with a timetable of five years for
each phase – 1st phase was almost complete at time of revision.)

Phase I – The first Consul-General was Mr David Mahulete (Kopassus). Mahulete's role was to set up the
preparations and ground work for Phases II & III. Some of these preparations included activating the SGI presence
within WTK Timbers and Vanimo Forest Products. He set up the operation with these companies as a joint venture
with WTK a company called Bintang Mas (Gold Star). This was owned by the Kopassus run PT Hanurata. The
workers were confirmed by locals and OPM as undercover SGI agents, with their distinctive dagger tattoos. Also
Mahulete was involved in the setting up of PapIndo Ltd with Somare, and the takeover of local business. This was
marked by a “hearts and minds” strategy of providing much in the way of kago and goods to key landowners and
establishing business and “friendship” relationships with key locals. This time was also marked by the “friendship”
exchanges that brought PNG police and members of the Vanimo PNGDF garrison to the Kopassus owned brothels
in Jayapura, and the provision of prostitutes and cash “favours” to local police, especially the former PPC, who
became an alcoholic. (New PPC is a cleanskin from Manus and has personally acknowledged the massive
difficulties).
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Phase II – Second CG was Mr Markus Budi (KOSTRAD – Strategic Command). His role was to team up
with VFP and WTK to send agents into local areas to do detailed mapping of the areas, logging every
village,(making maps, as opposed to cutting trees), timber concession and foot track in the region.

Phase III – Third CG is a Mr Ignasus from the Territorial Command (TNI-AD (Angkatan Darat). His role is
to consolidate active military personnel in economic interests all over the Western border provinces, and to protect
these strategic positions. He has also been ordered to maintain surveillance on all land and maritime approaches
to the area. It was this situation that enabled the boat to be sunk by the Indonesian Navy on March 19th.

B. Transnational Highway linking Jayapura and Wutung. This highway is being built up to the border, and
then all the way to Vanimo, where it will join up with the formerly AusAID funded road to Wewak, otherwise known
as “The Invasion Road” by the locals. This is due for completion within the next few months, maybe by July.
The Batas Economic Program is probably the smartest part of this whole strategy. At Batas, just across
the border from Wutung is the big shopping centre where scores of goods are on sale for PNG citizens, at a
fraction of the cost of goods in the other TNI-owned businesses (i.e. every food store in Vanimo). These goods are
also cheaper than those in Jayapura, so the evidence is they are being deliberately subsidised by the TNI to make
the Batas complex even more attractive. TNI connected corrupt local figures from Wutung own the PMV services
to Batas, which are very cheap (uneconomic). All the evidence points toward a concerted economic destabilisation
and reliance campaign against the local economy. Even the Sandaun provincial government buys all its supplies
from the TNI.

C. From our intelligence it is clear that Phases I & II have been successfully achieved by the TNI, with the
Phase III almost complete (due within next two months).

What is presently occurring with the TNI build-up at the border of West Papua and PNG is commensurate with the
whole strategy and timetable of the ten year plan.

Assistance in the collection and interception of this document is vital to regional security. It will cost a large
amount of money (approximately $A5000) to ensure the survival and security of its current custodian. This
document is the smoking gun that would be the proof of the TNI's real designs. It exists.

3.12 REQUIREMENTS
A situation as exists on the border currently gives people in Human rights, sustainable communities, solidarity
organisations, IGOs, intelligence agencies and governments two choices;

Do something about it to attempt a solution;
or ignore the situation at our peril, with a trade off of losing peace and increasing instability and suffering.

For those that wish to safeguard genuine peace and security in our region, they can contribute to some of the
following, in no particular order:

More Researchers desperately required, and a university department / faculty would be handy to consolidate the
mountains of data gathered.

I also had to pay for the military operations, security for Siti (food at least), and fuel (double the cost of Australian
fuel). So please dig deep, we still need to do ongoing operations brought on by this. Please contact the author for
donation facilities.
There is a desperate need for 5 megapixel or above digital still cameras, and mini DV (1ccd or above) video
cameras, and GPS units to go over there for more evidence gathering. It is vital we get more of these over. Please
let me know if you have any to donate and we can get them over through our security networks. I have already got
over a couple of each, but it would be good to have few in each area.

• Substantial funding for fuel and operations on the border;
• Purchase of vehicles to use for border defence forces;

There is a longstanding requirement for the following both inside and along the border. I am going to put the
outline here anyway, although this will require serious funding. However if we are to stop terrorism – the real one –
permanently in our region, and secure our own future (our very existence for that matter), this does need to be
seriously looked at.
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There is also an urgent identified need for West Papua and its networks in PNG and Australia to have access to
effective electronic communications. Given the remoteness of the areas involved and the lack of security, speed
and reliability of traditional electronic communications around West Papua, we need to have an effective, low tech,
low power, secure and simple to use comms solution on either side of the border to ensure there are no areas
where the world is not watching. It must be said at the outset, that if we have an effective solution put in place now,
that this is an infrastructure that we can build on for communications post-independence.

After much investigation, I have come to the conclusion that comms and monitoring kits must EACH comprise the
following:

• 1 Portable, high speed packet data HF5 transceiver, with email and data capability, inbuilt with frequency
hopping and secure scrambling, most likely Barrett or Q-Mac6.
• Built in broad spectrum scanner
• 1 Solar roll (lightweight packable solar panel)
• 1 small wind generator
• 1 wind up generator
• 1 robust “battlefield” high speed notebook computer designed for tropical conditions including 2 spare long
range batteries – Toughbook, Rugged or OpenFire (Australian and unionised - preffered).
• 1 5+ megapixel digital still camera
• 1 video camera
• 1 mp3 voice recorder using SD or memory cards
• 5 waterproof field notebooks
• All this must be contained within a portable, comfortable, robust, waterproof backpack type container.

In addition selected centres must have access to surveillance equipment such as laser directional mikes if required
and 500mm telephoto lenses on 6 megapixel digital SLR cameras for effective intelligence collection. (suggestion
of 8 packs of this). Selected centres also need to have access to secure Satellite Telephony.

This longstanding plan has been fully costed and includes full training provisions. Please contact me securely (on
manukoreri@hush.ai (use www.hushmail.com) if interested for more info.

There is a demonstrated and urgent need for some of our observers to have access to ballistic protection, mainly
helmets and vests. They are being shot at almost daily. We need to cover about 12 people minimum but more is
better.

Australia must reverse the stupid decisions it has made in disarming the PNG military, and fund them adequately to
conduct effective intelligence and surveillance for their own country, for our protection. The PNGDF are a different
force to the one in 1997, and they are made up of normal people who care deeply about their land. They need to
be respected as such, by both sides of politics. Do not forget, we have “freedom” and prosperity because of the
sacrifice of all Papuans for our defence, so we should not abandon them, unless we are the type of people that
abandone our friends.

• The people all over have asked for more volunteers to come over and assist, self funded. There is a
demonstrated need for people to walk from village to village in the lead up to 2007 PNG elections to
explain the situation and connect remote villagers.
• Anyone that is able to support the local people in their collection and dissemination of information and
campaigning internationally would be even more important, especially for those that cannot travel to PNG
or West Papua.
• We desperately need volunteers here in Australia with Bahasa Indonesia and Tok Pisin language skills,
and volunteers who can assist with information processing and dissemination.
• Anyone with communications equipment experience and/or resources are also desperately needed.
• We also need medics and health professionals, and a few people with pharmaceutical manufacturing

5 High Frequency Radio (HF) is the best solution for terrain and conditions such as in West Papua. It uses the troposphere as
its means of transmission and amplification and can reach any part of the world. It has the advantage of being able to curve
around the planet. Unlike portable phones that use satellite, the troposphere cannot crash (if it does, West Papuan
independence will be the least of our problems), and cannot be shut down during a war.
6 No HF or any electronic communications are secure against Australian military eavesdropping, but if this is used only as a
human rights tool, then this should be no problem. No operational discussions on the HF.
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experience are also required for providing low cost, effective anti-malarials. (Sorry big multinationals, we
already have the IPRs).
If you fit any of the above, or have further ideas, please contact the author.

3.13 FORECAST
The people of the Bewani area have been living in fear for the past 43 years due to the proximity to the TNI to their
daily lives. Their family members are from both sides of the line and have been targeted specifically in the latest
terror campaign. Our intelligence is also indicating that the TNI are preparing to launch a cross border offensive
using the perceived threat of an Australian invasion as a pretextual cover. This is in direct response to March 16,
but also for the April 10 OPM attack on the TNI posts. The Bewani mountain area is a home base to a major OPM
command. The TNI have been trying to wipe this out for years, and now is their chance. Given the movements and
build-up of equipment in the region, with an estimated 28,000 troops along the entire border, and the amount of
heavy lift equipment coming in, this threat is credible, clear, present, and imminent. There are estimates that
something may happen within the next four weeks by mid July. It raises interesting sovereignty issues with
Australia as soon as a major offensive is launched on PNG soil.

We also have a high level Kopassus leak on a certain island in the north, although we are trying to verify if all the
intel he gives is straight shooting or is part of a disinformation campaign in itself.

There is a also a justified fear that the TNI are going to also take action against the landowners threatening their
business interests in Sandaun, although this threat is diminishing as international coverage clearly shows the issue.
However, Somare is deliberately threatening the security of PNG and all evidence is pointing to a total economic
collapse when the TNI will just take over on their new highway.

3.1 CONCLUSIONS
This mission was an extremely difficult one to attempt, and it is by no means complete. There are many aspects to
the situation, both historically and currently, of life on the border that are extremely difficult to verify and gain
accurate and timely data to enable us to structure campaigns effectively. One of the primary issues identified up
here in collection of data was the lack of communications infrastructure, whereby people can quickly report to the
outside world the presence of Indonesian soldiers in PNG territory. There is an urgent need to immediately rectify
this, as the exploitation of this is the only means that the TNI can and does engage in illegal military, terroristic, and
economic activities on the “sovereign” soil of PNG.

However, we found that given the opportunity and means to communicate, a clear and accurate picture was built
up rapidly in the area of interest, that could and was effectively verifiable. Moreover, there is a strong willingness
on the part of local networks to co-operate in information gathering, and the abilities of local operatives was
impressive, to say the least, in getting up to the minute information when provided with the resources (albeit
temporarily) to do so. However, this is not surprising, given that it is their homes and families that are being
destroyed.

We uncovered strong evidence to indicate a massive troop build-up in our Area of Interest from Wutung to Sengi.
The daily operations there, witnessed by those that had to flee, and the prevalence of death squad operations show
one of two scenarios:

1. the Indonesian military is unable to reign in rogue elements within that are conducting joint militia, Laskar
Jihad and Jemaah Islamiyah training and operations, forming death squads, attacking and displacing
villagers and turning their land into oil palm plantations, and conducting cross border incursions in
preparation for a full scale occupation and / or invasion of PNG; or,

2. the Indonesian military all the way to Command level, ARE THE ROGUE ELEMENTS that are conducting
joint militia, Laskar Jihad and Jemaah Islamiyah training and operations, forming death squads, attacking
and displacing villagers and turning their land into oil palm plantations, and conducting cross border
incursions in preparation for a full scale occupation and / or invasion of PNG.

We have also found strong evidence of the TNI and POLRIs deliberate campaign to irrationally and arbitrarily target
all students in West Papua, regardless of their level of involvement in the March 15/16 actions, support for
independence or otherwise. Practices such as the kidnapping of family members and the torture and brutal sexual
abuse have only been held to account because of the brave actions of organisations of Indonesian people
concerned for human rights, such as KOMNAS HAM. The TNI and POLRI's heavy handed tactics and brutality on
uninvolved family members only serve to demonstrate to the outside world tendencies that may be viewed as
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constituting Genocidal Acts against Papuan people, with arrest and intimidation based only on race.

Even though the shadowy hand of the TNI's Intelligence services are felt throughout every part of the island, both in
PNG and West Papua, these actions ironically showcase their lack of capability and intelligence in dealing with the
situation. Brute force does not equal effective intelligence.

What my mission demonstrated clearly was a deeply scarred population living under terror. This must stop, and
the Indonesian military must be called to account. The Indonesian government assures the world that it is trying to
rein in the TNI, but what is happening at the moment to the students and to uninvolved local populations in the
border region directly contradict this stance.

Most worrying of all are the allegations and direct intelligence that the TNI are sharing facilities with Jemaah
Islamiyah and Laskar Jihad members, with the supported presence of shadowy cashed up figures from certain
international terrorist networks. This flies in the face of Jakarta's commitment to combating terrorism within its
(alleged) borders, and being a partner with Australia in the so called “War on Terror”. It has been proven
repeatedly that the TNI have a long and murky involvement with JI, even to the point of involvement with the Bali
bombings, and certainly in current and past violence (joint operations) in Malukus, Sulawesi, Aceh, and most
infamously, East Timor.

Unfortunately it is clear that the pattern of arming the “people's resistance” is being pursued in the border region.
This has been the doctrine of the TNI since its formation, and is being followed to the letter. Most worrying of all is
the evidence that violence occurring in this area may be the precursor to an East Timor style militia rampage with
full TNI involvement and backing,

Jakarta must demonstrate all it can to both its own population, to West Papuans, and to the International
Community that it can rein in a rogue military. Failure to stop the violence will just prove that Jakarta is unable to
be trusted as a government that upholds and respects the rule of Law.

We therefore call on Jakarta to immediately implement the following:

• An immediate cessation of retaliatory TNI and POLRI actions against the families of the students hunted
after March 16;
• An immediate cessation of military and paramilitary policing operations against civilians across West
Papua, in particular in the border regions;
• Full, unimpeded access to the areas for monitoring by Indonesian human rights organisations, with support
by International monitors. This includes the right not to be followed, and for Intels to cease harassment,
disappearances,intimidation, and killings of witnesses.
• All allegations of human rights abuses to immediately be investigated by KOMNAS HAM, and for any
verified allegations to be immediately prosecuted to the fullest extent under the law;
• A full international investigation of the events surrounding the use of excessive force on March 16 and its
subsequent aftermath by TNI/POLRI;
• Immediate verification of the right of West Papuan students to continue their studies;
• Full access to West Papua by Indonesian independent media, and international media;
• A complete and frank explanation of the reasons for presence of militia camps in the border area;
• a complete withdrawal of Indonesian military personnel from logging and business operations in Papua
Niugini;
• start to rein in the terrorists in uniform.

The alternative is allowing the TNI to complete its genocidal and extraterritorial aims, which will be the greatest
threat to peace and security our region has ever faced. This is something that Australia and the US will have to
deal with when the TNI do come marching over the border. The interesting sovereignty issues this raises with
Australia cannot be ignored, as with the reality of PNG's independence in 1975. As a final note, may I remind
people of Article IV of the ANZUS Treaty, which compels treaty partners to take military action if an armed act
occurs in the Pacific, as this is a threat to the peace and security of all member states. Hopefully this will be settled
with dialogue, as the TNI cannot hold peace and justice to ransom any longer. 44 years of brutality is 44 years too
long. The Pacific region must remain pacific forever.
FREE WEST PAPUA!
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A big thanks to all of you that helped make this mission a success. Your support is critical to enabling this
harrowing mission to be done. We spent almost $12,000 dollars in total for this mission, and it is still very tight - we
still need several thousand ($4000) minimum to complete the mission . PNG costs loads to do anything, but an
IGO doing a similar mission (with the same amount of people) would have spent over A$200,000. Because of the
government and UN abandoning all the border communities completely, we had to bring in food, emergency protein
and basic medical supplies (some of these places haven't seen a community health worker in over ten years, and
almost everyone had cerebral malaria, which untreated can kill in less than 48 hours. (For price, and I hated doing
this, but we had to go to the big Kopassus owned shopping centre on the border, Batas, but we had to get the
maximum food we could for people. Every business in Vanimo is owned by Kopassus anyway.) There is no other
way people can eat. .
I was ably assisted by all our strongpela wantoks over there, mostly so by my brata Ivauta of MelSol (who I will not
ID publicly just yet). We recieved full support from a newly established (non corrupt) regional security Network of
which we are a central part, although we had to pay for everything. OPM intelligence provided valuable on the
ground confirmations and at personal great risk verified rumours or otherwise. If anyone throws around any
descriptions of bravery it is reserved for the volunteers on the ground, and the students and people of West Papua
risking everything for their people's freedom. Thanks also to the walkabout Red Monkey crew for the filming and
really dodgy Chisel – it will be a powerful vision. Thanks to the ABC for being there when we needed you and for
not being there when we didn't need you! And a big thanks to my other brata lizard / nungga. You got yourself
grabbed but you kept your belly to the ground and you are back in the forest on both sides of a fictitious line on a
map. Stay safe and may our Koreri be paddling soon, to complete the story written thousands of years ago.

Nick Chesterfield
Melbourne
August 2006

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iAPPENDIX 1: CIVIL RIGHTS OF ABEPURA 16 MARCH 2006 SUSPECTS THREATENED
The following is an Urgent Action (Translated by TAPOL) from the Office for Justice and Peace, Diocese of
Jayapura, dated 12 June 2006

We wish to draw your attention to the situation of Papuans who are being held as suspects because of their
involvement in a demonstration on 15-16 March 2006 outside Cendrawasih University campus which called
for the closure of Freeport Indonesia. We wish to focus in particular on the detainees being held at POLDA
(Jayapura Regional Police) and the trial of the suspects now under way at Jayapura district court. We
should explain also that the sixteen detainees whose cases are now being heard at the Jayapura district
court were moved from the POLDA detention centre where they had been held for three months to the
Abepura Prison on 6 June 2006, Jayapura.

Altogether 23 people were arrested, interrogated and detained by Papua POLDA in connection with the 16
March Abepura 2006 case. Most are students from various colleges in Jayapura. Since 17 May 2006,
sixteen have been on trial at Jayapura district court while the other six are still being held at POLDA and are
being interrogated by the police.

I. Situation of Detainees in POLDA Papua
On 30 May 2006, the Justice and Peace Secretariat (SKP) of the Jayapura Diocese, Justice & Peace of the
GKI Synod in Papua and the Justice and Peace Bureau of Indonesia the GKII (Kemah Injili Church in
Papua) visited the detainees in POLDA Papua detention centre. Although members of POLDA kept a close
watch all the time, we were able to hold conversations in private with Selvius Bobii, Eko Berotabui (son of
the Chair of the GKI Synod in Papua) as well as another prisoner named Nelson Rumbiak regarding their
conditions, including food and drink, clothing, sleeping arrangements, security, legal counsel and whether
they were able to receive visits from their parents. We took them supplies of food and drink, bread and
oranges wrapped in a black plastic bag which was examined on a number of occasions by two young police
officers who were on guard in the visitors’ area, the place where the detainees were allowed to meet their
visitors which is about 3x3 metres in size. We were able to convince the guards that our bags only contained
food and nothing else. Each group of visitors was allowed to meet only two detainees. Apart from security
considerations this was because the visiting area is very small indeed.

There were wounds on the pale faces of the detainees around their temples and eyebrows which they said
they had sustained during a number of police interrogation sessions which went on for many days.

The conditions of the detainees were as follows, according to explanations from the three detainees:

First: Selvius and the two other detainees said they had no complaints about the food. “We would like better
food but we realise that we are detainees in Indonesia, so it’s not a problem. Sometimes we get bored with
the food but we eat it anyway.” They also said, and the police guards confirmed, that they are given food only
twice a day, in the morning and in the evening. Because of the lack of cells at POLDA, there are several
detainees in each cell. They can only take a bath and wash their clothes once a day at five pm.

Second: Selvius said: “We were heavily tortured during the first few months as they tried to get information
about the network and about who was behind the PEPERA [abbreviation in Indonesian for Act of Free
Choice] Group. The head of Criminal Investigation, Paulus Waterpauw, once threatened to shoot me by
aiming his gun at my mouth. ‘I was put under pressure and threatened to disclose persons who were part of
a network with PEPERA or were partners with PEPERA in the struggle. I said there was no such thing. So I
was placed in solitary confinement and not allowed to meet anyone for a month.’

Third: With regard to the legal counsel appointed by POLDA Papua to accompany the three men in court,
they said: “We don’t know these lawyers because from the day we were arrested until 30 May 2006, they
have never visited us in detention to advise us on how to respond to the charges by the prosecutor or how to
behave in court. We are completely in the dark when we are in court. I myself was confused on the first day
in court. We regret the fact that these lawyers have never come to see us or done anything in the
performance of their duties. We would have hoped that the lawyers would at the very least come and visit us
and explain the procedure to us and how to behave the court. When we were being interrogated, we were
not accompanied by a lawyer. As a result, some of the detainees felt afraid and simply admitted that they
were involved in the events on 16 March 2006 whereas in fact they were not.”

Selvius Bobii also spoke about another detainee named Jefri Pawika who had been ill for a long time as a
result of being maltreated while at POLDA, yet nothing was done either by POLDA, the lawyers or the
prosecutor to make arrangements for him to be properly treated. He has shown signs of a mental disorder
and it is feared that he could go mad if nothing is done quickly to treat his medical condition. ‘Although he is
ill, we were forced to bring him to the hearing so that the judge, the prosecutor and the general public could
see his condition.’ According to a report about the hearing on 17 May 2006, Jefri Pakawi fainted in court
because he had an empty stomach and he had not been given anything to eat since the previous evening.

Selvius and Nelson also confirmed that they had been maltreated by the police on Wednesday 24 May 2006
in the detention centre at the Jayapura court for almost two hours before the hearing started. They were
maltreated in order to get them to confess in court that they were involved in the murder of four members of
the police force and a member of the air force during the demonstration on 16 March 2006.

When we asked whether they had been visited by their parents, the three detainees said that most of the
parents were too afraid and didn’t dare to come to the POLDA detention centre.

II. The hearing of the sixteen accused at the Jayapura District Court
Five hearings in the trial of the sixteen accused have been held so far before a panel of judges chaired by
Morris Ginting SH, sitting with A Lakoni SH and Denny D. Sumardi SH. The charges are briefly as follows:

1. Selvius Bobii is charged with inciting others to use violence (Article 160 of the Criminal Code).
2. Nelson Rumbiak is charged with aggravated theft (Article 365) for stealing two canisters that had been
used by Brimob for tear gas to break up the action before the conflict occurred, which had been found by the
accused at the site of the incident.
3. Othen Dapyal , Elkana Lokobal, Musa Asso, Moses Lobokal, Mon Jefri Obaja Pawika and Mathias
Mihel Dimara are charged with using violence against other persons (Article 170).
4. Ferdinando Pakage and Luis Gedi are charged jointly with resisting members of the security forces in
the performance of their duties, resulting in loss of life of a security force member (Article 212 relating to 214,
para 2).
5. Marcus Kayame, Patrisius Aronggear, Thomas Ukago, Perius Waker, Elyas Tameka and Bensiur
Mirin jointly used violence to resist members of the security forces in the performance of their duties (Articles
218 and 214, para 1).

The trial of the sixteen is likely to end in July 2006, with a final verdict being adopted by the court.

While the hearings were in progress, the following important incidents occurred:
1. During the second hearing on 24 May 2006 at which the charges of the prosecutor were read out,
the accused were maltreated by members of the police force for two hours before the hearing began at the
POLDA detention centre, according to what they later told us. They were kicked with army boots, struck on
the head and body with rifle butts and rubber truncheons. This was done in an attempt to force the accused
to confess that they had indeed committed the offences for which they were being accused by the
prosecutor. Because some of the accused rejected the charges in court, they were maltreated in the same
way after leaving the courtroom as they were loaded onto a police truck to return them to the Jayapura
POLDA detention centre.

2. During the questioning of witnesses, most of whom were members of the police still on active service
at police resort command (MALPOLPESTA) Jayapura, the judges frequently put questions and gave the
answers, forcing the witnesses to make statements detrimental to the accused, even though they had said
that they did not know the accused and knew nothing about actions for which the accused were being
charged. For example, when a witness said he did not know the accused, Judge Lakoni reprimanded him,
saying: ‘You are a member of the security forces, so you should speak clearly, or do you want to be
punished? You must be loyal to your oath and not bring shame on you unit.’ At another hearing, a judge said
the following: ‘Another time when there is a demo, you should carry sharp weapons so that, should the
situation become chaotic and you find yourself under pressure, you can shoot the demonstrators on the spot,
and if anyone dies, that won’t be a violation of human rights.’ Such statements were greeted with cheers by
the police attending the hearing, both in the courtroom and outside.

3. Members of the security forces frequently used terror against the accused and their lawyers when
they submitted complaints or disavowals of the charges made by the prosecution and statements made by
witnesses by banging the courtroom door, vilifying them with abusive language or throwing stones at them
outside the courtroom during the meal recess.

4. The judges frequently cut short questions put to witnesses by lawyers when they were trying to get
clear statements or failed to give them the opportunity to ask questions. For instance, when a witness was
hesitating about admitting that he knew the accused, he was forced to say he did under pressure from the
judge. And when a lawyer wanted to put the same question as the judge had asked in order to get a clear
answer from the witness, the judge prevented the lawyer from proceeding, saying that it was not necessary
to ask the same question as had been asked by the judge.

5. Although the hearings were open to the public, members of the public were afraid to attend because
everyone going to the hearings was asked by policemen on guard at the entrance to show their identity
cards, the details of which were recorded by the police.

6. While the hearings were in progress, the courtyard outside the courthouse was filled with members of
the Jayapura police force (Polresta) and members of the Papua POLDA Brimob, some of whom were
fully armed. There were also members in mufti who were known to be intelligence agents from the
police as well as from the army. The entrance to the courthouse was always protected by two rows of
barbed wire.

7. At three of the hearings, the police stationed two panzers, one water cannon and five police trucks
in a state of readiness outside the courthouse.

8. It should be pointed out that the accused, all of whom were native Papuans, experienced severe
mental terror during the hearings. The judges on the panel, the majority of the prosecutors and most of the
police guarding the courthouse were non-Papuans. Nor did the accused have Papuan lawyers. Based on
the experience of similar cases in Papua, it is clear that the non-Papuan law enforcement officers have no
understanding of the feelings, the life style and habits of the accused, with the result that it was very difficult
for them to understand the decisions taken by the court.

Bearing in mind the above facts, our conclusions as follows:
The judges failed to understand the basic principle of ‘innocent until proved guilty’ because of the way they
posed questions putting pressures on the witnesses and forcing the accused to confess to having
perpetrated the criminal acts of which they were charged, despite the fact that most of the witnesses did not
know the accused and did not understand what role they had played at the place where the action occurred.

All the hearings held so far give the impression that the judges and prosecutors have not upheld the basic
principle of fair, honest, just and non-discriminative trials. The accused have been treated as if they were
guilty of the crimes before the process of hearing testimony in court had been completed. Such a situation
could easily result in the judges passing verdicts against the accused for actions even though they had not
perpetrated the crimes of which they were accused, or passing verdicts far harsher than the facts of the case
would warrant.

The fact that the hearings were always heavily guarded by uniformed and fully-armed security forces created
an atmosphere of terror and fear for the accused in giving true evidence to the court and can also undermine
the independence of the judges and prosecutors in handling the case fairly and properly.

In view of all the above, we call upon everyone to send letters to the police authorities and to the court urging
them to handle the case in the following way:

• To uphold the law, basic human rights, truth and justice at all stages while handling the 16 March 2006
case, during police interrogations as well as at the court hearings.
• Not to treat the legal process as if it were an act of vengeance for the members of police force who died
in the performance of their duties on 16 March 2006 but as an effort to ascertain the truth behind the
conflict that occurred during the course of the demonstration. It should be borne in mind that things were
thrown by demonstrators after forceful efforts had been taken by the security forces to break up the
demonstration during which tear gas had been used and shots had been fired.
• The laws and regulations in force in the Republic of Indonesia should not be used to criminalise
movements by civil society to criticise the development models being used by the government which fail
to answer the basic needs of the Papuan people and worsen the human rights situation in the Land of
Papua.

Please write to the following:
Panel of Judges for the 16 March 2006 case at Jayapura District Court,
(Morris Ginting SH, A Lakoni SH, and Denny D Sumardi SH)
Jl Raya Abepura, Kode Pos 223, Abepura, Jayapura Papua
Phone: +62 967 581157
Fax: +62 967 581014
Prosecutor for the 16 March 2006 Case
Jayapura Attorney-General’s Office, Jayapura,
Jl Dr Sam Ratulangi No 45, Jayapura 99225 Papua
Phone: +62 967 533328
Fax: +62 967 532640

Papua Police (POLDA)
Jl Sam Ratulangi No 8, Jayapura 99225 Papua,
Phone +62 967 533861
Fax: +62 967 533936
Or +62 967 531717

Many thanks for your attention and support. May PEACE and JUSTICE result from these efforts.
Jayapura 12 June 2006

Br Budi Hermawan ofm
Director, Peace and Justice Secretariat, Jayapura Diocese

ii APPENDIX 2:
TAPOL BULLETIN 183, July 2006 http://tapol.gn.apc.org/bulletin/2006/Bull183.htm
Papuans tortured, policemen killed
More than twenty Papuans who were arrested following an incident in Abepura on 16 March this year were
subjected to maltreatment and torture, according to a report by the Catholic Peace and Justice Secretariat
(SKP). Signs of torture were visible on the detainees’ faces when they were visited several weeks later by
staff of the Secretariat. Judges hearing the case were biased against the accused when interrogating
witnesses in court. Brutality on both sides resulted in five fatalities among the security forces.
The Papuans, mostly students, were arrested for taking part in demonstrations on 16 and 17 March at the
campus of Cenderawasih University in Abepura which is about twenty miles from the provincial capital,
Jayapura. They were demanding the closure of the Freeport-McMoran copper and gold mine in West Papua
and for the withdrawal of military and police personnel from the vicinity of the mine. They also called for the
release of seven Papuans being held in connection with an incident that occurred in Timika in August 2002.
The bloody events that occurred in March 2006 reflected a profound sense of anger and despair among
Papuans against the presence of the mining giant, Freeport-McMoran, which is reaping huge profits from
Papua’s abundant natural resources while the native inhabitants enjoy none of the benefits from what they
see as their birthright. The incident has cast a stain on the struggle of the Papuan people; the first time, as
far as we know, Papuans were driven to inflicting such heavy casualties on members of the Indonesian
security forces.
It was during the demonstration on 16 March that three members of Brimob, the crack special police force
with a reputation for brutality, and an intelligence officer from the air force were killed after clashes when
student demonstrators insisted on blocking the road to the provincial capital. A fifth man was fatally wounded
and died six days later.
The SKP report gives a detailed account of the clash that resulted in the deaths:
‘The clash started at 12.15 hours, while several demonstrators were throwing stones and bottles at the
officers as they were negotiating with Arnold Oba, chair of the Jayapura Pepera Front and Selpius Bobii,
secretary-general of the Pepera Front central board. The crowd did not want to remove the road block but
the officers wanted it removed. The officers, wearing anti-riot gear, moved forward in lines and pressed the
crowd back. The latter withdrew to the Cenderawasih university campus where they pelted the officers with
stones, bottles and sticks. The officers were forced to retreat and came under attack from the crowd. Seeing
this happen, intelligence agents came to their assistance by opening fire. The crowd became more brutal,
striking blows and throwing stones at officers who had fallen. As a result Police Brigadier I Saud Suleman
and Police Brigadier I Syamsudin were found dead at 16.00 hours and Second Sergeant Agus Supryadi from
air force intelligence was found (dead) at 17.15 hours.’
Besides these three officers, Brimob officer Arizona Horota was also killed. A fifth officer who was injured
died in hospital six days later.
Following the clash, Brimob forces conducted sweeps along the roads and into the hills in search of the
demonstrators. A number of Papuans they came across on the way were beaten up and taken to the nearby
police command.
While this serious incident was underway, four television journalists who were trying to cover the incident
were set upon and maltreated by members of Brimob; their cameras and equipment were destroyed and
they were struck with rifle butts. A spokesman for the local security forces later apologised for this attack on
the media and offered to replace their damaged equipment. No such apology has been offered to the
Papuans, as far as we know.
During the sweeps, student hostels were entered and damaged. [The Indonesian word rusak can mean both
damaged or destroyed.] The SKP report states that no fewer than 18 student hostels were damaged [rusak]
and for days, the hostels were vacant because the students had fled to the hills for safety.
Injured detainees
SKP staff along with representatives from other churches who later visited the detainees said that wounds
were clearly visible on their faces, as the result of torture sustained while they were in police custody. Two of
the men said they had been tortured two hours before they were due to appear at a court hearing, in a bid to
get them to admit that they were involved in the deaths of the police and air force officers. ‘They were kicked
with army boots, struck on the head with rifle butts and rubber truncheons,’ according to the SKP report. The
men had previously been tortured during the first few weeks of their detention in an attempt to extract
information.
The detainees also complained that although they had been told that legal counsel had been appointed to
assist them, the lawyers had not visited them so they were at a loss as to how to behave in court and deal
with the accusations against them.
Altogether 73 people were initially arrested following the incident. The next day, the police published the
names of fourteen Papuans under arrest who would face charges. Selpius Bobii, a student, will be charged
under Article 160 of the Criminal Code for incitement for which the maximum penalty is six years. Others
face charges for carrying sharp weapons or for assault and resisting members of the security forces. It was
later stated that no fewer than seventeen people would face charges of one kind or another in connection
with the 16 March incident.
Police told to shoot if things get rough
The SKP report pointed out that judges before whom the men appeared in court had created an atmosphere
of intimidation and fear in court. Departing from the principle of strict neutrality, one of the judges even gave
advice to police witnesses who had been summoned to testify on how to deal with demonstrators. ‘Another
time when there is a demo, you should carry sharp weapons so that, should the situation become chaotic
and you find yourself under pressure, you can shoot the demonstrators on the spot, and if anyone dies, that
won’t be a violation of human rights’
Johnson Panjaitan, chairman of the human rights and legal aid advocacy organisation, PBHI, issued a press
release expressing deep concern at the violence used on 16 March. He condemned the chief of police of
Papua for a statement that appeared to justify the use of repression to restore peace. He condemned the
arbitrary sweeps conducted against student hostels and the homes of Central Highland Papuans in
Jayapura-Abepura and nearby Sentani.
The National Human Rights Commission in Papua, an officially appointed organisation, issued a statement
containing recommendations which among other things called for protection for its members and members of
the police in the aftermath of the bloody incident. It also called on the central government to enter into
dialogue with the community regarding its demand for Freeport to be closed down. ‘We deeply regret the
revengeful operations conducted by Brimob because innocent people were beaten and their possessions
were destroyed.’
At a press conference called by AMPTI, the association of students from the Central Highlands on 27 March,
it was announced that a 22-year old man named Dany Hisage, had died after being shot during sweeps
conducted by the security forces on 17 March. The association accused the police chief of Papua of
discriminating against Papuans, especially those from the Central Highlands, and said the authorities should
stop attaching the stigma of separatism to people. It also called for all members of Brimob who had
undertaken sweeps and destruction of student hostels during which members of the public had been shot
and students’ diplomas had been burnt to be brought to justice.
The SKP report also states that on 17 March, three people including a 12-year old girl, Ratna Sari, and a 9-
year old boy named Chatrin Ohee were shot and injured. On this occasion Brimob personnel had been
shooting indiscriminately at all vehicles that drove passed the Brimob headquarters in Kotaraja.
Source: Sekilas Informasi Januari – Maret 2006, Sekretariat Keadilan dan Perdamaian Keuskupan Jayapura,
Jayapura, June 2006. Information Report for January-March 2006, by the Justice and Peace Secretariat of
the Bishopric of Jayapura, June 2006.
iii APPENDIX 3:
A statement by the United Front for West Papuan People's Struggle (F. Pepera PB) dated 15 March 2006
which has just become available, calls for the closure of the Freeport-McMoran copper and gold mine. One
of the signatories is Selvius Bobii, secretary-general of the Front, who is now on trial along with 15 others in
Jayapura.

The introductory paragraphs strongly criticise the US for supporting the integration of West Papua into the
Republic of Indonesia, in pursuit of US economic interests to exploit West Papua's natural resources.
Already in 1967, even before West Papua had formally become part of Indonesia, Freeport had entered into
an agreement with Indonesia with regard to this investment.

Since then, the Papuan people, in particular the seven tribes in the vicinity of the mine, have experienced
serious losses in human terms and in the environment, and in terms of their traditional land rights, while
migrants have flooded in to make livelihoods for themselves.

The US seems to be unaware of our rights, the statement says, and here to dig a big hole and bury us in the
hole. Dangerous effluent has poisoned our waters. 'We realise that your actions will slowly but surely destroy
us as described by researchers from Australia and Yale University. In view of all these abuses from the
past, the present and the future, in the name of the Almighty and the dignity of His creatures in Papua, we
declare:
1. We call on the Indonesian government and the owners of Freeport to immediately shut down PT Freeport
operations in Timika because we Papuans are the objects of these operations and our interests have been
sold for 1 per cent of the income of Freeport.

2. We call upon the Chief of Police and the Military Commander to withdraw all security and military forces
now being used to guard the mine because their presence here is harmful to our interests and our people
are being attacked in the interests of Freeport.

3. We condemn all those, everywhere in the world who want to sell the Papuan people for 1 per cent of the
income of Freeport. We continue to weep not because our income from the mine is so small but because our
dignity as human beings is not being respected in this Land of ours.

4. The United States must bear responsibility for the fact that the Papuan people have been victimised ever
since Papua's integration into Indonesia and since Freeport has been operating in our motherland.

5. We call on the Indonesian government to stop making victims of the Papuan-Melanesian people who
refuse to be destroyed in the interests of of any group or ideology.

6. We call on the Indonesian government to withdraw the military from West Papua because they create
havoc almost every year by means of terror, intimidation, kidnappings. In the past two years our people have
been shot during incidents in Asiki Merauke (2005), Waghete-Papua (2006), and Mile 672 Tembagapura
Mimika (2006).

7. We call upon all people now living in Papua to show mutual respect for each other, and especially to
recognise the basic rights and dignity of the native Papua people.

8. We call upon Papuan people everywhere, upon students in the cities, to close their ranks and carry out
national actions to bring pressure to bear on the Indonesian government and J.B Moffett, owner of PT
Freeport, to enter into negotiations for the closure of Freeport.

We call upon all people of goodwill to work transparently and honestly. May the Almighty bless all your
efforts to free the Papuan people from the yoke of oppression.

Port Numbay, 15 March 2006,
For Front Pepera Papua Barat,

Hans Gebze, chairman
Selvius Bobii, General Secretary,
Thomas Tonggap, First Deputy General Secretary.