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Spain*
The quest for an urban history
Jose Luis Oyn
Few Spaniards who have written about the city would accept the label 'urban historian'. So to evaluate what has
been published as 'urban history' is to risk committing a genuine act of pillage in an attempt to give an 'urban'
meaning to books and journals which were never conceived in such terms. Consequently, urban history in Spain can
be discussed only with some difficulty.
'Urban' is an inherently slippery concept, and urban history has suffered definitional problems from its very
beginnings. This is nowhere more so than in the Spanish setting where theoretical discussions of the substance and
nature of urban history has been scant, if not entirely lacking.[1]. The virtual non-existence of papers on the current
status of research is some proof of this disinclination to confront theory and methods in Spanish urban history.[2]
Indeed, as elsewhere, the city too often has been treated as a convenient receptacle for research interests not
primarily concerned with it, and only exceptionally has it been viewed as an historical object in itself. Almost never
has the city been regarded as offering a specifically urban dimension to social processes.
Such considerations impose serious limits when appraising recent Spanish urban historiography. Reviewing
the multitude of papers that touch tangentially upon the city means discussing too many subjects; concentrating
upon the historical literature concerned with discovering a precise meaning for the city would mean discussing too
few. Without losing sight of studies concerned with individual cities and aware of the subjectivity of the reflections
offered below, the most judicious course would be to focus special attention on those studies which have set out to
understand some urban processes.

Starts and stumbles: the quest for an urban history


Albeit in a fragmented way, Spanish urban history has taken off since the mid-1970s. It is necessary first to examine
historians' reasons for setting off down this intellectual path, what they have inherited and where their original
contributions lie, since all scholars bring specific intellectual baggage and preconceptions with them which influences
their approach. The study of towns and cities is no exception.
Little thought has been devoted explicitly as to how the image of the city or town has been generated or
portrayed over time, and this may be one indicator of the infancy of urban historical research in Spain. Though urban
historiography is as old as the city itself, there are very few studies explaining the evolution of the history of cities
from the Middle Ages to the present. The view we do have is full of gaps. An exception is Quesada's
historiographical model of city history which shows that from its roots in the medieval chronicles and the Italian
humanist tradition, there was a consolidation of writing on Spanish cities in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.[3] These panegyrical histories celebrated the idealized grandeur and uniqueness of each city in both the
classical key of the New Rome and the Christian key of the City of God, and were continued well into the eighteenth
century. According to Kagan, in an era of increasing state centralization these early histories fulfilled the function of
reminding the Crown that its own greatness would not have been possible without that of the cities.[4]
It is impossible to obtain a clear idea of the emergence of local history in the nineteenth century.[5] Indeed,
since 1900 a substantial portion of town-and city-based history has been entrusted to local historians and
geographers, and in many instances, their excellent accounts have remained robust. This antiquarian diversity
amongst local scholars, ranging from municipal boosterism to a new concept of the city as an engine of progress,

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has been superseded only recently by modern urban historians' more systematic and less positivist perspectives, a
critical trend now being transmitted back to the local historical level.
Often stimulated from abroad, some changes in Spanish urban history can be discerned in the 1920s and
1930s. This was, firstly, because the medieval city, whose institutions and administrative structures had already been
studied by numerous local historians, was the basis for some pathbreaking work by a generation of young
historians.[6] Secondly, interest in cities was aroused because architects were engaged in a discussion of the
classification systems for medieval cities employed by Lavedan.[7] Thirdly Pirenne's interpretation of a resurgence in
urban Europe stimulated medieval studies, particularly in the field of legal history, as did Torres Balbs' attempts to
reconstruct Christian and Moslem cities.[8] And a final influence in this reawakening of interest in urban topics was
the result of increasing familiarity amongst Catalan scholars with French geographical methodology, based on
Blanchard's work which became known to Catalan scholars in the 1930s, and which from the 1940s stimulated
monographs which attached greater emphasis to morphological explanations of the historical development of towns
and cities.[9]
By the 1950s an embryonic development of interconnected disciplines and fields of interest began to
supersede local history. Medievalists, architectural historians and geographers comprised the majority of those
working on urban themes,[10] and if they remained few in number, so, too, were contributions to the study of the city
from other social sciences.[11] The medieval city formed a significant proportion of publications in urban history;
indeed, it was medievalists who were the first to use the term 'urban history'. Their approach, however, continued to
focus upon the institutional aspects of the city,[12] or on art and architecture.[13] This approach permeated medieval
urban history until the 1970s and perhaps was unsurprising given the politically controlled university environment,
unfavourably disposed both to academic innovation and to the development of a critical spirit. Typically geographers
consolidated along the lines of French regional geography, though they also incorporated elements of British urban
geography. Several excellent monographs resulted.[14] Formative contributions stemmed from a series of French
historical monographs which appeared towards the end of the 1960s, including Benassar's study of Valladolid in the
Golden Century which for the first time confronted the urban phenomenon from a comprehensive perspective.[15] In
general, however, histories of individual cities remained a mosaic. Indeed, many were written at the beginning of the
century, or even in the 1950s, and remained basic reference texts until the 1970s. It is, therefore, hard to describe
urban historiography prior to that date as anything more than stumbling.
The flowering of urban history from the 1970s was a response to several powerful stimuli. Firstly, it offered an
intellectual critique of contemporary urban development in which social segregation, inadequate facilities and the
systematic destruction of the historic centres appeared to form the core of urban policy. This crisis became evident at
the end of the 1960s - the most intensive period of urbanization in Spain's entire history - and crystallized in urban
social movements at the beginning of the 1970s which fused the demands for political freedom with the struggle to
improve living conditions.[16] What is 'urban', viewed in the context of conflict, became a burning intellectual
question in the universities, and a new critical awareness developed towards urban problems.
Secondly, the democratic transition in 1975 contributed to a renewed interest in historical and cultural
traditions to which the new, more decentralized local and regional institutions also contributed in large measure. The
re-evaluation of specific historical traditions, attention to territorial identities - Catalan, Castilian, Galician and so on together with images and personal reminiscences of an urban culture rapidly being submerged by intense
construction activity, combined to signify a renewed interest in the historian's role, increasingly defined in a particular
spatial setting - the City.[17] In this resurrection of interest in past times, local institutions formed the bedrock of
many city-based studies undertaken in the 1980s, although their quality was somewhat variable.
The historical research agenda has undoubtedly reflected this fundamental shift in wider social and political
values, with new intellectual perspectives and themes introduced by the conditions of the 1970s.
Firstly, by the late 1970s urban historiography had improved with the publication of a handful of fine
monographs dealing with specific aspects of individual cities,[18] and with a first synthesis of medieval Castilian
urban history .[19] Influenced by the Annales school, a further momentum in the history of pre-modern towns can be
identified from 1975 with a special emphasis on demography. Publications have multiplied in recent years, pointing

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the way towards the study of the city from a more comprehensive perspective.
Secondly, a reorientation occurred from the 1960s to the early 1970s when urban geography, which had been
traditionally associated with a historical dimension in the departments of the universities of Madrid, Valladolid and
Barcelona, began to identify the social tone of cities as a valid part of their research agenda.[20] Interest in
working-class suburbs and urban property can be seen in their research, and traces of a radical geographical
tradition rooted in French sociology can also be identified.[21] Since the mid-1970s the social and historical
dimensions of urban geography have been sustained through many monographs, and geographers in Spain, as
elsewhere, have had an important input into urban history.
Thirdly, architects and planners appeared to grasp the significance of the city as a unit of analysis towards the
end of the 1960s. Nowhere was this more fully recognized than in Barcelona, where Rossi's interpretation of urban
architecture was viewed increasingly by planners and architects in a Marxist context as a constructed historic
artefact.[22] Somewhat later, the radical tone of the new generation of architects was influenced by Castells and the
Parisian Centre de Sociologie Urbaine in the form of a critique of the latest urbanization phase. In retrospect, the
architectural dimension has contributed no identifiable strand within urban history; what it has achieved is a general
historical awareness amongst architects and planners, and a sensitivity towards a historical dimension in project
work. Thus urban history has functioned as an architect's and planner's tool in the redefinition of the contemporary
city.
Finally, art history is one of the fields which has been reinvigorated conceptually by the urban dimension, and
owes much to Bonet Correa who in the late 1960s and much influenced by Lavedan, began a series of influential
studies on town planning during the ancien rgime.[23] The contribution of economists to the historical study of cities
has been slight,[24] and there has been hardly any urban focus in historical sociology or anthropology.
So much for the scope of research undertaken since the mid-1970s. Historians, geographers, architects and
art historians comprise the major part, and the dissertations written in the last fifteen years bear this out. Of the 300
dissertations with a possible historical focus upon the cities, 45 per cent were written by historians (with threequarters of them in medieval and early modern history), and a similar percentage is evenly divided among
geographers, architects and art historians. Scarcely 10 per cent come from other disciplines.[25]
The panorama is the more encouraging if we consider the number of publications and dissertations that have
appeared, the growing number of postgraduate courses dedicated to urban history (more than twenty, not counting
courses in geography with urban components), the conferences at both the national and local levels,[26] and the
recent publication of numerous city histories commissioned by local institutions.[27]
This proliferation of conferences does not conceal the generally preliminary and incremental nature of many
contributions. The study of the city is often a by-product, an incidental aspect of research with a different set of
concerns. A basic problem must be acknowledged in addition: the limited extent of genuine dialogue between
academic disciplines whose definitions, concepts and jargon all too often define 'no- go' areas for cognate fields.
This lack of communication in an essentially interdisciplinary field of study is superimposed upon other problems
which restrict dialogue. For example, the city is more tightly defined by historians of the pre-industrial world than by
modern historians; since the temporal interests of architects and geographers only occasionally go back much
before the eighteenth century, it is rare for early modern urban historians to be exposed to alternative interpretive
frameworks and methodologies. From their separate disciplinary perspective, the dialogues between space and
time, between space and society - essential ingredients in avoiding the excessive dissolution of the urban - are
seriously compromised.

Urbanization and urban systems

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One of the best ways to understand urban identity is to go beyond the specialist monograph. Yet the study of urban
systems, of relations between cities or sub-subsets of them, has progressed little in recent years.
An initial problem is the measurement of the degree of urbanization. Not only are the figures for the
pre-industrial period as yet incomplete,[28] but there remains the central problems of defining an appropriate and
consistent urban threshold. Anyone who has attempted to study urbanization levels over the long term will have
encountered these problems. This difficulty is accentuated in Spain because of the prevalence of 'agro-cities' which
are particularly numerous in the southern half of the country. Of the twenty-seven largest municipalities in Spain at
the end of the eighteenth century, almost half had more than 50 per cent of their active population employed in
agriculture, a proportion which remained fairly steady in the nineteenth century too. More systematic treatment is
necessary, but as a direct consequence of the uneven availability of urban population figures, there is a real gap
between studies of the pre-modern industrial world, and those of a later period of urbanization. Geographers,
sociologists and economists have concentrated their attention mainly on the twentieth century, due largely to the
availability of statistics for empirical testing of social science theorems, while historians have largely remained
confined to pre-modern times. The difficult nineteenth century remains almost entirely unknown.[29] Lacking an
established empirical base regarding the level of urbanization, a serious work of urban synthesis from almost any
disciplinary standpoint is still conspicuously lacking.[30]
A second fundamental problem concerns the geographical delimitation of the urbanization process: one or
more urban systems? The trend towards unification into a single urban system cannot conceal a point of departure
which is split into various kingdoms and historical communities. For the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, Reher
proposes three different urban systems: Castilla, Andaluca and Aragn-Levante, though a finer level of analysis
would permit the sub-division at least of Aragn- Levante.[31] More regional studies would permit a tighter
specification of the realities of the urban network.[32] As to when and how within the last two centuries a progressive
integration of a single urban system came about also remains problematic. The transport system experienced only
slight progress until the middle of the nineteenth century and did not make much of a contribution to increased
integration.[33] Railways assisted the connections between an agricultural interior and a more advanced and
urbanized periphery,[34] though here, too, the progress towards an integrated single national market was often very
convoluted.[35] Industrialization, too, contributed to the selection process which shaped the urban hierarchy through
greater market integration, though its effects remained localized in certain peripheral areas. If industrialization
explains urban growth relatively well for the last forty years of economic dynamism, then before 1950 much of the
process of urban concentration can be attributed to the role of the provincial capitals as focal points for services. This
process was well under way in the second third of the nineteenth century. While such factors contributed to the
development of an urban system and have been presented in outline, more often with special reference to the
twentieth century,[36] the problematic of the progressive integration of markets remains unresolved.
A more precise mapping of urban fucions and of economic activity would contribute significantly analysis of
urban networks. Systematic studies of the twentieth century urban economic base remain at a preliminary stage,[37]
and much more attention is required for the earlier periods. Some monographs have already sketched out urban
demographic characteristics, and rural-urban relations as reflected in sources of food supply, but a more complete
typology of settlements and their various spheres of influence is required. This applies both to the network of
regional relations within the narrow radius of a city in respect of its surrounding hinterland, and to the wider urban
systems as reflected in international trade.
Of particular interest is the theme of urban decline. The progressive in the seventeenth century;[38] by the
eighteenth century the importance of the peripheral coastal towns indicated that the process was well under way and
was intensifying with time. The trend towards urban concentration on the periphery during the contemporary period
has also attracted scholarly attention,[39] and Castilian economic decline remains an important feature of Spanish
urban historiography. Of particular interest in the analysis of the Castilian pre-industrial urban system has been the
role of Madrid as a primate city. If the size and functions performed by London contributed a dynamic role in the
process of English economic development, Ringrose claims that Madrid was just the opposite - a parasitic town.[40]
The study of Madrid's relations with its hinterland and its location far from maritime trade, enabled Ringrose to show
how Madrid's urban development in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries itself contributed to the decline of the

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Castilian economy and to many manufacturing cities in Spain's interior. Madrid thus remodelled the urban system,
subordinating other towns. The reformulation of Castile's economic structure by Madrid has not gone uncontested,
and has given rise to an interesting discussion of the possible existence of an exclusively urban factor in this
decline.[41]

Urban demography and social groups


Though the historical demography of pre-industrial urban Spain made its precocious debut in the 1970s under
French influence, according to a recent evaluation, '... after so many monographs, the amount of knowledge gained
from the set of studies is not very great.'[42]
However, some initial syntheses do seem promising. Handling an enormous mass of data extending to three
centuries, Reher reconstructs the demographic structure of a typical Castilian city during the ancien rgime,[43] and
in a wide-ranging survey identifies specifically 'urban' features in the demography of cities. For pre-modern Cuenca,
the systematic work of reconstruction and comparison confirms not only the differential patterns of regional
behaviour discovered by demographers elsewhere, but also absolute differences in behaviour between urban and
rural areas. Within these regional patterns, fertility and nuptiality were much lower than in the surrounding rural
areas; and mortality was higher. Family patterns show specific features related to the presence of servants and kin.
Levels of mobility were also much more pronounced than in the country. Similar results have emerged in other
studies, some of which have extended the temporal span into the twentieth century,[44] so that generalizations about
the demography of Spanish cities appear empirically based, and have enabled distinctively urban demographic
variables to be identified.
Within this aggregative pattern of urban demographic behaviour there were considerable variations among
different social groups. Some demographers have presented a dichotomy between rich and poor parishes in the
pre-modern town;[45] ethnic an professional distintions also have been made in identifying different demographic
characteristics; and the physical setting and spatial arrangements of the locality also contributed subtle
variations.[46] Neighbourhood and kin relationships appear closely intertwined in pre-modern Cuenca during the first
half of the nineteenth century, creating 'nebulas of kinship' within a specific territory. Being neighbours was a factor in
over 37 per cent of the marriages in a Murcian parish in these same years.[47] Reher's innovative study of
inter-urban mobility tells the same story. Over 10 per cent of Cuenca's population changed residence each year, and
this mobility was once again circumscribed by strong spatial considerations. The majority of moves were within the
same district where the person had been born so that '... for its inhabitants Cuenca was really a number of towns
which were only indirectly related. The fact (is) that when changing residence most people seemed to ignore the
existence of any part of town more than 100 metres or so from where they lived.'[48]
For the modern period the 'territorial' influences on demographic variables largely remain unconsidered, and is
difficult to be precise regarding the survival or decline of local communities. Although age, sex, natality, mortality,
employment levels and professional composition in different urban areas are studied in numerous-geographical
monographs, only rarely are their effects incorporated into the overall mosaic of urban life, and these studies tend to
remain self-contained.[49]
Interest in the social characteristics of towns and cities is only just materializing. Although there are numerous
studies focusing on specific cities and localities from an essentially economic and demographic point of view,[50]
pre-modem social historians have not progressed much beyond the study of social structure from a static
perspective.[51] In the modem period, the problem is even more serious, since there are only a few detailed
analyses of the socio-professional structure of cities. Few historians have devoted much attention to these
aspects,[52] and consequently much reliance is placed on statistical estimates undertaken by geographers.
For the historians of modern Spain, the city has been almost entirely overlooked. This may be only logical,

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since in 1930 scarcely a third of the Spanish population lived in cities and it was not until the 1960s that urban
population figures equalled those of the rural areas. Other explanations for this relative 'disinterest' in the urban
dimension can be advanced. Historians have put virtually all of their energy into explaining the 'failure of the
industrial revolution', contrasting industrial regions in the process of modernization with an agrarian world dominated
by essentially unchanging property structures and incapable of creating a broad agricultural class, the consumers of
industrial products, without prior agrarian reform. The triumph of industrialization and the urban world is very recent,
and therefore secondary in an analysis which attaches more importance both to the durability of a rural world and to
the obstacles to the modernization process. The independent, innovative contribution of towns and cities has thus
been under-acknowledged in Spanish historical scholarship, and the fusion of economic history, still in its formative
stages in terms of an established a solid statistical base, and social history remains difficult.
Against this background the studies of urban social history still revolve around a limited number of themes.
The nobility and the ruling classes of the pre-modern age,[53] and the nineteenth century bourgeoisie and urban
elites in Madrid and Barcelona have been the subjects of sound studies.[54] The same cannot be said of the working
class, where undue stress has been placed on political organization and conflict,[55] and too little attention devoted
to living standards, the rhythms of daily life, and the dynamics of neighbourhoods and communities. Indeed,
definitional refinement is overdue: what was the working class in the nineteenth century, and how should day
labourers, artisans and home-based workers be incorporated into the concept of a working class? Recently some
promising advances on such issues have been forthcoming,[56] though the study of social relationships within and
between each group is still pending, and questions such as mobility, sociability, and non-institutionalized collective
life are only in their infancy. The geographical integration of social groups, is thus on hold.

The city building process


It remains, then, to 'install' this urban society into a space. For two decades now, geographers, planners and art
historians have been focusing their efforts on this. Until relatively recently, however, the analysis of the material
forms of the city have been dominated by either topography or by monuments, that is, accounts of the physical fabric
of the town have been directed either towards a basic description of the geometrical form of the town plan or towards
important public buildings. The past few years have witnessed a revival of new approaches.
The rediscovery of the city by architects was derived from concepts embedded in urban morphology. The city
as manufatto (artefact) was less concerned with the place of public buildings and grand architecture than with the
gradual evolution of general housing. This emphasis on minor architecture has promoted a more systematic enquiry
into the permanence of streets, plots and building types, of the processes and forms of contemporary urban growth,
such as the ensanches (expansions), polgonos (housing projects) and the urbanizaciones marginales (uncontrolled
urban settlements), together with the town planning projects with which they were associated.[57] However, renewed
interest in the urban form, welcome though it has been, has not been exempt from other intellectual dangers. For
example, the almost exclusive reliance on cartographic sources, and the primacy afforded to the "city of stone", has
been at the expense of more comprehensive explanations which embrace social relations within towns and cities,
and accordingly the morphological contribution too often has been both schematic and detached from historical
reality. Consequently it has lacked credibility.[58]
Art and architectural historians, more aware than architects of the diversity of historical sources, have
undertaken studies of urban form extending into recent historical periods.[59] Unlike French writing with a particular
methodology for urban analysis,[60] empiricism and methodological diversity prevailed amongst Spanish art
historians until recently. None the less certain research strands emerged, for example, with studies of ancien rgime
cities,[61] symbolism and urban images,[62] the process of sixteenth century urban improvement,[63] and the more
traditional study of significant public spaces such as the Plazas Mayores (main squares)[64] of baroque and
neo-classical town planning.[65]

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Geographers, by the 1970s, were employing a broader and more complex concept of urban morphology
which encompassed simultaneously processes, functions and material forms. The pronounced social slant of much
research in urban geography has been directed towards areas such as the city building process during the Franco
regime, or land development and its relations with urban morphology, and has resulted in a number of noteworthy
articles.
New analytical methods in conjunction with new research topics have challenged earlier approaches and
produced a more sophisticated and complex account of the city building process. If comparative frameworks and
interdisciplinary endeavours remain scarce, the volume of research activity in urban history should ensure some
progress along these lines.
Studies of urban property and its agents - builders, landowners, and developers - have contributed in a
fundamental way to this greater complexity. Analysis of extensive source documents, notably from the eighteenth
century to the present, has enabled geographers,[66] historians,[67] and architects[68] to scour through the archives
in search of data on rents, landowners, concentrations of property ownership, and the organization of the housing
process and the professionals involved. Yet little is known about urban building cycles, and while some recent
studies exist for Catalan cities and for Madrid,[69] a sufficiently broad perspective awaits further research.
One result of contemporary interest in the dynamics of urban renewal has been a clarification of urban
processes in the pre-industrial city. Details regarding the physical construction of the early modern town and the
distribution of the population and their activities within towns have been enhanced significantly. The expansion of
fifteenth century Seville,[70] the social topography of pre-industrial Barcelona,[71] the survival of traditional forms of
city buildings into nineteenth century industrial Matar,[72] the eighteenth and nineteenth century stagnation of
towns such as Cuenca, and the spectacular construction boom in Barcelona during the second half of the eighteenth
century[73] are now well known. These studies also reveal the permanence of a centre-periphery distribution of both
wealth and the social hierarchy. The centre was generally a double centre; a more active core of mercantile
interests, rich guilds and related economic activities were concentrated in one grouping, with a second centre acting
as the locus of elite power and wealth as exerted by the aristocracy and religious offices. Poverty and the more
marginal groups were on the urban periphery. Although the segregation is perceptible at the aggregate level of the
parish or district, to see very marked contrasts between contiguous streets; in short, the proximity of the poor and the
rich. Despite the very real advances offered by these and other studies, a convincing account of particular social
areas and of residential segregation within the area of the pre-industrial town is lacking.
The growth of the Spanish city from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth century occurred largely as a result of
the interplay between the remodelling of the traditional centre and the ensanche, or city extension. In the less
dynamic cities growth occurred by 'implosion', the remodelling of disentailed property within the city boundaries. In
cities with greater demographic and economic momentum, the need for land and residential space exceeded the
supplies of land made available by disentailment and dictated further expansion in the form of the ensanches, where,
gradually, the greater part of the middle class and urban elites migrated.
Monographs on the desamortizacin (disentailment) of urban land are becoming increasingly numerous,
though it is still difficult to make a serious assessment. The first notable feature is the total area of entailed land
involved - spectacular in the case of many Castilian cities. Over 40 per cent of the land in Cuenca was occupied by
convents in the mid-eighteenth century, and over 50 per cent of the housing stock in the town of Len. In the same
period more that 62 per cent of Palencia belonged to the clergy and just before the 1836 desamortizacin this had
dropped only to 46 per cent. If total entailed property is considered, three-fourths of the urban land in Burgos at the
end of the eighteenth century, and more than two-thirds in 1836, were held in mortmain. The transfer of property into
private hands meant a crucial change in which the size of the city, the rate of economic and demographic growth, the
importance of the previously entailed property, and the power of the local middle class came together to alter the
existing urban structure. In the case of the small cities such as Palencia with a certain amount of dynamism,
disentailment did not mean a radical change in urban morphology, although there was an important process of
replacement building and remodelling, since the middle class acquired a large amount of property thus reinforcing its
domination of the city centre.[74] Nor did the disentailment process significantly alter the morphology of other small

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cities with low dynamic levels, such as Cuenca, Plasencia or Alcal.[75] But the impact was substantial in the case
of the large cities, such as Valladolid,[76] and to a lesser extent, Sevilla, Zaragoza, Mlaga and Barcelona.[77] In
general, the sale of disentailed property enabled the majority of cities to absorb a substantial amount of the
residential and public building development in the middle decades of the century without having to consider
extending municipal boundaries. Above all, however, it made it possible to divide up the property ownership to a
certain extent and reinforce middle-class real estate holdings in the city centre.
Madrid and Barcelona soon exhausted their land reserves for new housing, plazas and public buildings and
had to resort to the expasion plans, a pattern also followed by smaller, economically dynamic cities. Fine studies of
the larger city extensions are now available,[78] though this is not the case lower down the urban hierarchy.[79]
Where analysis of the expansion plans has been undertaken it has tended to emphasize planning concepts behind
the project and visions of the new town; less attention has been devoted to the actual construction methods, the use
of space and the shaping of the specific social zones to which the former city centre elites eventually gravitated.
Social segregation, such as working-class suburbs or parcelaciones (or of the later polgonos), are underrepresented in the literature of nineteenth and twentieth century Spanish urban history. Studies of working-class
suburbs have been restricted to their origins, or to their role as alternatives to central residential areas.[80] To some
extent this reflects the current research interest, but the result has been to neglect those social groups and
organizations which formed the basis of local communities, their sociability, journey-to-work and residential
persistence which sustained and uniquely identified neighbourhoods, So, too, little systematic study has been
devoted to working-class living conditions and relationships between wages, rents and the standard of living in the
nineteenth and much of the twentieth century, and only a few partial studies and certainly no overall synthesis of
these exists.[81]
Thus, there remains a long list of topics still to be developed in depth. The study of the brutal redevelopment
of historic city centres during the Franco period remains to be tackled,[82] and a part from a few essentially
antiquarian studies, transport and the technical networks have received only cursory attention especially as regards
their impact on urban growth.[83] The development of utilities, urban services[84] and the location of industry[85]
should sustain considerable future research endeavour, And if something of the former seasonal migrations to
summer suburbs by the bourgeoisie and urban middle class has been revealed;little attention has been directed
towards the process of the suburbanization in general, Not least on this agenda for Spanish urban historical research
is the nature and use of domestic space for different social classes.[86] It is a full agenda.

Town planning and urban policies


The long tradition of studies of the medieval city - and also of medieval town planning[87] - has continued in recent
years. The analysis has been extended to include the process of state intervention and the 'aristocratization' of city
government from the close of the Middle Ages. It is difficult to identify the 'urban power' or autonomy of cities from
the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries within the context of a powerful monarchy, although there are a good
number of recent contributions on the relationships between the crown, the court and the cities in the time of Philip II
which attempt to define the precise role of each of these institutions and the nature of the absolute state.[88] Less is
known about the process of refeudalization which put the towns into the hands of the nobility during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries - a process which had a different meaning in Catalonia.[89]
Municipal policies regarding charity, entertainment, health, public works, town planning and public finance
during the second half of the eighteenth century were the subjects of an excellent collaborative analysis of
Madrid.[90] The work of the Equipo Madrid not only revises the traditional reformist vision of Enlightenment policies
but also points the way to a rich vein to be mined by future researchers in this area.
Inspired to varying degrees by Foucault, a number of urban policy studies regarding the past two hundred

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years have been concerned with the discourse of power as it relates to urban space. So a historiographical
revisionism has viewed institutions such as prisons, hospitals, asylums and some aspects of social welfare and
housing provision as tools for the manipulation of urban space rather than merely as policy extensions of municipal
interventionism.[91]
Municipal involvement in infrastructural investment - health, education or social welfare - has attracted much
less scholarly attention than the realm of town planning. This field apart, municipal interventionism on a concerted
basis is difficult to detect before 1900, and what little has been written has focused on the administrative apparatus
and on the stigma of bossism (caciquismo).[92] Indeed, it is the sphere of planning that has long received more
attention. Numerous monographs on cities dedicate extensive sections to it, or interpret the growth and decline of
cities based upon the successes and failures of municipal interventions into urban space.[93] These publications,
together with some comprehensive perspectives on contemporary Spanish planning,[94] monographs on
outstanding figures in field of town planning, and the reprint of original documents[95] illustrate the vigour and range
of interest in Spanish urban planning.
In addition, more specific facets of town planning, such as the nineteenth century reformas (urban renewal
schemes) and ensanches, (extensions), have also attracted considerable scholarly attention from architects,
geographers and historians given their relevance to the contemporary Spanish city.[96] These preoccupations have
accordingly tended to overshadow other more specific areas of urban planning, such as the Universal Expositions or
the impact of housing regulations.[97]
Although the effective incorporation and generalization of the modem mechanism of planning - zoning occurred rather belatedly in Spain compared to other European cities, initiatives in this direction are indentifiable in
the period 1900-36. Zoning issues have also stimulated scholarly interests in council planning episodes, housing
policies and the creation of garden suburbs.[98] The post-war town planning experience has undoubtedly attracted
greater attention, and gradually has advanced from a debate on town planning legislation to the nature of the
planning instruments applied in the Franco period,[99] the evolution of plans,[100] housing policies and their impact
on urban development.[101]
Much has been accomplished in the past two decades, but it is still premature to talk about Spanish planning
history with its own corpus of work. Recent town planning or housing policies have attracted almost all of the
attention. Also, it is difficult to view planning instruments as having an integrated objective, or to evaluate them in
relation to other urban policy measures. Nor is the relationship between urban planning and the wider discourse on
the city, its images and ideas, or to the social groups affected by the implementation of planning decisions, clearly
defined.

Conclusions
The incipient state of numerous topics has been evident throughout this brief review. Everything indicates that
Spanish urban history is in a necessary, initial 'accumulation' phase of endeavour, and not one of 'reflection' based
upon solid syntheses. Although intensive work has been done over the past fifteen years, conclusive results or a
raging debate are difficult to identify in the issues examined.
One of the crucial problems stems, perhaps, from the excessive cultivation of the urban monograph. If urban
history seeks to overcome a localist framework, if the 'urban' is to have meaning, it is necessary to have a
comparative view of specific processes. There is hardly a field of analysis where two or more cities are compared:
the delay of studies on urbanization and urban networks is a clear indicator of this blinkered localism.
It is necessary to establish a multidisciplinary dialogue in Spanish urban history. The divisions among the
different disciplinary methods and approaches - historians, geographers, planners, art historians - and according to

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the periods favoured by each of these groups - geographers and planners mainly interested in the modern period,
historians and art historians in the pre-industrial city - are still fairly clear. It would be particularly useful to have
greater communication between historians and the urban space specialists. Neither group is exempt from criticism.
Geographers, art and architectural historians, and architects have been inclined to consider space as a simple
physical framework and lose sight of the processes; historians have neglected urban space unduly, disregarding its
functionality and cultural meaning. Furthermore, the analysis of social processes, raised to a high level of generality,
is accompanied by the danger of dissolving the very object of urban history.
Some initiatives, such as the publication of a journal, Historia Urbana, may contribute to building the
necessary bridges among the different disciplines and research interests. Still exceptional, multidisciplinary
teamwork may offer another developmental route, although this must first overcome the introspection and inertia of
university departments. Seizing these opportunities may be a precondition for Spanish urban history to advance
beyond its initial phase and to provide some consolidation to the field.

Post scriptum

Mi impresin general despus de releer este texto, diez aos despus, es que la dcada de los noventa ha
supuesto en general un cierto reflujo en la historiografa urbana espaola. El camino a la consolidacin pareca
emprendido, las perspectivas optimistas. El paso parece ahora ms lento e incierto. En la dcada transcurrida entre
1992 y 2002, el campo de la historia urbana contina difuso y fraccionado en especialismos, claramente falto de
consolidacin.
Me explico. Sealaba yo en la conclusin anterior una serie de cuestiones clave, de indicadores estratgicos
para medir la salud y la consolidacin de la historia urbana espaola, entonces no alcanzados. Primer indicador de
consolidacin de la historia urbana, la profusin de estudios comparativos: un mismo problema histrico estudiado
en dos o ms ciudades o en una familia de ciudades. Apenas se han publicado estudios en este sentido. Los pocos
trabajos publicados culminan empresas iniciadas en los aos ochenta o tienen un carcter excepcional[102]. Los
estudios sobre redes urbanas, tpicos de esta aproximacin en la que se estudian dos o ms ciudades, apenas han
dado signos de vitalidad, si exceptuamos el magnfico trabajo de Albert Garca Espuche sobre la constitucin de un
sistema urbano integrado en la Catalua preindustrial[103].
Segundo indicador de buena salud de la historia urbana, la existencia de un fecundo dilogo interdisciplinar.
Bien, aqu las perspectivas era bastante halageas a mediados de los noventa. La revista Historia Urbana se cre
precisamente con ese objetivo de dilogo. La ambiciosa empresa del volumen ibrico del Atlas Histrico de
ciudades europeas con sus indisimuladas pretensiones comparativistas haba visto ya la luz en esos aos. Los
equipos mutlidisciplinares de historia urbana comenzaban a dar sus frutos ms maduros, como el Atlas Histrico de
Madrid del Equipo Madrid. Desgraciadamente, a principios de este siglo, varias de estas empresas son ya difuntas.
Dentro del mbito de publicaciones de historia urbana multidisciplinar parecen mantenerse con fuerza las
publicaciones histricas locales, ya se sea en la forma de atlas histricos o en la de historias de ciudades por
perodos, verdadero fenmeno de las publicaciones en bastantes ciudades[104]. Muy probablemente, el carcter
local de las fuentes de financiacin, el fuerte espritu de patriotismo local y la publicitacin de la histora de la ciudad
como parte de un patrimonio entendido como un activo de la atraccin turstico de la ciudad no sea ajena a este

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hecho. Han aparecido voluminosas historias urbanas de pequeas y grandes ciudades que se han convertido en
libros de apoyo inexcusable. Numerosos captulos de estas historias, en temas o perodos histricos concretos son
de una gran calidad. No cabe duda de que sintetizan en muchos casos largos aos de estudio y que se han
convertido en algunos casos en nuevos textos de referencia.
Otra cosa distinta es el grado de integracin real entre los distintos especialistas participantes en estas
historias "corales". El engarce entre un captulo y otro suele ser escaso o inexistente. El dilogo entre el captulo de
los distintos especialistas en la demografa, la economa, el urbanismo, la poltica municipal, etc,.. suelen
lamentablemente faltar. No existe en muchos casos ni un mnimo captulo de conclusin que intente engarzar los
hallazgos de los diferentes especialistas en una explicacin coherente. Si la historia urbana como tal ha de enlazar
en una nica explicacin procesual las diferentes aportaciones de las historias temticas, es evidente que queda
todava un largo trecho por recorrer en el camino a la consolidacin de la disciplina.
Si partimos de una definicin deliberadamente laxa y no sustantivista de la historia urbana como campo de estudios,
donde al caber todo lo que tiene que ve con la historia de la ciudad es imposible ensamblar todos los conocimientos
especializados en un conjunto coherente, es evidente que la tlima dcada no lo ha hecho tan mal. Han seguido
apareciendo -aunque probablemente ha disminuido la intensidad- valiosos estudios locales a cargo de especialistas
en las distintas historias sectoriales. Al no poder la historia urbana, por su propia indefinicin, reunir todas las
historias sectoriales en una explicacin, hemos seguido, como dice Tern, "acopi(ando) materiales", algunos sin
duda de buena calidad. Ahora bien, si la definicin de la historia urbana es, por el contrario, ms sustantivista, el
diagnstico es ms severo.
Efectivamente, si la historia urbana quiere verse como un dilogo fecundo entre "especialistas en el espacio"
(gegrafos, arquitectos, historiadores del arte,..) y "especialistas en el tiempo" (historiadores,..), como una manera
particular de enfocar la historia donde la variable espacial toma una especial relevancia, donde la simbiosis espaciosociedad es determinante y explicativa, las cosas no han avanzado mucho. Y eso puede verse recordando lo
acaecido en esta ltima dcada en el mundo de los historiadores, de los gegrafos y de los arquitectos. Para los
historiadores espaoles, la ciudad sigue siendo, salvo excepciones, un simple teln de fondo, un mero escenario del
proceso de formacin de las clases sociales, de sus comportamientos colectivos y de sus luchas polticas. La
relevancia que la ciudad ha tenido como caldo de cultivo de la formacin del mundo contemporneo ha solido
minimizar el papel del propio espacio urbano como un protagonista ms de la historia de las clases sociales[105].
Para los gegrafos, las cosas no parecen haber ido tampoco demasiado lejos. Depus de la poca dorada de los
aos ochenta, la geografa histrica urbana ha entrado en una cierta fase de reflujo. El retroceso de los
humanidades en los curricula universitarios ha tenido mucho que ver al respecto. Parece evidente la tendencia de la
geografia a separarse de la disciplina madre de la historia para orientarse a una visin ms tcnica, relacionada
sobre todo con la revolucin informtica. A pesar de que la geografa histrica urbana se reaviva en los estudios de
patrimonio urbano, cada vez ms extendidos con el motivo de la valoracin de la ciudad como destino turstico y
cultural, no parece existir en las ctedras de Geografa el inters por la historia urbana que exista entre 1975 y
1990[106]. Ese mismo reflujo de las humanidades es el que aflora tambin en las escuelas de Arquitectura. En las
ctedras de Urbanismo, es cada vez ms difcil encontrar estudiosos de la historia urbana. Todo parece abocarse a
una casi exclusiva preocupacin por el proyecto urbano. Los propios estudiantes, preocupados cada vez ms por la
estrechez y dificultades de un mercado laboral que da escaso margen a lo cultural, orientan sus destinos a una
enseanza tcnico-proyectual ms y ms monogrfica. Dentro de este panorama, la historia urbana tiene cada vez
menos oportunidades de despliegue y cada vez ms es considerada como un lujo cultural sin inters para el futuro
arquitecto.

* Este texto corresponde al captulo dedicado a Espaa en el libro European Urban History. Prrspect and Restrospect, editado por Richard

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Rodger en Leicester University Press en 1993

[1] For general surveys on international urban history see F. J. Moncls and J. L. Oyn, Espacio urbano y sociedad: algunas cuestiones de
mtodo en la actual historia urbana, Simposio urbanismo e historia urbana en el mundo hispano (Madrid 1985), vol. I, 425-443; La
aproximacin espacial en la historia urbana, Histria urbana del Pla de Barcelona (Barcelona 1990), vol. II, 587-603; M. Torres Capell, La
histria en la construcci de la teoria urbanistica. Comentaris sobre la revista Storia Urbana, Recerques, 9 (1979), 171-184.

[2] J. L. Pin and L. C. Alonso de Armio, Gli studi di storia urbana in Spagna, Storia Urbana, 28 (1984), 101-114. A. Bonet Correa, La
historiografa urbana en Espana, Historia urbana i intervenci en el centre histric (Barcelona 1989), 37-55.
[3] S. Quesada, Las historias de ciudades: geografa, utopa y conocimiento histrico en la Edad Moderna, Geocrtica, 77 (1988).
[4] R. Kagan, Representacin visual y discurso municipal: vistas de ciudades, unpublished paper delivered to the meeting Ciudades del
siglo de Oro: perspectivas de historia urbana, Sigenza 1988.

[5] For a regional view see X. Pedrals, La construcci de la histria local al Principat: una perspectiva histrica, lAven, 136 (1990), 35-40.
[6] R. Carande, Sevilla, fortaleza y mercado, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espaol, II (1925), 233-401; C. Sanchez Albomoz, Una ciudad
cristiana hace mil aos. Estampas de la vida de Len (Madrid 1926).
[7] J. Puig i Cadafalch, Les villes, in Architecture Ghotique Civile en Catalogne (Paris 1935); and, Idees teriques sobre urbanisme en el
segle XIV: un fragment dEiximenis, Estudis Universitaris Catalans, XXI (1936), 1-9.

[8] J. M. Font i Rius, Orgenes del rgimen municipal de Catalua, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espaol, XVI (1945), 229-585; R. Gibert,
El concejo municipal de Madrid. I. Su organizacin en los siglos XII al XV (Madrid 1949); J. M. Lacarra, EI desarrollo urbano de las ciudades
de Navarra y Aragn en la Edad Media, Pirineos, VI (1950), 5-34; L. Torres Balbs, Algunos aspectos del mudejarismo urbano medieval
(Madrid 1954).

[9] H. Capel, La actividad cientfica y el magisterio del prof. Joaquin Bosque Maurel, Introduction to J. Bosque, Geografa urbana de
Granada (Granada 1988, 2nd.), XVIII; R. Mas, Sobre la geografa urbana en Espaa, Histria urbana i intervenci, 163-85, 168.
[10] J. M. Lacarra, Panorama de la historia urbana de la Pennsula Ibrica desde el siglo V al X, Settimana di Studio del Centro Italiano di
Studi sullalto Medioevo, VI, La Citta nellalto Medioevo (Spoleto 1959),319-55; L. Torres Balbs et al., Resumen histrico del Urbanismo en
Espaa (Madrid 1954); L. Gordejuela, Geografa urbana de San Sebastin, Pirineos, XI (1955-56), 149-304; N. Gonzlez, Burgos, la ciudad
marginal de Castilla (Burgos 1958).

[11] R. Perpi, Corologa: teora estructural y estructurante de la poblacin de Espaa, 1900-1950 (Barcelona 1954), from economics and
J. Caro Baroja, La ciudad y el campo (Madrid 1966) from anthropology.
[12] A state of the art, mainly from medieval urban history in J. M. Lacarra, Espagne, in P. Wolff, ed., Guide internationale dhistoire urbaine.
I. Europe (Paris 1977); L. G. de Valdeavellano, Orgenes de la burguesa en la Espaa medieval (Madrid 1969).

[13] L. Torres Balbs, Ciudades hispanomusulmanas, s.d. (Madrid 1971); L. Cervera Vera, El conjunto palacial de la Villa de Lerma (Madrid
1967); B. Correa, EI pIano de Juan Gmez de la Mora de la Plaza Mayor de Madrid en 1636, Anales del Instituto de Estudios Madrileos, IX
(1966), 1-39.
[14] J. Bosque, Geografa urbana de Granada (Granada 1962).
[15] B. Bennassar, Valladolid au sicle dOr. Une ville castillane et sa campagne au XVIme siecle (Paris-La Haye 1968); C. Carrere,
Barcelone, centre conomique a lpoque des difficults, 1380-1462 (Paris-La Haye 1967).

[16] J. Pin and A. de Armio, Gli studi di storia urbana; M. Castells, La ciudad y las masas (Madrid 1986; English version 1983), 299-386.
[17] P. lradiel, Histria local i histria general entre politica i cultura del territori, Lespai viscut. Colloqui internacional dhistria local
(Valencia 1989), 43-70.

[18] R. Pike, Aristcratas y comerciantes. La sociedad sevillana en el siglo XVI (Barcelona 1978, English version 1982); A. Bahamonde and
J. Toro, Burguesa, especulacin y cuestin social en el Madrid del siglo XIX (Madrid 1978); F. Chacn, Murcia en la Centuria del quinientos
(Murcia 1979); J. I. Fortea, Crdoba en el siglo XVI (Crdoba 1980). Other interesting studies in the 1970s include: B. Gonzalez Alonso, El
corregidor castellano (1348-1808) (Madrid 1970), and for Barcelona, P. Molas, Los gremios barceloneses del siglo XVIII (Madrid 1970); C.
Batlle, La crisis social y econmica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo XV (Barcelona 1973); P. Bonnasie, La organizacin del trabajo en
Barcelona a fines del siglo XV (Barcelona 1975).

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[19] J. Gautier Dalche, Historia urbana de Len y Castilla en la Edad Media (siglos IX-XIII)(Madrid 1979), and, La ciudad hispnica durante
los siglos XIII al XVI. Coloquio La Rbida, 1981 (Madrid 1985).

[20] J. Quirs, El catastro de la riqueza urbana, Estudios Geogrficos, 111 (1968), 332-5; R. Perez Gonzlez, La Laguna, Estudios
Geogrficos, 124, (1971), 443-563; J. Garca Fernndez, Crecimiento y estructura urbana de Valladolid (Barcelona 1974); M. Tatjer, La
Barceloneta del siglo XVIII al Plan de la Ribera (Barcelona 1973); H. Capel, Capitalismo y morfologa urbana en Espaa (Barcelona 1975).
[21] See R. Mas, Geografa urbana for a good account of this evolution. H. Lefevbre and M. Castells were the most influential authors by
1970.

[22] A. Rossi, Larchitettura della citt (Padova 1966); C. Aymonino, Origini e sviluppo della citt moderna (Padova 1965).
[23] A. Bonet Correa, Morfologa y ciudad. Urbanismo y arquitectura durante el Antiguo Rgimen en Espaa (Barcelona 1978).
[24] See below for the works of economists such as F. Roca, C. Massana and J. Sorribes or sociologists as Borja and Castells.
[25] Consejo de Universidades. Tesis doctorales por reas y lneas de investigacin, 1976-77/1988-89 (Madrid 1990).
[26] See B. Haynes and P. Oarke (eds), European Urban History Teachers Association publication, Register of Urban History Teaching,
Research and Publications (Leicester 1992), 65-76. For example: Simposio de urbanismo e historia urbana en Espaa, Madrid, 1978;
Simposio de urbanismo e historia urbana en el mundo hispano, Madrid, 1982; La ciudad hispnica durante los siglos XIII al XVI, La RbidaSevilla, 1981; Histria urbana i intervenci en el centre histric. III Setmana dEstudis urbans a Lrida, Lrida, 1986; Ciudades del siglo de
Oro: perspectivas de historia urbana, Sigenza, 1989. There are farily frequent seminar meetings on urban history in Barcelona, Madrid and
Valencia.

[27] Sevilla, Segovia, Valladolid, Zaragoza, Burgos, etc., have published, for instance, multivolume city histories in the last fifteen years.
[28] P. Correas, Poblaciones espaolas de ms de 5000 habitantes entre los siglos XVII y XIX, Boletn de la Asociacin de Demografa
Histrica, 6, 1 (1988), 5-24; D. S. Reher, Town and Country in Pre-industrial Spain. Cuenca, 1550-1870 (Cambridge 1990), 33-57.

[29] D. S. Reher, Urbanization and demographic behavior in Spain, 1860-1930, in A. van der Woude, J. de Vries and A. Hayami, eds,
Urbanization in History. A Process of Dynamic Interactions (Oxford 1989), 190-219; A. Gmez Mendoza and G. Luna, El desarrollo urbano en
Espaa, 1860-1930, Boletn de la Asociacin de Demografa Histrica, 4 (1986), 3-22.

[30] See M. Ferrer and A. Precedo, The National Settlement system in Spain, Western European Settlement Systems (Leuven 1982),
1-100.

[31] Reher, Town and Country, 33-57.


[32] F. Montemayor, La red urbana en Castilla en los siglos XVI y XVII, Brocar, 13, 141-53; R. Grau and M. Lpez, Revoluci industrial i
urbanitzaci. Barcelona en la construcci de la Catalunya moderna (1714-1860), lAven, 88 (1985), 14-31.

[33] S. Madrazo, El sistema de transportes en Espaa 1750-1850 (Madrid 1984).


[34] A. Gmez Mendoza, Ferrocarriles y cambio econmico en Espaa, 1855-1913 (Madrid 1982).
[35] P. Pascual, Agricultura i industrialitzaci a la Catalunya del segle XIX (Barcelona 1990), 98-209.
[36] J. Rodrguez Osuna, Proceso de urbanizacin y desarrollo econmico en Espaa, Ciudad y Territorio, 55, 1 (1983), 25-42; Reher,
Urban growth, 198-9.

[37] E. Estalella and E. Gubern, Estructura funcional de las ciudades espaolas en 1900, Estudios Geogrficos, 118 (1970), 5-27; H. Capel,
Estudios sobre el sistema urbano (Barcelona 1974); J. Diez de Nicols, Especializacin funcional y dominacin en la Espaa urbana (Madrid
1972).
[38] J. E. Gelabert, Urbanization and de-urbanization in Castille, paper to the International Congress of Economic History, Bern, 1986.
[39] Perpi, Corologia; Rodrguez Osuna, Proceso de urbanizacin; A. Precedo, La red urbana (Madrid 1988), 23-53.
[40] D. R. Ringrose, Madrid y la economa espaola, 1560-1850 (Madrid 1985; English version 1983).
[41] S. Madrazo, La lgica simtheana en la historia econmica y social de Madrid. A propsito de una traduccin reciente, Revista de
Historia Econmica, IV, 3, (1986), 609-17. D. R. Ringrose, Poder y beneficio. Urbanizacin y cambio en la historia, ibid., VI, 2 (1988), 375-96;
and Reher, Town and Country, 57-67. See also A. Marcos Martin, Qu es una ciudad en la poca moderna?, in Tolde et lexpansion

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urbaine en Espagne (1450-1650), (Madrid 1991).

[42] J. M. Prez Garca, La historiografa en Demografa Histrica espaola durante la Edad Moderna: un estado de la cuestin, Manuscrits,
8 (1990) 41-70, 50. Some examples include: M. C. Gonzlez Muoz, La poblacin de Talavera de la Reina (siglos XVI al XX) (Toledo 1975); A.
Marcos, Auge y declive de un ncleo mercantil y financiero de Castilla la Vieja. Evolucin demogrfica de Medina del Campo durante los
siglos XVI y XVII (Valladolid 1978); Fortea, Crdoba en el siglo XVI; Chacn, Murcia en la Centuria; J. Sanz Sampelayo, Granada en el siglo
XVIII (Granada 1980); M. F. Carbajo, La poblacin de la villa de Madrid (Desde finales del siglo XVI hasta mediados del siglo XIX) (Madrid
1987).

[43] Reher, Town and Country.


[44] D. S. Reher, Desarrollo urbano y evolucin de la poblacin: Espaa 1787-1930, Revista de Historia Econmica, IV, 1 (1986),39-66.
[45] See, for instance, J. Rodrguez Snchez, Cceres: poblacin y comportamientos demogrficos en el siglo XVI (Cceres 1977).
[46] J. Casey and B. Vincent, Casa y familia en la Granada del Antiguo Rgimen, in J. Casey et al., La familia en la Espaa mediterrnea
(siglos XV-XIX) (Barcelona 1987), 172-211.
[47] Reher, Town and Country, 217-30; F. Chacn, Demografa e historia de la familia en el mbito urbano, unpublished paper, Ciudades del
siglo de Oro.

[48] Reher, Town and Country, 286-94.


[49] Some urban demograpic studies related to nineteenth and twentieth century Barcelona and Madrid are: A. Saez, La poblacin de
Barcelona en 1863 y 1960 (Barcelona 1968); T. Vidal Bendito, El papel de Barcelona en la transicin demogrfica catalana, Estudios
Geogrficos, 178, 179 (1985); I. Pujadas, La poblaci de Barcelona: anlisi espacial de les interrelacions entre els moviments migratoris i les
estructures demogrfiques, unpublished thesis, Universidad de Barcelona, 1985; M. Tatjer, Diferenciaci social i davallada demogrfica al
centre histric de Barcelona: el barri Gtic (1888-1980), Histria urbana del PIa de Barcelona, I (1989), 233-48; A. Fernndez Garca, La
poblacin madrilea entre 1876 y 1931. El cambio del modelo demogrfico, in A. Bahamonde and L. E. Otero, eds, La sociedad madrilea
durante la Restauracin, 1876-1931, I (Madrid 1989), 29-76.
[50] J. M. Palop, Hambre y lucha antifeudal. Las crisis de subssistencias en Valencia (siglo XVIII), (Madrid 1977); C. R. Philips, Ciudad Real
1500-1700. Growth, Crisis and Readjustment in the Spanish Economy (Cambridge 1979); A. Garca-Baquero, Cdiz y el Atlntico
(1717-1778) (Cdiz 1976); E. Gimenez, Alicante en el siglo XVIII (Valencia 1981). For medieval times see, for instance: J. Guiral-Hadziiossif,
Valence port mediterranen au XVe sicle (1410-1525) (Paris 1986); A. Rucquoi, Valladolid en la Edad Media, 2 vols (Valladolid 1987); H.
Casado, Seores, mercaderes y campesinos. La comarca de Burgos a fines de la Edad Media (Valladolid 1987).

[51] J. Amelang, La historia social de la Espaa Moderna: seis consideraciones, Manuscrits, 8, (1990), 71-85. A pathbreaking study is J.
Nadal and E. Giralt, Barcelona en 1717-1718. Un modelo de sociedad pre-industrial, in their Homenaje a Ramon Carande (Madrid 1963), and
more recently F. Diez, Viles y mecnicos. Trabajo y sociedad en la Valencia preindustrial (Valencia 1990).

[52] Bahamonde and Toro, Burguesa, especulacin y cuestin social; M. T. Prez Picazo, Oligarqua urbana y campesinado en Murcia,
1875-1902 (Murcia 1979), 189-281; G. Rueda, Estructura socioprofesional y socioeconmica de Valladolid en 1840-41, como prototipo de una
ciudad de Castilla la Vieja, Revista lnternacional de Sociologa, 46 (1983), 229-71; J. Mestre, Una ciutat emmurallada al temps de la revoluci
industrial. Barcelona: ciutat, societat i politica (1823-1859), unpublished thesis, Universidad de Barcelona, 1985; M. R. Jimenez, Espacio
urbano y sociedad. Estudio del Padrn Municipal Zaragozano de 1857 (Zaragoza 1990).
[53] J. Amelang, La formacin de una clase dirigente: Barcelona 1490-1714 (Barcelona 1986; English version 1986).
[54] A. Sola Parera, Lelit barcelonina de mitjan segle XIX, unpublished thesis, Universidad de Barcelona, 1977; G. W. McDonough, Las
buenas familias de Barcelona (Barcelona 1989; English version 1986); For Madrid, see Bahamonde and Toro, Burguesa, especulacin, and
Bahamonde and Otero, La sociedad madrilea, I, 503-679.

[55] J. Benet and C. Mart, Barcelona a mitjan segle XIX (1854-1856) (Barcelona 1976); R. Serrano, El Sexenio Revolucionario en Valladolid.
Cuestiones sociales (1868-1874) (Va1ladolid 1986); A. M. Garca, Liberalisme no respectable i poble menut urb: bullangues i revoluci liberal
(1832-1835), Recerques, 22 (1989).

[56] Equipo Madrid, Carlos III, Madrid y la Ilustracin, Part III (Madrid 1988); J. Soubeyroux, Pauperismo y relaciones sociales en el Madrid
del siglo XVIII, Estudios de Historia Social, 12-13 (1980), 7-228; 20-21 (1982); A. Marcos, Economa, sociedad y pobreza en Castilla: Palencia,
1500-1814 (Valencia 1985); E. Maza, Valladolid: sus pobres y la respuesta institucional (1750- 1900) (Valladolid 1985).
[57] Laboratorio de Urbanismo de Barcelona, Polgonos de vivienda en la comarca de Barcelona (1974); La urbanizacin marginal en
Barcelona (1976); Los ensanches menores en la regin de Barcelona (II) (1976); Los ensanches (I). El ensanche de Barcelona (1978) -all
Barcelona. M. de Sola-Morales et al., Barcelona. Remodelacin capitalista o desarrollo urbano en el sector de la Ribera oriental (Barcelona
1974); A. Font et al., Valladolid. Procesos y formas del crecimiento urbano (Madrid 1975).

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[58] See for instance, J. I. Linazasoro, Permanencias y arquitectura urbana. Las ciudades vascas de la poca romana a la Ilustracin
(Barcelona 1978).; good reconstructions include M. Corominas, Suelo, tcnica e iniciativa en los orgenes del Ensanche de Barcelona,
unpublished thesis, Universidad Politcnica de Catalunya, 1986; A. Ferrer, La vivienda masiva y la formacin metropolitana de Barcelona,
unpublished thesis, Universidad Politcnica de Catalunya, 1982; A. Gonzlez Cordn, Vivienda y ciudad. Sevilla 1849-1929 (Sevilla 1985); J.
L. Pin, Los orgenes de la Valencia moderna. Notas sobre la reedificacin urbana en la primera mitad del siglo XIX (Valencia 1988).

[59] L. S. Iglesias, Burgos en el siglo XIX. Arquitectura y urbanismo (1813-1900) (Valladolid 1978); M. A. Virgili, Desarro1lo urbanstico y
arquitectnico de Valladolid (1851-1936) (Valladolid 1979); J. M. Suarez Garmendia, Arquitectura y urbanismo sevillano del siglo XIX (Sevilla
1986).

[60] F. Boudon et al., Systeme de larchitecture urbaine. Les quartier des HaIles a Paris (Paris 1977).
[61] M. M. Lozano, EI desarrollo urbanstico de Cceres (siglos XVI-XIX) (Cceres 1980); J. A. Ruiz Hernando, Historia del Urbanismo en la
ciudad de Segovia del siglo XII al XIX (Segovia 1982).

[62] V. Le, Nuem Roma: Mitologa y Humanismo en el Renacimiento sevillano (Sevilla 1979); J. L. Orozco, Christianapolis: urbanismo y
contrarreforma en la Granada del 600 (Granada 1985).

[63] M. A. Castillo, Ciudad, funciones y smbolos. Alcal de Henares, un modelo urbano de la Espaa moderna (Madrid n.d.); F. Maras, La
arquitectura del Renacimiento en Toledo (1541-1631), (Toledo 1983-86), and Las ciudades del siglo XVI y el urbanismo renacentista, in R.
Kagan, ed., Ciudades del Siglo de Oro. Las vistas espaolas de Anton van den Wyngaerde (Madrid 1986).

[64] Forum et Plaza Mayor dans Ie Monde Hispanique (Paris 1976); A. Rodriguez de Ceballos, La Plaza Mayor de Salamanca (Salamanca
1977), and Plazas et sociabilite en Europe et Amerique latine (Paris 1982); L. Cervera Vera, La Plaza Mayor de vila (Mercado chico), (vila
1982); M. L. Pereiras, EI proceso constructivo de la Plaza Mayor leonesa en el siglo XVII (Len 1985); J. L. Garca Fernndez and L. S.
Iglesias, La Plaza y la ciudad (Madrid 1986); L. Cervera Vera, Plazas Mayores de Espaa, I (Madrid 1990).

[65] C. Sambricio, Territorio y ciudad en la Espaa de la Ilustracin (Madrid 1991); J. Oliveras, Nuevas poblaciones en la Espaa de la
Ilustracin, unpublished thesis, Universidad Politcnica de Catalunya, 1983.
[66] R. Mas, El plano parcelario del sector nordeste del Ensanche de Madrid, Ciudad y Territorio (1978), 25-48; El barrio de Salamanca.
Planeamiento y propiedad inmobiliaria en el Ensanche de Madrid (Madrid 1982); La propiedad urbana en Madrid en la primera mitad del siglo
XIX, Madrid en la sociedad del siglo XIX (1986); M. Tatjer and M. Lpez, Las fuentes fiscales y registrales y el estudio de la estructura urbana,
II Simposio Urbanismo e historia urbana, I, 445-93; M. Tatjer, Burgueses, inquilinos y rentistas. Mercado inmobiliario, propiedad y morfologa
en el centro histrico de Barcelona: La Barceloneta, 1753-1982 (Madrid 1988); A. Segura, El catastro en Espaa, 1714-1906 (Madrid n. d.),
135-74; A. Moreno, La propiedad inmobiliaria en la periferia urbana de Madrid: el caso de los Carabancheles, Estudios Geograficos, XLI, 158,
(1980), 47-67; D. Brandis and R. Mas, La ciudad lineal y la prctica inmobiliaria de la Compaa Madrilea de Urbanizacin (1894-1931),
Ciudad y Territorio, 3 (1981), 41-76; F. Pillet, La ciudad de Almagro: evolucin de la estructura de la propiedad urbana, Estudios Geogrficos,
XLIX, 193 (1988), 657-70; A. Garca Ballesteros, J. Bosque Sendra and J. Bosque Maurel, El desarrollo espacial de Madrid y la dinmica de
los precios del suelo a travs de los grandes ejes radiales (1940-1980), Ciudad y Territorio, 76 (1988), 105-17. See also the articles included
in Bahamonde and Otero, La sociedad madrilea, I, 151-97. A number of studies of cities focus more or less on urban property, for instance, F.
Pillet, Geografa urbana de Ciudad Real (1255-1980) (Madrid 1984); T. Cortizo, Len, propiedad y produccin de suelo (Oviedo 1984); M. A.
Troitio, Cuenca: Evolucin y crisis de una vieja ciudad castellana (Madrid 1984); J. Oliveras, Desenvolupament industrial i evoluci urbana a
Manresa, 1800-1870, La consolidaci de la ciutat industrial: Manresa 1870-1900 (Manresa n. d.).
[67] See A. Collantes de Tern, Propiedad y mercado inmobiliario en la Edad Media: Sevilla, siglos XIII-XVI, Hispania, XLVIII, 169
(1988),493-527; A. Marcos, Propiedad y propietarios en Palencia durante la Edad Moderna, Investigaciones Histricas, 3, 77-141; M. Arranz,
EI sector de la construccin en una ciudad manufacturera (Barcelona, siglo XVIII), Simposio de urbanismo e historia urbana, II (1985),
1019-28; E. Badosa, EIs lloguers de cases a la ciutat de Barcelona (1780-1835), Recerques, 10 (1980), 139-56; A. Sol Parera, Aspectos del
crecimiento urbano de Barcelona en 1830-1860, Simposio de urbanismo e historia urbana, II (1985), 1029-54; J. Sorribes, Crecimiento
econmico, burguesa y crecimiento urbano en la Valencia de la Restauracin (Valencia 1983); C. Massana, Industria, ciutat i propietat.
Politica econmica i propietat urbana a lrea de Barcelona (1901-1939) (Barcelona 1985).

[68] M. Larrosa, Sabadell, 1846-1900: el sector inmobiliari en una visi histrica, unpublished paper, 1979; J. L. Pin, La produzione
inmobiliare a Valencia durante la prima meta del secolo XIX, Storia Urbana, 19 (1982), 3-30; A. Garca Espuche, EI centre residencial burgs,
1860-1914, in S. Barjau et al., La formaci de leixample de Barcelona (Barcelona 1990), 205-21; M. Corominas, Les societats de lEixample,
ibid., 43-59; J. Llobet, Urbanitzaci i finanament pblic a lEixample (1897-1936), ibid., 61-74.

[69] J. Vilagrasa, Creixement urb i agents de la producci de lespai: el cas de la ciutat de Lleida, 1940-1980 (Barcelona 1990); M. A. Ali,
Projectes i realitat dun proces urb decimonnic. Vilafranca del Peneds, 1865-1939 (Barcelona 1986); M. Larrosa, La urbanitzaci de la
ciutat industrial. Sabadell, 1845-1900 (Barcelona 1986); A. Gmez Mendoza, La industria de la construccin residencial: Madrid, 1820-1935,
Moneda y Crdito, 177 (1986), 53-81; X. Tafunell, La construccin residencial y el crecimiento econmico: Barcelona 1854-1897, unpublished
thesis Universidad Autnoma de Barcelona,1989.
[70] Collantes de Tern, Sevilla. For medieval Barcelona and Crdoba, see P. Banks, Burgus, suburium, and villanova: the extramural
growth of Barcelona before A.D. 1200, Historia urbana del Pla de Barcelona, II, 107-33; and J. M. Escobar, Crdoba en la Baja Edad Media
(Crdoba 1989).

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[71] M. Gurdia and A. Garca Espuche, Espai i societat a la Barcelona preindustrial (Barcelona 1985); R. Garcia Crcel, Notas sobre
poblacin y urbanismo en la Valencia del siglo XVI, Saitabi, XV (1975), 133-53 is a starting article on space and society from early modern
historians.

[72] M. Gurdia and A. Garcia Espuche, La construcci duna ciutat: Matar, 1500-1900 (Matar 1989).
[73] R. Grau and M. Lpez, Barcelona entre el urbanismo barroco y la revolucin industrial, Cuadernos de arquitectura y urbanismo, 80,
(1971), 28-40; M. Lpez, Vivienda y segregacion social en Barcelona (1772-1791), CAU, 19 (1973); P. Lopez, Vivienda y sociedad en la
Barcelona del Setecientos, Estudis histrics i documents dels Arxius de Protocols, VIII (1980); M. Arranz, Los profesionales de la
construccin en la Barcelona del siglo XVIII, published thesis, Universidad de Barcelona, 1979; A. Lpez Gmez, C. Camarero and F. Marn,
Estudios en tomo a la Planimetra General de Madrid, 1740-1770 (Madrid 1989).

[74] P. Garca Colmenares, La ciudad de Palencia en el siglo XIX. La Desamortizacin y su transformacin urbanstica (1836-1868) (Valencia
1986).

[75] Troitio, Cuenca 181-95; J. Gmez Mendoza, Desamortizacin y morfologa urbana en Alcal de Henares en el siglo XIX, Estudios
Geogrficos, 138-9 (1975), 479-507; A. Garca Ballesteros and A. Redondo, El papel de la desamortizacin en la evolucin de las ciudades
espaolas. Los ejemplos de Guadalajara y Plasencia, in Jornadas de Desamortizacin y Hacienda pblica, (Santander 1982).

[76] Garca Fernndez, Valladolid; G. Rueda, La desamortizacin de Mendizabal en Valladolid. (1836-1853) (Valladolid 1980); A. Alvarez
Mora, Una nuova cittadisegnata su quella esistente: Valladolid nell/800, Storia Urbana, 37 (1986), 69-88.

[77] For Madrid, see E. Ruiz Palomeque, Ordenacin y transformaciones urbanas del casco antiguo madrileo durante los siglos XIX y XX
(Madrid 1976) and A. Bahamonde and J. A. Martnez Martn, La desamortizacin y el mercado inmobiliario madrileo (1836-1868), II
Simposio urbanismo e historia urbana, II, 937-56; for Valencia, see J. Brines, El desarrollo urbano de Valencia en el siglo XIX. La incidencia de
la desamortizacin de Mendizabal, Estudios de Historia de Valencia (1978), 387-98; for Zaragoza, see C. Lozano and F. Zaragoza, Estudios
sobre la desamortizacin en Zaragoza (Zaragoza 1986); for Gerona, see M. Moli, Las plazas de la desamortizacin y las teoras
arquitectnicas. Gerona en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, II Simposio urbanismo e historia urbana, II, 1127-82.

[78] Mas, El barrio de Salamanca; Barjau et al., La formaci de leixample de Barcelona.


[79] But see the studies on small Catalan towns (above nn. 71, 74 ): LUB, Los ensanches menores; J. Areste, EI ensanche de Tarragona
(1857), in Simposio de urbanismo e historia urbana, II, 1203-26. See also J. Garca Lasaosa, Desarrollo urbanstico de Zaragoza (1885-1908)
(Zaragoza 1979); J. A. Prez Gonzlez, El barrio de Uria. De arrabal de enlace a centro comercial de Oviedo (Oviedo 1977).
[80] M. Valenzuela, El barrio de Doa Carlota en la aglomeracin del Puente de Vallecas, Estudios Geogrficos, 116 (1969), 403-53; A.
Begines, Los Pajarillos Altos de Valladolid. De un suburbio marginado a un suburbio integrado (Valladolid 1973); C. Carreras, Sants. Anlisi
del procs de producci de lespai urb a Barcelona (Barcelona 1980); LUB, Urbanizacin marginal; P. Borobio, EI barrio de las Delicias de
Zaragoza (Zaragoza 1980); L. M. Garca Herrera and T. Pulido, Los procesos de crecimiento urbano en la periferia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife,
Ciudad y Territorio, 53 (1982),25-44; E. Callosa and I. Rodrguez Chumillas, Urbanizacin marginal en la periferia Noreste de Madrid, Ciudad
y Territorio, 66 (1985), 11-41.

[81] F. Quirs, Patios, corrales y ciudadelas. (Notas sobre viviendas obreras en Espaa), Eria, 3 (1982), 3-54; M. Valenzuela, Las
sociedades constructoras benficas, una respuesta paternalista al problema de la vivienda. Su incidencia en la configuracin de la periferia
madrilea (1875-1921), Anales del Instituto de Estudios Madrileos, XX, (1983), 63-96.

[82] A. Alvarez Mora, La remodelacin del centro de Madrid (Madrid 1979).


[83] On tramways see: M. Valenzuela, Los orgenes de los transportes urbanos de cercanas de Madrid, Estudios Geogrficos, 130 (1973),
96-123; and Transporte y estructura metropolitana en el Madrid de la Restauracin, in Bahamonde and Otero, La sociedad madrilea, I,
378-99; R. Alvargonzalez, Tranvas y espacio urbano en Gijn (1889-1963), Eria (1985), 131-87; F. J. Moncls and J. L. Oyn, Eixample i
suburbanitzaci. Trnsit tramviari i divisi social de lespai urb a Barcelona, 1883-1914, in S. Barjau et al., La formaci de leixample, 151-73.
On Madrid railways: P. Gonzalez Yanci, Los accesos ferroviarios a Madrid. Su impacto en la Geografa Urbana de la ciudad (Madrid 1977).

[84] E. Baker, Larra, los jardines pblicos y la sociabilidad burguesa Revista de Occidente, 12, (1982); M. Arranz, R. Grau and M. Lpez, El
parc de la Ciutadella. Una visi histrica (Barcelona 1984); C. Ariza, Los jardines de Madrid en el siglo XIX (Madrid 1988); P. Trinidad, La
reforma de las crceles en el siglo XIX: las crceles de Madrid, Estudios de Historia Social, 22-23 (1982); P. B. Goldman, Mitos liberales,
mentalidades burguesas, e historia social en la lucha en pro de los cementerios municipales, in Homenaje a Noel Salomon (1979),81-93.

[85] D. Brandis, I. del Rio and M. A. Troitio, Gnesis y dinmica espacial de la industria en el ensanche Sur de Madrid (1876-1931), in
Bahamonde and Otero, La sociedad madrilea, 231- 49; C. Morales, Industria y espacio urbano en Avils (Avils 1982).

[86] T. Sabater, Primera edad del Ensanche. Arquitectura domstica, unpublished thesis, Universidad de Barcelona, 1989. See also on
housing types in D. Brandis, El paisaje residencial de Madrid (Madrid 1983); C. Diez de Baldeon, Arquitectura y clases sociales en el Madrid
del siglo XIX (Madrid 1986).

[87] G. Alomar, Urbanismo regional en la Edad Media: Las Ordinacions de Jaime II (1300) en el reino de Mallorca (Barcelona 1976); B.
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Arizaga, El nacimiento de las Villas guipuzcoanas en los siglos XIII y XIV: Morfologa y funciones urbanas (San Sebastin 1978); J. I. Ruiz de
la Pena, Las polas asturianas en la Edad Media (Oviedo 1981); S. Vila, La ciudad de Eiximenis: un proyecto terico de urbanismo del siglo
XIV (Barcelona 1984).

[88] B. Gonzlez Alonso, Sociedad y gobierno municipal en Castilla (1450-1600), Sobre el Estado y la Administracin de la Corona de
Castilla en el antiguo Rgimen (Madrid 1981); M. Lunenfed, Los corregidores de Isabel la Catlica (Madrid 1989); I. A. A. Thompson, Cortes y
ciudades. Tipologa de los procuradores: extraccin social y representatividad, and C. Jago, Crisis sociales y oposicin poltica: cortes y
Monarqua durante el reinado de Felipe II, both in Las Cortes de Castilla y Len en la Edad Moderna (Valladolid 1989); J. I. Fortea,
Monarqua y Cortes en la Corona de Castilla. Las ciudades ante la poltica fiscal de Felipe II (Salamanca 1990).

[89] P. L. Lorenzo, Luchas polticas y refeudalizacin en Logroo en los siglos XVI y XVII, Historia Social, 5 (1989), 3.-24; J. M. Torras i Rib,
Els municipis catalans de lantic Rgim (1453-1808), (Barcelona 1983).

[90] Equipo Madrid, Carlos III; on town supply see C. de Castro, El pan de Madrid. El abasto de las ciudades espaolas del Antiguo
Rgimen (Madrid 1987).
[91] L. Urteaga, Miseria, miasmas y microbios. Las topografas mdicas y el estudio del medio ambiente en el siglo XIX, Geocrtica, 29
(1980); F. Alvarez Uria, Miserables y locos. Medicina mental y Orden social en la Espaa del siglo XIX (Barcelona 1983); P. Lpez, El centro
histrico un lugar para el conflicto (Barcelona 1986); P. Fraile, Un espacio para castigar. La crcel y la ciencia penitenciaria en Espaa (siglos
XVII-XIX) (Barcelona 1987); H. Capel, ed., Los espacios acotados (Barcelona 1990); J. Sierra, El obrero soado: ensayo sobre el paternalismo
industrial en Asturias, 1860-1917 (Madrid 1990); M. L. Copete, Criminalidad y espacio carcelario en una crcel del Antiguo Rgimen: la Crcel
real de Sevilla a finales del siglo XVI, Historia Social, 6 (1990), 105-25.

[92] A critical view of the literature of the last twenty years in M. Lpez and R. Grau, Ajuntament de Barcelona i estat liberal: els limits de
lempresa centralista espanyola, Histria urbana del pla de Barcelona, II, 493-512. For Barcelona see M. Arranz, R. Grau and M. Lpez,
Anlisi histrica de lAjuntament de Barcelona (segles XVIII-XX) (Barcelona 1987); for Valencia see R. Reig, Blasquistas y clericales (Valencia
1986).

[93] A good overview on changing town planning projects for a particular city is M. Torres Capell et al., Inicis de la urbanstica municipal de
Barcelona (Barcelona 1985). See also J. L. Pereiro, Desarrollo y deterioro urbano de la ciudad de Vigo (Santiago de Compostela 1981); A.
Reguera, La ciudad de Len en el siglo XX. Teora y prctica del urbanismo local (Len 1987).

[94] M. Bassols, Gnesis y evolucin del Derecho urbanstico en Espaa (1812-1956) (Madrid 1973); F. de Tern, Planeamiento urbano en
la Espaa contempornea. Historia de un proceso imposible (Barcelona 1978). For a recent overview on planning history see F. J. Moncls,
Planning and history in Spain, Planning Perspectives, 7 (1992),101-5.

[95] I. Cerd, Teora general de la urbanizacin y aplicacin de sus principios y doctrinas a la reforma y ensanche de Barcelona, 1867,
Introduction by F. Estap (1968-71); A. Soria y Puig, Hacia una teora general de la urbanizacin. Introduccin a la obra terica de Ildefonso
Cerd (1815-1876) (Madrid 1979); C. Collins, C. Flores and A. Soria y Puig, eds, Arturo Soria y la ciudad lineal (Madrid 1968); L. Maure, ed.,
Anteproyecto del trazado viario y urbanizacin de Madrid Zuazo-Jansen. Madrid, 1929-30 (Madrid 1986).

[96] On ensanches see: El ensanche de la ciudad de Valencia de 1884 (Valencia 1984); A. Bonet Correa, ed., Plan Castro (Madrid 1978);
LUB, Ensanches I, 11; L. A. de Armio and J. L. Pin, Le citta e lurbanistica in Spagna durante lOttocento, Storia Urbana, 46, (1989), 3- 58;
S. Barjau et al., La formaci. On reformas: M. Martin Rodriguez, La Gran Va de Granada, 1890-1925 (Granada 1986); N. Torguet, La reforma
urbana en la Zaragoza de mediados del siglo XIX. Apertura de la calle Alfonso I, (Zaragoza 1987); X. Peir, Agents materials, autors de
projectes i referncies teriques de la reforma urbana de Barcelona, 1879-1937. El cas de lobertura de la via Laietana, unpublished thesis,
Universidad Politcnica de Catalunya, 1988.

[97] J. Sabat, El proyecto de la calle sin nombre. Los reglamentos urbanos de la edificacin, Unpublished thesis, Universidad Politcnica
de Catalunya, 1987; P. Hereu, ed., Arquitectura i ciutat a l'Exposici Universal de Barcelona,1888. (Barcelona 1988); R. Grau et al., Exposici
Universal de Barcelona. Libro del Centenario. 1888-1988 (Barcelona 1988); M. Trillo, La Exposicin Iberoamericana y la transformacin
urbana de Sevilla (Sevilla 1980).

[98] For Barcelona, see F. Roca, Politica econmica i territori a Catalunya, (1901-1939) (Barcelona 1979); M. Torres Capell, El planejament
urb i la crisi de 1917 a Barcelona (Barcelona 1987); J. Llobet, Barcelona moderna: produzione della citta e pianificazione urbanistica, Storia
Urbana, 37 (1986), 29-49; I. Sol-Morales, Ciutat ordenada i monumental: larquitectura de Josep Puig i Cadafalch a lpoca de la
Mancomunitat, in J. Puig i Cadafalch, L'arquitectura entre la casa i la ciutat (Barcelona 1990), 37-63; for Madrid, see C. Sambricio and L.
Maure, Madrid, urbanismo y gestin municipal 1920-1940 (Madrid 1984); P. Barreiro, Asentamientos urbanos y perifricos de vivienda
unifamiliar en Madrid, 1900-1939 (Las Casas Baratas), unpublished thesis, Universidad Complutense Madrid, 1986.

[99] Ayuntamiento de Madrid, Madrid: Cuarenta aos de desarrollo urbano, 1940-1980 (Madrid 1981). For Barcelona, see the articles in
Ciudad y Territorio, 2 (1977), 63-112.

[100] M. de Sol-Morales, De la ordenacin a la coordinacin (perspectivas de la planificacin urbanstica), CAU, 21 (1973). See also the
articles in Ciudad y Territorio from 1968.

[101] M. Valenzuela, Iniciativa oficial y crecimiento urbano en Madrid (1939-1973), Estudios Geogrficos, 137 (1974),593-655; I.
Sol-Morales, La arquitectura de la vivienda en los aos de la autarqua (1939-1963), Arquitectura, 199 (1976), and Arquitectura en Regiones

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Devastadas (Madrid 1987); A. Ferrer, Labitazione in Spagna. Unocchiata retrospettiva, Storia Urbana, 31 (1985), 135-66; L. Moya, Barrios
de promocin oficial. Madrid 1939-1976. La poltica de promocin pblica de la vivienda (Madrid 1986).

[102] F. Quirs Linares, Las ciudades espaolas en el siglo XIX, Ambito, Valladolid, 1991. M. Alio, N. Coll, J. Ganau, J. Homs,
Quatres ciutats com a model. El finanament de lobra publica urbana a Catalunya durant els anys vint, Universitat de Lleida,
1992 son empresas originadas en los ochenta. L. Coudroy de Lille, LEnsanche de poblacin en Espagne: invention dune
pratique damenagement urbain (1840-1990), Universit de Paris X, Nanterre, 1996 es un trabajo de un gegrafo francs. Ver
tambin H. Capel, P-A Linteau, Barcelona-Montreal. Desarrollo urbano comparado, Universidad de Barcelona, 1998.
[103] A. Garca Espuche, Un siglo decisivo. Barcelona y Catalunya, 1550-1640, Alianza, Madrid, 1998
[104] Por recoger simplemente la nueva historiografa de una ciudad grande y otra pequea pequeas ver por ejemplo la
excelente Histria de Barcelona publicada por Enciclopedia Catalana o la Historia de Logroo, publicada por la Caja de
Ahorros de Logroo. Lo mismo puede decrise de una nueva generacin de atlas histricos locales. Ver por ejemlo,por recoger
otra vez el caso de una ciudad grande y otra pequea el excelente Atlas Histrico de Madrid, siglos XVI-XIX, S.XX, del Equipo
Madrid, Madrid, 1995, 1999, o el de R. Castells, R. Catllart y Riera, Atlas de Griona ciutat, Girona, 1992
[105]. Esta afirmacin no implica que numerosos historiadores no hayan considerado una cierta contextualizacin urbana de
algunos fenmenos o no hayan realizado aportaciones fundamentales a la historia concreta de ciudades espaolas. Una lista
no exhaustiva de historiadores contemporneos ms o menos interesados por el tema urbano y la insercin espacial de los
grupos sociales desde mediados del s.XIX podra hallarse en el coloquio editado por J.L. Garca Delgado bajo el ttulo Las
ciudades en la modernizacin de Espaa. Los decenios interseculares, Siglo XXI, Madrid, 1992 o en el II Congreso de Historia
Contempornea de Espaa. La sociedad urbana, 1994 que contiene un interesante texto de Carasa. Como valioso intento de
espacializacin de las clases sociales en la ciuad: M. Esteban de Vega, S. Gonzles gmez, S., M. Redero San Romn,
Salamanca, 1900-1936: la transformacin limitada de una ciudad preindustrial, Diputacin de Salamanca, Salamanca, 1992.
Yo recordara tambin algunas aportaciones del equipo de colaboradores de Manuel Gonzlez Portilla sobre el Bilbao de la
gran industria Bilbao en la formacin del Pais Vasco contemporneo, Fundacin BBV, Bilbao, 1995, Los orgnes de una
metrpoli industrial: la Ra de Bilbao, Fundacin BBVA, Bilbao, 2001 y el libro de C. Arenas Posadas La Sevilla inerme. Un
estudio sobre las condiciones de vida de las clases populares sevillanas a comienzos del siglo XX, Ecija, 1992.
[106] S. Tom, "Los estudios de Geografa urbana histrica en Espaa. Balance y estado de la cuestin", en Historia
Contempornea, en prensa. Quiero agradecer a Jos Mara Beascoechea la oportunidad de consulta del artculo.

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