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UFPPC ( — Digging Deeper CXIX: April 5, 2010, 7:00 p.m.

Noam Chomsky, The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the
Palestinians (Boston: South End Press, 1983 [ms. completed in April 1983
(423)]), 481 pp. Updated version: Fateful Triangle: The United States,
Israel and the Palestinians (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1999), 578
pp., with a foreword by Edward Said, a new preface, and three new
chapters (8-10).

[Thesis. "Israel and the United States—especially the though "with much reluctance" (4). The reaction to the
latter [for Israel is "a state that survives largely on gifts Sabra and Shatila massacres in West Beirut in
and grants from the West" (48)]—are rejectionists September 1982 reflected settled narrative patterns
opposed to peace, whereas the Arabs, including the (4-6). The problem predates Likud and Begin (6).
PLO, have for years been trying to accommodate Abandon hypocrisy: either support Greater Israel or
themselves to the reality of Israel" (vii [Said], emphasis oppose it (6). Notes. (7).
added). "As long as the United States remains
committed to an Israeli Sparta as a strategic asset [as Ch. 2: The Origins of the "Special Relationship."
it has been since the early 1970s]. . . the prospects are 1. Levels of Support: Diplomatic, Material, Ideological.
for further tragedy" (469).] Diplomatic support (9). Military and economic aid in
quantities vast but unknown, and effectively
Foreword by Edward W. Said. A "great and unmonitored (9-11). Contrast tight monitoring of
important book"; sources "staggeringly complete" (vii). Egyptian aid (11). Ideological support in the U.S.,
"There is something profoundly moving about a mind including "vilification, abuse, and sometimes outright
of such noble ideals repeatedly stirred on behalf of lying directed against" critics of Israel (11-12). 2.
human suffering and injustice. One thinks here of Causal Factors. The emphasis on "the Israeli lobby" in
Voltaire, of Benda, of Russell, although more than any the U.S. (Seth Tillman's phrase) "underestimates the
one of them, Chomsky commands what he calls scope of the 'support for Israel'" (Chomsky emphasizes
'reality'—facts—over a breathtaking range" (vii). right-wing evangelical support and critiques the
Perlmutters' The Real Anti-Semitism in America, which
Preface to the Updated Edition. [March 1999] The calls anti-Zionism either anti-Semitism or Jewish self-
Middle East is "the most strategically important area in hatred) (13; 13-17). Elie Wiesel in 1982: "I support
the world," to quote Eisenhower (ix). Iran is pushing Israel—period. I identify with Israel—period. I never
for a U.S. confrontation with Iran (x-xi). The fear of attack, never criticize Israel when I am not in Israel"
"Islamic fundamentalism" is propaganda with a farcical (16). 2.1. Domestic Pressure Groups and Their
element, given U.S. support for Saudi Arabia and Interests. Claims about the Israel lobby also
Afghan rebels (xi-xii). The U.S. continues to regard overestimate the role of political pressure groups in
Israel as a strategic asset; this "seems stable in the decision-making and the degree of pluralism in the
foreseeable future" (xiii; xii-xiii). Israel continues to U.S.; in fact "No pressure group will dominate access to
develop weapons of mass destruction under the aegis public opinion or maintain consistent influence over
of the U.S. (xiii-xiv). The international framework, policy-making unless its aims are close to those of elite
though, is "fraught with danger and uncertainty" (xiv; elements with real power" (17). 2.2. U.S. Strategic
xiv-xvi). The U.S. and Israel continue to "implement Interests. "[E]nergy reserves in the region," not Israel,
the extreme rejectionist program they have maintained is the U.S.'s "major interest in the Middle East" (17).
since the early 1970s" (xvi). In 1999, the U.S. was 2.2.1. Threats to U.S. Control of Middle East Oil. First
continuing to greenlight settlements; comments on the post-war counterinsurgency was in Greece in 1947
Wye Memorandum (Oct. 23, 1998) with almost total against forces deriving from peasants' and workers'
indifference to the welfare of Palestinians (xvii-xix). anti-Nazi resistance; there was no real Soviet threat
Hizbollah resistance is "increasingly sophisticated" (xix- (18-19). Europe, rather, was the U.S. main adversary
xx). Because of Netanyahu's recalcitrance, "Oslo is in the region (19-20). 2.2.2. The Indigenous Threat:
dying" (xx). But perhaps Hillary Clinton's endorsement Israel as a Strategic Asset. A third threat is radical
in running for the Senate of a Palestinian state—albeit nationalism, and "[i]t is in this context that the U.S.-
"tiny, disarmed, poor, dominated by Israel"—can be Israel 'special relationship' has matured" (20). Israel
regarded as a hopeful sign (xxi). also served American interests in the region in various
ways (21-23). 2.2.3. Subsidiary Services. And Israel
Ch. 1: Fanning the Flames. Critics of Israel are "renders service to U.S. power"—e.g. in Zaire,
generally charged with hypocrisy, and this is in part Honduras, Central America, Indonesia (27; 23-27). 2.3.
justified (1-2). This book is not "an attempt at a American Liberalism and Ideological Support for Israel.
general history," merely an attempt "to bring out Liberal support strengthened in the U.S. after the 1967
certain elements of the 'special relationship' between war as "questioning of Israeli policies has largely been
the United States and Israel, and of their relationship to silenced," as reaction to the bombing of the USS
the original inhabitants of the land, which I think have Liberty illustrates (29; 27-32). Notes. (33-37).
been insufficiently appreciated or addressed and often
seriously misrepresented" (3). There is a focus on Ch. 3: Rejectionism and Accommodation. 1. A
Israeli actions, but "my real concern" is U.S. policies (3- Framework for Discussion. Chomsky's "assumptions":
4). Chomsky calls himself a "supporter of Israel," "Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs are human
beings with human rights, equal rights . . . Each 64). 2.4. The Arab States and the PLO. 2.4.1. The
group has a valid right to national self- Erosion of Rejectionism and the U.S.-Israeli Response.
determination in [the territory of the former Nasser in 1970 and Sadat in 1971 offered peace but
Palestine]. . . . the State of Israel within its pre- Israel ignored them, but under Kissinger U.S. policy
1967 borders had, and retains, whatever one embraced Israeli rejectionism (64-66). The 1973 war
regards as the valid rights of any state within was a response to Israeli rejectionism (66-67). After
the existing international system" (39, emphasis the war Israeli refusal to make peace continued, with
added). 1.1. The Concept of Rejectionism. the above increasing focus on the PLO Covenant (67-70). 2.4.2.
assumptions constitute what Chomsky calls Sadat's Trip to Jerusalem and the Rewriting of History.
"accommodation," as opposed to "rejectionism," Sadat's trip to Jerusalem in 1977 offers an example of
the denial that, on the one hand, either the State of the rewriting of history with a view to "the manufacture
Israel has no right to exist or that Jews lack the of consent" (Walter Lippmann's phrase, 1922
right of national self-determination within the [Chomsky says 1921 (86n.103)]); other examples (70-
former Palestine, or, on the other hand, that 75). 3. The Continuing Threat of Peace. There have
Palestinian Arabs lack the right of national self- been many Arab offers of peace; historically they have
determination (to use it only for the former is "racist" induced "panic" among Israeli leaders; they are
(39-40, emphasis added). 1.2. The International stricken from Israeli propaganda that dominates U.S.
Consensus. The broad consensus interpretation of U.N. media (75-80). Notes. (81-88).
Security Council Resolution 242 that has prevailed
since 1967 "was rejectionist, in that it denied the Ch. 4: Israel and Palestine: Historical
national rights of Palestinian Arabs" (41; 40-41). Since Backgrounds. 1. The Pre-State Period. The
the mid-1970s, the consensus has been modified to indigenous population of Palestine naturally opposed
recognize the right of Palestinian self-determination in Jewish immigration; most Israeli immigrants might
a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip have preferred to go to the U.S., but they were not
(the "two-state settlement")—this constitutes offered the choice (90-94). 2. The War of
"accommodation" (41-42; but see 558). 2. The Stands Independence/Conquest. 1947-1948 (94-98). 3. The
of the Major Actors. 2.1. The United States. The U.S. Israel-Arab Wars. Statements that Israel's wars before
supported the international consensus, then switched 1982 were defensive are "untrue—indeed, astonishing"
"by 1970" under Kissinger to the rejectionist "Greater (99; 98-103). 4. After the 1967 Conquest. Quiet years
Israel" position (43-44). 2.2. Israel. Labor ["basically except on the Syrian border (103). 4.1. The
the party of the educated Europe-oriented elite— Settlement Policy of the Labor Governments.
managers, bureaucrats, intellectuals, etc." (49)] and Settlement began immediately and a military
Likud [whose "mass base" is "largely the underclass, occupation was imposed (103-07). 4.2. Settlement
the lower middle class, and the workforce, the under Begin and Reagan. 4.2.1. Policies. Settlement
Sephardic population of Arab origin, along with accelerated under Begin, and again when Reagan said
religious-chauvinist elements, including many recent he regarded settlements in the West Bank as "legal"
immigrants from the U.S. and the USSR; it also includes (107-08). 4.2.2. Reactions. In reporting on settlement
industrialists and many professionals" (50)] are the policy the U.S., "illusions are put forth as undisputed
"two major political groupings in Israel" (44). 2.2.1. facts" (113; 107-13). 4.2.3. Policies (continued). A
The Rejectionist Stands of Labor and Likud. Both Labor study by former Deputy Mayor of Jerusalem Meron
and Likud "have been consistently rejectionist" on Benvenisti says Israel's policies in the West Bank are
unconvincing security grounds (45; 44-47). With "an outgrowth of an imperial concept" (114; 113-16).
respect to the occupied territories, Labor has sought to 4.3. The Demographic Problem and Its Solution. It is
maintain control of the Golan Heights, the Gaza Strip, often said that given Israel's policies, transfer of the
parts of eastern Sinai, much of the West Bank, an population is "the only real solution" to its
expanded area around Jerusalem, and various demographic problem (116-18). 4.4. The Workforce
corridors, while Likud "has been moving towards and the Labor Alignment. In addition to "a growing
extension of Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank reliance on force and violence, alliance with 'pariah
and Gaza," though not annexation, "at least in the states' such as South Africa, increased chauvinism,
short run" (48, 49; 47-51). Their position statements irrationality and religious fanaticism, and grandiose
have not been explicit, however (49-51). 2.2.2. The conceptions of Israel's global mission," the post-1967
Legacy of the Founding Fathers. These positions period also saw resentful Sephardic Jews (usually
reflect the clear rejectionism of the founders of Israel called "Oriental Jews" by Chomsky) assert themselves
(51-52). 2.2.3. The Disguise. This is disguised in the politically (118-23). 5. The Ways of the Conqueror.
U.S. by (1) limiting the meaning of rejectionism to 5.1. The West Bank. Settlers have created "a pogrom-
rejection of Israel's right to exist and (2) emphasizing like atmosphere" with beatings, abuse, torture ("To my
Israel's willingness to negotiate with Arab states (52- knowledge, [Seth Kaplan's defense of torture in the July
54). 2.3. The Population of the Occupied Territories. 23, 1977, New Republic] is the first explicit defense of
Both Labor and Likud speak of "Judea and Samaria," torture to have appeared in the West apart from the
not the "West Bank" (54). 2.3.1. Attitudes under ravings of the ultra-right in France during the Algerian
Occupation. In the early years of occupation the war" [127]), prisons, corruption, humiliation (123-32).
population was ignored; from 1976 it has been clear 5.2. The Golan Heights. Oppression of Druze villagers
the PLU has wide support (54-57). 2.3.2. The Carrot to general indifference beginning in December 1981
and the Stick. The Village Leagues (57-61). 2.3.3. The (132-33). 5.3. The Attack on Palestinian Culture.
"Peace Process." Inhabitants of the occupied territories Fanatical persecution (134-40). 5.4. "The Opportunity
have almost no interest or belief in the "peace to Work in Israel." Shameful work conditions for
process," with good reason (61-63). 2.3.4. The U.S. Palestinian laborers (140-41). 5.5. Israeli Inquiries and
and the Conquered Population. Willful ignorance (63- American Suppression. The results of human rights
inquiries are generally suppressed (142-43). 6. The Syria intervened on the side of the Christians, with
Testimony of the Samidin. Rajah Shehadeh's journal of Israeli support (185). Syria later turned against the
life in the West Bank—The Third Way (1982)—analyzes Christians, but Israel continued to support them (185-
responses to occupation: 1) blind hate; 2) mute 86). 3.3. The Population under the PLO and the
submission; 3) being a 'steadfast one,' or Samid (143- Phalange. Stories of PLO violence and terrorism were
46). Bitter comments on remarks by Saul Bellow and greatly exaggerated as Israel moved into Lebanon in
Irving Howe (146). 7. The Cycle of Occupation, 1982 (186-88). 3.4. Israeli Military Occupation in
Resistance, Repression and Moral Degeneration. All Lebanon in the 1970s. Though reported as retaliatory,
these developments flowed from the 1967 victory Israeli military operations were in pursuit of its
(147). 7.1. Americans Hear the News. Mocks Irving "rational" goals (188-92). 4. From July 1981. 4.1. The
Howe's lament (147-50). 7.2. The Rise of Religious- July Bombardments and the Habib Cease-Fire. Israeli
Chauvinist Fanaticism. Warning of incipient Jewish planes initiated hostilities in July 1981 (193). 4.2. The
fascism (151-56). 8. Conflicts within Israel. 8.1. Within Occupied Territories. Re-elected Begin appointed Ariel
the Jewish Community. The divide in Israeli society is Sharon defense minister; he "at once began to plan for
growing (156). 8.2. Non-Jews in the Jewish State. the invasion; a harsher regime was instituted in the
Israel "is not the state of its citizens, but of the Jewish West Bank and Gaza, and in December and January
people, those in Israel and in the diaspora. There is no "the Golan Heights were in effect annexed to Israel"
Israeli nationality" (156-57). "'[N]ational institutions' (193). 4.3. The Sinai Withdrawal. The April 1982
serve the interests of Jews, not citizens of Israel, 15% withdrawal from Sinai "appears to have been largely
[in 2009, approx.24%] of whom are not Jews" (158). staged for a domestic and American audience" (193;
"The notorious UN Resolution identifying Zionism as a 193-95). 4.4. Israeli Provocations and the U.S.
form of racism can be properly condemned for Response. A series of provocative actions (195-96).
profound hypocrisy . . . but restricted to [the policies of 4.5. The Pretext for the Invasion of Lebanon. PLO
the State of Israel], the resolution cannot be criticized wrongly blamed for an attempt on the life of the Israeli
as inaccurate" (158). The notion of a democratic ambassador in London on Jun. 3; Israeli "retaliation"
Jewish State contains a "fundamental internal 196-98). 4.6. The Reasons for the Invasion of Lebanon.
contradiction" (159). 9. The Zionist Movement and the 4.6.1. The Imperatives of Rejectionism. The invasion's
PLO. In the pre-state period, Labor and "the political goal—destruction and delegitimation of the
Revisionists, the pre-cursors of Begin's Herut . . . in fact PLO—was dictated by "the increasing isolation of the
an offshoot of European fascism," were "often in bitter leaders of the rejectionist camp," the U.S. and Israel
conflict" (160). 9.1. "The Boundaries of Zionist (203; 198-207). It was accompanied by "heightening
Aspiration." They differed in their tactics, but shared a the repression in the occupied territories" (207-08).
broad vision that excluded partition as an ultimate aim Critique of defenses of the invasion in U.S. media (208-
(Chomsky quotes Ben-Gurion extensively) (161-63). 09). 4.6.2. Achieving National Unity. Another motive
9.2. Moderates and Extremists. The PLO has divisions was to unite Israeli opinion behind Begin through war
similar to pre-state Zionism, and in general "the PLO and propaganda (209-10). 4.6.3. A New Order in
has the same sort of legitimacy that the Zionist Lebanon. A further motive was to give Israel leverage
movement had in the pre-state period" (164; 163-64). in Lebanon (210-12). 4.7. The Green Light from
9.3. The Use of Terror. Among these similarities is the Washington. The U.S. greenlighted the invasion;
use of terror, making the "constant denunciation" of Reagan's expressed displeasure was for show (213-16).
the PLO for terrorism an example of "cynicism" (164- 5. War Is Peace. The name of the operation was
67). 10. The Problem for Today. Protestations that Orwellian (216). 5.1. Extermination of the Two-Legged
Americans and Europeans are guilty of crimes just as Beasts. Thousands of civilians killed (217-24). 5.2.
great as those committed in the establishment of Israel Beirut: Precision Bombardment. Bombing of hospitals,
misses the point that such "brutal and inhuman orphanages, a school bus... (224-28). 5.3. Caring for
practices" are no longer "tolerated" in "the real world the Victims: Prisoners, Patients, Refugees. Abuse and
of today" (167). To view the present conflict as "right torture of prisoners, attacks on medical personnel,
against right" is "defensible" (168). In any case, Israel blockage of supplies (228-41). 5.4. The Grand Finale.
is "a reality, a fact that few now contest despite Attacks continued through July and August (241-42).
increasingly desperate pretense to the contrary on the 6. The Taste of Victory. 6.1. The Victors. Biting
part of its numerous supporters and apologists" (168). comments about articles in the New Republic (242-43).
Notes. (169-80). 6.2. The Liberated. Contradicting the line Americans
heard that the Lebanese were glad to liberated,
Ch. 5: Peace for Galilee [longest chapter]. The 1982 testimony by Lebanese ambassador to the U.N.,
invasion of Lebanon is an extension of Israel's effort Ghassan Tueni, in a statement made in New York but
since 1949 "to remove the displaced Palestinian not reported there, and in his Foreign Affairs article;
refugees from the border areas and to destroy their the Lebanese press (243-49). Yasser Arafat left Beirut
emerging political and military structures"; attacks on on Aug. 30 (249-50). Fears of what Phalangists would
civilian populations have been deliberate (181). 1. The do were widespread (250-51). The PLO did behave "in
Rational Basis for Attacking the Civilian Population. a disgraceful and stupid fashion in southern Lebanon
Dispersal and embitterment of relations between them (251). 6.3. Israelis. Most Israelis celebrated, but some
and the local population were the "rational" (Abba found disturbing similarities to Nazi practices (254-58).
Eban) goals of this policy (182-83). 2. The Northern The government and supporters promulgated the
Border of Greater Israel. Zionists have long hoped to Israeli "purity of arms" myth while lying about the PLO
extend the border to the Litani River (183-84). 3. The (258-61). Labor was supportive, opposing only entry
Background in Lebanon. 3.1. The PLO and the Civil into Beirut (261-62). 6.4. The American Scene. The
War. The PLO was drawn into Lebanon's civil war in U.S. media were full of absurdities from "modern state-
the 1970s (184-85). 3.2. Syria and Israel in Lebanon. worshipping intellectuals" (265; 262-66). Criticism was
extremely muted, and there was fervent support for 4.2. "To Prevent Bloodshed and Acts of Revenge." The
"the Big Lie" from "the extreme left of mainstream IDF moved into West Beirut (360-62). The Sabra,
politics"—e.g. Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda (271; 266; Shatila, and Bourj el-Brajneh camps of Palestinians
266-72). Jacobo Timerman's harsh criticism of the war (362-63). 5. A Chapter of Palestinian History. The
(including, however, many "standard myths" about massacre in the Sabra and Shatila camps of perhaps
Israel) was discussed and tolerated as "a cry of 2000 people on Sept. 16 (364-75). 6. Who Is
anguish" and a "personal testimony" (273; 272-78). Responsible? 6.1. The Background of the Inquiry.
Chomsky summarizes his own writings on the PLO, Israeli denials (375-77). 6.2. The Charges. It blamed
showing that Timerman's characterization of the Phalange (377-78). 6.3. "We" and "They": Defiling
academics "is a fantasy from beginning to end" (276- the Beautiful Israel. In the response, the false idea that
77). Polls show the success of media as indoctrination, Begin and Sharon were responsible for something not
since "less informed" people were more critical (278- seen before in Israeli history was promulgated (378-
80). 7. The Critique of the Media. 7.1. The American 85). 6.4. On "Moral Idiocy." Mordant comments on the
Media. Media, especially TV, were charged with being response, focusing on Elie Wiesel (385-87). 6.5.
"pro-PLU and anti-Israel" in 1982 (280). The criticism "Putting a Snake into a Child's Bed": The U.S. and Its
was of a new sort; Martin Peretz was especially Commitments. 6.5.1. The Defenseless Remnants. The
egregious; an ADL study purporting to demonstrate U.S.'s reaction was most restrained (388-90). 6.5.2.
anti-Israel bias was "in fact absurd" (289; 281-89). 7.2. The "Brought-in." The U.S. expressed no concern (390-
The "Broad-Scale Mass Psychological War" against 91). 6.5.3. More on Hypocrisy. The ultimate
Israel. Anguish in Israel at the ineffectiveness of the responsibility lies with the U.S. 6.6. The "Principal
hasbara (propaganda) campaign (289-97). 7.3. The Culprits." Journalists who have dehumanized
Israeli Media. Israeli media were criticized by the Palestinians bear responsibility (392-93). 6.7.
Israeli public for reporting on the Sabra and Shatila Reactions: Israel and Elsewhere. Israeli "race hatred"
massacres (297-98). 8. The Image Problem. 8.1. In toward Palestinians must be due to the threat they are
Lebanon. Israeli soldiers destroyed and vandalized felt to represent to the legitimacy of the State of Israel
archives, university offices, laboratories, etc, (298- (394-97). 6.8. The Commission of Inquiry (The Kahan
300). 8.2. Solving the Problem. 8.2.1. Extraordinary Commission). The Kahan Commission was the
Humanitarian Efforts. Fury of people in Lebanon at occasion for Israeli self-congratulation, though despite
Israeli humanitarian relief (300-04). 8.2.2. Flowers and "overwhelming evidence" that it whitewashes the
Rice. The debate over whether people in Lebanon Israeli leadership (405; 397-09). 7. Elsewhere in
"welcomed" the invasion was grotesque (304-09). Lebanon. Chomsky denies the commission
8.2.3. "The Biggest Hijacking in History." The demonstrates Israel's "sublime moral qualities" (409).
accusation that the PLO was holding Beirut "hostage" is 7.1. The South. There is evidence that Palestinian
an example of the propaganda technique of males were systematically eliminated by forces under
"accus[ing] your enemies of the crimes you carry out Maj. Sa'ad Haddad, the Israeli client (410-14).
or support" (309; 309-12). 8.3. The Image of the Indifference to the humanitarian disaster in southern
Fighters. 8.3.1. The Palestinians. Israeli soldiers Lebanon (414-16). Israel began to arm other militias,
expressed admiration for the Palestinian fighters (312- regarding Haddad as a "dubious client" (416-17).
14). 8.3.2. The IDF. Martin van Creveld's pessimistic Simultaneously, moves toward "normalization" (417-
analysis of the IDF's performance (314-15). Notes. 18). 7.2. The Chouf. In the Druze homeland SE of
(316-28). Beirut, which had remained peaceful during the civil
war, Israel provoked Phalange-Druze hostilities in order
Ch. 6: Aftermath. 1. A Chapter of Jewish History. to justify an Israeli presence (418-20). 7.3. Beirut
The pogrom in Kishinev (Bessarabia [today Moldova]) under the Israeli Invasion. The Muslim population was
that killed 45 Jews in 1903 and its influence on opinion disarmed; the Phalange tortured Palestinians; the PLO
(329-32). 2. A Glorious Victory. 2.1. The Research Center was destroyed (420-23). 7.4. Under
Achievements of Operation "Peace for Galilee." The Syrian Control. The remainder of Lebanon was under
Israeli government was flush with success in late Syrian control (423). 8. Israel's Moral Lapse. Ironic
August 1982 (333-35). 2.2. The Syrian Phase of the comments about Reagan's discovery of Israel's "moral"
War. Ze'ev Schiff, "Israel's most knowledgeable obligation to leave now that the U.S. desires this (423-
military correspondent," judges that Israel need not 30). Notes. (431-40).
have fought with Syria (335-37). 2.3. The West Falls
into Line. As comments by Kissinger showed, Israel's Ch. 7: The Road to Armageddon. 1. The Fateful
premises had been accepted in the West (337-41). 3. Triangle. Though absurdly disparate in power, the
The Taste of Victory Turns Sour. "Traumatic and U.S., Israel, and the Palestinians "have become locked
complex" events in September 1982 (341). 3.1. into a fateful triangular relationship, and within it they
Reagan's Peace Plan. Reagan's calls for a freeze on are drifting towards disaster" (441). 2. The Threat to
new settlements, some from of autonomy, and a Local Parties. For the Palestinians, these are "too
Jordanian solution was immediately rejected; media obvious for further comment" (441). 2.1. The Logic of
response analyzed (342-48). 3.2. The Israeli Response. Occupation. "Sooner or later, Israel will face military
3.2.1. The Incorporation of the Occupied Territories. defeat . . . or the need to resort to a nuclear threat . . .
Begin announced new settlements (348-51). Gaza Short of that, it will drift towards internal social, moral,
(352-54). 3.2.2. The March on West Beirut. Israel and political degeneration"; so-called supporters of
broke the cease-fire (354-56). 3.3. Ungrateful Clients. Israel are really "supporters of Israel's moral
Bashir Gemayel, the Maronite Christian who was Israel degeneration and ultimate destruction" (442).
favored for Lebanon's presidency, came into conflict Demoralization of soldiers (442-43). Consequences of
with Israel (356-59). 4. The Invasion of West Beirut. adopting an anti-democratic and anti-Enlightenment
4.1. The Gemayel Assassination. Sept. 14 (359-60). ideology based on the Bible: "The sense that the age
of the Enlightenment is over and that it was based on reconstruction of a collaborator network (when
fundamental misconceptions of human nature and collaborators are caught and killed, media describe this
needs has significant roots in Zionist thinking, even as "inter-Arab violence," etc.), and humiliation (475-
among liberal Zionists" (445). Examples of ugly, 80). 2. The Reality of the Occupation. Endless
extremist, murderous views (446-47). 2.2. The Next degradation has produced despair; Israeli racism
Round. Another war seems likely (448-49). 3. The toward Arabs even as supporters celebrate Israel's
Threat to the United States and the World. 3.1. The "decency" (481-84). 3. Scenes from the Uprising.
Risk of Superpower Confrontation. A considerable risk Chomsky visited Israel & the occupied territories in
(449-51). 3.2. The Evasions of the Peace Movement. April 1988 (484-85). 3.1. Repression and Resistance.
Even the peace movement acts to protect Israel, as Israel's founders employed terror and their successors
Chomsky learned when the example of the Israel continue to do so in an occupation marked by severe
invasion of Lebanon was edited out when an article of oppression (485-90). 3.2. Some Personal
his own the danger of superpower confrontation was Observations. Praise for Palestinian resistance
reproduced in Worldview, a journal of the Council on Chomsky witnessed in West Bank (490-500). 3.3.
Religion and International Affairs (451-52). 4. Elsewhere under Occupation. Spirited resistance (500-
Prospects. The Palestinians are "so weak and their 03). 3.4. Israel's Peace Movement. Only in late 1988
options are so few that their impact on events will be did Peace Now (with which Abba Eban is associated)
slight" (452). 4.1. Assuming U.S. Rejectionism. 4.1.1. abandon its extreme rejectionist position (503-04).
The Spectrum of Israeli Political Thinking. Rejectionism The PLO is much accommodationist than Peace Now or
is overwhelmingly supported by the Israeli Jewish the U.S. (505). Uncritical embrace of the contradictory
population (453-55). 4.1.2. "From Coexistence to notion of "Israel's democratic, Jewish character"
Hegemony." The logic of Israeli development implies characterizes mainstream discussion in the U.S. (506-
embrace of preemptive war and a "drive for a kind of 09). Notes. (510-13).
Ottomanization of the [Mideast] region," including Iran
(459; 455-61). Chomsky seems to endorse an analysis Ch. 9: "Limited War" in Lebanon. [Taken from
by Yoram Peri, a high-level Israeli adviser, published in "'Limited War' in Lebanon," Z Magazine, September
Davar in October 1982, according to which Israel has 1993.] 1. The Rules of the Game. Israeli assault on
moved to a "new conception" of its basic military and Lebanon in July 1993 (515-16). A response to
diplomatic situation: "No longer a status quo power, Hizbollah's decision to respond to Israeli strikes after
having achieved military dominance as the world's Israel's assassination of leader Sheikh Abbas Mussawi
fourth most powerful military force, and no longer (516-19). 2. The Logic of Terror. Israel's policy is
believing in even the possibility of peace or even its terroristic in nature (519-25). 3. Safeguarding the
desirability except in terms of Israeli hegemony, Israel Occupation. Labor pursues territorial arrangement (as
is now committed to 'destabilization' of the region, opposed to Likud's pursuit of sovereignty); despite
including Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. In talks of a "peace process," the U.S. is committed to
accordance with the new conception, Israel should now rejectionism (525-28). 4. Post-Oslo Lebanon. Further
use its military dominance to expand its borders and attacks on Lebanon in April 1996 (528-30). Airstrikes
'to create a new reality,' a 'new order,' rather than in November 1998 (530). Notes. (531-32).
seek recognition within the status quo" (462). But the
U.S. is "a status quo power," so opposition between the Ch. 10: Washington's "Peace Process." [Taken
two seems inevitable in the future (462-63). 4.2. from "The Israel-Arafat Agreement," Z Magazine,
Assuming an Abandonment of U.S. Rejectionism. October 1993.] 1. Oslo I. Background to the Aug.
4.2.1. The Effect on Israeli Policy. At first glance, it 30,1993: continued Israeli & U.S. rejectionism and
would appear that if the U.S. abandoned rejectionism, declining popularity for the PLO (533-36). The
Israel as a dependent power would have to yield (463- agreement is a complete victory for the rejectionists,
64). 4.2.2. Israel's Secret Weapon. This may still be offering "little hope" for Palestinians (536-40). 2. Oslo
so, but Israel's military is so strong that it may no II. Oslo II (Sept. 28, 1995) saw the division of the West
longer be possible to hold it back form actions contrary Bank into three zones, "rescind[ing] the position of
to U.S. interests (464-66). Israel's nuclear weapons virtually the entire world that the settlements are
(about 200 operational weapons) (466-67). The illegal and that Israel has no claim to the territories
existence of a "Samson complex," according to which if acquired by force in 1967" and amounting to a "peace
pressed Israel would be willing to "kill and bury all the of the victors" (541; 552; 540-53). Enthusiastic media
Gentiles around us while we ourselves shall die with coverage (553-55). Dubbed a "martyr for peace" when
them" (peace activist Aryeh Eliav's words) (467-68). he was assassinated in November 1995, Yitzhak Rabin
Israel's "secret weapon" is that it may "go crazy" (468). was really anything but (555-57). Oslo II signified "a
"Sooner or later, the time will come when even a very impressive power play" on the part of the U.S., a
switch in U.S. policy away from the rejectionism of the "remarkable testimony to the rule of force in
past years will be too late" (468). Notes. (470-71). international affairs and the power of doctrinal
management in a sociocultural setting in which
Ch. 8: The Palestinian Uprising. [Based on a successful marketing is the highest value and the
chapter intended for but not included in Deterring intellectual culture is obedient and unquestioning"
Democracy (Verso, 1991), and apparently written in (558). 3. "Another Crushed Nation"? In the eyes of
late 1988 and early 1989.] Suspended sentence for thinkers like Irving Kristol, Lloyd George, Winston
Shimon Yifrah, a Gaza settler who murdered a Churchill, Theodore Roosevelt, Martin Peretz, Walter
Palestinian girl in a schoolyard in December 1987 (473- Laqueur, and Ruth Wisse, the Palestinians are merely
75). 1. "Let Us Cry." "[R]epression of the Intifada rose another "insignificant nation" whose "delusions of
to new levels of racist brutality," including house significance" must on occasion be driven from their
destruction as collective punishment, expulsions, minds (558 [Kristol]; 558-59). Something like the
Bantustan model seems likely to prevail in the anarcho-syndicalism. Chomsky married linguist Carol
occupied territories, with exploitative links to the larger Schatz in 1949; she died in 2008. They had two
system (559-65). Notes. (566-68). daughters and a son. They lived briefly in a kibbutz in
Israel in 1953.]
Index. 9 pp.
[Critique. This book is not really "updated." It
About the Author. Noam Chomsky was a professor consists in the 1983 volume reprinted with a new
of linguistics at M.I.T. when he wrote this book; a preface and foreword and adaptations of three more
longtime activist, he had already written many books, articles from the 1990s. Chomsky acknowledges this
including Toward a New Cold War and The Political in a single sentence (xvi). Except for a not very
Economy of Human Rights (2 vols., with Edward S. satisfactory account of a visit to the West Bank in 1988
Herman). (484-500), the book is based entirely on Chomsky's
reading, including, valuably, the Hebrew-language
[Additional information. Noam Chomsky was born Israeli press. Published in 1983, it foreshadows the
on Dec.. 7, 1928, in Philadelphia. His parents were analysis of the U.S. media system Chomsky published
from Ukraine and Belarus; his father was a professor of five years later (Manufacturing Consent). Chomsky's
Hebrew and a member of IWW. Chomsky graduated trademark mordancy is most unbridled when
from the Univ. of Pennsylvania in 1949 and continued skewering the hypocrisy of so-called "liberal supporters
his studies their, completing his Ph.D. in linguistics in of Israel." Despite its length, its treatment of subjects
1955. He took a position at M.I.T. and has remained is somewhat haphazard and often superficial; Chomsky
there. His doctoral work led to Syntactic Structures is right to warn the reader that this is not "an attempt
(1957), a seminal work introducing the notion of at a general history" (3). The volume has only passing
transformational grammar that revolutionized his field. remarks on Hezbollah and never mentions Hamas,
Chomsky began to write and speak on political matters though this organization was founded in 1987. In
during the Vietnam war. His February 1967 essay "The retrospect, it seems surprising that the clear-sighted
Responsibility of Intellectuals" and his 1969 book Chomsky did not foresee the replacement of
American Power and the New Mandarins established Communism with Islamic fundamentalism as the
his reputation. His political philosophy tends toward bogeyman of the U.S. national security state.]