Ramapo College of New Jersey

Chinas National Transformation

The Need for Revolution in Communist China

Sonia Grodzka
Global Issues Seminar
Professor Castellanos
December 22, 2015

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China holds a massive amount of power physical power, power in numbers, brain
power, and monetary power. Setting aside all arguments on Chinas controversial practices and
nationalism, one thing cant be denied: their power is misguided, and everyone suffers from this;
businesses, households, schools, individuals. Today, President Xi Jinping seeks to uphold
uniformity, order, nationalism, and golden age values (just as his predecessors Deng Xiaoping
and Hu Jintao did). A mask of superiority and success led by a backwards-glancing regime,
tainted by the incredibly wasteful spending, militant stability maintenance, an economy that is
set to slow in the coming years, as well as anger rising in modern Chinese. A country with so
much manpower and misguided allocation and goals is like a brand-new tank trekking into a
deep mire. China has no desire to become a democratic state it is currently a single-party
socialist state. Complaints, outcries, and rebellions are quickly nipped in the bud, peoples gripes
are stifled as quickly as the party can manage. But in a land where once, forty years ago,
dissidence was unimaginable, Chinese commoners are no longer afraid to talk back. The risks are
high, but fear is dissipating in the rise of internet culture and the growing freedom to express
banned opinions online. How can the unheard majority in China help carry out its much-needed
change? What must China do to bring its peoples power and abilities to the front of the global
scene?
A culture alive for hundreds of thousands of years; a civilization that is one of the oldest
in the world, China has stood out as a beacon of uniqueness and separation in the East. Through
of all human history, nations have changed, expanded, or collapsed because of the influx of new
cultures and resettlement of people. But China has rarely ever struggled with this: immigration of
Mongols, Manchus, and others always ended with new people adapting to Chinese culture and
becoming Chinese.

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Throughout most of Chinas history, the traditional moral-political model was able to
withstand or absorb outside influences. Buddhism came from India, Mongol and Manchu
invaders swept in from inner Asia, and traders from the Near East arrived along the Silk
Road and by sea, but the system held fast. Chineseness was too powerful to be dislodged;
it was the invaders who adapted. (26 Link)
Premodern China referred to Confucian values when addressing the question of what it truly
meant to be Chinese: One must act and think in accordance with heaven-sanctioned principles
that exemplified the best way to be human. China was the center of the world and the very
highest tower of modernity and perfection. It was unthinkable that an outsider could ever achieve
the kind of godliness and sublime existence a true Chinese-born person could. This is why China
was to remain culturally uniform. They viewed themselves as higher than anyone else on the
planet and a source of divine and intellectual inspiration to all. The ruler of China was considered
to be the highest mortal being, the closest to God, whose only superior was nature itself (25
Link). Confucian values as adapted to by China over the years has changed through time, but one
thing that remained solid is the family-based piety. A son was bound to his father, his father
being his superior. However, the father must be a proper father, teaching his son about how to be
a proper and good human being, being respectful, and harsh only with good and disciplinary
intentions. The same went for the ruler of China: all Chinese must listen, obey, and serve, but in
return, the ruler must be a proper leader, governing his people in accordance with heavenly
principles and kindness. If the ruler failed to do this, citizens were allowed to rebel or defect.
Over time, China has skewed and reshaped these values to best suit the elite and keep China
within reinforced walls. The industrialized West was the first to challenge the strength of Chinas
solidarity and cultural oneness. Chinese leaders and citizens alike marveled (yet reluctantly) at

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British cannons and advanced weapons, as well as scientific inventions and new technologies
otherwise never seen before. The English language began to spread, as in order to learn from
these unprecedented and skilled outsiders, the Chinese needed to learn the language and even
travel abroad. Humiliation grew among leaders as Japan, a once little brother island to the East
of China stopped being inspired by China and began to develop its own identity that charmed the
Western world. It only became worse as Japan defeated China bitterly in a series of wars.
Officials and rulers worried that Chinese identity and glory was beginning to fade awaywere
they finally threatened by these miserable outsiders?
Chinese leadership did not let up on the dream of China being on top. In a world where
democracy was becoming the new model of freedom, modernity, and power, China only
pretended to be democratic while retaining oppressive and outdated practices and ideals.
In recent decades, Chinese Communist Party leaders have tried to revive the traditional
moral-political model with certain modern adaptations. . . . Ideas such as democracy,
human rights, and modernizations are mentioned. . . but generally with the appendage
with Chinese characteristics, to indicate that they have been modified to fit into
Communist Party authoritarianism. (27 Link)
Xi Jinpings father, Xi Zhongxun, was Mao Zedongs confederate in the 1940s and 50s, and was
then persecuted by Mao himself. Bizarrely, Xi junior now seeks to bring back some light Mao
ideals. After Hu Jintao stepped down from leadership in 2012, China faced an economic crisis
and Xi knew this. Instead of adapting China to a more livable environment and policy that makes
the best use of its citizens talents while still liberating them, Xi referred to the ideals of his
ancestors and is forcing China into yet another golden age that it doesnt need and cant support.

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Xi lacks the intellect, cunning wit or strategism that Mao was blessed with. Of course,
accounts are split between Maos raising of the countrys modernity and power and his wicked
sins and crimes committed against the Han people. Mao declared the defeat of highly resented
nationalist forces in 1949 and promised a new and bright future for the newly Communist China.
China used to be a nation that valued tradition over change new technology and values were
looked down upon. It was believed for centuries that retaining old ways and tradition would
bring them closer to God and would clear a path straight to Heaven. This belief wavered,
transformed, yet stayed put when communism was brought into the picture. Mao said, The era
in which the Chinese were regarded as uncivilized is now over. We will emerge in the world as a
highly civilized nation. In other words, China was ready to catch up to the rest of the world, but
not without altering the new worlds ideals to fit the Chinese gripe of remaining traditional and
suffocating. Mao helped Chinas farmers and agricultural workers reach the salary and
competence they needed to increase domestic consumption. Where the Soviet Union put their
faith into the proletariat, China put their faith into the peasants. Rapid industrialization was
implemented through the instilling of large government grants into steel and iron production.
Mao also put into place two phenomena dubbed the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural
Revolution both aimed to combat degeneracy and cultural devolution and to help China catch
up to the rest of the modernized world. Both were arguable disasters the abolishment of private
ownerships caused enormous famines, the result being the deaths of 30 million people. The
Cultural Revolution was aimed to either kill or reform any right-wingers, as conservatism was
considered a disease that held back the country from greatness. Dissenters were either beaten to
death or sent to faraway reform camps by the Red Guard, young soldiers enlisted for this duty.
Mao died in 1976, and many Chinese today still hold Mao dear in their hearts as the greatest

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leader the world has ever seen. Maos tactics and stratagem no doubt brought about eager allies
and hurt his enemies. He had carried China through an age where scrutiny on proper behavior
and dedicated work ethic was paramount, yet the curtain of glory and success was fake and
disingenuous in an almost carnival-like way. The move into so-called democracy or at least the
image of it has been a sham as China struggles to continue holding a vice-like grip on its people.
China has long been recovering from the damages of Maos communist regime, but not
without faults of its own. Xi Jinping overlooked Chinas 18th party congress, a meeting to
discuss changes and reforms needed. According to Youwei and other Chinese scholars and
economists, the current government under Jinping suffers from constant regime changes or
reforms but little action or infrastructure changes, which it needs. Empty promises are abound.
Peasants are demanding lower taxes, workers want more labor protections, students are forming
activist groups, entrepreneurs are starting charities, media organizations have begun muckraking, and lawyers are defending human rights. (3, Youwei) The public needs something. The
government lends a deaf ear. Why does it seem like nationalism is at an all-time high? There are
two reasons people either have nothing else to compare their situations to, or are silenced
quickly by stability maintenance. In stability maintenance, dissenters are quickly silenced.
Speech is censored on the internet and in person. Public gatherings are prohibited, even nonpolitical gatherings can be seen as suspicious. A grid of security maintenance has been put into
place many from traffic attendants to hotel receptionists to taxi drivers are employed to tip off
any suspicious information (bits of info go for about two yuan, or 30 cents.) Yu Qiyi was an
engineer at an SOE who died during torture. Zhou Wenbin a president at a University was
tortured as well. Many were tortured, killed, or removed from the state cabinet under suspicion
as part of Jinpings anticorruption campaign (32-34 Leung). How can humans expect any change

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if they are silenced? Social movements, like plants, need space in which to grow. And when
such space does not exist, both movements and plants wither (4, Youwei). Hard as the party
tries to regulate media delivery and news, the control remains fragmented. Traditional news
coverage, such as newspapers and television programs, are supervised less and less as a more
immediate threat emergesthe internet, and more so its forums. The CPD (Central Propaganda
Department) and SCIO (State Council Information Office) are the main two in charge of stifling
concerning internet discussions. The speed at which a photo or comment or story can be posted
online is hard to control. By the time a piece of information on the web has been removed, it has
already reached many eyes. Through the loss of control over such media, the regime loses its
legitimacy and is forced to resign to two things: its inability to silence dissenters, and the
information itself that is shared.
Because Internet censors use filters to track the use of sensitive words such as
government, regular Internet users have invented sly substitutes. Standard workarounds for references to Chinas rulers have included terms such as heavenly dynasty
and even western Koreameaning Western North Korea. Forty years ago, such
sarcasm was unthinkable. Twenty years ago, it was rare. Today, it suggests the emergence
of new grounds for conceiving of national identity, based on something other than
identification with the [Communist] party. (28 Link)
Perry Link, unlike Youwei, affirms that social movements can grow aided by this new, hard-toregulate medium which in turn inspires real-life rebellion. Everything from raucous protests in
urban centers such as Beijing to organizations of farmers in rural areas occur every single day,
fostering a new generation of martyrs willing to sacrifice their freedom in order to assert their

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burning desire to live and prosper. China is already succumbing to the gathering power of the
internet by offering so-called guidance instead of blocking stories altogether.
With the fast growth of the Internet and social media, the authorities have begun to adopt
a wide range of more subtle strategies in addition to blocking reports. As Link (2013)
puts it, for topics that cannot be avoided because they are already being widely
discussed, there are such options as mention without hyping, publish but only under
small headlines, put only on back pages, close the comment boxes, and downplay as
time passes. (187 Qiuqing)
The CCP seeks to suppress and redirect any information that may incite collective action (riots,
rebel groups, and such.) Further, in line with Xis anticorruption campaign, news is monitored
also to bar hurting the reputation of any highly-ranked political figures, or to reward their
compliance. This new and softer regulation of news and inciting talk is admittedly a rather smart
move in the realm of control as it gives the false image that Chinese people are free to talk about
what they wish. Negative topics sometimes are left up, but moderated or altered to look less
extreme, or, as Qiuqing quotes, hidden away. This allows for the CCP to sneak in very quietly
and gingerly. Says Qiuqing:
However, public opinion guidance does not serve dictators in all circumstances. First of
all, not all topics are appropriate to guide. Specifically, blocking a news event benefits
leaders if the likelihood of citizens revolting is greater than the likelihood of increasing
trust toward the regime following the revealing of information. Certain news, such as
human rights abuses and calls for political reforms, is likely to arouse criticism of the
regime among the public. Thus, the regime may still prefer to ban news that involves high
political risks if reported. (191 Qiuqing)

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This means that the CCP cares about its citizens insofar as keeping their trust in them as
confident and benevolent leaders. The knowledge of this farce is spreading quickly throughout
China and threatening the legitimacy of the party greatly. More and more parents are choosing to
send their children westward for higher education, and many pregnant mothers in delivery
choose to give birth in Taiwan to grant their children instant citizenship rights (30 Link). Kang
agrees that the rise of a new arena for expression will help aid a positive yet uneasy transition in
China:
The digital network of communication, information, news, and entertainment has opened
up not only a market with staggering economic potential but also a formidable social
space, especially for the post-80s generation of urban youth. Compared to all the
preceding generations, the post-80s urban youth in China marks a distinct new cultural
formation and values. Their parents, born in the 1950s, grew up during the Cultural
Revolution and shared an unbroken chain of cultural heritage and values in Maos
revolutionary era. Chinese culture in the most part of the twentieth century can be
described as a revolutionary, radical culture in the throes of Chinas modernity. Only after
the gaike kaifang [a policy reform of economic and global overhauls] of the late-1970s
did Chinese culture begin to move into a post-revolutionary phase, marked by a series of
fundamental displacements, discontinuities, ruptures, and breakthroughs. Maoist
collective idealism gradually gave way to individualism and pragmatism. (930 Kang)
Courage and the wildfire sort of activism so often found in individuals of oppressed nations is
rising in China. A revolution is now a promise for the future.
The mistrust of citizens in their leaders is growing, too, in the nations poor attentiveness
to financial affairs and workers compensation. Scholars and economists predict a decline or

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slow-down of Chinas economy by 2020. China was late to modernization, grew 10% from
1978-2011 billions of jobs were created for the young working population, yet has slowed down
to 7%. Today, agricultural workers and farmers see most of their labor go back to the
government-owned assets and receive subpar compensation and wage (25-29 Cao). This isnt
helped by the fact that Chinas population over 60 years of age has reached 15%, a number set to
double by 2050. With a notoriously terrible pension system and the (now-loosened) one-child
policy, the growing number of old people not fit for work is putting the country into a perilous
predicament. The State Council allocates funds very poorly. Money is lent and given back from
state-owned enterprises which were focused on heavily following 2008s financial crisis. A
stimulus plan was launched which created many jobs, funded important infrastructure projects,
and helped the nominal GDP swell from $4.5 trillion in 2008 to over $9 trillion in 2014. This was
all well and good until Chinas debt equaled 158% of its GDP in 2007, and 282% in 2014. Those
who generously gave out loans during the recovery of the financial crisis are now struggling
from facing bankruptcy. Chinas four main national banks became insolvent twice over 10 years,
yet asset-managing companies were quick to help rescue them (13-18 Chen.) If one looks at the
kinds of amounts of money China spends on projects, investments, and real companies, hundreds
of billions, trillions of dollars, one thing becomes clear China is not afraid to spend nonexistent,
almost cosmic amounts of money.
Smog, air pollution, and land and water toxicity are hard to ignore in China, literally. A
resident said I try to avoid going out unnecessarily and opening windows. The dirt is
something you can smell on the air and feel inside of your lungs as soon as you inhale it. Anyone
who reads the news is not a stranger to the terrible living conditions in densely populated areas in
China, especially Beijing. Coal-fired power stations, factories and refineries not only are

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notorious for their subpar working conditions, but also the terrible effect they have on the health
of those who have to live with their waste. A Canadian startup began to sell air bottles filled with
fresh Canadian air to Chinese citizenswhat began as a joke now underlines the hopelessness
and outcry of Beijing residents who are desperate for a breath of clean air. The bottles sell for 32
Canadian dollars, and are promoted for those who need to overcome a hangover or just need a
breath of fresh air, which they dont have (BBC). 1.2 million deaths in East Asia in 2010 could
be directly attributed to illness from air pollution the smog from China carries across the air to
Korea and Japan. Heart attacks, strokes, respiratory diseases, low birth weight and premature
birth are all results of the body being poisoned by harmful particles in the air, such as sulfur
dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and carbon monoxide. Its a struggle to regulate harmful air emissions
and pollutants in such a densely populated area with many factories that have questionable work
ethics as it is, and efforts that have been made to reduce emissions have not been enough to
reverse the damage. Powell explains the direness of the situation:
[Xi Jinpings Communist Party meeting hoping to ambitiously end air pollution] became
an embarrassment. Not because of anything the leadership said or did but because of
what was going on outside. For days, during and after the gathering, Beijing was
enveloped by dense smog. Hundreds of thousands of citizens wore face masks when they
had to go outside, many refused to go outside, and 2013 became popularly known as the
year of the "airpocalypse." Even the state-owned propaganda organs had to acknowledge
the truth: Pollution was "a nationwide scourge," chided the China Daily newspaper. "Do
we still think that it has nothing to do with us, when people can hardly see each other
when they are standing within five meters of one another in some eastern cities? Do we

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still consider environmental protection something far removed from us when we have to
wear a mask so we don't develop respiratory problems?'' (1 Powell)
The United States and Europe have moved much of their polluting industries to Asia, dumping
their garbage and weight into China. During the 2008 Beijing Olympics, factories were shut
down and so was road traffic. The result was a 12-13% drop in sulfur dioxide and carbon
monoxide. These effects did not last, as people were tested for risk of heart disease by substances
in blood, which raised immediately after the factory work was resumed after the Olympics (1-12
Luo). It is a matter of choosing health over productivity, both are tied together. Its hard to
choose one without feeling like the other is a devastating loss.
As a one-party state who silences any dissenters or anyone hinting at disapproval,
scholars, economists, and historians all over seem to end their perspectives similarly: There is
little hope for China to change. China cannot change unless [currently impossible factor.] A
shot at betterment in China is impossible in its current circumstances. This is always attributed
to the flawed regime. The censoring of people, and final decisions left in the hands of the
President and the party, the elite. It isnt that China lacks money or manpower. The regime
increasingly resorts to Confucianism, with its convenient emphasis on benevolent governance
within a hierarchical order. Yet the two coexist uneasily because the party still nominally
embraces Marxism-Leninism, whose emphasis on equality goes against Confucianism, which
stresses hierarchy (6, Youwei). It says a lot that Chinese scholars and economists write about
Chinas future in a very positive light, almost making excuses for their failures to answer for
their people, and one informed Chinese scholar writes negatively yet under a pseudonym. A
country that stresses uniformity and nationalism and quells cries, and has been doing so for
centuries. Indeed, there seems to be little hope for change without a revolution.

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Chinese scholars and economists offer a more optimistic view of Chinas future. Hu
Angang, professor at Tsinghua University, economist, and writer, details reforms made to
Chinas regime and practices and quotes the changes already in progress. He explains that China
is following a catch-up model since China was late to modernization, they have expanded and
declined as other countries have. A rapid growth followed by a stagnation. He calls this the new
normal. Angang refers to Chinas increasing average life expectancy, growing amount of patents
pointing to Chinas advancement in science and technology, its goals to reduce pollution by 2050
already underway, decrease in unemployment, developments that will increase domestic
consumption, create freer trade, and stabilization or control of national debt. Angang does bring
up important points about Chinas much-needed changes: a liberalization of trade, the end of
protectionism everywhere, regional cooperation, and a system of global governance more
representative of developing countries (8-12 Angang). Graduate of Nanjing University and
assistant professor at West Washington University, Baozhen Luo explains that the problem with
the aging population isnt too terrible of a deal and that there are plenty of other factors at play
that will help Chinas economy and work force not sag, such as improved education systems and
new jobs. She refers to Chinas need to return to filial piety and conservative values to support
Chinas growing elderly population (19-24 Luo). They and other Chinese economists greatly
want to avoid a revolution and instead are counting on a productive and progressive growth in
Chinas job sphere to improve immediate or impending problems. Sadly, few seem to want to
face the reality of Chinas censorship problems and its terrible costs. Those who do acknowledge
it refer back to my regretful admission that this requires either a change on the Presidents part or
a large and loud revolution. To think it might end similarly to Tiananmen Square is terrifying. Its
not a surprise that Chinese scholars wont talk about the censorship problem, for obvious

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reasons. They attribute Chinas growing problems to little mistakes that have already been
righted, in their eyes. Chinese scholars completely ignore the partys growing resistance to public
disapproval and make no mention of itinstead they address economic decline with reassurance
and deferral.
To judge China through Westernized eyes is a questionable thing. The values of an
Anglo-centric society are vastly different from that of an Eastern society, one with a history and
life massively longer than that of the US. One very important thing to acknowledge is that China
does not have the same sense of time as other modernized nations. Economists are quick to
compare China to the US and claim that they are either doomed or will surpass the US. Its
wrong to view China through the lens of the Anglosphere. We live in a very rushed society where
individualism is emphasized and important, and each day is considered meaningful. We must
remember that China is one of the worlds oldest civilizations. Chinese history is broken down
into dynasties these dynasties often lasted hundreds of years. The Zhou dynasty was around for
over 800 years. Take another look: in much of Chinese legends, proverbs, stories, myths, and
poetry there is a recurring theme of flowing water, patience, and the passing of time. Taking this
into mind, predicting the decline or slow of an economy in the next 20-50 years seems trivial to a
civilization that has been around for thousands of years. China is like a massive unmovable block
or an impassable grotto. Going on with the lack of individualism, many Chinese do and have
always viewed themselves as one large mass. The passing of one generation might not mean
much, certainly not as much as it does to us. This is especially underlined during pre-modern
dynastical values of tradition, longevity, and permanence, and an aversion to change or
development. The Chinese mindset has been for thousands of years something of a look upwards
to the heavens and the godliness of trust in the unchanging. This may explain why Chinese

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economist, professor, and celebrated writer Hu Angang (among others) has such an optimistic
outlook on Chinas future one that is almost dismissive of the frantic and cautionary criticisms
of non-Chinese scholars. Nevertheless, this strive toward greatness and the undeniable entry into
yet another dynasty requires changes if it wants to be powerful in such a world as we live in
today.
Before addressing that China needs to change, one must explore what it is they must
change, or why they must change. Blindly retorting that China must become a democracy
because their citizens are suffering is to ignore that there are many democracies on our globe
where people suffer anyway, suffer different struggles or the same struggles. Explaining that
China must change to mimic a Western society is wrong too as Westerners suffer just as well, and
because Chinese culture is not like Western, Americanized, or Anglo-centric culture. One may
have different reasons for desiring change in China a nationalist may claim that China should
change its monetary allocation and harden themselves to become more conservative, bolster
nationalistic pride, all at the expense of the individual, to preserve Chinas image and glory in the
public eye. None of these are wrong and none of these are right. But in the current stage, Chinas
headed in a direction that satisfies neither a nationalists nor socialists desire to unify and glorify
the people, nor a liberals desire to attend to individual needs and reduce suffering. The fact is,
however, whether or not one favors democracy, the current One-Party socialist state is lacking in
that it will not address the dire needs of the majority the needs for health care reforms, more
jobs, more and better housing, improving financial instability, domestic consumption, increased
fertility, privatized businesses, and above all, a governing body that cares about even the most
helpless of peasants. Historians argue that this is near impossible by way of foreign intervention
foreign intervention usually sparks a rise in nationalism. The unfortunate truth is that in order for

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change to come from within, there needs to a chance for opposition groups to grow and speak,
and considering that dissenters are shut up before they open their mouths, a rise, change, or
revolution, will not be peaceful. Kang assures:
Amidst all the tension and contradictions, however, a post-80s generation urban youth
culture has emerged and will inevitably become a dominant cultural formation in China
in the years to come. It is media-driven, globalized, and in the meantime more inclined
towards its own cultural heritage, and should be understood as the core of Chinas soft
power competing in a global new order. (931 Kang)
Its predicted that a nationwide revolt could return the country to authoritarian rule to bring back
order. The safest outcome is the temporary slow in Chinas economy and the maintenance of the
status quo. A look back at Chinas history maintains that the elite few are afraid of the burning
desires of the billions they are underserving, and the wicked truth is that a change wont come
without blood and without a revolution.

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Works Cited
Angang, Hu. Embracing Chinas New Normal. Foreign Affairs: China Today May/June
2015: pages 8-12. Print.
Chen, Zhiwu. Chinas Dangerous Debt. Foreign Affairs: China Today May/June 2015: pages
13-18. Print.
Cao, Siyuan. "Chapter 2. The Homogenization And Decline Of China's State-Owned Economy."
Chinese Law & Government. 22-30. n.p.: Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2007. Academic Search
Premier. Web.
Kang, Liu. "Searching For A New Cultural Identity: China's Soft Power And Media Culture
Today." Journal Of Contemporary China 21.78 (2012): 915-931. Academic Search
Premier. Web.
Leung, James. Xis Corruption Crackdown. Foreign Affairs: China Today May/June 2015:
pages 32-38. Print.
Link, Perry. What It Means to Be Chinese. Foreign Affairs: China Today May/June 2015:
pages 25-31. Print.
Luo, Yunpeng, et al. "Relationship Between Air Pollutants And Economic Development Of The
Provincial Capital Cities In China During The Past Decade." Plos ONE 9.8 (2014): 1-14.
Academic Search Premier. Web.
Powell, Bill. "Airpocalypse Now." Newsweek Global 165.21 (2015): 22-29. Academic
Premier. Web.

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Qiuqing, Tai. "China's Media Censorship: A Dynamic And Diversified Regime." Journal Of East
Asian Studies 14.2 (2014): 185-209. Academic Search Premier. Web.
Youwei. The End of Reform in China. Foreign Affairs: China Today May/June 2015: pages 27. Print.