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NEW DEMOCRACY

A Pillar of the Revolutionary Movement and A Builder
of Resistance Struggle

Red Salute to Com. Rayala
Subhash Chandra Bose (Ravi) !

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

undaunted commitment to New Democratic Revolution, his organizational
methods of taking everybody along while adhering to strict discipline, his
willingness to take up arduous and risky tasks, his willingness to endure
every hardship and offer every sacrifice in the interest of the revolutionary
movement made him stand out as one of the finest leaders of the
revolutionary movement of the country.

Com. Ravi was born in 1948 in village
Pindiporlu in Khammam district. His family
actively participated in the Great Telengana
Armed Struggle. His uncle, Rayala Venkata
Narayana, was a leader in that heroic struggle.

One of the main pillars of the revolutionary communist movement in
erstwhile Andhra Pradesh (now Telengana and Andhra Pradesh) and one
of the main builders of Godavari Valley Resistance Struggle, Member of
the Central Committee of CPI(ML)-New
Democracy and Secretary of its
Telengana State Committee, Com.
Rayala Subhash Chandra Bose (Ravi)
breathed his last at about 7 PM on
March 9, 2016. With his death,
CPI(ML)-New Democracy and the
revolutionary movement of India has
lost one of its foremost leaders and
the struggling people of the country
have lost one of their foremost
fighters.
Com. Ravi died in harness. He
suffered brain hemorrhage while he
was summing up the discussion in a
meeting of Telengana State
Committee. He was immediately
rushed to a hospital where doctors
advised he be taken to Hyderabad.
However, he was declared dead on
arrival in Hyderabad hospital.

Com. Ravi at Azad
Statue at Allahabad
March, 2016

Com. Ravi symbolized the finest
qualities of a revolutionary communist.
His simple and disciplined life, his
ideological conviction in MarxismLeninism-Mao Zedong Thought, his

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Com. Ravi was studying for his B.Sc. in
Govt. Degree College (SR&BGNR) in
Khammam where he was drawn to revolutionary
politics. Inspired by the Great Naxalbari peasant
armed struggle, he drew towards politics of
Naxalbari and joined the revolutionary movement
in 1968. Com. Ravi started working in Students
Federation (SF) which was in Khammam under
the leadership of revolutionary communists. He
left his studies and set out to develop armed
struggle in the countryside. He organized armed
squads. He embarked on a journey which
continued upto his death. He went underground
and remained so till the end of his life, 47 years
in total. He has been among the few who
endured such a long underground life in the
course of the revolutionary movement.

Com. Ravi remained active in the CPI(ML)
then led by Com. Charu Mazumdar when there
was a split among revolutionaries in Andhra
Pradesh. He however realized the incorrectness
of the left adventurist line which had grown in the leadership of CPI(ML). In
1972 he joined APRCP led by Com. C.P. Reddy. He played a prominent
role in developing resistance struggle in Godavari Valley. From 1973 he
led armed squads in Palvancha area which included forest areas of
Palvancha and forest areas of West Godavari contiguous with it. Com.

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

NEW DEMOCRACY

Ravi worked tirelessly to secure a base for the revolutionary movement
among the tribals and non-tribal poor. While leading armed squads in these
areas, Com. Ravi dauntlessly faced all the hardships, enemy attacks and
state repression. He led by example inspiring fellow comrades. When the
Party faced serious problems in East Godavari in late 1980s, Com. Ravi
spent several months in East Godavari forest areas rallying squads and
party cadres.

Com. Ravi had led the Palvancha AC and later Khammam DC. He
became a member of the Andhra Pradesh Provincial Committee in 1976.
He was elected Secretary of APPC in 1989. Com. Ravi was elected member
of the Central Committee in 1992 All India Party Congress and was reelected to the Central Committee in every Party Congress after that. He
was also a member of the Polit-buro between 1992 and 2004. After bifurcation
of old APPC into Telengana PC and APPC in 2014, Com. Ravi continued
as Secretary of Telengana PC till his death. His uninterrupted leadership
of the state movement and organization from 1989 to 2016 spanned over
27 years.
Com. Ravi not only led the Party and the movement in the state, he
immensely cared for the
cadres at different levels. He
helped them by offering
constructive suggestions
regarding development of
their work and solving
problems. He applied himself
to solving political and
organizational problems faced
by the comrades. He himself
studied regularly and
encouraged other comrades
to study both classical
Marxist literature as well as
history of India and
revolutionary movement. He
inspired a generation of
revolutionary communists in
the state, particularly in
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Khammam. His life partner Com. Rama and younger brother Com. RCS
are also state leaders of the Party and the movement.

Com. Ravi greatly prized the unity of the Party and of communist
revolutionaries. He worked tirelessly for preserving the unity of CPI(ML)New Democracy. He always strove to implement and ensure implementation
of the decisions of Party. He always stood in theory and practice for
subordination of the individual to the collective, of the personal to the party.
He not only preached the communist ideals and lifestyle but lived them.
Through selfless devotion to the people, revolution and party, he became
an inspiration to a number of comrades.

Com. Ravi opposed revisionism and left adventurism. He had vast
personal experience and deep study of the revolutionary movement to draw
upon for convincingly putting the revolutionary perspective and policies
before the comrades.

Com. Ravi’s sudden death has plunged leaders and cadres of CPI(ML)New Democracy in Telengana, Andhra Pradesh and throughout the country
into deep grief and a sense of loss. His death has been heavy like a mountain
for the leaders and cadres of the Party. Central Committee of CPI(ML)New Democracy appeals to comrades to turn their grief into strength, to
work with renewed vigour to intensify revolutionary movement and people’s
struggles and take new democratic revolution to victory. His death is an
irreparable loss and yet we have to strive to advance the revolutionary
movement for which Com. Ravi lived and died. This would be the real
homage to this untiring fighter for Indian revolution, this champion of the
struggles of workers, peasants and toiling sections of the people of the
country.
Com. Ravi’s revolutionary legacy will live forever among the rank and
file of CPI(ML)-New Democracy and revolutionary movement of the country.

Central Committee dips its red banner in the revolutionary memory of
the departed comrade. Central Committee calls upon all Party committees
to hold meetings in memory of Com. Ravi between March 15 to March 26,
2016.

(Homage paid by the Central Committee of CPI(ML)-New Democracy
on March 10, 2016)
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NEW DEMOCRACY

Thousands Pay Homage to the
Departed Leader

After the doctors declared him dead, the body of Com. Ravi was brought
to Marx Bhawan, the state office of CPI(ML)-New Democracy. Members of
the State Committee had come to Hyderabad accompanying the ambulance.
Hearing the news of Com. Ravi's death, cadres from all over the city started
gathering at the office. Comrades from different districts also started for
Hyderabad and reached Marx Bhawan. Hundreds of comrades assembled
at Hyderabad to pay their last respects to the departed leader. On the
morning of 10th March, several hundred activists of the Party from
Hyderabad and other districts of Telengana and also from Andhra Pradesh
were present when a condolence meeting was held in front of the Party
office. Leaders of the Central Committee, Telengana and Andhra PCs,
leaders of other communist revolutionary organizations and leaders of other
parties paid their respects and lauded the contributions of Com. Ravi to
the revolutionary movement of the country.

After this meeting, his mortal remains were taken to Khammam. Besides
Party leaders and cadres including his life partner Com. Rama and younger
brother Com. Rayala Chandrashekhar, Com. Ravi's daughter, Spandana,
son in law, Shrinivas and two grand children also accompanied the body to
Khammam. The ambulance carrying the body passed through the district
of Nalgonda. In Nalgonda district, at several places, including Suryapet
and Nakrekal, the ambulance stopped to allow leaders and cadres of the
Party assembled at these centres on the way to pay their last respects to
Com. Ravi. From Nalgonda as the ambulance entered Khammam district,
at every market place on the road, hundreds of cadres and party supporters
had assembled to offer floral tributes. From the outskirts of Khammam
city, more than hundred comrades on mobikes accompanied the body of
the comrade to the District office of the party. Com. Ravi's body reached
Khammam party office in the afternoon.

capacity, hundreds of people were standing outside the hall and on the
road in front of the office. Slogans were raised for Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought, New Democratic Revolution, CPI(ML)-New Democracy
along with 'Long Live Com. Ravi'. Party cadres who had assembled from
different villages of Khammam district besides party cadres and leaders
from the different districts of Telengana and Andhra Pradesh, vowed to
intensify their struggle for New Democratic Revolution.

In the evening the body was taken to his native village, Pindiporlu, for
the cremation. Reaching Pindiporlu, the body was kept in the Mandal office
of the Party situated in the village. There a brief meeting was held which
was addressed by leaders of the Party and other organizations. Speakers
spoke about his contributions to the revolutionary movement and people's
struggles. From there began the last journey. Winding its way through village
lanes the body was briefly taken to their family house in the village en
route to the cremation ground near the village.

Among those who paid their respects to the departed leader, several of
them from other organizations had seen him after several decades due to
47 years of underground life endured by him in the course of his participation
in the revolutionary movement.

Wrapped in red cloth and covered by the party flag, the body was taken
to the funeral pyre. Amidst slogans raised by Party comrades in the memory
of the departed leader, the body was consigned to the flames. With resolve
in their hearts, party leaders and cadres bid their last farewell to one of the
most prominent leaders of the revolutionary movement. Thus ended the
last journey of the son of this village which is renowned for its role in Great
Telengana Armed Struggle. The villagers paid their homage to their ilk who
had contributed so much to the cause of liberation of the people. They
were both proud that Com. Ravi belonged to their village and sad at the
loss of this great son of their village.

At the Khammam district office of the Party, floral tributes were given
by thousands of the comrades assembled there. Besides party comrades,
family members of Com. Ravi including his mother were present. Leaders
of other revolutionary organizations and leaders of other political parties
also paid their homage to Com. Ravi. Not only was the hall packed beyond
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

NEW DEMOCRACY

of Development! Re-start
Closed Jute Mills in NorthAndhra! Down With
Government Repression
on Revolutionary Mass
Movements!

29TH FEBRUARY 2016: VISHAKHAPATNAM (AP)

BIG RALL
Y & PUBLIC MEETING
RALLY
AGAINST CO
AST
AL CORRIDOR
COAST
ASTAL
To Resist and Defeat Destructive Development

The rally passed
through several streets
and areas of the city
including New Colony,
Dondaparthy, Diamond
Park, Dwaraka Nagar and
Ambedkar statue. Taking
about two hours, at around
5.30 pm the rally reached
the grounds opposite to
the Government Women’s
College
where
it

To Fight for People – Centric Development

On the call of the Central Committee of the CPI (ML) New Democracy
a big rally was organized at Vishakhapatnam on 29 February, 2016 to resist
the destructive development model being imposed by the Govts. and to
demand a people centric development paradigm. The Vishakhapatnam rally
was part of CPI (ML) New Democracy’s efforts to mobilize people against
this development model being imposed by India’s ruling classes. Nearly 7
thousand people particiapted in the programme.

The rally started at 3.30 pm from Vishakhapatnam railway station and
was led by a large troupe of cultural activists of Arunodaya and women
cadres who attracted public attention through their revolutionary song and
dance performances. Behind them, leading the rally walked the leaders of
CPI (ML) New Democracy Central Committee and the state leadership of
Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Odisha behind a huge banner declaring
the main slogan of the rally. Festooned with the placards, banners and red
flags of the party and different mass organizations of women, youth,
students, peasants, workers and fisher folk, the rally looked as if a sea of
red had descended on the streets of Vishakhapatnam.

Thousands of cadres of different mass organizations of the party rent
the air with their thunderous slogans. Some of the slogans that were raised
were – Stop Destruction in the Name of Development! We want People
Centric Development! Take Back the Coastal Corridor, SEZs and PCPIR!
Take Back the Government Order for Bauxite Mining in Vishakha Agency
Area! Stop the Construction of Polavaram Project! Protect Forest Land,
Sea Coast, and Agricultural Lands! Stop Polluting Industries! Encourage
Cashew, Sugarcane, Jute and Other Crops! Provide Subsidy to Cashew,
Sugarcane, Jute and other industries! Give Minimum Support Price for
Crops! Cancel Recovery of Agricultural Loans! Stop Land Grab in the Name
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culminated into a mass meeting.

Before various speakers took the mike, the Arunodaya cultural activists
raised the tempo of the mass meeting by rendering revolutionary songs
and dance performances. Com. K. Ravikumar, CPI (M-L) New Democracy
Vishakhapatnam town committee member invited speakers onto the Dias.
The Public meeting was presided over by Com. Y. Sambasiva Rao (YSR),
CPI (M-L) New Democracy Andhra Pradesh State Party Spokesperson.
Addressing the rally he said that the government has been depriving the
Scheduled Tribes, Dalits, and fishermen of their livelihood by displacing
them from their habitations to provide the coastal corridor for setting up of
SEZs, P.C.P.I.R. and other projects. He questioned the rationale of the
government in bringing projects which are destroying the people's lives.
Government is mortgaging resources like Bauxite deposits in Araku,
Anantagiri and Chintapalli Ghats to Multinational Companies for pursuing
pro-imperialist development. In the process of mortgaging these resources
to the imperialists and their agents, the ruling elite is violating the 5th
Schedule of the Constitution. He emphasized that the Government is
uprooting people’s lives and throwing them on to the streets by pursuing
Thermal power plants in Kakarapally, Sompeta, Polaaki, Pudimadika,

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NEW DEMOCRACY

Paravaada, Naduvuru, Krishnapatnam, Raamayampeta, Kaamavarapu Peta
and in other areas. Com. YSR said that the government is trying to take
concurrence of the people for extending the Vishakhapatnam Gangavaram
port and HPCL and Steel plants by resorting to coercive police intimidation.
Even though the people are already suffering from the pollution caused by
the existing industries in Vishakhapatnam, in promoting the current phase
of industrialization the CRZ Rules, Pollution Control Board and warnings
issued by the Department of Environment are all being given a go by.

The rally was also addressed by noted academic and retired Professor
of Delhi University Prof. Manoranjan Mohanty who was the Chief Guest of
this meeting. Prof Mohanty said that the Central Government is encouraging
projects like the Coastal corridor in the service of domestic and International
Corporate houses and that such development shall prove to be harmful for
the country’s economic development. He said that this is being done at
the cost of the real needs of the people. Pointing to the latest Budget of
the Modi government at the Centre, he said that this Union Budget is against
poor people and has neglected the development of the education sector.
He said that there is little direction in the Budget towards solving the
problems of the poor people and tackling the problem of unemployment.
Due to their collective failure the ruling elite of the country are resorting to
repression on the people who are questioning this kind of destructive
development. Criticizing the Government, Prof Mohanty said that the
government is torturing the people in agency areas like through Operation
Green Hunt to cover up its failure at solving their basic requirements such
as of health, food and livelihoods. The Government is foisting cases of
sedition and calling people anti-national for raising their voice against caste
oppression such as in the case of suicide by Hyderabad Central University’s
Dalit scholar Rohith Vemula. Modi Government is trying to make India a
free market for the exploitation of its working masses in the name of ‘Make
in India.’ Due to this destructive pattern of development, people are losing
their sustainability and the poor people living in villages, towns and cities
are being displaced from their habitations. Professor Manoranjan Mohanty
called upon the people to oppose destructive development and participate
in mass movements in support of alternative, people centric development.
He concluded his speech with “Inquilab Zindabad.”

model of development to the 'development' works undertaken by the British
in India, Com Khatkar likened the construction of roads, airports and other
projects by India’s ruling elite as a means to deepen the exploitation of the
country by International and domestic corporate in the same manner as
was done by the British imperialists. He pointed out that the government is
not providing jobs to local people in local industries and that the problems
that are going to be created by the coastal corridor are going to far outweigh
the claimed benefits. Com Khatkar stressed that this model of capitalist
development shall only facilitate the drain of India’s resources. This model
of 'development' is only pushing our people further into poverty by displacing
the Dalits, Adivasis and the fishermen from their habitations. In this
connection Com Khatkar pointed to the Government’s preparations for
amending the Land Acquisition Act and The Trade Union Act. He said that
the people throughout the country are getting mobilized in mass movements
such as the ones that had taken place in Kalinganagar, Niyamgiri, Singur,
Nandigram, Jaitapur, Kakrapalli, Sompeta and Kudankulam and are
sacrificing their lives. Com Khatkar stated that CPI (M-L) New Democracy
has always stood with the people and has involved them in mass
movements to solve their livelihood issues of food, shelter, clothing,
education, medicines etc.

Among other speakers the meeting was also addressed by Com.
Bhalachandra Shadangi (Odisha state spokesperson of the party), Com.
K. Rangayya (Telangana state Leader) , Com. P. Prasad (AP state Leader),
Com. Tandara Prakash (V.V.S Area leader), Com. M. Durga Prasad (All
India Kisan Mazdoor Sabha AP state General Secretary), Com. M. Lakshmi
(Progressive Organization of Women AP state General Secretary), Com.
M. Venkateswarlu (Indian Federation of Trade Unions state Vice President),
Com. Dharmula Suresh (AIKMS state vice President), Com. Y. Kondaiah
(ND Vishaka Town Secretary) and others.

The performances put up by the comrades of Arunodaya cultural
activists came in for huge praise by one and all. In this connection the
efforts of Arunodaya AP State President Com. Ramarao, Arunodaya AP
state General Secretary Com. Porandla Srinivas and Arunodaya Telangana
State Secretary Com. Krishna need special mention. Performances by
Vishakhapatnam Child cultural activists were also much appreciated.

The meeting was also addressed by CPI (M-L) New Democracy Central
Committee member Comrade Darshan Singh Khatkar. Linking the present
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CPI(ML)-New Democracy's Call to the People

Resist and Def
ea
uction in the
Defea
eatt Destr
Destruction
name of De
velopment!
Dev
Fight ffor
or P
eople centric De
velopment!
People
Dev

Fellow people of the country,

The policies being pursued by the Central and State Govts. are destroying
lives and livelihoods of the people of the country. They are unleashing
death, devastation and destruction on the vast masses. Their policies are
destroying crop lands, green forests, sea coast and river banks and are
poisoning land and water. They are destroying agriculture, fishing and other
livelihoods of the people. Their policies are an unmitigated disaster for the
people of the country, including broad sections of the peasantry including
tribals, workers, fisherfolk, slum dwellers and other toiling sections. Their
neoliberal model of ‘development’ is only meant to benefit foreign and
domestic corporate and their lackeys while it is a model of devastation
and destruction for the common people inhabiting the length and breadth
of the country. Their policies are endangering food security, environment
and conditions of lives for the vast multitude.

Modi led RSS-BJP Central Govt. and State Govts. including Naidu led
TDP Govt. of AP, Naveen Patnaik led BJD Govt. of Odisha and KCR led
TRS Govt. in Telengana, are all following a development model based on
displacing large sections of peasantry and landless people including tribals
from villages, from the countryside, fisherfolk from the sea coast and basti
dwellers from urban areas. These govts. are working for handing over vast
mineral resources of the country to the foreign and domestic corporate,
are working to help landgrabbers and construction Mafia. They wish to
deepen the exploitation of the country and its people, its natural resources
and cheap labour power.

Their imperialist dependent model of development has brought untold
miseries and suffering to the people. People are losing their old world
without gaining a new, they are being deprived of their means of life without
being offered anything better, they are being robbed and plundered.
Conditions of life of the vast majority are miserable and are further declining.
Ruling classes, for their so-called development, have displaced nearly
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

60 million people of the country. Over 40% of them are tribals i.e. nearly 2
crore and 40 lakhs, 20% of them dalits i.e. 1 crore and 20 lakhs and 20%
of them fisherfolk i.e. nearly 1 crore and 20 lakhs. Such a vast number of
oppressed sections have been deprived of their means of livelihood, forced
to migrate for mere survival and working as most exploited casual or contract
labour, their women and girls as housemaids, or simply as homeless
vagrants in mega cities. In urban areas, poor basti dwellers are being driven
away from their shelter for beautification and green cities. In forest areas,
tribals are being driven away from their podu lands in the name of increasing
green cover and their lands usurped for open cast mining.

Corporate vultures are eying the vast mineral resources of the countrybauxite, zinc, manganese, iron, beach sand mining etc. For this, the Govt.
is signing MoUs with foreign companies and conspiring to displace even
more people, predominantly tribals.

Modi Govt.’s “Make in India” is an invitation to MNCs to take advantage
of our natural resources and cheap labour. Central Govt., in the last year’s
budget, announced five industrial corridors in the country- Mumbai-Delhi
Industrial Corridor, Mumbai-Bengalaru Economic Corridor, ChennaiBengalaru Industrial Corridor, Vizag-Chennai Industrial Corridor and
Amritsar-Kolkata Industrial Corridor. These are in addition to the Coastal
Corridor on the Eastern Coast. As a part of these a number of ports are to
be developed, power plants are to be set up both coal based and atomic,
chemical plants and gas storage depots are being built, mining and
urbanization are to be taken up. These will devastate not only the vast
countryside and tribal inhabitations, but also the vast sea coast (India has
7517 km. sea coast). These will prove to be environmental disasters, pollute
the atmosphere and poison the soil and water. There have already been
accidents involving gas leaks from the storage depots. With western
markets in depression and domestic market not being developed, these
enterprises would only mean increasing mineral extractions and real estate
expansion. These would bring no advantage to the Indian people. In fact
the ruling classes are selling not only the present but even the future of
the country and its people.

To facilitate these projects on the eastern coast, Polavarum project is
being built to supply water to MNCs and Indian corporate. This project
would displace more than three lakh people, half of them tribals, from
Telengana, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Chhatisgarh. To facilitate this

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project, Central Govt. has transferred areas of submergence from
Telengana. They are building this in earthquake prone area endangering
lives of large number of people.

Central Govt. is also planning to transfer water from Mahanadi in Odisha
to Godavari, which will devastate the whole region. Vansdhara and Nagabali
rivers originating from Niyamgiri hills are also affected threatening the
livelihood of large number of people in South Odisha and North Andhra.

Building projects as part of coastal corridor would lead to environmental
catastrophe. Indian Govt. is embarking on dangerous atomic power plants
which are being shut down elsewhere in the world. Effects of coal ashes
and effusions cause a lot of environmental degradation. These projects
would also lead to devastation of the sea coast which increases the risks
of greater destruction from natural calamities.

Dear people, all these projects are not for development which would
benefit the people of the country. These are part of the offensive of the
finance capital of imperialist countries to increase the exploitation of the
people of countries like India; part of their imperialist globalization where
entire resources of the globe are to enrich MNCs from the imperialist
countries and their compradors in countries like India. These projects would
increase food insecurity, destitution of the vast masses. They would seize
from the people and from generations hereafter, the land they till, the purity
of air and water they consume, the riches the sea offers for sustenance
and give not better lives but impoverishment and displacement.

Central Govt. is bent on pursuing this disastrous course. In order to
acquire the land for these projects it tried to change the 2013 Land
Acquisition Act. This Act embodied changes from the colonial Land
Acquisition Act of 1894 to provide for consent of the displaced people and
social impact assessment though it too did not rule out forcible
displacement. These changes were forced by the struggles of the people
against displacement, braving brutal repression and offering supreme
sacrifices. In these struggles women stood shoulder to shoulder with men.
People of Kalinganagar, Niyamgiri, Jagatsinghpur, Kashipur, Singur,
Nandigram, Gangavaram, Kakrapally, Sompeta, Raigarh, Dadri, Karchana
and scores of other places gave their lives to force these changes. Modi
Govt. sought to undo this. But the peasant masses foiled these nefarious
designs of Modi Govt. and it had to allow lapse of its Ordinance.
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Central Govt. and State Govts. have launched brutal repression on the
people resisting takeover of their land and livelihood. They have launched
Operation Green Hunt in tribal areas to suppress the struggle of tribals and
have fired upon the peasants resisting displacement, have arbitrarily
arrested and foisted false cases against the activists. They have restricted
people’s right to protest putting increasing obstacles in the path of their
protests.
Ruling classes particularly Modi led RSS-BJP Govt. are sowing
communal poison to disrupt the unity of the people and lead them astray.
Ruling class parties are fanning different forms of parochialism to pit one
section of people against the other to divert attention from their anti-people
rule. They divert youth by wide accessibility of liquor, drugs and regressive
culture.

Dear people, you have repeatedly and heroically risen against the antinational and anti-people policies of the Govts. You have not shied away
from any hardship or sacrifice to secure the present and future of the people
and the country. You alone can prevent the ruling classes and Govt. from
mortgaging the country and the people and their future. You alone can
beat back this offensive of the Govts. and advance towards a development
model for the people that would be free from exploitation by the imperialist
countries and oppression by domestic reactionary classes.

Let us fight for provision of homes, food, health, education, clean
surroundings, clothing and recreation for all citizens. Land should be given
to the tiller, agricultural supplements and instruments should be provided
at cheap rates and adequate support prices given for their produce.
Agribased industries like jute, textile, coconut, sugarcane and cashewnut
should be revived and supported along with fisheries. Cold storages should
be built for agriproducts. Fight for in situ development for slum dwellers.

To highlight the grave dangers of the policies of the Central and State
Govts. and to develop people’s struggle against them, CPI(ML)-New
Democracy is holding a Rally in Vishakhapatnam on February 29, 2016
(Monday) from Railway Station which will culminate in a public meeting at
old Central Jail opposite Govt. Women’s College.

CPI(ML)-New Democracy appeals to the people to join the rally and
public meeting in large number. We also appeal to the people to support
this programme in all possible ways.

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Land Reforms in West Bengal
during Left Front Regime –
Propaganda and Reality – Part 2
Tapas Roy

(“Land Reforms in West Bengal during Left Front Regime – Propaganda
and Reality” deals with the social phenomena produced by the LF Govt. through
its land reform. Although it was stated that the article would be concluded in
two parts, another part is necessary to feature the transformations in land
patterns under Left Front during the period of globalization. - Writer)
(1)

The then Land Reform minister and now the leader of the opposition
and a CPM Politburo member, Dr. Surya Kanta Mishra, alongwith his coauthor Vikas Rawal, in the article, Agrarian Relations in contemporary West
Bengal stated, “The land reform implemented by the Left Front Government
in West Bengal had two major components; tenancy reform and
redistribution of land.” (Agrarian Studies. Essays of Agrarian Relations in
less-developed countries, Edited by V.K. Ramchandran and
MadhuraSwaminathan Page – 332).

He further added, “Implementation of tenancy reforms was made
possible by an amendment in the West Bengal Land Reform Act brought
about in 1977. This amendment provided the legal basis for the movement
popularly known as ‘Operation Barga’. The amended legislation outlined
clear procedures for identification of bargadars and laid down very strict
conditions for preventing eviction of bargadars. At the same time it clearly
stated that the burden of proving that a person identified as bargadar is not
a bargadar and that land is in his (the landowner’s) personal cultivation will
lie with the landowner. With this legislative backing, public meetings were
organized with the help of panchayats and mass peasant organizations to
mobilize sharecroppers to register their names in the land records. (ibid ;
March, 2016

15

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
page – 332).

This statement is misleading and deceiving. Operation Barga was not
a legislative phenomena; it was an administrative affair. After emergence
to power, the Left Front government paid attention to recording the names
of bargadars in records of right. The revision and preparation of record of
rights in accordance with West Bengal Land Reform Act was started in the
year 1972, i.e. during Congress regime. But the strength of the
administration was inadequate for recording the names in different areas
to cope up with the recording of the names of the bargadars especially in
the areas known as ‘priority area’. To minimize the problem a special drive
for recording the names of the bargadars was adopted by the Left Front
government. The special drive is known as ‘Operation Barga’. The Board
of Revenue in its circular memo no. 12304 (27) GE dt. 05/07/1978
announced that a special drive has been given by the Board of Revenue
by forming the squads for the purpose of recording the names of the
bargadars.

The squad mainly consisted of officers and employees of land reform
department. The department used to issue a general notice in a village
(often pasted in some public place) asking the bargadars and owners to be
present on a particular date. Amidst the assembly, the bargadars could
raise their voices and request their names to be recorded and the revenue
officers did comply. It was a shortcut process no doubt but it attracted the
rural peasantry very much because they could assemble under the
administrative umbrella and could raise their voices in support of their
claims. No doubt, the recording of the names of bargadars got tremendous
momentum during that period, i.e. the early periods of the Left Front
government.

But legal implications were something else. The circular contemplated
the amendment of the rules for the purpose of expeditious disposal of the
recording of the names of the bargadars. But before such amendment, the
Operation Barga started in full swing. The legal validity of such circular
was challenged before the High Court at Calcutta and the High Court held
that: “The Board of Revenue’s circular laying down the various procedures
for recording the names of the Bargardars under operation Barga had got
no legal validity, and therefore, not binding.” (Biswanath Ghosh Vs State
of West Bengal, 1979) Thus it is clear that the term ‘Operation Barga’ was

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an administrative phenomena, it was not legislative action. In fact, there
was no major amendment in 1977 in W.B.L.R. Act as claimed by Suryakanta
Mishra.The “Operation Barga” programme was launched without proper legal
framework as prescribed in our constitution and Land Acts. The programme
received setback from the judiciary.

In the meantime, Panchyat elections were held in West Bengal and the
CPI(M) led Left Front got overwhelming majority and extended their
organizational base in rural Bengal. But by doing so, the Party virtually
invited the rural landlords and rich peasants in its fold. A number of rural
landlords, jotedars and rich peasants changed their allegiance to keep
relations with the ruling parties and government. They changed their
allegiance but did not change their class character. And through the
Panchyats, they continued to control the village power. Setting aside the
progamme of class struggles, the Left Front, particularly the CPI(M),
created an atmosphere of class collaboration. The contradictions of
bargaders, sharecroppers and the land owners were not sharpened, on the
contrary, in most of the cases, land owners took shelter in CPI(M) camp
and created their class influence and class interest. It definitely created
hindrance to recording the names of the bargadars. The legal hindrance on
one side and hindrance due to class collaboration and class appeasement
on the other slowed down the recording process gradually. It can well be
seen that the rate of recording the names of bargadars was gradually and
considerably decreasing after the first five year term of the Left Front
government. Whatever the number of recorded bargadars be, it cannot be
denied that the programme created a social stir, particularly in rural areas.
The bargadars and the downtrodden peasantry utilized opportunities to
assemble in a gathering and to raise their voices in their favour. In most of
the cases the land owners remained absent. It cannot be also denied that
a large section of govt. officials in Land Reforms department, particularly
the young ones, took tremendous responsibilities to organize the evening
meetings of Operation Barga. However all the good efforts were jeopardized
owing to the apathy to build up class struggle. Even, there was not enough
attempt to combat the legal hindrance. The Board of Revenue’s circular
featuring and describing Operation Barga virtually lost its legal validity by
Court’s order. The Left Front government did not bring any major amendment
in Act in favour of bargadars as claimed by Dr. Suryakanta Misra. They
only changed WB Land Reforms Rules, 1965, debarring an advocate or a
legal practitioner from appearing on behalf of Bargadar or owner and brought
March, 2016

17

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
some changes in rule 21.
Vide Rule 21(2), notwithstanding the provisions of sub-rule (1), the
Revenue officer may, on his own motion, incorporate in the village record
of rights any change on account of alteration in the mode of cultivation, for
example, by a bargadar mentioned in clause (e) of section 50 after making
such inquiry including on the spot inquiry and inspection, as he may deem
fit, and after giving the parties interested an opportunity of being heard.

Vide this rule the Revenue officer was allowed to act on his own motion
even where an application on representation has been made to him by any
person claiming to be entitled.

And by the clause (3) inserted in Rule 21, the Revenue officer was
empowered to publish a notice of his intention to make an inquiry, and as
the case may be, to incorporate any change as mentioned in sub-rule (2),
by affixing a notice in some conspicuous part of the village/mauza in which
the land affected is situated and by affixing notice to a conspicuous place
in the office of the Gram Panchyat within whose jurisdiction the land affected
is situated.

The amendment shows that the Left Front government banked mainly
on administration. The process was left to bureaucratic initiatives. The
organized activities of the mass organizations, peasant organizations were
less. Only they relied on panchyats which were gradually occupied and /
or influenced by the upper sections of the rural masses.

The validity of notice contemplated in Rule 21(3) was challenged before
the Calcutta High Court on the ground that the interested parties (i.e., the
land owners) have been denied opportunity of being heard by not serving
upon them any notice. The Calcutta High Court struck down sub-rule (3) as
arbitrary and violative of Article 14 of the constitution (Samijan Bewa Vs
Revenue office, 1986).

Thus Operation Barga programme was thwarted by two factors. (1) the
hindrance of the courts. The Left Front government did not do proper
homework before implementing the programme, keeping a large number of
legal loopholes and was quite inefficient, if not reluctant to frame proper
legal measures and (2) the apathy of CPI(M) to build up class struggle and
its willingness to restore class collaboration to maintain status quo in the
interest of its agenda to remain in power.

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The much propagated ‘Operation Barga’ was in fact a short lived process
and during the entire Left Front regime, the recording the names of
bargadars was an administrative feature.

The Left Front government did not comply with the long cherished
demand of the peasantry – to give bargadars ownership of the land though
they got ample scope to implement it after coming to power. There was an
expectation that the govt. should carry out the work. But the Left Front
govt. was reluctant to implement the same.
(2)

The other aspect of the land reforms measure, viz, vesting of the ceiling
surplus land and its distribution earned the same fate i.e. class collaboration
and appeasement with the upper section of the rural masses.

In this aspect also the same old story of class appeasement and effort
to maintain status quo was repeated. The panchayats were allotted a major
role regarding distribution. Prior to the distribution pre-distribution survey
was to be held and the panchayat was supposed to place a list of eligible
persons to get ‘patta’. But in most of the cases particularly during the later
period of the Left Front regime, the panchayats could not prepare the list
mainly due to the intra party rivalry.

The major amendments in West Bengal Land Reform Act were introduced
in 1971. The amendments included ceiling laws, definition of family etc.
Thus, it was an outcome of Congress regime. The family ceiling was
introduced vide proposal of Fourth Five Year Plan.

The CPI(M) led Left Front promised to bring up fundamental changes in
Land Reforms Act, particularly relating to the recording, protection and
financing to the bargadars and the laws relating to surplus land. We have
already seen that they failed miserably regarding bargadars. No major
amendment could be done relating to bargadars.

The Left Front government in West Bengal brought an amendment in
1980. Previously the surplus land was related to agricultural land only. As
a result, tanks, fisheries, orchards etc. were kept outside the purview of
the ceiling which enabled big land owners to retain a vast quantum of land.
The Govt. brought an amendment to this. Para 4 of the statement of objects
and reasons of the West Bengal Land Reform (Second Amendment) bill
March, 2016

19

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
1980 is given below.

“There was general public demand that the West Bengal Land Reforms
Act, 1955 should be streamlined and comprehensively amended so as to
advance the cause of land reforms by breaking concentration of land as
the material resource of the community and means of production and by
distributing the ceiling surplus land among the landless and land poor rural
people of the state to subserve the common good. It was noticed that the
ceiling provisions in the West Bengal Reform Act, 1955 being applicable to
agricultural land only, unduly discriminated in favour of owners of the lands
of other classes and description. The bill is intended to do away with such
discrimination. All classes of land are now intended to be calculated within
the same ceiling limit so that ceiling surplus land of all classes can be
utilized for the good of the community and can be distributed among the
deserving people. Amendment of the constitution of India by omitting Article
31 and clause (f) of Article 19 has been taken note of."
The Bill was sent to a Select Committee. There members (Atish Chandra
Sinha of Congress and Balai Das Mahapatra and Kiranmay Nand of Socialist
Party) put notes of dissent on the ground that if the bill be implemented,
law and order situation would be at stake.

The Bill vis-à-vis the West Bengal Land Reform (Amendment) Act 1981
was passed in the WB legislative Assembly in 1981. But President’s assent
was given on 6th March 1986, i.e., long five years after it was sent for
assent. By that time, CPI (M) led Left Front had already adopted the policy
of class collaboration completely.
(3)

It can be noticed that all the positive efforts in the arena of land reforms
were performed during the first five years, i.e., the first term of the Left
Front govt., be it Operation Barga or the LR (Amendment) Act 1981. The
CPI (M) led Left Front gradually adopted the policy of class appeasement
and status quo to remain in power relying mainly on the administration and
the local governments such as panchayats, headed and controlled and
influenced by the upper sections of rural masses and halted the organization
processes of the mass organization such as Kisan Sabha.
The obvious result was stalemate. While introducing the LR (amendment)

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NEW DEMOCRACY

Bill 1981, the then Land Reform Minister Benoy Chaudhary told in the
Assembly that in West Bengal at least 30-35 lakh acre agricultural land is
liable to be vested and through the bill more land would be expected to be
vested and more land would be distributed to the landless and poor
peasantry. So it could be expected that about 40-45 lakh acres of land
would be vested. But the figure shows a different story. Only 13 – 15 lakh
acre of land was vested, and the land distributed was 10.5 lakh acre upto
2011-12. Out of these, a major quantum was during pre Left Front period.

Although the CPI(M) and Left Front led by it had made a promise before
election of 1977 that they would bring fundamental changes in land reform
Act, their performance reflects quite an opposite picture. Long ago, the
Land Revenue commission (‘Floud Commission’ formed during British
period to consider land pattern and land question) stated : "The most general
view was that 5 acres should be the minimum area required to keep average
family in reasonable comfort, but if the land is capable of growing nothing
but aman paddy the area required would be about 8 acres.” The peasant
organizations and the Communist Party were also in favour of reduction of
ceiling limit. According to Left Front claims, the condition of irrigation,
supply and procurement policy and other means for production have
sufficiently been developed. Obviously a question may arise. Why then
the CPI (M) Left Front did not perform this task? The answer is simple.
They did not want to unsettle the village status quo, did not want to create
stir in rural arena so that the class struggle may not be sharpened.

Throughout its regime, the CPI (M) led Left Front in West Bengal
patronized class appeasement and class collaboration instead of building
up class struggle. Whenever there was possibility of class conflict, whether
by Operation Barga or by vesting the clandestine land, the Left Front
particularly the CPI (M) halted the process with their revisionist outlook.
The institutional financing for the recorded bargadars and patta holders
also had a limited effect and that too was done during the early periods of
their regime.

Gradually, the CPI(M) led Left Front became kith and kin to the corporate
sector. They threw away the programme of land reform and tried to create
an atmosphere of corporate happiness in rural arena. (The process will be
discussed later on).

March, 2016

21

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Fighter for Democratic
Issues – Rohith Vemula

On the 17th of January 2016, Rohith Vemula, PhD scholar in Humanities
at Hyderabad Central University, committed suicide in one of the hostel
rooms. In his suicide note, he wondered at a society where a person’s
value is reducible to his ‘immediate identity and nearest possibility’, while
holding no one responsible for his death. Taken with his letter addressed to
the Vice Chancellor of Hyderabad University and written a few weeks earlier,
it is clear he felt forced to take his life because he was a Dalit. He had
faced caste discrimination all his life and the caste discrimination he faced
in the University too became unbearable for him.

Back Ground

Rohith Vemula was an M.Sc. and aspired to be a science writer. He
was born to a Dalit mother who had been adopted by a backward caste
woman and married by her into a backward caste family. After two children,
the husband discovered the women’s Dalit origin and threw her and her
children out of the house. Rohith grew up on his mother’s earning is as a
tailor; saw her dishonoured and ill treated in her adopted mother’s home –
probably because she was an abandoned woman with children, as her Dalit
origin was already known in that family.

Rohith was selected to Hyderabad Central University through the general
list; he did not avail the quota seat. In the University he joined the Ambedkar
Students Association (ASA). In July 2015, the ASA held a prayer meeting
on the hanging of Yaqub Memon and also a rally against capital punishment.
When the screening of a film on the Muzzafarnagar riots ( Muzaffarnagar
abhi baki hai ) was prevented in Delhi University, the ASA protested and
organized a screening of the film. The ABVP unit of the university objected
to this and its President, Susheel Kumar, tweeted against the screening,
calling the ASA ‘anti-national’ and other derogatory terms. Few ASA
activists went to Susheel Kumar’s room and made him post an apology for
this. This incident took place on 3rd August 2015.

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Central Ministers force, VC Complies

Caste Discriminations in Institutions of Higher Learning

The same evening, Susheel Kumar was admitted to a private hospital
for acute appendicitis and he lodged a complaint that he was beaten up by
five ASA members including Rohith Vemula. A Proctorial committee
investigated the complaint and on 12th August 2015 gave its report stating
that Kumar had not been beaten up and also upbraiding both sections of
students. Susheel Kumar approached BJP MP from Hyderabad, Duttatreya,
who is the Central Labour Minister and a seasoned RSS leader. The Labour
Minister – who rarely attends to issues concerning workers raised by letters
of trade unions, whose Ministry is charged with enacting pre-corporate
changes to existing labour laws, who is deaf to the demands of the working
class movements - immediately responded by writing to the Human
Resources Development Ministry on 17th August demanding action against
‘anti-nationals’. The HRD Minister, Smriti Irani, not only wrote to the Vice
Chancellor demanding action, but followed this up with four reminders in
two weeks.

The Vice Chancellor complied and a ‘continuing’ Proctorial enquiry was
begun under this pressure which gave its report on 31 st August 2015
suspending the five ASA members for the semester, with no action against
the ABVP leader. This was protested and the chain of events led to the
five students being prohibited from 11th Dec. 2015 from all public spaces
within the University including the hostels, library and the canteens. In
protest, the five students began living in the open outside the gate of the
University from 21st December. A meeting was sought with the VC who
refused to meet them probably because he could not explain his
subservience. Rohith Vemula wrote a letter to the Vice Chancellor on 18th
December pointing out the role of the VC in going all out against Dalit
students when the ABVP student was being of questioned about his
demeaning comments against Dalits. In the same letter he suggested that
he should distribute some poison to all dalits in the University and also
tells him to suggest ‘euthenasia’ to them.

On 17th January 2016, the ASA held a meeting at the dharna site to
decide to intensify the protest by starting a relay hunger strike from the
next day. Rohith did not go the dharna throughout the day and in the evening
was found hanging in his friend’s hostel room.

March, 2016

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

23

The entire incident raises many disturbing questions. The foremost is
the hatred faced by those Dalit students who manage to secure entrance
into institutions of higher learning. The upper castes are less than a fourth
of the population but many of them hold that their centuries old stranglehold
over higher learning is actually their birth right. In that perspective, they
see reservation as a gross injustice against their ‘merit’ and their stranglehold
over jobs and higher education is seen only as completely ‘natural’ and not
related to hold over resources and institutions of power. As a result, in
institutions of higher learning including scientific institutions and especially
in professional institutes of medicine and engineering, blatant anti Dalit
discrimination prevails. Teachers openly ask students their caste, caste
segregation operates in allotment of hostel rooms, research guides of Dalit
students do not co-operate with them, there are Govt. institutions where
Dalit students are made to sit on the floor while interacting with their guides,
are failed simply because they are Dalits. This is especially the case in
professional institutions. Govts. come and go, including those with a ‘Dalit’
agenda, but this discrimination continues unabated unless challenged by
a progressive student movement. Without the latter the rule of modern day
Dhronacharyas over institutions of higher learning continues unchecked.

Sycophant, Casteist Heads of Institutions

The issue repeatedly arises that Govts. attack Education and
institutions of higher learning through their Vice Chancellors and Directors
and not in spite of them. The reason is that their basis of selection is
bowing before the powers that be, their caste and religion. This has been
true of all Govts. After the advent of the Modi Govt., manoeuvreings to
establish hegemony of the Hindutva vision over higher education and to
saffronize education have snowballed. Upper caste chauvinism is an
invariable associate of Hindutva. The RSS Supremo wants a relook at
reservations; the comments of an Union Minister and the Haryana CM
when two Dalit toddlers were burnt alive is known; on the day Modi tried to
pacify students incensed over the suicide of Rohith Vemula by terming
him a son of India, one of the MPs of his party stated that anyone
sympathizing with Rohith is a fool. No matter how hard Hindutva leaders
try to prove their pro Dalit credentials to show a ‘Hindu’ unity against
Muslims, their understanding gets exposed at the slightest test.

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March, 2016

NEW DEMOCRACY

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Human Resources Development Minister Smriti Irani has earned the
title of Manusmriti Irani from the students agitating on the issue of Rohith
Vemula and this is the best proof of how effectively she has served the
Hindutva forces. She has been extremely useful in the efforts of the RSS
to impose an upper caste, Hindu communal vision on educational
institutions. Even before this she had demanded action against the
Ambedkar Periyar Circle in IIT Chennai for debating the anti people economic
policies of India. In the same manner she is equally useful in forwarding
the pro-corporate agenda of the RSS BJP Govt. of Modi for
commercialization of Education. This step of hers also goes against the
interests of poor and Dalit students, student movements and democratic
student organizations.

They have to seek entrance to Govt. run institutions; that they manage to
pursue their studies despite the contempt and ostracism they face here is
only proof of their abilities.

Of course in all these steps, the Govt. is blindly abetted by the Directors
and Vice Chancellors, a large number of whom share the same world view
while the rest could do anything to retain their powers, irrespective of what
is the effect on higher education. It is worthwhile to recall that over a
hundred Heads of Institutions were reported to have gone to the RSS office
in Delhi in 2014 to meet the RSS Supremo. In the case of Hyderabad
Central University, the entire enquiry report was overturned though the
University had already completed its own internal mechanism. However
the VC did not even stand up for the rules of the University.

Albiet in a totally negative manner, the second argument brings out a
truth. Rohith and the ASA were raising democratic issues- they were
opposing capital punishment to Yakub Memon, they were protesting against
the anti minority violence of Hindutva forces in Muzzafarnagar. In the same
vein, the students of the Ambedkar Periyar circle in IIT Madras were
discussing the anti people economic policies. They were not only talking
about caste discrimination, they were talking about the policies of their
country, about how minorities are dealt with by the Hindutva forces and
the communal state apparatus. This really inflames the upper caste
chauvinists that the Dalits should dare to be concerned about anything
other than themselves. If the exploited sections of India understand that
India is their responsibility and if they unitedly fight for each other and on
common democratic concerns, what can save the ruling classes of India?

Another mechanism is used to harass the Dalit students in institutions
of higher learning and this has also been brought to light by Vemula’s
suicide. The suicide note mentions that the University had not yet paid
him one lakh seventy five thousand dues of his Fellowship money and he
wanted the same to be handed to his mother after repaying Rs 40,000 loan
which he had taken from a friend. In this way Dalit students are harassed
by making it impossible to meet educational expenses even when they
have been selected for grants or fellowships. At this very time a student
agitation is on against the decision of the HRD Ministry to stop non NET
scholarships. Students are also demanding that the rider of ‘merit’ which
is going to be used for future allocations should be scrapped as the selection
of a student for higher education is itself the qualification for the same.
The proposal is only aimed against students from minorities and the Dalit
students.

Those Dalit students who are first generation learners face tremendous
social and economic hurdles in order to enter institutions of higher learning.
March, 2016

25

In order to defend herself in the Rohith Vemula case, the HRD Minister
offered two arguments which were immediately seized by BJP and other
Hindutva organizations and widely propagated. The first not only negated
Rohith’s life long struggle but also that of his mother- it was asserted that
Vemula was not a Dalit at all because his father was from a backward
caste. The second argument indirectly indicates a fact- the Ministry
maintained that this was not a Dalit issue because these students are not
like Dalits ‘of Maharashtra’, rather they are ‘anti nationals’, they are ‘Leftist
Dalits’.

However, Rohith’s suicide definitely is a Dalit issue and that is brought
out by his own perceptions about the discrimination he and other members
of his organization were facing, This is amply clear both from his letter to
the Vice Chancellor as well as loneliness on the issue of identity which
reaches out through the suicide note.

Rohith Vemula’s Suicide is Murder

A case has been filed against the Vice Chancellor and the Labour Minister
but ‘Manu'Smriti Irani has gone scot free. The VC was forced to proceed
on leave; the person who officiated was also forced by the students to
move out as he had presided over the Committee which punished the ASA
members. As a result of the student agitation, a third VC had to be named

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March, 2016

NEW DEMOCRACY

within one month. In order to pacify the students and also to distract from
its anti Dalit character, the Central Govt. has been forced to announce a
Committee to investigate discrimination against Dalits in central universities
and central institutions of higher learning and also study other problems
faced by them. BJP supporters are spewing venom on Facebook, other
Internet sites and on Twitter. Rohith was a ‘political’ person, did his ‘parents
send him to study’ or to ‘do politics’? They advocate that the only politics
students should do is ABVP politics! He was a ‘coward’ that is why he
committed suicide. This is the understanding of the ruling classes, that
students should be kept divorced from thinking about the country, the
policies of Govts., so that they can rule unquestioned and unexposed. On
this issue the typical example is of the education system in America where
the student movement against the Vietnam war brought the Govt. to its
knees. The education and examination patterns were changed thereafter
to deprive students of the time to think.

The forces engaged in fighting caste discrimination and seeking an end
to casteism must rethink the accumulated experiences of the past 69 years.
Merely enforcing education is insufficient to free Indian society from the
centuries long shadow of Dronacharya and from caste discrimination and
caste contempt. Participation of some Dalits in the power structure, some
special facilities for them, reservations in jobs and in education, some
sharing of resources are also not enough even though they are necessary
steps towards democratization. The present structure of Indian society
acts as a base for the existence of the caste system. To end caste
discrimination and oppression, a revolutionary reorganization of society is
necessary.

How deeply entrenched is casteism is also clear from subsequent events
at HCU. Not only has the former VC not been arrested in the case filed
against him, he has returned from leave and has rejoined as VC! When
students of HCU protested, their mess was closed, electircity and water
supply cut, students brutally lathicharged and arrested while guilty ministers
and VC are scot free!

This struggle must be extended to encompass all students and
democratic sections. Fight for Rohith Act must be widened and carried
forward to penalize caste discrimination and oppression and to penalize
non-implementation of reservation in academic institutions.

March, 2016

27

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

CC Statement On Union Budget 2016-'17

Continuing Bonanza for the Super-rich
and Burden on the Poor

Union Budget presented by Finance Minister Arun Jaitley does not
address any concern relating to economic growth nor takes any step to
ameliorate the deteriorating conditions of the people. It does not address
the questions of peasant distress, industrial stagnation or the rising
economic burden on the common people.

The Budget exercise of Indian Govt. has lost much of its importance
due to year round increase in taxes and levies as also jugglery of figures.
Incomes are inflated to balance the figures and expenditures are announced
to hear plaudits from apologist commentators. However the money is not
spent and thus people are fooled without any exertion on the part of the
Govt. Govt. makes big announcements to hide continuing slowdown of
economic growth- the announcements which are never implemented.
Schemes are renamed (after Sangh icons), regrouped under different heads
to show increased allocation and tricks of the kind are galore in Jaitley’s
Budget. Appropriate noises are made of care for the peasants and common
persons but all the benefits accrue to less than 0.1 percent of the super
rich. Homilies are paid loudly to the poor but the fine print discloses the
real bonanza for the super rich.

The direction discernible from the Budget is that NDA Govt. is continuing
its thrust on privatization of all spheres of economic life and entry of foreign
companies is facilitated into ever newer sectors. 100 percent FDI is
permitted in food processing increasing stranglehold of foreign capital over
the agrarian sector.

A lot of noise is made about caring for agriculture and the peasantry.
But no steps are announced for the benefit of peasants. As always more
money is marked for credit for the already heavily indebted peasantry. No
steps have been announced for bringing down high prices of agricultural
inputs nor any steps announced or money marked for procurement of
agricultural produce at remunerative prices. While higher outlay is
announced for irrigation, but given the abysmal condition of the irrigation

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system, the money will be squandered between officials and ruling
politicians. Allocation for MGNREGS at Rs. 38,000 crores is abysmally
low to provide any meaningful relief for the rural unemployed poor. The
Scheme is marked by extremely low wages and extremely high corruption.
Govt. has announced further electrification with highly irregular power supply
of unstable voltage. The core issues of the peasantry have largely been
unaddressed in the Budget.

While Govt. has neglected rural development, it has announced an
increase in outlay for panchayats and local bodies. With rampant corruption
seeping through these bodies in which local officials and ‘elected’
representatives partake, it is a measure to increase the penetration of
ruling classes in the rural areas and bringing up new agents thriving on
corruption in schemes.

Having earned an anti-Dalit image due to its policies and more so recently
through the institutional murder of Dalit youth Rohith Vemula by two Union
Ministers, Modi Govt. has made much of its attempts to promote dalit
welfare. It has marked abysmal amount of 500 crores for Dalit entrepreneurs
while ignoring the most basic issue of Dalit welfare i.e. land reforms.

The Finance Minister has made much of his Govt.’s emphasis on social
sectors but these are the most neglected. There has not been any
announcement about improvement in Govt. health care delivery system.
State of Primary Health Centres cries for improvement but Arun Jaitley
has ignored them completely. He has announced insurance coverage of
Rs. 1 lakh (additional 30 thousand for senior citizens) but it will be rendered
through private service providers. One can imagine how grossly inadequate
the amount is given the present cost of treatment in private hospitals and
high prices of essential medicines. Even the provision of additional dialysis
units is to be made through private sector (PPP mode).

Education is another sector which has been given short shrift. Higher
education has been left to fend for itself through what has been described
as “internal accruals” marking only one thousand crores for higher education
financing. The emphasis has been reduced to skill management. Here too
for the skill development of targeted one crore youth only Rs. 1700 crores
have been allocated. Given the present cost of education, one could imagine
how much skill these 1 crore youth would be able to acquire.

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

During 2014 elections BJP had promised jobs for the youth. But in this
Modi Govt. has failed miserably leading to large scale unrest among the
the youth of the country. Modi Govt. is clueless about this. Jaitley offered
first three years of EPF contributions for the workers in companies while
Govt. knows well that nearly 93 percent of the workers are not covered by
PF and Govt. announcement is unlikely to bring any into its bracket.

The Budget is out and out anti-worker. No announcement has been
made about increasing the income for tax purposes while price rise has
considerably eroded the value of money. Seventh Pay Commission has
dealt a cruel blow to Govt. employees handing over lowest ever increase
in their pay, in some cases with take home pay actually coming down.
While organized workers have been dealt this blow, there is no allocation
for the improvement of the lot of unorganized workers. Further, PF
withdrawals are to be taxed. (Withdrawn later -Editor)

The lopsided priorities of the Central Govt. are clear from its tax
proposals. While direct taxes are expected to come down, indirect taxes
(paid by the common people) have registered sharp increase by nearly 20
thousand crores. While lower income groups have been given no relief,
there have been sops for the rich with corporate tax exemptions going up
by nearly 5 thousand crores. Total revenue forgone i.e. subsidies to the
extreme rich and corporate have climbed to 5 lakh 86 thousand crores.
Obviously this largesse was not even mentioned by the Finance Minister
in his speech. Implementation of rules against tax avoidance has been
deferred by another year.

The Govt. has given over virtually all schemes from health to road
construction to food processing to private sector. Govt. is withdrawing
from providing or running facilities even for the extremely poor. In fact
Modi Govt., which has already abolished Planning Commission, has
announced doing away with differentiation between Plan and Non-plan
expenditure in future budgets.

Though the Govt. has boasted of its “fiscal prudence” by adhering to
3.5 percent target of fiscal deficit, the Finance Minister in the same breath
has talked of doing away with such target itself, announcing a committee
to look into it. The Govt. has allocated Rs. 25 thousand crores for
recapitalization of Banks which, given the scale of NPAs, would hardly
ameliorate the situation. Govt. has announced a new Board to be headed

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by ex-CAG Vinod Rai for these measures which include reducing Govt.
stake to below 50 percent. On the other hand the Finance Minister has
announced leveraging of PSU assets for new projects. It is a clear
announcement of Govt. intention to erode the resources of PSUs.

The Finance Minister, in the latter half of his speech, labored hard to
go into details into the incentives being offered to tax defaulters. It appeared
that this Govt. is a govt. of tax defaulters. It also showed unhealthy condition
of Govt. finances.

The Union Budget for 2016-2017 presented by the Finance Minister
today is totally opposed to the interests of peasants, workers, youth and
all sections of working people, even middle classes. It ignores the burning
problems of joblessness, peasant suicides, industrial stagnation and high
prices of essential commodities.

CPI(ML)-New Democracy appeals to the people of the country to see
through these anti-people budget proposals of the NDA Govt. and launch a
struggle against these.
February 29, 2016

CC Statement on Railway Budget

Railway Budget presented by Union Minister for Railways, Mr. Suresh
Prabhu, shows utter and callous disregard of the common people by the
NDA Govt. It also paints a sorry state of finances and condition of railways
under the present dispensation. Every person who travels by rail knows
well the sorry condition of railways. But the NDA Govt. has not bothered to
address the concerns of the common people for a comfortable, timely and
safe travel.

This callous disregard is shown by the fact that while a lot needs to be
done, the railway ministry has shows a surplus of Rs. 8720 crores from
the past year. Further out of a total of 40,000 crores of budgetary support
last year, over 20% was returned unutilized by the railways. Whether it
was just a commonly played gimmick of allotting more and spending less
or lack of willingness of NDA Govt. to spend on the travel for common
people, it just shows their lack of concern for the people. While budgetary
March, 2016

31

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

support has been kept at the last year’s level despite price rise, no method
of generation of finances for the projects announced has been outlined
except alluding to “innovative financing system”. It only shows that the
Govt. has no intention of carrying out the meagre announcements it has
made. This lack of focus on improving passenger services for common
people is much more evident as cost of fuel has declined enabling the
Govt. to spend more on improvements.
Modi led NDA Govt. has gone further on the road of privatization. While
several services including catering services have already been privatized,
in this Budget several initiatives announced are marked for PPP mode i.e.
profits for private and losses for the public. Redevelopment of railway
stations, construction of warehouses, sidings etc. all has been left for the
private sector. Announcement was made of inviting bids for even the two
loco plants announced. This only shows that Modi Govt. has left the
development to the private sector and its profit seeking.

Though no increase is announced in the passenger fares and freight
charges after the steepest hike last year, Govt. has kept such
announcement for a later day. Anyway allusion to future hike in freight
charges was made by the Railway Minister in the name of rationalizing the
freight structure. Successive Govts. have reduced budget exercises only
to accounting while announcing increase in prices round the year. Railways
share in the freight transport has progressively declined due to lackluster
performance of railways and increased costs.
Govt. announcement of shifting more traffic to higher axel load without
corresponding increase in expenditure on maintenance of tracks
demonstrates short sighted nature of those running Indian railways.

Only renaming the already existing facilities in the name of leaders of
Sangh parivar cannot bring any improvement. Renaming of unreserved
coaches as Deen Dayal coaches can not improve the abysmal conditions
in which the people travel and suffer in unreserved coaches. Similarly
renaming coolies as sahayaks without any announcement regarding their
welfare cannot improve the lot of these labouring people.

The lopsided emphasis on certain select routes while ignoring the vast
areas of the country only shows misplaced priorities of NDA Govt. Railway
Budget is marked by utter disregard of the concerns of the common people.
February 26, 2016

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ferment on in the realm of ideas and students are pushing interpretations
of democracy to encompass all sections of people. Students of various
backgrounds are engaging with the policies of rulers in their totality, with
issues of identity and breaking the moulds.

JNU: Modi led RSS-BJP
Go
vt.
k
Govt.
vt.’’s Attac
Attack
Aparna

The Modi led RSS BJP Central Govt., cornered and defensive over
Rohith Vemula’s institutional murder and the exposure of its anti Dalit
character, planned in advance to intervene in a routine event held in
February at Jawahar Lal Nehru University (JNU) situated in Delhi, to push
its own agenda. It also got a golden opportunity to turn people’s attention
from the devastating agrarian situation, continual price rise, joblessness
and absent ache din. Pouncing on the event, a wave of jingoism, righteous
chauvinism and aggressive fake nationalism has been let loose in the
country, based on video doctoring and Goebellsian ranting. The issues
involved just couldn’t have been better for the RSS; a mix of Kashmir and
communist baiting to which they themselves added the necessary
seasoning of 'Pakistan'.

The Jawahar Lal Nehru University is a Central university known for a
liberal culture of tolerance of different viewpoints. By providing for special
provisions to accommodate students from backward districts of the country,
it has built a reputation for a representative mixture of students. The
University has been an eyesore for the RSS, which associates it with
communist views and which has long voiced intentions of getting it closed
down.

9th February 2016 in Background of Student Unrest

Democratic student organizations and activists of many varieties in
institutions of higher learning especially in Delhi have been active in the
recent past. They spoke up for the Ambedkar Periyar Circle in IIT Chennai,
in support of the agitation of the students of FTII and were active in the
Occupy UGC struggle against stopping of non NET UGC scholarships by
the HRD Ministry of Smriti Irani. Students poured out in protest against the
lynching of Aflaq in Dadri and have organized beef eating festivals in
universities to challenge the artificial dogma of what is ‘Indian’. There is a
March, 2016

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

33

It is in this background that the recent events in JNU and the Central
Govt.’s interference in it should be viewed. A group of students with
revolutionary orientation who were earlier with the DSU (Democratic
Students Union) applied to the University administration for permission to
hold a poetry reading session on the occasion of the anniversary of the
hanging of Afzal Guru. The topic- ‘India- without a Post Office’- was a
sentence taken from a poem written in 1990 by a Kashmiri poet. The
students also put up posters throughout JNU campus about the programme
for which the authorities gave their assent. The occasion has been marked
every year here by some programme by student groups. The RSS vetted
new Vice Chancellor and administration withdrew permission just an hour
earlier prompted by the RSS's ABVP unit in JNU which opposed the
programme and whose member also holds the post of joint secretary of
the Students Union.

In protest against the sudden and unprecedented cancellation, the
organizers went ahead with a cultural event on the evening of 9th February
at a dhaba at one of the hostels, as these are places of informal discussions
and resident students usually gather here after classes. With the looming
threat of ABVP disturbance and the collection of slogan shouting ABVP
activists at the site of the programme, office bearers of JNUSU and leaders
and activists of several student organizations on the campus also
assembled and joined the students participating in the programme, which
included several of the Kashmiri students who study in JNU and some
students from outside. JNU security guards accompanied the ABVP
activists. Post the cultural event, a rally was taken out and the ABVP
members too took out a slogan shouting parallel procession in their much
smaller numbers but accompanied by the security guards of JNU. The
ABVP had also given a police complaint so police in plain clothes was
also present. At a point the ABVP members attempted to obstruct the
main rally leading to a short scuffle.

Within hours, on the 10th of February, a brief video was released by the
channel India TV (of Rajat Sharma) and by Zee news purportedly showing
the protesting students raising slogans of ‘Pakistan Zindabad’. The RSS

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and its various organizations let loose hell fire about ‘anti-nationals’, saying
JNU was their den; this rant was pioneered also by TV programme anchors
driven by ‘nationalism’. An FIR was promptly filed by Delhi police probably
dated 11th February on the basis of the ‘several’ complaints including of
BJP MP from East Delhi, Mahesh Giri. No complaint had been lodged by
the police present at the scene of the programme. A case of ‘sedition’ was
lodged under Sec.124A (Sedition), 120B (criminal conspiracy) and 34 (acts
done by several persons with a common intent). The JNU administration
suspended 8 students for one term pending enquiry but allowed them to
stay in the hostels as ‘guests’; a three member enquiry team was
announced including one faculty member who formed the campus unit of
‘Youth for Equality’ in the anti reservation agitation, another an exadministrator who once suspended the entire SU and who overall did not
inspire confidence in the students. This committee was promptly rejected
by the Students Union. The Registrar of JNU handed over a list of 30
students to the police; in all this surfeit of lists it was understood that the
FIR was against 19 named students. In an atmosphere of near hysteria by
RSS parented organizations, on social media, by some television channels,
and which stirred some empathy in a section of middle classes of Delhi,
on the 12th of February, the VC through a letter allowed the police to enter
the hostels and campus. Prior to the entry, the first since Emergency, the
Deans of all the Schools inside the University held a meeting where, with
the exception of one, the opinion firmly was that the University should deal
with its own issues and police should not be allowed in. As the police
moved to the hostels, JNUSU president Kanhaiya Kumar (AISF member)
came forward and was arrested. A witch-hunt was launched for several
other students not only in the campus but in the country, especially for
Umar Khalid a student activist of the rebel DSU group and an outstanding
student.

With the arrest of the JNUSU President, the JNU Teachers Association
came forward. In a milieu where RSS and its apologists were frantically
baying for closing down JNU, the JNUTA gloriously led the students in an
evening March to reclaim the campus. On the 13 th February, a massive
meeting was held within JNU addressed by parliamentary political leaders
including Rahul Gandhi, Sitaram Yechury, D Raja, etc. The next day a
human chain was formed within the campus by the teachers and students,
while at Jantar Mantar over 400 people participated in a ‘People in support
of JNU students’ protest. The gathering was addressed by student leaders
March, 2016

35

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

and leaders of CPI (ML) New Democracy and of Liberation. 40 international
universities including Harvard, Yale and Cambridge, many students and
faculty of India’s universities and the FEDCUTA extended support to the
students. In this situation, evidence came to light that the initial video was
doctored and the ABVP activists had themselves raised the pro Pak
slogans.

A parallel set of events was the holding of a meeting on Afzal Guru on
10th February at the Press Club by the Committee for Release of Political
Prisoners. Based on a complaint by Press Club, the chief organizer SAR
Geelani was arrested for sedition for raising slogans which he has explicitly
stated few outsiders had raised and gone away. This arrest was not before
Delhi Univ. Prof Ali Javed (who is close to CPI and who had booked the
Hall in his own name for the organizers as he was a member of the Press
Club), retired Profs. Vijay Singh and Nirmalangshu, whose positions are
well known and who had spoken at the meeting, had been harassed and
questioned for doing so and also been pressurized to turn approvers for
the police.

RSS Goondaism against Students, Journalists, Lawyers and
Teachers

With the producing of JNUSU President Kanhaiya at the District Court
in Patiala House, a third front opened up with a group of lawyers from RSS
led by a BJP MLA of Delhi attacking students and teachers of JNU who
had come for the hearing, physically assaulting Kanhaiya himself, beating
up his lawyers and also some journalists, while the police simply looked
on. BJP member Kiran Bedi, formerly an IPS officer called this the
‘prudence’ of the Delhi Police. Probably taking this cue from her, Haryana
police also did not act during the recent agitation for reservation by Jat
youth. 800 journalists held a protest march from the Women’s Press Club
till the Supreme Court, in protest. However, the same handful of lawyers,
surrounded by many lawyer spectators, repeated the same scene two days
later, again beating up Kanhaiya while he was in police custody and also
beating up a journalist of First Post. Again the police were spectators
though the same morning they had been directed by the Supreme Court to
protect the student leader. The Supreme Court expressed much sound
and fury, but did not even summon the Police Commissioner let alone
pass any stricture for dereliction of duty. Within 24 hours it changed its

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own mind about hearing the bail petition itself in the ‘extraordinary
circumstances’ and directed the High Court to hear the same expeditiously.
However the JNUSU President was sent to jail. A bailable offence was
lodged by the police against the three lawyer members of BJP who have
been photographed beating up everyone and who have acknowledged their
role in a sting operation where they have threatened to use petrol bombs
against the student leaders. On the case of sedition filed on the basis of a
doctored video, the Police Commissioner turned the principle of criminal
law on its head and said the accused will have to prove they are innocent.
So there is police raj under Hindutva rule.

In the atmosphere of witch hunting, minority targeting, the hysteria about
‘Nationalism’, five other students against whom enquiry had been
announced and against whom police issued look out notices, came out in
the student general body and clarified that they had been afraid of being
lynched. Students of JNU are generally demanding that sedition charges
be lifted against all the students, the enquiry committee be reconstituted
to be a representative one and the University defend all its students and
police be taken out of the campus. Of them Umar Khalid, a student, has
borne the brunt of the bayers for the blood of ‘terrorists’ for first having a
Muslim name and second for being one of the organizers of a programme
which supported the right of self determination of the people of J & K and
criticized the hanging of Afzal Guru.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

support of JNU, importantly in Jadavpur University in Kolkata and in Kashmir
University in Srinagar. On the 27th of Feb. a bandh had been announced in
Kashmir Valley in support of the JNU students.

Criticizing Afzal Guru’s Hanging

Many issues have been thrown up by the ongoing events which must
be made subject of open discussion and assertion. The first is the issue of
Afzal Guru’s conviction and hanging, which has been quite clear for the
past three years until now, when the RSS has made it an issue of
‘Nationalism’ and ‘anti-India’.

Solidarity

Afzal Guru was a surrendered militant. Of his role in the Parliament
Attack, the Supreme Court itself had commented that there was insufficient
evidence against him, but the ‘collective conscience of the society’ was
being addressed by sentencing him to death. This verdict was widely
criticized legally as the Supreme Court is to lay down the law and not
decide what it chooses to hear as the ‘society’s conscience'. India's society
has several voices any way. The circumstances in which death penalty
can be awarded have been clearly laid down by the Supreme Court itself in
earlier cases and do not include this criterion and were to be in the rarest
of the rare cases where the evidence was not in doubt. Many sections
questioned the veracity of the facts of the Parliament attack itself. Only
Hindutva forces, including soft Hindutva forces, received this sentence
with satisfaction, and unfortunately they do have a large middle class base.

No account of the incidents is complete without recounting a march on
18 February of over 7000 people of Delhi in support of JNU, questioning
the RSS’s versions of ‘nationalism’, decrying the charges of sedition and
calling for defense of universities and of Higher Education. All students’
organizations excluding ABVP and including NSUI, participated as did
teachers, civil rights activists, cultural activists and trade union leaders.
PDSU, IFTU and CPI(ML)New Democracy took part. On 23 rd Feb. over
2000 people marched against the institutional murder of Rohith Vemula,
for a Rohith Act and against the Modi Govt.-RSS attack on institutions of
learning. Also memorable is the initiative of the faculty of JNU to hold
open classes every evening by different Professors on the interpreting of
‘Nationalism’.

Court verdicts including Supreme Court verdicts have often been
critically examined. Women’s organizations in the 1980s fought against
the Mathura Custodial Rape Verdict and forced changes in the law itself.
The Supreme Court’s verdict on FDI in Telecom (where it saved the Govt.’s
pro-imperialist policy from people’s movements), on Bhopal Gas Tragedy
(two years jail to some Indian managers) and on abetting the Central Govt.
in allowing Anderson to escape from India, on Enron’s Agreement with
Indian Govt. and even on death sentence to Yakub Memon have been
widely criticized. Decades back, so was the death sentence to Bhumaiah
and Kishta Goud. Hindutva forces even idolize Nathuram Godse who was
convited by the Court. Finally, is the Supreme Court synonymous with
India?

All over India, students and youth organizations have demonstrated in

The related issue is the precipitous hanging of Afzal Guru by the

th

March, 2016

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Congress led UPA-II Govt. to beat back criticism of Hindutva forces and
establish its ‘Hindu’ credentials which both parties misrepresented as
‘national’ credentials. Even the routine procedure prescribed by India’s
laws for disposal of all appeals, information to family etc were not followed
by the hasty UPA Home Minister Shinde and his Govt. Kashmir Valley
burst out in protests and held him a ‘martyr’ to the cause of Kashmir.
There was widespread condemnation and protests by democratic
organizations throughout India. In Delhi, activists of CPI (ML) New
Democracy along with several democratic bodies took part in protests at
Jantar Mantar the same morning, as did Kashmiri students whom the police
allowed ABVP activists to try to attack and who were defended by
democratic individuals and our Party activists by forming a human chain
around them. Protests against Afzal’s hanging are held annually; the PDP,
with whom BJP was in Govt. in Jammu & Kashmir and with whom it still
aspires to form Govt. there, holds Afzal’s hanging to be wrong.

The Issue of J&K

The December 2015 issue of New Democracy dealt with this issue in
detail. While student organizations of parliamentary left support restoration
of democratic rights in Kashmir, revolutionary student organizations also
support the democratic right to self determination of the people of J&K.
This is enshrined to an extent in the Security Council Resolution of 1947
signed by Govts. of India and Pakistan – to an extent, because it does not
recognize their right to exist independent of both.

Nationalism or Psuedo-nationalism

In the RSS discourse on ‘Nationalism’ the entire issue of imperialism is
totally absent and that is very important for it. An organization which has
no linkage with the anti colonial struggle of the Indian people; rather which
deliberately chose to stay away from it, an organization whose Govt. rode
to power on the promise of allowing imperialists unbridled right to increase
loot of India’s natural resources, her workforce, to take over her land, must
hard sell such an interpretation to the people. The common people,
struggling under increasing economic burdens, agrarian crisis and resulting
pauperization and misery, attacks on Education, on Labour Laws, rising
unemployment, need to be diverted from identifying the real enemies of
the Indian people. They need to be diverted from patriotic struggle against
imperialism which is one of the basic contradictions of Indian society today.
March, 2016

39

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

RSS is trying to project Indian Army as the symbol of ‘nationalism’.
The Indian Army draws continuity with the colonial army of the British. Its
traditions are of that era and are intact. In fact the RSS had nothing to do
with the aspirations of the anti-colonial struggle. Rather it looked to British
colonialism as allowing flourishing of 'Hindu' i.e. upper caste, patriarchal
domination and one which ended Muslim rule in India.

Thus RSS is desperate to sell to the people of India an interpretation of
‘nationalism’ that has nothing to do with the democratic aspirations of the
people of this country but is essentially an upper caste, Hindu, patriarchal,
anti Muslim interpretation that carefully shields imperialism and its
compradors. That is why ABVP wants a tank ensconced in JNU to make
the students ‘nationalist’. Countries have emerged from shifting boundaries
drawn and redrawn over centuries of empires and kingdoms. Scotland can
hold a referendum on whether it will remain under the British Parliament or
not- hotly contested but held. In 1947 the people of Junagarh could decide
that they want to merge with India. But the ruling classes are so touchy
over J and K, Nagaland and Mizoram as though geographical borders are
sacrosanct and as though India is not a country inhabited by several
nationalities.

The less talked about the ‘mother’ in India- including the women of
Kashmir and Manipur raped under AFSPA by an Army which does what
occupation forces do, the women of Manipur who stripped themselves
naked to expose rapes by Army, the Dalit women and girls raped and
molested with impunity by the agrarian powerful, the 14year old driven to
suicide due to molestation by a DG Police of Haryana who, in turn was let
off by the courts, the malnourished mothers, the women forced into
prostitution- the better for those who enshrine feudal patriarchal culture as
‘national’. The ‘Bharat Mata’ depicted by Hindutva fulfils all patriarchal
requirements in the depiction. They try to pretend that the slogan of “Bharat
Mata’ is the touchstone of nationalism whereas the slogan should be anti
imperialist-‘Madre hind key chehre pe udasi hai vahi- kaun azad hua?’

The First War of Indian Independence in 1857 brought the people of
India together in a patriotic war against the ‘firangees’. This is not the
‘nationalism’ that the RSS extols. In a similar vein the ‘nationalism’ of the
RSS finds expression in vitriolic against communists, more specifically
the revolutionaries. When Manmohan Singh’s UPA II Govt. sought to
handover natural resources to MNCs, it identified the ultra left as the main

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enemies of this design to sell India. It is the revolutionary left which raises
the patriotic slogan of India belonging to its people and not being a fiefdom
of imperialism. Who then are those who love India and her people?
Hindutva’s nationalism is an admixture of jingoism and chauvinism where
veneration of the Govt. in power is a necessary qualification.

The last and major issue is the charge of ‘sedition’ against discoursing
students of an University, whose only act was holding a programme on the
issue of the right of self determination of the people of Kashmir. The surfeit
of videos especially of the doctored variety, the transposition of slogans,
actually show the great deal of planning that has gone into creating this
incident to somehow distract from the Rohith Vemula issue and the issue
of discrimination against Dalits in institutions of higher learning and also to
target communist thinking especially the revolutionary left. Regarding the
issue of sedition, a colonial relic which no parliamentary party will actually
remove from the lawbooks though they will criticize it when not in power,
the definition itself rules out the entire JNU episode from this category. It
has been repeatedly specified by courts in India that sedition involves a
call to some form of action, to instigation of it, not a slogan or a statement
of position. The law on sedition was enacted by the British Empire after
1857, in 1870, as a weapon against a subject people.

However, taking all issues - from the attack on higher education by the
RSS Modi Govt., to the attempts to corporatize it, to the subservience
ensured to it by appointments of Vice Chancellors agreeing with the
casteist, communal world view of the govt., it is clear that what is on in
JNU is part and parcel of the overall attack. The state is subservient to
Hindutva and the organs of the state are highly communal. The Delhi police
is being used as a tool openly, and courts including the Supreme Court,
are mouthing concern at ‘goondaism’ but doing nothing to uphold justice
even though their orders have been flouted and goondaism has occurred
within the courtroom.

Some positive examples of individuals have also emerged. First are
the three ABVP leaders of JNU resigned from the organization against the
Central Govt.’s role in Rohith Vemula’s suicide, against the assault on the
JNUSU President in the District Court and the tirade against JNU. Second
is a Judge of the Patiala Dist. Court who has given a written complaint of
the incidents there on 15th and again on 17th Feb. to the Dist. Judge, wherein
he has substantiated that the attack was preplanned and one sided. Third
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

is ZEE news producer Vishwadeepak who had the courage to resign over
the role played by his channel.

Some Comments

The entire JNU incident indicates, firstly, the ferment that is on in
institutions of higher learning. Students are democratizing concepts. They
also represent the ferment in the rural poor and agrarian communities of
India, in whom a maximum of them have roots. In addition new tools of
learning and interaction like internet are widening frontiers. Struggle has
broken out since in Ferguson College, Pune. Students of that college along
with students of other colleges in Pune have formed a separate forum to
take up democratic issues. Students of FTII are joining in. In HCU, students
struggling against reinstatement of the guilty VC have been lathicharged
and sympathy movements are breaking out in other universities.

The incident also represents the attack of RSS and its Hindutva cohorts
on institutions of higher learning. This is in two ways. One is the need to
open this field for exploitation by corporate which is the chief intent of
bringing it under GATS. This aspiration is common to all the parliamentary
parties, was also attempted by the previous UPA Govt. led by Congress
but the RSS has brought a new aggressiveness to the task consonant with
its promises to imperialism. However, the second aspect is also important.
The RSS has come to power for the first time and has its own agenda for
saffronization which it is going all out to push. Since the Modi Govt. came
to power, institutions of pure sciences are under attack. A takeover was
attempted of the National Science Congress. RSS top brass is regularly
visiting IITs and Science centres forcing the top administration to interact
with them. It also has its Hindutva agenda of an openly upper caste Hindu,
patriarchal state ensconcing feudal values and everyone else subservient
citizens.
Thirdly, of course, the RSS Modi Govt. is out to serve the imperialist
drive to intensify loot of the people and of India. For this all diversive,
divisive issues are welcome to it to both distract attention and increase
repression. While its other projects have opponents in many sections of
parliamentary parties, in this its consistent opponent is the revolutionary
left. Thus on target is communism, because it is the ideology confronting
the Hindutva worldview and also the anti imperialist revolutionary
communists can be targeted. The most succint expression of this comes

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

from Arun Jaitley's comment that both the Hyderabad and JNU incidents
involve issues raised by the 'ultra-left' organizations and the Congress and
'mainstream' communist parties have foolishly got themselves embroiled
in the incident. It has been the consistent position of this Govt. - it termed
Rohith Vemula as an 'ultra-left' and his fight as not a 'dalit' issue.

Agitation for Reservation
by Jats in Haryana

Students in institutions of higher learning are on the move and are
expanding the ‘acceptable’ boundaries of what is ‘democracy’ and of who
are the ‘people’ of India. They are mainstreaming sequestered issues like
the right to slef-determination of the people of J&K, of Nagas, by opening
up the facts of history which are kept out of the textbooks. They are flouting
casteist and patriarchal norms while fighting caste oppression. They are
questioning communalism including the soft Hindu communalism of
Congress and the sanctity accorded to 'anti-terrorism' and the terming of
Muslims and revolutionary left as 'terrorists'.

(Central Committee of CPI(ML)-New Democracy
had issued a statement on Jat agitation in Haryana.
This statement is being published here.)

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March, 2016

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Militant agitation by Jats of Haryana for reservation in OBC category
enjoys widespread support in that community. While violent attacks on
other communities might have been engineered by vested interests linked
to ruling class parties, the wide disillusionment and anger in the community
is quite evident. We strongly condemn the senseless violence indulged in
by lumpen elements against common people and reported assaults on
women passengers.Many such reports have surfaced in the media and
large scale destruction of shops has also been there. We also strongly
condemn the killing of 18 agitators and injuring of hundreds in police firing.
Police in India knows only one way of tackling people i.e. to fire live bullets
to kill and maim them.

This agitation by Jats and earlier agitation by Patidars in Gujarat, by
Marathas in Maharashtra and by Kapus in Andhra Pradesh demonstrate
deep agrarian crisis in the country and increasing hardships of peasantry.
Decreasing share of agriculture in the gross domestic product with continuing
dependence of large section of people on agriculture has led to deterioration
of the conditions of the peasantry and rural masses in general. Rising cost
of agricultural inputs and lack of corresponding rise in the prices of
agricultural produce thereby further worsening terms of trade against
agriculture, continued neglect of irrigation and protection from vagaries of
nature, lack of agri-based industries and industries in the rural areas, lack
of emphasis on development in the rural areas and their continuing
backwardness, and increasing privatization of education and health taking
them beyond the means of overwhelming population in rural areas have
led to worsening conditions of rural masses including landowning peasantry.
This has given rise to large-scale anger and resentment among the
peasantry who find themselves increasingly marginalized.

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Ruling classes and their political representatives have no desire to
address the root causes of this situation. They rather want to further push
the policies which have led to this sorry state of affairs of rural masses.
They are robbing the peasants of their land and means of livelihood are
further depressing and squeezing agriculture thereby putting further burdens
on peasant masses. They are increasing the cost of inputs to benefit foreign
and domestic corporate, they are further depressing the prices of agricultural
produce by slashing and planning to eventually eliminate Govt. procurement
of agricultural produce and Minimum Support Price (MSP) mechanism. All
this they are doing to benefit foreign companies and their Indian compradors.

While the ruling classes are intensifying the implementation of the
policies responsible for the present catastrophic situation, they are trying
to divert the peasant masses by leading them astray. RSS-BJP is trying
to divert their anger into communal channels as was evident in
Muzaffarnagar and many other places. Ruling class parties are also trying
to sow discord among communities to divert this anger from challenging
the present system. These parties are also promoting drugs and alcoholism
to lull the sensitivities of the youth of these communities. These are criminal
conspiracies directed against the rural masses including peasantry.

Out of this abysmal and deteriorating conditions are emerging the
movements for reservation for increasing the share of these communities
in Govt. jobs and educational institutions. This demand is arising at a time
when creation of jobs in Govt. departments and public sector is very low
and there is no provision for reservation in private sector. This demand,
born out of the real distress of these communities, helps to divert their
anger which ruling class parties try to channelize into discord among
different communities. It allows these parties to portray as if reservation is
a panacea for the rising unemployment among youth of these communities.
Ruling class parties have been promising reservation to these communities
to mobilize their support in the elections. Just before general elections in
2014, Congress led UPA II Govt. had announced reservation for Jats. During
assembly elections in Haryana in November 2014, Narendra Modi in public
meetings had promised to usher in reservation for Jats. However, after
elections, Modi led RSS-BJP had forgotten this promise which has led to
the present outburst. Now the same RSS-BJP are trying to mobilize other
castes against Jats in Haryana. It is worth mentioning that Congress-NCP
Govt. had announced reservation for Marathas in Maharashtra and
March, 2016

45

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
Chandrababu Naidu had promised reservation for Kapus in Andhra Pradesh.

Ruling class parties, instead of evolving a scientific and democratic
approach to the question of reservation, have used this as a tool for dividing
the people and for mobilizing different castes for electoral purpose. Indian
Constitution provides for reservation on two counts. Firstly for those who
have suffered social discrimination for generations. And secondly for those
classes of people who are under-represented in the services of the state.
In the first category fall the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. In this
too ruling class parties have sought to exclude many social groups who
qualify for the inclusion. On the other hand, ruling class parties, for
furtherance of their electoral objectives, promise to include social groups
which do not qualify for inclusion. These parties have made this a tool for
political exploitation though it was a measure for providing opportunities to
the people of such social groups.

In the second category for reservation i.e. representation in the services
of the state, come other backward classes (OBCs). They have not suffered
the same discrimination as SCs/STs but have been out of the Govt. services
and education. These include agriculturist caste groups. With days of “Uttam
Kheti..” gone, these social groups feel marginalized in the country. However,
rather than evolving certain objective and scientific criteria for providing
reservation, ruling class parties have been making announcements to serve
their political ends. Supreme Court has pointed out in some of such cases
that announcement was made without any study or evaluation. The attitude
of the ruling class parties shows their utter lack of sincerity on the issue.
Their utter insincerity is also amply evident when one sees the
implementation of reservation already provided. The ruling establishment
including the ruling parties connive in not fulfilling the reservation quotas
which are disregarded with impunity and no responsibility for this blatant
violation of the law of land is fixed. These parties pay lip service to
reservation while flouting them in practice.
While reservation on the basis of castes corresponds to the reality in
the country, certain objective and scientific criteria must be evolved to
ensure that this measure remains a tool of affirmative action i.e. to ensure
representation of social groups and does not become a tool of vested
interests or for electoral manipulation. Any social group not adequately
represented in services or education should be provided affirmative action

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i.e. reservation and the same should cease to be the case when the
objective is fulfilled to a defined level. The progress on this score should
be monitored periodically so that such deprivation does not lead to slippage
of the community to the level below such defined level. This process should
be a continuing one and it should not be allowed to be tempered by the
biases and machinations of ruling establishment and ruling parties. Further
all jobs including those in the private sector should be brought under this
ambit. In India as in other countries, private sector enjoys considerable
patronage and support from the state and hence must not be exempted for
the provisions of law on this score. Only such process would take away
the sense of deprivation and discrimination from the vast masses of different
social groups and place the whole question on a sound scientific and
democratic basis.

This is not to dilute the task of preventing and addressing caste
discrimination and harassment of those who are able to enter the educational
institutions and services through reservation. There must be prompt and
effective action against such practices in the institutions of higher learning
where such cases abound. These are often brushed under the carpet to
save the image of the institutions while this dirt should be brought out into
open to be cleaned. There should be automatic and early redressal of all
grievances on this score.

Agitation by Jats, particularly youth, in Haryana has once again brought
to the fore the need to address the underlying causes of deepening agrarian
economic crisis, of curbing rising costs of inputs and providing remunerative
prices for the produce. It has also highlighted the need to generate
employment and pursue policies aimed at reducing unemployment specially
among the youth of the country. Besides it has also highlighted the need
to evolve and implement scientific criteria for providing reservation under
OBC so that these youths are not exploited and manipulated by the ruling
class parties for perpetuating anti-people policies and rule.

March, 2016

47

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Industrial Death on Day of One Year of AAP Govt.

Capital Delhi- Where a worker’s
life is not worth even an FIR
The death of yet another worker in an accident within the premise of
the industry in which he was employed and the subsequent role of the
Police and the Delhi Govt., are a lesson. They show quite clearly what the
worth of a worker’s life is in the capital of India- in fact every death in an
industrial accident exposes this class truth again and again.
Mayapuri industrial area in West Delhi is a private sector industrial
area bounded on one side by a jhuggi colony inhabited primarily by industrial
workers and their families. Over the past year and a half, the local IFTU
activists have uncovered more than ten industrial accidents wherein the
workman has either lost a finger or sustained permanent disability to the
limb. In addition there were at least five cases of deaths in accidents in
industrial premises. In each and every case of such death, it was not
before workers gheraoed the industry and refused to disperse until an FIR
was lodged that the same was done. Otherwise earlier the police quietly
abetted the owners in removing both the dead body and proofs, may be for
a consideration. Even in cases of injury, the owners still try to rush off
with injured workers, usually promising them full money for treatment in a
private setup, getting the injury attended to initially and then turning the
workman away. Almost 90% of the workforce has no documents to prove
employment and the same figure has not even temporary ESI coverage.
This area houses a large number of engineering industries where it is even
more necessary that industrial safety norms be imposed and the machinery
be subject to adequate safety checks.
In those cases of death within company premises where the FIR does
get lodged, money power and political contacts of the owners and their
association comes into play. Thus in a case of 20 year old workman the
police handed over the postmortem report of a 35 year old man of the
same name who had died of septicemia to the IFTU leaders of the area as
a ‘goodwill’ gesture. Police said that they were 'happy' that the Union
bothered about workers’ lives and though the Union was not entitled to
see the report, they were giving it just to assure that no industrial death
had occurred. The families of the dead workers are either local jhuggi

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dwellers or live in the villages of Bihar and UP; the police urgently contacts
them, makes one come to Delhi where the owner hands them ‘compensation’
in the police station; the body is taken by the police from the hospital to
the cremation ground and cremated in their presence. No Labour Minister
of Delhi or Centre has ever visited or contacted the relatives of any such
workers. In the occasional case where the Union gets in touch with the
relatives and the latter fights it out, the case for compensation takes months
to settle, the family has to produce a guarantor of a matching amount and
only then the compensation is handed over. Regarding the case under
bailable 304B IPC (Death by ‘accident’ though the deaths are due to
deliberate violation of industrial safety norms, acts penalizable by factory
inspectors) the Union has no locus standi in the case, the Delhi Govt.
represents the workman and the matter ends in fines because who will
fight for the owners to be jailed? The punishment any way is a maximum of
two years jail.

In this backdrop is the latest such death on 14th February 2016. At 4
PM, the dead body with injuries of the guard employed at B 66, Mayapuri
Phase I for the past 26 years was seen within the industry premises. Some
construction work was also on in the premises. Workers surrounded the
police demanding that the owner be arrested and a case lodged. The owners’
association stood behind the SHO who refused to even receive a complaint
by Union leaders of the workman’s dead body being found on the premises.
According to this SHO even a complaint cannot be received leave alone
an FIR being lodged, till postmortem is complete. He also stated that he
‘could not find out’ the name of the company owner. IFTU leaders contacted
the DCP, who was so busy till midnight that he could only communicate
through SMS so the facts were messaged to him. Thereafter he stopped
responding. Phone calls to Delhi Labour Minister, Shri Gopal Rai, and his
PA elicited no response; at 1:30 AM the PA rang back that they were busy
in celebrations of one year of AAP Govt. and he was showing his concern
by ringing at that late hour. What would the Govt. do?- Why, immediately
order compensation! In an earlier case the Chief Factory Inspector had
expressed anger at being disturbed late at night; so the Deputy Labour
Commissioner who had offered to be ‘woken up’ was contacted at 6 PM;
he would send a team of factory inspectors the very next day, he promised.

So what about that day? The workers led by IFTU leaders surrounded
the factory from 4 PM onwards demanding that at least the complaint be
received. By 6 PM over one thousand workers had collected and the crowd
March, 2016

49

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

had spilled onto the road. This resulted in a massive jam extending to
Mayapuri chowk but it did not bother the police. Most of the press was
informed by IFTU; one press that did come published the police handout.
Still the SHO refused to even receive the complaint and told IFTU Delhi
President that unless ‘law and order’ was restored no step would be taken
to reassure the workers. Clearly workers have no right to be agitated over
repeated industrial accidents, over cold-blooded lacunae in implementing
industrial safety norms and they are only allowed to let themselves be
killed in an orderly fashion. Thus the situation continued till 9:30 PM in an
industrial area bereft of street lights. At 9:30 PM the police, who had by
then called in reinforcements in riot gear, ‘acted’. They acted at the behest
of the owners. They teargassed and lathicharged the workers till at 10:30
PM a police ambulance removed the body. The next morning, at around 5
AM, police surrounded the jhuggi colony and picked up 18, mostly young
workers, some returning from duty and some going for morning ablutions.
Cases were lodged under eight sections and included a case of dacoity.
The police story is that workers broke dozens of buses and looted a
company’s van etc. but they could not produce their promised ‘evidence’
in court. The Duty Magistrate who should have heard the case evaded the
workers’ lawyers who he knew were waiting outside his residence, went to
the police station to sign the file without the workers being produced before
him and then went for an outing, reaching home at 10 PM and vehemently
denying the lawyers’ charge that he was a ‘police’ magistrate.

So that is one more death in this industrial area. The factory inspectors
arrived the next day, the police escorted one relative to the hospital and
cremated the body. Now the police has imposed an unstated ban on trade
union gatherings in the area. On 22nd March, 200 workers in a rally led by
IFTU in the memory of Shaheed Bhagat Singh were forcibly dispersed
despite written information given earlier and IFTU leaders were detained.

IFTU has made scores of representations demanding a team of factory
inspectors to systematically survey every single factory in the area and
enforce safety norms; that a factory inspector be deputed to the area
permanently; that mandatory FIR be lodged in every death within industry;
that ESI squads enforce ESI in every factory in the area; that the Union be
made a party in all such cases in the courts; that the fight should be for jail
rather than fines on guilty owners. But not one step has been taken. Ownerpolice-govt. nexus reigns supreme. The industrial death of a workman is
not newsworthy.

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the ruling classes to advance the implementation of their anti-people agenda
and to brutally suppress the growing struggles of the people.

RSS Brand of
Nationalism
Aditya Prakash

JNU events conform to a premeditated plan by RSS-BJP. The plan
involves donning nationalist garb and targeting the left whom they rightly
consider their ideological enemy. The different limbs of Hindutva body
moved in cohort. Some media houses were roped in in advance, hooligans
were kept ready and police were used to orchestrate a campaign of lies,
slander and abuses, to browbeat the opposition in the name of nationalism
and to drown all sounds of sanity, justice and objectivity.

Ever since coming to power, RSS-BJP Govt. has systematically
advanced their agenda of dominating all institutions of higher learning in
order to control the brain of the country to speed up their regressive agenda.
They appointed their nominees as heads of many institutions, while many
more succumbed to pressure and lucre. In this they are helped by the
deep state, higher echelons of different unelected wings of the state. The
all round failure of Modi led RSS-BJP Govt. has lent more urgency to what
is the core thrust of Hindutva agenda. RSS-BJP is moving systematically
and aggressively to capture the ‘brain’ of the country, to effectively
decapitate the society.

Hindtuva is but upper caste Hindu chauvinism. It glorifies all that
civilization has struggled against. It is an incarnation of different types of
subjugations which have existed at different times. In a way it is also a
new concoction which hermeneutically interprets the past to serve the
present exploiting classes and tries to secure their sway in the future. It is
an eclectic collection of all that is regressive, exploitative and suffocating
in traditions. It debunks any enquiry and examination of its propaganda,
serves make believe potions of past grandeur to obfuscate the gloomy
present. It does not rely on propaganda alone but buttresses with abundant
use of muscle power abetted and protected by the chauvinism deeply
entrenched in the state machinery. It seeks to address the causes of growing
instability by imposing silence of the graveyard. It is a fascist answer of
March, 2016

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

51

To push its regressive agenda and to overcome the opposition, RSSBJP have whipped up their ‘nationalist’ frenzy to attack the left, particularly
revolutionary left. With the help of friendly media, particularly electronic
media, and its control over the security agencies to help its goondas, RSSBJP are unleashing a reign of terror, all in the name of nationalism. Their
nationalism is opposed to the people of the country, in fact it is targeted
against them.

What else to expect from RSS which had kept itself deliberately aloof
from the struggle against British colonialism. What else to expect from
Hindutva protagonists who felt that colonial rule would help usher their
‘Hindu Rashtra’, who pined for their ancient glory in the comfortable lap of
colonial masters, who derided the great patriotic martyrs and slandered
the freedom movement, who were happy to become a willing tool in the
subjugation of the country through communal division of its people.

Having opposed and derided the freedom movement, RSS-BJP are
projecting Army as the ultimate brand ambassador of nationalism, even
advocating placing tanks in educational institutions to foster nationalism.
It represents militarist component of their fascist drive. More than that,
historically it seeks solace and certification of its nationalism in an institution
which was used by the British to keep Indian people in bondage. Indian
Army still celebrates its victories in battles against armed forces of Indian
people whom it defeated in the service of colonial conquest. These
nationalists and even those preceding them never thought of exorcizing
the ghost of this colonial past.

During the freedom movement, there were forces who opposed the very
struggle for freedom. RSS was one of them. Among those who participated
some were for overthrow of the colonial rule and some stood for negotiated
settlement with colonial power. Those who were for the overthrow of colonial
rule, who offered supreme sacrifices in the course of this struggle, were
criticized and denigrated by their opponents as mindless or misguided. It
is for people to judge who were the real patriots. Even after transfer of
power in 1947, there was struggle for real independence from imperialist
exploitation and plunder by foreign companies. The struggle since 1947
has been against the imperialist exploitation as well as rule of reactionary

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ruling classes subservient to imperialism and under whose rule imperialist
exploitation of the country has continued. Such fihgting forces offered
supreme sacrifices and braved tremendous hardships and continue to do
so. It is again for the people to judge who are nationalists- those who
struggled against imperialist exploitation or those who collaborated in it.
RSS’s nationalism is fake just like the fake videos they produced about
JNU incident.

Indian people fought against colonial rule, for freedom so that all people
of the country can partake of this freedom, so that all could be free. They
did not struggle just to replace the managers of the Govt. or what great
martyr Bhagat Singh described as replacement of British with Kale Angrez.

Coming back to the JNU incident. On February 9, there was a programme
opposing death sentence to Afzal Guru who was executed under UPA II.
They raised the question of the legality of the conviction and sentence.
This has been done by many forces in the country and almost by all forces
in Kashmir. Supreme Court's reference to 'conscience of society' to
sentence Afzal Guru was judicially unprecedented and without basis. It
was widely commented upon. Is opposing a Court pronouncement antinational? And this comes from RSS and its affiliates who have mocked at
Supreme Court on the question of Babri Masjid, who venerate those who
were sentenced for assassination of Mahatma Gandhi! Can the Govt. in
power have the authority to judge who is nationalist and who is anti-national.
Decades back Mrs. Gandhi used to see foreign conspiracy in all opposition
to her rule. Even while imposing Emergency in 1975, she referred to such
conspiracies implying all those opposed to her were anti-nationals including
RSS and its affiliates. The Govt. of the day or even the state cannot be
equated with nation. It is a fascist concept credited to Benito Mussolini
that state creates the nation. Deification of state was also cornerstone of
Nazi propaganda about the alleged superiority of German race. No wonder
these old admirers of fascism in pre-Seond World War Europe have been
parroting and even putting this into practice.

Another aspect of the issue is its linkage with struggle of people of
Kashmir. Against Afzal Guru's hanging Kashmir Valley observed complete
bandh. A large number of armed forces are posted in Kashmir and incidents
of atrocities are routine and widely reported. The democratic sections in
India have been standing against the suppression of democratic rights of
the people of Kashmir and some even with their right of self-determination.
March, 2016

53

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

When the RSS-BJP Govt. targeted JNU for an event opposing hanging of
Afzal Guru and support to the struggle of the Valley, the whole Valley
supported the struggle of JNU students. It was a rare and welcome
development that people of J&K stood up for their friends among Indian
people, stood up for the people who stood in solidarity with them, who
stood against their oppression and suppression.

JNU students have been charged with sedition, a law which was
imposed by British colonial power to quell the unrest against their colonial
rule. After the military suppression of 1857 War of Independence which
had nearly overthrown the British power in India, British colonial rulers
were apprehensive of even slightest rumblings of dissent and this is reflected
in the anti-sedition provision incorporated by them in IPC. Law against
sedition had existed in the penal provisions made by the British for the
territories ruled by them. This provision had nothing to do with nationalism
unless one argues that British were the nationalists! Any way an antinational act is not punishable in India. If it were so, how is it the compradors
of imperialists, the rulers, continuously betraying the country have never
been charged! Anti-sedition law deals with acts against the Govt. Moreover,
as worded, it is not and was not intended to be confined to violent acts
against the state. Later Supreme Court has tried to limit the scope of this
provision. But the successive Govts. have not scrapped this provision
though M.K. Gandhi, Nehru and other leaders of Congress had decried this
law and advocated its annulment. But once in power, Congress rulers not
only kept this law on the statute book abut also used it against their political
opponents.

This anti-sedition law in fact arose in the period of absolute monarchy
when opposition to the ruler was equivalent to opposition to nation. Though
antiquated and undemocratic, this law continued in bougeois countries due
to its need felt by the ruling bourgeoisie. However, this law was not
implemented in Britian since 1977 and has been annulled several years
back. But in India it not only stays on the statute book but is increasingly
used. In fact there are many provisions in Indian law which are anti-people
and anti-democratic embodying the need of the colonial rulers to subdue
the Indian people under their colonial subjugation, giving unlimited powers
to the police and state agencies. Indian Penal Code was enforced by the
British colonial rulers in 1861 after defeat of Indian war of Independence
(1857-'59). That little has changed in this Penal Code shows that little has
changed in the rights of the people. Rulers who came to rule after transfer

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of power in 1947 have continued both the same administrative and
repressive machinery as well as the legal framework. This shows that like
the colonial rulers, post-1947 rulers have needed these repressive laws
and repressive machinery to maintain their rule. RSS-BJP which talk so
much of their nationalism and their anti-Congressism have never felt the
need to change these repressive laws, rather they stand for and are using
these repressive laws with increasing impunity. Ruling class parties that
have been in power including those supported by parliamentary Left have
never felt the need to do away these laws, rather they too preserved and
used these laws against the people. From the very language and practice
of implementation of this law, it is clear that it has nothing to do with
nationalism.

Nation may or may not correspond to state. It was during bourgeois
revolutions in European countries, nation states came into being. There
are some nations which are divided among different states like Germany
was divided after Second World War. There are many more states where
more nations cohabit in the given state. One of the reason is that nations
evolved and matured later but the state became quite powerful in the period
preceding it. In the countries like India and China, state was quite powerful
in the medieval period and in some cases even earlier. Nationalities which
attained their development and maturity found this powerful state confronting
them. In that sense the vast state structure continued to keep the different
nationalities together even forcibly. It was such a situation, where Lenin
called Tsarist empire in Russia as a prison of nationalities. Colonial rulers
which ruled over many such countries also created huge state structure
for the purpose of extracting wealth from these countries and keeping their
people under subjugation. In the feudal period in India big and powerful
states have ruled over much of what is India over considerable period of
time though for long periods of time, there were mutually quarelling states
in the region which was brought under their colonial rule by the British.

While British colonial rule was opposed by many Indian rulers and there
were instances of popular rebellion in several regions, 1857 uprising
represented first countrywide war of independence in which Indian people
rose against the colonial rule. It can be termed as the beginning of Indian
nationalism in proper sense. It has evolved during freedom struggle against
colonial rule despite constraints placed upon this development by the class
forces dominating this struggle. However, it is in this struggle that Indian
people fought for their freedom to shape their own destiny and their selfMarch, 2016

55

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

rule. It embodied the principles of anti-colonilaism and democratic
aspirations of the people. Vast populace of the country being long
suppressed under caste discrimination and oppression, under regional
oppression (including suppression of different nationalities) and oppression
of tribes, this struggle also contained aspects of social justice and selfrule of different nationalities. The dominant classes tried to curtail all these
aspects- anti-colonialism, democracy and social justice- through negotiated
settlement with the colonial masters and getting hold of the vast state
machinery to keep the people down. Transfer of power in 1947 did not
fulfill these aspirations fully or even substantially.

Communist Party in India raised these issues forcefully during the
freedom struggle including the rights of different nationalities. For
communists freedom meant freedom for all national groups, freedom from
economic, social and political exploitation and oppression. In fact this
aspect of right of nationalities has always been the distinguishing feature
of revolutionary communists. Revisionists have subscribed to the ruling
class understanding of nationalism and opposed the right of nations to
self-determination confining themselves to opposing violation of democratic
rights excluding this most important democratic right of a nation.
Revolutionary communists have always stood by this right taking it as an
essential part of the new democratic revolution in India.

RSS which had not kept itself consciously away from the freedom
struggle, have sought to negate and denigrate this entire course of
development. They parade their cultural nationalism which is embodiment
of upper caste chauvinism opposed to oppressed castes, minorities, tribals
and women. Their vision of what constitutes Indian nation is opposed to
Indian people. Even the eating habits they wish to impose on the people
are opposed to a vast majority of the people. The various practices and
beliegs they uphold are also at variance with vast masses of the people.
In the garb of their cultural natinalism, they wish to impose a tiny minority
over the vast multitude of the people. What RSS and its Hindu rashtra
stands for is a negation of anti-imperialism, democracy and social justice.

The real strength of RSS lies in its service of the ruling classes who
are feeling increasingly threatened by the rising struggles of the people,
who feel that RSS's capacity to divide the people can be useful in pushing
through loot and plunder of the natural resources of this country, and most
importantly who feel that RSS can militarize the suppression of the people's
struggles against exploitation and oppression and for New Democratic India.

56

March, 2016