Chapter one: Introduction

1.1 Introduction The gender of a person can have detrimental consequences to their health outcomes. Conversely it is women, especially in Africa who disproportionately bear the burden of morbidity due to restricted access to educational, health and economic facilities. There are numerous inter-related factors that exacerbate this phenomenon, particularly gender and cultural norms that can lead to inequalities in education, employment, inadequate legal protection, poverty, economic dependency and very little room for sexual negotiation. The common denominator is the subservient status of women in many African societies. Often women are subjected to health risk factors that are outside their control and under the remit of masculinity. The Amsterdam declaration in 1995 acknowledged that women’s health is a fundamental pillar that underpins sustainable human development (Sherr et al, 1996). Women are more likely than men to be economically and educationally disadvantaged, belong to minority groups and have less access to health care. (Sherr et al, 1996). Because of the above issues ‘empowering women’ socially, sexually and economically became the buzz word in development. If women are empowered there would be a rise in household incomes, more educated workers, and thus a reduction in poverty, an increase in health, economic and human resources and an overall improvement in the health of both men and women. Effectively this could also raise the social status of women in communities. Recently debates are ongoing regarding the participation or partnership of men in female empowerment. It has been argued that men are gatekeepers to the current social order and without their partnership female empowerment programs are only a partial solution to development (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005). Increasingly evidence has pointed to sustainable success and higher social, sexual and economic empowerment levels of women when men are involved (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J 2004, Leonard et al, 2002, Jackson et al’s 1999, Drennan, 1998 and White, et al, 2003). Further research is essential to understand and mitigate potential gaps in female empowerment programs, one of which could be male

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involvement. Successful empowerment programs have the potential to lift entire communities out of poverty and poor health. 1.2 The Zambian Context Over 70% of Zambians live in poverty with 7.5 million living on less than $1 a day; this places Zambia among the world's poorest nations, with a GDP OF $890 per capita (DFID, 2007). The overall impact of Zambia’s socio-economic, cultural and health issues are deeply disaggregated by gender. Social indicators continue to decline, particularly in measurements of life expectancy at birth which are currently 38 for men 37 for women, compared to 40 in the 2000 and in measures of maternal mortality, 729 per 100,000 pregnancies in 2006 compared with 649 in 1996 (Population Reference Bureau, 2007). The overall literacy rates stood at 67.9% in 2006 (WHO Fact sheet, 2006). Yet 59.7% of women are literate compared to 76.1% of men (Human Rights Watch, 2007). Unemployment is also a significant problem for the people of Zambia (Bureau of African Affairs, 2008). 76% of Zambian women are engaged in agricultural work yet 63% receive no payment (Human Rights Watch, 2007). Zambian women face multiple forms of discrimination including gender based violence (GBV) and ineffective legal protection (Human Rights Watch, 2007). In the Global Gender Gap Report (GGG) (2006), Zambia ranked 85 out of 115 countries in gender equality indicators1. The GGG Report highlighted significant differences between men and women in terms of access to education, employment, literacy rates and contraceptive use. Women are less visible than men in schools, have fewer employment opportunities and only 34% use contraceptives (Population Reference Bureau, 2007). The indicators demonstrated male privilege in the aforementioned areas and overall the GGG Report concluded that Zambian social and economic structures are still heavily based on patriarchal values (Gender Gap Report, 2006), that increase women’s vulnerability. In a study of male youths in Zambia (Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003) a number of interesting concepts relating to gender norms and roles were discussed. In the area of

Gender equality indicators measure the degree to which men and women are equally represented in social, educational, economical and political spheres of life

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gender roles in the households it was shown that men must never been seen doing ‘women’s jobs’ such as household domestics, additionally it was thought that a women could never be a household head. In the area of economic independence, worries were expressed, if a woman becomes economically independent, it would threaten the male position of power. This was also reflected in decision making and boys felt that if you allow a girl to make decisions she is making a fool of you. On issues of sexual relations some boys felt that a man should have multiple girlfriends and some expressed the opinion that they can force a girl into marriage. The boys expressed an understanding that they are the privileged sex in Zambia, in that they get more respect, education and jobs, overall many shared the opinion of one boy who stated; ‘I am happy God made me a boy’ (Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003:56). Due to these issues in Zambia and many parts of Africa, development actors viewed empowering women as imperative to the future of development. 1.3. Defining Empowerment To be disempowered is to be socially excluded. Sociologist Burchardt (1999) empirical definition of social exclusion was ‘If an individual is (i) geographically resident in a society (ii) cannot participate in the normal activities of citizens in that society (iii) would like to participate, but are prevented from doing so by factors beyond their control’ (Richardson and Le Grand, 2002:498). The process of social exclusion serves to exclude social groups from benefits and rights that are considered normal. Often social exclusion operates from above, yet women’s disempowerment stems from patriarchal structures and norms at the community level. Empowerment has been defined as ‘the expansion in people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to them’ (Kabeer, 2004:18). In this sense empowerment is about the transformation of power relations between men and women at four distinct levels; the household, the community, the economy and the state (Odutolu et al, 2003). In summary empowerment is taken to mean a process by which women may have the opportunity to access educational, economic and health resources, to engage in decision making on an equal basis, participate in social spaces, and over all the ability to exercise agency over their lives without their sex being viewed as a disadvantage. 3

1.4. The Missing Component of Gender in Development: Male Inclusion Research shows that men not only acted as gatekeepers by constraining women access to health services, but also through abuse, men’s actions directly impact the health of their partners (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). Thus the role of health promoters was seen as protecting women from the negative impact of men’s behaviour on their lives, by working directly and solely with women. In the age of Women in Development (WID), programs were launched in Africa that sought to empower women through education to increase access and knowledge of health and economic facilities. Many of these programs focused on behavioural change interventions (BCI) such as programs on sexual risk behaviours and safe sex negotiation skills; others focused on empowering women economically and reducing the dependency on men via micro financing. The BCI’s aim to increase knowledge on high risk sexual behaviours and promote skills to reduce risky sexual behaviours while the economic empowerment programs understand that women lack training, financial support and options in the economic sector. Yet these empowerment programs often failed to understand the real factors of culture and gender power dynamics that are preventing women from gaining economic independence and acting upon knowledge of safe sex negotiation. The missing component of these programs is that they address women who are already tied to culturally binding systems of patriarchy. By excluding men and thus a partnership for change, they are risking failure. In the 1990’s there was a conceptual shift from WID to Gender in Development (GAD). The Cairo Conference on Populations and Development in 1994 and the Fourth International Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995 were platforms from which there was a revolution in thought about the role men can play in the health status of women (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). This international decade of rhetoric of the involvement of men brought to the fore new understandings of the crucial role men can play. It was recognized that men have been missing from the conversations on gender and as the gatekeepers of the current gender order, where they are not involved, efforts to empower women may be ignored and thwarted (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005). The behaviour, attitudes and perceptions of men towards 4

women and thus the specific discourses of masculinity2 is now recognized to not only impact the health status of women but also of men, especially men who may be measuring themselves against a hegemonic masculine ideal3 (Brown, J et al, 2005). Gender roles, for example, that equate masculinity with sexual prowess, multiple sexual partners, physical aggression, dominance over women and an unwillingness to access health services or seek emotional support, impose a terrible burden on men, a burden that, due to trying to live up to masculine constructs, puts them, their sexual partners and children at high risk (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005).The development community has looked to women to change, develop and be empowered while assuming these changes would be welcome within all communities (WHO, 2001). Conversely while the theory of male inclusion has long been recognized it is only in recent times that internal and external actors have begun to design programs with this understanding of male inclusion. But such programs are limited as funds remain dedicated to programs that directly support women and children’s health (Sonfield, 2002). Deconstructing the problematic ideology of masculinity is imperative to the improved health status of entire populations.

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Masculinity is defined as a set of role behaviours that men are encouraged to perform. Hegemonic masculinity is the culmination of what it is to be a man in a particular society.

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Chapter two: Literature Review
2.1. Literature Review Numerous studies exist on the topic of men’s negative behaviour and its impact on the health and economic outcomes of women (WHO, 2001, Green, C et al, 1995, Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996, Ntseane and Preece, 2005, Gupta, R, 2000, Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005, Flood, 2007 Greig, A, Kimmel, M and Lang, J 2000, Brown, J Sorrell, J and Raffaelli, M, 2005). What was apparent throughout the literature was, when men adhere to the gender script of hegemonic masculinity, they increased both their own risk of poor health and women’s. Literature regarding male involvement in programs designed to challenge hegemonic masculinity and decrease women’s vulnerability via empowerment was notably limited in the African context. The literature found however, did demonstrate that when men are involved in programs to improve their health outcomes and the outcomes of women, there was a change in negative attitudes towards women’s and less regard for the problematic tenants of masculinity (WHO, 2001). 2.2. Men and Sexuality Family Planning (FP) is crucial to women’s reproductive health, yet this is an area often placed within the male decision making domain. Women are the recipients of male decisions regarding use of contraceptives and family size (Osirim, 2001), whereas it is women who bear the burden of numerous pregnancies and risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). It is currently estimated that one-third of the world’s couples are using a male dependant method such as condom, withdrawal, abstinence or other traditional methods (Green, C et al, 1995). However, for Zambian women the most used contraceptive method is the contraceptive pill (Population Reference Bureau, 2007) this can be taken in secret and often it avoids the need for the discussion of FP with partners, yet is ineffectual regarding STD and HIV transmission, which are both rampant in Zambia. Therefore it is fundamental that men are educated to understand the health risks they place themselves and their partners under, as it is men who often determine the type of contraceptive used. It was found that male attitudes are fundamental to the use of FP (WHO, 2001). Often it is 6

men who decide when and how many children a couple should have (WHO, 2001). A study on male influences on FP in Ghana (Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996) concluded that spousal influence, rather than being mutual, was an exclusive right exercised by the husband. A woman in the study reported 'When I wanted to do FP my husband did not allow me, so I did not do it'. A man further commented 'In my view, the women has no legitimate right . . . it is God who grants children, the woman has no right to choose the number of children she prefers . . . it is you the man, who decides to have sex with her' (Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996:88). These are consistent with attitudes and practices of FP in Zambia. A 2007 survey in the Ndola district of Zambia stated that four out of five people did not use contraceptives the last time they had sex and only 30% of men, and 18% of women said they had used a condom with a casual partner (The Times of Zambia, 2007). Reasons cited for not using a condom, included trust, dislike, lack of availability and partner objection, the data highlighted that it was the man that disliked and objected to use of condoms. Male dominated decision making on FP was further exacerbated by cultural discourses of femininity. Motherhood and fertility is considered to be a feminine ideal; using contraceptives may present a significant dilemma for women (Gupta, R, 2000). As illustrated from this extract of a woman in Botswana: ‘We can’t stop having children. With or without AIDS the pressure from husband and extended families is beyond the women’s control in this culture’, (Ntseane and Preece, 2005:9). Furthermore it was proposed that women may be unable to share their opinions with their partners and are unable to participate on an equal basis (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005). They may be excluded from decision-making processes, too intimated to contribute or too busy with domestic responsibilities to allow for meaningful participation (Gupta, R, 2000). In Zambia traditional polygamy has given way to an informal version, where men’s right to more than one wife is often interpreted as their right to several girlfriends. In a study on male adolescents in Zambia it was found that multiple sexual partners and sexual experimentation was crucial to becoming a man (Dahlbäck E, et al, 2003). The need for men to engage in sex with multiple partners, combined with negative attitudes towards condoms and the primacy of fertility, place men’s sexual health at risk (MacPhail, C and Campbell, C 2001 and Brown, J et al, 2005). The 7

need to empower men to the negative consequences of their high risk sexual behaviour is a principal concern (Gupta, R, 2000). While many studies focused on the attitudes, practices and implications of men in regards to FP and contraceptive use, a selection examined the barriers that may inhibit men from meaningful involvement in FP. (WHO, 2001, The Ministry of Health, 1995, Gupta, 2000 and The Times Of Zambia, 2007). One study stated that men are both irresponsible and uninformed when it comes to contraceptive use (WHO, 2001). While men make the decision on contraceptive use, they contradictorily see themselves as peripheral to the responsibility of FP on the ground that they do not produce. A male respondent in a Zambian survey stated: “Why should I be sterilized when I don't produce, the woman is the one who gets pregnant and goes through labour she should be the one to be sterilized” (Ministry of Health, 1995:29). Prevailing norms of masculinity that expect men to be more knowledgeable and experienced about sex, place men and their partners at risk because such norms prevent them from seeking information or admitting their lack of knowledge and encourage them to experiment with sex in unsafe ways, to prove their manhood (Gupta, R, 2000). To further aggravate the situation, research stated that African men value women’s silence in sexual issues because silence and sexual passivity are viewed as the attributes of a good woman. This is the case in Zambia where often there is a dual sexual standard. Dual standards negatively affect both men and women, preventing husbands and wives from discussing their sexual needs with each other and from adopting measures that they both agree would protect them both (The Times of Zambia, 2007). These beliefs are particularly stronger among less-educated men. (Gupta, R, 2000 and WHO, 2001). Thus it is both masculine and feminine ideals that place the populations of many African countries at risk. Such assumptions limit both men and women’s ability in making informed reproductive health decisions even when the risks are apparent. 2.3. Men, GBV and Economic Dependency GBV may denote physical, sexual and verbal abuse of a person based on their gender. Physical and sexual violence towards women is male domination and female disempowerment personified. In some cultures male physical domination over women may be inscribed in the unwritten doctrine of 8

masculine beliefs. Beliefs such as men have the right to women, whereas women have the duty to be subservient. This type of behaviour has negative consequences on both the physical and mental health of women and because of cultures of stigma and silence surrounding domestic violence and rape this type of behaviour is indirectly permitted. Additionally women are often economically dependent on men thus often in abusive partnerships, silence may be needed for the women’s economic survival. With regards to the credo of masculinity, studies reiterated that culturally bound versions of masculinity sometimes use GBV as a means of establishing and maintaining power relationships. (Greig, A, et al, 2000, WHO, 2001, Flood, 2007 and Gupta, 2000). These masculine norms limit men and women’s choices and safety (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005). The incidence of GBV towards women is high in Zambia. In 2006, The Young Women’s Catholic Association (YWCA) in Zambia estimated that almost half of married women aged over 15 years have been physically abused by their husbands, and 53% of women in Zambia experienced physical violence (The Times of Zambia, 2007). Men who behave this way believe that control of women’s lives is an essential element of masculinity. Anger is common when men feel they are losing control. This is a question this study seeks to answer: if men whose wives have undergone empowerment programs retaliate by reasserting themselves in other ways i.e. through abuse of their partner. Unfortunately many people in Zambia, women as well as men, think that it is acceptable for a man to use violence to control their wives and families, as often there is a limited choice but to accept it. The impact of violence towards women in a physical sense is self explanatory. Yet this violence or even threat of violence towards women can be manifested in other areas. As one Zambian woman testified, ‘When I ask for a condom, or go to the clinic to get treatment, he starts beating me. In January 2006 I went for Voluntary Counselling and Testing. He was refusing (to receive an HIV test). The results came out positive after two months he chased me away’ (Human Rights Watch Report, 2007:22). Men are using violence to control the bodies and lives of women. Men’s control over women by using the threat of violence is often strengthened by women’s economic dependency on the man. Males are consistently favoured within education. When poverty forces families to 9

choose, they favour sons because historically boys have had the best job prospects, so their educational chances are better (CAMFED, 2005). There are few jobs beyond subsistence for women who are illiterate and innumerate. A lack of education can be a sentence to a lifetime of poverty and a weakened capacity to raise a healthy, educated family (CAMFED, 2005). Research has shown that economically vulnerable women are more likely to exchange sex for money or food, less likely that they will succeed in negotiating protection, and less likely that they will leave an abusive relationship (Gupta, R, 2000). Within the field of development and in line with the conceptual shift from WID to GAD there is a growing consensus to involve men to end violence against women. Flood (2007), states that first and foremost it is men who are the perpetrators of these crimes. This also means that men themselves must take responsibility for preventing violence against women. Berkowitz (2002) states in Flood (2007:1), ‘Even though only a minority of men may commit sexual assault, all men can have an influence on the culture and environment that allows other men to be perpetrators’. Accordingly in societies based on patriarchal structures it is necessary for a change in attitudes and practices and their negative impact are acknowledged and accepted within the wider community. However while the theory of male involvement is acknowledged it has yet to be substantially initiated in the form of programs or campaigns. The above studies on GBV and economic dependency of women helped the study further formulate some key questions. The review raised questions regarding both female and male attitudes to violence towards women in Zambia. Due to the belief that abuse towards women may be justifiable, the study would like to further address this situation by asking how and in what context it is justifiable. Additionally a women’s limited access to health and economic resources was reiterated within this review, this study will also examine women’s access to health and economic resources and men’s attitudes towards women’s access 2.4. Involving Men in Educational and Social Empowerment Programs The interventions that involved men focused on FP, promoting fatherhood, violence prevention and increasing awareness of sexual risk. However the issue was that although strategies were detailed, few were evaluated to measure program impact (Drennen, 1998, White et al, 2003). This 10

is a problematic occurrence to the future success of empowerment programs and to further inform additional programs. Additionally programs involving men were limited in Africa when compared to South America and Asia where there was more emphasis on male involvement (White et al, 2003). Programs that included men and were evaluated were based in Senegal and Kenya. A two year study of Senegalese male transport workers used a peer education program on HIV prevention and condom promotion (Leonard et al, 2002). At the post intervention evaluation the study found an increase in men’s HIV knowledge and use of condoms; to validate this it was also found that sex workers in the area reported an increase in men wishing to use condoms. The study concluded that the program was successful in both increasing HIV knowledge and use of condoms and thus there should be a new emphasis to the inclusion of men in health programs. In Kenya, Jackson et al’s (1999) study of a trucking company, a BCI was applied to male workers to reduce HIV transmission. At the evaluation stage it was found that there was an increase in condom use and a decrease in the number of men who had sex outside of marriage, in addition to a decline in the percentages of men who engaged in sex with a sex worker. The Challenge CUP (Caring, Understanding Partners) was launched in Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, and Zambia. This initiative encouraged men who attended football games to become sexually responsible, reduce STDs, increase reproductive health knowledge and promote discussion with their sexual partners. Role models such as football players were counselled on positive sexual health behaviour. Yet no information was given on its success (Drennan, 1998). Conscientizing Male Adolescents Program (CMA) in Nigeria was operated by male community members aimed at adolescent boys. CMA consisted of weekly meetings at secondary schools to gender sensitize adolescents. To date, CMA has yet to conduct a post intervention evaluation. Separate interviews, however, provide subjective evidence of positive changes in attitudes and behaviour. Yet a redefinition of masculinity has not occurred as many boys still blame the women for rape (White et al, 2003). In several Africa and Asian countries a workshop called Stepping Stones has been introduced to transform gender relations and targets the entire community. So far a formal evaluation has only been conducted in The Gambia but informal evaluations through FGDs suggest improved shared decision-making and communication skills applied to sexual and nonsexual issues 11

and reduced occurrence of GBV (White et al, 2003). A systematic review (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J 2004) examined data on the involvement of men in fatherhood. The review stated that only two reports on programs in Africa were found and while these were not evaluated it was stated that men do want to be included in the welfare of their family (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). Several promising programs that are widely recognized as being innovative and influential in their work to change perceptions of gender roles have not been evaluated in ways that would make their replication possible. Following an examination of interventions involving men, it was found that when they are included, success often follows. However because of the lack of evaluation at post intervention it is felt that this study is further justified as it will add to an area where there is limited research and where further research is essential to formulate program design to health benefits of both men and women.

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Chapter Three: Research Methodology
3.1 Research objectives The broad objectives of this research are to: • • Identify if the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs inhibits their success. Determine the extent of female empowerment that has been achieved through the programs

and the areas that may still be barriers to empowerment. • Relate the attitudes and practices of men whose wives have participated in empowerment

programs to those of men whose wives have not participated in such empowerment programs to determine if there are any significant differences. • • Identify attitudes from the male viewpoint that may be barriers to women’s empowerment. To extrapolate from the results potential areas for further program intervention and further

research to inform the wider public and program (re) design. 3.2 Research question The overall question that this research would like to answer is whether the exclusion of men from programs focusing on the social, economic and sexual empowerment of women is acting as an inhibiting factor to the goal attainments of such empowerment programs. To achieve this a number of additional questions must be addressed. Questions must address men’s attitudes and practices in a number of areas that are essential to women’s empowerment. The general areas that could demonstrate levels of women’s empowerment and in addition act as indicators of impact or non impact towards men’s behaviour are: 1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment and markets.

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(2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, women’s visibility, access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and a shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference). (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing, freedom from GBV, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues and domestic division of labour. Views on women’s empowerment and possible barriers to empowerment will also be explored. Thus the research will be asking if first and foremost if the women who have participated in women’s empowerment program are actually empowered. This will be answered via the men’s responses to the empowerment indicators just mentioned. These will also be correlated to the responses from men whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment programs to examine if there are significant differences in empowerment levels between these two groups of women. The research will then be asking what areas (if any) is there resistance from men or what areas are still acting as barriers to full empowerment of women. The fundamental question of why these areas present themselves as barriers will be addressed and correlated with the group of men whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment programs. Overall the attitudes and practices of both groups of men will be compared to see if there are or are not significant differences in responses to female empowerment indicators to examine if women’s involvement alone in empowerment programs is sufficient or if there was an identified area where men need to be included and addressed to contribute to the full empowerment and acceptance of empowerment for women in Zambia. 3.3 Research Methodology This is an exploratory piece of research to evaluate the effectiveness, impact, and efficiency of a specific women’s empowerment program in Zambia to be undertaken post intervention. The objectives and aims of this research are to identify if (1) the empowerment program was successful, (2) if there are specific areas which still remain barriers to full empowerment and (3) to

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investigate if these barriers are due to male attitudes and practices and thus could be overcome with the inclusion of men into women’s empowerment programs. Men whose wives have undergone empowerment programs are the target participants for this study. Men have been chosen because men and their attitudes and practices regarding both the role of women and the role of men have been identified from the literature review as barriers to the full empowerment of women. It is believed that the central locus of female disempowerment begins at the household; it is here that men most often exercise their dominant role and it is the area where power dynamics are most evident and measurable. More specifically this research targeted men who are married to women who have participated in women’s empowerment programs. A control group of men whose wives have not participated in an empowerment program were also sampled. Prior to the interviews a FGD (Annex eight) took place in Chongwe district to further identify attitudes and practices that may not have been included in the interview scripts. The participants for the FGD were married men whose wives have not participated in any empowerment program. The research sample was generated via an alumni association of women who have participated in women’s empowerment programs. The Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED) an international NGO which endorses women’s empowerment programs in Zambia and has an alumni association named CAMA. CAMFED registered in 1993 in the UK and began work in Zambia in 2002 and is now present in seven out of the nine provinces. The Chinsali district of Zambia was chosen as it had a greater proportion of CAMA members who are married resided. A sample of eight participants who are married and willing to participate in the research were contacted via CAMFED and participant information leaflets distributed prior to the interviews taking place. The sample was purposive as the sampling frame was small. Six men whose wives have not participated in a women’s empowerment program were recruited in Chongwe district. This sample of men was recruited via a contact made in the Ministry of Agriculture, who informed the community of the research taking place, the interested eligible participants came forward on the date of the research. Qualitative research was used utilizing in depth interviews with men whose wives have undergone 15

empowerment programs. A similar interview was conducted with men whose wives have not undergone any empowerment program (Annex seven). 3.4 Analysis of data The analysis had to be viewed from the Zambian context i.e. in transition due to increasing poverty and HIV/AIDS. Immediately following the FGD and the interviews, the recordings were transcribed verbatim for manual thematic analysis. A brief summary of each interview/FGD content and themes was initially written to aid final analysis. Themes were then recognised and coded in line with the research question and sorted using a copy and paste method under the research questions and instruments. Indirect concepts also played a significant part in the analysis. Concepts were ranked according to occurrence and a comparison made with the control group. There was also small quantitative analysis achieved using SPSS which focused on frequency and percentages between the CAMA and Control group. 3.5 Ethical considerations The main goal of this research was to gain insight while ensuring that individual involvement was voluntary. To that end, participants had the study aims and objectives explained to them, they were given an information sheet to read, questions were answered before their written consent was given. Participants were not allowed participate without the consent form. Another goal was to ensure the anonymity and comfort of interviewees. Anonymity was guaranteed to all participants, as participant numbers were used on the data collection forms. Participants were informed that if they did not wish to answer a question or did not wish to continue that they were under no obligation to do so. The interview was pilot tested before research commenced, to note if there are incidences of discomfort with any questions, none were noted. Additionally interviews were held in the neutral environment of empty classrooms to remove inhibition and ensure further privacy for the individual. Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Zambia (UNZA) and Trinity College Dublin (TCD).

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Chapter Four: Results
4.1 The Field Setting This research was conducted in May 2008 in two districts, Chongwe and Chinsali. The control FGD and interviews were conducted in a classroom in Njovah Village in the district of Chongwe. Chongwe is a large and relatively rural district south of Lusaka district. Njovah village relies heavily on farming as a livelihood. The interviews with the CAMA participants were held in Chinsali. Chinsali is situated in the Northern Province of Zambia near to the Tanzanian border. The interviews were held in a class room in Chinsali Boma a small town slightly less rural than Chongwe which relies on small trade. In both districts inhabitants are engaged in low income generating activities and unemployment is extremely high. Both in CAMA and the control group no participant was employed in a formal sector but relied on the informal sector. Unlike the control group whose main source of income was framing (66.7%) the CAMA participants relied heavily on a trade i.e carpentry (25%) and market trading (50%). 12.5% of the control group and 16.7% of CAMA were not in employment. Six participants were interviewed in a day in Chongwe and eight in Chinsali. The interviews were conducted in English. The results are presented under four major themes that emerged during the analysis (Table 4.1) namely (1) Sex and Selection: Men have the Key (2) Societal Pressures: Real or Imaginary (3) Masculinity and Violence and (4) Empowerment: A Society struggling with Gender. These are then sub-sectioned under the general question focus area.

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Table 4.1 Summary of Themes
Question focus A) Concepts Categories Paradoxes Gender norm shift Gender norms remain Sex and selection men have the key Women as recipients of marriage B) Contraceptive use Dislike Myths Trust Promiscuity Religion Themes

Marriage timing and Stigma to unmarried women spousal selection No marriage age limit to men Positive and negative opinions on longer courting times

Male dominated rejection FP female space/obtainment Gender norms shift Gender norms remain

Men Both open and not open to change Women responsible to obtain contraceptives 1.75 Vs 5.3 children C) Discussion of family Economy factor in family size size Pressure/no pressure to have the first child

S Economics as family transformative Societal pressures real or not D) Dividing the domestics Domestics /child care women’s domain Connivance and tradition Open to fatherhood Societal judgement Society setting roles Connivance as ill disguised tradition Barriers to fatherhood

Societal pressures real or imaginary

Never justified E) Violence against women Masculine traits

Regularly occurs Sexual desire

Problematic Masculinity Power dynamics

Masculinity and violence

Jealously Power dynamics Lack of knowledge F) Views on social and Men as providers Women as helpers economic Fears of divorce Permission empowerment Lack of trust in women Selective association Men, education and economy as barriers In consultation with men Rules governing access

Low opinion of women’s ability and intelligence Threatening male position Empowerment with limits and governance

Empowerment: struggling with gender

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4.2 Sex and Selection Men have the Key The overall theme emerged that within spousal selection, marriage timing and contraceptive use men remain the decision makers. They can choose who to marry and when. Furthermore it was found that men’s feelings regarding different methods of contraceptives are indicative to the type of contraceptive a couple will use. 4.2.1 Spousal Selection and Marriage Timing Within Zambian society it is considered normal for a woman to be married young with the age of marriage ranging from 16-23 years in the control group and from 18-22 in the CAMA group. Men’s marriage age ranged from 21-31 in the control and 23-26 in the CAMA group. Both groups displayed a stigma to unmarried women, men might think she is infertile, sick or behaving inappropriately, in contrast it is acceptable or even preferable for men to delay marriage as they have to ‘get responsibility’. A considerable difference between the two groups was courting time and spousal selection. The shortest time a couple had known each other before marriage in the CAMA group was two years and the longest was ten years. Three of the control group were recipients of arranged marriages; two had known each other a short time (a week) and one had courted for two years. Additionally, while three participants in the control group had arranged marriages, there was only two cases where the family suggested the marriage in the CAMA group and even then the couple had known each other for ten and three years respectively. The control group viewed arranged marriages positively and the concept of courting was viewed negatively; it was believed that longer courting time promotes deviant sexual behaviour, in that men can lure a girl into sexual intercourse with empty promises of marriage. On the other extreme one control participant expressed the benefits of courting before marriage such as lowering STD risk. In the CAMA group issues of courting were not commented on. Excluding cases of arranged marriages in the control group and the parent’s suggestions of marriages in the CAMA group it was always the man who suggested the marriage. A woman cannot suggest marriage or love to a man. She must remain a passive of the decision from either the parents or the man. This attitude was not as strongly evident in the CAMA group. 19

‘We were not starting marriage to say you are my friend. You just get to say I want to marry and she accepts’ (Control). 4.2.2 Use of Contraception Within Marriage

*Table 4.2

The CAMA group differ greatly from the control group regarding negotiation of contraceptives but contraceptives still remain a complex issue for men in each group (Table 4.2). 100% of the CAMA group uses some method of FP. The most popular method in the CAMA group was the pill (50%), followed by the condom (25%), injection (12.5%) and abstinence (12.5%). However three of the men had used condoms at one time before settling on another method. The pill was also the most popular method in the control group (33.3%), others were withdrawal (16.7%) abstinence (16.7%) while 33.3% use no method. 100% of the control group had never used a condom. The reasons for not using the condoms in the CAMA group were dislike, trust, misconceptions, and unavailability. A similar account was heard in the control, quoting dislike, trust, religion and beliefs that condoms promote promiscuous behaviour. While only 25% of the CAMA group use condoms, 62.5% were open to using them and 12.5% citied that condoms will never be used even if their partner insisted. In the control group 50% would not entertain negotiation of condoms. ‘No I wouldn’t accept that’ (Control).

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Others reluctantly stated that they might compromise if their wives insisted. 100% of the women in both groups were responsible for obtaining the chosen method of FP. 4.3 Societal Pressures: Real or Imaginary When discussing household issues such as ‘discussion of family size’ and ‘domestic division of labour’ the majority of men cited societal norms as a barrier to an active role in childcare and household chores. Participants often stated that society will judge them if they act outside their gender norms, yet paradoxes existed with men who chose to act outside their male gender norm and help within the household for example and society failed to ‘frown’ upon them for doing so. Thus the theme emerged if such societal norms were actually real or if they were a façade in which men who are content with the present gender norms can hide behind. 4.3.1 Discussion of Family Size
Table 4.3 Number of Children Control CAMA None One Two Three Four Five Six Seven + Total 0% (n=0) 0% (n=0) 0% (n=0) 16.7% (n=1) 16.7% (n=1) 16.7% (n=1) 33.3% (n=2) 16.7% (n=1) 100% (n=6) 12.5%% (n=1) 62.5% (n=5) 12.5% (n=1) 0% (n=0) 0%(n=0) 0% (n=0) 0% (n=0) 12.5% (n=1) 100% (n=8)

A notable difference between the CAMA and control group is family size (Table 4.3).The average is 1.75 children per family in the CAMA group in comparison to 5.3 in the control group. The emerging theme for smaller families was economic. This reason was cited in the CAMA group, the control group and the control FGD. ‘Am just finding money to do something before going to college because am not employed’ (CAMA participant with no children). 21

‘You see the economy is biting we don’t produce children like you are a pig…I have to provide food I have to provide this and that, where would I get all the money from?’ (Control FGD). 66.7% of the control group stated they had discussed family size with their partners whereas 100% of CAMA stated that they had. A control participant who did not discuss family size cited the reason as religious. ‘When you get married you cannot decide on children it is Gods wish as you meet’ (Control). In the initial FGD it was found that there was a pressure to have the first child immediately after marriage. This pressure was from the extended family and community expectations to be seen as a strong family and also to assure the community that as a man you ‘work proper sexually’ (Control FGD). Six of the CAMA group did have their first child immediately after marriage with two participants waiting for two years and one participant has no children. Five in the control group had children immediately with only one waiting for a period of time before beginning a family. As opposed to the majority of the control group only two participants in the CAMA group felt a pressure from the external family to have children immediately after marriage with the reason to be viewed as a strong family. The CAMA participants however felt that they could negotiate with their family. ‘Because to us Zambians particularly, when you just get married those two families start counting you as a strong marriage when they see a child…but if there is no communication of the decision it can bring a problem within the families even to us, as partners’. While the rest of the CAMA participants felt no pressure this is in contrast to the control group and FGD who felt problems would ensue if a married couple delayed the first child. ‘You just get married and from then you say I need to have a child within, eh maybe within a year and your wife says me I can’t have a child not at two after three years, meanwhile you are the man and you want the baby, it’s always a problem’ (Control).

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Table 4.4 Responsible for domestics chores Control group Women Both Man occasionally assists wife
Total

CAMA group 37.5%(n=3)

66.7%(n=4) 33.3%(n=2) 0%(n=0)
100%(n=6)

37.5%(n=3) 25%(n=2)
100%(n=8)

4.3.2 Responsibility for Domestic Chores 66.7% of women in the control group are solely responsible in the domestic domain with 37.5% responsible in the CAMA group. 33.3% in the control claimed it was both their responsibility and 37.5% agreed in the CAMA group (Table 4.4). Overall the control felt that domestic duties were the responsibility of a woman arguing that it is ‘organic’ and ‘customary’. Within the CAMA group domestic chores are still in the domain of a woman yet there is a slight shift. Three of the participants claimed that their wives are solely responsible in the domestic domain but two of the participants within this stated that they would have no problem occasionally assisting the wife. Granted the reasons for assisting their wife in the CAMA group was if she was away for a long period of time or sick. ‘No I only assist her sometimes cooking, not always if she is not feeling well’ (CAMA). Although in the CAMA group it was understood that there are gender specific jobs in society. When the CAMA and control men contributed to the domestics their reasons displayed an understanding of a women’s busy role. ‘Yes we do assist each in working, because sometimes she may be busy doing something there, like in our society there are works for men and works for ladies… I do assist her’ (CAMA). ‘Yea you know in the countryside 80% of the job is being done by women… they wake up at 4, they prepare breakfast for the children…then from there they go to field they can work up to 8 hours. 23

Now when she comes back home she is responsible to cook, fetch water, firewood and otherwise. So usually the job is being done by our wives’ (Control). When asked what men do while the wife is doing all this it was stated that ‘We just wait for food’ (Control). The men in both groups who help their wives burden the domestics were also battling with societal prejudices which frown upon men acting within a female role. The men said that it is stressing and are subject to community gossip regarding their status as a man in that society. ‘Society thinks…he is doing not the duties, he is doing the duties of the lady’ (CAMA). ‘Even that, you know even carrying a bucket of water on your head….you feel you are ah downgraded by a women sort of thing…So that would have adversary problems’. (Control FGD). 4.3.3 Care Giving Within the Household
*One CAMA participant had no children but still gave his opinion which is included in the table.

Table 4.5 Main Care Giver Control group CAMA group Wife 50% (n=3) 50% (n=4) Equally 33.3% (n=2) 25% (n=2) Man assists 16.7% (n=1) 12.5% (n=1) Husband 0% (n=0) 12.5% (n=1) Total 100% (n=6) 100% (n=8)

In 50% of the control and the CAMA group care giving was the women’s responsibility. 33.3% of the control and 25% of CAMA divided the care giving. 16.7% of the control and 12.5% of CAMA men occasionally assist the wife and 12.5% of the CAMA group the man is the main caregiver compared with 0% in the control (Table 4.5). When it is a women’s sole responsibility to care for the children the reasons in the control group was tradition and convenience in that the women is most often at home. The CAMA group also noted convenience as a reason for women to be the main caregivers but not reasons of tradition as in the control. ‘Well it’s the organic way of living, mostly the madam is supposed to do that. But the man is happy’ (Control). 24

‘No men are not supposed to be, often cos mostly they are busy….So since the madam is staying at home she can very much mind the children’ (Control). No man in CAMA or the control displayed aversion to a more active role in parenting. The majority of men in the control group did however quote a number of barriers that inhibit men from an active role in fatherhood such as alcohol consumption, carelessness, in addition to community’s perceptions of gender roles. CAMA participants also felt that society still thinks that gender roles should remain unaltered. ‘Yeah, men would not be happy because, because they will always think women are the only ones who are responsible for that changing nappies and so forth’ (CAMA). ‘They think something is wrong in the sense that to us like Africans…the charms they give to give men so that they become the way, women want them to become…so when they see that, they will automatically rush to that and think that she has also’ (CAMA). 4.4 Masculinity and violence When analysing the occurrence of violence against women it was established that men who behave violently towards women did so due to masculine trait assumptions i.e. sexual desire, dominance and physical aggression. Thus the theme emerged that these men felt justified in behaving violently towards women as it is enshrined in their masculine role. 4.4.1 Freedom from Violence 100% of the participants in the control and CAMA group were against the use of violence towards their wives and never felt it is justifiable. 100% of the control group agreed that GBV is still a common feature in Zambian society. Furthermore three of the control participants gave testimonies to the regular occurrence of GBV and one participant’s daughter had died at the hands of a man just prior to the interview. ‘For instance we you had eh we had eh my daughter. She was battered by a certain man. We buried my daughter yesterday, the man he, he killed her’ (Control). 25

The participants in each group expressed a number of opinions on what may encourage men to act violently towards women. The motivating factors for men to abuse was similar in both groups which were courting time, with the CAMA emphasising that shorter courting time led to violence when people do not take the time to know their partner and the control group had the opinion that long courting times contribute to violence as ‘sex waits for no one’. Thus in this respect the control group highlighted elements of masculinity, where men’s sexual urges dominates rationale. Alcohol was another factor cited in both groups. The most cited reason in both groups that encourages men to act in a violent manner towards their partner was due to masculine trait assumptions such as jealously, suspicion, sexual desire and also reasserting their superior status in the household. ‘According to our culture it is said to be a man is the head of the house...The other men they took that as advantage that since am the head I can do whatever I want’ (CAMA). ‘They still have the old feeling. The old feeling of our culture our tradition they used to do that’ (Control). The participants, when discussing the problematic tenets of masculinity also intertwined this with men’s lack of knowledge. Menial situations were quoted as instigating violence from a man such household misunderstandings over money, food and children. ‘I think there are a lot of mistakes, like late home, food ready not in time, like lunch you find at 13 hours. These are some of the mistakes’ (Control). The participants of both groups contributed recommendations to mitigate the violence; some were directed at the women and others at the husband. Women were advised to be silent and apologise to avert the threat of violence. One participant in the control group and most of the CAMA group felt that education directed at the husband rather than the wife was vital to violence prevention. ‘If I say ‘here you are wrong’ and she say ’ah no’ the man he is going to slap her. But if she says ‘oh sorry sorry I didn’t mean’ then it’s ok I forgive my wife’ (Control).

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‘Mostly the women they are told to be silent’ (CAMA). ‘It is because of the ignorance, they don’t have more knowledge on family planning and the do’s of having sex, they feel because the if the partner doesn’t want to have sex they are not seen the impact as long them they have fulfilled their sexual desire…but maybe somebody has been hurt, and they won’t worry much’ (CAMA). ‘They just want to education. To educate them I think. To tell them this woman which you married is your second mother’ (Control). 4.5 Empowerment: A Society Struggling with Gender Through discussion of economic and social empowerment indicators such as women’s access to social and economic spaces and men’s attitude to women’s access, it was found in the analysis that both sets of participants were struggling with the concept of women’s empowerment. Participants showed an understanding of women’s need to be in employment, yet expressed fears if a woman might earn more and essentially threaten the male position of power.
Table 4.6 Women’s Employment No job Assists husband Yes has job Total Control group 16.7%(n=1) 50% (n=3) 33.3% (n=2) 100%(n=6) CAMA group 12.5% (n=1) 25% (n=2) 62.5% (n=5) 100% (n=8)

4.5.1 Economics Outside and Within the Household In the control group 33.3% of women are in employment, 50% assist their husbands and 16.7% are not in employment. In the CAMA group 62.5% of women are in employment, 25% assist their husbands and 12.5% have no employment (Table 4.6). The division in women’s employment rates is in part due to the grant CAMA women received as part of their economic training, thus 37.5% % of the women have not been fully economically empowered as was the objective of the CAMA program. 27

Table 4.7 Main Provider in the Household Control group CAMA group 100% (n=6) 62.5%(n=5) 0% (n=0) 25%(n=2) 0% (n=0) 12.5% (n=1) 100% (n=6) 100% (n=8)

Husband Wife Equal Total

Upon discussion of main providers masculine role concepts resurfaced. 62.5% of the CAMA group stated that they were the main provider; 12.5% stated equal contribution and 25% very reluctantly quoted women as the main providers (Table 4.7). In comparison to 100% of the control group asserting their status as the main provider. Yet how the men expressed themselves as the main provider was more complex. In the control, it was evident by the lack of employment, higher number of children and designation of housewife status that men were most probably the main earner. However with 62.5% of CAMA women also working and 25% assisting their husbands it requires a closer examination. One CAMA participant expressed that even though his wife also worked he was the main earner because his ‘madam is under’ him .Disregarding who actually contributed more but relying on cultural stereotypes in his assertion. When it was acknowledged that the woman was the main provider in the CAMA group it was done so reluctantly and with accompanying insecurity. One participant expressed fears that his wife will leave him if he is not living up to his role as a main provider to his family. ‘In marriages, some people in our country they do ran away from their husbands if he is not contributing very much…this is what am feeling’ (CAMA). This fear can be defined as masculine role stress which is a man’s inability to live up to the defined hegemonic masculinity in their respective societies. In general all other participants in both groups were happy that their wives were either working themselves or assisting the men in their work but the reasons seem to be economic not gender equality. ‘Yes cos what we are having in this society, we don’t have much in finance’ (Control). ‘We are helping each and when I have got no work, at least she can contribute’ (CAMA). 28

Table 4.8 Reactions to women as the main providers Control Group CAMA Group fear of loss of household 'head' status 50%(n=3) 75%(n=6) will put women at risk of abuse 16.7%(n=1) 0% (n=0) no comment 16.7%(n=1) 0%(n=0) ok with it 16.7%n=1) 0% (n=0) fear of divorce 0%(n=0) 25%(n=2) Total 100% (n=6) 100% (n=8)

4.5.2 Reactions to Women as Household Heads When discussing how society feels about women as the main earner, the men in both groups reacted against this proposition, they quoted cultural stereotypes and subtly expressed their insecurities. 50% of the control group and 75% of CAMA group cited fears regarding their position as the household head, such as women will control the husband and also the idea of woman’s subordination was reinforced (Table 4.8). Participants in both groups expressed the idea of the man as head of the household with a CAMA participant quoting that a woman could never be head of a household. ‘You can find that even a house wife can be controlling, when you say I want to do this, she will simply no… because she is the only provider’ (CAMA). ‘Because she’s the wife she can’t surpass thee, they think they can be taken over’ (Control). ‘Because even God said that the head of the house must should be a man’ (CAMA). The second major theme but only coming from the CAMA group was fear of divorce if a woman become the main earner or became empowered to an extent that they do not rely on their husbands. ‘If a wife becomes more empowered than a man…themselves later on you find that maybe in their houses they end up divorcing…you find that a woman went to the college after that she is employed as a teacher, you find that she leaves her husband’(CAMA).

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Another concerning concept arising from the control group was that if a woman was a main earner it will put her at risk of abuse, as the wife is still expected to be a housewife and if she fails in her housewife role there will be negative consequences. Regarding access to household finances no major issues emerged. Women were often given responsibility with the finances as they are more responsible and know the household needs. However in the control group a participant felt that women risk abuse if a woman refuses to give her husband money for drinking ,raising the question if women really do have the control. ‘When a man asks for money for drinking smoking and she says no, they start battering the women’ (Control).

Table 4.9 Cited Barriers to Women’s Employment Husband lack of education no comment no barriers Lack of Job Opportunity Early Marriages Total Control Group CAMA Group 33.3% (n=2) 37.5%(n=3) 33.3%(n=2) 0%(n=0) 16.7%(n=1) 25%(n=2) 16.7%(n=1) 0%(n=0) 0.0%(n=0) 25 (n=2) 0.0%(n=0) 12.5%(n=1) 100.0%(n=6) 100%(n=8)

4.5.3 Barriers to Women’s Employment When asked if there are still barriers to women gaining employment the greatest theme arising was the husband as a barrier in 37.5% of the CAMA and 33.3% of the control group. This was expressed directly in the CAMA group and indirectly in the control group (Table 4.9). The theme of losing control over the household was reiterated again, men want their wives to serve the man in the home. It was feared that if a woman has a job she could start controlling the man and in the control group it was felt that women were not organised for employment as it is not a requirement for a housewife. The second most cited barrier was lack of education (33.3%) in the control and lack of opportunities (25%) in the CAMA group. Lack of opportunities was raised irrespective of sex; education was not mentioned in the CAMA group as a barrier to employment.

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‘This district it is rarely for both of them, there is no employment in this district, unless someone is educated like I have said maybe he has to gone college’ (CAMA). One participant from the control group suggested that there are no barriers as women could regardless of education level offer sex to the employer. 4.5.4 Women’s Freedom of Movement 100% of the CAMA group wives are presently allowed access to CAMA and 100% of the control participant’s wives are presently or have in the past participated in activities outside the home. Five of the control women are active in a ‘women’s club’ where they learn to cook, knit and sew and one is a HIV caregiver. Additionally 100% of the control group were happy that their wives are taking part in these activities, however, these activities were centred on traditional female roles which also pleased the participants. ‘Yes its good its right’ (Control). Overall when questioning women’s freedom of movement the CAMA and control group were still resistant to it with the men placing down rules or explanations to inhibit women’s access. What governs women’s access to social spaces is the attitudes and trust of her husband. A man can prevent or permit a women’s access and if permitted, rules governing her access can be established. Two major themes emerged which were trust and selective association in the CAMA and control group. Both participants explained that they cannot allow a woman much freedom as women will forget their family if they see what is on offer outside the realm of the household. Additionally it was put forward that women will do this because they are not as intelligent as men. ‘Because women you are not, brain you are not, (demonstrates brain being smaller) you are not ah, you know what?’ (CAMA). ‘Because housewives, or women, if the husband is not there, maybe because some women they are very weak in brain…whereby wherever she goes, she will be thinking about what she found that forgetting where she has come from’ (CAMA). 31

’It will eh bring a lot of misery to the family cos my wife I fear, it’s better to be doing business…Eh she, sometimes a woman becomes loose’ (Control). Men are still exercising control over the women and maintaining the gender roles because of this. Others participants would allow movement of women but only if it was with other married women as again the married women might get bad ideas from the single women. In the control group and FGD social empowerment was the concept where men reacted very strongly to in a similar manner to the CAMA group. Where both trust issues and selective association arose but the CAMA groups statements are the harshest. While the majority of the CAMA group expressed gender equity ideas throughout the interview they rapidly backtracked when it came to social empowerment and began expressing chauvinist remarks regarding women’s intelligence and capacity of self-control. 4.5.5 Overall Views on Women’s Empowerment In the discussion of female empowerment, attitudes from both groups of men were disaggregated between positive and negative. In the control group empowerment was always translated as economic. Furthermore in the control with the exception of one participant all the participants viewed economically empowering women as a progressive and positive step and would be happy if it were to be conducted in their community. Why they were so pleased centred mostly around the poor economy and the way in which a women can contribute to living costs and also the theme that men are careless with money was reiterated in this section.

‘Cos we are too careless men are very careless, but women are not. Because whatever you empower them they contribute a lot from what you have given them’ (Control).

Conversely one CAMA participant explained what empowerment meant to him as ‘power is not suppose to be shared’. It was then elaborated that a man should always be head in the household and thus if a women became empowered it is an attempt to upset the power balance, something the participant prefer to maintain.

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‘Well here because the man always be the head of the house so that’s why I’m saying he should be much more than the women, the wife’ (CAMA).

Overall the both groups seemed accepting of women’s economic empowerment however an ominous theme seem to indicate that this was not for reasons of gender equality but rather for economic gain.

4.5.6 Views on the CAMA Program

When we spoke of the CAMA program and their views on empowerment the CAMA group responses were confused, often citing positive ideas and then proceeded to speak of empowerment negatively. 100% of participants had negative response to CAMA and empowerment and 6 participants then also had positive statements. The participants viewed the empowerment as positive as it creates employment and opportunities for the family. Similar to the control group, who would be happy with their wives contributing economically as long as they knew their place in the household. The negative comments were regarding male exclusion from empowerment programs, the men felt they were sidelined. Others spoke of suspicion intertwined with a lack of understanding about the objectives of empowerment and the confusion this can cause men, which can impact if a women is permitted to attend CAMA. ‘Actually, am not happy because she is going alone, unless if I was included we go together’ (CAMA). ‘There is a my friend he is married, my wife went to his wife and lets join CAMA okay she has always joined, so she wanted her to join as well. She agreed but the husband (MOD: disagreed?) INF: yeah’ (CAMA). The men then proceeded to talk about the subservient status of women in particular a woman’s inability to become heads of household or display any control over a man.

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‘To make like you and me, you are starting from me it not it is not good, women must be submissive to men…they have to understand because in the house there is the head and the vice you cant all be the head’ (CAMA). While again the majority of CAMA men had expressed progressive ideas on gender throughout the interviews on family and household issues in particular, when it came to empowerment even though technically their wives had been empowered, they were clearly battling with it and what it now meant for them as men. When asked if they would make any changes to the CAMA program 100% of the men asked to be included at the most or even briefed about what the women will learn at CAMA. Even the control group felt to be successful things need to be ‘in consultation with men’.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
The research question sought to investigate whether the exclusion of men from female empowerment programs could inhibit the success of women’s empowerment. Some questions needed to be answered before any conclusions took place. Firstly what were the levels of empowerment of the women in each group, secondly what are the barriers to empowerment from the male viewpoint and why do these barriers exist. 5.1 Levels of Empowerment Between the CAMA and Control Women A number of variables were used in this study to determine the levels of empowerment among the women. These indicators were marriage timing, spousal selection, contraceptive use, discussion of FP, domestic division of labour, freedom from violence, access to income, employment and social spaces. 5.1.1 Marriage Timing and Spousal Selection It was found that the age at which a woman marries can be linked to her empowerment levels, for example, if she is married young she may not have the opportunity to complete her education due to early childbearing immediately after marriage. Poverty often justifies early marriages; an impoverished household can obtain quick money or assets from the dowry payment. The impact of early marriages is that women are denied an equal start in life regarding reproductive health, education, employment and it increases likelihood of economic dependency on others. The process in which a woman enters marriage is equally important; if a woman is chosen by a man without consultation then this pertains to an unequal relationship from the beginning which can then be carried on throughout married life. Within the CAMA and control group this is an area of greater distinction. While both groups of women were relatively young when married, in the CAMA group they had all completed their education whereas this was not true for the control group. Within the control group, women were ‘chosen’ by the men and with one exception had only known their partner for very short periods of time. The entire CAMA group on the other hand, had courted for an extended period of time. The issue of longer courting time before marriage could be attributed 35

to CAMA’s effect as all the women waited until completing education to get married. In this sense the empowerment levels are much higher in the CAMA group. Yet it needs to be noted that the CAMA women were still acting within societal norms regarding marriage timing, as societal norms in both groups displayed a stigma attached to women who delayed marriage. 5.1.2 Contraceptive Use Zambian studies from the literature review have shown that the pill was the most common method of FP, while reasons for not using condoms were trust, dislike, lack of availability and partner objection. This is validated in this research. The pill was the most popular method in CAMA whereas in the control group both the pill and no method were equally popular. Furthermore the cited reasons for not using condoms in both groups were also trust, dislike and unavailability. High levels of discomfort were noted in the control group on the use of condoms and to a lesser extent in the CAMA group. The promising aspect is whereas using condoms in the control group was unheard of; the CAMA group stated that they could be open to using them with only one CAMA participant maintaining that he would never use condoms. Also noted from previous studies in the literature review was while men decide which FP method to use it is the women’s responsibility to obtain it. 100% of women in both groups are responsible to obtain the chosen FP method while it is still a male decision. One CAMA participant explained this as ‘gender balance’ in that he can give her ‘responsibility to do everything’. It is problematic in the sense that the concept of gender balance this person may have internalized is quite the opposite in which CAMA may want to promote. Overall the empowerment level for women in the control group is low because condoms are not used and she is unprotected from STDs, and because women cannot discuss the use of condoms. Levels of empowerment for women in the CAMA group are higher in regards to sexual negotiation and couple communication, all are using contraception and two are using dual protection i.e. condoms. The condom has been used at least once by three CAMA participants and with the exception of one participant all are open to using it at the request of the wife. But caution must be taken in the approach of the subject when it is associated with mistrust.

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5.1.3 FP Discussion A women’s control over her reproductive life is essential in empowerment. When women are subjected to continuous pregnancies it becomes a health concern as well as a social concern if she is unable to negotiate her reproductive life. The CAMA group had significantly less children than the control group (1.7/5.3 mean). However the reasoning in both groups was related to the economy and not to gender equality. There is an understanding that a family should only produce children if they can provide for them. This could be a sign of a shift in family norms, a shift which could also reduce the burden of child care from a woman. However due to the fact that the economy was cited as a reason in the control group and control group FGD, the CAMA program cannot be accountable to this shift in attitudes. The majority of the participants in both CAMA and the control had children immediately after marriage. The control group stated that this was due to a societal pressure to be seen as a strong family. While most CAMA participants stated that they felt no such pressure they still acted within society’s expectations. The overall majority in both groups claimed that they discussed FP with their wives. This is more than likely true for the CAMA group as they are all using FP, however the wives input into these discussions is not known. Regarding child spacing empowerment levels are much higher in the CAMA group, although this may be attributed to the economic situation, and quite possibly that the main income in the CAMA group is small trade whereas in the control group it was farming where more children are helpful rather than a hindrance. 5.1.4 Household Domestics and Childcare Often women are burdened with domestic and child care in addition to helping their husbands in their respective jobs; this is seen as the traditional role of a woman in African society. This designated role severely hinders women’s educational attainment, formal job prospects and freedom of movement tying her solely to the families needs and not her own. Previous studies had stated that men should never be seen doing ‘women’s jobs’. The control and CAMA men also empathise with this concept. However it was the control group who emphasised this and put it into practice by preferring to adhere to set masculine roles. The control group felt societal norms are 37

not flexible enough for men to break easily out of their prescribed roles. The CAMA group also felt this, but to a lesser extent and emulated more progressive notions regarding gender roles and fatherhood such as equality in division of childcare. Empowerment levels for women in the arena of domestic and child related issues are in transition in the CAMA group while they are lower in the control group. The control group all stated that they would like to contribute more but it was nonsensical as women stay at home and men work. Although the CAMA men quoted society as having certain prejudices against men who perform tasks normally under the feminine remit none of them actually experienced such prejudices when they performed ‘feminine’ tasks. The majority of the child and domestic tasks do fall upon CAMA women but not without some assistance or a level of understanding from their partners.

5.1.5 Freedom from Violence

Violence against women is disempowerment personified reinstating the concept of male dominance and female subservience. The review stated that often both Zambian men and women consider violence justified in certain contexts. Conversely this is not the case with both groups reacting strongly against using violence against their wives. Thus in this sense empowerment levels are high in both groups. According to both groups of participants however this is not the case for other women, particularly within the control group’s district. This could be possibly attributed to the economic settings of farming and trade in each district, where many of the CAMA women are active in trading which may give them more independence whereas on the farms the majority of women were housewives and fully reliant on their partners, which in turn may increase their vulnerability. The most cited reason for GBV is assertion of masculinity and power dynamics. Other research has shown that when men feel that their masculinity is threatened they use violence to reassert themselves. The participants when noting the problematic tenets of masculinity also intertwined this with lack of knowledge on the part of such men who commit GBV, informing us that such men need to be educated on the wrongs of violence and the belief that being the ‘head’ of a household also translates to treating the wife in an abusive manner. Alcohol was cited by participants in both groups as a factor in the incidence of GBV. Alcohol can affect a man already 38

suffering ‘masculine role stress’. In opposition to the control group where it was stated that delaying marriages may cause a man to abuse, a CAMA participant felt that a problem is with limited courting time where a couple do not take the time to know each other. In comparison to the control group this is a much more empowered concept and overall the CAMA group displayed a deeper understanding and dismay as to why such men react in such a violent manner to their wives. 5.1.6 Social and Economic Empowerment The defining concepts of empowerment relate to social and economic empowerment. It was noted from the participants that even though a women may be in employment this does not mean she is empowered, her subordinate role persist when she re-enters her household. Thus social empowerment needs to be applied in conjunction with economic empowerment. However social and economic empowerment was also the concept which both sets of participants reacted against. Regarding social empowerment and freedom of movement in both groups empowerment levels are high when social spaces are associated with traditional gender roles yet when the mould begins to change the men become anxious and unsettled. Permission still needs to be obtained in both groups for women to access social spaces. The men are highlighting their fears associated with social empowerment. It is clear that women cannot have as much freedom as men and the men are content with this. In the control group and FGD, social empowerment was the concept where men reacted very strongly against in a similar manner to the CAMA group. Both trust issues and selective association arose in each group yet, the CAMA group’s statements are the harshest. The CAMA men reacted against social empowerment believing it make the women ‘loose’ and ‘forget her duties’. The literature review stated that Zambian men felt threatened with the concept of economic empowerment and reserved the idea that women should never be a household head. These concepts were also reiterated in the study. While both groups expressed happiness that their wives are in employment or may be in the future, it was indicated this was for economic reasons. If we take into consideration the men’s views of women’s access to social spaces the men were still in 39

control and could still permit or not permit their wives to do an activity. Thus this positive view of women’s economic empowerment must be taken lightly as it was expressed that regardless of a women’s employment status no change should be made to the current gender order ‘They say I have just been empowered at this level, when I’m at home I respect my husband’ (Control FGD). Women can earn income but this does not translate to becoming a household head, a position reserved for the men. Furthermore the CAMA group expressed fears over loss of control. Fear of divorce provided a different reaction than that of the control group where divorce was not mentioned. It presented an element of powerlessness on the part of the men. The men who did not earn more than their wife and whose wives were in employment expressed more liberal gender equity ideas where it was power together rather than power over another. Empowerment levels for the CAMA women are medium and in transition. There seems to be a battle occurring in the minds of men; at times they express progressive statements on gender equality and then backtrack on these statements when it calls into question their status as a man or their role as a provider. While others seem to express defeat and plead for equality rather than a women having more power over a man in an economic sense. It has been demonstrated that economics is almost key to power relations in a setting where it is limited as the men associated their power over their wives with economics. 5.2 Barriers to Women’s Social and Economical Empowerment: The Male Viewpoint Overall the results from women’s empowerment indicators (marriage timing, spousal selection, contraceptive use, discussion of FP, domestic division of labour, freedom from violence, access to income, employment and social spaces) were analysed to examine the most significant barriers that are inhibiting women’s successful empowerment. 5.2.1 Barriers to Sexual Negotiation and Shared Domestic Responsibility In the various measures of women’s empowerment in marriage timing, domestic division of labour, employment, access to social spaces and over all equality within the household a consistent barrier 40

was reiterated: the men. Furthermore masculinity was reinforced by societal and traditional norms as the second most cited barrier. Freedom in spousal selection was related to societal norms which expressed distaste towards unmarried women and traditional customs which mute the opinion of the women on her choice of husband and give voice to the opinion of the women’s parents and the men. None of the men in the control group thought that marriage timing or spousal selection was a negative issue, as they are in the privileged position of choosing and suggesting it. Contraceptive use is still a male dominated decision. It was also demonstrated in the literature review that misconceptions of men towards contraceptives is crucial to their sustained use. This is true with the CAMA group who quoted a number of misconceptions regarding both the pill and the condom. Barriers to discussion of safer contraceptives are in the domain of the man. It is evident that when the issue of condom use is raised it is immediately equated with distrust thus it is a major barrier to women to openly discuss safer contraceptive use. The men control the decision to have the first and crucial child and they seem to need it as a stamp of masculinity. This is further pressurized by community norms and coupled with men’s fear of non-adherence to masculine tenets. The control group stated barriers to an active male role in parenting, were dominated by community norms and perceptions. Firstly was the issue that men are ‘busy’ and women stay at home and that is the natural gender order. However the most significant barrier to further advancement in the empowering of women or shared responsibility of family tasks lies with community norms. Although both groups were not averse to aiding their wives they feared repercussion from the community. While both groups stated that society feels you are being charmed by a woman or a woman has the upper hand on a man, experiences of a CAMA participant seem to counter this notion. It may be that society’s acceptance of a renewed involved notion of fatherhood has advanced but due to limited communication between men the idea of a distant father remains stagnant until openly challenged. Thus it is society’s constructions of gender norms that pose a barrier rather than the men themselves who sometimes perform to their gender script and sometimes step outside their prescribed role. To overcome these barriers it is necessary to create a dialogue between men regarding how they really feel about domestic activities and fatherhood and allow them to understand their own inhibitors to further aid with the de-burdening of women in this arena. 41

5.2.2 Barriers to Freedom from Violence

GBV is heavily associated with problems of masculinity. The CAMA men state that this is due to lack of knowledge on the part of the men which in turn suggests that these men consider themselves at the higher end of the knowledge spectrum. As a CAMA participant stated ‘it is a problem of men’ and thus needs to be solved by men. Such men should be the instigators of open discussion with other men. This may translate to the inclusion of men in female empowerment programs as partners to mitigate the impact of problematic masculine tenants that are contributing to women’s own vulnerability in society. This is emphasised when we consider some of the control and CAMA group’s suggestions to mitigate GBV which were to target the women rather than the male perpetrators.

5.2.3 Barriers to Accessing Social and Economic Spaces

Overall the barriers to social empowerment lie with the men and the communities’ perception of moral and gender conduct. What govern a woman’s access to social spaces are the attitudes and trust of her husband, a man can prevent a women’s access and if the wife is permitted rules governing her access will be established. It seems to remove the last shackles of exclusion, social empowerment needs to be worked on and reemphasised in program design. The main barrier to achieving this is to mitigate men’s lack of trust. Men need to learn to trust their partners and question why they are preventing them from partaking fully in society, is it really because they think women are less intelligent or is it that they are having difficulty accepting changing societal norms on gender roles? They may feel they have limited choice but to accept economic empowerment due to poor economic conditions but they cannot see economic gain in social empowerment. Regarding economic empowerment the control group felt the barriers were lack of education while the CAMA group saw men as the barriers. The reasoning is that they see that their wives have been educationally empowered but are not reaping the benefits which probably forced them to look elsewhere for an explanation, which they found by reflecting on themselves. The continuing barriers to further women’s empowerment lie with mitigating the concept of a man as 42

head of a household and a woman inability in that position, a theme that still emerged from the CAMA group. Thus education is needed on what gender equality actually is and that gender equality does not translate to women having more power over a man but an equal discussion making in all household and societal matters and similar economic opportunities as men. From CAMA we see that when a woman obtains an education and monetary assistance it does not automatically translate to empowerment, either social or economic. To overcome these barriers men’s attitudes do need to be understood. Empowerment does not occur in isolation of the sexes, it needs to be a collective effort resulting from community mobilisation. If the men were ‘gender empowered’ they could contribute to the overall well being of the household and examine the ways they are contributing to their family demise by limiting their wives social and economic activities.

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Chapter Six: Conclusions, Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

6.1 Strengths and Limitations of the Study The major strength of this study is that research has been limited in the area of women’s empowerment programs and even more limited in the area of involving men in these programs. Thus it serves as a strong preliminary to further research. Additionally the research tools used to measure empowerment were very satisfactory to glean the require information and respondents were comfortable with all the questions. Thus the tools can be replicated for further research. The sample size is small and this limits generalisability and representation of attitudes between the groups of participants. Different economic settings of the two areas were also limiting factors. The interviews were conducted in English which created a bias in that the participants had a higher level of education for them to communicate in English. The biggest limitation of this study is that FGDs and interviews were not conducted with the partners of the participants to provide a sound basis for comparison and to strengthen results. It would be advantageous to include the women in the study to verify what the men have said. Key informants within empowerment program initiatives should also be included to triangulate the data. Further research is essential to this preliminary and should cover a significantly larger sample size, of both control and men whose wives have participated in empowerment programs, the wives should also be sampled in both groups and the setting of the field i.e. urban/rural should be similar in each sample. Furthermore it is recommended that research be conducted in the local language to capture a wider sample and allow for more ease in the expression of views and opinions, in which a second language may not be adequate.

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6.2 Conclusion While the majority of CAMA men had expressed progressive ideas on gender throughout the interviews regarding family and household issues in particular when it came to empowerment even though technically their wives had been empowered, they were clearly struggling with it. The results have highlighted that men can assist women in their daily tasks and are pleased if their wife is earning an income for the household, but men still need to be acknowledged as the household head and the main provider; they still need to know that they can control their wives on some level. While the aura of gender equality resonates in the CAMA group more than it did in the control group, there are still fundamental issues to be addressed. When asked if they would make any changes to the CAMA program 100% of the men asked to be included or even briefed about the program. It has been assured in numerous academic literatures that when you empower a woman, you are empowering a community. But problems are encountered when half a community consist of men who are excluded and neglected. We note a progression of ideas is occurring among men, they are slowly acknowledging the burden of women and the benefits education and employment of women can bring to the household. But they are not willing to let go of their ‘head’ position. It is true a woman can bring extra money and even discuss how to spend it but she will still be a housewife, she still needs consent from her husband and she still is subservient. The men are asking for inclusion without any probes this was their consistent recommendation, the economy is not benefiting them either and they are confused as to why they are neglected which is fuelling suspicion with negative consequences for women. ‘Those people who are married, those men’s who are married those who are in town, you train them together with their husbands so that they have one focus…such that I would like this programme to come up in a good way…. we are the men who have married those women in CAMA so we would like, at least find a way to at least include us’ (CAMA). If this is not the way we will be continuing to empower women with limits, as the men have dictated. 45

Research bibliography Brown, J Sorrell, J and Raffaelli, M (2005) ‘An exploratory study of constructions of masculinity, sexuality and HIV/AIDS in Namibia, Southern Africa, Culture, Health and Sexuality’, Vol.7 (6), 585598.

Burchardt, Le Grand and Piachaud (1999) ‘Social exclusion in Britain’, Journal of Social Policy and Administration’, Vol. 33 (3), 227-244.

Bureau of African Affairs (2008) ‘Republic of Zambia’ (online), Available on: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2359.htm, (Accessed on 15th January 2008).

CAMFED, (2005) ‘Educating girls: the best weapon against HIV/AIDS’ (online), Available on: www.camfed.org, (Accessed on 3rd December 2007).

DFID (2007) ‘Country profiles: Africa’ (online), Available on: http://www.dfid.gov.uk/countries/africa/zambia.asp, (Accessed on 18th January, 2008).

Drennan, M (1998) ‘Reproductive Health: New Perspectives on Men's Participation’ Population Reports, Series J (46), Available on: http://www.infoforhealth.org/pr/j46/j46creds.shtml#top (Accessed on 12th February 2008).

Flood, M (2007) ‘Harmful Traditional and Cultural Practices Related to Violence Against Women and Successful Strategies to Eliminate Such Practices – Working with Men’, Available on: http://www.unescap.org/esid/GAD/Events/EGMVAW2007/Discussion%20Papers%20and%20Prese ntations/Michael%20Flood's%20paper.pdf, (Accessed on 6th January 2008). 46

Foreman, M, Scalway, T Miti, M (2000) ‘PANOS / UNAIDS: Informing the Response to HIV Nov 2000 Men and HIV in Zambia Men and HIV in Zambia’, Available on:

http://www.panos.org.uk/files/menandhivinzambia.pdf, (Accessed 28th December, 2007).

Green, C Cohen, S and Ghouayel, H (1995) ‘Technical report: Male involvement in reproductive health, including family planning and sexual health’, UNFPA: New York.

Greig, A, Kimmel, M and Lang, J (2000) ‘Men, Masculinities & Development: Broadening our work towards gender equality‘, Gender in Development, Monograph Series 10, UNDP : New York.

Gupta, G, (2000) ‘Gender, sexuality, and HIV/AIDS: the what, the why, and the how’, Canada HIV AIDS Policy Law Review, Vol. 5(4), 86-93.

Human Rights Watch (2007) ‘Hidden in Mealie meal, Gender based abuses and women’s HIV treatment in Zambia’, Vol.19 (18A), Available on www.hrw.org/reports2007/zambia1207/-13K (Accessed on 9th March).

Jackson, D, Rakwar , J, Lavreys , L, Thompson , Mary, Bwayo , J, Hassanali , S, Mandaliya , K, Ndinya-Achola , J, Kreiss , J (1999) ‘Cofactors for the acquisition of HIV among heterosexual men: prospective cohort study of trucking company workers in Kenya’, Epidemiology and Social, Vol.13(5), 607-614.

Kabeer, N, (2004) ‘Resources, Agency, Achievements: Reflections on the Measurement of Women’s Empowerment’, Sidastudies, No 3.

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Leonard, M, Michel, A, France, B, Nassirou, G, Lowndes, C, Meda, H, Cyriaque, G, Severin, A and Jean, J (2002) ‘Decline in the prevalence of HIV and sexually transmitted diseases among female sex workers in Cotonou, Benin, 1993-1999’, Epidemiology and Social, Vol.16(3), 463-470.

Malhotra, A, Schuler, S and Boender C (2002) ‘Measuring Women’s Empowerment as a Variable in International Development’, Available on: www.one.aed.org/LeadershipandDemocracy/upload/MeasuringWomen.pdf, (Accessed on: 12th December 2007). MacPhail, C and Campbell, C (2001), ‘I think condoms are good but, I hate those things’: condom use among adolescents and young people in a Southern African township’, Social science and medicine, Vol. 52, (11), 1613-1627.

Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M (1996) ‘Reproductive health and AIDS prevention in Sub Saharan Africa: The case for increased male participation’, Health policy and planning, Vol.11 (1), 84-92.

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Ntseane, P and Preece, J (2005) ‘Why HIV/AIDS prevention strategies fail in Botswana: considering discourses of sexuality’, Available on: www.gla.ac.uk/centres/cradall/docs/Publications/JPpapers/Oct-06/ntseanetk381745pu8689831-1.doc, (Accessed on 26th January 2007).

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Nzioka, C (2001) ‘Research on men and its implications on policy and programme development in reproductive health Programming for male involvement in reproductive health’, Report of the meeting of WHO Regional Advisers in Reproductive Health, September 2001, Available on: http://www.who.int/reproductive health/publications/rhr_02_3_male_involvement_in_rh/section2_5.en.html, (Accessed on: 6th January, 2008).

Odutolu, O, Adedimeji, A, Odutolu, O, Baruwa, O and Olatidoye, O (2003) ‘Economic empowerment and reproductive behaviour of young women in Osun state Nigeria’, African journal of reproductive health, Vol.7 (3).

Osirim, M (2001), ‘Making good on commitments to grassroots women: NGOs and empowerment for women in contemporary Zimbabwe,’ Women studies international forum, Vol.24 (2), 167-180. Population Reference Bureau (2007) Health and demographic statistics from Zambia (online), Available on: www.prb.org/countries/zambia.aspx, (Accessed on 15th January, 2008).

Richardson, L and Le Grand, J (2002) ‘Outsider and insider expertise: The response of residents of deprived neighbourhoods to an academic definition of social exclusion’, Journal of Social policy and administration, VOL.36, (5), 496-515. Roudi, F and Ashford, L (1996) ‘Men and family planning in Africa’, Population Reference Bureau [PRB], Vol.2, (24).

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Sternberg, P and Hubley, J (2004) ‘Evaluating men’s involvement as a strategy in sexual and reproductive health promotion’, Health promotion international, Vol. 19 (3).

The Times of Zambia (Ndola) (2007) ‘Zambia: Women's Battle in HIV/Aids Programmes’ (online), Available on: Mulengahttp://allafrica.com/stories/200712270777.html (Accessed on 27th December 2007).

UN Millennium Project (2005) ‘Investing in Development: A Practical Plan to Achieve the Millennium Development Goals’. New York. Online where?

White, V, Greene, M and Murphy, E (2003) ‘Men and reproductive health programs: influencing gender norms’ (online), Available on: www.synergyaids.com/SynergyPublications/Gender_Norms.pdf, (Accessed on 3rd January 2008). WHO (2001) ‘Report of the meeting of WHO Regional Advisers in Reproductive Health, September 2001’(online), Available on: http://www.who.int/reproductive health/publications/rhr_02_3_male_involvement_in_rh/section2_5.en.html, (Accessed on: 6th January, 2008).

Women’s commission for refugee women and children (2005) ‘Masculinities: Male Roles and Male Involvement in the Promotion of Gender Equality, A Resource Packet’ (online), Available on: http://www.womenscommission.org/pdf/masc_res.pdf (Accessed on 28th December, 2007).

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Female empowerment research Appendix one Participant information leaflet for men participating in FGDS Name of researcher: Niamh Barry Working title of study: Is the exclusion of men from empowerment programs that seek to empower women socially, sexually and economically at the cost to the goal attainments of such programs?

Description of study: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via both Focus group discussions and interviews to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success. Within the focus group discussion five topics will be explored: of household roles, education of children, couple communication, women’s access to social spaces and a final topic on women’s empowerment.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as married man in Zambian society are of great interest and will be very valuable in o answer helping answering the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend a focus group discussion to discuss your views and experiences. The focus group discussion will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this discussion. The results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College.

Benefits: The benefits from this study will be the opportunity to share your experiences and to be able to contribute to knowledge. In time this may be used to inform further program design that may have positive effects on the health and knowledge of men and women in Zambia.

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Risks: There are no risks involved in being part of this study.

Exclusion from participation: You cannot participate in this study if any of the following are true: • • • You are under the age of 18 You are unmarried You are female

Confidentiality: Your identity will remain confidential. Your name will not be published and will not be disclosed to anyone outside the study group. Any information will be locked away and only the researcher and his supervisor will have access.

Voluntary Participation: You have volunteered to participate in this study. You may withdraw at any time. If you decide not to participate, or if you withdraw, you will not be penalised and will not give up any benefits that you had before entering the study.

Stopping the study: You understand that the investigators may withdraw your participation in the study at any time without your consent.

Permission: Permission has been sought from Trinity collage Dublin and the relevant body in Zambia. Consent: To take part in this study you must read and sign the consent form.

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Female empowerment research Appendix two Participant consent form for men participating in FGDs.

Project: The evaluation of the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs. Principal Investigator: Niamh Barry Background: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via interviews to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success. Within the focus group discussion five topics will be explored: of household roles, education of children, couple communication, women’s access to social spaces and a final topic on women’s empowerment.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a married man in Zambian society are of great interest and will be very valuable in helping to answer the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend a FGD to discuss your views and experiences. The FGD will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College DECLARATION: I have read, or had read to me, this consent form. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and all my questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I freely and voluntarily agree to be part of this research study, though without prejudice to my legal and ethical rights. I consent to possible publication of results or use of data in other future studies without the need for additional consent. I understand I may withdraw from the study at any time.

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I have received a copy of this agreement.

PARTICIPANT’S I.D NUMBER:

………………………………………………………..

PARTICIPANT'S SIGNATURE/ FINGERPRINT:

………………………………………………………..

DATE:

….…………………………………………………….

Statement of investigator's responsibility: I have explained the nature and purpose of this research study, the procedures to be undertaken and any risks that may be involved. I have offered to answer any questions and fully answered such questions. I believe that the participant understands my explanation and has freely given informed consent.

INVESTIGATOR’S SIGNATURE:……………………………………… Date:……………

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Female empowerment research Appendix three Participant information leaflet for men whose partners have participated in CAMA women’s empowerment program. Name of researcher: Niamh Barry Working title of study: Is the exclusion of men from empowerment programs that seek to empower women socially, sexually and economically at the cost to the goal attainments of such programs?

Description of study: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via FGDs and interviews to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a partner of a woman who has undergone a female empowerment program are of great interest and will be very valuable in o answer helping answering the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview to discuss your views and experiences. The interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College.

Benefits: The benefits from this study will be the opportunity to share your experiences and to be able to contribute to knowledge. In time this may be used to inform further program design that may have positive effects on the health and knowledge of men and women in Zambia.

Risks: There are no risks involved in being part of this study.

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Exclusion from participation: You cannot participate in this study if any of the following are true: • • • You are under the age of 18 You are unmarried You are female

Confidentiality: Your identity will remain confidential. Your name will not be published and will not be disclosed to anyone outside the study group. Any information will be locked away and only the researcher and his supervisor will have access.

Voluntary Participation: You have volunteered to participate in this study. You may withdraw at any time. If you decide not to participate, or if you withdraw, you will not be penalised and will not give up any benefits that you had before entering the study.

Stopping the study: You understand that the investigators may withdraw your participation in the study at any time without your consent.

Permission: Permission has been sought from trinity collage Dublin and the relevant body in Zambia. Consent: To take part in this study you must read and sign the consent form.

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Female empowerment research Appendix four Participant consent form for men whose partners have participated in CAMA women’s empowerment program.

Project: The evaluation of the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs. Principal Investigator: Niamh Barry Background: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via interviews to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success. Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a partner of a woman who has undergone a female empowerment program are of great interest and will be very valuable in helping to answer the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview to discuss your views and experiences. The interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College DECLARATION: I have read, or had read to me, this consent form. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and all my questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I freely and voluntarily agree to be part of this research study, though without prejudice to my legal and ethical rights. I consent to possible publication of results or use of data in other future studies without the need for additional consent. I understand I may withdraw from the study at any time.

I have received a copy of this agreement.

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PARTICIPANT’S I.D NUMBER:

………………………………………………………..

PARTICIPANT'S SIGNATURE/ FINGERPRINT:

………………………………………………………..

DATE:

….…………………………………………………….

Statement of investigator's responsibility: I have explained the nature and purpose of this research study, the procedures to be undertaken and any risks that may be involved. I have offered to answer any questions and fully answered such questions. I believe that the participant understands my explanation and has freely given informed consent.

INVESTIGATOR’S SIGNATURE:……………………………………… Date:……………

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Female empowerment research Appendix five Participant information leaflet for men whose partners have not participated in any women’s empowerment program. Name of researcher: Niamh Barry Working title of study: Is the exclusion of men from empowerment programs that seek to empower women socially, sexually and economically at the cost to the goal attainments of such programs?

Description of study: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via FGDs and interviews to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success.

Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a married man in this society are of great interest and will be very valuable in o answer helping answering the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview to discuss your views and experiences. The interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College.

Benefits: The benefits from this study will be the opportunity to share your experiences and to be able to contribute to knowledge. In time this may be used to inform further program design that may have positive effects on the health and knowledge of men and women in Zambia.

Risks: There are no risks involved in being part of this study.

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Exclusion from participation: You cannot participate in this study if any of the following are true: • • • You are under the age of 18 You are female You are unmarried

Confidentiality: Your identity will remain confidential. Your name will not be published and will not be disclosed to anyone outside the study group. Any information will be locked away and only the researcher and his supervisor will have access.

Voluntary Participation: You have volunteered to participate in this study. You may withdraw at any time. If you decide not to participate, or if you withdraw, you will not be penalised and will not give up any benefits that you had before entering the study.

Stopping the study: You understand that the investigators may withdraw your participation in the study at any time without your consent.

Permission: Permission has been sought from Trinity Collage Dublin and the relevant body in Zambia. Consent: To take part in this study you must read and sign the consent form.

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Female empowerment research Appendix six Participant consent form for men whose partners have not participated in any women’s empowerment program.

Project: The evaluation of the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs. Principal Investigator: Niamh Barry Background: The aim of this study is to explore the views of men whose wives have taken part in a women’s empowerment program. This study proposes to conduct research via interviews to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone empowerment and their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone empowerment programs. With an overall view to observe the attitudes of men towards the position of women within society in general and the household and to examine if there are differences in the general attitudes of men with wives who have undertaken empowerment programs to attitudes of men whose wives have not. Areas that will be explored more specifically are (1) Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues, domestic division of labour. With a view to understanding if male exclusion from female empowerment programs is inhibiting factor to such programs success. Procedures: You have been asked to participate in this study because your personal views as a married man in this society are of great interest and will be very valuable in helping to answer the research questions. Your contribution would be to attend an interview to discuss your views and experiences. The interview will last no longer than an hour and will take place in somewhere private and convenient for you. If you wish you may have access to the transcripts of this interview. The results of the study will be used for a Masters thesis in University of Dublin, Trinity College DECLARATION: I have read, or had read to me, this consent form. I have had the opportunity to ask questions and all my questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I freely and voluntarily agree to be part of this research study, though without prejudice to my legal and ethical rights. I consent to possible publication of results or use of data in other future studies without the need for additional consent. I understand I may withdraw from the study at any time.

I have received a copy of this agreement.

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PARTICIPANT'S I.D NUMBER:

………………………………………………………..

PARTICIPANT'S SIGNATURE/ FINGERPRINT:

………………………………………………………..

DATE:

….…………………………………………………….

Statement of investigator's responsibility: I have explained the nature and purpose of this research study, the procedures to be undertaken and any risks that may be involved. I have offered to answer any questions and fully answered such questions. I believe that the participant understands my explanation and has freely given informed consent.

INVESTIGATOR’S SIGNATURE:……………………………………… Date:……………

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Female empowerment research Appendix seven Interview Guide for both men whose wives have participated in CAMA empowerment programs and men whose wives have not.

*The same interview will be used for men whose wives have not participated in any empowerment program with 8.2 omitted Introduction. Good morning/afternoon/evening, my name is [insert] and I am working on this research based at Trinity College, Dublin Ireland. We are conducting interviews on selection male partners of CAMA members, like yourself, in an attempt to assess the empowerment program your partners have undergone, measure changes in attitudes and to understand if there is a need for more male involvement within such empowerment programs. The results of these interviews will be used in a master’s thesis in Trinity Collage Dublin Ireland and possibly used as evidence for advocacy efforts that could benefit you and your partner. The interview will take approximately one hour. It will be recorded and I may take some notes. The audiotape or notes cannot be linked to you and your anonymity is guaranteed, as you read when signing your consent form. There is no way anything that you say can be linked to you. Your name or any identifiable information will not be marked on any of the data collection forms. If at any time you want to discontinue the interview you are free to do so. If you are uncomfortable with any questions you do not have to answer them. Is this ok?

Section A: Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, acceptability of divorce, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues i.e. health and education, domestic division of labour.

1: Determining progress in spouse selection, marriage timing 1.1 Warm up question: What age were you when you got married to your partner? • • 63 Follow up: do you think (insert response) is an average age to get married in your society? Follow up: had you known your partner long before you decided to get married? (Continuation probe) so you courted for a short/long time before it was decided?

1.2 Main question: who suggested the marriage? o (Elaboration probe) so was this a decision you were happy with? o (Elaboration probe) can you tell me how that made you feel? • Follow up: if it was in or not in the men’s control: do you feel that this start makes your equal partners in marriage?

2: Determining sexual negotiation, couple communication 2.1 Main question: do you have any children with your current partner? • • Follow up if yes: how soon after you were married did you decide to have children? Follow up if no: was it a mutual decision not to have children? o (Continuation probe) was this a decision you made together? o (Elaboration probe) if made alone: so it was solely your decision/your wife decision? Move on to next main… 2.2 Main question: do you and your partner currently regularly use contraceptives? • • • • Follow up if yes: what contraceptives are you currently using? Follow up: Who is responsible for getting and using the contraceptives? Follow up: Are you happy with the decision to use contraceptives? Follow up if no contraceptives are used: are there any reasons why you do not use contraceptives? o (Elaboration probe) you emphasised (insert response) a lot is there any other reasons? • Follow up: was it both you and your wife’s decision not to use contraceptives? o Continuation probe if solely was the mans decision) did your wife want to use contraceptives? • Follow up: are you happy with the decision not to use contraceptives? o (Elaboration probe) can you tell me a little bit more as to why you feel that way?

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3: Determining domestic decision making: chores, child related issues 3.1 Main question: do you and your wife both contribute to household work like the cooking and cleaning? • • Follow up if yes: so you divide the daily chores equally or do you do certain chores about the house? Follow up if no: so who mostly does the chores, you or your wife? o (Elaboration probe) so was this something you both agreed to do? 3.2 Main question: who is most often the primary care giver of your children, is it you, your wife or perhaps someone else? o (Continuation probe) and this is a situation you are content with? • Follow up if man names wife or family as caregiver: would you like to look after your children a bit more? o (Continuation probe) why was it decided that (insert response) would be mostly responsible for the children? 3.3 Main question: do you think men may be unhappy if they were asked to take full responsibility for the children? • Follow up if has stated he is not the caregiver: are you happy not to be as involved in care giving? o (Elaboration probe) why is that? 4: Determining freedom from violence and abuse in a marriage 4.1 Main question: how do you feel about men who physically or sexually abuse their wives? By physically abuse we mean hit, punch, kick, slap, etc. By sexually abuse we mean raping their wives, that is when the woman does not want to have sexual intercourse and the man forces her against her will. • • Follow up: Do you personally know of any men that physically and/or sexually abuse their wives? Follow up: do you think certain situations ever justify wife beating? o (Elaboration probe) ok so could you give some examples of when it might be justified? / So in your opinion hitting a wife is never justified?

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Section B: Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets. 5. Determining economic attitudes and practices in the household and community 5.1 Main question: are you currently in full time or part time employment? • • • Follow up if yes: what is it you do? Follow up: How many hours a week on average do you work? Follow up if no: o (Clarification probe) is that just you don’t work in the formal sector or simply not at all? Are you content to do that? • Follow up: do you personally know men that are happy not to work? o (Elaboration probe) could you tell me a little bit more about that? 5.2 Main question: is your wife in employment at the moment? • • • Follow up if yes: what is it that she does? Follow up: How many hours a week on average does she work? Follow up: are you happy that she is working and contributing to the family income?

5.3 Main question: Who contributes more to the family income, you or your wife? • If the wife contributes more: o (Probe), how does that make you feel? • Follow up if no, wife is not in employment: would you like your wife to be working? o (Elaboration probe) why do you feel that way? 5.4 Main question: do you feel you are the main provider for your family/ or you and your wife are both equally contributing? • Follow up: if you are not uncomfortable with the question could you don’t need to answer but could you tell me, how much you and your wife earn a week/month?

5.5 Main question: in your household is there a single person who looks after the household finances/resources? o (Elaboration probe) who is that person? 66

Follow up: what is the reasoning for (insert response) taking care of the household financing?

5.6 Main question: do you think that the majority of men in this society would be content with their wife as the main earner? o (Elaboration probe) could you tell me a little bit more about that please? • Follow up: do you feel there are still barriers to women gaining employment in the formal sector?

5.7 Main question: Do you think that you and your partner have an equal share in making household decisions on purchasing things for the household/family? • Follow up If not: o (Probe) why not?

Section C: Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference). 6. Determining if there is a preference in educating boys over girls 6.1 Main question: are any of your children of school going age going to school? • Follow up if yes: o (Clarification probe) so are all your children of school age attending school? • Follow up if no: are there any reasons as to why there are not all in school? o (Continuation probe) could you tell me a little more about that? 6.2 Main question: do you think your society favours sending boys to school over sending girls? o (Elaboration probe) why do you think (insert response) is true?

7. Determining women’s freedom of movement and access to social spaces 7.1 Main question: does your wife participate in any social groups or clubs? • 67 Follow up if yes: what kind of clubs or groups are these?

Follow up: are you pleased she is taking part in activities outside the home and workplace? (Continuation probe) could you tell me a little more about how it makes you feel? Follow up if no: would you like your wife to participate in other activities outside the home and workplace?

7.2 Main question: do you think it is becoming more acceptable for women in your society to partake in activities outside the home? • • Follow up: do you think many other men in your society share your opinion? Follow up: could you think of anything that may prevent women from taking part in social activities outside the home?

8. Determining attitudes to female empowerment programs 8.1 Main question: what do you understand women empowerment to mean to you? (Possible elaboration probe) could you talk a little more about that? /do you think it’s a positive or negative step? • Follow up: do you think many other men may share your opinion on women empowerment?

8.2 Main question: so how do you feel that your wife has undergone the program with CAMFED/empowerment program? • • Follow up: has your wife’s involvement in CAMFEDS programs changed you in anyway? Follow up: can you think of anything that might prevent women empowerment even after a women has participated?

8.3 Main question: what do you think of the opinion that men also need to be educated before women can be truly empowered? Is this valid, do you think? • Follow up: do you think men may resist this idea?

Closing the interview

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Cool-off questions: In summary, you would describe your feelings/attitude towards as [reiterate the general feeling obtained in the interview] (clarification probe) Do you have any last things you would like to add?

Thank you very much for taking the time out to do this interview, it has been both insightful and pleasant.

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Female empowerment research Appendix eight Focus group discussion guide for men whose wives have not participated in any women’s empowerment programs

Good morning/afternoon/evening, my name is [insert] and I am working on this research based at Trinity College, Dublin Ireland. We are conducting some focus group discussions on selection of married men, like yourself, in an attempt to understand your view and opinions on gender roles in Zambia and to examine your view on women’s empowerment to understand if there is a need for more male involvement within such empowerment programs. The results of these FGDs will be used for a master’s thesis in Trinity Collage Dublin and hopefully used as evidence for advocacy efforts that could benefit you and your partner. Is it ok if we record it take some notes (Wait for response)…thank you very much. The audiotape or notes cannot be linked to you and your anonymity is guaranteed, as you read when signing your consent form. There is no way anything that you say can be linked to you thus I will ask you all to think of a alias for yourself so that your real name or any identifiable information will not be marked on any of the data collection forms. If at any time you want to discontinue this session you are free to do so. If you are uncomfortable with any questions you do not have to answer them. There are five topics for discussion in this session in the areas of household roles, education of children, couple communication, women’s access to social spaces and a final topic on women’s empowerment. I will begin by asking a general question on that topic and you can then respond. All your opinions are equally valuable and I would encourage discussion among the group rather than answering to me. Please respect the opinions of all the other participants.

Shall we begin with some introductions? If you could all introduce yourselves to the group, maybe your name, not your real name please, and maybe tell us a little bit about your family life?...(icebreaker) That was great, thank you. Now lets move on to some topics for discussion…

Topic A, household roles, economics

Do you think that when a couple gets married there are certain expectations to adhere to certain roles? For example a women must stay at home, cook, clean, have children, whereas a man must go out and provide for the family?

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Possible probes: how would you feel about this situation if it was reversed and the man stayed at home while the women went out and provided How do the others feel about this role reversal?

Topic B couple communication, negotiation of contraceptives

If your wife said to you that she would like to begin to use a contraceptive such as a condom, because she would like to wait before having more children, how would you react to that? Possible probes: whose decision is it to decide on family size? Why do you think your wife would like to use contraceptives? How do others feel?

Topic C children’s education

Could you imagine that you have two children, a boy and a girl, if you could only afford to send one of them to secondary school, which child would you choose and why? Possible probes: who would make that decision to choose, both you and your wife or just you? Would others make a similar decision? Topic D women’s access to social spaces What is your views on women who might belong to social groups or be in involved in activities outside the home, for example women who attend women’s meetings, meet with their friends often, go dancing, go to bars? Possible probes: would you be happy if your wife went out? Does she need to ask your permission? Why is that? 71

How do others feel?

Topic E women’s empowerment

When you hear people talking about women’s empowerment, what dose this mean to you? Possible probes: do you think this is a good thing or a bad thing? Why do you think that? Would you be happy if your wife wanted to become empowered?

Closing the FGD ‘Ok thank you very much we are going to finish up soon, let’s just go over a few things……’ Summarise the main points that were brought up in FGD, identify areas of agreement and areas of different perspectives ‘Does any one have any final comments or questions?.....thank you very much for your time, it has been extremely valuable.’

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Moderator Observations and Comments Response Sheet

Name of moderator: Date: Number of participants:

Non-verbal cues and their context:

Group dynamics/interaction:

- What did you observe in the group interaction?

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- Did this influence response?

- Were the participants in dispute or in agreement or both?

Problems:

Comments:

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TRINITY COLLEGE Trinity College, Dublin 2, Ireland

SCHOOL OF MEDICINE FACULTY OF HEALTH SCIENCES

Professor Dermot Kelleher, MD, FRCPI, FRCP, F Med Sci Head of School of Medicine Vice Provost for Medical Affairs Ms Fedelma McNamara School Administrator Ms Niamh Barry, 43 Harolds Cross Road, Harolds Cross, Dublin 6W

Tel: +353 1 896 1476 Fax: +353 1 671 3956 email: medicine@tcd.ie email: medschadmin@tcd.ie

Friday, 16 May 2008 Study Title Is the exclusion of men from female empowerment programs acting as an inhibiting factor to the goal attainments of such programs?

Dear Applicant Further to a meeting of the Faculty of Health Sciences Research Ethics Committee, February 2008, I am pleased to inform you that the above project has been approved without further audit. Yours sincerely pp._______________________________________ Dr. Orla Sheils Chairperson Faculty of Health Sciences Ethics Committee cc. Ms Posy Bidwell, Global Health, Foster Place

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Research proposal submitted Preliminary title: is the exclusion of men from women’s empowerment programs acting as an inhibiting factor to the goal attainments of such programs? 1. Background The gender of a person can have detrimental consequences to their health outcomes. Men and women have different rates of illness, access to resources, and sexual and health seeking behavior. Conversely it is women, especially in Africa who disproportionately bear the burden of morbidity due to restricted access to educational, health and economic facilities. There are numerous interrelated factors that exacerbate this phenomenon, particularly societal expectations of women that can lead to inequalities in education and employment opportunities, inadequate protection within the law, expectations towards child bearing, poverty, economic dependency on the man and very little room for sexual negotiation. The common denominator is the subservient status of women in many African societies. Thus women are subjected to many health risk factors that seem to be outside their control and under the remit of discourses of masculinity. The gender dynamics within the household are a central locus of women’s disempowerment in a way that is not true for other disadvantaged groups (Malhotra et al, 2002).

1.2. The Zambian context Over 70% of Zambians live in poverty with 7.5 million living on less than $1 a day; this places Zambia among the world's poorest nations, with a GDP OF $890 per capita (DIFID, 2007). Social indicators continue to decline, particularly in measurements of life expectancy at birth which are currently 38 for men 37 for women, compared to 40 in the 2000 and in measures of maternal mortality, 729 per 100,000 pregnancies in 2006 compared with 649 in 1996 (Population Reference Bureau, 2007). The overall literacy rates stood at 67.9% in 2006 (WHO Factsheet, 2006). The country's rate of economic growth cannot support rapid population growth or the strain which HIV/AIDS related issues (e.g. rising medical costs and a decline in worker productivity) place on 77

government resources. Almost 50% of Zambia’s populations are concentrated in urban areas, while rural areas are considerably under populated (Bureau of African Affairs, 2008). Unemployment and underemployment are also significant problems for the people of Zambia. The over all impact of Zambia’s socioeconomic, cultural and health issues are deeply disaggregated by gender. In the Global Gender Gap Report (2006), Zambia ranked 85 out of 115 countries in overall gender equality indicators which measure the degree to which men and women are equally represented in social, educational, economical and political spheres of life. The Global Gender Gap Report highlighted significant differences between men and women in terms of access to education, employment, literacy rates and contraceptive use. Women have lower literacy rates, less access to education above primary (although this is low all over Zambia), less employment opportunities and only 34% use contraceptives (Population Reference Bureau, 2007). All the indicators demonstrated male privilege in the aforementioned areas and over all the gender gap report concluded that Zambian social and economic structures are still heavily based on patriarchal values (Gender Gap Report, 2006), that in essence increase women’s vulnerability. In a study of male youths in Zambia (Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003) a number of interesting concepts relating to gender norms and roles were discussed. In the area of gender roles in the households it was shown that men must never been seen doing ‘women’s jobs’ such as cleaning and cooking, additionally it was thought that a women could and should never be a head of a household. In the area of economic independence, worries were expressed, that if a woman begins to make money, it would threaten the male position of power, this was also reflected in decision making and boys felt that if you allow a girl to make all decisions then she is making a fool of you. On issues of sexual activity some boys felt that a man should have multiple girlfriends and satisfy them all sexually and some expressed opinion that they can force a girl into marriage. Overwhelmingly the boys expressed an understanding that they are the privileged sex in Zambia, in that they get more respect, better education and better jobs, overall many shared the opinion of one boy who stated; ‘I am happy God made me a boy’ (Dahlbäck, E et al, 2003) Because of the above issues in Zambia and many parts of Africa, many view empowering women as imperative to the future of development. 78

1.3. The concept of empowerment The basis of the concept of empowerment has its theoretical foundations. To be disempowered is often to be firstly socially excluded. Sociologists Burchardt, Le Grand and Piachaud (1999) empirical definition of social exclusion was: An individual is socially excluded if (i) they are geographically resident in a society (ii) they can not participate in the normal activities of citizens in that society (iii) they would like to participate, but are prevented from doing so by factors beyond their control (Richardson and Le Grand, 2002). In essences this process of social exclusion serves to exclude social groups from benefits and rights that are considered normal. However, it is argued that not only are people marginalized from society, they are marginalized by society itself, this is especially true for women in societies that are based on patriarchal structures. Giddens (1998) explains, ‘Exclusion is not about graduations of inequality, but about mechanisms that act to detach groups of people from the social mainstreams’ (Richardson and Le Grand, 2002). Often social exclusion operates from ‘above’, this is not the case regarding the disempowerment of women, whose root cause stems from patriarchal structures and norms at the community level. Empowerment has been defined as ‘the expansion in people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to them’ (Malhotra et al, 2002). Women are not just one group amongst several disempowered subsets of society they are a cross-cutting category that coincide with other marginalized groups. In this sense empowerment is about the transformation of power relations between men and women at four distinct levels; the household/family, the community, the market and the state (Odutolu et al, 2003). Thus in summary empowerment is taken to mean a process by which women may have the opportunity to access educational, economic and health resources, to engage in decision making on an equal basis, participate in social spaces, and over all the ability to exercise agency over their lives without their sex being viewed as a disadvantage.

1.4. The missing component of gender in development, male inclusion.

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Research shows that men not only acted as ‘gatekeepers’, constraining women access to health services, but also through abuse, men’s actions have direct impacts on the health of their partners (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). Thus, increasingly the role of health promoters was seen as protecting women from the negative impact of men’s behaviour on their lives, by working directly and solely with women to empower them. Primarily this was focused on reproductive health but soon included social and economic empowerment. In the age of Women in Development (WID), programs were launched all over Africa that sought to empower women through education in negotiation of contraceptives and to increase access and knowledge of health and economics. Many of these programs focused on behavioral change interventions such as educational programs on sexual risk behaviors and safe sex negotiation skills; others focus on empowering women economically and reducing the dependency on men via micro financing schemes. The behavioral change interventions aim to increase knowledge on risky sexual behaviors and promote skills to reduce risky sexual behaviors while the economic empowerment programs understand that women lack training, financial support and options in the work forces. Yet they often fail to understand the real factors of culture and gender power relations that are preventing women from gaining economic independence and acting upon knowledge of safe sex negotiation. The missing component of these programs is that they only address women who are already tied to culturally binding systems of patriarchy. Well intentioned female empowerment programs that attempt to challenge the vulnerability of women often do not engage with the women’s reality.

Thus, as an approach the empowerment of women without the participation of men is at best a partial solution and at worst could create more conflict and result in more problems by increasing men’s feelings of alienation (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). Men have remained passive and often excluded in the dissemination of health information (Mbizvo, M and Bennett, M, 1996). In the 1990’s there was a conceptual shift from WID to Gender in Development (GAD). The Cairo conference on populations and development in 1994 and the Fourth international conference on women in Beijing in 1995 were the platforms from which a revolution in thought about the role men may play in the health status of women (Sternberg, P and Hubley, J, 2004). This international 80

decade of rhetoric of the involvement of men brought to the fore new understandings of the crucial role men play in women’s health status. It was recognized that men have been missing from the conversations on gender and as the gatekeepers of the current unequal gender order, where they are not involved, efforts to empower women may be ignored and thwarted (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005). The behavior, attitudes and perceptions of men towards women and thus the specific discourses of masculinity is now recognized to not only impact the health status of women but also of men. Masculinity has been defined in a general sense as a set of role behaviors that men are encouraged to perform (Brown, J et al, 2005). This may involve measuring themselves against a hegemonic masculine ideal, hegemonic masculinity is the culmination of what it is to be a man in a particular society. Adherence to the masculine role behaviors roles compromise men’s health by encouraging them to equate risky sexual behaviors with being “manly.” Gender roles, for example, that equate masculinity with sexual prowess, multiple sexual partners, physical aggression, dominance over women, a readiness to engage in high-risk behavior and an unwillingness to access health services or seek emotional support, impose a terrible burden on men, a burden that, due to trying to live up to masculine constructs, puts them, their spouse, partners and children at high risk (Women’s commission for refugee women and children, 2005). For too long we have looked to women to change, develop, liberate themselves, and be empowered, all the while taking for granted that these changes would be welcome (WHO, 2001). There now needs to be equality in emphasis. Conversely while the theory of male inclusion has long been recognized it is only very recently have internal and external actors have begun to design programs with this understanding of male inclusion. Yet these programs are limited as worldwide funds remain dedicated to programs that directly support women and children’s health (Sonfield, 2002). Deconstructing the problematic ideology of masculinity is imperative to the improved health status of entire populations.

This study proposes to conduct research to examine the relationships between the women who have under gone the CAMFED (campaign for female education) empowerment program and their husbands, and to correlate these findings with men whose wives have not undergone any 81

empowerment program. The CAMFED empowerment program aims to provide women in rural Zambia with a comprehensive education from primary level through to secondary and eventually providing the women with micro finance and health education to give them a better start in life. Thus this study aims to observe the attitudes of both groups of husbands towards the position of women within society and the household, feelings to what the role of women should be within society, attitudes practices, beliefs about women and their role as partners in sexual relationships and the ability for a woman to negotiate within this relationship. Consequently the study seeks to understand firstly, to what extent are these women actually empowered within the household relations and secondly to identify the areas where men’s attitudes are acting as barriers to the overall empowerment. The over arching objective of the study is to note if male exclusion from female empowerment programs is detrimental to women’s full empowerment. 2.1 Research objectives The broad objectives of this research are as follows: o To identify if the exclusion of men from programs for the empowerment of women inhibits the success of such programs. o To note the extent of empowerment that the women have achieved and the areas that may still be barriers to women. o Relate the attitudes and practices of men whose wives have participated in empowerment programs to those of men whose wives have not participated in such empowerment programs, to note if there are any significant difference in attitudes and practices. o Identify attitudes from the male viewpoint that may be barriers to women’s empowerment. o To extrapolate from the results potential areas for further program intervention and further research to inform the wider public and program (re) design.

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2.2 Research question The overall question that this research would like to answer is if the exclusion of men from programs focusing on the social, economic and sexual empowerment of women acting as an inhibiting factor to the goal attainments of such empowerment programs? To achieve this number of additional questions must be raised. Questions must address men’s attitudes and practices in a number of areas to that are essential to women’s empowerment. The general areas that could demonstrate women’s empowerment and in addition act as indicators of impact or non impact towards men’s behavior are : Economic: measuring women’s control over income, contributions, access to and control over family resources, women’s access to employment, ownership of assets, and access to markets, (2) Socio-cultural: measuring women’s freedom of movement, lack of discrimination against daughters, commitment to educating daughters, women’s visibility and access to social spaces, participation in other social networks, and a shift in patriarchal norms (i.e. son preference), (3) Familial and interpersonal: measuring participation in domestic decision making, control over sexual relations, ability to make childbearing decisions, use contraceptives, control over partner selection, marriage timing and freedom from domestic violence, couple communication, negotiation and discussion of sex, child related issues and domestic division of labour. Views on women’s empowerment and possible barriers to empowerment will also be explored. Thus the research will be asking if first and foremost ‘are the women who have participated in women’s empowerment program actually empowered? This will be answered via the males responses to the empowerment indicators just mentioned. These will also be correlated to the responses from men’s whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment programs to examine if there are significant differences in empowerment levels between these two groups of women. Then the research will be asking the question ‘what areas (if any) is there resistance from men or what areas are still acting as barriers to full empowerment of women?’ The fundamental question of why these areas present themselves as barriers will also be addressed and correlated with the group of men whose wives have not participated in women’s empowerment programs. Overall the attitudes and practices of both groups of men will be compared to see if there are or are not significant differences in responses to female empowerment indicators to 83

examine if women’s involvement alone in empowerment programs is sufficient or if there was an identified area where men need to be included and addressed to contribute to the full empowerment and acceptance of empowerment for women in Zambia. 2.3 Proposed research methodology. This is an exploratory piece of research to evaluate the effectiveness, impact, and efficiency of a specific women’s empowerment program in Zambia to be undertaken post intervention. The objectives and aims of this research are to identify if (1) there are successful, (2) if there are specific areas which still remain barriers to full empowerment and (3) to investigate if these barriers (if they exist) are due to male attitudes and practices and thus could possibly be overcome with the inclusion of men into women’s empowerment programs. Men whose wives have undergone empowerment programs are the target participants for this study. Men have been chosen because as previous research and literature has demonstrated, men and their attitudes and practices regarding both the role of women and the role of men have been identified as barriers to the full empowerment of women. More specifically this research will be targeting men who are married to women who have participated in women’s empowerment programs. The reasons as to why this specific population was chosen were due to the view that the central locus of disempowerment of women begins at the household and this is also the area where men most often exercise their dominant status. Thus it is the area where gender power dynamics are most evident and measurable. A control group of men whose wives have not participated in an empowerment program will also be sampled. Prior to the interviews a Focus Group Discussion (FGD) will take place to further identify attitudes and practices that may not have been included in the interview scripts. The target participants for the FGD will be married men whose wives have not participated in any empowerment program. This is to give further grounding for a comparison between the two groups of participants. The research sample has been generated via an alumni association of women who have participated in women’s empowerment programs. The Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED) 84

an international NGO which endorses women’s empowerment programs in Zambia and has an alumni association named CAMA of beneficiaries of the empowerment program has been selected. The Chinsali District of Zambia has been chosen as it has a greater proportion of CAMA members who are married. A sample of maximum 10 participants who are married and willing to participate in the research will be contacted and recruited. An equal number of men whose wives have not participated in a women’s empowerment program will also be recruited either in the outskirts of Lusaka or the neighboring Chongwe district. This sample of men will be recruited, possibly through local advertisement, poster campaign or word of mouth. Qualitative research is proposed using in depth interviews with men whose wives have undergone empowerment programs. A similar interview will be conducted with men whose wives have not undergone any empowerment program. The interview setting will be a neutral environment. 2.4 Analysis of data Immediately following the FGD and the interviews, the tape recordings will be transcribed verbatim for a manual thematic analysis with a focus on the over arching themes of the research. There will also be a smaller quantitative analysis achieved using SPSS. Areas that the quantitative analysis will focus on are basic demographic details, averages and correlations in attitudes between the both sets of participants. Tables and graphs will most likely to be used to demonstrate results. 2.5 Ethical considerations The main goal of this research is to gain insight while ensuring that all individual involvement is voluntary and does no harm to the participants of the study. To that end, participants will have the study aims and objectives explained to them by a member of the field team, they will then be given an information sheet to read or be read to them. They will then be asked to give their written consent (or finger print if they cannot read) on the consent form explaining that they have understood process, purpose and implications of the study. Participation will not be allowed without the consent form.

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Another important goal is to ensure the anonymity and comfort of interviewees. The study contains references to sensitive issues regarding household financing domestic abuse and sexual behaviour; there may be social or cultural unease, or personal risk in disclosing such information. Anonymity will therefore be guaranteed to all participants, as names are not collected in the interview numbers will be used on all questionnaires etc. Participants will be informed that if they do not wish to answer a question or do not wish to continue that they are under no obligation. If participants are uneasy during any process of the research, they are under no obligation to continue.

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