Modern Intellectual and Political History of the Middle East
Mehrzad Boroujerdi, Series Editor

Other titles in the Modern Intellectual and
Political History of the Middle East series

Cultural Schizophrenia
Islamic Societies Confronting the West

Daryush Shayegan; John Howe,


Freedom, Modernity, and Islam
Toward a Creative Synthesis

Richard K. Khuri
The Story of the Daughters of Quchan
Gender and National Memory in Iranian History

Afsaneh Najmabadi

A Study in the Modernization of
Turkish Political Ideas



Syracuse University Press

Copyright© 2000 by Near Eastern Studies Department
Princeton University

All Rights Reserved
First Syracuse University Press Edition 2000












Originally published in 1962 by Princeton University Press.

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements
of American National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence
of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

oo ™

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Mardin, Serif.
The genesis of young Ottoman thought : a study in the modernization of Turkish
political ideas/ by Serif Mardin.-lst Syracuse University Press ed.
p. cm. - (Modern intellectual and political history of the Middle East)
Originally published: Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1962.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 0-8156-2861-7 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Turkey-Intellectual life. 2. Turkey-Politics and government-19th century.
DR557 .M3 2000
956. P015-dc21


Manufactured in the United States of America







Preface to the Original Edition·




I. Introduction
II. The Young Ottomans




III. The Islamic Intellectual Heritage of the Young


IV. Turkish Political Elites in the Nineteenth


V. The Young Ottomans �nd the Ottoman Past


VI. Sadik Rifat Pa§a: the Introduction of New Ideas
at the Governmental Level
VII. The Immediate Institutional and lhtellectual
Antecedents of the Young Ottomans
VIII. Sinasi: the Birth of Public Opinion
IX. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a: Mid-Nineteenth-Century


2 76

X. Nam1k Kemal: the Synthesis
XI. Ziya Pa§a: Philosophical Insecurity
XII. Ali Suavi:

the Zealot

XIII. Hayreddin Pa�: the Attempt to Compromise
XIV. Conclusions


38 5










THIS book first appeared in 1962. It was the product of a suspi­
cion that the story of the nineteenth-century reform movement
iln Turkey, which one could retrieve in the work of Turkish
historians of the 1950s, provided us only with the thinnest
surface of the process of change undergone by the Ottoman
Empire. I suspected that the discourse of those historians delib­
erately blotted out items in the process of change which did not
accord with the official republican story line. A more generous
supposition was that the distortion had not been deliberate but
could have em.erged as a result of the self-censorship, which,
until recently, was an adjunct of the patriotic code of honor of
Turkish republican intellectuals.
Outside Turkey too, a variant of this discourse was common.
The expressed opinion of Bernard Lewis with regard to the era
of the Tanzimat (1839-1876), for instance, consisted of a sani­
tizing of old Ottoman institutions on the way to the ultimate
establishment of a secular republic.
Much way has been made since 1962 in studies of the
Tanzimat but less in the study of the motivation of its first gen­
eration of libertarian constitutionalists.

A number of doctoral

dissertations in preparation will, I hope, further decode this
issue. In the meantime the text still seems useful as an introduc­
tion to the Young Ottoman movement. It is now reprinted
without change.
I am happy to take this opportunity to reiterate my gratitude
to Professor Howard Reed, who made it possible for me to work
on the manuscript and honor the memory of Professor Lewis
Thomas who, at all times, encouraged its preparation.



" are spelled as they appear in the following dic­ tionary: Mustafa Nihat Ozan.. is used throughout.ibekir being optional in Turkish usage). Thus: the caliph Abu Bakr. in an Ottoman context. but Ebubekir Ratib Efendi ( Ebi. Thus: "Ahmed" is used rather than the more current modern Turkish spelling "Ahmet". Thus: Cela. 1955).E T0 TH E ·:·a ORIGINAL EDITION • 0 PREFAC D. or badith. "Midhat'" rather than "Mithat" '· "Subhi '" rather than "Suphi. Proper names of Arabic origin are spelled according to the Encyclopaedia of Islam transcription when used in an early Islamic context but. followed in the . All other "Ottoman" words. which are used �y the Young Ottomans as titles for their articles are transcribed according to the Encyclopaedia of Islam transcription.:•• ° Two important meth�dological problems that confront anyone giving an account of Ottoman developments are those of tran­ scription and of bibliographical systematization. Special diacritical signs devised for tran­ scription systems are not used." The proper names of persons who were prominent in Otto­ man cultural history but were not "Ottomans" are spelled as they are spelled in Turkey nowadays. leddin-i Devvan1 (Djalal al-din al-Dawwani). The sign ('). - ix . with the exception of "Hatt i l-!umayun. Entire phrases in Arabic often used for Turkish book titles. The following rules have been .. present work with regard to transcription: Proper names of Ottoman-Turkish statesmen are spelled with the resources available in the modern Turkish alphabet in such a way as to approximate a transcription of their Arabic alphabet originals. with the Encyclopaedia of Islam transcription following in parentheses immediately after the first mention of the name in the text. widely accepted in Turkish usage in words where the ayn still remains accentuated. Osmanlica-Turkfe Sozluk (Istanbul. according to modern Turkish usage.

195 2). After the first occurrence.H. date first.over a period of several years. 2 vols. only one A.the month during which a certain work was published could be ascertained. The dates have been separated by a solidus (/). l 9 I 0.D. the date of the Gregorian calendar corresponding to the first day of the Hier! year 1s given. dates ·of publication are ascertained by reference to the following work: Fehmi Ethem Karatay. When the month could not be determined.D. date) the two corresponding A. "A.I 9 I I." have been omitted from dates. with the A. the following system was used: When both the year and. Whenever the date of publication was a Mall date (where the first ten months always correspond to a definite A.D. dates are given.H. " and "A. Otherwise. the limit dates of the Gregorian calendar corresponding to these dates are mentioned. x .PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION Insofar as the bibliography js concerned. the following principles were followed: Whenever possible. Istanbul Oniversitesi Kutuphanesi Turkfe Basmalar Katalo gu (Istanbul. I 8 93-1897. Thus: 1311-1314 Hier! would be .o. . When a book was published .D. Thus: 13 2 6 Mali is A. date corresponding to the date of publication is given.

Watkins III of the Department of Political Science of Stanford Univer­ sity. as di­ rector of Turkish studies.+8 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 8+ THIS book owes much to a number of supporters and com­ mentators at every phase of its preparation. Pro­ fessor Thomas. as the Chairman of the Department. I was first encouraged to take up Turkish modernization as a subj ect of a dissertation by Professor James T. During my years of graduate work my friend John Holley. gave me a unique opportunity to carry out this recom­ mendation . by reading the manuscript undeterred by its original scheme of transliteration. im­ possible to do justice to all. Cuyler Young. Pro­ fessor Majid Khadduri provided me with the fundamentals of an understanding of Islamic culture. While it is. and Professor Lewis V. Professor Hilmi Ziya Dlken gave me a basic orientation in Turkish sources. Sir Hamilton Gibb of the Center for Middle Eastern Studies of Harvard University made it possible for me to xi . Pr�fessor T. Pro­ fessor Halil Inalc1k of the University of Ankara encour�ged me to believe that my manuscript of a doctoral dissertation was worth being revised and expanded. and by suggestions as to the organization of the material afforded me expert advice. by his generosity. by providing me with an extended research associate­ ship. Thomas. The Department of Oriental Studies at Princeton Univer­ sity. allowed me to concentrate on intellectual rather than physical labor. gave me the moral support which made it so agreeable to work in the Department.. Both en­ · abled me to see some of the problems which were being involved in the manuscript as work was progressing. Many of the themes which are examined in the follow­ ing pages will be familiar to those who had the fortune of witnessing the brilliant analysis given them-in the context of Western thought-by the late Professor Arnaud Leavelle of Stanford University. I should like to thank at least those who have been directly concerned with its writing.

No words could express my sense of gratitude for the con­ stant vigilance and editorial a ssistance of Miss R. Jansen Dalby of the Department of Oriental Studies at Princeton University assured the typescript smooth sail­ ing by allocating the resources of her office in a miraculously steady stream. Gibb's article on "Constitutional Organization. Gibb and Harold Bowen's Islamic Society and the West. published under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs . R. and to the Middle East Institute for permission to quote H. Miriam Brokaw of Princeton University Press.A C KN O W L E D G M E N T S be in the United States at the time the manuscript was de­ livered to the Princeton University Press and thus enabled me_ to foll9w the first stages of its preparation for printing. J. A. Rosenthal's Political Thought in Medieval Islam: An Introductory Out­ line . xii . Her refusal to b� disturbed by some of the highly anarchical aspects of Turk­ ish spelling and editing practices and her attempts to bring order into confusion are an indication of her systematizing patience. to the University Press of Cam­ bridge for permission to quote from E. to the Johns Hopkins Press for permission to quote from Majid Khadduri's War and Peace in the Law of Islam . to Oxford University Press for permission to quote from H. Arnold and Alfred Guillaume. R. W. My thanks are due to the Clarendon Press for permission to quote from The Legacy of Islam edited by T. A. edited by Majid Khadduri and Herbert Liebesny. I." contained in Law in the Mid­ dle East. Mrs.



scattering witty epigrams in French at the lavish balls of the era and the growth of the institution of "mixed" secular courts of law in the empire.'' and is used to refer to a period of Turkish history ( 1 839-1 8 78) during which a considerable number of Western-inspired po­ litical and social reforms were carried out in the Ottoman Empire.1 878. the statesman who was instrumental in introducing these reforms into Turkey . Introduction IN TURKISH. with what is known in England about seventeenth-century dissenters or in Western Europe as a whole about even more remote Medieval Conciliar contro­ versies. the word. in wealth of detail or in accuracy of information. The time.. and the means at the disposal of the European observers not adequate to write a survey of the currents of thought that ran parallel to the reforms of the Tanzimat. The institutional transformations which took place in Turkey during the Tanzimat so impressed Western observers at the time that wide. the successor of Re�id. predecessors. was not yet ripe. What is known about the Young Ottomans in contemporary Turkey cannot begin to compare. To a modern Turk the term immediately conjures up the figure of Mustafa Re�id Pa�a. although often superficial. coverage was given to this formal metamorphosis. The present study is an attempt to fill this gap. Yet there is hardly a single area of modernization in 3 . The term also brings to mind Fuad Pa�a. however. a group of Turkish intellectuals who attained prominence during the late Tanzimat. Tanzimat means "regulations. it re­ minds one of the Europeanization of the army and the civil service. It endeavors to separate the strands that went into the political ideas of the Young Ottomans. of the new officials wearing cutaway coats and fezzes instead of the flowing robes and turbans of their pre-Tanzimat . in the years 1 8 67.

on the other hand. that the Young Ottomans represented a form of political protest for which there had been no precedent in the Ottoman Empire. the useful­ ness of which is limited by its attempts to establish a perfect correlation between the rise of the Young Ottoman movement and the economic changes that preceded their appearance. in any language. For the mere sake of opening up a perspective of political modernization somewhat deeper than that provided by the thirty odd years of the Turkish Republic. The question thus arises as to how such a group could have emerged in th e first place. for which one is justi­ fied in saying that very little is known about them is that there exists only one work. there therefore exists a need for an account of the Young Ottoman movement. No attempts have been made in· these s�condary works to solve such a riddle. were it to appear today. 1 9 s 8) . In other investigations which give the Young Ottomans periph­ eral attention the most elementary questions with regard to their activities have not been asked.IN T R O D U C T I O N Turkey today. It may be categorically stated. of the Enlightenment part of the intel­ lectual equipment of the Turkish reading public and the first thinkers to try to work out a synthesis between these ideas and Islam. that �oes not take its roots in the pioneering work of the Young Ottomans. This is so because the Young Ottomans were at one and the same time the first men to make the ideas. for example." Turtsii (Moscow. A. v 1 Y. that seriously attempts to unravel their history. "No'lliye Osmanii. would also have to look back to their time. Paradoxically. 1 This is a Marxist analysis. For the first time. 4 I Borba za Konstitutsiu r876 g. an organized' group of the Turkish intelligentsia was making use of the media of mass communication to voice extremely articulate criticisms of the government of the empire. . Petrosyan. from the simplification o f the written language to the idea of fundamental civil liberties. any serious attempt to reinject Islam into the foundations of the Turkish state. The specific reason.

La Turquie et le. and government documents. but most of them have. These studies constitute the bulk of the work that has been done · on Turkish reform. been carried on at the level of the sources most accessible to West­ erners. Namik Kemal: Devrinin lnsanlari ve Olaylari A rasinda (Istanbul. 5 See below. the Western powers.. intellectual. 1 942) . 1 8 8 0-1 8 8 2) . 2 the impetus-real or imaginary-given to Turkish reform by representatives of . 1 944-1 9 5 7) . . Even in works in which the Young Ottomans have been given some peripheral attention. Chapter II. Green & Co. England and the Near East: The Crimea (London. note 1. Tanzimat (Paris. British Policy and the . Har­ vard University Press.INTRODUCTION This absence of interest at points where interest should have concentrated points out the very real limitations of the methods . .I853 (Cambridge. me­ chanical. in 3 parts. the first. Cotillon. 3 Frank Edgar Bailey. they have been based on memoirs.8 and the pressures exerted by these repre­ sentatives to make Ottomans bow to their demands for reform are well-worn approaches to the "Westernization" of the Otto­ man Empire. 6 Midhat Cemal Kuntay. 1 9 3 6). hereto£ore used by Western students of Turkish re­ form. and institutional aspects of reform have been attrib­ uted the greatest importance. Such avenues of research have the obvious disadvantage of not bringing into relief the stresses and strains.Turkish Relations I 826. Thus the life and times of the "Great Elchi" Stratford Canning. sacrifices accuracy to the demands of purple prose. social and cultural.Movement: a Study in Anglo. 5 while the second constitutes a monument to a type of anti­ quarian myopia which allows only for the collection of facts and precludes their organization into an intelligible· whole. Of the two Turkish contributions which take up the Young Ottomans.4 the formal. 6 Thus there still remains the need of looking at the Young 2 Harold Temperley. which throughout the change were felt by the Ottomans themselves. 4 Ed [ ouard] Engelhardt. i. for this work ·by Ebiizziya Tevfik. . 2 vols. Mass. Maarif Matbaas1. an autobiographical account by one of their members. · 5 ... diplomatic ma­ terials.e. Longmans. Turkish studies suffer from even more elementary defects.Turkish Reform.

Oxford Uni­ versity Press. When this is undertaken. . p. is concerned with fact. Lindsay. . the state of the operative political ideals in the Ottoman Em­ pire at the beginning of the period under investigation. It may be said. tries to determine how these ideals changed in Turkey at a time when the institutional foundations of the modern state were being laid in that country. the Young Ottoman movement appears in its true perspective. 1 9 43 ). Lord Lindsay states that the political and social transformation of modern Tu rkey would constitute an interesting subject of study from this point of view (ibid. Once this stand is taken. The first one of these-the determination of the operative political ideals of Ottoman society in the middle of the nine­ teenth century-requires separate study be�use the subject has not yet been investigated. Its business is to understand the purposes or ideals actually operative in sustaining a political organization. 6 . the influences to which these ideals were subjected. According to Lord Lindsay.. taking its cue from Lord Lindsay's approach. viz. namely. "political theory . 46) . D. the study resolves itself into the investigation of three related but distinct problems. 1. The Modern Democratic State (London."7 This study. that the second aim of this study is to recapture and describe the process by which certain Western political concepts were introduced into Turkey even earlier than the last quarter of the nineteenth century and became part of the Turkish intellectual patrimony. not as a sui-generis outcropping. then. One of the most helpful ways of approaching such a prob­ lem seemed to lie in the concept of "operative ·ideals" devel­ oped by the late Lord Lindsay. but as the product of the many processes that had been at work in Ottoman society since the early nineteenth century.IN T R O D U C T I ON Ottoman movement from inside the Turkish chrysalis and of evolving a "physiology" of Turkish reforms. and the total change brought about by these influences.. This is effected here by presenting a picture of the political ideals that motivated the architects 'A. but with fact of a peculiar kind. 45.

Most of the thinkers of the early Tanzimat fail to indicate European mentorship. and their references to Western political thinkers are almost inexistent. in this connection. The present work tries to trace such influences to their source. is that one has to determine whether the political ideology which the Young . 8 Daniel Mornet. Armand Colin. in effect. There is no better warning of the difficulties encountered in such an attempt to measure the relative role played by ideas and complex social changes in the development of a new political outlook than the definitive work of Daniel Mornet on the intellectual origins of the French Revolution. it is quite another mat­ ter to find out what. which attempts to establish such links. Les Origines Intellectuelles de la Revolution Franfaise ( Paris. The eclecticism of both groups presents a further challenge to anyone undertaking to disentangle their id_eological pedigree.IN T R O D U C T I O N · of the Tanzimat. 8 What Mornet did. While the political writings of the Y ming Ottomans un­ doubtedly reflect European influences. The refarm ideals also set a "climate of opinion" which was still operative in official circles at the time the Young Ottomans became active. Those ideals were embodied in a reform policy that was initiated in the years during which the majority of the Young Ottomans were born. A special problem. elusive and subterranean processes which laid the basis for changes in ideology. 1 9 3 3) • 7 . It is probable that alterations in the structure of Turkish society and the establishment in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century of new institutions were factors which pre­ pared the ground for ideological permeation by the West. these influences were. specifically. Ottomans contributed was the product of ubiquitous Western influences or whether these new ideas were generated by a complex background of more subtle. was to show that th e influence of the philosophes and in particular that of Rousseau had not been so widespread as Taine had made it fashionable to believe. It is in this context that institutional history is of importance for the present study.

Even though identical issues may not arise in connection with the present study. his approach points to methodological refinements which can­ not ·be overlooked with impunity. 8 . an analysis of the politi­ cal system of each of the Young Ottomans. In the European political theory of the nineteenth cen­ tury. the separation of secular and religious power was axiomatic. The political theory by which the rule of the Ottoman sultans-was justified. and al­ though the material that would be used in a Turkish equiva­ lent of Mornet's study has not even been uncovered to date. an account of the formation of Young Ottoman ideas . In particular. Furthermore. Mornet showed that less specifically political ideas. It should be clear by now that the subject of this investiga­ tion is as much to gauge the rate of change of political beliefs in Turkey during the late Tanzimat as to test the internal consistency of any one of the systems of political thought de­ veloped by the Young Ottomans. This study therefore falls into two maj or divisions : the first.INTR O D U C T I O N This was expressed in the rather upsetting statement that on the eve of 1789 not more than ten men who distinguished themselves among the revolutionaries had read the political works of Rousseau. such as the conception of a mecha­ nistic system of nature and the general trend to think critically about problems of daily life. Ottoman civilization was therefore de­ prived of the benefit of the political ideas that had gained currency in Europe during the Enlightenment. for instance. on the other hand. Up to th e middle of the nineteenth century Turkey had remained outside the main stream of Western European intel­ lectual development. the second. had a considerable share in lead­ ing to the revolutionary ideology. Thus the adaptation of Western Euro­ pean political ideas to suit the needs of the Ottoman Empire. identified political power with the vicarage of God. local Turkish developments which were only indirectly the product of Western influences must be brought in at all times to establish a meaningful picture of intellectual evolution.

Every one of these sections. In what follows. was bound to run into difficulties. Still. merely pinpoints an approach that may be adopted in studying the Young Ottoman movement. We have yet to cover one of the problems enumerated above. The program of investigation outlined in the preceding pages is one which covers a wide area. Furthermore. one in each chapter. Ali Suavi. surpass in their compactness and clarity many more recent Turkish writings on politics. are no giants of political theory but belong to the category of hommes de lettres. various portions of this area will be examined. Neither are the figures which make up the Young Ottoman movement outstanding philoso­ phers or scholars. however. That problem is one concerning the extent to which the ideas of the Young Ottomans produced in Turkey a changed conception of the state after the disbanding of their organization and the demise of. in addition. to warrant more intensive research by future students of the movement. This book is partly a survey of those difficulties. and Ziya Pa�a. the political writings of Nam1k Kemal. who are taken up in the f all owing pages. No part of this work claims to provide.IN T R O D U C T I O N which the Young Ottomans attempted. a euphemism used by the French for the intellectual Jack-of-all-trades. their thought is important insofar as it is the expression of the political beliefs of the earliest mod­ ern Turkish intelligentsia. the maj ority of their leaders." The fondest hope that its writing can elicit is that the basic facets of Young Ottoman thought and action that are enumerated may be founQ. Such men as �inasi. This task is not undertaken here and will constitute the sub­ ject of a subsequent work. the Islamic-scholastic side of the education of these men provided them with a discipline of mind which should not be underestimated . for example. As no single important treatise on politics was published by the Young Ottomans. the sources that we have to rely on here are ones that are usually considered "occasional. analysis "in depth. 9 ." such as news­ paper collections and pamphlets.

a contemporary of the movement. Re§ad Bey. 1 9 5 3 {unpublished B.'' istanbul Universitesi Tiirkoloj i Enstitiisii. See Abdurrahman Seref. Kuralay. pp. hut his account has been considered inaccurate and biased by some of his contemporaries.§a. See G. 1 930.H. the Patriotic Alliance was founded by the following persons : Mustafa Fazil Pap. The Patriotic Alliance summer of 1 8 65 a picnic took place in the so-called Forest of Belgrade. Part of this work is available in modern Turkish script. Ebiizziya was one of the earliest members of the Alliance.D." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. Agah Efendi. 1 909 to June 1 2 . 1 909 to June 2 5 . 172." Tarin Musahabeleri (Istanbul. Cf. inal. Faculty of Letters. "Yeni Osmanhlar Tarihi. . Nam1k Kemal Bey. "Yeni Osmanhlar ve Hiirriyet. "Ayetullah Bey.1 924) . According to the oral information gathered by one of the students of the movement.mire. See ibniilemin Mahmut Kemal inal. while not mentioned in the account of Ebiizziya. 1. "Mii§:fik. May 1 3. Nuri Bey. A variant of this account of the formation of the Patriotic Alliance has been given by the Turk­ ish historian and statesman Cevdet Pa§a. where there are quoted unpublished portions of Cevdet Pa§a's Ma'ruzat. as this society was to he known. 1 909 . and a "commoner" by the name of Pazarkoylii Ahmed Aga whose task it was to spread the ideas of the Alliance throughout the countryside. Tez 421. a wooded valley lying behind the hills of the Bosphorus. 1 909 to January 8. "Yeni Osmanhlarm Sebeb-i Zuhuru. Mehmed Bey." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar.1 8 2 . 1 9 23.A. published as a serial in the daily Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar in 1 90 9 .1 942 ) . Orhaniye Matbaas1. 1020. 1339/A. Maarif Matbaas1. casts further doubt on the accuracy o f Ebiizziya's account. "Yeni Osmanhlar Mu­ harriri Ebiizziya. June 1 3 . University of Istanbul) . August 2 8. having been trans�ribed in Latin characters.CHA PTER II The Young Ottomans I. Nam1k Kemal Bey.>' Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. Ayetullah Bey. According to Cevdet P3. Full treatment of the formation of the Alliance as well as of the Young Ottoman movement is to be found in only one other study.1 5 1 . A. is based on the account of Ebiizziya Tev:fik given in his Origins of the Young Otto mans. the Institute of Turcology. According to Ismail Hikmet [Ertaylan]-see Turk Edebiyatt IO . The fact that this latter person is also cited in some recently uncovered letters of Nam1k Kemal. See Midhat Cemal Kuntay.1 9 5 7 ) . 1 909 . Namik Kemal: Devrinin lnsanlari ve Olaylar1 Arasmda (Istanbul. the catalytic agent in the formation of the Patri­ otic Alliance was the editorial office of the daily Ceride-i Havadis. from the niece of Mehmed Bey. an article by the Turkish historian Abdurrahman Seref. paper." in Son Asir Turk �airleri (Istanbul. See Ebiizziya Tev:fik. where ·the poet �inasi Efondi. p. and other liberally inclined fig­ ures would gather for discussions. Matbaa-i A. 3 5 8 . pp. 1 944. 1 9 1 1 . "Yeni Osmanhlar. 1 Attending it were six young men who had IN · THE 1 This version of the formation o f the Patriotic Alliance. A. 1 49. Midhat Cemal Kuntay..

53 7 . for some time. "Filozofa Gore Nam1k Kemal. Riza Tevfik. Ali Suavi gives biased but important information about the origins of the Patriotic Alliance. the organization established by the Young Otto­ mans. Gescliichte des Osmanischen .THE Y O U N G O T TO M A NS decided to take action against what they considered to be cata­ strophic policies pursued by the Ottoman Government.d. 1 9 2 5). alternated in the offices of the Grand Vizierate and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 8 96-9 32." Jorga. is cited among the founders. The appointment of ministers of state other than themselves had become their almost exclusive prerogative. Yet fragments of it which have appeared in print show the formation to have been quite di:fferent from what has been believed.. ( Gotha. · . is too fragmentary to be used extensively at this date. II . v. "Civan Tiirk Tarihi. Ulum (undated. 7 86-7 9 7. for example.. See Ali Suavi. and most of them had thus been given the opportunity to acquaint themselves with European political systems as well as with the way the foreign policy of the empire was being conducted. one of the members of the· Alliance. His manuscript clarifies the order of accession to the Alliance. They also held in their grip the formulation of the policies of the Porte. Sinan Matbaas1. They were a generation nurtured in the ways of Tarihi.) . Responsibility for the accelerated pace of the decline of the Sick Man of Europe was now laid by them at the door of a small group of statesmen headed by Ali Pa§a and Fuad Pa§a. and of building an oligarchy of sycophants. 1 8 70) . Cf. the most truthful account of the activities of the group is to be found in the manuscript memoirs of Nuri Bey. Ondokuzuncu As1r (Baku . I have been unable to obtain this manuscript. Ziya Pa§a. however. 1 1 3-1 40. pp. The historian Jorga has no more to offer as a comment on the Young Otto�ans than that they were "meistens verdorbene Osmanli. by Mustafa Rag1p Esath. in Olumunden Sonra Riza Tevfik (ed. of brewing wrong policies in an ivory tower. location of the references. in his memoirs in the Ulum. . Perthes. 21 7-one of the few experts who has more than scratched the surface of the problem. They were thus accused of per­ sonal rule. Istanbul. Almost all of the men present at the picnic had been work­ ing at one time or another in the Translation Bureau of the Porte. 1 . 1 9 13). Azer Ne§ir. is possible because of consecutive paging.Reich. n. pp. had only some of the title pages on which figure the exact date of publication of each number . (The collection of the UlUm used by the author. . What united these young conspirators was a common knowl­ edge of European civilization and an equal concern at the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire.) This informa�ion. These two men had.

the first modern con­ sultative governmental machinery established in 1 8 3 7 by Mustafa Re§id Pa§a. see inal. who had received his education at the Ottoman school in Paris2 and had returned well permeated with the ideas of constitution­ alism and popular representation. 8 Among those present. 38 1-389. Chapter v. 4· 8 For I2 . ibid. opposed Re§id for being too mild a reformer. second in importance after Mehmed Bey was N am1k Kemal Bey. Detailed . had taken up the modernization of the Ottoman Empire where Re§id Pa§a had left it. 4 Ehiizziya Tevfik. for Nuri. Mehmed Bey. All three men were. an institution which was the direct lineal descendant of the Meclis-i Vala-yi Ahkam-i Adliye. His father. Namik Kemal. 942-95 I. they in turn were now criticized by a new generation of political critics. 3 1 October 9 1 0 9. Ayetullah Bey. thanks to the efforts of the very men they opposed. It was unthinkable that an authority on any subj ect should 2 See below. "Yeni Osmanhlar. he had been entrusted with the publication of the Tasvir-i Efkar by its preceding publisher.. pp. in their time. 1. held court in his man­ sion in the midst of a continuous stream of men of learning and extended his hospitality to Eastern and Western scholars alike. in all respects. Chapter VII. who had already acquired some fame as a poet in the literary circles of the capital. at the time. was the product of a household and an education most extraordinary . pp.' A fifth member of the group. Nuri Bey and Re§ad Bey.information on the governmental institutions mentioned will be found below. p. their targets. But just as Ali and Fuad had. for Re§ad. when �inasi had to flee Turkey because of his involvement in a plot directed against Ali . Subhi Pa§a. 1 2 52-1 2 6 1 . Kuntay." Yeni Tawir-i Efkar. Shortly before. �inasi Efendi. Leading the group of picnickers was one Mehmed Bey. Son A sir. Ali and Fuad.T H E Y O UNG O T TO MANS the West. Mehmed Bey had been able to kindle this ref arming fire in the hearts of two younger friends. employed in the Translation Bureau of the Meclis-i Vala.

19 3 9. June 7 . in particular. Abdiilaziz. For Subhi Pa§a's biog­ raphy. There are indications9 that from the very beginning of their activities the conspirators 5 See Haluk Y.Ii Pa�a. p. who had also antagonized the plotters by what they considered his lack of nerve in his dealings with the European Great Powers. 1. as a rather simple-minded prince who had allowed himself to be cowed by A. 5 In such an atmosphere. to put an end to the prepon­ derant influence of the ubiquitous A. I3 . in effect. p. 50. see ibniilemin Mahmut Kemal inal. 1 9401 9 5 3 ) . Sehsuvaroglu.1 8 94) > III. "Veni Osmanhlar. The plotters were far from opposed to the monarchial principle. Osmanbey Matbaas1. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a. s Ebiizziya Tevfik. I 308. "Sarni Pa§a Konag1.mire. Namik Kemal. p. 1909.1 943 ) . the owner ' o f the short-lh1ed periodical Mir'at. Sicill-i Osmani {Istanbul. 3 · 9 Kuntay. 2 3 5 . 22 0 f. For similar activities in the house of the protector of the Young Ottomans. Ayetullah Bey had been given ample opportunity to acquire a solid Western as well as Eastern culture. Matbaa-i A. 91-94. Osmanli Devrinde son Sadriazamlar ( Istanbul. see Osman Ergin. yet they must have shared Kemal's estimate of the ruling sultan. August 24.T HE Y O UN G O T T O MA NS go through Istanbul without visiting Subhi Pa�a.Ii and as a potentate whose traditionalism was overly naive. Yusuf Kamil Pa§a. 7 That day those present decided to form a society whose aim would be to change "absolute into constitutional rule" in the empire. see Mehmed Siireyya. Turkiyede Maarif Tarihi ( Istanbul. Maarif Matbaas1. 8 This meant. 7 Kaplan." Yem Tasvir-i Efkar." Cumhuriyet ( Istan­ bul ) . 1. It was this cultural background and. 1 9 5 1 . Namik Kemal.1 3 I 1 /1 8 90.6 The sixth member of the meeting was Refik Bey. 6 The psychological process whereby a desire for reform was associated with an idealization of Napoleonic achievements has already been described too well by Stendahl in his Le Rouge et le Noir to require that such a connection be made. For another center at the house of the patron of the Young Ottomans. his admiration for the achievements of Napoleon (an attitude the radical tenor of which has been strikingly depicted in the case of Restoration France) that made Ayetullah Bey j oin the ranks of the politi� cal opposition. 316. in which had appeared Nam1k Kemal's translations from Montesquieu.

. and that they looked hopefully to his eventual enthronement. one of Re§id Pa§a's purposes in drafting it had been to establish the basis for the eventual creation of an Ottoman nation in which subjects would benefit from identical civil rights. 1940) . the growing interest taken by the European Great Powers in the protection of Christians in the empire-each raised a different problem in relation to the equality promised in the 1 83 9 Rescript. due to Re§id Pa§a's efforts. did not anticipate that specific demands to establish equality between Moslems and Christians would come very soon. He lost sight of several developments which. In those years the more extensive commercial relations be­ tween Europe and the Ottoman Empire. Many of the regulations by which the Christian populations of the Ottoman Empire had abided for centuries now became galling restrictions which they hastened to shake off-and which the European powers were happy to 10 For a doctoral dissertation which takes up this point see Halil inalc1k. the semi-constitutional ·charter known as the Hatt-1 Humayun of Giilhane had been proclaimed. be treated on a basis of equality. A retrospective glance at Turkish developments between 185 6-and 1865 is necessary at this point. When. Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi. however. the influence of the secular ideas of the Enlightenment on the Christian populations of the empire. Re§id Pa§a. automatically con­ ferred with citizenship and not dependent on religious affilia­ tion. Tanzimat 'Ve Bulgar Meselesi (Ankara. to get a better insight into the motivations and the aims of the young men who had assembled that day. the growth in mis­ sionary activities. the rising national and political consciousness of these same people. Nor did he foresee that they would be as strong and explosive as they turned out to be. in I 839. thereafter. although difficult to perceive in I 8 3 9. 10 The Giilhane Rescript had promised that all Ottoman subj ects would. the highly intelligent and cultivated nephew of Sultan Abdulaziz and heir to the throne.T HE Y O UNG O T T O M A N S were in touch with Prince Murad. were to gain increasingly in momentum in the I 8 SO'S.

Christian testimony was not fully accepted. and that Chris­ tians were not appointed to offices of the state in proportion to their numbers and did not profit from the educational facilities introduced by the state since Re§id Pa�a's reforms. since the begin­ ning of the nineteenth century. these statesmen were never allowed an opportunity to carry out such ideas in practice. be extended the privileges of the public services perf armed by the Ottoman state and the opportunities of employment pro­ vided by it. the road block was the Otto­ man custom of executing apostates. the fact that. This second factor . The Ottoman statesmen were thus justified in believing that a sur­ render of these communal privileges should be the price paid for the establishment of an Ottoman nationality under which everyone would fully enjoy the benefits of state services as well a. which turned to the European Great Powers for succor.s the equal protection of the laws. of course. IS . the attribution of political authority to their religious leaders. the latitude allowed to administrators in granting permission to build new churches. for the Christian popula­ tion. For the missionaries. Yet traditionally the non-Moslem population of the empire had been granted special privileges so that these services might be performed by their own communities. that European diplomats.T H E YO UN G O T T O M A NS cooperate in eliminating. were not them­ selves entirely aware that the legitimate grievances of the subject people of the Ottoman Empire were. inextricably entwined with the demands of an extra-rational nationalism. since they were under constant pressure from the Great Powers to grant at one and the same time equal rights of citizenship and special community p rivileges The point here was. Each of th e groups involved in this process thought of these restrictions in terms of its own interests. in lawsuits brought against Moslems. it was the ban on public manifestations of worship. The gist of this attitude was a demand by the non-Moslems that the entire population of the empire. even when they were not encouraging confusion in the assess­ ment of the problems of the Ottoman Empire. without distinction of creed. As matters turned out.

to which the Hatt had been annexed. who were distressed by the lack of a precise commercial code to which they could have reference in disputes involving them with Moslems. These principles were embodied in a new Imperial Rescript. whether Christian or Moslem.1 9 1 1 ) . Christians of the Lebanon and the Moslem inhabitants of the area flew at each other's throats and the Porte did not inter­ vene in time. laische Buchhandlung. when in 1 860 the . Nico. vu. the product of foreign interference in Ottoman affairs. de Testa. Recueuil des Traites de la Porte Ottomane ( Paris. for example. in fact. 1 3 2. the powers did interfere in the affairs of the Ottoman Empire. In general. a face-saving device was invented in that Articl e 1x of the Treaty of Paris. the Hatt--1 Humayun of February 1 8. 1 848). 3 3 .THE YO U N G O T T O MA NS was to play an increasing role in Ottoman foreign affairs after the year 1 8 56.few of the events which may be shown to have been directly responsible for the young con­ spirators' disgust with the Porte. 1 2· Text in I. 11 Eventually a plan was adopted which guaranteed these rights to all subj ects. 3 50 . Die Reformen des Osmanischen Reiches ( Berlin. pp. In fact. Recueuil. the early 1 8 6o's were a time when the Ottoman Empire was beginning to feel the increasing· tug of Balkan nationalism and when more and more its international rela­ tions were conducted under the surveillance of the Concert of Europe. 18 v. At the time of the Crimean War. 1 8 64. however. At first the idea of a guarantee of special rights to th e Christians of the empire was seriously consid­ ered. 34 9. 1 856." 34. 12 Since the Hatt was. One additional pressure was generated by the foreign mer­ chants residing in Istanbul. stipu­ lated that the enforcement of the provisions contained in the Hatt was not to constitute a pretext for foreign interference. French troops were sent into the Lebanon. For an admission that this principle never worked and that the reforms of the 1 8 6o's were d ue to fore ign pressures. The following are a . 11 F. . 1 8 Thus. Turkey's allies began to press the empire to carry out such reforms as would eliminate these disabilities. Eichmann.1 3 7. see Testa.

the advantages gaine<:f in the Montenegrin treaty had been relinquished by the Turks themselves. investigating the circumstances leading to the uprising. and finally obtained autonomy. Yet these advantages were later given up by the Turks ( March 1 8 6 3 ). Ali Pa�a and Fuad Pa�a had thus taken over the directing of Ottoman policies at an inauspicious time. Later a Christian was appointed governor of the Lebanon on the recommendation of the European powers-another blow to Ottoman pride. elect�d fqr themselves the same ruler. Not the least of . Fuad Pa�a.THE YOUNG . In 1 862 the Turkish garrison of Belgrade and the local population of the city clashed. for instance. The Turks then agreed to evacuate two of the six fortresses which they still occupied in Serbia.of Mol­ davia and Walachia set out on an independent point of view. Every one of these developments left a bitter taste in the . the latter obtained the right to garrison blockhouses straddling the main Montenegrin highway. During the Lebanese crisis of 1 8 60. Many Turks were shocked by this severity. fi­ nally signed between the Montenegrins and the Turks. In Bosnia the Ottoman army had not been able to rout much smaller forces . Montenegrins soon j oined. proclaimed a unitary constitu­ tion. had the Turkish commanding general and two of his aides shot for not having stopped the encounter between Moslems and Druses in time. mouth of the Turks. When a treaty was . In I 860 a revolt took place in Herzegovina which the . which they rightly attributed to a desire to placate European powers. Two and a half years elapsed be­ fore this uprising could be controlled.O T TOMANS Between 1859 and 1 8 64 the vassal principalities . but this did not make them acceptable from the Otto­ . This matter was settled by an international conference which met in the Ottoman capital. The Rumanian developments had followed a dynamic of their own which was not to the liking of the Euro pean Great Powers. with considerable losses on both sides.

"Ulema" is the name used for the members of the 1lmiyye. z8 . Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi. it is now bereft of this sacred right. the "order" which was made up of doctors of Islamic law and also include d teachers and the personnel officiating in mosques. after the proclamation of this edict : "Many Moslems began to grumble : 'Today we lost our sacred national rights which our ancestors gained with their blood. it was a plot of zealots protesting against the extension of new privileges to the Ch ristian popu­ lations and indignant at the loss of the empire's old prestige. 6 8. it was obvious that the suffering of Moslem-Ottoman subjects would stand out in greater relief than before. 14 Ahmed Cevdet Pa§a. The revolt seems to have had as aim the assassination of the sultan.15 In general. "Hukuk-u mukaddese-yi milliye" is the term used by Cevdet. When an effort was made to relieve Christian disabilities. 195 3 ) . As Cevdet Pa§a points out. whose pro-Western inclinations were also con­ sidered nefarious. While the Islamic nation used to be the ruling nation. In short. 1 5 Ulu g lgdemir. the Moslem peasant was shoul­ dering the incredible burden of a taxation system which kept him at starvation level. Kuleli Vakan Hakkinda bir Araitirma (Ankara. 3 8. Yet reforms were as much needed to ease the lot of the Moslem-Ottomans as they were to make first-class citizens of the Christians.' " 14 In 1859 ( September 17) a revolt called the Kuleli Revolt broke out in the capital.ent. 193 7) . If the Christian was discriminated against in matters of public employm. by Cavit Baysun.THE YOUNG O TTO MANS their troubles was that a smoldering resentment had been felt against the Hatt-i Humayun of 1856 ever since its proclama­ tion. p. Ankara. This is a day of tears and mourning for the Moslem brethren. Tezakir 1-12 (ed. the gearing of Turkish reform to the wishes of the Christian populations of the empire made reform some­ thing lopsided in which the Moslem populations had no share. p. Turk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi. The leaders of the revolt were army officers and ulema who believed that the extent to which Fuad and Ali Pa§a were ready to cooperate with the Great Powers and the corruption of the other ministers would lead :Turkey to ruin.

The .h he examined the need for reform. 1 8 6 7 ) . j us� as they had been adopted in the newly emancipated territories of the empire. scandals imaginable. p. As he expressed it : "The Ottoman Empire numbers twelve or fourteen nationalities.) On the other hand. The Armenian community even drafted a constitution for itself. Reponse a son Altesse Moustafa Fazil Pacha au Sujet de sa Lettre au Sultan (Paris."16 Side by side with this attitude. 2 4 . In a memorandum delivered to the sultan in whic. Ali Pa�a took a strong stand against any suggestions of constitutionalism or representative government. such a national assembly would instantly give rise to all . Ali Pa§a's chain of reasoning was the following : In Europe no distinction was made any longer between holders of different beliefs . each one of these national­ ities does not as yet show great inclination to grant just and necessary concessions. since the latter.T HE Y O U N G O T T O MA NS One of the advantages which the Christian-Ottoman com­ munities had reaped from the proclamation of 1 8 5 6 was that they were able to secularize what political power was allowed them in the settlement of intracommunity affairs. would have led to the representa­ tion of those very elements which were bent on separation from the empire. Now lay assem­ blies were formed which slowly took this power out of the hands of the patriarchs. Ali 1 6 [ Ali Pa§a] . He believed that any movement aiming at the establishment of a national assembly should be curbed. all individuals were equally entitled to freedom. and unfortunately. the Christian populations. Under the old Ottoman system this power had been given to the leaders of the religious communities. (Notice the relation established between the granting of religious freedom and the guarantee of political rights. The reverse was true with regard to Moslem Ottomans and to representation on an Ottoman-wide basis. These young men were infected with these · ideas. The ideas of constitutionalism and popular representation thus gained a limited toe-hold in the empire among the Christians. If the representatives which they would nominate by way of elections were to be brought together today. as a result of the religious and racial hatreds which divide. because ·of the multinational composi­ tion of the Ottoman Empire. a great many young Christian subj ects of the Porte were being sent by their parents to Europe for study. the patriarchs. above all.

1. 1 2 8 9. 1 1 8. Yeni Matbaa. 1 2 3 . 1 8 7 Cemaziyiilahir 1 2 8 1 /November 7 . without providing for national representation. Their approach to the creation of such institu­ tions was to establish empire-wide intermediate bodies which. 1 1 [Ali Pa§a] .D. more abstract statements of principle. a reunion of all those who opposed the policies of Ali Pa§a-a characterization of their goals that is just as useful in understanding the aims of the group as are their own. Mordtmann was one of the tutors i n Sarni Pa§a's house mentioned earlier in this chapter. 1 9 2 7 ) . Birinci Tertip (2 nd ed.1 8 8 2 ) . It was decided. 1. 7 5 . Istanbul. Reponse. 1 8 7 7 ) .1 2 9 9/ 1 8 7 2. pp.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A N S Pa§a felt that the populations of the empire. would at least allow local representative institutions to develop. which meant opening the civil service to them. p. MordtmannJ. Stambul und das Moderne Ttirkenthum : Politische soziale und biographische Bilder von Einem Osmanen (Leipzig : Dunker und Hunbolt. In so doing. to create a secret society which would be named the Patriotic Alliance only way to counteract the resulting subversive tendencies was to put Chris­ t�ans on an equal footing with Moslems.1 2 7. the day the picnic took place. in particular p. they hoped to prepare the Ottoman population for eventual self-government.Ii Pa§a who had dismissed the mildly liberal poet �inasi from the civil service and it was he who later was to draft the infamous Nizamname-i Ali. The picnic organized on that summer day in 1 8 65 was. 2 7 .. It was A. This document appears in [A. were not "prepared" for constitutional rule.e-i Siyasiye ( Istanbul. On the other hand. 60 8 . By proclaim­ ing the Law of the Organization of Provinces. establishing arbitrary censorship over the press.9 0 .is which allowed for an elected provincial council in each of the provinces of the empire. For this memorandum see Ali Fuad. Dustur. 1 8 64. 1 1 It is true that neither Fuad nor Ali Pa� was entirely indif­ ferent to the problem of providing representative institutions for the Empire. in fact. one had to be careful not to offend Moslem sensitivities and to work for the creation of Moslem administrative cadres. whether Chris­ tians or Moslems. Rical-i Miihimm. 20 . they were convinced that the maj ority of the population was totally unfit to decide its own fate and they thought the Ottomans would acquire such qualifications only very gradually.

became a famous liberal text in the 1 8 3 o's. led to his imprisonment in 1 8 20 and his publication of a volume of memoirs. Gioberti's 21 · 21 . 6 6 . This work.'' Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. 1 8 . The bible of Italian liberal nationalism. thus at cross-purposes with the aims of its suggested forerunners. such as the Tugendbund and the Giovine Italia. in the beginning of the nine­ teenth century. Silvio Pellico ( 1 7 8 9-1 8 54) was an Italian nationalist whose activities. n. 20 Ebi. At least one author2 1 has stated the search for such a connection to be misleading because the aims of the Patriotic Alliance were "medieval" in nature. "Yeni Osmanhlar. There is no doubt. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a. 1 . nor is i t possible to trace their ideology except as it may be inferred from later statements. by pointing out the inhumanity with which political prisoners were treated. 22 Mazzini. 1 .2 0 the secret society which. Le Mie Prigioni ( "My Prisons") .'' in Turkish ) . Nam1k Kemal mentioned Garibaldi and Silvio Pellico in the same. The romantic liberal nationalism which was ex­ pressed in My Prisons was taken up by several theoreticians of the Risorgi­ mento. had fought against the restoration in France and Italy. 22 Kuntay. with his utterances to the effect that 1 9 Kuntay. 3 . such as Mazzini. 1 9 09. however. The name "Patri­ otic Alliance" suggests an intellectual affiliation with earlier European revolutionary societies. No documents exist stating what the aims of the Patriotic Alliance were. Insofar as Italy is concerned. that the founding members of the Patriotic Alliance thought of themselves as aiming to fol­ low the political lead of Europe. though their intense patri­ otism made them think of reform for Ottomans. connected with those of the Italian Carbo­ nari. Stambul.izziya. In 1 8 66 a man who was to become the patron of the founding members of the Patriotic Alliance.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS ( "lttifak-i Hamiyyet. there is evidence that Italian liberal movements were known and studied by them. 1 9 Ayetullah Bey had brought with him two books on the organization of the Carbo­ nari. 4 8 5 . by Ottomans. breath with Voltaire and Condorcet. and along Islamic lines. Namik Kemal. June 7. Namik Kemal. set the king of Italy as an example for the sultan. [ Mordtmann] . p. These books were to be used as guides in organizing the secret society.

1 8 7 7 ) .3 2 3 . who quotes Millingen's Les Anglais en Orient (Paris. Cf. Chapter vm . 3 4 5. For Kemal's ideas regarding Pellico. 1 9 3 0) ." Charles MacFarlane. 7 9 3 . that universal liberty and happiness were to come out pure and bright from the revolutionary cauldron. p. 1 5 Zilkade 1 2 8 6/Febru­ ary 1 6. note 5 8. 6 7 1 . Western Culture in Eastern Lands (London. was dedicated to Pellico. 3 2 1. I take this information from Roderic Davison. greatness. As early as 1 8 so an English observer could state : <'A protege of Reshid Pa§a [Sinasi ? ] confidently assured me that Turkey must gain independence [sic] . states that he and Sinasi worked. on the papal question.D. 4 1 6. Georges Weill. Dramard-Baudry. (See below. Turkey and Its Destiny (London. Sinasi. 1 8 5 0 ) . see [Nam1k Kemal] . a most important resemblance to the atti­ tude assumed by the Young Ottomans. Harvard. Another point of intellectual contact may be discerned in the writings of the intellectual mentor of the Young Ottomans.000 men. <Mes Prisons' Terciimesi hakk m d a Kemalin mi. He added that the European belief that the Ottoman Empire was in its death throes gave an additional reason to the founders to proclaim. or had a new birth at Paris in the month of February and that we should have soon a new and blessed world. cc 22 . Young France. together in Paris and that he was asked by the latter to establish contact with Garibaldi. pp. who was on the fringes of the Young Ottoman movement. p. pp. 1 9 09). dissertation. Suavi refers here to the term "Young Ottoman"-or "New Ottoman" when transIl Primato Morale e Civile degli ltaliani. The Turks of this school rej oiced at the news of Charles Albert having crossed the Mincio with an army of 4 0. For the extremely general and somewhat misleading remarks of the orientalist Vambery on this subj ect-remarks which cannot he summarily dismissed because he states that he contributed articles to Young · Ottoman publications and was very close to them during their exile--see Arminius Vambery.T HE YO UNG O T TO MA NS a new epoch was dawning when the people would "replace the Church as the interpreters of God's word. 1 5 0. pp. ) . p. Young Italy"2 3 were the organizations after which the secret society of 1 8 65 had been modeled. ( ibid. 1 8 70. I n the middle of the nineteenth century Pellico was the man "who personified the alliance of . by the inclusion of the word "Young" in the name of the society. «Reform in the Ottoman Empire 1 8 5 6. 1 8 6 8 ) .1 8 7 6" (unpublished Ph. «Civan (sic) Ti. 1 9 1 1 .1 8 4 8 ( Paris. L'Eveil des Nationalites et le Mouvement Liberal 1 8 1 5. For the influence in Istanbul of the Piedmontese minister Baron Tecco. n.irk Tarihi. !3 Ali Suavi. the vitality of the empire. John Murray." Ulum. 1 942 ) . Presses Universitaires de France. see Marco Antonio Canini.4 6. John M urray. ) Frederic Millingen. p. 2 1 Muharrem 1 3 3 0/January 1 1 ." was not far at all from the stand adopted by Nam1k Kemal. 2 7 8. patriotism and religion . 8." Mecmua-i Ehuzziya. power. Vingt ans d'Exil (Paris.ilaha­ zat1.1 4. that civilization had taken a fresh start. Ali Suavi specifically states that "Young Spain.

as well as across the desert. . It was this conspiratorial atmosphere which gave the Patriotic Alliance its special stamp. however. p. that is to say. we know what they were :in 1 8 70 from an article which appeared in the French Supplement of the .» Mehmed Bey. Accord­ ing to Ebiizziya. as when he stated : "In publishing a French bulletin our aim is to instruct republican Europe and America of the democratic tendencies of the Moslem Orient. and the secrecy of its membership (no member knew more than the names of seven other members) are signs which point in that direction. editorial. let us give one another our hand. May 1 .T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS · lated textually-by which these men became known at a later date. La Revolution. : • • "Let us unite to conquer Liberty Let us associate to arrive at equality Let us cherish one another so that fraternity might reign on earth. the paper that he edited with Vasfi Pa§a after his separation from the main body of the Young Ottomans. The organization of the Alliance by cells of seven. We know from the testimony of his daughter that once a week Mehmed Bey would don the loose robe of the alim ("Doctor of Islamic Law") and go into the mosques and medreses to agitate for reform. the members proposed to present a petition to the sultan exposing the misdeeds of Ali and Fuad Pa�a. Despite the revolu­ tionary emphasis. the link . Brothers across the ocean. Mehmed Bey. each responsible to a leader. 2 5 2 4 Although we cannot establish with certainty what were the political :ideals to which Mehmed Bey subscribed in 1 8 65. As to the means the society planned to use in carrying its purposes to fruition. they are also difficult to ascertain. Eventually the leader of the Patriotic Alliance. with the 23 . 2 5 "The discussions that day were concerned with the first steps to be taken so as to change absolute rule into constitutional rule. 1 8 70. 2 4 was condemned to death for better reasons than having belonged to a political debating society intent on petitioning the sovereign. Ebilzziya admits that the Alliance was a "revolutionary" or­ ganization even though he denies that the members were intent on acts of terrorism. that much less innocuous activities were planned. There are indications. 1 . with the liberalism of the 1 8 5 o's is visible.lnkitab (Revolution) .

1 909. June 7. - . however. in the first months of l 8 66. An outbreak had already taken place in Crete in l 860 but now. 403. the diplomats accredited at the Porte expressed serious doubts as t o whether the Cretan insurgents could be contained by the already harassed Turkish armies. more naive explanation was that the Porte had failed to carry out the promises made to the Christian population of the empire in the Firman of I 8 5 6. and that some change had to be brought in the civil and political status of the subj ect peoples of the empire to dampen their ardor. One of these precipitating factors was the beginning of a serious insurrection on the Island of Crete. within a year of the creation of the Patriotic Alliance. that between the years 1 865 and 1 8 67 other currents were working in Turkey in the same direction as that started by Mehmed Bey and his friends." Yeni Tasvir i Efkar. January 1 . The second was the publication by a Turco-Egyptian pa§a of a letter addressed to the sultan. "Yeni Osmanhlar. two events occurred which revealed the nature of these parallel currents and also determined the fate of the members of the Patriotic Alliance. which once more raised the question of the viability of the Ottoman Empire. 1 8 66. Beust to Metternich. purportedly to put an end to the recurren�e of revolts and uprisings. 3. Indeed. Another. The French plan was based on doing organization of a revolutionary society. V I I .T HE YO U N G O T T O M A NS It is interesting to note. 26 Testa. In I 8 67 specific proposals for reform were brought forth by France and Russia." Ebiizziya. demanding a constitutional reform-a crucial event in the shaping of the fortunes of the Patriotic Alliance. was that the principle of nationality had become much more active among the Christian populations of the empire than had even been anticipated in drafting the Treaty of 1 8 56 and the accompanying Hatt-i Humayun. 2 6 The most impartial interpretations of this latest uprising. as well as of other separatist disturbances which had occurred earlier. p. Recueuil.

" This poem by Ziya Pa�a.. 2 7 The Russian plan. v. The Cretan revolution kept the Porte busy for a long time. J. pp.1 909) . The inability of the Porte to deal with the Cretan insurrection caused bitter criti­ cism among many people in the capital. 1 9 00. 2 9 For excerpts of the . had begun to cooperate with the Patriotic Alliance some time after its foundation. Expeditionary forces were sent to the island. the history of its conquest had been one of the more colorful in the annals of Ottoman his­ tory.THE Y O U N G O T T O M A N S away with all Christian disabilities but also on carrying out a wider program of reform for all Ottoman subj ects than had . Luzac. but they met with little success. poem and a good commentary see E. W. two newspapers in the capital rushed to the defense of Ottoman Crete.. Ali Suavi. The ii 2 8 Ibid. 2 9 the "elder statesman" of the Turkish reformists. History of Ottoman Poetry (London. heaped injury on insult. One of these was the Tasvir-i Efkar edited by Kemal . Ali Pa§a himself went to Crete. The plight of the Moslem population of the island. the other. 2 8 In the case of Crete. the move would have brought about the fusion of all people in the Ottoman Empire. 69 ff. Ideally. Pressure was put on the Porte by each side to adopt its proposals. the "Zafername. ex­ posed to the depredations of local guerrilla bands. It was hoped that these measures would be favorably received by both Moslems and Christians. 2 7 Ibid. pp. in the winter of 1 8 671 8 68. The emotional ties with the island were strong . 446-45 5 . the Russians advised outright annexation to Greece. shows to what heights of patriotic indignation the issue could incite Ottomans. on the other hand. At the time of the crisis. considered the split­ ting · of the empire into autonomous regions administered by indigenous leaders elected by these populations. 4 1 8-4 2 8 . Gibb. Eventually. In later years the weakness of the Porte in handling the Cretan question was made the subj ect of one of the most famous and mordant of modern Turkish satirical poems. the Muhbir whose chief editorial writer.hitherto materialized.

T HE Y O U N G O T T O MA NS letter of the Ottoman press law of the time was more lenient than the existing press law in Turkey nowadays80 but ·must have been enforced somewhat severely. 1 8 67. p. The article. This was a diplo­ matic move which A li Pa§a wanted to conceal. 32 Muh bir. Filip Efendi had already printed the issue that bore the date of the third of Zilkade. however. does not bear . 3 Zilkade 1 2 8 3/March 9. 8 1 The next day the owner of the paper. The Muhbir first got considerable publicity in February 1 8 67 when it organized a private col­ lection for the Cretans who had been driven out of their homes by the guerrillas. This collection definitely displeased Ali Pa�a. he asked Nam1k Kemal to let the notice appear in the Tasvir-i Efkar so that he would have at least partly complied with the law. 31 Up to that time the Turks had maintained a garrison in the fortress. did Ali Suavi aban­ don all prudence. Ali Suavi's reference to its printing-"the article was printed and published through my instrumentality"-«benim marife­ timle tab ve ne§r olundu"-is more ambiguous in Turkish than in the English translation. since both the Muhbir and the Tasvir-i Efkar were at first fairly cautious in their criticism of the government. and. received a curt note from the Ministry of Education to the effect that the Muhbir had been closed for one month. I . It was also suggested that s o me rem edy would be brought to this state of affairs if Ottoman statesmen were responsible to a "national assembly. The fortress was now handed over to the Serbs in return for the somewhat platonic promise that the Ottoman flag would continue to fly over the citadel in recognition of the sultan's de jure suzerainty. This article has been attributed · to Ziya Pa§a. Only in early March of 1 8 67. One of the reasons for which he might have been loath to keep this last issue from the public was that it contained an excellent piece of j our­ nalism pointing out that Russia was behind the uprisings in the empire and that consequently its pressing for reforms was rank impertinence. both in terms of style and content. Filip Efendi. On the eighth of March ( 2 Zilkade 1 2 83 ) he came out with a flaming editorial in which he bitterly at­ tacked the Porte's relinquishment of the fortress of Belgrade."8 2 3 0 This was written in 1 9 5 9 at a time when Turkish prisons were filling up with j ournalists. under the legal obligation to print the notifica­ tion sent him by the Ministry.

22 Cemaziyiilevvel 1 2. 1 4 Cemaziyiilevvel 1 2 8 3/Sep­ tember 24. 1. 34 Tasvir-i Efkar. 8 3/0ctober 1 ." Ulum (undated. When the crisis of the Muhbir arose. Kemal wrote an article criticizing the im­ pertinence of local Greeks in singing songs in their caf es that had · as leitmotiv the extermination of the Turks. 3 8 Three days later a new press ordinance was the characteristics of Ali Suavi's pieces. 33 Under Kemal's editorship the Tasvir-i Efkar had become the first Turkish newspaper to carry sophisticated analyses of foreign affairs and to go into such matters as the impact of new methods of warfare on the European balance of power. 1 8 66. 8 1 Tasvir-i Efkar." Tasvir-i Efkar. Kemal printed in the Tasvir both the order closing the Muhbir for one month and a protesting commentary by Filip Efendi. I 866. At first. 3 7 This was only a straw in the wind. 1 8 . Ali Pa�a had closed his eyes to the remarks by which the article was prefaced-allusions to the virtues of freedom from foreign intervention. and this Kemal had had to print. 2 Rebiiilahir 1 2 8 3/August 1 4. 2 9 Cemaziyiilevvel 1 2 8 3/0ctober 8. however. 1 8 7 0 ) . 35 In the fall of I 8 66. Kuntay. Nam1k Kemal had been com­ mended by Ali Pa�a for an article on the disasters caused by frequent fires in the capital. 1 . 3 6 The Min­ istry of Police had sent a rebuttal. p . however. 83 "Payitaht. but was not as yet aggressive in its treatment of the subj ect .. the relations between the editorial offices of the Tasvir-i Efkar and higher officialdom had been idyllic. 1 8 66. 86 "Bir Miilahaza. asserting its vigilance in these matters." Tasvir-i Efkar. . 9 1 1 .8 4 It also took up more controversial matters. 4 Zilkade 1 2 8 3/March 1 0. But there the incident stopped. 8 8 Nam1k Kemal. p ." ibid. 3 Zilkade 1 2 8 2 . Namik Kemal. 35 "Girid meselesine dair. See Ali Suavi. A year before. 1 8 66. In the same issue he wrote an article on the Eastern question in which he protested against European interference in the Cretan question. "Yeni Osmanlilar Tarihi. such as the mixing of foreign cabinets in Ottoman diplomatic affairs. "Sark Meselesine dair bir Layihad1r." Tasvir-i Efkar.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A N S Nam1k Kemal too had been quite circumspect at the begin­ ning of the Cretan crisis. 1 8 6 7 .

n. years in Egypt. where at the age of sixteen he had started his governmental career.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS proclaimed establishing strict censorship. According to a rule of succession followed in Egypt as well as in the Ottoman Empire. and had finally been appoint�d to the chairmanship of the Council of the Treasury ( "Meclis-i Hazain" ) when this body was established in October of 1 8 65. a retrospective survey is necessary to under­ stand Kemal's position. this meant the end of his career as its editor. the mutinous governor of Egyp t who. Suavi was arrested. Ismail Pa�a. Mustafa Faz1l 8 9 Mehmet Zeki Pakalm. Kanaat Kitabevi [ 1 940 ? ] ) . He had risen fast to become Minister of Education in 1 8 62. 89 Except for a stay of four. his mind was not entirely occupied with his official duties. While unrest kept increasing in the capital in early I 8 67. 40 Even though Faz1l Pa�a's career was made in the Ottoman capital. for Faz1l Pa�a also had interests in Egypt. 3 . and the Tasvir was also closed for a month. Faz1 l Pa�a's life had been spent at the Porte. his career had been that of an Ottoman state servant. for while these developments were taking place another series of events had occurred which had already forced Nam1k Kemal to reveal his involvement with the political opposition. the assertive figure of Prince Mustafa Fazil Pa§a began to give substance to the various protestations that were under way. had become practically the independent ruler of that province of the empire.5 . 40 Ibid. Tanzimat Maliye Nazirlarz ( Istanbul. early in the nineteenth century. Most of his education was received at the bureaus of the Porte. being first appointed to the Bureau of the Grand Vizier. Minister of Finances in 1 8 64i. just as his stand on foreign policy had divulged what he thought about the government's conduct of foreign affairs. Here again. . Insofar as Kemal was concerned. He was the brother of the khedive ( "hereditary governor") of Egypt. Mustafa Fazil Pa§a was a descendant of Mehmed Ali Pa§a.

flatly refused Ismail Pa§a's proposal. The particular function of the new council was to save the empire from finan­ cial disaster. To gain this favor Ismail had relied on the fact that his mother and Sultan Abdiilaziz's mother were sisters. a net of modern Ottoman institutions to provide adequate machinery for the administration of the Ottoman state . In 1 85 8. However. That year. The most serious crisis in the matter of succession occurred when ·i n 1 8 65 Khedive Ismail came to Istanbul to beg the sultan to change the Egyptian rule of succession. For a l ong time Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a had h ad an i nkling that his brother would use all means in his power to reach his goal. It was also due to . Fuad Pa§a. so too the creation of the new office which he was expected to fill was in itself a maj or event. however. Faz1l's elder brother Ahmed. of Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a to head the Council of the Treasury was an indication of Fuad's oppositi on to the sultan's scheme. Ismail had different plans and wanted to consolidate the khedivate in his own line of descent. to the huge expenditures of the sultan. died in a mysterious accident which it was believed Ismail had engineered. in I 8 6 5. shortly thereafter . payment of interest on the consolides had been defaulted once. for instance. Just as the selection of Faztl Pa§a to fill this post was important.THE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS should have succeeded Ismail as khedive upon the latter's demise. This sorry state of affairs was due. Financial difficulties had indeed been dogging the administration of the empire from the earliest moments of Abdi. who was the heir at the time. then Grand Vizier.ilaziz's accession to the throne. It was an important step in a process which had been inaugurated · in the second quarter of the nineteenth century-that of weaving. He might also have suspected that the sultan himself was not averse to consolidating his own line of descent. The consolidation of existing state indebtedness had brought only temporary relief and already. who had not as yet been able to accustom himself to the idea of state funds as different from his personal liste civile. in part. The appointment.

Apri·1 6. 30 . It is quite probable that the ulema asked to be represented on the body which was to pro­ vide this mechanism. As soon as Fuad found out about this document. The establishment of a Council of the Treasury was thus to meet an important need. 1 8 66) . 1 8 6 6. Tanzimat Maliye Nazirlari. . Over and above these reciprocal re­ criminations was the irreducible fact that the Porte had been saddled with the almost insoluble problem of finding new and larger sources of revenue at a time when economic decline had already set in in the empire. 4 3 The reason for this brusque exile is . 6 . Mustafa Faz1l was dismissed from his post (4 �evval 1 2 8 2/February 7. but it most proba'1 1lugsburger A llgemeine Zeitung. when he created this organ. 1 8 66. 4 9 2 7 . 1 8 66. Little did Fuad Pa§a know. not known.41 provided a mechanism for the control of finances was established. 1 8 6 5 . p . see also the (London ) Times. a German correspondent stated at the time that "a section including almost the maj ority of the patriotic higher ulema" was willing to make certain concessions with respect to the secularization of the Evkaf. 1 2 . Mustafa Faz1l was asked. It is also interesting that it should have been in this context of seeking measures to increase state revenue that one of the first references to the limitation of ministerial powers should have arisen. to leave the capital within twenty-four hours. The occasion was one of the earliest attempts by the Porte (in 1 8 65 ) to secularize the religious endowments known as Evkaf. Reporting devel­ opments with regard to this question from the Ottoman capi­ tal. p.THE Y O U N G O T T O M A N S the Porte's disregard for the niceties of public finance. October 3 1 . p . that Mustafa Faz1l was to criticize Fuad's financial policy and present to the sultan a memorandum on the subj ect of the ineptitude of the Porte in financial matters. 42 Pakalm. Each of these two parties was convinced that the maj or blame could be placed on the other. 1 0. 42 Then suddenly on April 4. 43 Times. March 1 . Such property was exempt from taxation and thus constituted an untouched source of revenue. p.

This work was used and the authorship of the article established in it by Ebiizziya found at a time when the collection of the Tasvir on which the author worked was no longer available. and his enlightened attitude had impressed 44 Accordin g to Mehmed M em d u h. the sultan finally had his way with his minister over the Egyptian succession. because of Mustafa Faz1l's attacks on Fuad. "Sura-y1 Nuvvab. JI .r. 41 The other was the favorable impression created by the speech with which Prince Charles of Hohenzollern had opened the Rumanian parliament in the fall of the same year. p . Istituto Polli­ graphico dello Stato. This amounted in reality to an outright refusal of the prince's request to be allowed to come back. Thus Faz1l girded his loins for another attack on Fuad. Histoire du Regne du Khedive Ismail ( Rome. Ebiizziya. p. 3 3. by Ebiizziya Tevfik. in November of I 866. p. 45 G. but on condition that he stay out of Egypt and Istanbul. On this occasion the prince had firmly vowed to clean the Augean stables of Ru­ manian politics. Ahenk Mat­ baas1. Two developments which had taken place within the empire at this time had already stimulated the foreign-language press of the capital to take up the discussion of constitutionalism as a matter of routine news reporting. note 1 . in Miintahabat-i Tas'tlir-i Efkar (ed. 1 9 5 8 ) . 2 1 2 . his royal brother had purchased all of his property in Egypt.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A N S bly involved some plot of Mustafa Fazil against Fuad. I 8 66. 44 With Mustafa Faz1l out of the picture. 46 David S. Heinemann. 47 See [Nam1k Kemal] . it was reported. 1 9 3 3 ) ." Tasvir-i Efkar. 2 9 Saban u 8 3. of an Egyptian "consti­ tution"-part of Ismail's modernist legerdemain-which was also discussed and praised by the Tasvir-i EfkJ. 1 3 1 1/1 8 9 3 .1 8 94) . 1 3 7 8/1 9 1 o ) .4 5 In Paris. Bankers and Pashas (London.. One of these was the proclamation. 8 3 . relying on the millions in exchange :for which. Mustafa Pa�a lived in regal splendor. 3 rd ed. Douin. 46 Late in I 8 66 the prince was negotiating with the Porte to be allowed to return to Turkey. z 1 4-2 1 7.M ay 2 7. Landes. a firman was proclaimed giving Ismail's direct descendants access to the khediviate. 1. where he had established residence. Permission to return was finally granted him on :December 20. On . Istanbul. Mir'at-i $U-_unat ( i zmir.

whose earlier representations before the sultan had been of no avail. Petersburg and was now back in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the capital. in fact. 1 8 67. 49 Hali! �erif Pa�a was a · Turk whose father had emigrated to Egypt to serve as one of Mehmed Ali's captains. a cousin of Mustafa Faz1l. an understanding certainly existed." 4 8 The prince. the direction of that section of the opposition known as "Young Turkey. circulated in Istanbul by Halil �erif Pa�a. and he was taken much more seri­ ously by his contemporaries than was Mustafa Faz11. was coming to Istanbul to negotiate new concessions. He had been ambassador to St. 1 . was now taking upon himself the leadership of the reform movement in Turkey and. the Russian proposals for the establishment of autonomous regions in the empire had been presented to the Porte. It was probably this favorable constellation. as will be seen below.'' Nubar Pa�a. pp. La Turquie et le Tanzimat. which made Mustafa Faz1l decide to make his bid in favor of Ottoman constitutionalism. David. it was stated. The extent to which Halil's move was coordinated with the activities of Mustafa Faztl is not completely clear but. Early in February of 1 8 6 7 the Paris Journal des Debats printed a news item from its correspondent in Istanbul that Mustafa Fazil Pa�a. 2. 49 Engelhardt. 1 8 67. such a draft was. had entered the diplomatic service of the Porte . In the meantime. Halil strikes one throughout as having been more deeply imbued with the ideas of constitutionalism. who was later to marry Faz1l's daughter. in par­ ticular. Halil him­ self. 5. plus the news that lsmail's "Minister of Foreign Affairs. 2 3 1 -2 3 3 . expected to present to the sultan within a short time a proj ect of reforms which would demand a complete rearrangement of the gov­ ernmental machinery. after having received a European education.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS newspaper-reading audiences in the Turkish capital. 1. " February 32 . On February 1 2. Halil 48 News item from Istanbul signed "F. Journal des Debats.

50 Most of the articles weighed the applicability of a constitu­ tional system in the Ottoman Empire in quite general terms. may as "Jean Pietry be found. on two issues of the Courrier in the Clerbois collection of the Univer• sity of California at Berkeley. which was wi dely read by the Turkish intelligentsia.. . February 20 . He thus tried to tailor his draft as much as possibl_e on the French proj ect of reforms earlier presented to the Porte. even official quarters were showing for a fundamental reorganization of the governmental machinery. even the semi­ official La Turquie did not shun a coolheaded. combined with the critical situation facing the Porte and the immediate background of Egyptian and Rumanian consti­ tutional steps resulted during t he month of February 1 8 67 in the outbreak of a vigorous constitutionalist campaign by the foreign press of the capital. although not by any means unbiased. The proj ect set forth by the Courrier was 5 0 Augsburger A llgemeine Zeitung. Giampietry had for some time opposed the conservatism of its rival La Turquie. Strangely enough. This newspaper was owned by a Frenchman by the name of Giampietry. There are indications that Giampietry came to Turkey fallowing the coup of Louis Napoleon. p. This might have been related to the real interest which. Bourree. 5 1 This correct spelling which is usually given 33 . In this fashion the influence of Bourree on the French-language newspapers of the capital. The origins of the campaign went back. Consequently he got the support of the French ambassador. discussion of the comparative advan­ tage of the existing system and constitutionalist rule. subsi­ dized by the Porte. 5 1 who. In the Courrier. had established himself in Turkey. to the middle of January. according to news reports. 8 29 . in fact. 1 8 6 7. like many other persecuted liberals and political heretics.THE YO U N G O T T O MA NS �erif Pa§a's tactic was to take advantage of the pressure exerted by the Great Powers on the Porte to force it into an acceptance of his constitutionalist scheme. plus a liberal distribution of gratuities by Faz1l among the ' latter. at which time the first trial balloon had been launched by the Courrier d'Orient. I have been unable to locate a complete collection of this paper.

essential that these newsmongers should know that at a time when the affairs of the Ottoman Empire are embarrassed. which was meant to give a voice to the people who made up the empire in determining governmental policy. that upon general demand the article in the Courrier had been printed for the second time. p. or Orthodox Greek to know that private inter­ ests should be postponed to the public good. His hon vivant side made him vulnerable to ridicule and was in­ deed being exploited by European newspapers who depended on Russian rather than on Egyptian gold. In the meantime. and there is a possibility that the Courrier's article might have been an early probe of Halil �erif's.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A N S ba�ed on th e "complete representation of the interests of all classes of society without distinction of race or religion. This accusation was used by Faz1l Pa�a as an opportunity to herald his leadership of Young Turkey in a widely publicized reply : "An article in the Nord of the first of February has only just been brought to my notice. as later events were to confirm. The Belgian news­ paper Nord. There is little doubt." 5 2 In this sense it was quite close to Hali! �erif Pa§a's scheme. it is with these and not with my private affairs that I am occupied. however. The j ournals which have reported that I was engaged in founding a banking establishment are not satisfied with the denials with which this absurd story has met with from the good sense of the public before I took the trouble to contradict it through one of my secretaries. It is. Catholic. It is sufficient to 52 As reported in an editorial of La Turquie. 1 8 6 7 . 1 . The Muhbir reported on 2 1 �evval 1 2 8 3/February 2 5 . 34 . Mustafa Faz1l was not letting anyone for­ get that he was behind the constitutionalist effervescence. January 1 6. It matters not whether a man is Musul­ man. 1 8 6 7. for instance. that Giampietry was in direct contact with Mustafa Faz11. They still continue to publish variations of the same story on what they call my financial operations with the House of Messrs. Oppenheim. alleged that he was a fake more interested in advertising himself and his rights to the Egyp­ tian throne than in reforming Turkey.

is the conviction of the great party of 'Young Turkey' of which I have the honor to be the representative. to write an anonymous letter of protest to the editor of the 53 L evant Herald Daily Bulletin. the text of his letters had reached the capital and were printed in th e Muhbir of February 8 and I O ( 3 and 5 �evval 1 2 83 ) . 1 8 67.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS be a man of progress or a good patriot. but it is to be noted that he did not claim in his letter to represent the Alliance but "the g. spurred Nam1k Kemal. De Launay. 1 1 1 . While Mustafa Fazil Pa§a was engaged in replying to his detractors. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a considered himself the spokesman of a more diffuse and vague group than the Patriotic Alliance-a group known in Istanbul at that time as "La Jeune Turquie.reat party of 'Young Turkey. . Mustafa Faz1l's relations with the Patriotic Alliance are not entirely clear to this day. 35 . but included all the men of importance in the capital who were earnestly interested in reform. in turn.' " It can be surmised from this reference that. 1 8 6 7 . February 2 2. at least. Naturally it also included the members of the Patriotic Alliance. experi­ ence. Such. Bankers and Pashas. pp. and suffering." 5 8 This was followed by other communications in the same vein to European j ournals. although self-appointed. editor of the Gazette du Levant. took the party of Young Turkey to task and also attacked Mustafa Faz11. English translation. Ulum ( undated ) .54 On February 1 9. 7 9 6 . by now one of the more important members of the Patriotic Alliance. "This party neither recognizes the resignation of fatalism nor gives way under disappointment. Levant Herald's. For the Oppenheim mentioned here see Landes. See Ali Suavi. another of Ali Pa§a's sycophants. This means that the Cretan insurrection and yet the graver disasters with which we are threatened on many sides find it still resolute to com­ plete these reforms which have ripened by reflection. p." Young Turkey was no organized society. 54 There are indications that from the very beginning the Muhbir was subsidized by Mustafa Faz11.1 20. This article. which means one and the same thing.

" 57 To the allegation of the Gazette that the party of Young Turkey discriminated against the Christian inhabitants of the empire-an accusation which De Launay based on the lack of reference to the special rights of the Christian population of the empire in Mustafa Faz1l's letters of protest to th e Nord­ Nam1k Kemal countered by protesting agains t the notion of "incarnating our ideas in his utterances [those of Mustafa Faz1l] " and by pointing out that the Christian population · of 55 For the text of this letter see Kuntay.1 8 7. 55 It is thus probable that the aims of both groups were quite similar. which was never posted and was only recently found among the correspondence of Nam1k Kemal. p. 5 6 It consisted. Namik Kemal. as editor De Launay of the Gazette. 1 8 3.THE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS Gazette. . 2 9 0. 7 9 3 . From Suavi's account it would seem that this leadership was accepted by the time Kemal and Ziya escaped. Faz1l Pa�a included. He described the party of Young Turkey as only having increased the number of "those who in our country have ex­ pressed this idea [the idea of reform] which is as old as the world itself . 2 9 1 . I. The letter. Namik Kemal. See Ali Suavi. he stated that the desire for reform had already given rise to several opposition parties in the preceding cen­ tury. Nam1k Kemal stated that the party of Young Turkey was not. 57 Kuntay. is one of the few documents which allows us to determine with greater precision the aims of Nam1k Kemal and his friends at that time.2 9 I . Ulum ( undated ) . 5 6 This is corroborated by Suavi. It also shows that Nam1k Kemal strove to defend the ideals of the party of Young Turkey as eagerly as we could have expected him to defend the ideals of the secret society which he could not mention. who explains the heated discussions that preceded the acceptance of his leadership." Nam1k Kemal further rej ected the idea set forth by De Launay that the party of Young Turkey was a new creation . r . a consti­ tuted society. of people "tied together by com­ mon ideas. He pointed out that the party did not recognize the leadership of any individual. had stated. the Patriotic Alliance. according to him.

A few days after the attack of the Gazette. just as European j ournalism does.THE Y O UN G O T T O M A NS the empire. which is the primary vehicle of progress. these efforts are quite small compared to contemporary prog­ ress. If. general interests are being pre­ ferred to particular interests. But it should also sincerely be taken in consideration that 58 Ibid. There is no doubt that at a time when Europe. has taken certain official steps in connection with the settling of the Eastern Question. from the succor of the patrons of civilization. having been favored by the special protection of the Great Powers. is a matter to which we attribute great importance. 1 85. Nam1k Kemal concluded : "This. as editor. Some members of this intellectual society having begun to direct the newspapers appearing in the Otto­ man language. however. This. Those who hold these new opin­ ions are labelled Young Turks ["Turkistanin Erbab-i Se­ babi"] . that among those of the Ottomans who hold modern opinions. 37 . had wrested more privileges for itself than had the Moslems. for how can one pos­ sibly ignore one's great contemporaries ? If there has been a partial progress in the field of science and in civilization [in Turkey] . is the true nature of the Jeune Turquie [in French in the original text] . Nam1k Kemal reproduced Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a's rebuttal to the Nord in the Tasvir-i Efkar. Underneath it. from now on. then. is not ninety per cent of it due to their efforts ? True. have brought about a mighty change in litera­ ture. its true nature can be understood and it can profit. He added that the Christians did not shrink from leading a privileged life in a country which already had granted them equal status." 5 8 . he added the follow­ ing cautious comment : "There is a section in this article which will appear to be of special importance to those who are think­ ing of the future of the nation ["millet"] and that is the mention which is made. this favorable mention of the Young Turks might appear amazing in the West. p.. accus­ ing the Ottomans of being retrograde and stagnant. it is probable that it will accomplish great things for the fatherland.

en russe. A . le Prince Mustapha-Fazil Pacha (En turc. . March 2 0. We know that it is not in the midst of a cemetery but in its mother's womb. 1 8 6 7 . two brochures exist. . 6 0 The letter created a sensation in the capital. In fact. In · short. en turc. in a letter to the sultan i n which the fate of the Ottoman Empire was ascribed to an absence of constitutional machinery. who is at present domiciled in Paris. Imprimerie de C. March 2 6. The text appeared also as a brochure almost at the same time ( Journal des De bats. Although it is doubtful that it ever reached Abdulaziz. which urged the sultan to take the lead in the constitutional-representative movement. at the Ecole des Langues Orientales in Paris.ilahaza. M. 2." Tasvir-i Efkar. 1 8 67 ) . it was soon thereafter published in the daily Liberte ( on March 24. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's campaign now culminated during the early days of March. le Prince Mustapha-Fazil Pacha (Paris. en fran�ais. . One cannot get more out of individual work. 1 8 6 7. which coincided with Nam1k Kemal's first days of enforced inactivity." 59 Two weeks later the Tasvir-i Efkar was closed by order of Ali Pa§a because of the article by Nam1k Kemal criticizing foreign intervention in the Cretan affair. p. 61 On pp . March 2 5 . Schiller. to his imperial maj esty . published at that time-the first." L'Etendard. The Turkish section begins : "translation of the petition presented by his highness Mustafa Faztl Pa§a. 1 2 9 2 . 1 8 6 7. A draft of a constitutional proposal is said to have accompanied the letter. Lettre adressee a S. 61 As 59 Nam1k Kemal. 1 8 6 7 ) . the second. 60 A ugsburger A llgemeine Zeitung. " For doubts cast on Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's authorship. 1 . the chances of bettering the condi­ tions of the fatherland will increase proportionally. 1. en italien. A . p. It is our opinion that what­ ever is achieved by them. 1 8 �evval 1 2 8 3/February 1 867. le Sultan par S. 23.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS our education is practically nil. p. en grec moderne. th�se who hold new opinions are the future salvation of the nation. . Auguste Vi tu. Let the Europeans believe that the Ottoman Em­ pire is on the way to the grave. Lettre adressee a S. It is for this reason that those who are cognizant of t he state of affairs in the capital will never abandon hope in the well-being of the people regardless of the obstacles that are encountered by the Empire. the only copy which I have seen. M. "Le mani­ feste du Prince Mustapha. 1 ) . en caracteres grecs et en caracteres armeniens) . le Sultan par S. "Mi.

1 8 6 7. April 2.000 copies were printed in the shop of the French printer Cayol and distributed in the capital. 4 · 63 Kuntay. 6 2 The task of translation was assigned to Nam1k Kemal's friend. A ugsburger A llgemeine Zeitung. as well as the link between the two men. 39 .'' Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. 1 2 8 7 . already in a dispatch dated March 2 3 . 1 2 9 2 . 1 . p. in Paris. 1 86 7 . 1 909. 1 8 67. was granted an audience by the emperor Napoleon and submitted his scheme to him. See Augsburger A llge­ meine Zeitung. PP· 3 . 2. 63 On March I 7 Mustafa Faz1l Pa�. and i n a dispatch dated March 1 7. a reprint of the letter ]published by the Nord was circulated clandestinely. 1 5 03 . April 7 . Namtk Kemal. where the news circulated that he was to help Mustafa Faz1l to :further his plans. Thus was substantiated the sympathetic approval by the French government of Halil �erif's and Mustafa Faz1l's plans. 1 8 6 7 . According to still other sources. Neue Freie Presse. March 20. March 2 0. with whom Mustafa Fazil had established friendly relations in Paris. But there is no doubt that they created a sensation in the capital. 4 .'' lndependance Belge. the Istanbul correspondent of the Independance Belge spoke of "a brochure of Mustafa Fazil Pa§a pub­ lished in the form of a letter to the Sultan. p.T HE Y O UN G O T T O M A N S early as March 8 Nam1k Kemal and hi s friends had obtained the text of the Letter and un�ertook to translate it for clan­ destine distribution. p. has a photographic facsimile of a copy of this tract. p. the correspondent of the A. Chapter IX. 2 7 9-2 8 0. As Ebilzziya states : "Up to that date. considering these to be incurable. June 1 . April 4. 64 A ugsburger Allgemeine Zeitung. 1 8 67. the great French journalist and editor of the daily Liberte. "Yeni Osmanhlar.ugsburger A llgemeine Zeitung informed its readers that Mustafa Fazil Pa§a had forwarded a ((message" to the sultan. The ideas set forth by Mustafa Fazil Pa�a in his letter to the sultan have to be taken with some caution because there are indications that they were inspired by Emile de Girardin. 64 At the same time Hali! �erif arrived in Paris. p. Sadullah Bey (later Sadullah Pa�a) . Public opinion consisted of the superficial conviction that see below. The letter was thus duly translated and 50. 62 Ebiizziya. the few people who knew the ills that beset the body of the Empire had completely lost hope.

Even at that time." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. Ils ne s'aper�oivent pas qu'en choquant les idees re�ues par le mepris evident des dogmes et des pratiques de la religion. however. He pointed out that this second clique under the leadership of Fuad Pa§a. that arresting the decadence of the empire might be dependent on changes in political structure. was completely new and therein lay its explosive quality. composed of the young men he had sent to be trained in European embassies. o n dirait qu'ils reclierchent moins ce qui convient. the name by which for some years reformist elements had been known i n Turkey."6 5 It was indeed the basis of Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's influence that his letter popularized the idea. Ubicini found the term "Jeune Turquie" too . Paffecta- . did not make the best possible impression in the capital. on the other hand. The party of Young Turkey. 1 9 0 9 .66 65 Ebiizziya Tev:fik. over and above a streamlining of administra­ tion. and provided a remedy at the same time as he diagnosed the malady. a leur pays que ce qui peut accroitre leur renommee a l'etranger. He stated that the second group. 6 6 "Revenus e n Turquie pour y occuper les emplois les plus importants d u gouvernement e t d e !'administration. Mention of the term "Jeune Turquie" may be found as early as 1 8 55 in Ubicini's La Turquie A ctuelle. l'inobservance de la loi. .ambiguous and proposed the distinction of "Jeune Turquie de Mahmoud" and "Jeune Turquie d'Abdul Medjid.T H E Y O U N G O T T O M A NS divine intervention would in time save the Empire. however. counter­ correspondence. but that it believed in neither. Peu leur importe s'ils froissent ou non le sentiment religieux et national de Constantinople. however. "Yeni Osmanhlar. The idea that such changes. p . was. was so Europeanized that it would have been immaterial whether it had taken its ideas from the Koran or the Gospels. which had attained such pub­ lic prominence as the result of all this correspondence. Ils croient pouvoir combattre le fanatismc par l'impiete. 24] . involved a liberalization of the regime. as we have seen. !'adoption du costume europeen. . Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a. 2 . diagnosed the sickness . !'usage p u bl ic du vin." By the first term Ubicini attempted to characterize the conservative-reformist trend. and tract distribution. May 2 5 [sic. already accepted at the Porte. pourvu que leurs noms soient cites avec eloge clans les j our­ naux de Paris et de Londres.

A ugsburger Allge­ meine Zeitung. It was therefore no great surprise that at the culmination of the crisis created by the Muhbir and Tasvir-i Efkar. A fourth Jeune Turquie was that which was limited to Halil �erif and Mustafa Faz11. appears in the descriptions of an English traveler of the early nineteenth century who states that an admiration for the military was "pretty generally shared by the young Turks." See Charles MacFarlane. 70. 5 8 . Ziya had lost his post at the palace in 1 8 6 1 due to his intrigues against Ali Pa§a and had become the victim of the latter's wrath ever since that time. was combating the very tendencies of the over-West­ ernized Jeune Turquie of Abdul Medjid of which Ubicini ' spoke. the Young Turkey of the Patriotic Al­ liance. See also Memduh. 1 8 5 5) . ils otent tout credit dans la nation et rendent impossible a l'avance tout le bien qu'ils pourraient faire. Suavi was given the most cavalier treatment and curtly told to take a trip to the Black Sea town of Kastamonu. October 2 5 . Another place where criticism of Ali and Fuad Pa§a arose was in the palace itself.T HE Y O UN G O T T O M A NS Now. 1 8 6 5 . 67 In fact. p. London. Constantinople in z 8 2 8 ( 2nd ed. the Porte took action against Ziya ( then still Ziya Bey) as well as against Kemal and Suavi. The main reason for this severe action was that Ali Suavi was making the rounds of the coffeehouses of the capital (Ali Suavi's cafe audience composed of the "man in the street" made up a sixth type of Young Turkey) . 4 8 3 1 .. ." Ubicini. 1 1 . p. 1 8 2 9 ) . quoting an unpublished manuscript of At1f Bey. explains that around I 8 63 the palace Jeunes ( "jonler") . p. 1 6 3 . Mir'at-i $uunat. The earliest reference t o the term "Young Turk. dont s'indigne la gravit musulmane." spelled a t that time without capital letters and referring to the young generation of the time. a third Young Turkey. p. spread· tion des manieres fran�aises. and an employee of the naval yards by the name of Muhtar Bey. La Turquie A ctuelle ( Paris. Son Sadriazamlar. One of the places in which this third Jeune Turquie had originated was the editorial office of the newly born Turkish press. Hachette. 61 inal. . who had started his career as secretary to the sultan ( "mabeyn katibi") . Saunders and Otley. composed of the poet Ziya Bey. Chief Private Secretary of the sultan. 3 1 . At1f Bey. ten years after the publication of Ubicini's began to advise the sultan to select an active grand vizier and capable ministers.

iddin Ef endi and Kemeralt1h Tahsin Efendi (not to be confused with Hoca Tahsin. they hoped. the disturbance so increased in the capital that two regiments were brought in as a precautionary measure. who is discussed later in Chapter · vn ) . Meanwhile. 7 2 Within two weeks there was a general arrest of the members r . April 2 .11 Two days later t he police raided a number of medreses and arrested two ulema who. Ziya Pa§a is said to have stated that the Porte sus­ pected him of having translated Mustafa Faz1l's letter. and within a few days they were smuggled outside the country.THE Y O U N G O T T O MA N S ing the rumor that a massacre of Moslems by Christians was impending and that churches were being used as arsenals. 7 0 All three accepted. Ziya was ttansf erred from the Council of Judicial Ordinances to Cyprus ( May 8..69 Both Nam1k Kemal and Ziya Pa§a. Faz1l Pa�a sent word to all three men that · he was ready to support them in their fight against Ali Pa§a if they would com e and work with him in Paris. Kemal was appointed assistant gov­ ernor of the province of Erzurum. . 6 8 A ugsburger Allgemeine Zeitung. p. p. 1 8 6 7 ) . 1 909. See Ali Suavi . the news of their "appointments" had reached Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a. p. June 3. Whether it was due to Suavi's agitation or was the result of spontaneous unrest. . p. 3. August 3 1 . 1 8 6 7. 9 3 0. !. tried to delay the authorities by providing an endless stream of excuses which. p. would enable them to remain in Istanbul. 1 9 09. 3. This was done with the help of French ambassador Bourn�e through the good offices of Giampietry ( May 1 7. O ctober 6. 6 . 6 9 The government must have had an inkling of Ziya's connection with the Patriotic Alliance. Ulum. although they were in close touch with the Young Ottomans do not seem to have been members of the Patriotic Alliance. p. 1 8 7 0. These were Veliyi. "Yeni Osmanltlar. Through Giampietry. 68 Much more lenient was the attitude of the government toward Kemal and Ziya. who had a great many connections in the capital. 7 1 /bia 72 /bid.1 . Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. the owner of the Courrier d'Orient. 7 0 Ebiizziya. 1 9 0 9. 1 8 67 ) . 1 5 0 3 . 42 4· .

T HE Y O UN G O T T O M A NS of the Patriotic Alliance. shortly there­ after in Paris. p. Ayetullah Bey's father. I 8 6 9. Accosting Ayetullah Bey on the latter's way home. January 2 5. August 2 0. 3. made the point that the rumor that an attempt had been planned on the life of the ministers was erroneous. Ayetullah Bey protested his innocence and Mehmed Bey went back to the ship which had brought him. who had been able to escape from Tur­ key. 2 . "one of the most active members of the party in question. As soon as he set foot in Istanbul. In fact. which its Istanbul correspondent said took place on June 6. Kemal. which was not connected with the escape of Ziya. was due to another development-the dis­ covery of a plot engineered by Mehmed Bey who. and Suavi. Subhi Bey ( sic) . editorial. p. he sought the house of Ayetullah Bey. "Yeni Osmanlilar. gave full details about these arrests. p." was said to be implicated. 74 Later Mehmed Bey. 1 . Mehmed Bey. however. had planned a full-scale coup d'etat. However. 4) to August 2 5 . 7 3 This move on the part of the Im­ perial Police. what seems to have happened is that Ayetullah Bey decided to abstain from participating in the plot while his father Subhi Pa§a gave the general alarm. 1 9 09 (p. June 2 5 . stowed away aboard a ship. disguised as a laborer. 4) . was smuggled back in true romantic style. 1 86 7." Hurriyet. See "istanbuldan diger tahrirat :fi 2 6 Ramazan. This time there was no doubt as to who had betrayed him." Journal des Debats. 1 90 9 { p. 43 . The same paper. It is implied in Ebiizziya's account of the Young Ottomans that it was Ayetullah Bey who denounced the conspiracy. a denuncia­ tion was made to the police and a search was undertaken throughout the city for Mehmed Bey. Joseph Cabbaldini. p. Ziya made a statement denying that the people arrested figured "parmi les personnages marquans de la Jeune Turquie" and adding that he was waiting "avec une tranquillite sereine les pretendues revelations qui vont jaillir des prisons de Constantinople. 1 8 6 7 . 74 Ebiizziya. he threatened to kill him on the spot if he did not confess the truth. 5 . 1 8 67. Through the help of one of his Carbo­ nari friends. June 1 9. Once more. infuriated by the recent turn of events." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. Th e reason Ayetullah Bey seems to have suddenly decided to warn the government of Mehmed Bey's coup was that Mehmed Bey and the Alli73 The lndependance Belge of June 2 1 . so as to find out whether the suspicion that Ayetullah Bey was a traitor had any basis in fact.

iya. who between themselves were responsible for law and order in the capital. He was an old collaborator of �inasi and had been thrown out of his j ob in the Court of Accounts (Divan-i Muhasebat) at the end of May 1 8 67. p. They immediately repaired to the hotel of Mustafa Fazil Pa§a. Ebiizziya does admit that the con­ spirators counted on the assistance of two men they had won over to their views. 1 2 84) . 3 9 . From the Patriotic A lliance to the Young Ottoman Society Kemal and Ziya. 77 Rifat Bey. 1 9 0 9 . Hususi ilk Tllrkfe gazetemiz Tercuman-i A hval ve A gah Efendi (Ankara. September 1 5 . p. reform mentioned in Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's letter to the sul75 Compare Ebiizziya's protestations of innocence in "Yeni Osmanhlar. p . 44 . Ibid. but he was a victim of guilt by association. Nam1k Kemal Bey. he decided that j oining forces with the oppo­ sition was one way in which he could get even with the Palace. Suavi. was not unaware of Mustafa Faz1Ps schemes. Ziya Bey. 40 (entry dated 2 6 Muharrem .new organization would be created which would adopt as its program the principles of . 1 7 See Server iskit. whereupon he had followed Kemal and Ziya. Ebiizziya.. 1 9 09.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS ance had evolved definite plans to use force in having their demands accepted.1 6 a group composed of Mustafa Faz1l. The latter welcomed them and directed them to �inasi. 1 9 0 9 . At one time a son-in-law of the sultan and therefore made a pa§a. pp. as pointed out earlier in this chapter. Ulus. 2 . Re§ad Bey. 76 Ebiizz. It was decided that day that a . 75 II. 4 . who found them rooms. pp. Nuri." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. June 9 . who had met Suavi en route. June 8.1 5 o. 1 9 0 9 to August 3 1 . 4. arrived in Paris on May 3 1 . he had been shorn of all attributes when his wife decided to divorce him. on the other hand. 1 8 67. Being sent to Paris ( a sop befitting a former damad) . 1 4 9. and Rifat Bey met in the mansion of the Pa�a. 1 8 67. was a newcomer into the ranks of the re­ formers. On August 1 0. Mustafa As1m Pa§a and Omer Naili Pa§a. September 2 6. with Ayetullah's account in Inal.» Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. «yeni Osmanlt­ lar. Agah Efendi was not unknown to the group. 1 9 0 9 . Son A sir." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. Ebiizziya's account indicates that Fazil Pa§a had established contacts with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mehmed Bey. «Yeni Osmanhlar. 1 9 3 8 ) . This su ggests that the French government.

Because of his long record of service to the sultan. 1. The maneuvers carried on simultaneously by Mustafa Fazil. 2. La Turquie. because of the strict press regulations of the French. an unprecedented step for an Ottoman monarch. 1 8 6 8. See Engelhardt. 7 9 Levant Herald. p . and the khedive Ismail to defeat one another's purposes created an additional element of complication. a most improbable date in view of Ziya and Kemal's departure from Istanbul on May 1 7 . This was due as much to the real differences which underlay their superficially monolithic ideology as to the opportunistic nature of Mustafa Faz11. During the sultan's stay in Paris. 4 Receb 1 2 8 5/0ctober 2 0. 45 . Halit. two developments had already taken place which changed the picture as it had stood when Ziya and Kemal first arrived in Paris. 3 . The second development was that Mustafa Faz1l patched up his differences with the Porte.T H E Y O UN G O T T O M A NS tan.ilaziz arrived in London where Ziya had also gone be­ cause of troubles with the French authorities. though short. called the New or Young Ottoman Society. First. which was to be the mouthpiece of the group. Sarikli i htilalci A li Suavi (Istanbul Ah m e t . Thus when Abdi. who had accompanied the sultan. 1 946) . however had to be published in London instead of Paris. By the time the first issue of the new Muhbir appeared on August 3 1 . Both had been precipitated by the state visit of Sultan Abdi. is nevertheless extremely complex. Ziya constantly labored under the apprehension that his stand would be inter­ preted by the sultan as one of personal ingratitude. Fuad Pa§a. The ensuing history of the publishing ventures of the Young Ottomans in Europe. p. he secretly pre­ sented the sultan with a petition wherein he clarified his stand vis-a-vis the monarch. 78 Ziya Bey was placed at the head of this new group. reached an 7 8 The statutes of this society have been reported to have been published. 7 9 Ali Suavi was to proceed immediately to revive the Muhbir.ilaziz to Europe i n July-August 1 8 67. Ali. 1 8 67. The date given for these statutes is April l o. s o Mithat Cerna! Kuntay. 1 8 6 7 . Ziya Bey's conscience began to trouble him. 1 8 6 7. 4 1 . 80 The paper.

8 2 The Muhbir also criticized the principle of a lay supreme court and pointed out that none of the resources of the �eriat had been tapped in efforts at modernization. who 81 The text of this letter may be found in Kuntay. October 2 6. the Council of State. was the interpretation that Kemal gave to Mustafa Faz1l's sudden change of heart in a letter he wrote to his father. most probably. it became clear that the changes in the machinery of the gov­ ernment which were pledged by the government would not go far. 1 8 6 7. or Grand Council. Mustafa Faztl immediately called Kemal to Baden-Baden. s s "ihtar. 1 5 5 9 . After he arrived there. One of the resulting bodies would have purely judicial functions and would serve as a lay supreme court. 4." Mukhir. 1. 8 1 By the time the first few issues of the Muhbir were out. p . Mustafa Faztl was already in Istanbul. who made the acid comment that as long as members of the law-drafting body were not elected. to the refurbishing of the already existing consultative machinery which had first been established by Re�id Pa§a in I 8 3 7. Faztl was going back to Turkey. where he explained the situation to him. at least. 1 8 6 7 . changes would remain superficial. p." ibid. In I 8 67 this institution was known as the Meclis-i Vala. "Yeni Osmanhlar. p.. as a victory for the representative prin­ ciple. News of these prepara­ tions trickled to London and did not overly impress the editor of the Muhbir. 1 909. 2 . The same interpretation of Mustafa Faz1l's move was given by the Istanbul correspondent of the Augsburger A llgemeine Zeitung. This coun­ cil was now to be separated into two. This. 8 3 This criticism was not to the liking of Mustafa Faz1l. Ebilzziya Tevfik. � was to be entrusted with the task of drafting laws and re­ viewing cases of_ administrative law. September 7. This change of heart was already obvious in that Mustafa Faz1l had accompanied the sultan all the way to Budapest · on the latter's return voyage.THE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS agreement with Mustafa Faz11. but he had received assurances that he would be allowed to prepare the groundwork for the reforms that were close to his heart. The second." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. 4. 2 . 1 8 67. . They amounted. Namik Kemal. in the end. p. October 1 2 . Sep tember 2 6. 82 "lstanbuldan Tahrirat. 3 s .

Mustafa Faztl Pa§a was no more satisfied with the Hurriyet than he had been with the Muhbir. to the effect that the arrival of Mustafa Fazil had done little to change the political situation and that the sultan himself was preparing to change the rule of succession. and this was more than Mustafa Faz1l had asked for. the solution of th e problem of reform along Ottoman and Islamic lines. in fact. for a letter of Kemal on this subj ect. 1 3 2 6/i 9 1 0) . the elimina­ tion of foreign interference in the domestic affairs of Turkey. Even though it made an earnest effort to explain the goals of the Young Ottomans. Veraset-i Saltanat-i Seniye {Istanbul. Namik Kemal.nia also seems to have caused considerable trouble. 81 Ibid. Suavi's egomd. it lacked the cutting edge of a sophisticated polemic and was too naive for their taste. 8 5 Kuntay. 4 8 9..p. . Considerable confusion was created in the minds of the Young Ottomans exposed to these crosscurrents. 1 8 68 ) . 1. quite apart from the displeasure it had caused Mustafa Faztl. n. 47 . for a letter of Kemal on the subj ect. 494. At that date definite orders came from Mustafa Faztl Pa§a for Kemal to start another newspaper. The first issue of the new j ournal carried an article by Ziya Pa§a lashing out at the Ottoman cabinet. turned out to be a rather sloppy product.THE Y O U N G O T T O M A N S wanted a more tactful opposition to the government.. 85 Kemal tried to make the best of this situation until March of l 868. To their consternation the Muhbir had. The exact nature of this aid. such as the establishment of a national representative body. 490. pp. 8 7 Mustafa Faztl Pa§a's financial support of the Young Otto­ mans provides one of the important keys to the subsequent history of the Hurriyet. 4 8 5 . On the other hand. 84 Mustafa Faz1l replied by praising Ziya but still complaining of the "blundering" of the Muhbir. 8 6 Ibid. 8 6 Thus in June of 1 8 68 finally appeared the Hurriyet (June 29. pp. a stream of letters had begun to pour into the London headquarters of the Young Ottomans. which were widely publicized. Thereupon Ziya Pa§a sent two letters on this subj ect to the capital. how84 See Ziya Pa§a. for a letter of Kemal on the subj ect. 49 3 .

1. This letter was never printed and Rifat was so i nfuriated that he took this opportunity to stop payment to the Young Ottomans. this was a very congenial arrange­ ment. to Rifat. is still obscure.000 francs in Ziya's name. 90 A rather muddled statement of his stand appeared in pamphlet form at that date. the breach between the Young Ottomans and Rifat never healed. Sakakini. September 2 7 . and October I . on the other hand. who was in Paris. 1 8 69 ) . I 9 09. I 909. At the beginning of August 1 8 68 Rifat wrote a letter to the editor of the Hurriyet in which he criticized the article taking the Porte to task to which Mustafa Faztl had raised objections." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. therefore. p .T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS ever. November i 5 . In a bank in Paris or London Mustafa Fazil had deposited 250.1 6. This pamphlet is reproduced in Ebilzziya Tevfik. i 9 09. September 3 0. with Nam1k Kemal's letter in Kuntay. have been meant for use only in emergencies. Namik Kemal. were paid every month. «Yeni Osmanhlar. s 9 At any rate. 90 Kemal quite rightly took this defection rather philosophi­ cally. It is not clear whether or not Rifat's move was instigated by Mustafa Faz11. had not withdrawn any part of this sum a year after the de­ parture of Mustafa Faz11. 4." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. however. ." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. p. The operating expenses of the Hurriyet and the salaries of the members of the editorial board. with the comment that Rifat had j oined the ranks of the Young Ottomans only as a steppingstone to the hand of ss Information about these financial arrangements may be found in Ebiiz­ ziya. Since Rifat had sided with Mustafa Faz1l in finding the Hurriyet's criti­ cism of the Porte extreme. Information available at present allows us to reconstruct only the following tentative picture of the complicated arrangements devised by Mustafa Faztl before he left for Istanbul. The sum must. 4. 4 in all issues. These monthly contributions were channeled through Mustafa Faz1l's majordomo. «Yeni Osmanhlar Tarihi. Mustafa Faz1l thus had a powerful monetary lever at his disposal in getting the Young Ottomans to conform to his wishes. Ebilzziya's account in Ebilzziya Tevfik. p. 403-406 . "Y'e ni Osman­ hlar Tarihi. ss Ziya. Rifat categorically severed his relations with the group in a letter written five months later (January 2 2 . . s9 Compare . November I 8.

pp. Mehmed Bey. 4 9 3 -4 9 5 . Another less tangible but still cumulative malaise had for some time been sapping the morale of the Young Ottomans. 1 8 6 8 . 9 2 It is not surprising that under these circumstances the most fiery of the Young Ottomans. Namik Kemal. thus leaving Nam1k Kemal alone in London. Kemal could not meet publishing costs. 49 · . because the latter were in posses­ sion of several documents bearing his signature in which his relations to the Young Ottomans and to the Muhbir were laid out quite plainly. t he 1ttihad. This feeling is best described by Nuri Bey. he published the lnkilab. Kemal did not. should have be­ come so disillusioned with the Young Ottomans as to abandon the Hurriyet group and begin the publication in Paris of a peri­ odical of his own. According to Kemal. had now fallen out of favor with Mustafa Fazil because of his outspoken criticism of Ali. Since the old bonds existing between 91 See in particular Nam1k Kemal's letter to his father dated August 5 . however.T H E Y O U N G O T T O M A NS Mustafa Faz1l's daughter. Later. It is reported that in this j ournal there appeared articles in Turkish.. 91 Mustafa Faz1l. in Geneva. 44 3 . Gradually the prince's contribu­ tions became smaller. In so doing. was unable to make a clean break with the Young Ottomans. adopt such a detached attitude toward Mustafa Faz1l's persistent demands that he stop publishing the Hurri­ y et and dissociate himself from Ziya. however. Greek. 5 6 5 . it was Rifat's failure to attain this primary goal which resulted in his estrangement from the Young Ottoman cause. the most radical of Young Ottoman publications. Armenian. Mehmed Bey wanted to show the truly pluralistic nature of his scheme of reform for the Ottoman Empire. see ibid. The latter. who states : "After having remained in London for a while. at first the leader of the Young Ottoman group by reason of seniority. i n Kuntay. 9 2 For a letter o f Nam1k Kemal. Mehmed Bey returned to Paris with Re§ad Bey. of which only a few issues appeared. and Arabic. 1 .

having discovered the impossibility of reaching truth without education. By uncovering the fact that a country could not be changed through the sole desire to do so of three or four people. would carry out the reforms which would put new life into the state. nothing can be done in our country. realizing the necessities of the time. As to Kemal Bey. Ziya Bey considered a . As my ignorance was beginning to decrease and my eyes to open. Agah Efendi con­ sidered that it was necessary to infiltrate into the government to carry out our goals. Whenever the ruler is against it. similar to the mathema­ ticians who cannot think of anything except in terms of mathe50 . How­ ever. "Insofar as Rifat was concerned. its rulers. and though I desired to act misunderstand me . This thought sapped all my courage. Even though I was eager to fancy myself a student who had come to Paris for his studies. "First of all. close cooperation with the Sultan to be the . best device for attaining our goals and getting to power. let me speak of myself. thanks to my dogged efforts at study. I noticed that great obstacles were in my way.' this type of thinking led him to believe that there was no way to succeed other than bringing to the throne a well-intentioned ruler who. I could not any more find the same pleasure in sharing the ideas of my friends and I co uld not keep from being assailed by grave doubts about the extent to which our discus­ sions and talks were of use. "Mehmed Bey considered that the complete establishment of freedom in our country would only be possible in terms of a movement coming from the nation. since he held the conviction that 'The Ottoman tribe has never demanded more than what has been granted to it by the Ottoman Dynasty. the first enthusiasm began to wane. they would say that I was fickle and had no perseverance. I began to experience a complete change in ideas. I began to have grave doubts as to the ultimate success of our movement.T HE Y O UNG O T TOMA NS the associates while they were in Paris were dissolving. My friends were going .

two prospective donors appeared whom the Young Ottomans had only known as enemies to that date. on the other hand. could do no more than puzzle at the Pa§a's presence in Turkey. Although the Hurriyet was regularly smuggled into Turkey and widely distributed. the return of Mustafa Faztl Pa§a and the obvious ambiguity of his relations with the exiles had aroused the suspicions of the newspaper-reading public in the capital. . on condition that the Hurriyet modify its approach. did not pass opinion on this personally. The first of these was Ali Pa§a. 2 1 8 f. added to his immorality and the fact that this was known to all of us. they felt no loyalty to Mustafa Faz1l who. and considered the best way out was to bury himself in study. made us handle him in a way that would preclude his engaging into activities that would show us in a wrong light. The highly eccentric conduct of Suavi. while the Hurriyet was in these straits.T H E Y O U N G O T T O M A NS rnatics. decided that they could deceive the Porte into believing that for the sake of such a contribution they would betray their ideals. "Re§ad Bey. to fit legal standards. . The Porte approached the Hurriyet with an offer to buy 2000 subscriptions. Kemal's friends. r. quoting Nuri's manuscript mentioned in note 1 at the beginning of this chapter. to ensure that Ziya Pa§a · 93 Ertaylan. Turk Edebiyati Tarilti. Ironically enough." 9 3 Finally. Furthermore. he could not control his desir e to apply the dicta of j urisprudence with which his mind was taken and therefore could not resist the temptation of proclaiming the necessity for every one of the actions undertaken towards the materiali­ zation of our aims. Ondokuzuncu A sir. the concurrent collaboration of its patron with the Imperial Government robbed its criticism of any sting for those who were acquainted with the Hurriyet's background of intrigues. he did not consider any ideas except his own to be reasonable. "Let us now come to Suavi. The uninitiated. Nuri and Re§ad. But just as he did not define what he meant by this. while feeling that we were stuck in a problem without issue.

94 At the same time Kemal was indignant at the absurdity of the situation into which he had been forced. however. for this would have meant his disassociation from the maj ority of the Young Ottomans who had become anti-Faz11.. who disagreed with Ziya's stand. 1 8 6 8. in turn. 1 . Ziya was able to 9 4 "Ya§asm Sultan Aziz Han. p. on the other hand. and the subscription scheme also fell through. 4 4 3 . 442. in return for the khedive's gratuities. 1 . 95 This is a paraphrase of Kemal's own descripti on. explicitly taking up the defense of the khedive . 9 5 Due to the contributions of the khedive. Profes­ sor Abdiilkadir Karahan of the University of Istanbul has recently found in the British Museum letters exchanged between Ziya and an intermediary of the khedive which clarify these arrangements. This time it was Ziya Pa§a who was inclined to think of accepting the khedive's contribution. But Kemal's pleas were not successful. Hiirriyet. Aferin Bab-1 Ali" ( «Long live Sultan Abdiilaziz. on one hand. He wrote his father to plead with Mustafa Faz1l to desist from his childish demands that Kemal disassociate himself from Ziya. Kemal. p. this was the khedive Ismail. The khedive had quarreled with . An extraordinary editorial policy now ensued whereby. Nanuk Kemal. was ready to split the Young Ottoman group. without.Ali Pa§a and now found the Hurriyet to be a good platform for anti-Ali propaganda. The plan was to write one article favoring the Porte but to continue to attack it after the subscription money had been received on the strength of the article in favor. A second "angel" now appeared who was also interested in keeping the Hurriyet alive . December 2 1 . Bravo to the Porte ! " ) . carried on a polemic against the khedive in pages of the same j ournal. Ziya Pa§a in his articles lashed at Ali Pa§a. Kemal was outraged even at the thought of such a prospect. 52 . ibid. would have meant stopping the publication of the Hurriyet. This.T HE Y O UNG O T T O M A NS would stop writing his highly personal articles against Otto­ man ministers. For a letter of Kemal see Kuntay. Kemal was convinced that this was the best solution of their problem and the article was duly written.

as preparations to float the third Egyptian loan in seven years and orders for armaments from European arms manufacturers. but Ismail was using this oppor­ tunity to show that Egypt was far enough ahead on the road to civilization to be given its place in the community of nations. The resulting displeasure of the Porte was so great and A. Nubar Pa§a. undertaken in the name of the Egyptian principality. During his trip the khedive's aide. with the two princely brothers vying with each other in the use of monetary inducements and deter­ rents. Most pervasive again. Faz1l Pa�a's hopes that he would be appointed in his brother' s stead were once more aroused. The khedive struck first and in July of 1 8 69 an attempt 53 . The account of the developments that followed as given by Ebiizziya does not fully agree with information which is found in Kemal's own letters. both of which were most distasteful to the Porte. were meant by the khedive as tests that would show how far he could go in freeing himself completely from Turkish tutelage. The official reason for Ismail's visit was that of extending to European sovereigns invitations to attend the opening of the Suez Canal. however. This state of affairs continued until the summer of I 869. The first of these was a campaign of self-advertise­ ment aimed at demonstrating the extent of the khedive's Euro­ peanization. when once again the Egyptian question took a new turn and Mustafa Faz1l succeeded in separating Kemal from Ziya. In the spring of that year the khedive Ismail had embarked on two undertakings. Such actions. related to the first. are financial questions. was to estab­ lish a few precedents to strengthen a prospective claim to wider independence from Turkey. had made rather short shrift of Ottoman plenipotentiaries accredited in the various European capitals which he had visited and had humiliated several of them in matters of protocol by insisting on taking precedence over them.T HE Y O UNG O T T O M A NS eke out a living in London. 'fhe second of Ismail's aims.Ii Pa§a so infuriated by khedivial conduct that Ismail's dismissal seems to have been seriously considered .

izziya. p. who was vacationing in Hamburg. after having over­ seen the printing of a series of three articles which he had written. where Ziya and Kemal were vacationing. 3 1 6-3 2 6 . but Ziya flew into a towering rage.'' December 1 4. was unceremoniously ejected by the latter from the hotel room in which the inter­ view had occurred. 1.000 francs he had won when he suddenly left for Istanbul. According to Ebi. Having "broken the bank" at the local casino. and retired to Geneva. having contacted Kemal. the Polish etni.gre. Thus. begin­ ning with the issue of September 1 3. 44 2 . At this juncture some really important news with regard to · his political future must have reached Mustafa Faz1l. established in the name of the Young Ottoman. . Two days after his arrival he was appointed minister without port­ folio. once and for all. sent back to Mus­ tafa Faz1l the 250. 9 8 Douin. Ebiizziya Tevfik. "Yeni Osmanhlar Tarihi. Some such arrangement must have taken place for Ziya to have been able to go on publishing the Hurriyet singlehandedly. would continue to serve the ends of the Young Ottoman Society. 1 8 6 9 . 9 6 Then in mid-August his agent Sakakini arrived in Ostend. Agah Efendi. Felatun Pa§a.T HE YO UNG O T TO MA NS was made to bribe Kemal through the khedive's expert on such delicate missions. This time Kemal. be suspended. where he arrived at the end of July 1 8 6 9 . with a re­ quest from Faz1l that the publication of the Hiirriyet should. He also declared to Sakakini that the print­ ing press of the Hurriyet. 1 9 09. Felatun Pa§a. I 8 6 9 . The fact that the Hurriyet was now transformed into an exclusively anti-Ali polemical sheet certainly also points in that direction. Histoire. I I .97 Ziya was approached in Geneva by the emissaries of the khedive and provided with more ex­ tensive support than he had received up to that time. Kemal handed the administration of the press over to Agah on September 6. 96 97 54 Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. he was engaged in spend­ ing the 600.000 francs left as emergency funds. despairing. gave up. 4 · 9 8 Kuntay. Namik Kemal.

Fo r Ziya' s negotiations with Ismail see ibid. i o o Hilrriyet. In February of I 8 70 the British authorities started a lawsuit against him for having published in the Hurriyet an article by Suavi advocating the assassination of Ali Pa§a. where the next issue of the Hurriyet appeared in April of 1 8 7 0. The reason for this was clear-under khedivial patronage the .Hurriyet no longer served the cause of Young Ottoman . Ali Suavi states that the Young Ottomans who were true to their ideals decided to "expel" the prince from the organization ( UUi.reform..T HE Y O U N G O T T O MA NS The degree of elasticity that was demanded of an editorial policy which at one and the same time had to appeal to readers in Istanbul ( thus to be critical of Ismail. fled to Switzerland. He spent extraordinary sums mak­ ing friends in the immediate entourage of the sultan and thus was able to influence the latter in his favor. ibid. 8 3 6. could now be seen : the Geneva issues of the newspaper were increasingly concerned with de­ :fending the sultan against Mehmed Bey's new publication.January 1 8 70 Nam1k Kemal was emphatically request­ ing that the Hurriyet print the news of his dissociation with it. fearing the penalties incurred under British law for such an offense. p. A definite shift in atti­ tude. the 99 Facsimile. The plan for his deposition had not been looked upon with favor by t he European powers. When this was not done.8 4 1 ) . 100 Ziya. pp.99 As editor. who was greatly dis­ liked) . 1 -9 I . he printed and distributed a notice of the complete severance of all his ties with the Hurriyet. however. 3 .m. due to Ziya's editorship.. but also had to serve Ismail's ends (thus implying that in some respects Ismail was really not at fault) and con­ currently to lash at the Porte was not beyond the polemical talent of Ziya. 44 5 . p. By . 1 8 6 9 . u. December 2 0. but Ismail secured his position well without any outside help. undated. In the Ottoman capital too Ismail was victorious. Ziya Pa§a immediately got into com­ plications. SS . By December of I 8 70 Mustafa Faz1l's hopes of being made khedive had completely faded.

Mahmud Nedim Pa§a. only published a few short humorous pieces in the weekly humor magazine. with the other members more or less following his lead. supervising a printing of the Koran-a venture in which Mustafa Faz1l had engaged. the existing press law did . Nuri. therefore. Under Mah­ mud · Nedim Pa§a's rule. 1 . more than ever before. the Young Ottoman movement is associated with the activities of Kemal. 1 04 Kuntay. The Young Ottomans. 1 8 7 0 . Namik Kemal. But since he had bee n the owner of a newspaper which had been closed. Ill. was made Grand Vizier." A ylik A nsiklopedi. 44 6. Namtk Kemal. 1 0 2 Upon having been promised that he could safely return. Upon the general amnesty granted by Mahmud Nedim. 1 2 7 . Kemal attempted to bring out a newspaper which would have been called lstiklal ("Inde­ pendence") . 1 03 Once back in the capital. Nam1k Kemal left London for Istanbul. note 6 . and Re�ad were later to j oin forces in Paris. in­ deed. 9 8. 1 . Mehmed. remained in London. even after his resignation from the Hurriyet. not allow him to own a newspaper. 1 1 . Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a after repeated requests succeeded in having Kemal call on Ali Pa§a. May 1 . 1 0 1 Kuntay. 1 04 Kemal had promised Ali that he would not resume his j ournalistic writings upon his return and. 1 2 6. I was able to see only the French supplement of this publication entitled La Revolution : Organe de la Democratie Musulmane. 9 9 . For information about the latter see ihsan Sungu. 1 . 1 0 2 Kuntay. From this time on. a n exponent of liberal ideas. Nam1k Kemal. 1 0 5 Thus the first phase of the Young Ottoman venture came to an end.1°1 where the first attempts were made to elaborate a theory of revolutionary action. where all three served as volunteers with the Republican forces during the Commune. Later Developments In September I 8 7 I Ali Pa�a died and the uncle of Mehmed Bey. 1 8 7 0 . 1 0 5 The Diyojen was published b y Kemal 's friend. . 49 5 . the Diyojen. 1 0 8 He left London on November 2 5 . the re­ mainder of the Young Ottomans arrived in Istanbul. Theodor Kasap . Namik Kemal. 1.T HE YO U N G O T T O MA NS lnkilab. "Teodor (sic) Kasap. No.


decided to rent the name of a newspaper which was appearing
under the name of lbret.
The publication of the lbret had been made possible, again,
by the generosity of Mustafa Fazil Pa�a. The prince had pur­
chased the printing plant of the Tasvir-i Efkar in the fall of
I 8 7 I when, within a week of Ali Pa§a's death, �inasi suc­
cumbed to an illness which had been undermining his health
for years. Mustafa Fazil Pa§a had then turned the press over
to the two Young Ottomans who were already in the capital
, in the fall of 11 8 7 I . One of these was Kemal ; the other was
Ebiizziya Tevfik, the author of the only extant history of the
· Young Ottoman movement. Ebilzziya was a former col­
league of Kemal from the days of the Patriotic Alliance and
had taken over the Tasvir-i Efkar following Kemal's flight.
The Tasvir, however, had not been published very long by
Ebiizziya, whose main occupation was that of a secretary at
the Council of State. When, soon after the purchase of �inasi's
press, Ebiizziya was dismissed from the governmental post
he held, Fazil Pa§a' s gift indeed proved a godsend.
The dismissal of Ebilzziya had a special significance in
relation to the goals which at an earlier time the Young
Ottomans had set themselves. It was a sign that, with the de­
mise of Fuad Pa§a in I 8 69 and the disappearance from the
political scene of Ali Pa§a, all paths had not as yet been cleared
for them. In fact, upon their return the exiles were to find
that the ideas they had championed were meeting with more
invidious obstacles than those at one time thrown up by Ali
and Fuad. On the one hand, they discovered that there existed
an influential group of superreactionaries who were not at all
convinced of the excellence of ' their synthesis between East
and West. On the other hand, they found that the "tyranny"
of ministers of which they had complained was more en­
trenched and pervasive a force than they had thought possible.
Ebiizziya's loss of his j ob was the consequence of a head-on
encounter with the first force, i.e., religious reaction. This
was a first portent that the facts of Ottoman society were




somewhat different from what the Young Ottomans had
imagined them to be. Nam1k Kemal's second clash with bureau­
cratic authoritarianism which came somewhat later was, in
turn, a harsher warning of the realities of political life. It is
indeed an irony of fate, and no doubt must have struck Kemal
as such, that when this clash occurred and Kemal was asked
for the second time in his life to leave Istanbul for having
criticized the government, it should have been Midhat Pa§a,
then Grand Vizier-the very same Midhat Pa§a whom the
Young Ottomans had praised both in the Muhbir and the
Hurriyet as the ideal statesman-who insisted that Kemal
conform to this demand.
The reason for Ebiizziya's loss of his j ob in I 8 7 1 is, in itself,
quite instructive as to the competing currents of thought that
were at work in the Ottoma � Empire at the time. Following
Mahmud N edim Pa§a's appointment to the grand vizierate,
. the presidency of the Council of State had been given to
Nam1k Pa§a. The latter had been known as a man of broad
liberal views and had, for a while, served as the Ottoman
ambassador to th e Court of St. James. Nam1k Kemal had also
praised him in the Hurriy et as an able and honest statesman.
Lately, however, Nam1k Pa§a had come under the influence
of a Halveti mystic group and had decided that his earlier
admiration of things European had been mistaken. 106 One of

Ebiizziya mentions the influence on Nam1k Pa§a of a Halveti group
whose founder was Ibrahim Ku§adah. See Ebiizziya Tev:fik, "Yeni Osman­
hlar Tarihi, ,, Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar, October 5 , 1 9 0 9 . Ku§adah had died in
845- 1 846, but his disciples seem to have retained considerable influence.
Ku§adalt's circle provides us with an interesting illustration of the contra­
dictory directions in which such mystical teachings could work. Among his
disciples were Ali Ali and Mii§fik, the chief editorial writers of the Ceride-i
Havadis (see below, Chapter 1v) and men who were precursors of the
Young Ottomans in establishing a nucleus of the discontented intelligentsia.
Another disciple of Ku§adah was �eyh Osman �ems, who imparted his
mystical insight to Kcmal and seems to have influenced Kemal's conception
of individual freedom. ( See below, Chapter x . ) In the case of Nam1k Pa§a,
Ku§adah's influence showed in the form of neopuritanism. For Ku§adalt,
see Bursah Mehmed Tahir, Osmanli Muellifteri ( Istanbul, Matbaa-i A.mire,
1 3 3 3/1 9 1 4 - 1 9 1 5 ), 1, 1 5 1 ; inal, Son A sir, pp. 9 7, 1 on , 1 9 7 6. The Halvetiye



the first steps he had taken to mend his ways was to announce
that in the future the employees of the Council of State were
to interrupt their work at prayer time and assemble in a room
which Nam1k Pa§a had had converted into a chapel. The Pa§a
was to act as a prayer leader. Ebiizziya and some of his friends
failed to appear at prayer time and were thereupon dismissed.
Ebiizziya thus decided to make a living by publishing books.
His guess that an audience of potential book readers existed
in Istanbul proved to be right and he made a handsome profit
on the sale of his first two publications. The first of these was
a drama entitled Ecel ve Kaza ( "Fate and Fatality" ) , a patri­
otic piece which Ebilzziya himself states to have been the first
work of its kind in Turkey.107
The second work was a biography of Saladin by Nam1k
Kemal. Both brochures were completely sold out within a
short time. Neither was the enthusiasm for the booklet on the
life and times of Saladin, the Islamic hero, entirely fortuitous.
The idea of a renaissance of th e Islamic people was in the air
and had even .had repercussions among the Young Ottomans.
The latter now began to work out a more extensive theory
of the political unification of Islamic people.
The origin of this reappraisal went back to the new pattern
assumed by the European balance of power following the
Franco-Prussian War. As a result of i ts defeat, France had
lost its preponderant position in the Middle East. On the other
hand, in the Ottoman area Russia had been strengthened by
the war, and Balkan nationalist and separatist movements be­
gan more and more to take their cue from th e Russian Pan­
Slavists. For some time, this had worried the Young O ttomans ,
was one o f the oldest orders with definitely ascetic practices. See John P.
Brown, The Dervishes or Oriental Spiritualism (ed. by H. A. Rose, London,
Oxford University Press, 1 9 2 7 ) , p. 2 8 8 . For Nam1k Pa§a's influence, see
Benoit Brunswik, La Succession au Trone de Turquie (Paris, Amyot, 1 8 72 ) ,
pp. 4 9, 5 0.
1 0 7 Ebiizz iya Tevfik, "Yeni Osmanhlar Tarihi,'' Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar,
October 6, 1 9 09. Unless otherwise indicated, my account of the Y'oung
Ottomans' fortunes between i 8 7 0 and 1 8 7 6 is based entirely on Ehi.izziya's




who were also aware of the extent of the Russian cultural
penetration into the Balkans. 1 0 8
In Germany too a Pan-German movement was taking shape.
Conversely, as Engelhardt well describes it, a feeling arose in
the Ottoman Empire, both in official circles and among the
out-and-out opponents of Westernization, that this was the
time for the Ottoman Empire to escape the tutelage of the
Western Powers. 1 0 9 There occurred an ingathering of hitherto
centrifugal forces. The common focus was the desire to free
the Ottoman Empire of its inferior position in its relations
with Western Powers. From this to th e idea of a bond uniting
all Moslems was only a step. This step was taken when the
Young Ottomans "invented" Pan-Islamism.1 10
Already, in their articles in the Hiirriy et, the Young Otto­
mans had stated that it had been the aim of the Ottoman
sultans, at the time of the expansion of the Ottoman �mpire,
to establish such a union of all Islamic people.111 In another
context, the noncommittal attitude of the Porte toward Central
Asian khans who were pleading for Ottoman support against
1 0 8 «Mesele-yi �arkiyenin Bugiinkii Hali," Muhbir, September 7, 1 8 6 7 ,
p. 2 .
1 0 9 Engelhardt, L a Turquie et le Tanzimat, 1 1 , 8 9-9 1 .
11 0 See Kaplan, Namik Kemal, p. 8 o. N uri Bey explained the attitude of

the Young Ottomans as follows : ((Against this kind of European union, we
are obliged to secure our own country's political and military union," ibid.
For a sample of the Young Ottomans' new approach see Nam1k Kemal's
article on Islamic union, "ittihad-1 islam,'' ibret, June 2 7, 1 8 2 7, in Mustafa
Nihat Ozon, Namik Kemal ve i bret Gazetesi (Istanbul, Remzi Kitabevi,
1 9 3 8 ) , p. 74. The specific form that this union was to assume was that of
a tightening of bonds with those of the provinces of the Ottoman Empire,
such as Egypt and Tunis, which for some time now had been hanging to
the mother country only by the most tenuous of threads (N uri, "Te§yid-i
Revab1t," i bret, June 2 o, 1 8 7 2 ) . The developments that had precipitated
the new interest for a tighter-knit Islamic community were the success that
the Germans had obtained in their own efforts at union and the spread of the
Pan-Slav idea. On the other hand, Kemal also realized that the new ad­
vances in communications provided the means of cementing such national
clusters. As he stated : "Twenty years ago, the fact that there were Moslems
in Ka§gar was not known. Now, public opinion tries to obtain union with
them, This inclination resembles an overpowering flood which will not be
stopped by any · obstacle placed in its way" (Nam1k Kemal, «Meylan-1
Alem," lbret, July 6, 1 8 7 2, in Ozon, Namik Kemal, p. 9 1 ) .
111 [Ziya Pa§a? ] , "Miilahaza," Hlirriyet, November 9, 1 8 6 8, p. 1 .



Russia had been criticized by the Hiirriyet as a shan1eful re­
treat at a time when Moslem brethren were crying for help. 11 2
Thus an amorphous proto Pan Islamism had for so me time
been implicit in the Young Ottoman position. Now, after their
return to Turkey, the lbret specifically took up for discussion
the idea of an Islamic union. 11 8
It is important to keep in mind at this juncture that the
Young Ottomans had little in common with the more reac­
tionary groups who thought of Islamic union in terms of a
preparation for a splendid holy war to end all holy wars. The
Young Ottomans' lack of aggressive proclivities, their empha­
sis on self-improvement through the adoption of selected
features of Western life, the purely defensive stand involved
in their demands that Western slights on Ottoman sovereignty
cease-all these were features of their ideology which carried
through into their writings in the lbret. 11 4 It was true, how­
ever, that men of all shades of opinion in the capital were in a
mood to enjoy the history of Saladin's prowesses.
Another result of the Franco-Prussian War had been the
displacement of France by Germany as the most successful
embodiment of Western civilization. Kemal's new admiration
for Prussia may be followed in a "paper" which Ali Pa�a had
1 1 2 Editorial, Hurriyet, May 1 0, I 8 6 9, p. I .


113 N am1k Kemal was ,also corresponding at the time with Leon Cahun,

the French author whose works of historical :fiction about the Turks of
Central Asia were to influence Turkish intellectuals in the first years of the
twentieth century. See Kuntay, Namik Kemal, r, 1 , p. 5 3 0 . In 1 8 6 7 at the
time when Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's Lettre had appeared in Liberte, Leon
Cahun had been contributing articles on the Ottoman Empire to this news­
paper in which he stated that the problem of "liberty,, was the core of
Turkish ills (Liberte, June 1 0, 1 8 6 7, p. 1 ) and in which he described the
arrests of June 1 8 6 7 (Liberte, June 2 2, 1 8 6 7, p. 2 ) . Kemal probably was in
touch with Cahun while he was in Paris.
11 4 The j bret, for example, was most enthusiastic about the society for
the propagandizing of Islam established by Tahsin Efendi (see below, Chap­
ter VI I ) . It stated that to find a principle of Islamic union in the "pages
of books was a better way of going about this task than by the use of the
sword. See N am1k Kemal, "i ttihad-1 islam,,, j bret, June 2 7 , l 8 7 2, in Ozon,
Namik Kemal, p. 7 8 . This moderation stands out particularly when it is
compared with the more extreme Basiret, see Mordtmann, Stambul, 1, 1 47,
35 I ; I I , 240-244.



convinced him to prepare after his return to Istanbul. 11 5 Ali
had been curious regarding Kemal's opinion of Prussian suc­
cesses. Interestingly enough, in the memorandum which he
delivered, Kemal gave as his estimate for the reasons for
Prussian superiority the extent of their technical advances. In
this, and in the importance granted in Germany to practical
training, he thought lay th e reasons for which the Ottoman
Empire would have to look up to Germany in the future,
rather than to France or England. Kemal's concern with the
technical apparatus of progress is also reflected in the maj ority
of the articles he wrote for the lbret.
The final ingredient that gave the lbret its stamp was the
great disappointment of the Young Ottomans with the gov­
ernment of Mahmud Nedim. This was caused, in turn, by the
incredible disorganization of the governmental machine under
Mahmud Nedim's rule. Mostly interested in keeping possible
rivals out of sight, Mehmed Bey's uncle had begun to shift
ministers, governors, and generals at a breath-taking pace and
was unable to attend to the slightest governmental routine.11 6
Consequently the lbret took over, as a critic of the government,
where the Hurriyet had left off. Again, it was t he khedive
Ismail _who was to cause the activities of the Young Ottomans
to come to a standstill.
When, in May of I 8 72, the 1bret first appeared, the khedive
had been on his yearly visi t to the Ottoman capital. He be­
lieved that with Ali Pa§a out of the way it would not be diffi­
cult to cut away a few more of the ties of vassalage that bound
Egypt to the Ottoman Empire. He was ready to pay dearly
for any achievements in this respect. During Ismail's visit
there appeared in the columns of the daily Hakayik ul-Vekayi
11 5 The text of this report may be found in [N am1k Kemal] , "Kemal
beyin bir miitalaa-i siyasiyesi," Mecmua-i Ebuzziya, 1 Muharrem 1 29 8/
December 4, 1 8 8 0, pp. 2 2 5-2 3 1 .
11 6 On Mahmud Nedim's earlier life and his rivalry with Fuad, see
Cevdet Pa§a, ccMaruzat" T. T.E.M. ( 1 9 2 6 ) , XVI, 1 6 8, 1 69. On his policy
of dismissal, Mordtmann, Stambul, 1, 1 l 7, 1 l 8, and Ali Efendi, Istanbulda
Yarim Asirlik Vekai-i Muhimme ( Istanbul, Matbaa-i Hiiseyin ve Enver,
1 3 2 5/1 909-1 9 1 0) , p. 3 0.


a running commentary of his doings which, to the exasperated
Young Ottomans, seemed of utmost servility and which, in
fact, was quite fawning. This was the result of Ismail's gen­
erosity with its editor. The 1bret thereupon took the Hakayik
ul-Vekayi to task several times in a row. The lbret also in­
curred official displeasure by giving a day-by-day pinprick
account of Midhat Pa§a's voyage back to the capital. Midhat
had been recalled from the governorship of Baghdad and was
returning to Istanbul before proceeding to a new post , but
Mahmud Nedim shuddered at the thought of having a serious
rival in Istanbul.
At first the incursions of the 1bret into such dangerous
chronicling drew only a mild rebuke for discourtesy to Ismail.
Ismail, as usual, went his own way in trying to settle the mat­
ter and had recourse to his usual glittering, if unimaginative,
monetary argument. He proposed a bribe to Kemal. His emis­
sary, however, was again shown the door. Ismail had better
luck with Hur�id Bey, who headed the press section of the
Ministry of Education. Thus in mid-June the lbret was sus­
pended for a duration of four months.
The Young Ottomans were not entirely surprised when, on
opening a pro-government daily a few days later, they saw
that they had been appointed to administrative posts in various
parts of the empire. The same day Mehmed Bey announced
that his uncle Mahmud Nedim was genuinely sorry that the
Young Ottomans were receiving such harsh treatment but that
he had been obliged to give in to an order from the Palace.
This excuse is not entirely implausible, for Ismail had just
endeared himself to the sultan by a gift of hundreds of rare
African birds. Mahmud Nedim had asked his nephew to
reassure the Young Ottomans that he was as close to them
as ever. A visit by Nuri, Re§ad, Kemal, and Ebiizziya to the
grand vizier was of no use ; Mahmud Nedim declared to the
young men that he never could have found better adminis­
trators. An interview with Rii§dil Pa§a made the four com­
panions realize that even Ottoman statesmen whom they


trusted considered them a nuisance. This realization prompted
Nuri and Re§ad to accept their appointments. At least, they
thought, as administrators they could try to improve the
country from a position of personal strength.
As for Kemal, he devised a way of delaying his departure
from the capital. The usual procedure was that an adminis­
trator, on receiving an appointment in one of the provinces,
put up collateral provided by money-lenders as security toward
the repayment to the central administration of the taxes to be
collected. The latter were then repaid when the actual tax­
collecting had begun. Kemal, on principle, refused to enter
into an arrangement which he thought was humiliating to the
sultan's subj ects. He also used this excuse to delay the pro­
cedure of his appointment.
By that time Midhat Pa§a had arrived in the capital and
Kemal served as an intermediary between the Ottoman heir,
Prince Murad, and Midhat. Nothing came out of these con­
tacts, Midhat having refused to discuss what had all the ear­
marks of a conspiracy to depose Abdiilaziz. A few days later
Midhat had succeeded in having himself appointed grand
vizier through the simpler tactic of asking an audience from
the sovereign ( July 3 1 , 1 8 72 ) .
What should have been a complete change in the fortunes
of the Young Ottomans, however, provided no more than
cold comfort for them. Midhat Pa§a insisted that Kemal, who
had antagonized all too many people at the Porte, leave for
his post in Gelibolu. The grand vizier personally stood as the
guarantor required for his appointment. As for Ebiizziya, he
was free to act as he pleasttd, since the position to which he
had been appointed while Mahmud Nedim was in power had
been created by Mahmud and was abolished upon his fall
from power. On the twenty-sixth of September I 8 72 Kemal
left for Gelibolu. Ebiizziya accompanied him and after a short
stay returned to Istanbul. · Fifteen days later Midhat Pa§a was
dismissed and Rii§dii Pa§a was appointed in his stead.
EbUzziya had decided that he would devote himself to pub64


lishing, regardless of the obstacles that he would encounter.
Back in Istanbul he bought the rights of a newssheet which
had stopped publication, the Hadika, and transformed it into
an organ of political criticism. When the four-month period
for which the 1bret had been suspended came to an end, some­
what shortened by an act of imperial mercy, Ebilzziya resumed
the publication of the lbret. Nam1k Kemal sent articles to both
j ournals. Kemal was finally able to get himself dismissed and
returned to Istanbul on December 20, 1 8 72. He once again
assumed entire responsibility for the 1bret. Both Kemal and
Ziya were also using the columns of a humorous weekly, the
Diyojen, to needle the government. Neither fun-making nor
criticism endeared the Young Ottomans to Ri.i§di.i Pa§a. On
January 1 3, 1 8 73, the Diyojen was suspended for an unlimited
time. Ebi.izziya continued hi s attacks in the 'Hadika, but at
th e end of January Ril§di.i Pa§a found a pretext to close it too.
The occasion was a memorable one, even if Ri.i§di.i Pa§a did
not realize it at the time. The incident he seized on was the
first recorded instance of labor agitation to have occurred in
the Ottoman Empire. This had been caused by arrears in the
payment of navalyard workers. A march on the Ministry of
the Navy had been organized by the hungry workers to pre­
sent a petition to the Minister. Soldiers had refused to dis­
perse the workers and the minister himself had escaped under
a hail of stones. The crowd had then proceeded to the Grand
Vizierate. There they had found the gate doors locked. As a
last resort the workers had come to Ebi.izziya's printing plant
and requested that he publish their petition. Ebilzziya had
agreed to this. The Hadika was thereupon suspended on J anu­
ary 23 , 1 8 73 . On this occasion, however, Nam1k Kemal, whose
articles dealing with such abstractions as "progress" and "civili­
zation" were thought to be less dangerous t.han those of the
Hadika, was not bothered. Kemal thus failed to rush to
Ebiizziya's defense in the 1bret an attitude which Ebilzziya
mentions as the only one he ever had to criticize throughout
their long association.

The Cuzdan came out at a time when even nonpolitical articles were beginning to be closely scanned. but as Turkish ambassador to Vienna he had maintained close relations with the Young Ottomans. implying that every · article contained in it violated the instructions of the Ministry of Education. t here­ £ore. had led the Ministry of Education to circularize a note among editors asking them to be cautious in selecting suitable subj ect matter for articles. 3 84." p. After 1 8 67 Halil �erif had receded into the background of Turkish constitutionalism. was somewhat unexpected. N am1k Kem al had been his guest for some time while Kemal was on his way back to Istanbul. «Reform in the Ottoman Empire. He was successful in getting permission to publish one entitled Cuzdan. Pa�a by Russian Ambassador Ignatyeff. The man who granted th e permission to Ebi. to embarrass his ministerial colleague by increasing the number of liberal publications. Ebi.izziya thereupon printed an announcement in the lbret on the day the Cuzdan was offered for sale.T HE Y O UN G O T T O M A N S Within two days Ebtizziya was again busy looking up influential friends to register the name of another newspaper.izziya was Halil �erif Pa�a. pub­ lished by Ahmed Midhat. had been preparing a plan for a federal constitution for the Ottoman Empire which had been wrecked by the pressures brought to bear on the Grand Vizier Ri. The result was that the Cuzdan was sold out the very day it appeared. By the time government agents came to seize the issue only 200 copies were left at the printing plant. In the fall of I 8 72 Halil �erif. 66 . Thus an article on Darwin which appeared in the periodical Dagarcik. Sometime in March of 1 8 73 Nuri Bey had returned to Istanbul. 11 1 Halil �erif was not unwilling. as Minister of Foreign Affairs.HU Agop. The theater in its Western form 11 7 Davison.i§dil. In coopera­ tion with Kemal and under the sponsorship of Halil �erif Pa�a he had started a theatrical arts society so as to · build up a solid "Ottoman drama" repertoire for the small theater started by one Gil. The event which precipitated the third exile of the Young Ottomans. however.

THE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS was an innovation in Turkey and after �inasi's and Ahmed Vefik Pa§a's efforts to introduce the genre in Turkey it was beginning to appeal to Turkish audiences. a play written by Kemal was per­ formed. Under these circumstances evidence of widespread support for Kemal among the elite meant an increase in the potential danger represented by Prince Murad. Namik Kemal. Great hopes 11s Ozon. later. The direct · an outstanding technical appeal to the spectator's emotionsadvantage of the Western theater over its stylized. 2 08 -2 1 1 . The conspiracy to depose the sultan had been engineered by such eminent politicians as Midhat Pa§a and RU§dii Pa§a and such outstanding military leaders as Hiiseyin Avni Pa§a and SUleyman Pa�a. who had been in close touch with Kemaf were one by one incarcerated at the Ministry of Police in the capital. Ebiizziya and Ahmed Midhat to Rhodes. 1 8 73. and a young alim. Ahmed Midhat. Turkish equivalent-had an immediate effect. 1 8 73 ) the lbret was sus­ pended and Nam1k Kemal. Ebiizziya Tevfik. in 1 8 76 Sultan Abdulaziz was deposed. Nam1k Kemal remained under house arrest in Cyprus for more than two and a half years. Patterned on patriotic French plays of the period but colored by a romanticism which had gone out of fashion in Europe. quite effective on a Turkish audience. Nuri. pp. The subject of the play was the defense by the Turks of the fortress of Silistria during the Turko-Russian War. Bereketzade Ismail Hakk1. indeed. it was. All these men were then sent into exile : Kemal to Cyprus. The whole theater rocked with shouts of "Long live Kemal ! "1 1 8 It would seem from the ·evidence that has been gathered that this outburst of patriotism particularly upset the govern­ ment because Nam1k Kemal was in touch with many people who were known to be plotting the overthrow of Sultan Abdiilaziz and his replacement by his nephew Murad. on April 1 . The GUllU Agop Theater had begun by giving EbUzziya's Fate and Fatality . Nuri and Bereketzade to Acre. . Immediately thereafter (April 5 . Fortunately for him.

Ziya's close con­ nections with the Palace. 4 1 0 . It was at this point that Ziya Pa�a's figure reemerges from the political limbo in which it had been floating since 1 8 70. gave rise to one of the most famous controversies of Ottoman literary history. Impor­ tant things had happened to Ziya too. n. This contract had already considerably enriched the Austrian entrepreneur. Immediately upon his return he wrote several (unpublicized ) elegiac poems in praise of the sultan. 1 . among others. and even to get a post on the Council of State. Mahmud Nedim was a personal friend of his and provided Ziya with a governmental position. 119 Ziya's close relations with the Palace also made things easier for him. Ziya was soon at odds with Mahmud Nedim. p . Both Savfet and Mahmud Nedim wanted Ziya to initial the renewal without giving him time to examine the text of the document closely. However. widely circulated in the capital 119 For Ziya Pa§a see ismail Hikmet [Ertaylan] . 68 . The clash occurred on the occasion of the renewal of a railroad building concession. The agree­ ment was now coming up for extension to a committee on which. Namik Kemal. to live in compara­ tive ease. 1 9 3 2 ) . however. Eserleri ( Istanbul. Ziya Pa§a : Hayati.T H E Y O UN G O T T O M A NS were raised by what was supposedly a triumph of liberal forces. While Kemal was languishing on Cyprus. enabled him to feel no misgivings with regard to Mahmud Nedim. but his relations with Kemal had become progressively cooler in the years 1 8 701 8 76. sat the Minister of Foreign Affairs Savfet Pa�a. Baron Hirsch. for Kemal in his exile tore it to shreds in a devastating critique. Mahmud Nedim. This work. and-Ziya. upon Mahmud Nedim's appointment Ziya Pa�a had hurried back to Turkey. . the Harabat. Kuntay. Before the deposition of the sultan. 5 4 et seq. He was not any more in the awkward position of having to prove the extent of his attachment to the House of Osman while at the same time lambasting the Ottoman Porte. 4 1 1 . Kanaat Kiitiiphanesi. Ziya refused and tendered his resignation. Ziya succeeded in having an anthology of Ottoman verse published.

In the last days of Abdiilaziz's reign Ziya had finally turned against his imperial ruler and had served as an intermediary between Midhat and Murad. 1 22 In general. He consequently had been appointed First Secretary of the Palace and therefore wielded some power and got his way.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS in manuscrir'. v. whose existence he had never suspected. and merciless. as Kemal's uncle. RU�dii Pa§a would have been quite content to forget about Kemal. An article of Ahmed Midhat's from his place of exile to the periodical Kirkambar. 1 2 2 Kuntay. but Ziya was also on good terms with Murad. pp . competent. Mahir Bey. The Harabat was pub­ lished at the end of 1 8 7 6. see p. for the dates on which these works were published in the Mecmua-i Ebiizziya. back in power once more.. · . 85. pointed out to his nephew in a letter written at the time when Kemal was still 120 Gibb. 1 9 2 5 ) . History of Ottoman Poetry. 7 9 . that they were mostly followers of the old school and of the type of literature which the Young Ottomans had earlier criticized as overloaded and empty. Gibb. Ahmed Midhat had therefore been contacted and asked to work for the Porte-an invitation he had accepted. v. acid. who had been pardoned by the ubiquitous Ril§dil Pa§a. 1 . 121 See Slileyman N azif. 12 ° Kemal's criticism. already been released under somewhat different circumstances. 8 3 . i ki Dost ( Istanbul. 3 7-3 9 . This was Ahmed Midhat. had pleased Ril§dil Pa§a. he should have taken the initiative immedi­ ately following the deposition of Abdulaziz to petition the Grand Vizier Ril§dil Pa§a for Kemal's release. was that many of the men represented in the anthol­ ogy had no original talent. · The article which had so pleased Rti§dti Pa§a was a defense of Islam against Christianity. 4 1 8 . Kanaat Kiitiiphanesi. Namik Kemal. Some time before the coup one other Young Ottoman had . 7 8 . Ottoman Poetry. turm. 1 1 . 121 Thus by I 8 76 the relations between the two men could not have been worse. under such circumstances. published in his absence by his brother. He was also shocked by the discovery of a series of Ziya's odes to the Sultan. It is to the credit of Ziya Pa§a that. 84 .

Ahmed Midhat and his defense of Islamic values were an asset. To Ri. 4 7 7 .i§dil Pa§a was trying to ride and control the crest which had brought him to power by tak­ ing over the manufacture of pro-Islamic propaganda. despite the distance that separated them from the capital.i§dii Pa§a's practica�. written in the I 8 So's. 4 7 5.T HE Y O UN G O T T O M A NS in exile. Bereket­ zade lsmail Hakk1 had written. 1 2 3 Although Kemal had a tendency to dismiss this Islamic re­ vivalism as the work of a few cranks. One of the first signs of a genuine change in the political atmosphere was the use by the new sultan in his first proclama­ tion of words such as the "fatherland" and "liberty. a Grand Council of Notables assembled ( June 8. Thus. In June 1 8 76 Kemal.b i"d . I 8 76) 1 2 4 at the official residence 123 /b'I"d. . This tactic was completely successful. in addition to Ahmed Midhat. in prison." Both of these were Young Ottoman expressions par excellence. an uneasiness which inevita­ bly took some of its more violent expressions from the thou­ sands of softas. he did not approve of the more extreme and anti-Western cast that it was taking. Nuri. 124 J. or students of theology. and Hakk1 returned to Istanbul. The collective pro-Islamic drive was so powerful that it affected even the prisoners. pp . Some time before the coup Rii�dii Pa�a and Midhat Pa�a had taken advantage of this mood to get the softas to demonstrate in front of the palace gates for the dismissal of Mahmud Nedim. P· 7 1 3 . Kemal's remarks were not directed against Christianity but against materialistic atheism. Upon the enthronement of Murad. This was only · o ne of the outward signs of a greater restlessness among the con­ servative elements of the capital. however. . . Now Ri. a work describing the feats of Islamic heroes in Syria. if less refined mind. pamphlets and articles taking up the defense of Islam were becoming increasingly fashionable. The essentially different problem which he had in mind with regard to Eastern versus Western beliefs was quite clearly demonstrated in his own contribution to the defense of Islam­ his "Rebuttal to Renan." In this work.

This was a gathering of those leaders of the community who. who was a member of 'this council. Here. Midhat." The Nineteenth Century ( 1 8 8 8 ) . the coolness in Midhat's rela­ tions with Sill�yman.'' and Silleyman's dislike for Midhat have to be taken into consideration. As for the Young Ottomans. . Midhat Pa§a had no intention of antagonizing a man who. 2 7 9 . the Young Ottomans had stated. could not by any stretch of the imagination be de­ scribed as an ardent constitutionalist. confirm the great cautiousness of Midhat Pa§a-a trait which the Young Otto­ mans also criticized. Ziya Pa�a. did no more than commend Silleyman Pa�a. "The Death of Abdul-Aziz and of Turkish Reform. xxm . though he wanted control over the machinery of the state. for his zeal in defending the principle of represe�tation. 46. pp. whom he later deprecatingly described as a "military pa§a. by Siileyman Pa§a Zade Sami. on the other hand. At a time when Ril§dil Pa§a was still grand vizier. provide at least a rudimentary form of representation. The latter were in a maj ority in the Council of Notables. Nor was Midhat in a hurry to attract the criticism of those who were adamantly opposed to a constitution. would. As to a more elaborate national assembly. after the session was over.THE Y O UNG O T T O M A NS of the �eyh ill-Islam to discuss constitutional reform. if convened.'' taking its 12 5 See Henry Elliot. it seems. 1 3 2 8/1 9 1 0 ) . only two of those present at the meeting-Hali! �erif Pa§a and himself-made outright and firm demands that a representative assembly be established immediately. had been dismissed from his post as First Secretary of the Palace because both Midhat and Ril�dil were afraid that he would there form the nucleus of a "third force. at first they were not directly involved in these activities. 47. Istanbul. of course. 12 5 According to Siileyman Pa�a. however. Matbaa-i Ebiizziya. 12 6 See SUleyman Pa§a Muhakemesi (ed. Midhat Pa�a had already discussed his own plan for one with the British ambassador in the winter of 1 8 75.1 2 6 Silleyman Pa§a's report does. Nam1k Kemal had not as yet re­ ceived any governmental appointment.

Istanbul. who knew the prince best. Be was later ap­ pointed Undersecretary in the Ministry of Education. The earlier emphasis which had been placed on representation was thus shifted to the eliciting of a document which would restrict the sultan's power. was distrusted both by the Porte and by intellectuals. This fact caused great consternation because the candidate to the throne. 128 The importance that the. What had happened was that the restoration of i mp erial authority had o nce again be­ come a primary danger. XIX ncu A sir Turk Edehiyati Tarihi ( 2nd ed. 2 8 6. p. having been breastfed by the same nurse as the sultan. Namik Kemal. Kuntay. I I .. the greatest danger was that the rift. ibrahim Horoz. 2. Namik Kemal. drafting of a basic charter acquired as soon as Abdiilhamid's candidacy to the throne became a possibility is apt to be overlooked. . 1 7 . Ahmed Hamdi Tanpmar. 128 See the information given to Kuntay by the Young Ottoman Nuri Bey. 1 9 5 5 ) . was delegated to speak to him and wring specific promises from him. The nomination of Ziya and Kemal to the key posts of palace secretaries has also usually been stated to have been one of these demands. The ministers knew that he was deceitful and cunning. Midhat Pa§a. in whom such great hopes had been placed. 127 It is quite probable that the suicide of Sultan Abdulaziz. which separated constitutionalists like Midhat from advo127 Kuntay. was mentally unbalanced and unfit to reign." According to him. and they suspected that his rule would mean a return to imperial control over the affairs of the state. A new development soon added a complication to an already confused picture : as days went by. Mu­ rad's brother Abdiilhamid. but recent evidence has thrown doubt on this part of Midhat's bargaining points. Kemal refused the sultan's offer to become his First Secretary. 1 . it was realized that Sultan Murad.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS power from the person of the new sultan. was an event which upset the Young Ottomans considerably. Nuri. 7 1 9 . caused by the shabby treatment he had received after his deposition. had the dubious distinction of being Abdiilhamid's «milk brother. among which were the writing of a constitution and the establishment of a national assembly. n. From Abdiilhamid's point of view.

His advocacy of a constitutional committee created the impression that he was not entirely lost to the constitutionalist cause. The chang e made by the sultan in the text of his speech won him the heart of the anticonstitutionalists. would heal. Nam1k Kemal.the sultan at the end of November. Ziya was nominated chairman .above is only tentative.1 29 A subcommittee was established to draft the text of a new constitution. in the first days of his reign. of the subcommittee. The sultan therefore adopted the tactic of appearing to back the constitutionalists. These developments as presented here still need considerable clarification and the chronological sequence suggested . 7 5 . When they saw through his designs.i.T H E Y O U N G O T T O M A NS cates of a supremacy of ministers like Rii�di. "9 3 Me§rutiyeti. 13 0 A first draft of the constitution was presented to .-Apr. 1 8 76 ( 1 9 Ramazan 1 293 ) . 5 6. While the latter were discussing possible ways of amending the first draft. tried to forestall their changes by forwarding a series of petitions to the sultan in which he attempted to argue that it was not the 1 2 9 See Bekir S1tk1 Baykal. '' The Council of Ministers did modify this draft as requested by the sultan. I I . Every one of the groups involved in this struggle thus was led to believe that the sultan was not entirely beyond salva­ tion. 1 8 76) made only the vaguest mention of an "assembly" and emasculated the text prepared for him by the Porte. 5 6. however. Namik K emal.8 5 . he encouraged the establishment · of a constitutional committee although his first edict upon his accession to the throne ( September 1 0.'' Belleten ( Jan. On November 2 Kemal was appointed to the Council of State and a few day s later to sit on the constitutional subcommittee. This explains why. The constitutional committee was organized on October 8 . He was not satisfied with it and sent it back to the Council of Ministers. 1 7. the sultan sent word that he desired to have an article included which would give him the power to expel from Turkey any "unde­ sirable elements. 73 . 1 942 ) YI. it was already too late. 1 3 ° Kuntay.

led by high-ranking ulema.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS original text but the amended version which restricted the sultan's powers. however. He was unable to subordinate this fear entirely to the more urgent one of autocratic rule. The document was not amended any further. 1 8 76 ( 7 Zilhice 1 2 9 3 ) . RU�dil Pa§a had given in. The latter's downfall had been caused by developments on the international scene. was not the only opponent of the constitutio1.1. taken out during the amending process in the Council of Ministers. That Kemal was also earnestly worried about the possibility of a resurgence of the hegemony of the Porte is clear. had tried to arouse the population of Istanbul against the drafting of such a document. the Imperial Firman whereby the sultan proclaimed the constitution was sent to the Porte. the sultan still tried to postpone as much as possible the enactment of the constitution. Since June of I 8 76 insurrections in the Balkans had been followed by a war against Monte­ negro and Serbia. On December 20 the Sultan dismissed Ril§dil Pa§a and brought Midhat Pa§a to the grand vizierate. and his prestige in the capital had fallen considerably. and on December 3 . At the end of October 1 8 76 a group of Mahmud Nedim's supporters. The sultan. Although he thus strengthened Midhat's hand. A final effort was made by his allies to put back the date of its proclamation. These representations of Kemal were of no avail. Midhat Pa§a was adamant. The Ottoman army was waging a victorious war against Serbia when an ultimatum had come from the Russians to stop the offensive and to establish an international conference to discuss the situation. These articles defined the powers of the monarch and there­ fore set limits to his authority. some of whom had sat on the Council of Notables. AbdUlhamid had seized on a temporary setback of RU§dil Pa§a to get rid of him. but similar 74 . What Kemal was hoping to achieve was to save the first few articles of the draft constitution. These men were immediately sent off into exile.

however. 1 88 Although Silleyman Pa§a himself denies 1 3 1 For a text of an order of Mehmed Rii§dii forbidding the public dis­ cussion of reform see Staatsarchiv. if it were." Cttmhuriyet. I I . "Bir Devrin Tarihi. At least one alim.T HE Y O UN G O T T O M A NS anti-Western and anti-constitutional groups were at work in the capital. 2. as subsequent developments were to show. he was unsuccessful. On the other hand. As early as October of 1 8 76 they seem to have been working to destroy the sultan's control over the Ottoman army by appealing di­ rectly to the individuals who made up the army. reactionary elements did not seem to him to constitute the . 1 32 The style was reminiscent of the speeches given to the French revolutionary army of 1 792. February 1 4. The point at issue was whether this had reference both to Moslems and Christians . was with later revolutionary ideas. and Kemal. Ziya. p.main danger. Esad Efendi. for instance. 1 8 2 For a copy of such a letter see Suleyman Pa�a Muhakemesi. ·with each gift came a letter thanking the soldier in the name of the fatherland for his sacrifices and implying that these were not in vain since he was fighting for national independ­ ence and political freedom. note 1 4 . The Donations Society had been sponsored by Midhat Pa§a. Namik Kemal. 1 3 0. 1 8 1· Although the actions of the forces of reaction spurred Kemal to write a series of articles in defense of the constitution. some of the alims are . Kuntay. See Memduh Pa§a. I I I . p. To the Young Ottomans and to Midhat the . Vilayet Matbaas1. had published a pamphlet stating that the people had the right to depose a tyrannical ruler. The purpose of this society was ostensibly to pro­ vide clothes for soldiers in Bosnia. I I I . When Abdiilhamid. In Midhat . Naztm Pa§a. 8 9 . For the conspiracy of ulema. Controversy among the ulema sitting on the constitutional committee raged around the Koranic dictum with regard to the obligation of the ruler to consult with the community . Esvat-i Sudur ( Izmir. 1 88 Ibid. 5 9. Namik Kemal. or that. Kuntay..main danger was that no constitution would be forthcoming. 75 . No. p. .Pa§a's mansion the headquarters of a charitable society was established. 1 93 9 . p. 66. reported to have adopted a strictly neutral attitude. 2. tried to obtain from them a categorical firman against the constitu­ tion. 5 7 7 5 . 1 3 3 3fi 9 1 4) . 1 5 3 . 2 . 8 4. n. The real relation. the sultan would not observe it. Ibid. Garments purchased with the funds collected were taken to the front by the agents of this Military Donations Society and distributed to soldiers. Koran ( Bell ) .

1 8 77. Finally he was exiled to Midilli ( Mytilene) . II.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS it. The caliphate was to have been taken away from the Ottoman dynasty and the emir of Mecca. deposition of Abdiilhamid. note 7 . This document caused considerable anxiety at the palace. the Donation Society's headquarters were slowly transformed into an organizational center for the establishment of a national guard. there is no doubt that the sum total of these activities greatly alarmed the sultan. according to some accounts he also was a member of this society. This was proven when attempts to im­ press men of the militia into regular formations were vocifer­ ously resisted. Units were commanded by idealistic young sons of the the best families in the capital. Kuntay. brought to t he throne. a document was found outlining a plan for the . among the papers of a student at the military academy who had been in close touch with Kemal. 2. Midhat Pa§a was dismissed and sent outside Turkey in accordance with article 1 1 3 of the consti­ tution.cit. Streets were now filled with these representatives of the nation in arms in their new uni­ forms. exon­ erated Kemal. Although these battalions were theoretically meant to be sent to the front. The sultan had thought it 1s4 Naz1m Pa§a. Si. presided over by Kemal's former patron Abdiillatif Subhi Pa§a. Soon thereafter.ileyman Pa�a admits that he translated the regulations of the French national guard to serve as a guide to the forma­ tion of these citizens' battalions. 13 5 On February 5. �erlf Abd ul­ Muttalib ( Sharif 'Abd al-Muttalib) . From the diary of the commanding general of the palace guards ("Mabeyn Feriki") . a · m ilitia made up of volun­ teers. 1 3 4 What is beyond doubt is that during the crucial December days when the sultan was trying to stall the procla­ mation of the constitution. loc. Said Pa§a. 1 6 7. The court. Within a few days Nam1k Kemal was imprisoned and put on trial for attempting to dethrone the sultan. 1 85 . Namik Kemal. since it amounted to an attempt to subvert the armed forces and establish a corps whose loyalties would be to Midhat and Kemal. but he nevertheless remained in j ail.

1 3 6 Ziya Pa§a was placed out of the way by being appointed to the gov­ ernorship of Syria. 1 2 1 . 4 8 1 . 77 . Sarikli lhtilalci. does not fit in at all with what we know of Agah's character. harassed by the enemies that he had made.1 924) . p . Agah see Sicill-i Osmani. 1a9 See Kuntay. Nuri Bey had been appointed to a governmental post as early as 1 8 76 because of his relation to Abdi. 13 1 This accusation. ibid. for . 1 2 2 . note 1 . by corresponding with acquaintances in the Ottoman Assembly. r . died a broken man as governor of Adana in 1 8 8 1 . quoting a letter of the poet Abdiilhak Hamid . to continue to be politically influential.T H E Y O U N G O T T O M A NS fitting on this occasion to make up for the troubles he had caused Kemal by taking care of his traveling expenses and by giving him the generous monthly stipend of fifty liras.139 On his return he was made the director of the newly established 1 3 6 Ibid. 8 2 . Re§ad died as a Pa�a in 1 9 1 0.ilhamid himself seized the Ottoman governmental machinery.. The issue is still unsolved. 267. but was also exiled to Ankara in 1 8 77. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a had broken with the Young Ottomans sometime in 1 8 73-1 8 74. Ziya Pa§a. 1 8 8 8 . and he died s h o rt ly thereafter. He died in Sak1z on December 2. was given a governmental post before Abdi. p . He re­ mained in state service until 1 906. From his exile in Midilli Kemal tried. who had returned from Europe in 1 8 72. 1 a s For Re§ad see inal. But these activities too came to an end when the Assembly was suspended by Abdiilhamid. however. 1v. In 1 8 8 6 Agah was par­ doned and sent as minister to Athens.. 1 9 2 3 . p. the date of his death. Vatan Matbaasi. r . at the beginning of December 1 8 75 . for Mustafa Faz1l. 408. 3 9 3 .138 Ali Suavi had remained in Europe up to October of 1 8 76. where he died in 1 8 8 6. note 1 . 1 37 For this protest see Ahmed Rasim. He was then successively transferred to Rhodes and to Sak1z ( Chios) . Later Kemal was placed at the head of the administration of the island. This was due to Abdiilhamid's conviction that he had a hand in organ­ izing the protest of the softas in 1 8 76.ilhamid.. Agah. each time in an admil!istrative capacity. lstibdattan Hakimiyet-i Milliyeye (Istanbul. Son A si r.

7 1 -1 1 6. It is unfortunate that Mustafa Faztl should also have been the most malleable. and in many ways such dissimilar ideals. Among the Young Ottomans existed at least four categories of reformers.f A N S { 1 8 68 ) lyceum of Galatasaray. Halil �erif. limited electorate. 3 1 5-347 . His end came during an unsuccessful coup that he had organized in May of 1 8 78 to bring Murad back to the throne. V III . ccGalatasaray Lisesinin Kurulu§u. Epilogue To extract even the beginning of a meaning from the often puzzling turns that the Young Ottoman movement took. the most ready to set his principles aside for personal advantage." Belleten ( 1 944) . This paradox consisted in that men with such a diversity of backgrounds. for a common cause. These "peo14° For the establishment of the lycee see ihsan Sungu. VI I I . 1 40 Thus the Young Ottoman movement came to an end. Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a's proposals were an attempt at unification which attempted to take its strength from an. Mehmed Bey. the closest to starting from the basic postulate of the brotherhood of hu­ manity. .'' Belleten ( 1 944 ) . Of these.THE YO U N G O T T O J\. For Ali Suavi's coup. They were the most universal. even for a short time.'' the latter in reality consisting of an ideal. appeal to the "people. "Ali Suavi ve �1ragan Saray1 Vak'as1. but was dismissed shortly thereafter. The remark attributed to Agah Efendi that he always knew the Young Ottoman movement would not last long since it was hard to picture a prince so persistent in retaining all his privileges leading a group of revolutionaries also points to an important truth : Mustafa Faztl was not really in touch with the grassroots ferment that lay behind Young Ottoman activities. should have fought. and Mus­ tafa Faztl represented those most attuned to the liberal ideal of progress through emancipation from all remnants of a bygone age. one has to analyze its activities from the vantage point of the paradox inherent in its formation. ismail Hakkt Uzun�ar§th.

Kemal had the advantage _ of being an ideologist. Kemal was the romantic bard of ancient Ottoman achievements. of having taken quite effortlessly to the manipulation of symbols-something that was missing in Hali! �erif. Ziya Pa�a was a man of the palace whose basic quarrel was with the ministers of the Porte �nd whose ideological contribu79 . In Ali Suavi this last aspect of Kemal's character was exag­ gerated to the point of making him a caricature of Kemal. he �as an advocate of reason in the solution of political problems. Kemal too was immersed in the stream of liberal Wes tern ideas. The second category of reformer among the Young Otto­ mans was that represented by Kemal. but which had aroused its eagerness to share in the material blessings of progress. He could feel the bewilderment of those who were left stranded. At another level too Kemal was nearer to "the people" than Mustafa Faz1l or Halil �erif. had already decided against such rational solutions of their problems and had begun to go their separate ways. however. Kemal also had that liking for abstractions which was characteristic of so many nineteenth-century political image makers.'' whether Moslems or Christians. by these changes.T HE Y O U N G O T T O M A NS ple. but for him "liberty" and "the nation" were key ideals. At the same time. Ali Suavi was perhaps the only real representative of "the people" among the Young Ottomans. He was in close touch with the great social ferment that was silently at work in the Ottoman Empire because of the disintegration of the traditional frame­ work of Ottoman society. Unaware of the substratum of irrationality underlying human conduct. Thus by the strongly emotional content of his own writings he kept Ottoman audiences spellbound. confident that the granting of a representative assembly would dispel the various separatisms that had been wrecking the empire. materially and spiritually. He expressed the hos­ tility of the small man of the capital for a type of W esterniza­ tion of which the lower middle class had collected only fringe benefits.

In such a detailed study as this one the differences that split the Young Ottoman movement through the middle have a tendency to linger in one's memory because of their sheer colorfulness. Bo . The consequence. on the other hand. was the establishment of a climate of opin­ ion wherein discussions centered around such conceptions as that of "liberty" and "the fatherland" became widespread and gained increased momentum despite Abdiilhamid's censorship. It is only fair to state that the Young Ottomans were human but that they had courageous and generous natures.T H E Y O UN G O T T O M A NS tion to the Young Ottoman movement was not very great. then. These exhausted the momentum of the Young Ottoman movement quite soon. although here again he was affected by an ideological malaise. This latter point has not been stressed here because it has been overstressed in Turkish literature. This was no mean intellectual legacy. a belief that by constitutional and representative government more could be done than these Ottoman statesmen had achieved. Their permanent contribution. What caused a meeting of these divergent attitudes and beliefs was a common dislike among the Young Ottomans for the rule of Al i and Fuad Pa§a. Why. But more evi­ dence will have to be accumulated before such a theory can be substantiated for Turkey. did such a feel· ing arise at this time? The concomitant growth of a j ournalistic movement with the protestations of the Young Ottomans would seem to point in the direction of a change in the pattern of social communications which should be studied in conjunc­ tion with the increase in Western influences. for the Young Ottomans. The example they set by their actions was at least as important in galvanizing the opponents of Abdiilhamid to action as was their intellectual legacy. of this basic dissimilarity which they learned to understand with time was that they encountered a series of disillusionments in the brief years during which they worked together. There thus exists a danger of losing sight of the dedication and basic intellectual toughness which it took to face repeated exile and imprisonment in the pursuit of ideals.

icma'-i ummet (idjma' and umma"consensus of the community") . The meaning of these terms has to be understood before the theories of the Young Ottomans can be evaluated. the Young Ottomans drew their arguments almost exclusively from political theology and relied for illustrations on the idealized picture of Islamic government provided by traditionalist writers.veret (mashwara-"con­ sultation") . it is necessary to determine whether the Young Ottomans left intact or modified the meaning of the classical Islamic terminology they were using. these words have to be reintroduced into their original context and a survey made of Islamic political theory. As a prelude to the studies of their ideas. Unfortunately. biat ( bai'a-­ "contract of investiture") . of Islamic political theory. Of these four Islamic streams. therefore. is their use of the words adalet ( 'adl-"justice" in Arabic) . for example. By the same token. the political philosophy of the Islamic political philosophers. The reason they adopted such a stand may be found in a common charac­ teristic of a number of Islamic modernist movements during the nineteenth century. Such. and the Turko­ Iranian-Mongolian theory of secular legislation and state supremacy. the practical counsels of which the Islamic "Mirrors for Princes" were made. the Young Ottomans rely. neither is this opera­ tion by itself sufficient to place Young Ottoman political thought in perspective. This is so because · these reformers could have drawn not from one but from several Islamic politi­ cal theories : they had available to them the political theology of the Koranic exegetes. the attempt to go 8I . me. on the vocabulary. purism. namely.+3 C H A P TE R III 8+ The Islamic In tellectual H eritage of the Young Ottomans IN THE writings in which they expounded their political ideals. to a large extent.

seem to have been inspired by them for centuries. 1bn Sina ( 1bn Sina) .T H E I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T UA L H E R I T A G E back to the original "unspoilt" sources of Islam. 1 . 9 9 . I. although to call the latter modernist in any other respects is impossible. 5 7 · 2 See below. p. The same purism does reappear. The historical antecedents of this stand and the reasons for which the Young Ottomans did indeed have a point in this respect-although not a very strong one in view of the stage of history at which they were advancing it-will be investi­ gated below. In only two instances have I been able to locate a Young Ottoman reference to the political philosophers of Islam which is of substantive interest and which consists in more than an enumeration of the "great figures" -o f Islam. the popularizer of the doctrines of the j urist Devvani (al-Dawwani) . One is a passage in one of Kemal's writings in which he mentions the political philosophers Nasreddin-i Tus! ( Na�ir al-Din al-Tusi ) . in the ideas of the Egyptian reformer Muhammed 'Abdu. their foes. ( I:lusain Wa'i� Kashifi) . Such a detailed investigation is necessary. and Hilseyin Vaiz Ka�ifi. for. this idea takes the form of a belief that the political theory of the Koran and its interpreters provides the strongest guarantee of indi­ vidual freedom. although the Young Ottomans did not sub­ scribe to these ideas. the defenders of state authority and supremacy. 2 The contributions of these men to Islamic philoso­ phy and t he relations between their ideas is thus investigated in detail in the following pages. however." Turk Hukuk Tarihi Dergisi ( 1 944) . Among the Young Ottomans. Political Theology A. A similar stand is seen as early as the eighteenth century in the puri­ tanism of the Wahhabis. 1 The second reference is to a spiritual heir of Devvani. NOM OCRACY The system of government which was the product of the 1 Fevziye Abdullah Tansel. . "Nam1k Kemal'in Hukuki Fikirleri.

. 4 David de Santillana. T. London. 2 8. 1 9 3 1 ) . the system of taxation that was to apply to the believers. Finally. in many respects the Islamic con­ ception of natural law differs not only from that of the En­ lightenment philosophers but from medieval Christian con­ ceptions. 1 9 5 5 ) . polis.T HE I S L A M I C IN T E L L E C T UA L H E R I T A GE teachings of Muhammed has. The principle of unity and order which in other societies is called civitas . "Law and Society. The first is that in Islam political obligation is founded not on a lay theory of ethics but on the religious dicta of the Koran. the rule of God. been described as a "nomocracy .'' this term being used to denote that in Islam the law precedes the state and constitutes the principle guiding social cohesion. Roman. in Islam is personified by Allah : Allah is the name of the supreme power acting in the common interest." in The Legacy o f Islam (Eds.' "4 Three consequences of importance for political theory fol­ low from such a basic assumption. Johns Hopkins Press. p. aspect of Islamic political theory that in Islam the idea of a contract of society is conceived in a much narrower frame than it was in the Greek. this terminology points out one of the more salient characteristics of both the political theory of Islam and the practice followed in Islamic states.' the Army is the 'army of Allah. Secondly. ployees of Allah. therefore. "Islam is the direct government of Allah. p. Oxford University Press. for the Koran.6 . War and Peace in the Law of Islam (Baltimore. the law laid down by God. . In theory. W. medieval Christian. in one instance. capital. was the ultimate source according to which was to be determined the political organization of the believers. 8 Indeed.' even public functionaries are 'the em. whose eyes are upon his people. and the militancy that was expected of the Moslems. Thus the public treasury is the 'treasury of Allah. In it were expounded the principles of the law that was to govern the Moslem community. in Islam the possibilities for evolving a · 3 Maj id Khadduri. and modern Western world. Arnold and Alfred Guillaume. It is because of this . 1 6.

which constituted a covenant between Him and that people . 1 . B.T H E I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T UA L H E R I T A G E theory of politics as a self-contained process with its own inner dynamic are very much restricted ( for a consistent and ultra­ orthodox believer. . to make a last_ effort and Allah decided to send Muhammed. . that Muhammed's mission might be regarded as an evidence of Allah's desire to renew his covenant ( or covenants) with mankind and that those who responded to Muhammed's call became God's true believers . one after the other. but by a variety of peoples. . . . P O L I T I CAL O B L I GAT I O N In Islam political authority is a divinely established cate­ gory." 5 It follows from the above statement that a principle of authority is established in Islam which transcends the particu­ lar authority of the Prophet . accordingly. 2 . . . . . It became necessary. Thus the foundation of Islamic social polity was 5 Koran. · . A modern scholar has stated the Koranic theory of contract to be the following : "The world was at first created to be inhabited not by one. completely ruled out) . there are others who have to be heeded in addition to the Prophet-those vested with au­ thority. But these peoples. VI I I . "It follows. This goes back to the following ve� se of the Koran : "0 ye who believe. each endowed with its own divine order . . the last of his prophets . Let us now examine the first two points mentioned and then introduce as much of a glimpse of the practice of the Islamic state as modifies or clarifies these principles. accordingly. . Bell. vu. . 1 3 7 . 2 0 . . The Islamic conception of the contract of society is one which is derived from the same fundamental stand. obey God and obey the Apostle and those among you invested with authority. One corollary of this last political theorem is that a political theory which is philosophical rather than theological in nature immediately becomes suspect to the orthodox. 1 64 . . have broken their covenant and distorted the teach­ ings of their Prophets.

Islamic Society and the West: A Study of the Impact o f Western Civilization on Moslem Culture in the Near E ast. an interpretive function was gradually vested "in the body of 'Ulema or students of the spiritual legacy of Mu}:iammad. therefore. the legislative function came to an end. ·by the Koranic exegetes. The prophet Muhammed himself had concentrated the three powers of government in his hands. p . 1. "successor") . 9 (my italics in quotation ) . 1 . As the promulgator of the divine and un­ changeable legislation. H. which was to determine once and for all the relations between sovereign and subj ect. was formulated at the time of the Abbasid Caliphate in the eighth century. however. he held the legislative power. Gibb and Harold Bowen." 6 Insofar as the practice-as opposed to the theory-of gov­ ernment i n the earliest Islamic states is concerned. 8 . the develop­ ments which took place up to the tenth century resulted in the elaboration. being under­ stood that this agreement was by no means one between two equals. During this period the right of the doctors of Islamic law to interpret the law laid down by the Prophet was also subj ect to the encroach­ ments of the Arabic rulers. 2 6. he also exercised the judicial function. of a theory somewhat 1nore complicated than that found in the Koran. 6 1 85 . 7 . A. R. War and Peace. the Koran having been once laid down and being the word of God which could not be changed or alter�d. which reflects the nature of A llah's covenant with man. held only two of these powers-the executive and the judicial." 7 The successors of the prophet were called caliphs ( from the Arabic �_b_alifa. It was rather a compact of submission. 1 9 5 1 ) . he held the executive power. pp. As the settler of the disputes that had arisen within his fold. The classical doctrine of the caliphate. who were bent on the centralization Khadduri. As the self-appointed leader of the believers and as the organizer of the activities of his followers in regard to the spreading of Islam. Islamic Society in the Eighteenth Century ( London. His successors. Oxford Uni­ versity Press.T HE I S L A MI C I N T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A G E made on the basis of a compact o f agreement. With time. After the death of Muham­ med.

la nature naturee est !'ensemble des etres et des lois qu'il a crees. was working in the tradition of Islamic philosophy. 8 The basic theory of government developed by these doctors of Islamic law had. that the purely philosophical limita­ tions which tied these jurists hand and foot may be fully appre­ not 9 the body of the people but a small group of qualified electors. "Idj ma'. 1 0 "Nature Naturante et Nature 1 94 2 ) . 1 9 5 1 ) . 2 7 . 86 . which was taken over by St. De hominis heatudine (Salamanca. p." Encyclopaedia of Islam. n ." 9 It is only in a detailed investigation of the Moslem conception of natural . Prima Secundae. article 6. 2 7. 448. M. "the character of an apologia for the status quo nunc. 6 7 3. question 8 5 . O. Although the ruler is held to be elected. Thomas Aquinas. the electors a. Paris. It is also in the course of such a survey that the full extent of their courage in transcending the additional. Ramirez. The problem may be stated as follows : Aristotle affirmed that the universe had always existed. p. Andre Lalande. however.1 0 had its origin in the Aristotelian problem of the efficient cause. Thomas took this distinc­ tion verbatim from Ibn Gabirol (Avicebron) who. though a Jew. practical limitations under which they were laboring is uncovered. I hid. Presses Universitaires de France. Summa Theo­ logica. is that it had little influence on the thought of the j urists. therefore." See also St. St." Vocabulaire Teclmique et Critique de la Pltilosop!tie (ed. "La nature naturante est Dieu en tant que createur et principe de toute action. This con­ ception. p. what is interesting.P.. B. Thomas Aquinas as the distinction between natura naturata and natura naturans.T H E IS L A M I C IN T E L L E C T U A L HE RI T A G E of their empire and who did not want to be thwarted in their designs by this class from which the judges were drawn. however.. TH E I SLAM I C VI EW OF NATURAL LAW · One of the most important conceptions that had been set forth by the medieval exponents of natural law in the West­ and one around which gravitated many of the philosophical discussions relating to natural law-was the distinction made between natural law as the wil� of the divinity and natural law as an order of things existing independently of the will of the divinity and which the divinity itself left alone. See D.. See J. C. MacDonald. but he did not tackle the problem 8 Ibid..

need not change the order itself. Thomas provided the ultimate basis for a belief in the autonomy of nature and the secularization of natural law. 2 5 2. . 7 : quoting Cicero. to the will of God but possessing its own peculiar inner logic. 12 Thus even St. as phrased by Cicero. as far back as St. Rhetoric. if natural law was part of the unchangeable order of things. such as the elimination of God as the ultimate power enthroned over this order. or did the hand of God set the universe in motion once and for all just as it would wind a clock? It is characteristic of the Western conception of the order of nature and the conception of natural law based on it that. the product "not of opin­ ion" but of "a certain innate force. Thomas. p. Under lying the ancient Gr�ek as well as Roman definition of natural law was the concept that law was. p. Book 2 . With the rise of Christianity and then of Islam. 1 9 3 7 ) . 13 Lewis. Medie<Ual Political Ideas (London. Henry Holt. Indeed. Sabine. p. of course. there can be found ideas of an independent automatism of eternal matter subservient. 12 See George H. the problem of the originator of the order of nature was automatically solved by the creeds. this conception of natural law was one which went back farther than St. Routledge and Kegan Paul.T HE I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T UA L H E R I T A G E of the originator of the order of nature. however. " 13 1This "certain innate force" had been called physis by Aristotle and stood. The whole conception was a part of the 1 1 Ewart Lewis. Was the movement of every particle of the universe motivated by the will of God to move it at that very instance. Thomas. ·yet the important question remained whether God had created an order of nature moving "towards self-fulfillment" 1 1 or whether He was manifesting His own will in each individual event taking place in the order of nature. 1 2 . For. Medie<Ual Political Ideas. the name he gave to positive or conventional justice. Chapter 5 3 . 1 9 54) . It was God who had created the order of nature. in his scheme. in contrast to nomos. a fundamental change. A History of Political Theory (New York.

with intro. p .. which had also existed from time immemorial. In this latter syn­ thesis. 88 . Natural Law (London. the moral imperative of natural law. Hutchison. see Otto Gierke . linked together the starry heavens and the moral law within : the law that preserved the stars from doing wrong was also the role of duty. p. This step was taken by Ulpian.T HE IS L A MI C IN T E L L E C T UA L HE RI T A G E Greek idea of nature.. 15 Lewis. who defined law as that "which nature has taught all living animals. Political Theories of the Middle A ge (trans. 1 6 In short.e." 14 There was only a short step from the fusion of moral with physical law to the idea that nature in general. of a world of self-moving things. animals as well as humans. The University Press. by Frederick William Maitland. the conception of natural law had two connota­ tions in the West. D. Medieval Political Ideas. were subj ect to natural law. became on e with the physical imperative of natural regularities.e. 1 940) . Both of these approaches found parallels in medieval contro­ versies regarding natural law. 2 5 . also lived on. 8 . The Eighteenth Century Background (New York. The first was reflected in the dispute between the nominalists and the realists as to whether law is binding because it is reasonable or because it is a com­ mand of God. PP· 1 7 2-1 7 3 . 16 See A. 1 1 The second was reflected in the idea of a law of nature which unfolded by itself without the active inter­ ference of God. It could be found as far back as Heraclitus in the idea of a com­ mon natural source of laws and physical motion and reappeared as one of the elements of the Stoic fusion of law with the general cosmic law governing the universe. Co ­ lumbia University Press. i. p. Cambridge. Gaius' idea of ius gentium in which m o ra l law rather than physical law was taken as a starting point of natural law. "The Stoics like their later counterparts. It meant (a) those principles that are in­ herently reasonable and right and ( b ) those principles which result from the physical imperative of natural regularities. P. 1 4 Basil Willey. 1 9 5 t ) . i. 1 9 5 1 ) . 1 4. 17 For a study of the controversy between the realists and the nominalists. D'Entreves." 1 5 The earlier formulation of the same idea.

made an attempt to introduce the idea of the regularity of social occurrences into Islamic thought. in Islam the law of the universe. "secular" metaphysics and philosophy had failed in not providing a synthetic view of the universe. It was held. The issue raised ticklish metaphysical problems which orthodox Islamic thinkers evaded by denying the validity of a metaphysic out­ side God. Islamic natural law could not be conceived of as anything but the revealed law of God and as the immanence of God in nature. that the most valid conception of the universe was that of a current of being emanating from an inexhaustible source. God. could not be apprehended by the mere use of reason. It is also characteristic that the ideas of his opponent and detractor Gazall ( al-Gh_azali ) were much more widely accepted in Islam at large than were his own. by the use of a cyclical theory of history. The fundamental opposition of Islamic theologians to the idea of an autonomy of nature may be gathered from the outcry raised when the Islamic philosopher lbn Rii�d ( Ibn Rushd) attempted to adopt a stand by which he allowed for the con­ cept of a self-moving nature. is likewise. one of the greatest Islamic thinkers.18 1 8 "That state whose law is based on rational statescraft and its principles. blamatory. For them. since . on the other hand. Natural regularities were the very sign of the presence of God. but lacks the supervision of the Revealed Law. who. spoke of the uses of reason in politics with the greatest caution. and a proof of this immanence was the fact of miracles worked by God. which is also the law of God. which spread over everything outside God. The theologians pointed out that in Aristotle's universe the order of nature and the creator were disassociated from each other.T HE I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T UA L HE R I T A G E In the Islamic creed the question of an order of nature ·independent of the will of God was solved along lines dia­ metrically opposed to that of the Thomistic solution. In view of this stand. Even 1bn Haldun ( Ibn l(haldun) . Insofar as the principle of inherent reasonableness is con­ cerned.

For the Lawgiver knows best the interest of man in all that relates to the other world which is concealed from them. Quoted by H. was considerably restricted in orthodox Islamic theory because natural law was a law which was written and unchange­ able and because natural law was identical with the law of the land. Washington. The principles of rational government aim solely at apparent and worldly interests." Ibn Khaldiin. al-Mu�addima. Paradoxically. Nevertheless.T H E I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A GE A further consequence of the Islamic conception of natural law is. "Constitutional Organization. Liebesny. be identified as in the West with an impersonal and fixed order of things. of giving a new twist to the doctrine of natural law. 1 9 For a complete study o f this question i n Islam see Averroes' Tahafut al. Maj id Khadduri and Herbert J. a fate which it is the pr oduct of speculation without the light of God. 2 vols. Gibb. there are recognized sources of the law "subsidiary" to the Koran. 1 9 5 4 ) . 1. therefore. and notes by Simon van den Bergh.. natural law had a religio-ethical substratum in Islam and could not. a process which can be witnessed as early as the Middle Ages." Law in the Middle East. l 3 . True. omitting the Koranic citations by which the argument i s sup­ p orted.1 9 the law of the Koran itself is extremely inelastic. whereas the obj ect of the Lawgiver is men's salvation in the hereafter. . Oxford University Press. the divine origin of the Koran acted as a brake on the speculative activities of the jurists with regard to the creation of a doctrine of natural law. therefore. and the agreement of the jurists on a principle deduced from the above-mentioned sources. 1 9 5 5 ) . Book 3 .C. Origin and Development of Islamic Law (eds. A. p. The Middle East Institute. In addition. R.Tahafut (" The Incoherence of Incoherence") . such as the Sunnet ( sunna-"the practice of the prophet Muhammed") the lcma' (idjma'-"consensus of the Islamic community" ) . The possibility. D. (trans. always present in the Christian approach to natural law. that the European controversy between the nominalists and the realists as to whether natural law is bind­ ing because it is reasonable or because it is the command of God is hardly relevant. while in Islam the will of God may at any moment disrupt the order of nature. Chapter 2 5 .

Following the death of the prophet Muhammed. which in Europe led to the investigation of the natural and self-evident rights inherent in nature. A new con­ tract seems. In short. a concep­ tion of natural rights which came close to medieval Western theories of natural rights. a contract between the Moslem community on the one hand and 91 . This is how the first development took place.T HE I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A G E befell the European theories of natural law under the influence of Newtonian ideas. Abu Bakr. finally. to have been added to the first . Since Abu Bakr came to power by the consensus of the companions of the Prophet. Moreover. Yet. the selection of a political leader to succeed him became an urgent political problem. it was held that he was elected to his office. and. were considerably restricted in the body of doctrine available to the orthodox thinkers of Islam. the possibilities that were provided by the Western conception of the autonomy and essential rationality of nature and natural law. The successor chosen was one of his companions. "The election of a successor to Muhammad by leading Moslems had obviously introduced the 'popular' factor in the selection of the executive head of government. It could not be transformed into a con­ ception of a natural law identical with the order of physical regularities. as happened in the physiocratic conception of natural law or in that of d'Holbach. within the limitations set by the Islamic principle of the immanence of God. the j urists of Islam devised three escape hatches : a theory of representation which introduced a temporal element into the political theory of Islam. a method of gauging legitimacy that was a timid step in the direction of an embry­ onic theory of resistance. this trans­ action was interpreted to be a "contract" entered into by the leader and the community of Islamic believers and was in symbolic form for each of the succeeding caliphs. since the allegiance of the companions of the Prophet had been given to Abu Bakr in person. therefore.

their posterity and made them testify as to themselves : 'Am not I your Lord ? ' and they said : 'Yea. 1 9 1 o ) . the theory of natural rights was devel­ oped by the following chain of reasoning : 2 2 Man. . p .if o f 'Adud al-din al-I'dj'i -. Sura vn. Indeed. 1 2 9 2/ 1 8 75 . Istanbul. 21 Bernard A. El-A hkam Es-Soulthaniya (Paris." 21 On the other hand. 1 3 0 8/1 890. 7 . IV. I.. Furthermore. 28 The Koran. we testify'-lest ye should say on the day of the resurrection : 'Of this we have been neglectful. argued the j urists. NS ( 1 95 5 ) .l:I asan 'Ali b. Die Welt des Islams. Ernest Leroux. Istanbul. Muhammad b. . 22 The following account i s based o n the introduction by Leon Ostrorog to his translation of the works of the Islamic j urist el-Mawardi : Conte Leon Ostrorog. . of an Islamic Republic. Lewis. 2 vo ls. ( 3 ) The al-Mawal<. 1 3 0 8 / 1 8 9 0. Istanbul.Iusayn al-Bazdawi ( 1 00 9.( 1 2 8 1 . 1 5 4.1 0 8 9 ) . Thus while he is an object of imprescriptibl e rights 2° Khadduri.' " 2 3 Yet. "this principle of an elected ruler governing according to law is central in the Sunni ["orthodox"] Islamic doctrines of the state and sovereignty and may be found in every text book of the Holy Law.ammad bin Faramurz ( d. the first agree­ ment arrived at between man and God was one which related to man's acceptance · of his condition of slavery vis-a-vis God.1 3 5 5 ) . from their loins. this agreement has conferred on man the free use of the things of this world and thus places him in a situation superior to that of all other creatures. (2 ) The Mir'at al-u�iil of Molla MuQ. This introduction is based. on the Turkish editions of three text­ books of Islamic j urisprudence which had a wide circulation in the Ottoman Empire : ( 1 ) The Kafil!f ul-Asrar of Ab ii 'l. This may be gathered from the following verse of the Koran : "When thy Lord took from the children of Adam. 1 4 8 0) . 1. Bell. has been placed since time immemorial in the situation of a slave in his dealings with God.T H E I S L A MI C IN T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A G E the caliph who was enthroned for the purpose o f enforcing the divine law on the other. for men are free to observe or to violate the terms of this agreement. paradoxically. «The Concept 1 1 . . 92 . in turn. War and Peace. this primeval obligation which man has assumed toward God is also the basis of man's absolute liberty in this world. verse 1 7 1 ." 2 0 Consequently.

T H E IS L A M I C I N TE L L E C T U A L HE RI T A GE on the part of God. While. no human being can ever curtail the liberty of another Moslem. We shall later see how in the nineteenth century this last concept became of central importance in political theory. it was thus implied that the community is entrusted to the leader. The leader may. These various limitations. man has been granted a free and inviolable juridical personality ( "zimma") . of a free and inviolable juridical personality which is the physical counterpart of the metaphysical obligation he has undertaken toward God. Finally. Such. Since they have a religious origin. he is the possessor of a subj ective freedom of choice. however. Moslem j urists generally inter­ preted the Koranic principle of authority with which the ruler is invested as being of the order of that exercised by the trustee in a "general trust" . however. which restrict the liberty of man. on the one hand. such as the institution of trusteeship. for example. delegate this authority to his aides ( "tawkil") . in a very particular sense in Islamic theory. Such. with God. In consequence of his theologically recog­ nized position as a master of the external world. this liberty can be curtailed wherever there are explicit state­ ments to this effect in the Koran. However. they are not merely convenient political devices but rather cate­ gories which have a divine origin and are preordained. man is the subject of imprescriptible rights vis-a-vis the world. the following were the means by which the jurists developed the embryo of a theory of resistance : By analogy with the case of trusteeship. Similar 93 . Every man is thus the possessor. is the institution of trusteeship ( "wilaya") which confers on an individual the right to decide for another. he is also the recipient of an obj ective freedom stemming from the inviola­ bility of his juridical personality ( "burriya" ) and possesses the right of the free use of the material objects of the world (" 'ibaha") . one could almost say a contract. is the institution of property which sets a barrier to the immeasurable appetites of man. also. Since these liberties are the result of an agreement. in terms of his relations with other men. have to be understood.

" i. and it is as the result of the gap thus provided that they were able to exert their influence. It is in th e determination of these "apparent occasions" that the skill of the doctors of Islam was given free rein.e.T H E IS L A M I C I N T E L L E C T UA L HE RI T A G E' to the Platonic categories. to ascertain whether a de facto ruler is really the human being invested with authority to which reference is made in the aforementioned quotation from the Koran. It should be noted that these means were not sufficient in themselves for the enunciation of a doctrine of natural rights. Side by side with the orthodox theory. This is why the enu­ meration of the qualities of the ruler plays such a considerable role in the treatises of the Islamic jurists dealing with the state. "the facts of the case. The Political Theory of the Philosophers What has been described to this point is the thought of . II. they exist independently of their terrestrial manifestations. Whether a concrete case falls within the pale of any one of these categories is dependent on the appearance of what has been called "apparent occasions." Thus. the Islamic phi­ losophers. although the limitations placed by Islam on com­ pletely free metaphysical or philosophical speculation also impressed on these latter theories a characteristically Islamic stamp. had been developing a tradition of political thought which was greatly influenced by secular theories of the · state. there is neces­ sary a strict examination of the signs that show that the ruler is the rightful one meant by the Word. but the latitude which the doctors of law were given in the interpretation of "the facts of the case" provided them with the opportunity of opposing the exercise of an authority which they would consider unj ustified. however. One recent student has characterized the latter as 94 . This secular current of Islamic political theory was the product of the speculations of the Falasifa.the orthodox jurists of Islam and the background of Islamic prac­ tice which underpinned it..

2 6 Ibid. Rosenthal.1 1 4 . and before the more cutting edges were taken out of philosophical thought by such synthesizers. Political Thought in Medieval Islam : A n Intro­ ductory Outline (Cambridge.. and eventu­ ally made into a theoretical justification of Ottoman govern­ . University Press. mental practices is a fascinating subj ect which has not been investigated to date. This is quite understandable in view of the real changes that the Falasifa brought to what we have entitled the "political theology" of Islam. adopted in this new form by Ottoman statesmen.. lbn Sina ( Ibn Sina) . such as Devvan1.T HE I S L A M I C I N TE L L E C T UA L H E R I T A G E students of Platonic political philosophy and the products of their thought as commentaries on Plato's political treatises. It is therefore useful to go in somewhat greater detail into this development. p . pp. A A. 25 Ibid. p. 2 4 Among them may be cited such thinkers as Farabi (Al­ Farabi ) . for example. Farabi. tried to achieve a synthesis be­ tween the idea of a divinely ordained political system and that of a secular kingship and succeeded in linking "the ideal state of Islam with the ideal state of Plato's philosopher-king."2 6 The process by which this synthesis was gradually refined. 1 2 6 . con­ sidered man's natural propensities as zoon politikon ("bayawan madani") to be the basis of society. lbn Sina. Some of these philosophers. 1 44. were also j urists and thus tried to achieve a synthesis between political theology and political philosophy. although paying lip service to the theological polity established by the Koran. the position of the Falasifa was sometimes dan­ gerously close to heresy. and Devvan1 (al-Dawwani) . But in general. I."25 Farabi's follower. 1 1 3 . 1 9 5 8 ) .AN-I ERBAA Two of the more fundamental deviations of 1bn Sina's political theory from that of the orthodox jurists were that 24 E. TH E TH EORY OF ERK. Their ideas were considered sub­ versive if not sacrilegious. He also held political science to be the science that "inquires into the human actions and habits necessary for the attainment of perfection. ]. 95 .

27 Ibid. is to be used equitably in the general interest ( ma. . the masses. For Sassanian origins. p. Medieval Islam ( 2 n d ed. for example. As Rosenthal p oints . " 2 8 This fundamental aspect of lbn Sina's theory was not new for the Islamic world. in turn. The emphasis on the administration of each group by a leader. 202. Arabic "mirrors" included closely apparented descriptions of social stratification. fines and legal booty (fay' ) .THE I S L A MIC IN TE L L E C T UA L HERI T A GE (a) he accepted as an element of government "laws laid down by human authority to secure material well-being. p. the artisans and the guardians. 29 As has 2 8 Ibid. is new. This last. Each group is administered by a master ( "ra'is" ) who. 29 For early Arab precedents see Gustave E. but also considered essential. The origins of this rigidity are probably due to a direct connection between . p. Chicago.. 1 5 2. We are reminded of Al-Farabi's division. p. so that there is not one person who does not benefit the state by his work .out : " [ lbn Sina] assigns to the lawgiver ( sanin) the primary task of ordering the life of society organ­ ized in the state. a concept peculiar to the ·Islamic state. into rulers and ruled in hierarchical order from the first ruler over secondary rulers who partly rule and are ruled. Every citizen executes his alloted task. in particular. 1 4 5 . It is to be made up of taxes. based on Aristotle. 1 7 1 ... . op. . lbn Sina's theories and earlier Sassanian conceptions which had constituted the foun­ tainhead of theories of stratification in the first place.. "Next he stresses the need for capital in order to guarantee the general welfare and. 1 9 5 3 ) . to provide for the guardians. in being more detailed and m ?re rigid.alih mushtaraka) . the presence of functionally differentiated "orders" in the realm. von Griinebaum. University of Chicago Press. .cit. As early as the ninth century. by dividing the citizens (as Plato had done) into three estates : the rulers. down to those who only accept rule." 2 1 and that ( b) he took for granted. appoints masters of lesser authority over smaller units. however. lbn Sina's theory differs from similar earlier descriptions.

wide strata of the Persian nobility had succeeded. . the whole theory of capital as guaran­ teeing general welfare. and intro. "Der Dichter des Uigurisch-Tiirkischem Dialekt geschriebenen Kutadgu Bilig ( 1 06 9. which classed people according to profession rather than descent. VII. pre-Ottoman Turks seem to have been won over to this type of explanation. who described the historical process whereby these earlier ideas-and the practices they underpinned-were amalgamated into the Islamic synthesis : "In contrast to the ordinary run of converted Persians who had sought and found identification with Arab society . of the guardians as protectors of the capital producers. his theory appears almost simultaneously in three "mirrors" which. New York.f the ladder. Thus. their political influence-all this while keeping with­ in their own traditional class hierarchy. and the Kabus Name ( 1 08 2 ) ." Archiv fur Philosophie: Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie ( I 9 I O ) . . Prince of Gurgan ( trans. 3 3 A Mirror for Princes. Chr. some fifty years after lbn Sina's death. by Ruben Levy. I 951 ) Ibid. With their inclusion in the leading stratum of the 'Abbasid capital two social systems came to coexist at court : the Arab-Muslim.) ein Schuler des Avi­ cenna. upon adopt­ ing Islam. 3 2 See • 97 . for understand this truth. however. The Qabus N ama by Kai Ka'us Ibn Iskandar. 3 2 6 . " 3 0 1bn Sina's Central Asian origins might well be a clue to the importance he accorded to functionally differentiated social orders. and the Iranian. These were : the Siyasetname of the Sel�uk vizier Nizam iil-Miilk3 1 ( 1 09 2 ) . Dutton. toward the end of the eleventh century." did. if not all "Turkish. in maintaining their landed property. and of the ruler ruling over the latter through justice is expressed in syn optical form as follows : "Make it your constant endeavor to i mprove cultivation and to govern well. good government is so 3 1 Ibid. Otto Alberts.1 0 7 0 P. the Kutadgu Bilik ( 1 070) 3 2 . all become Ottoman political classics.3 3 In the Kabus Name. Certainly.T HE I S L A IW I C I N T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A G E been explained by one author. which relegated the non-Arabs to the bottom o. their social standing.

1 42 7-1 501 ) . armed troops are maintained with gold. physicians and poets who guaran. also from the shifts in the classes included among the four orders. A study of these differences could establish a picture of the actual social power wielded by members of the "orders'' at di:fferent times. astronomers. 1 20112 7 4) .1 6. as distinguished from earlier idealizations of governmental arrangements. judges. Next come the warriors and defenders. tee the maintenance of religion and the world.. 8 5 See Serefeddin Yaltkaya. 'the political temperament. whatever their origi n. 2 1 3 (my italics in quotation) . gold is ac quired through cultivation and cultivation sus:. 86 This may be gathered Turk Hu k u k ve lktisat Tarihi Mecmuasi ( 1939) . and this class is composed of doctors of theology and law. but. fiscal officials."34 In this statement the number of "estates" mentioned has settled around three. The channel through which they were transmitted to the Ottoman Empire were the works of th e jurist Celaleddin-i Devvanl (Djalal al-Din al-Dawwani. 3 6 The secular strains of Tusl's theory. to a certain extent. One of the first works of this type is the manual of administration of the tlhanid vizier and phi­ losopher Nasreddin-i Tus13 5 ( Na�r al-Din al-Tu�i. p. This is again a reminder that what w� face is not only a theory of government. The combination of pen and sword ensures stability and guarantees public welfare. 6. which together make up and preserve the equity of the body politic. The third s 4 Ibid." 11.T HE I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A G E secured by armed troops. but more often in later "mirrors" four orders are mentioned. What is interesting here is that Tusl tries to describe Ilhanid administrative practices. . were not lost to the Ottoman world. secretaries. a description of social and political relations as they actually existed.' The first are the men of knowledge . "ilhaniler devri idari te§kilatma dair Nasir­ ed-dini Tfisi'nin bir eseri. by just dealing and fairness: be just and e quitable therefore. geometricians. .. tained through payment of what is due to the peasantry. In the works of Devvanl the theory of the four orders takes the fallowing new form : "Correspond­ ing to the four elements of the physical temperament there are four classes. .

p. that he found the Ahlak-i A la't too dry and forbidding. 1 .39 the coun­ sels of viziers and governors of Sari Mehmed Pa�a. 1 1 9. Nami k Kemal. in which a place is also found for the Seriat. introd. p. "Mahmud II nin izzet Molla ve Asakir-i Mansure Hakkmda bir Hatti. a treatise on ethics by the seventeenth-century Turkish j urist Kinahzade. Behrnhauer. "Hagi Chalfa's DustGru 1 l1 amal ." 37 This concatenation of political principles appears again and again in the works of Ottoman statesmen on politics. 2 1 9-2 20. XI..elebi's Dustur iil-Amel. soldiers. It is here stated in graphic form as follows ·: Nam1k Kemal was exposed to Kinahzade's doctrines and praised his work highly." Hurriyet. 42 Kaplan. see F. He added. Last come the farmers who produce our food. Princeton. 41 See Ihsan Sungu. "Wa-shawirhum fi >1-'amr. 1 9 3 5 ) . p. It may be found in such chronologically widely separated productions as the political works of Katib �elebi. 8 9 See French trans. Wright.n Statecraft: The Book of Counsels for Viziers and Gov­ ernors. In its most sophisti­ cated version. 1 4 1 . Political Thought. 1 7 6. this theory appears in the conclusion of the A hlak-i A lai (A khlak-i 'A la 'i ) . Princeton University Press.4 0 and the writings of the Tanzimat statesman Akif Pa§a. and the subj ects) which made up this syn­ thesis was erkan-i erbaa ( the four orders) . Only the equilibrium and mutual help of these four classes secures political life. for Akif Pa§a. Tarih Vesikalari (October 1 94 1 ) . 4 2 8 7 Rosenthal. Chapter v. . 1 7 6. See below.. Nala'i(i iil-viizera ve'l-iimera of San Mel). 2 0 July 1 8 6 8 . containing these ideas. artisans and craftsmen who pro­ vide for the needs of all. 40 See Otto ma. 2 2 0.. however. 1.which Kemal used the expression "circle of Justice» see Nam1k Kemal. Ein Beitrag zur Osmanischen Finanzgeschichte.. property. This accusation of a failure to appeal to one's emotions gives us another insight into the psychological function fulfilled by "political theology" in the elaboration of Young Ottoman political theories. For the section of Katib c.. 1 5 95-1 596) . 3 8 the political treatise of Hasan Kafi (known as Ak Hisarl) entitled Usul ul-Hikem ( Usul al-bikam ft nham al-'alam. 1 1 Pasha the Defterdar (trans. by Garcin de Tassy in Journal A siatique ( 1 8 24) . p. and notes by Walter L. IV. 4 1 The technical name used for the temporal elements ( the military aristocracy. ZDMG ( 1 85 7 ) . For one instance in .T H E I S L A MI C I N T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A GE class consists of traders. ss 99 .

this was a contribution of Devvani's which Kinahzade had incorporated in his own book.over the affairs of the city state. Philosophers call this person <king absolutely speaking' and call his ordinances. that is the man who watches . . . the art of government. .T HE IS L A M I C IN T E L L E C T UA L H E R I T A G E (2) THE WORLD IS A VINEYARD. . . Ra iye ti kul eder padi§ah-1 �Heme 6. The modern (philosophers) call him imam and his function the imamate. in order to perfect individual men and to arrange (and bring about) the (general) welfare. In fact. J USTICE AND TH E PH I LOSOPH ER-KI NG One aspect of Kinahzade's statement strikes a note one does not encounter in Tus1 : the �eriat has again a primary part to play in the political process. Political Thought. 4./ � (3) (8) THE SUBJECTS PLEDGE THE STA TE IS OBEDI ENCE [ TEXTUALLY REGULATED BY THE \ 'It( _ THE " �ER/A T ( 4) ARE MADE SLAVES" ] TO THE WORLD RULER \VHENEVER REIGNS JUSTICE §E R/A T ( 7) CAN- WITHOUT THE PRES- ENCE OF LAND � (6) (5) Jf LA ND CA N N OT BE SOLDIER S CANNOT BE SEIZED WITHOUT ENLISTED IF THERE SOLDIERS 1. 2 1 6. . . THE STA TE THE WORLD . Thus a passage which in Tus1 ran : "The governor is a person endowed with divine support . adil B. "4 3 48 Rosenthal. � f' PR OPER TY IS ACCUMULATED BY THE SUBJECTS NOT TAKE EFFECT 2. Mah cem' eyleyen raiyettir 8 . M ii lk zapt eyleyemez illa le§ker Le§keri cem' e d e me z illa mal 7. p . Plato calls him 'world ruler' and Aristotle 'statesman' . 3. I OO quoting Tusi. . ITS (I) JUS TICE IS THE SOURCE OF THE SALVATION OF WALLS. � \ -�---�>r 'Adildir mucib-i salah-1 Cihan Cihan bir bagdir D1var1 Devlet Devletin naz1m1 �eriatt1r Seriate olamaz hi� haris illa miilk IS NO PROPE R T Y 5.

by W. In particu­ lar. For an outdated translation of Devvani which still remains the only one see [ � alal ad-Din al-Dawwani ] . Allen." 4 4 And this second passage was taken over almost verbatim by Kinahzade. . The ancient philosophers call him a lawgiver . quoting Devvani.T H E I S L A M I C I N T E L L E C T UA L HERI T A G E became in Devvan1 : "The lawgiver is a person endowed with divine inspiration and revelation . Thompson. Thus. . 1 839) . and his social relations . . between 44 Ibid. it proved an adequate political model. to establish regulations governing man's duties to God . . however. by assigning the highest place in their scheme to the Seriat. . . . 2 1 5 . Kinah­ zade's smooth synthesis only served to disguise a certain antagonism between what has been characterized as the "ruling institution" in the Ottoman Empire and the ulema. the A hlak-i Ala't did not reflect the overwhelming im­ portance that secular lawmaking had come to assume by the time it was composed ( the seventeenth century) . IOI . and as long as institutionalized methods of opposition to the existing political machine did not exist. This synthesis was fairly long-lived. through Devvani's and then Kinahzade's works. . p. while the moderns call him a prophet. London. the means of identifying the sultan with the philosopher-king be­ came available. the fact that the bulk of the "constitutional law" of the empire was extra-Ser'i law. In failing to take notice of the actual or subterranean opposition to the established political powers. . . for the good order of this life and the next . . For both Devvani and Kinahzade. this final synthesis failed even at the time it was conceived.. As long as the basic consideration prevailed that nothing was worse than anarchy. It relegated to the background the fact that the sultan did proclaim edicts which had the force of law. did not keep up with the realities of the political life of their time. Practical _ Philosophy of the Muhammadan Peo ple { trans.

4 � C." This theory stated that where the �eriat did not provide a solution to existing problems.1 2 6 . and his government on one hand and the ulema on the other. had the ruling caliph transfer sover­ eignty over all Islamic lands to himself. XI I I . 45 Gibb and Bowen. It is important. The background for secular lawmaking by kings had been set by the Islamic conception of " ' Ur/. The ulema themselves always kept these two facets confused be­ cause it was to their advantage. the measuring rods of "necessity" and "reason" could be used to enact regulations with the force of law. the ultimate infallibility of the �eriat in all matters. public and private. see H. was still acknowledged.. I02 . in the Ottoman Empire 46 For developments . These developments were due to the invasion of the Middle East by the Mongols.46 Some advantage was taken of this theory in early Islamic states. "Osmanli A nkara Oniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakultesi Dergisi 1 02. p. 1 . inalc1k. Hukukuna Giri§.4 7 It is in the thirte·enth century that developments occurred which made it possible for the ulema to equate the use of secular law with the most tyrannical of absolutistic practices. often used the same smoke screen. Among these was the secularization of public law. to disentangle these two different aspects of the "clerical" protestations. 3 2 . As a matter of form only. the executive officers of his household.. Turko-Iranian governmental· practices began to prevail. therefore. SECULAR VS.T HE I S L A MI C IN T E L L E C T UA L H E R I T A G E the sultan. RELIGIOUS LAWS There were two facets to the attacks of the ulema against the secular lawmaking power of the Ottoman sultan. In 105 8 Tugrul Bey. 1 05 . 1. who in the nineteenth century took up the argument of the ulema. Islamic Society. When Tugrul Bey's successor created the Sel�uk state. a Sel�uk Turk whose Turkish "palace mayor" predecessors had for some time held the real power in the Abbasid Caliphate. (June 1 9 5 8 ) . and the Young Ottomans. 4 7 Ibid.

'' Turk Hukuk Tarihi (Ankara." th e Turkish practice of secular lawmaking. had taken upon themselves the legislation of what amounted. Encyclopaedia of Islam IV : 1 0 3 1 . 4 9 inalc1k. the Mongolian ruler Temu�in had proclaimed his basic code of laws or " Yasa" ( I 206) . set the fashion. 48 For I OJ . was not common to the Turks. Permanent and uniform guides for the administration of the empire were thus compiled and codes of criminal law also drafted. One consequence of this was that secular legislation suffered from guilt by association. a la Mongole.1 3 2 . Levy. 1 06. in the extreme form in which they practiced it. 1 9 5 6 ) . Dr. p. 1 9 5 7 ) . 49 A body of public law was thereby created. Turk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi. 1 . But the Mongols also had a theory of unquestioned and complete allegiance to the will of the ruler which. Halil inalc1k. 1 4 . and they had no trouble in pointing to the existence of secular laws in the Ottoman Empire : the Ottoman sultans. For example. . and absolute rule were indiscriminately grouped together under the same heading. cccengiz Han Yasas1. For the Vasa see George Vernadsky. in consonance with age-old Turkish practices." p .. p . eventually. "Osmanh Hukukuna Giri§. Ankara. . The Social Structure of Islam (Cambridge. known by the the ' Urfi theory of the Sultan's powers see R. upon being proclaimed \:ingiz Han ("emperor of the world") . 1 22. p. 1 949 ) . For the fashion which the Mongols set in politics see Kiinunniime-i Sultani her Muceb-i Orf-i Osmani : II Mehmet ve II B ayezit Devirlerine A it Yasakname ve Kanun­ nameler (eds. which was to apply throughout his empire. xvi. Reuben Levy. " ' Urf. 4 8 Long after the end of the Mongol invasions the ulema continued to identify secular lawmaking with absolutism. and thus the Islamic conception of '' 'Urf. The Mongols so overwhelmed the Middle East militarily and were so success­ ful in asserting their rule throughout a sizable portion of Islamic countries that their methods of government-which were also thought to account in part for their success-were believed to be a model of efficiency. to entire codes of law which were extra-Ser'i. Robert Anh egger and Dr. University Press.T HE IS L A M I C IN T E L L E C T UA L HE RI T A GE The Mongols too regulated their social life by means of secular law.. Absolutism. Introduction. note 2 7 . 2 6 1 .

in the course of their professional life. In addition. they would meet with cases where they could not apply the measuring rod of the �eriat. I04 v1 . l 91 . they. could still stand up in the nineteenth century as the upholders of religious principle against bureaucratic expediency and as the defenders of the "rights" of their Islamic brethren. when the time came for the Young Ottomans to enunciate their theories of government. the validity of a secular law's resting ultimately on the will of the sultan was a concept which the less sophisticated ulema were at a loss to understand. We shall later witness how. and tort s were left to the ulema to decide in the light of the divine law or �eriat. 5 0 The fact that the sultan arrogated to himself the right to make law in this fashion was one which the ulema could never swallow and gave rise to a smoldering resentment against the imperial prerogative. heaped the onus of all that was despotic or autocratic in Ottoman gov­ ernmental practices of the past on "Mongolian" accretions without specifying whether by "Mongolian" they meant the Ottoman tradition of having to submit to the personal com­ mands of the Grand Vizier without a possibility of appeal or the presence in the state of a code of administrative law which competed with the �eriat. "Kan u n . adopting the line of attack of the ulema. "Kanun-Name.N [1 me .T HE IS L A M I C IN T E L L E C T U A L H E RI T A GE name of kanun ( the name for each individual codification being kanunname or yasakname) . " p . marriage." Islam A nsiklo pedisi ( 1 9 5 2 ) . instructing teachers of the religious law to make their students realize that. and only matters that had reference to private law such as inheritance. 5 0 Omer LGtfi 19I. This may be gat hered from successive ed icts of the Sey hulis­ lam ( head of the ulema) . 5 1 Barkan . since they had been taught that no law was above divine law. though they achieved increasing control of part of the machinery of the state in the fifteenth and six­ teenth centuries. .151 Thus the ulema. Barkan.

Specifically. 5 2 None of the elements in the political Weltanschauung to which the Young Ottomans became heirs may be fully appreci­ ated if they are not set into the general framework of deep. certain religio-ethical con­ victions about the inviolability of the human person. but that the politico-ethical commands of the �eriat provided one possible point of contact with the political theory of the West. it might be said that the Islamic past laid little ground for the permeation of Turks by European politi­ cal philosophy. Such a willingness to sacrifice one's own interests to that of the state. into a profound and sincere devotion to the Ottoman state. de j uges et de professeurs. the establishment of a constitutional system in Turkey was equated with a return to the rule of law as embodied in the practice of the �eriat. This feeling was translated. une aristocratie de theologiens et de j uris­ consultes. the opposition of the ulema to the imperial prerogative of lawmaking explains the process by which. X L I . expressed 52 The prestige that the ulema acquired in the heyday of the Ottoman Empire because of the high ethical and intellectual standards that prevailed among them has been well described by the historian Hammer. Bellizard­ Barthes. XL. Dufour et Lowell. Histoite de l'Empire Ottoman depuis son Origine jusqu'a nos jours (trans. Cette communaute aristocratique tout a la fois enseignante et magistrale. genuine and all-pervasive concern for the welfare of the Is­ lamic community. insofar as Western theory also disguised. 1 8 3 5 . deux fleaux qui si frequem­ ment menacerent de le submerger. 1 05 . The reasons for which their prestige lingered so long after the disappearance of these qualities among them may also be gathered from the same passage : "De toutes les institutions Ottomanes la plus exemplaire est sans contredit celle fondee par le Sultan Mohammed II. for many Young Ottomans. XVI I ( 1 84 1 ) . tantot par l'anarchie. de Hammer [ von Hammer-Purgstall] ." J.T HE I S L A M I C IN T E L L E C T U A L H E R I T A G E In conclusion.1 843 ) . Paris. et perfectionnee par le Sultan Souleiman Ier qui a eu pour obj et d'etablir la hierarchie des Oulemas. "Ce ne fut point une noblesse territoriale mais une aggregation de merites fondes sur la science de la loi. qui etablit clans l'etat un sorte de corps legislatif forma des lors un utile contre­ poids au pouvoir militaire et imposa une certaine retenue aux dereglements du despotisme meme. by Hellert. dont la fermete et la haute science con­ tribuerent principalement a preserver le vaisseau de l'etat des orages suscites tantot par le despotisme. even in its most rationalistic form. following the Ottoman ascendance in the Islamic world.

1. especially pp. this ability of the individual to identify his own aim with that of the state has not been given the impartial and obj ective treatment it deserves. But the "solidarity group" that coalesced into the Ottoman Empire had very special characteristics and traditions at its basis as demonstrated by Paul Wittek in The Rise of the Ottoman Empire (London. 1 9 3 8 ) . Luzac. "Irrational Solidarity Groups : A Socio-psycho­ logical study in connection with Ibn Haldun." Oriens ( 1 9 48 ) . Among modern Western students of the Ottoman Empire for whom the high value of political and social · dissent is axiomatic. 5 8 For the beginnings of such an attempt from a slightly different point o f view see Hellmut Ritter. 3 7-43 · ro6 . 1 -44.T HE I S L A M I C IN T E L L E C T UA L H E R I T A G E in the extremely common saying. "Allah din-ii devlete zeval vermesin" ("God protect religion and the state" ) was the obverse facet of the tradition of obeisance and the absence in Islam of a widely accepted theory of justified resistance.5 3 but the evolutiori of Young Ottoman thought makes little sense if it is ignored.

1 Frederick 1 8 6 7). the Ottoman Empire had obtained several large loans from Europe. True. z o7 . In the last years of the reign of Sultan Abdiilmecid ( from 1 8 54 to 1 8 6 1 ) . Librairie Internationale. At first sight too the facts seem to substantiate this charge. La Turquie sous le Regne d'A bdul Aziz ( 186 2 (Paris. p . the age-old authoritarian basis of the empire and the tradition of subservience to the state bring to mind as a' possible explana­ tion of Young Ottoman discontent the misuse of the imperial prerogative.+8 C HAPTER IV €·£· Turkish Political Elites in the N ineteenth Century THE most widely accepted theory purporting to explain the attitude assumed by Nam1k Kemal and his collaborators to­ ward the government of the Ottoman Empire in the 1 8 6o's is one which attributes their criticism to the "tyranny" then existing in Turkey. which were paid only by entering into other and larger debts. whose burdens were increased to defray the expenses incurred by the sultans. A similar process was repeated during the reign of his successor Abdiilaziz ( from 1 8 6 1 to I 8 76) who. at the time he stepped on the throne. or even tyranny on the part of the sultan. Toward the end of his life the sultan had lapsed into a life of debauchery which undermined his already weak health and eventually caused his death." These excesses weighed heavily on the taxpayers. 1 8 6 8 ) . was hailed as the man who would put the empire together again but who did not fulfill these expectations. 3 6 1 . Abdulaziz spent money lavishly on the construction of palaces and on other personal "hobbies. 1 Millingen. This explanation has one disadvantage in that it does not dwell on the specific nature of the abuses against which the Young Ottomans were protesting. The increasing autonomy of formerly subj ect territories gave physical proof of the empire's decline. irresponsibility.

ro8 . of the Young Ottomans were rarely directed at the sultan's person and never against the institution of the monarchy.. See For an expose of the feuds between Abdiilaziz and Fuad see also Ahmed Saib. "the sultan has never refused to do anything which has been required of him which would be of profit for the people. who are re­ membered in Turkey as "good men. I 8 6 8. Fuad was avenging hi m se l f for the fate su:ffered by his father izzet Molla. 1 8 9 3 ) . 3 Nam 1k Kemal. Hindiye Matbaas1. 6 5 . October 1 9. Tarih Musahabeleri. "UsUl-ii me§verete <lair ge�en numaralarda miinderic. 7 . 1 06. 5 In fact. 1 3 2 6/1 9 0 8 ) . Maarif Matbaas1." stated Nam1k Kemal. p. 5 Sultan Abdiilmecid was found one day knocking his head against the walls of his palace crying for God to deliver him from the hands of Re§id Pa§a. Vambery. he was a virtual prisoner of Fuad and A. mektuplarm be§incisi. Vak'a-yi Sultan A bdulaziz ( 2nd ed. in for attacks were Ali and Fuad's "ministrable" colleagues and the narrow circle of states­ men who gravitated around these figures and monopolized the higher offices of state. in 1 8 76. w·hat at first sight seems a peculiar fixation of the Young Ottomans.2 "Up to the present. and statesmen who laid the foundations of modern Turkish administration." 8 The target of Young Ottoman criticism was not the monarchy but the Porte. "Freiheitliche Bestrebungen im Moslimischen Asien. C h ap te r v. 4 T [ iirk ] T [ arih ] T [ e d ri s ] Cemiyeti. and in particular the two pillars of the Ottoman administration of the time-Fuad and Ali Pa§a. Toward the sultanate the Young Ottomans always showed the deepest respect. Abdurrahman �eref. Lxx n . by the very successors 2 A. 4 Also. the ultimate result of this hegemony of the Porte was that the sultan was deposed. p. It is thus quite surprising to find out that the attacks . however." Deutsche Rundschau ( October. who had been exiled twice because he had dared advise Sultan Mahmud. Yeni ve Yakin Zamanlar ( Ankara. '\'ith regard to the determination of state policy. p .'' modernizers of the empire. Tarih III. 3 2 . 2 4 8 .T UR KISH P O L I T ICA L E L I TES The natural expectation o f an observer would therefore be that the "tyranny" of which the Young Ottomans were com­ plaining in most of their writings was due to the conduct of the sultan. 1 94 1 ) ." H urriyet. p. Cairo. becomes intelligible the moment we realize that Sultan Abdulaziz had little or almost no hand in the preparation of the day-to-day policy of the Ottoman Empire.

2 8 6-3 1 9 . Hiss-i inkilab Yahut Sultan A bdula­ �. 1 8 7 8 ) . Haliik �ehsuvaroglu. Sultan Abdiilaziz's position has been described in Abdurrahman � of transformation going on at the time in the empire. I 84 0z 8 78 .T URKISH P O L I TICA L E L I TES of Ali and Fuad. siyasi hayati. For the deposition of Sultan Abdiilaziz see Comte E.ilmecid and Abdulaziz there had risen to power a new bureaucratic elite which arrogated to itself the political power that Selim III ( l 789-1 807 ) and Mahmud had been able to concentrate in their own hands for a short time. devri ve olUmu (istanbul. p. 7 See below. as it was also the most per­ vasive. vu. Siileyman Hiisnii Pa§a. Hiiseyin Avni Pa§a. Thus." Belleten ( 1 94 3 ) . 1 06 ff. of all the proc­ ess. Con­ versely.izin Hal'i ile Sultan Murad-i Hamisin Culusu ( tstanbul. 3 49-3 7 3 . during the reign of Abdi. Tanin Matbaas1. Beginning with the reign of Mahmud II (from I 808 to l 8 3 9 ) . pp. Sultan A ziz : Hususi. 3 2 2. ((Sultan Abdiilaziz vak'asma dair vak'aniivis Lutfi Efendinin bir Risalesi. had become too complex a goal for the sultan to control and the power necessary to enforce the modernist and reformist drive was transferred to the bureaucracy. La Turqiue. 1 3 26 / 1 9 1 0 ) . 6 What had happened was that the earlier alliance be­ tween the sultan and the bureaucrats against the Janissaries had begun to disintegrate after the elimination of the Janissary corps in 1 8 26. Dentu. Prisonnier d'Etat. ismail Hakk1 Uzun�ar§th. . Frederick Millingen. 1 949 ) . de Keratry. which the sultan desired be­ cause it promised a strengthening of the army and an increase in the centralized control of the state. After Mahmud. the emancipation and rise to power of the higher bureaucrats seems to have been the strongest. modernization. Hilmi Kitabevi. Midhat Pa§a. 1 6 The plotters were Miitercim Rii§dii Pa§a. Prince. both the machinery of re­ form established by the sultan and the very protection accorded to such reformist ministers as Re§id Pa§a had made Mahmud' s imperial successors mere onlookers on the political scene. E. Mourad V. and Siileyman Pa§a. Even though the statesmen who in 1 8 76 carried out the coup were enemies of Ali and supposedly friendly to Young Ottoman ideas. d'apres des Temoins de sa Vie (Paris. what is interesting is that they carried to its logical end the monopolizing of political power that characterized Ali's policies. Sultan. for a description of this process. Tarih Musahabeleri. 3 2 5 . Chapter v.

1 9 3 4) . . But even more important than this emancipation was a second change. as one historian has stated. Geschichte der Turkei von dem Siege der Reform im Ja hre 1 8 2 6 bis zum Pariser Traktat vom Jahre 1 85 6 (Leipzig. held most strongly by Ottoman bureaucrats themselves. This self-assurance replaced the earlier belief. This creation of vested interests came about not by the minor revolutions of the Islamic society itself. 1. R. «social Reactions in the Muslim World. It is not always realized that this crystallization of authority had a marked effect in changing the nature of the relations between those who possessed it and those over whom it was exercised ." Now the bureaucrats of the Tanzimat believed that they were the only people who could reestablish the "old Ottoman glory. the process was a little more complex than this description allows. . 3 0 2 . La Turquie et le Tanzimat. xx1 . '' J o u rnal of the R o yal Central A sian Society (October. but as the result of the sudden imposition of alien ideas. Georg Rosen. For earlier developments see Engelhardt. 9 Dr. . . the offensive smugness and self-assertive­ ness of the new government elite. First. "the status of servants of the government changed from that of slaves to the sultan to that of servants of the state. . 2 8 f. Gibb. Hirzel. . . for in it were encapsulated two distinct developments. i. A. 1. 1 8 6 6 ) ." 8 In fact. s IIO ."9 This happened during the reign of Mahmud.e. that "the neck of a servant of the sultan is thinner than a hair's breadth. . By stabilizing at a given moment a transi­ tory situation . ." which seems to have been the H. 5 4 8 . brought to a sudden stop the circulation of authority and placed it in the hands of the fortunate few who happened to be in possession of it at that juncture .. modernism . .T U RKISH P O L I TICA L ELI TES The general pattern of this process of elite formation which was repeated throughout the Middle East in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has been described as follows : "The imposition of Western administration and law has introduced a fresh complication both in the structure and the ideology of the Muslim society.

. 2 7 1 .) . quoting an unpublished portion of Cevdet's Tezakir. n.. Cairo. British Policy and the Turkish Reform Movement. was that the sultan was basically incapable of leading a reform :movement. 1 0. 11 III . p. As Re§id Pa§a himself had stated to Palmerston. Tarih-i Sultan Murad-i Hamis ( 2nd ed. p. 1 64. Ali and Fuad Pa§a elaborated on this attitude and Ali Pa§a :fostered the new idea that a small elite should take upon itself the administration of matters of state. was quite well versed in ''administering the affairs" of the empire. Already Re§id Pa§a's attitude toward his imperial master. pp. The historian Cevdet Pa§a. Re§id.d. Medent Hukuk Cephesinden A hmet Cevdet Paia r 8 2 2 . its cause must only be attributed to the sovereign's arrogance. relates the words of the latter." 10 And again.I 8 9 5 ( istanbul. who occupied more than one government post during the successive premierships of Ali Pa§a. . encountered difficulties . 1 946) .ilaziz. These should govern the fate of the state. 1 8 . see Ahmed Saib. 12 Ebul'iila Mardin. Cumhuriyet Matbaas1. have. that he. at times." 11 Re§id Pa§a implied. . "He [the Sultan] had no knowledge whatsoever of the skills needed in administering the affairs [of state] . p. . of course. one which showed only in his contacts with foreigners. The process had already begun in the last years of the reign of Mahmud. Gibb's above-mentioned description of the rise to power of Middle Eastern elites because of "new ideas" is indeed quite accurate. Insofar as they were justified in holding the belief that their services were indis­ pensable. Matbaa-i Hindi ye. one of the generals who deposed Abdi. to the effect that "the Lord has entrusted the well-being of the state to five or six people. 2 7 2 . For almost the same conception as held by Hiiseyin Avni Pa§a. .T URKISH P O L I T ICA L E L I TES ultimate goal o f all Ottoman Turks. Ibid. �" If the new institutions. spoken at a private meeting." 1 2 Cevdet Pa�a explains how his silence on this occasion was correctly interpreted as disapproval of this theory and adds that while 10 Bailey. note 8. :His mind lacked discrimination. To flatter his pride and his vanity was to assure oneself of his approbation. which Sultan Mahmud has some­ times espoused. folio 4.


Fuad Pa�a "was not as despotically inclined as Ali Pa§a, he
also held similar opinions."18
Accounts of the rise of this new Turkish elite, which was
quite conscious of the eminent role that history had called on
it to play, may be found in several of the works written by
contemporary European observers. The most fiery of these
are the memoirs of Frederick Millingen, a man well acquainted
with the intimate lives of the Turkish statesmen of the Tanzi­
mat, who also bore a deep grudge against Fuad Pa§a. 14 _The
power of the sultan, Millingen stated, was more than counter­
balanced by "th e preponderant influence of the bureaucrats
of the sublime Porte." He added : "These kiatibs form a
powerful corporation which, possessing the advantages of a
relatively superior erudition and versed in the routine of
administration, has easily been able to usurp and conserve a
preponderance over the other bodies of the state. Its political
attributions extend to all branches of administration and thanks
to it, this corps has acquired a limitless power and influence.
It is from the corps of bureaucrats that emerge ordinarily the
great Efendis, the chiefs of bureaux, imperial commissioners,
governors, ambassadors, ministers, etc. Not content with the
legitimate exercise of their power in the ministries which
constitute their domain and in the sphere of their attribu­
tions, these kiatibs have seized power by spreading their
ramifications and meddling in the smallest details of govern­
mental organization.'n5
The new bureaucrats seem to have taken advantage of their
position to play the role of minor despots even in their rela­
tions with the ulema, whose influence as a group had been
so deeply feared in earlier times. 16 So that the remark of
1 3 Mardin, Medeni Hukuk Cephesinden, p. 1 0, note 8 .
1 4 Millin gen was the son of Dr. Millin gen, Byron's physician. His mother's

second husband was K1brislt Mehmed Emin Pa§a, grand vizier for a short
time in the 1 8 6o's, whose stepson Millingen thus became. For the life of
Millingen and his relation with the Porte see Davison, "Reform in the Otto­
man Empire 1 8 5 6- 1 8 76,'' p. 1 3 3 et seq.
1 5 Millingen, La Turquie, p. z 5 5 .
1 6 Ibid., p. 2 s 7 .
I I2


Engelhardt that the first show of discontentment against the
imperial power-the "Zealot" coup, known in Turkish history
as the Kuleli Revolt ( 1 8 5 9 ) -was due to the distaste felt
throughout the country for this new governmental elite does
not come as a surprise. Engelhardt states that "feelings ran
high in particular against that sort of oligarchy which, since
the beginning of the reign of Abdiilmecid, surrounded the
throne and made of a sovereign who lacked both experience
and will the instrument of its intrigues and so to speak the
unconscious accomplice of its dilapidations. A revolutionary
breath went through the army, spread among the Ulemas
and in the highest ranks of the administration." 1 1
Many Turks j oined in the chorus of protestations directed
against the uncontrolled actions of the new Ottoman elite. It
would seem that one key to the maj ority of the political writ­
ings of Nam1k Kemal-certainly to those he composed during
his three years of voluntary exile-is an unrelenting hatred
of the graft and oppression of the new bureaucracy and the
small group of "experts" led by Ali Pa§a.
In one instance, for example, in one of Kemal's writings an
imaginary peasant was made to wonder at the number of
palaces one came across in the capital. The peasant indicated
that there were several sovereigns. The answer provided by
Nam1k Kemal was the following : "Yes, there exists more than
one sovereign, but one of them is called the Padi§ah ['sover­
eign'] , he is the true sovereign. The others have now become
partners in his rule although they have not yet been able to
take his title away. At present they are called ministers." 1 8
1 7 Engelhardt,

La Turquie et le Tanzimat,


1 5 8.

1 8 N am1k Kemal, "ldare-i Haz1ranm H ulasa-i A.sari, ,, Hurriyet, December

�!. 8, 1 8 6 8, p. 6. For Ziya Pa§a's ideas see his Letter to the Polish newspaper
Dziemik Poynanski in the London Times, December 3 1 , 1 8 6 7, p. 8 . "The
origin of the mischief is the peculiar form of government, unlike any that
(�Xists in other despotic states. Unlimited as is the power of the Porte, it is
not vested in the Sultan but in a handful of dignitaries . . . . Those dignitaries
form a set of statesmen who, for a period of 2 5 years, have alternately
relieved each other in office. ,,
The Young Ottomans' antipathy for the men who filled the highest offices
of the state and especially for the grand vizier had deep historical roots. For
I I3


Nam1k Kemal devoted considerable space to such subjects
as the reforming of government service and to the techniques
by which these new "upper" bureaucrats could be held in
check. 1 9 The curtailment of liberty which he associated with
the rise of this new class he described as follows : "In old times
a temporary tyranny could be instituted by the use of imperial
edicts, later an order, a paper signed by the minister of interior,
still later, the will of the police commissioner or even of a
police sergeant became sufficient to put out the fires of an
innocent hearth, to destroy an entire family." 2 0
The fact that Nam1k Kemal himself traced his ancestry
back to a well-established family which had been important
a long time the grand viziers had been part and parcel of the Enderun-u
Humayun, i.e., the imperial court. As such they had a career which was
characteristic of the members of the so-called Ruling Institution, the govern­
ing elite attached by ties of personal absolute allegiance to the sultan. Ideally,
they would have been Christians converted to Islam in their early childhood
and then educated for statesmanship, later rising to the highest offices of the
Ottoman "executive." This staffing of key posts had not been accepted with
equanimity either by the mass of the Turkish population or by the lower
bureaucracy. The masses seem to have resented the disdain for «Turks" that
obtained at the Enderun and which appeared in such e press i ons that were
used in court circles as "Etrak-1 bi-idrak" ( "senseless Turks» ) . The mem­
bers of the bureaucracy and the less important ulema were incensed by the
attitude of the members of the Enderun that they were above ordinary
( �er'i ) j ustice.
As the system of staffing the Ruling Institution with converts broke down,
the office of grand vizier did lose its "foreign" cast, but as it had been the
focus of suspicions for a long time the Young Ottomans could still make it
the center of their anticosmopolitan and anticorruptionist drive. For the
attitudes of the Dev§irme toward Turks see ismail Hakk1 Uzun�ar§ilt,
Osmanli Devleti Te§kilatinda Kapukulu Ocaklari : I A cemi Ocagi 've Yeni­
feri Ocagi ( Ankara, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi, 1 943 ) , pp. 1 40- 1 4 1 .
For the analysis by the Young Ottoman Ali Suavi o f the p rivileged status of
the · members of the Ruling Institution see Ali Suavi, untitled article, Ulum
( undated [ 1 8 7 0] ) , p. 1 000.
1 9 Kemal had detailed proj ects for the establishment of specialized train­
ing for officials and their promotion on the basis of merit. Not the least
interesting of his proposals was his conviction that an effort should be made
to recruit candidates for state employment in the provinces. See N am1k
Kemal, "Memur," lbret, October 8, 1 8 7 2 , in Kulliyat-i Kemal: Makalat-i
Siyasiye ve Edebiye ( ed. by Ali Ekrem [Bulay1r] , Istanbul, Selanik Mat­
baas1, 1 3 2 8/1 9 1 0) , pp. 1 3 5 - 1 4 8 .
2 0 Unpublished letter o f Nam1k Kemal. Quoted b y Siileyman Nazi£,
Namik Kemal, p. 44.



before the reforms but which had later declined both in terms
of personal fortune and of position-very probably due to the
fact that it had not been able to adapt itself to the new demands
for Europeanized statesmen-points to the subconscious moti­
vations which might have roused a deep hostility toward
the new bureaucratic pedants, whos� pomposity Nam1k Kemal
constantly ridiculed. 21
But the accusations leveled by the Young Ottomans against
the statesmen of the Tanzimat did not come only under the
heading of "tyranny." In addition, these statesmen were
charged with having adopted the most superficial parts of
European culture, those aspects which the Young Ottomans
considered immoral. One of their complaints, for example, was
that Westernization had been understood by Fuad Pa�a and
his imitators as equivalent to "the establishment of theaters,
frequenting ballrooms, being liberal about the infidelities of
one's wife and using European toilets." 22 Again, Nam1k Kemal
stated that he rejected a Europeanization which consisted of
letting women walk around decollete. 2 3
All these were j abs at the fashionable circles presided over
by Fuad Pa§a, where Western social manners and amenities
had been widely adopted. One final reproach made by the
Young Ottomans to the statesmen of the school of Ali Pa§a
was that the latter had forgotten about the great opportunities
afforded by the "unfathomable sea of the �eriat."2 4
2 1 Editorial, Hurriyet, November 2 , 1 8 6 8 , p. 2 . Nam1k Kemal traced his
ancestry to Grand Vizier Topal Osman Pa§a, the victor of the war waged
against Nadir �ah in Persia. His grandfather, �emseddin Bey, was the master
of ceremonies of Selim III ; the father of Nam1k Kemal, Mustafa As1m Bey,
was the court astronomer or rather ((astrologist," a position which put
him in the ranks of the non-European "old-fashioned" elite. Theodor
Menzel, "Kemal,'' Encyclopedia of Islam, I I , 8 4 7-8 5 1 . On Nam1k Kemal's
pride in the achievements of his ancestors cf. Riza Tev:fik, in Esatlt, Ol-U­
munden Sonra Riza Tevfik, p. I 1 6 .
22 Ziya Pa§a, "Yeni Osmanhlardan bir Zat Tarafmdan Matbaam1za
Goderilip Derc Olunan Hatiralar," Hiirriyet, April 5 , 1 8 69, p. 7.
23 N am1k Kemal, "Firkam1z meydana �1kt1 �ikalt, ,, Hurriyet, September
7, 1 8 6 8, p. 7 .
2 4 Ziya Pa§a, "Yeni Osmanhlardan bir Zat," Hurriyet, April 5, 1 8 69, p . 6 .


I t i s true that the new Turkish elite was, by earlier stand­
ards, quite blunt and merciless in enforcing the political, social,
and intellectual Westernization of Turkey. In this respect they
were continuing a trend begun by Re�id Pa�a. Re§id Pa§a him­
self had been so far inclined to Westernization that he had
considered the salvation of Turkey to lie in what he called
"the way of civilization."2 5 The new elite took over this
Western-mindedness of Re§id Pa§a and carried it even farther.
These men, for example, were the first members of the Ma­
sonic lodges that were established in Turkey by foreigners. 26
However the strongest evidence of their pro-Western orienta­
tion may be seen in the favorable attitude that they adopted
toward the creation of lay courts and the adoption of codes of
law modeled on European codes.27 It is indeed extraordinary
that when the proj ect for the creation of such courts-which
had been suggested by Western powers-was being discussed
at th e Porte, there should have existed a group of statesmen
who were not averse to the suggestions of the French ambas­
sador, Bourn�e, of having the entire French civil code trans­
lated into Turkish and used as a Turkish civil code.2 8
The dichotomy between the attitude of t�e suave and
Europeanized statesman of the Tanzimat29 and the cultural
2 5 In the original document in which he mentioned this idea, Re§id Pa§a
used a phonetic transcription in Turkish of the French "civilization.» See
Re§at Kaynar,

Mustafa Re§it Pa§a



( Ankara, Tiirk Tarih

Kurumu Bas1mevi, 1 95 4 ) , p. 69.
26 According to Ebiizziya, the first Masonic lodge was created in Turkey
by the British ambassador, Sir Henry Bul wer, in 1 8 5 7 . Not to be outdone,
the French ambassador had created a rival lodge the following year. This
lodge which had the name of "Union d'Orient" included among its members
Ali Pa§a, Fuad Pa§a, Mustafa Faztl Pa§a, Re§id Pa§a, Siileyman Pa§a,
Edhem Pa§a, Miinif Pa§a. See Ebiizziya Tevfik, "Farmasonluk,,, Mecmua-i
Ebuzziya, 1 8 Cemaziyiilahir 1 3 2 9, pp. 6 8 3 -6 8 6.
2 7 The commercial code of 1 8 5 0 was copied almost literally from the com­
mercial laws of France. Ubicini, Letters on Turkey, 1, 1 6 6. Provincial
administration was based on the system developed in France during the
reign of Louis XVI. Editorial, La Turquie ( Istanbul) , January 9, 1 8 6 7 .
28 See Mardin, Medeni Hukuk Cepliesinden A hmet Cevdet Paia, p. 8 8 et
seq. On the advisory status granted to a French j urist and the intention of the
Porte to take over sections of the Code Napoleon see Levant HeralJ, (Istan­
bul) , May 1 , 1 8 69, p . 2 .
Jorga, Geschiclite, v, 4 1 9 .



and religious puritanism of the Young Ottomans shows that
the Young Ottomans, who have been represented as the
inheritors of a Western-oriented tradition introduced by their
intellectual mentor Sinasi,3 0 had, in fact, more complex intel­
lectual antecedents. A.Ii Pa§a, the sworn enemy of Sinasi, was
intellectually closer to him than the Young Ottomans were
ever to be. Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a, even though he combatted
Ali Pa�a, should be placed in the same cultural locus. All three
1nen were devoid of the self-consciousness which is found
among the Young Ottomans. They did not try to compare
Islam with the West ; they felt Islam was above such com­
parisons. On the other hand, in Nam1k Kemal, Ali Suavi, and
Ziya Pa�a we encounter a type of conduct which is conspicuous
by the amount of energy it devoted to the defense of parochial
values. It is because Sinasi realized this difference that he chose
to steer clear of the Young Ottomans in Paris. Thus within
a few years of Ottoman political development were compressed
the typically eighteenth-century attitude of Sinasi, convinced
of the eventual triumph of reason, and the typically modern
reaction of Kemal, introducing a militancy and a cult of na­
tional values that was to become the hallmark of twentieth­
century nationalism.
Yet i t should not be forgotten that Nam1k Kemal's demands
centering around the reestablishment of Ottoman practices
such as the rule of religious law were based on a perfectly
cogent argument. One of the primary results of th e political
developments in the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth cen­
tury had been the separation of religious criteria from the
practice of government.3 1 This separation occurred almost in3 ° For this approach to the Young Ottomans see Tanpmar ,

XIXncu A sir,
1 94- 1 9 6.
3 1 Cf. Roderic H. Davison, "Turkish Attitudes Concerning ChristianMuslim Equality in the Nineteenth Century," The American Historical
Review (July 1 9 54) , 5 9 :844. See also Engelhardt, La Turquie, 1 , 3 7 , who
speaks of this aspect as "a revolution." Insofar as public instruction is con­
cerned, one author points out that, by the creation in 1 846 of a Ministry of
:Education, "the secularization of instruction became an accomplished fact."
PP ·

I I7


sensibly. It began with the establishment of institutions (both
civil and military ) where efficiency was the primary goal and
where not even a pretense was made of creating an ideology
that would clothe these institutions. Thus in the Ottoman state
created during the Tanzimat there was no possibility of an
ultimate reference to something more exalted or less pe­
destrian than the paper-pushing routine of the bureaus of
the Porte or the mere "physical" strengthening of the state.
Whether in the process of carrying out the Westernization
of Turkey and the streamlining of governmental and adminis­
trative practice there arose injustices was immaterial to Tanzi­
mat statesmen like Ali Pa§a. The empire had to be saved first.
This kind of attitude, however, resulted in an ideological
vacuum, for the Tanzimat statesmen contributed nothing to
replace the �eriat · as a measuring rod of good and evil in
politics. They did not realize the implications of the creation
of such an ideological vacuum. They were Europeanized to
the extent of accepting Islam as a "private" religion. The least
that can be said about this attjtude is that they were short­
sighted, for they dealt with a religion that was conceived of as
invading every crevice of the citizen's actions, a religion about
which an Islamic mystic, Gazall (al-Ghazali ) , had complained
that it prescribed to the smallest detail of everyday life. 3 2 By
creating political institutions which were not dependent on
the impetus or control of religious law the Tanzimat statesmen
created a disequilibrium in Ottoman society. 33
M. Belin , "De !'Instruction Publique et du Mouvement Intellectuel en
Orient," Le Contemporain ( 1 8 6 6 ) , xr, 2 1 8 . See also below, Chapter VI I .
3 2 H. J. Lammens, S.J., L'Islam, Croyances e t Institutions (Beyrouth,
Imprimerie Catholique, I 9 2 6 ) , p. 1 24.
33 The best exposition of this problem is one given by a modern scholar
who has examined the relevance of the problem for the Turkey of Atatiirk :
"The crucial matter is, perhaps, that the Turks, in rej ecting the Shari'ah,
think of themselves as having discarded only the equivalent of what in
Western civilization might be thought of as ecclesiastical positive law. They
do not think of having abandoned the equivalent of what is embodied in
Western tradition as the concept of natural law. If there is no transcendent
j ustice in the universe to which man>s conscience can appeal, against the



It was this impossibility of having reference to an ultimate
ethical-political code against which Nam1k Kemal protested.
This is what he obj ected to when he pointed to the heresy of
instituting lay tribunals. This is the meaning of the profound
shock which he expressed in connection with the speech pro­
nounced by Sultan Abdi.ilaziz on the occasion of the opening
of the Council of State of the Ottoman Empire in I 8 68 . This
was a liberal measure and Nam1k Kemal agreed that the sultan
should take advantage of this creation of new institutions to
herald the fact to Europe. But there was nothing in this speech,
according to Kemal, which contradicted the bases of religious
law. Why, then, complained Kemal, was there no reference in
this speech to the guidance afforded by religious law in politi­
cal matters ? "If," continued Kemal, "the purpose is to imply
that up to this day the people in the Ottoman Empire were
the slaves of the sultan, who, out of the goodness of his heart,
confirmed their liberty, this is something to which we can
never agree, because, according to our beliefs, the rights of
the people, j ust like divine j ustice, are immutable." 3 4
One interesting aspect of the chain of events which led to
the formation of the Turkish bureaucracy and the reaction en­
gendered by these bureaucrats is that it does duplicate develop­
rnents which occurred in the West. For one, it parallels the
history of constitutionalism in Europe, which developed "as
a. system of controls imposed upon a vigorous bureaucracy." 35
empirical actions and even the laws of a society, that man and that society
are precarious in the . extreme. . . .
"· . . But with what, if anything, have they replaced the principles on which
the Shari'ah is based ?

. . . Our reference is to the ultimate pr incip les, o f

man's rights and duties as related to the very structure of the Universe . . . .
"If the members of the Grand National Assembly have replaced the
Shari'ah with a foreign code because it seemed to them good, what is to
keep them tomorrow from replacing this by fascist laws, if it seemed to them,
as a ruling group, profitable ? " W. C. Smith, Islam in Modern History
( Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1 9 5 7 ) , pp. 1 9 6, 1 9 7 ·
3 4 Nam1k Kemal, "al �a{c{c Ya'lii wa-la Yu'la 'alayh1," Hurriyet, June 2 9,
I 8 6 8, p. 3 •
8 5 Carl J. Friedrich, Constitutional Government and Democracy. Theory
and Practice in Europe and A m.erica ( Boston, Gum and Co., 1 9 5 o ) , p . 5 7 .
I I9


Insofar as Turkey is concerned, one of the first references to
constitutionalism made by an Ottoman was also inspired by
this problem. In an opuscle published in I 8 69, a Polish emigre
who had been converted to Islam and had been granted the
title of Pa§a stated, "Our constitution . . . has not and shall
not have any other goal than the replacement of the exclusive
action of the bureaucrats by one exerted in concert with a na­
tional institution." 36
Secondly, the case of the bureaucratic elite which developed
in Turkey as the result of the Tanzimat reforms also presents
a similarity with that of modern technocracies and the prob­
lems raised by the latter. Since the beginning of this century
a number of studies have tried to indicate the essentially
undemocratic nature of modern technological elites or of en­
trenched bureaucracies or of an excessive delegation of pow­
ers, 37 and these studies have described the fashion in which
the elites tend to arrogate to them.selves the right to decide
lines of policy which are too technical to be understood or
controlled by the electorate or even their representatives. In
the case under study, a similar movement was taking place in
Turkey. The new bureaucratic intelligentsia of Turkey often
went ahead with schemes which it dubbed Europeanization
and which its control of Western languages and exclusive con­
tacts with the West made it impossible for the traditional
Ottoman elite to question. For the latter had already agreed,
after the bitter military defeats suffered at the beginning of
the nineteenth century, that Europeanization would be of the
greatest profit to the state. But the public servants to whom
this task was entrusted were now in the p osition of being able
to justi fy every one of their moves with the rationalization
· that it was necessary for Turkey. Their knowledge of Western
8 6 Mustafa Dj elaleddine, Les Tures Anciens et Modernes (Constantinople,
Imprimerie du Courrier d'Orient, 1 8 6 9 ) , p. 209.
8 7 Lord Hewart of Bury, The New Despotism (London, Ernest Benn,
1 9 2 9 ) ; Ludwig von Mises, La Bureaucratie (trans. Florin et Barbier, Paris,
Medicis, 1 94 6 ) ; H. J. Laski, "Bureaucracy," Encyclopedia of Social Sciences
( I 9 3 5 ) III, 70-7 3·


Finally we still have to provide a reason for the many sympathizers the ·young Ottomans found among the military. Nor are we better informed than we were at the beginning of this study as to why such ulema as Ali Suavi should have j oined forces with them. For the policies of Ali and Fuad Pa§a were what could be called typically Metter­ nichian policies. on the other hand. At least one way of unraveling the factors at play in bringing about this triple alliance of bureaucrats. ulema. The peculiar bitterness of the attacks of the Young Ottomans.T U R KI S H P O L I T I C A L E L I T E S . resulted from the fact that they also accused these statesmen of being traitors to their culture. in which case it is found that the same developments which pushed the bureaucratic elite of the Tanzimat upward pressed . for Ziya and Kemal both had been government employees. it is also quite true that on political as well as social and cultural grounds the Young Ottomans were j ustified in accusing the new elite of being tyrannous. however. gave them a weapon which in :many respects was similar to that held by the specialized technocrats of our age.languages. Kemal had spent most of his life up to I 8 67 in government service and Ziya was still a civil servant at the time. I2 I . None of the explanations listed in the foregoing expose provided cogent reasons for which the protests against the higher bureaucrats of ministerial rank should have originated among the bureaucrats themselves. Finally. The indications are tha� they used this privileged position with little regard for the population at large and that they felt superior to all other classes in the empire. For them. and soldiers is to investigate the sociological elements hiding behind their triple protest. the word "liberty" carried with it the disadvantage of implying that the various parts of the empire were at liberty to secede from the mother country. Somehow the European inclinations of the Tanzimat statesmen seem to be an insufficient explanation of this estrangement from the government of the students of Islamic tradition.

As time went by. VI I I . 1 8 2 6. immediately following the destruction of . . .38 Consequently. Leip122 . "Musadere. stated : "The world of Ottoman state servants constitutes a closed society . . Entrance and success are made easier through the con­ nections of the father. As Franz van Werner. for a complete survey. The Bureaucracy is not anymore primarily recruited as in earlier times from the entire Empire but much more from narrower circles of civil service families to which the Chris­ tians bring a sizeable contingent . and on the army as a whole. had been transmitted to the Turkey of the Tanzimat. . Constantinople et le Bosphore de Thrace (Paris. s9 Murad Efendi [Franz von \Verner] . The son of the govern­ ment employee naturally steps again into the service of the state. 6 9 . Cavid Baysun. See General Antoine Andreossy. Thus. First. "3 9 as The most fundamental step in this direction had already been taken by Mahmud on June 3 o. however. o n the majority of the ulema. just as the Tanzimat "brought to a sudden stop the circulation of authority. a contemporary critic of the Porte. see M. Turkishe Skizzen ( 20d ed. was the following : After I 8 3 9 the govern-· ment abandoned the practice of sequestrating the fortunes of high-ranking government employees and reverting the money to the treasury at their death. The sons of the lucky beneficiaries of this new state of affairs commanded privileges which put them ahead of other employees of the state. 1 8 4 1 ) . ." Islam Ansiklopedisi ( 1 9 5 9 ) . many of the great bureaucrats of Re�id Pa�a's time had been able to amass considerable wealth.T URK!SH P O L I T!CA L E L I TES downward o n the low-ranking bureaucrats. on the other hand. . already apparent in the administration of the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century. 6 6 9-6 7 3 . ." it had also frozen the circulation of wealth. Duprat. Two main causes for the indignation of the bureaucrats proper may be singled out. p. within the ranks of the Otto­ man state servants a deep chasm had formed separating the functionaries who came from families which had been able to maintain their status for one or more generations from those who depended only on their own ability for advancement. and the sultan began to distrust his bureaucratic advisors this firman became inoperative in fact. The mechanism by which this dichotomy. the Janissaries.

1 9 1 1 ) . various publishers. in the light of the foregoing. 1 2 9 0. April 26.. 6 7 . I I s . 40 Tarih-i LUtfi ( Istanbul. since instruction in Persian was not provided at the free public lectures in the mosques and private tutoring was the only way to acquire the skill. Nam1k Kemal. With time these passed on to the descendants · of the holders of office who were nominated to the same bureau. I 23 . 1 8 6 9 . He also established a preparatory school for future bureaucrats. Insofar as the Divan-i Humayun Kalemi. This seems to have occurred before the Tanzimat. p.. It was aggravated in the 1 8 5 o's and ll 8 6 o ' s by the fact that the nominees failed to appear at their j obs. the Bureau of the Grand Vizierate. the Young Ottomans often used the term bey zade ( "son of bey") or kibar zade ( "son of a refined person") in a derogatory fashion to characterize the young fops of their time. mostly sons of ministers who relied on their parents' position or fortune to rise in a governmental career. Verlag der Durr'schen Buchhandlung. "Hariciye Nezareti. Hurriyet. that Nam1k Kemal should have come from a family which was financially destitute and that Ziya Pa§a should have received his school­ ing in the section of the school for bureaucrats which accepted boys from families that could not afford to pay for their sons' education.. 1 8 7 8 ) . based · on selection according to merit. may be seen in the case of instruction in Persian. The process seems to have been more complex than Werner assumes.e. could be gained only if one possessed private income. It is significant. higher employees were paid by being given a zeamet ( «non­ hereditary grant of state land" ) . not so much in the elevation to office of the rich as in the denial of oppor­ tunities to the poor. 4 0 Re§id Pa§a had attempted to deal with this problem by appointing Persian teachers to the Porte who were on hand for free instruction. In general. Fluency in this language. but here too young boys from eminent families were allowed to graduate without too much brain-racking. i. A second factor of importance with respect to the social origins of the Young Ottoman movement is related to their zig. is concerned. for instance. an important qualification for advancement.1 3 2 8 I 1 8 7 3. .T U RKISH P O L I T ICA L E L I T E S A specific example of how this process worked. tv. �l vols.

Yet the real despair felt by many of the figures who were caught in the social mechanism of the Tanzimat is evidenced in their natural progression from anger to alcoholism to loss of health to 12 4 . The reason it i s difficult to resolve the resulting indignation into its component parts is that. Turkish minor poets who traditionally occupied j obs as government em­ ployees and whose views were transmitted to the Young Ottomans. cluttered with men possessing literary talent but unable to rise to the highest ranks in t_he normal course of a governmental career. In the nineteenth century there began to appear with increasing frequency in Turkish literary circles a type of intellectual already well known in Europe. and rational. many employees of the Porte witnessed the ineptitude of superiors to whose higher and better-paid j obs they could never expect to be promoted. This restriction of oppor­ tunities provided these men with a justified source of . beginning with the I 8 5o's and I 8 6o's these complaints were being expressed with a vehemence that had little relation to the actual plight of these men. the middle and lower echelons of Ottoman state service were. the facts are much more complex than the misleading. a posteriori rationalistic appraisal. while these employees of the state had reasons for complaining. Because of the permanent occupancy of executive positions by the higher bureaucrats and their sycophants. with some noticeable exceptions. in essence." The change in outlook can be observed among some of the lesser known. Why.T U R K ISH P O L I T I C A L E L I T E S position as intellectuals. answer is that they possessed the tools for engaging in such a revolt. should those with an intellectual bent have led the protest? The first. To describe the intellectual climate which these men brought with them is difficult. to a "rise in the level of expectations. obvious. of all the bureaucrats affected. Indeed. but it amounts. but superficial. This type was the literateur of humble origins and modest means but of unlimited ambitions. but in the long run socially more effective. Here­ plaint.

Because of some verses of his which he presented to Husrev Pa§a.. I 25 . The reasons for this despondency are still obscure but might have arisen from an awareness of the value of communication in the modern world. 1 3 09/1 8 9 1-1 8 9 2 ) . he was noticed by Lebib Efendi. the ac­ countant of the Imperial Arsenal. whose A vrupa Risalesi ("European 41 42 Orban F. For the Be§ikta§ Society see below. Kopriilii. The trend in the early nineteenth century to grant to all literate p ersons the title of Efendi. the reorganizer of the Turkish army at the time of Mahmud. A typical example of the homme de lettres in question may be found in the case of the poet Savfet Efendi. Savfet started his career as a servant of Hatif Efendi. Istanbul. but this was the very moment when the development of a new elite less­ ened their opportunities for advancement.4 2 what is significant is that he was not an advocate of Westernization for Turkey. Although in his youth Savfet went so far as to attend some of the courses in Persian offered by the Be§ikta§ Society (a gathering of encyclopedists which is discussed later) . He was taken into the latter bureau and in 1 843 was promoted to a bureau of the Porte. The immediate example that comes to mind is that of Ziya Pa§a who was only saved from alcoholism induced by some of his older poet-bureaucrat cronies t hrough the inter­ vention of the grand vizier Edhem Pa§a. Chapter VI 1. Matbaa-i Osmaniye.." Islam A nsiklopedisi ( 1 946) . but never attained the executive level. 1 3 2 . the chief accountant of the palace. Cevdet Pa§a. His reactions to the pro-European writings of the diplomat Mustafa Sarni. 1 2 vols. The "mid­ dle grade" bureaucrats knew that as repositories of the skills of communication their importance had increased. 1v. He then rose quite regularly in rank until his retirement. The term "rise in the level of expectations" thus seems most useful to describe this psychological climate. 1 84. xu.41 formerly restricted to the ulema-a superfi­ cial change from which state functionaries had benefited-was being given the lie by the reality of shrinking opportunities.T URKISH P O L I TICA L E L I TES death. "Efendi. Tarih-i Cevdet ( 2nd ed.

. both members of the staff of the Ceride-i Havadis.. Turk�ede Roman (Istanbul. was one composed by a storyteller of the time of Murad IV. Hanferli Hanim ( "The Lady with the Dagger") . 44 Ali Ali's literary productions also show the mark of the grudge he bore against "the system. for the piece has the bite of a class grievance even though the occasion for its composi­ tion was rather petty. 45 . For the influence o f the Ceride-i Havadis. 1 03 . it is true. see below." It is during his editor­ ship of the Ceride that Victor Hugo's Les Miserables was serialized. Remzi. Savfet. were deeply scornful.T URKISH P O L I TICA L E L I TES Journal") eulogizing the European way of life appeared in I 840. The plot.) .d. It is no coincidence that the poem Beranger has survived Savfet's other literary productions. 44 Ibid. p . is about a man who prefers the love of a slave to that of a grande dame. I26 . pp. for the text of this story. Ali Ali Efendi carried the rancor which he stated to be the product of the government's lack of recognition for his talents into the editorial offices of the Ceride-i Havadis. and contrasted the respect that European aristocrats showed for the remains of the French poet Beranger with the indignities he. p. 9 7 ff. in which he compared the lowly position of the Ottoman man of letters with that of his European counter­ parts. and the one book that he edited. MU�fik was the son of a slave merchant who worked his way through the bureaus of the Porte. Chapter VI I I . but it cannot be entirely a coincidence that it was chosen by Ali for publication in book form. Similar too are the careers of the poet Hafiz Mil§fik Efendi and NUzhet Efendi. He resigned when his pending appointment to the bureau of the Undersecretary 43 inal. Son A sir. suffered at the hands of Turkish author­ ities for debts outstanding to a grocer. A career similar to that of Savfet is that of the poet Ali Ali Efen di. the first privately owned Turkish news­ paper. 45 See Mustafa Nihat Ozon. n. 1 64 8 . 43 What Savfet is remembered for nowadays is his satirical poem Beranger.

" See [Cevdet Pa§a] . their alliance with the ulema can be explained in terms of a similar loss of status incurred by these pillars of Islam. This new monopoly was reflected in the use of a new word for administrative positions-menasib-i mulkiye ( "administrative posts" ) which replaced the earlier term of menasib-i kalemiye. of the Ceride-i Havadis into a gathering place for the discon­ tented young bureaucratic intelligentsia of the capital and thus laid the groundwork for the Jeune Turquie. 47 Osman Nuri [Ergin] . p. for according to the historian Cevdet Pa§a it was Mi. Of these three policies the secularization of the machinery of the state had been the first to be undertaken. to Mii§fik's hoped-for post. 2 7 3 . 1 020. 47 Administrative functions were thus made a monopoly of the bureaucrats. 5 2 to TTEM (July 1 9 2 7 ) . This passage could not be located in the published portions of the "Maruzat. This loss of status was caused by three devel­ opments : the secularization of the machinery of the state. and the secularization of edu­ cation. who had little qualifi­ cation for the j ob. Both Mli§fik and Ali Ali were close friends of Ziya Pa§a. 2 2 0 and therefore must be part o f the unpublished portions of the memoirs. the second was already touched upon above ." T TEM (January 1 9 2 4 ) XIV. After I 8 3 9 the local judges or kadis had soon been deprived of such administrative functions as they exercised under the old re­ gime. I27 .T UR KISH P O L I TICA L E L I TES for Foreign Affairs-a post which carried considerable pres­ tige-failed to materialize. Mecelle-i Umur-u Belediye ( Istanbul : Matbaa-i Osmaniye. a much less differentiated term 46 This information is quoted by inal from Cevdet Pa§a's "Maruzat" with­ out any reference to the page or place of publication. Son A sir. inal.i§fik who first made the editorial offices . The third of these factors will be investigated in detail in the next chapter . the secularization of the judiciary. 1 9 2 2 ) .4 6 If the swift rise of a new elite accompanied by a restriction of opportunities provides an explanation of the dynamics of ·young Ottoman protest. thus the investigation of the first remains to be taken up here. "Cevdet Pa§anm Maruzat1. What had happened was that Ali Pa§a had appointed his own son-in-law. XVI . Ali Pa§a must often have repented his action. p.

" for the Minister of the Interior. 1 9 2 5 ) . but I can't understand the concept of an administrative official. What do you think they are? "4 9 The change was doubly distasteful to the ulema." Hadisat-1 Hukukiye 'Ve Tarihiyye : Kism-1 Tarihi. "Tanzir-i Telemak. See Lutfi. whose j ob opportunities had shrunk and who resented the influx of bureaucrats into positions which had formerly been manned by them. which textually means 'a student of science' but was the term used to describe 'a doctor of Islamic law'] is acquired only through years of study and exertion in the medrese [religious schools] . they are trained in military schools. l-20. 50 Mehmet Kaplan. 111. muharrif ] . 1 3 4 1 -May 1 4. • .'' [istanbul Universitesi] Edebiyat Fakultesi Turk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi ( 1 94 8 ) . n. They are men whose drunken souls have seized on the present opportunity and been spellbound by the spoils afforded by the state. the singular of ulema. provides that glitter of their countenance which impresses millions of imbeciles. And the gold which they are allotted every month and which they steal whenever they find the opportunity. These men are just ordinary scribes. 4 8 The first use of the word may be traced to 1 8 3 6 at which date Pertev Pa§a introduced the term "Umur-u Miilkiye Naz1r1. As a contemporary Turkish observer stated : "I can understand [such a concept as that of] the military : . Tarih. Only those that come from the ranks of the ulema deserve · to be called clerks. 1 8 (May l ."48 The process was so strange for old Ottomans of all classes that it baffied many of the onlookers. I can also understand [such a concept as that of] the ulema : they are trained in religious schools. "Yeni Osmanhlar. Chapter v. 2 9 f� Also below. In the 1 8 7o's in an anonymous pamphlet an alim expressed his ·opinion on the matter by denying that the new adminis­ trators had any competence in carrying out the tasks they were assigned and stated : "These men are not clerks but ignora­ muses [textually not people who write but people who spoil or erase : musannif degil.T U R K I S H P O L I T I CA L E L I T E S used in a much wider sense for all "clerks. · . An understanding of science ['llm' : there is a play here on the word alim. v." 50 This type of complaint is quite close to that expressed by the . 49 Sarni Pa§a Zade Hiiseyin Bey.

but favoritism became particularly galling when opportunities in general for a career as an alim were restricted. the aegis of which can protect the judges and the ulema. this corps itself has had to lower its head to the ascend­ ancy of the Porte.e. "Mevt iil-Ulema. Suavi accused the Tanzimat statesmen of having actively conspired to cause the downfall of the ulema. 5 1 That the new elite was wary of the latter is quite clear from the testimony of M �llingen. i. 2 5 7 . the practice of granting diplomas of "doctor in Islamic law" ( "ru'us") to young men who had the influence required to be appointed but did not possess the qualifications for the office went back to the eight­ eenth century. having given himself to study for fifteen to twenty years.. There is no law. Geschichte. 53 N am1k Kemal. cf." 5 2 Millingen. Here again. Jorga. who states : "The corps of the Ulemas. if a candidate to the diploma. himself a preacher. an alim at the level of those who suffered the most because they did not have the qualification or the influence to sit as judges in �er'i courts. and having waited endlessly for the announcement of a ru'us examination-which like comets appear only every fifteen years-is faced with the sight of a diploma hanging on the neck of the new born son of so and so. and if ignoramuses and scum who could not even qualify as his pupils obtain titles and offices-all this while he is plunged in poverty and misery-why should he thereafter take the pains to increase his knowledge ? "153 5 1 Ali Suavi. p. 4 . Nam1k Kemal voiced this complaint in the Hurriyet : "In fact. "Devlet-i Aliyeye bais-i tenezziil olan maarifin esbab-1 I29 . p. the ancient power and the prestige of which have tumbled in the face of the progress of scepti­ cism. 1 8 6 8 . by the tribunals sits some emissary representing the Porte in view of having the orders and the whims of a kiatib car­ ried out. " 52 The plight of the ulema was not made easier by the favor­ itism which was shown in making appointments to what places were left for them to fill. January 1 0. not even the Koran. v. Always. an ecclesiastical legislature. La Muhbir. Turquie. 5 6 5 .T URKISH P O L I TICA L E L I TES Young Ottoman Ali Suavi.

from whose rank came both the Young Ottoman alim Ali Suavi and such sympathizers · as Hoca Tahsin. 9 4 2 . was a most effective technique of propaganda. Secondly. who at an early age had begun to work directly under Re§id Pa§a. 1 8 6 8 . On the other hand. The young men of the 1 8 5o's who became the leaders of the 1 8 7o's were · outsiders to the existing Ottoman "establishment. the army was not anchored down by tradition or vested interests. Other characteristics of the new army. A British student of Turkish life in the first half of the nine­ teenth century spoke. Son A sir. and Veliyilddin Efendi. 5 4 Finally. 54 inal. such as low social status. Kamil Efendi studied law in Paris and on his return found employment in the Imperial Customs. ulema who were able to gear themselves to the new system kept outside the circle of political critics. At a more modest level an example of integration is provided by the alim Silleymani­ yeli Kamil Efendi. although he shared the Young Ottoman's misgivings about the fate of the doctors of Islamic law. stances were the lesser ulema. as analyzed in Chapter v. the demands of the military for efficiency in carrying out re­ forms. taken from the very poor classes : I was tedennisi. 2 . was not a protester. tedennisi. since it had been created anew after the destruction of the Janissaries. 1 8 6 8 . July 2 7 ." the lower ulema. of the college of military surgeons as "all . Also. there were at least three reasons for which the Young Ottomans could find allies among the military : First. p." Hurriyet. . p . Sariyerli Sadik Efendi. This also explains why Mehmed Bey found that to don the outfit of an alim and try to create a stir among the "mosque ministers. August 3 . where he remained until his death in 1 90 5 . for example. note 3 . p. worked in the same direction.T U RKISH P O L I TICA L E L I TES Those who suffered most from this combination of circum­ . . Thus Cevde t Pa§a. ccTiirkistanm esbab-1 . who was the tutor and companion of Mehmed Bey while the latter was studying at the Ottoman School in Paris. 2." Ht'lrriyet." This was the result of a deliberate policy of cutting off the new army from any traditionalistic roots.

p . du ministre de la marine et des commandants des armees. But only when this was compounded by an unset­ tling of the economy of the Ottoman Empire as well as by a 55 Charles MacFarlane. and that no Turk of the high or even middle class ever · sent his son to the College. un kiatib choisi parmi eux avec le titre de conseiller. siege constamment a cote du ministre de la guerre. 5 6 Murad Efendi. petty dealers.e. Millin gen states with regard to the Army : "Ils la surveillent sans cesse d'une maniere toute speciale . A most striking and accurate descri p­ tion of this process has been given by Franz von Werner." 55 The third factor was that the hegemony of the bureaucrats had been achieved at the expense of the military. . The increased transactions with the Great Powers and the higher significance of the latter made the Cabinet of the Minister of Foreign Affairs the center of gravity of the administration . 2 5 s . In fact after the destruction of the Janissary corps it was a part of the internal policy of the Ottoman power-wielders to equate the military spirit with a survival of Janissary defiance and so the army was forced into the shadow by the bureaucracy.. Millingen . bazaar porters and the like. I3 I · . .. . La Turquie. John Murray. Turkische Skizzen. a diplomat accredited to the Porte at the time : "The era be­ tween the introduction of reforms and the death of Ali Pa§a marks the high point of its [i. Turkey and its Destiny (London. In opposition to the fundamental theocratic-military principles regulating the Ottoman wor Id the Efendi gained precedence over the Bey. p. .T U RKISH P O L I T I CA L E L I TES told that the Turks were one and all of the lowest grade. the bureaucracy's] influence. I I. 2 6 6 . " 5 6 The sociological forces which drove the Young Ottomans to action may thus be said to be twofold : On one hand the increment of the process of disintegration was the transmission to the Turkey of the Tanzimat of what corruption had crept into the Ottoman administration by the end of the eighteenth century. the bureau over the military camp. 1 8 5 0 ) . Where­ upon came into being an almost omnipotent Patriciate of the Pen. who had been pushed into the background after I 8 2 6. 6 5 . horse-keepers. the sons of boatmen.

T U R K I S H P O L I T I CA L E L I T E S stopping in the circulation of elites and the emergence of a new "patriciate" did the movement of protest crystallize. In this chapter we have examined that aspect of the Young Ottoman movement which was concerned with the emergence of a new elite . z3 2 . toward the end of the next chapter we shall try to examine how the commercial policies of the Tanzimat created the basis of social and economic disorganization which made some of them. such as Ziya Pa§a and Ali Suavi. feel even more bitter toward the Porte than Nam1k Kemal.

footnote 1 I 1 . for exam. ·however. p. June 1 8 68 . 1 8 6 7. Nevertheless. Similar conceptions of the Janissaries as having provided a safety valve are encountered in the writings of more than one student of Turkish reforms. One such belief. came involvement with it. November 7. Just as they thought highly of the Janissaries. 1 . THE Young Ottomans considered themselves reformers whos e task it was to arrest the process of Ottoman decline.1 The Young Ottomans also held that the Janissaries had for a long time satisfactorily performed the function of expressing popular grievances. for the Young Ottomans were quite enmeshed in what they were studying.+8 C H A P T E R V {3+ The Young O ttomans and the O ttoman Past. th e Young 1 Nam1k Kemal. Ali Suavi." Muhbir. Young Ottoman theories become understandable. many of their arguments with regard to the process of Ottoman decay. 'Together with interest in the past. IJJ 29. if somewhat biased. was that when the Janissaries were annihilated in 1 8 2 6 n o constituted social corps was left in the body politic to counterbalance the power and the influence of the bureaucrats of the Porte. 2 See below. were not fundamentally incorrect. "Hubb ul-Watan min al-iman. Once this is done. in the sense that they cherished certain values which they associated with the Ottoman way of life. p.'' Hurriyet. 1 . 2 The amount of truth this theory contains must be properly assessed if we are to understand why the Young Ottomans gave it such im­ portance. To find political remedies that would eradicate the causes of this de­ cline they took up the study of the Ottoman past and made ample use of historical situations to build up their arguments. Their historical reconstructions were therefore seldom com­ pletely accurate. and considerable light is shed on the reasons for which they relied on what might strike us as rather unusual interpretations of Ottoman history. "La Verite. ple. .

All three of these Young Ottoman beliefs that need to be clarified have to do with the dynamic of the Otto­ man reform movement. September 2 9 . 6 . See the series known as "Usul-ii me§veret. 1 8 6 8 . 1 8 6 8. for his accomplishments. I. p. r3 4 . s .T HE O T T O M A N P A S T Ottomans praised such Ottoman governmental practices as that of consulting with eminent men before taking important political decisions ( "usul-U me. October 1 2. the extent to which. the Young Ottomans felt quite uneasy about the direction which the reforms of the Tanzimat had taken since his death and found the seeds of these displeasing developments in the fundamental attitude assumed by Re§id Pa§a toward reforms. instead of taking advantage of this back­ ground. 7 . This method. the statesmen of their time had stifled these institu­ tions. 5 . 6 . and a survey of Turkish moderniza­ tion in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is necessary · before we can take up the Young Ottoman ideas for analysis. they still sincerely believed these practices to have existed. although mistaken. Finally. was a Turkish forerunner of European parliamentary practice which had developed independent of European ad­ vances and prepared Ottomans for parliamentary rule. September 2 1 . Mustafa Re§id Pa§a. 3 They also claimed that. Here again the convictions of the Young Ottomans have to be placed in the context of Ottoman development to ap.veret" ) .­ preciate the extent to which they were correct in their assess­ ment. p . and the extent to which they were falling back on Ottoman customs to disguise the new political conceptions they wanted to intro­ duce under the cloak of accepted usage. Here again the issue has to be placed in the context of actual developments. October 1 9. p. p . Ottoman Reforms to I829 At the core of the process of Ottoman modernization lay a problem of military policy : continued military defeats and losses of territory stimulated the Ottomans to look for the 3 Nam1k Kemal. 1 8 6 8 . although they respected the architect of the Tan­ zimat. they stated." Hurriyet. September 1 4. 1 8 6 8 . 1 8 6 8 . p .

in addition. The horrified realization of Ottoman regression constituted the motive force behind all Ottoman reform move1nents and eventually provided the impetus that drove the Young Ottomans to act. the shock experienced by the Ottomans when they realized the empire was declining. it is only in the eighteenth century and in relation to military reform that the connection was established once and for all between reform and Europeanization.' Nevertheless. As early as the seventeenth century Ottoman statesmen had become aware . F.T H E O T T O MA N PA S T factors underlying Western military superiority. His­ toire de l'Empire Ottoman. was a very severe and painful one. First. �fhis was so because the ideology of conquest was part of a religious belief-the belief in war as a means of propagating Islam . IJ5 . but it certainly was an ideal that reformists kept in their minds for a long time. Even after the first quarter of the nineteenth 4 For the attempted reforms of Osman II ( 1 6 1 8. VI I I . ZDMG ( 1 8 6 1 ) . Concurrently with the bitter realization of Western superi­ ority. finally. 2 72-3 3 2. Two c!nsuing aspects of the attempts to modernize the Ottoman Empire should be kept in mind. A. Nobody was quite sure as to when the Ottoman government had functioned in its "pure" state. Hammer. 3 0 2-3 03 . Bernhauer) . "Kogabeg's Abhandlungen iiber den Verfall des Osmanischen Staats­ gebaudes seit Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen" (trans. because losses of territory meant losses of revenue at a time when Ottoman statesmen were also highly concerned with the process · of economic decline and fiscal inefficiency. territorial expansion had played such an important part in the founding of the Ottoman Em­ pire . the conviction began to take shape progressively that it was necessary to abandon the earlier conception of reform as a reaffirmation and reinstatement of the earliest and "purest" Ottoman practices.1 6 2 2 ) . because. xv. that the administration of the empire left a great deal to be desired. and especially the trauma caused by the continuous reverses which they suffered in the late eighteenth century. for later developments [Ko�u Bey] . by W.

There is no thorough study of the rise of Turkish bureaucracy in the eighteenth century. an Otto­ man grand vizier who was in power in the last years of the reig� of Ahmed III ( 1 703-1 730) . Not the least of the influences that made this historical evolution such a trying one was a struggle for power hidden behind it. Because modernization meant changes in the practices of the Ottoman state and because it involved the relinquishment of the idealized picture of these practices. In this struggle the Ottoman bureaucracy.5 The reform movement of which we shall attempt a sche­ matic case study is that of Nev�ehirli 1brahim Pa�a. This pattern lingers on into the nineteenth century and reappears in a sub­ dued and modified form in the years immediately preceding the formation of the Patriotic Alliance. as yet. and the so-called "Kuleli" coup of 1 8 5 9 are examples of this continuity.e. The story of this struggle has not.T H E O T T O M A N PA S T century. it was a process full of protests. was pitted against other influence groups in the empire. which supported first indigenous and then Western-oriented reform. when it was no longer possible to press very convinc­ ingly for a return to the ideal of old Ottoman order. however. to trace a pattern of alignments which are repeated in every movement of this type up to the destruction of the Janissaries. reappraisals. been told.. the idea did not lose its attractiveness and also found echoes among the Young Ottomans. i. . convulsions. the anti-Western agitation preceding the outbreak of the Crimean War. the ulema. the Janis­ saries. and eventually the sultan himself. nor is there a study of the continuity be­ tween the bureaucracy of the eighteenth century and that of the Tanzimat. and revolutions. A brief survey of the earliest systematic at­ tempts at reform does enable us. The fact that Ibrahim Pa�a had a hand in carrying out the first military reforms of the Ottoman Empire is not generally 5 The plot of the military and the ulema to unseat Re§id Pa§a in August 1 840. This last stage occurred in the years immediately preceding the forma­ tion of the Young Ottoman movement.

1." Tarih ( 1 94 1 ) . See Hammer. p. 5 8. 40. Yirmi Sekiz <.elebi by name ( Mehmed <. In I 720 he advised Sultan Ahmed III to send an envoy to France. The firman in which permission was granted to establish 8 Faik Re§it Unat. I 9 2 8 ) . Islamic Society. 1 0 7 . was presented to the sultan. 3 5 1 ) . 1 . Rochefort >s proposals were threefold. The French ambassador successfully blocked the adoption of Rochefort's plans. xv. Yirmi Sekiz Mehmed <. couched in the form of a dialogue between a foreign officer and a Turk. These settlers would then introduce into the Ottoman Empire "arts. 9 with the collaboration of the Hungarian convert Ibrahim Milteferrika. «Ahmet I II devrine ait bir Islahat Takriri. of the first Ottoman printing press in 1 726. xv. thus obviating the need for Ottomans to buy textiles and silk materials in Europe.elebi �Mehmed Efendi Zade Said Aga (later Efendi ) . An Ottoman dignitary was thereupon dispatched to Versailles. Yet it was during his grand vizierate that one of the first-known documents elaborating the reasons for Western superiority. Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi. first a group· of Huguenots were to be given asylum by the Porte and settled in Moldavia and Walachia. p. v: Nizam-i Cedit ve Tanzimat Devirleri 1 789-185 6 (Ankara.1 2 1 . Histoire de l'Empire Ottoman. 8 Enver Ziya Karal. 7 These proposals are described in the letter of an informant in the :pay of the Austrian internuncio at the Porte. 7 Rochefort's proposals were being made at a time when Ibrahim Pa�a was encouraging other contacts with the West. ·vesikalari 13 7 .elebi's mission to France was the institution by his son. 2. are misleading. The adoption of this plan was seriously co�sidered by 1brahim Pa�a. 9 Selim N iizhet [ Ger�ek] .elebi "the 2 8th" is the nearest English equivalent) .6 It was during his vizierate too that the first proposals to modify Ottoman military practice in accordance with Western Euro­ pean methods of training and warfare were made by the French Huguenot Rochefort.T H E O T T O M A N PA S T known. 1 5 3 . Turk Matbaacili gi (Istanbul : Ebiizziya. sciences and manufactures" ( Hammer. Comments by Gibb and Bowen." 8 One of the results of Yirmi Sekiz Mehmed <. Finally a corps of engineers would have been created who would have staffed a school for training Ottoman engineers. This plenipotentiary. Osmanli Tarihi. was instructed by the vizier · to study French "methods of government and education and report on those that would be applicable to the Ottoman Empire.1 54. 1 947 ) . 3 4 8-3 5 6.

Une Ambassade Franfaise en Orient sous Louis XV. astronomy and geogr ap hy . Plon. Yirmi Sekiz <. 9 1 . 11 Mehmed Esad. This is why the Era of Tulips became a brilliant era of awakening for the Turks. while his 1 0 A. p. philosophical sciences. 90. 12 Ahmet Refik..1 7 2 8 ( I 1 40 A.H . 1 9 3 2 ) . pp. Mir'at-i Muhendishane-i Berri-i Humayun (Istanbul. 1 3 1 6/ 1 8 9 8 . Paris. many precautions had to be taken to make the establishment of the printing press appear to be a new method to facilitate the training of doctors of Islamic law. Hicri On Ikinci Asirda lstanbul Hayati ( r r o o. pp. 5 .r 2 00) (Istan­ bul.. Refik. and therefore the reign of Ahmed III has been known by Turks as the "Era of Tulips. attempted to herald the achievements of European civilization once they had returned to their country. the relations between Turkish court circles and the Court of Versailles were quite cordial and did not consist only of official contacts. 11 At the time. has the text of this firman. medicine. Istanbul. see also Albert Vandal. 6 . Envoys who were sent to Paris and Vienna. 1 9 9 . Lale Devri (5th ed.1 8 9 9 ) . Even the European tulip craze spread to Istanbul." This is how a Turkish historian has described the period : · "In the Era of Tulips an extraor­ dinary closeness was established between the Turks and West­ erners and especially between the Turks and the French. . 1 8 8 7 ) . During I brahim Pa�a's vizierate it became fashionable in the Ottoman capital to copy European manners. and Ahmed III was obliged to abdicate as the result of a revolt · of Janissaries.THE O T T O MA N PA S T this press specifically granted permission to print books on "history. thanks to · the incisive mind of Ibrahim Pa�a and owing to political necessity. Karabet. ) military training on new European lines was begun and the regulations pertaining to it were written by Miiteferrika. la Mission du Marquis de Villeneuve r 72 8-r 74 r ( 2nd ed. Hilmi Kitaphanesi. Devlet Matbaas1. This was the first stage of the appearance of European civiliza­ tion in the East. 1 9 3 0) ." 1 2 Yet even in those times there was evidence that Westerniza­ tion would encounter strong resistance in Turkey. " 1 0 In I 72 7.elebi did not like to display his knowledge of French.

Since the reign of Murad III ( 1 5 75-1 5 95 ) "the Sultan as an actual governing power had passed from the scene. 1 1 7." "Mektubcu. the Secretary for Foreign Affairs ( "ReiS ul-Kuttab" ) . a gradual transformation seems to have occurred in the Ottoman Empire beginning with the eighteenth century which placed the grand viziers and the highe r bureaucrats of the empire in the position of reformists.'n3 and the conduct of the affairs of the state had been concentrated into the hands of the grand vizier and indirectly into those of his adjuncts. 3 2 . IJ 9 ." "Kahya Katibi. Of these. The common people of the capital did not see any connection between the appreciation of tulips and the answer� ing of their daily problems. the effects of the general economic decline of the country. 1 1 3 . What is significant here is that the original modernizing impetus which led to the revolt came fr. Allied with the Janissaries were the poorer classes of the capital. p .om the grand vizier." "Amedi" ) . In revolting. and Bowen. 14 Concurrently with the increased importance assumed by the Porte. Later developments were to show that this was no coincidence. In this case the primary antireformist impetus came from Janissaries who were feeling. Indeed. the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs.1 2 7 . the Secre­ tary of the Interior ( "Kahya bey ") . 14 Gibb 1 . Islamic Society. and the Undersecretaryships of State made up an executive complex under the direction of the Grand Vizier which is usually referred to as the Porte. in terms of irregular pay. the "men of the pen" ("ehl-i kalem") . or bureauis Ottoman Statecraft. the Undersecretaries of State ( "Tezkereci.T H E O T T O M A N PA S T Westernizing vizier was executed and his body paraded through town." "Bey likfi. the Janissaries expressed social grievance s but also their disgust with the luxurious life led by Ottoman officials and specially with the Western forms that this luxury had taken. and a variable number of chanceries which grew to twenty-four at the beginning of the nineteenth century. the Secretaryship of the Interior.

Histoire. See ibid. See also "Principes de Sagesse touchant Part de gouverner : Usul al-Hikam fi nizam al-Alam Par Rizwan-ben-abd'oul-mannan-Ac-hissari. XI. 1 . 1 . 2 1 7 . Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi. 1 2 7 . in which the ulema are still considered the repositories of all types of sciences both reli­ gious and secular .. in turn. An 1 5 For the origins of this term see Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall. 4 5 . Islamic Society. p. . See Ottoman State­ craft. Journal Asiatique (April 1 8 24) . as the con­ stitutional law of the empire became m_ore complex from the rapid multiplication of edicts and as its foreign relations became more vital. I V.e." p. Ismail Hakk1 Uzun�ar§th Osmanli Imparatorlugunda Merkez ve Bahriye Teikilati (Ankara.T HE O T T O M A N PA S T crats of all ranks employed at the Porte. seems to have been due to two factors : first. F. For earlier statements confirming the above see Yaltkaya. Mouradj ea d'Ohsson. a com­ mand over facts and figures became increasingly important in the conduct of the affairs of the state . 1 1 0 :ff . 11 Cevdet. Hammer was describing the situation at the end of the eighteenth century. 9 4. 16 Hammer. Came­ sinaschen Buchhandlung. Islamic Societ'Y. also Gibb and Bowen. 9 6 . but a subtle change may already be dis­ cerned in a text of the beginning of the eighteenth century where reference is had to aklam (i.1 8 2 4) . bureaucrats with a knowledge of the latest developments acquired an advantage over the ulema. · 1 ' . 1. by Garcin de Tassy. In the same work the proliferation of bureaucratic offices also comes out. A. 3 9 £. rose in status. pp. xvn. "Hag'i Chalfa's Dusturu'l-'amel : ein Beitrag zur Osmanischen Finanzgeschichte. Gibb and Bowen. Gibb and Bowen. 1 07 f." ZDMG ( 1 8 5 7 ) . 1 94 8 ) .1 9 6 . 1 9 1. Des Osmanischen Reichs Staatsverfassung und Staatsvervaltung (Vienna. 1. 1 . "ilhanltlar Devri i dari Te§kilatma Dair. 1 0. 1 1 At the same time. 3 6 1 . 1 5 Later. . In earlier times the term "men of the pen" had been used to refer to learned men in general and under this title were included both doctors of Islamic law and heads of chanceries and their · staffs. where the ulema are enumerated first among the ''people of the pen" . 1 20. secondly." trans. vn . 1 . 1 8 1 5 ) . however. the term began to denote only the Ottoman secular bureaucracy16 who now took over state functions which the ulema no longer satisfactorily per­ £ormed.1 1 0. p. Bernhauer. 3 60. 1 7 8 8. Tableau General de l'Empire Ottoman (Paris. pp. see also W. p. P· 1 2 7. bureau ) rather than ehl-i kalem. 9 5 . The reason given by the historian Cevdet Pa§a for the increasi�g influence wielded by the "men of the pen" is that the knowledge of governmental affairs became limited to this group. 3 9. This. the doctors of Islamic law lost their standing as men learned in the affairs of the state. Islamic Society. Tarih v.

depuis peu de retour de sa captivite vint lui offrir ses homages. beginning with Ahmed I II.' c'est a dire seigneur du diwan. uses the term "mosque ministers. op.'' 2 1 while the second ensconced themselves in higher governmental positions such as lucrative 18 Hammer. 2 ° Cevdet Pa§a. 19 Nam1k Kemal. 1 9 8 . Tarih. En lui rendant son brevet. v. 9 5 . 2 .20 with the first remaining in contact with the people and assuming the func­ tions of "leaders of prayers."18 The somewhat distorted fashion in which this development was reported in Young Ottoman writings was that they attrib­ uted the ineffectiveness and ignorance of the ulema of their time to the fact that. Wassif Efendi. 1. First. mais seulement. 3 0 5 . Hammer. August 3. carried the connotation of being one of the ulema. 2 1 Gibb and Bowen. 1 0 7 . "Devlet-i Aliyyeye Bais-i Tenezziil Olan Maarifin E:sbab-1 Tedennisi.cit.. les seigneurs du diwan n'etaient autre chose que des ecrivains experts a manier la plume..ade [the Grand Vizier Muhsinzade] qui le connaissait pour reunir a une haute capacite un style facile et elegant. Histoire. l'eleva a la dignite de khodj a [executive member of any chancery] du diwan imperial. 19 There were also other related factors which made for the rise of bureaucrats. Mouhsin­ z. there had been a polarization in the corps of the ulema which resulted in the estrangement from each other of "lower" and "higher" ulema. 1 9 9 . 1 8 6 8 . The title of Hoca. Hilrriyet. 'Nous t'avons nomme ecrivain.T HE O T T O M A N PA S T interesting example of the prestige that accrued to the bureau­ crats as repositories of skills of communication-as opposed to those of interpretation vested in the ulema-is reported by llammer in connection with the nomination of the historian Vas1f to head one of the chanceries of the Porte : "Lorsqu'il a.' indiquant ainsi que clans l'origine. or Hace ( spelled "hodja» by Hammer ) . il ne lui dit pas suivant !'usage. · . 'Tu es nomme khodja. xvn.. xv r . .rriva de Rousdj ouk a Schumma. religious sciences were neglected while "poetry" and secular pursuits in general were given greater importance.. Islamic Society . p. 2 .

'' Tarih Vesikalari (June 1 9 4 1 ) . as judicial officers. while the higher ulema. The latest in this series of reports-the one by Sadik Rifat Pa§a ( 1 83 8 )-will be shown25 to contain the theory of the Tanzimat reforms.elves with the Janissaries and the populace. What happened in a movement of modernization such as that carried out by 1brahim Pa�a was that the lower ulema immediately aligned thems. even in matters of religion. Chapter VI. at first neutral. 2 ' See below. social. 2 3 In the nineteenth century the clerical allies of the Young Ottomans were to consist of such lower ulema. A final point of interest with regard to Turkish reform of the type first carried out in Damad 1brahim Pa§a's time is its ultimate continuity despite momentary setbacks. 6 7-69. v. prayer leaders. 2 3 Hammer. see Karal. and preachers. Yet the lower ulema still had considerable prestige among the people. XIV. Thus in the outburst of I 730 the "leaders of prayer" played a prominent role. 24 For a late prototype o f such instructions. governmental positions that by themselves carried great weight. and in resp ect to arts and crafts. "�ehdi Osman Efendi Sefaretnamesi. seem to have j oined the revolt only when they realized it would be successful. pp. 2 6 It is also interesting to notice in this 22 Cevdet Pa§a. Tarih. 2 2 The higher ulema had become completely corrup t and ignorant. eco n om ic. while the higher ulema occupied.T HE O T T O M A N PA S T judgeships which they farmed out to others. 1 o7 . Selim III ( 1 946 ) . . 26 For a list of these reports see Faik Re§it Unat. Histoire. I 9 8-202. I . There was con­ siderable bad feeling between these two groups. 2 3 8. notwithstand­ ing the many antireformist outbursts that occurred in the same period. 2 4 B et ween I 720 and 1 83 8 exactly forty such reports on the state of European affairs and advances were presented to the Porte. It is only the assumption of an unabated interest in the highest govern­ mental circles for a la franga reform that can explain the continuity of the Ottoman policy of periodically dispatching envoys to Europe with specific instructions to report the latest European developments on all levels-governmental.

Histoire. 3 1 Karal. 62. 28 �fhis was also the first work which contained information on European governments-the earliest hint that something rnight be learned from the West in this respect. 3 7 8 . p . 6 1 . Turk Matbaactligt. r 43 . 29 Mehmed Esad. 3 0 Once more these attempts slackened when de Tott left in 1 776. 2 6 8 . so Hammer. but in I 7 59 the students who had been instructed at the then-defunct school were brought together again by Grand Vizier Rag1b Pa§a. In 1 73 2 the Marquis de Bonneval was entrusted with the formation of an artillery corps and for a long time played an important part as a counselor on foreign affairs to the Porte.T HE O T T O M A N PA S T connection that all great Turkish reformers between 1 720 and l 8 3 9 held at one time the post of Secretary for Foreign Affairs ( "Reis iil-Kuttab" ) . Military reforms had their ups and downs in the years following the revolt of l 730. v. Mir'at-t Muhendishane. but what is remarkable here too is that the thread of Westernization was picked up within two years of the uprising. Histoire. t he training of troops on the European model was again taken up by Grand Vizier Juhsinza de in 1 773.iteferrika's Usul ul-hikem ft nizam ul-umem. This time a corps of Turkish light artillery was finally established ( l 774) with de Tott's coopera­ t:i on. 7 . to carry out some of his public works. XVI . XIV. 29 During his grand vizierate Rag1b Pa§a also drafted the son-in-law of the French ambassador to the Porte. the Baron de Tott. 6 3 . In l 734 on the advice of Bonneval a school of mathematics ( "Hendesehane" ) was opened in the capital to train military engineers. 3 1 but here again the thread was picked up by · Grand 27 Hammer. 28 Selim Niizhet. While Rag1b Pa§a's efforts to revive the engineering school seem not to have borne any fruit. pp. who tried to keep the school out of the limelight so that the experi­ tnent might succeed. Osmanli Tarihi. 2 7 The same year there wa s published the first Turkish book taking up systematically the analysis of Western superiority­ Ibrahim Mi. Later this school was disbanded.

2 3 3 . however. Ebubekir Ratib Efendi stated it as "reform in consonance with the practice of my ancestors. Selim III ( 1 9 46 ) . 11 . Halil Hamid Pa�a's work came to an end when he was destituted and exe­ cuted in the wake of his attempt to bring Selim III to the throne. The earliest theory of reform that appears in the memoranda of Ebubeki� Ratib to Selim is that of a recasting of Ottoman military practices.T H E O T T O MA N PA S T Vizier Halil Hamid Pa�a ( 17 8 2-17 8 5 ) (who also rose to the grand vizierate from the bureaus of the Porte and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) ." In 179 1. plans for reorganizing the military. 8 3 Ismail Hakk1 Uzuncar§thoglu. Selim had begun a correspond­ ence with Louis XVI with regard to the type of reform that would be most suitable for Turkey. but this was so in great part because he took advantage of the groundwork laid by earlier viziers. While still heir to the throne." Turki')'at Mecmuasi ( 1 9 3 6 ) . 8 4 82 Ismail Hakk1 Uzun<. 82 Halil Hamid Pa�a reinstated the engineering school ( 1 784) and relied on Prussian as well as French advisors to set up �. "Selim III' iin Veliaht iken Fransa Kirah Lui XVI ile Muhabereleri. Ratib Efendi changed his opinion and came out for the adoption by the Ottoman Empire of the most important European military techniques. p . after · a mission to Vienna during which he investi­ gated the Austrian army and administration. It appears from this correspondence that here again the organizing force which channeled Selim's good intentions was the mentorship of Ebubekir Ratib Efendi. 33 He also secretly sent a personal envoy to the French court. In this case again only a short time elapsed before the reforming activities were once more undertaken under the aegis of Sultan Selim." Belleten (April 1 9 3 8 ) . s 4 Kara!. 1 9 1-246. 2 2 6. r 44 . Thus he laid the ground­ work for the reforms of Selim III ( 1789-1 807 ) .ar§tlt "Sadrazam [sic] Halil Hamid Pa§a. Selim is usually considered the most important reformer of the eighteenth century. v. 40. who was Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs at the time he began working with Selim.

"Nizam-1 Dj edid. 8 5 Beginning with the appointment of Ratib Efendi to the post of Secretary for Foreign Affairs ( May 1 795 ) . in 1 792. 2 1 3 . I . . Nouvelle Imprimerie du Genie. 8 8 Selim was deposed ( I 807 ) by substantially the same type of cabal that had caused the uprising of 1 730 and was suc­ ceeded by the reactionaries' choice. a9 Cevdet. 9 3 6 . Karal. I I . 4 1 4-42 5 . VI I I . a local Christian attached to the Swedish embassy. Selim III asked state officials to report to him on the state of the Ottoman Empire and to suggest rneasures for reform. his brother Mustafa IV. foreign military specialists were called in in great numbers and new military formations3 6 on the European model ( "Nizani-i Cedid" ) were established. 3 8 See Mahmoud Ray f [sic] Efendi. it was the Reis ul-Kuttab Ra�id Efendi who drafted the most radical Turkish proposal for the reform of the army. But at least one treatise describing these attempts was published in French to advertise to the world the changes brought about during Selim's reign. 7 3 · 3 7 Franz Babinger. financial and administrative reorganization . These officials. again. Selim III ( 1 94 6 ) . 7 8 9. I-Iardly had a year gone by when a group of heads of chan­ ceries led by the Minister of Foreign Affairs were able to escape from Janissary field headquarters3 9 and find asylum i n the army of the commanding general of the Danube prov­ ince.T HE O T T O M A N PA S T A year later. known in Turkish history by the name of Rus�uk Yaran1 35 Ibid. The term "Nizam-1 Cedid" ("new order") had been used as early as 1 69 6 by Grand Vizier Kopriilii Faztl Mustafa Pa§a to characterize his attempted administrative reforms. throughout . Karal. "Nizam-1 Cedide Dair Lay ihalar.1 1 1 . to a much smaller extent. Bayraktar or Alemdar Mustafa Pa�a. among these men were an adviser to the Ottoman army by the name of Bertrand and the Chevalier d'Ohsson. 1 04. see Ali Suavi." Encyclopedia of Islam. On this occasion. Tableau des Nouveaux Reglements de l'Empire Ottoman ( Constantinople. 3 42-3 5 1 . p. Ali Suavi considered the latter the first y oung Ottoman . Selim III. r 45 . ( 1 942 ) . 1 7 9 8 ) . Ulum ( 1 8 7 o) . 424-4 3 2 .3 7 Administrative reorganization did not go beyond rneasures to better the system of taxation. Twenty-two statesmen handed in proj ­ ects for military and. Tarih. 86 Karal. m . p." Tarih Vesikalari ( 1 94 1 ) .

9 1 -9 3 . pp. I. regained power.T H E O T T O M A N PA S T ( "the comrades of Rus�uk" ) were able to organize a counter­ revolution. . With the elimination of the Janissaries. Hakk1 Uzun�ar§tlt.. he eventually became convinced that the Janissary formations should be abolished� This was carried out in 1 8 26 . It became a criminal offense to pro­ nounce the name Janissary and the religious order of Bekta§i associated with the Janissaries was also banned. This they did with the specific intent of disguising the real nature of the liquidation they were conducting. "Selim I II. the · first stage of Turkish modernization. depose Mustafa IV. plus at least one higher bureaucrat who had cooperated with Mustafa IV. 40 ) Although Bayraktar was given the grand vizierate because he held the military power. 4 2 . · 4 2 Tahsin Oz. 1 942 ) . which was primarily. The tragic circumstances under which the reigning · M ahmud II had been brought to the throne led him to act with great caution under the circumstances. Maarif Matbaas1. and bring to the throne Mahmud. Tarih Vesikalar1 (June 1 94 1 ) . the Rus�uk Yaran1 took the ad­ ministration of the state into their hands. ( Selim himself had perished in the counteruprising. Yilltk 0 glu Suleyman A galar ve A le11idar Mustafa Pa�a (Istanbul. Bayraktar himself acknowledged that he was a military figurehead used by the bureaucrats to get power. the conspirators quickly disposed of their ulema enemies. Mustafa IV ve Mahmut II zamanlarma ait birka� vesika. 2 1 . and while he gave in to the Janissaries at the time and fell under the influence of antireformist elements for a while. although not · 4° Karal. · . What remained of the corps was scat­ tered in the provinces. Again within a year the reactivation of the program of training for new military formations on the European model led to another revolt of Janissaries and the suicide of Bayraktar Mustafa Pa§a. 148. a nephew of Selim. M ef/iur Rumeli A yanlartndan Tirsinikli Ismail. 4 1 Ismail Osmanli Tarihi. v. 41 As soon as they . the Janissaries having attempted to revolt again were given no quarter and were almost exterminated. 1 4 9. pp .

4 3 Yet again. He was also a strong-willed monarch who did not spare the threats that he would condemn his own son to death were he to fail in carrying out his orders.T HE O T T O M A N PA S T exclusively. came to an end. who carried through Mahmud's military reforms but who could not become reconciled to further reforms. a link exists between · the era of Selim and the reforms of Mahmud. IV. 44 Karal. Tarih. a man of mild dis­ position. Another link between the reigns of Selim and Mahmud was evidenced in that both sultans showed a strong desire to eliminate what­ ever disorder and anarchy had crept into the administration of the empire-a wish which quite naturally took the form of a. 2 9 1 . We shall see later how the increasing dependence of the state on bureau­ crats. The first fruits of this 4 3 Many Ottomans. The b. Turkish reformist activities have to do with the streamlining of Ottoman government. Many of the imperial firmans ( edicts ) in Karal's work bear out this attitude. 4 4 But what had been a quality which the bureaucrats of the Porte welcomed in Selim was transmitted to his nephew Mahmud as a desire to reestablish at all costs the hegemony 0£ the sultan. Selim was not. thereafter. Typical in this respect is the attitude of Husrev Pa§a. he engaged in con­ spiracies to this end while he was heir apparent. as he is often made to appear. hastened the process by which the higher employees of the Ottoman state were progressively taking over the elaboration of policy. Abdiilhamid .eginning of the reign of Mahmud. desire to breathe a new fire into the monarchical institution. combined with the sultan's own capriciousness. quoting Cevdet Pa§a. 1 1 5. however. I 47 . in that both sultans were relying on the same group of bureaucrats to carry out reforms. was an era of: cooperation between the sultan and the bureaucrats who had brought Mahmud to the throne. were not quite able to undertake the mental leap from military to governmental reform. p. but was an ambitious prince who was impatient to step . however. Selim III ( 1 946 ) . a matter of military reforms. Mahmud eventually antagonized the statesmen on whose cooperation he depended because he tried to impose his own will in all important policy decisions. Increasingly.into the place of his brother.

and of the ayans. . Sak1z. successfully engaged in other consolidating activities. hand of iron. Cevdet. dissertation.. to a recognition of the inde­ pendence of Ayans insofar as it did rely on their assistance. Princeton. . Morea. In the case of the suppression of the A yans. but they were successful.4 5 The Sened-i lttifak. . Alemdar Mustafa Pa§a. 47 Howard A. pp. reduced various local feudal lords in Anatolia and Rumelia . and the entire transaction was directed by the officials who had organ­ ized Alemdar's counterrevolt and now were in control of the state. was one of the first steps toward the transformation of the Ottoman Empire into a modern centralized state. broke the power of the Karamanian dynasty . restored his authority over Izmir. Erzurum. or Ayan. Cyprus. 1 40. means equally spe­ cious . 1 9 5 1 . and reasserted his authority over the undisciplined Janissaries of Salonika. pp. 6. 46 Although the document itself amounted 1 3 8. were employed to restrict or destroy the power of distant pashas. and Van . and the 4 5 Uzun�ar§ilt. but which did not always endear him to his subj ects. Chios. unpublished Ph . who was just as i nterested in regaining his empire as his bureaucrats were in streamlining it. . the Dardanelles. The exposure of these operations of years would present a piece of almost unparal­ leled craft and cruelty . the historian Cevdet Pa§a quite clearly indicates that this was a temporary compromise due to the weakness of the central powers. and Vidin . This document was aimed at curbing the powers of the local dynasties. . which the sultan happened to have. Reed.D. IX. "The Destruction of the Janissaries by Mahmud II in June 1 8 2 6. 2 1 -24.T HE O T T O M A N P A S T cooperation was the signature of the Sened-4 1ttifak or Pledge of Agreement ( or Alliance) . 2 7 8-2 8 0. far from being a Magna Carta. for example. He recovered taxes which were no longer being collected from local administrators because of the weakness of the metropolis . regained control over the hereditary pa�aliks of Trabzon. 4 7 These drives to regain control over the empire required a . a contemporary wit­ ness stated : "Simultaneously with the deliberate and cautious undermining of the Janissary power. Tarih.4 6 In the early years of his reign Mahmud. . .

5 0 4s MacFarlane. in which the sultan engaged despite the advice of some of his statesmen." pp. and the drunken liberty of the people. 1 247/ 1 8 3 1 ) . who. Hulasat el-burhan fi 'ita'at el-Sultan ( Istan­ bul. 1 1 . did not interfere with the satisfaction of Mahmood. See Davison. This constitutes Mah­ rnud's contribution to political philosophy.I 9 2 . The result was a col­ lection of twenty-five traditions of the Prophet with regard to the absolute necessity to obey rulers. l 9 I . Engelhar_d t. had paved the way to a military despotism-the un­ checked will of one-as the mos t perfect government of Europe. XVI I . where the destruc­ tion of the ancient nobility. It was only then that Mahmud realized that mili­ tary reforms in the empire were not sufficient and that rees­ tablishing "normalcy" was also inadequate. "Reform. La Turquie et le Tanzimat. both to cut expenses and because they no longer had any use. . had been led to consider the government of France. 1 8 5 . is at this time that the beginning of serious structural reforms in the state rr1ay be observed. Governmental Reform in Mahmud's Time The first move that the sultan undertook was to eliminate a number of palace offices. 1 7. from the course of his study and associations. 1 49 . . for favorable comments on the derehey system. . or the plans of his counsellor. 1. Histoir6. 49 Yasincizade Abdiilvehhab. also. It . . Mahmud ordered his Seyhulislam to write a book in which the theory of imperial fiat would be stated uncompromisingly. . . 49 A key date with regard to the sultan's attitude seems to have been that of the unsuccessful Russian war of 1 8 2 8 .1 8 6. II. Constantinople in 1 8 2 8.T H E O T T O M A N PA S T losses of the inhabitants of remote provinces who had been happy and prosperous in proportion to the stability and inde­ pendence of their local governors. 1 1 0."48 A theoretical counterpart of these attempts of the sultan to pull his empire · together was the active fostering of the idea of complete obeisance to the sultan. 5 0 A complete description of these moves is given in Hammer.

I V.. I 1 4 ( I 2 4 8 ) . v. 153 Ibid. ( 1 2 5 1/1 8 3 5. 6 0 Ibid. the Ni�an-i lftihar. xvn .. v. I I I . 1 2 6. 59 Ibid. 51 At one time. Immediately following the abolition of the Janissary order. however. Tarih. v. Thus the rise to power of the bureaucracy was accelerated. v . in the · 1 83o's. For trends in the year 1 8 3 9. 6 6 . · 1 24 ( 1 2 54) . 5 2 See Lutfi.T H E O T T O MA N PA S T The sultan was careful not to antagonize the ulema by directly challenging them or changing their status. 5 3 In 1 83 2 offices of the state were reorganized to fit four principal categories. 54 On the same date government by fiat came to an end. was to grant more extensive privileges to the employees of the Porte. while the _ number of positions filled by the ulema remained constant or even declined. see p.55 State functionaries who had rendered outstand­ ing services were granted a decoration..56 Offices staffed by state functionaries increased. 5 8 as new min­ isters were established whose duties encroached on the func­ tions performed by the ulema.." Islam A nsiklopedisi ( 1 9 5 0 ) . Tarih.. Histoirc. the imperial practice of embodying unilateral policy decisions in hatts drafted by the sultan himself was discontinued. IV. 59 or as a result of placing under the supervision of the state sources of income which formerly had been at the disposal of the ulema.1 8 3 0) .. 3 74. and it was made hereditary. 15 8 Ibid. 5 2 What was done. fS4: I bid. 150 . 3 ( 1 2 5 I ) . 1 40. 155 See t. a uniform was set for the employees of the Porte. 1 2 4 ( I 2 5 4) .. Uzun�ar§ilt. amalgamated into a department of the Porte. v. an attempt was made to downgrade them in the protocol of the state. but ulema displeasure caused the rule to be rescinded. "Hatt-1 Humay un. 57 This latter situation arose whenever one of the departments under the jurisdiction of the Seyhulislam was .e. H. i. n Ibid. 56 Lfitfi.6 0 The position of the employees of the Porte was reinforced by the elimination of the system under which appointments 51 Hammer. 2 5 l 80.1 8 3 6 ) . 1 4 8 ( 1 2 45/1 8 2 9.

this system had fallen into disuse by the eighteenth century.. 64 a police system was organized. s9 Cevdet.THE O T TO M A N P A S T were only held for one year at a time61 and by granting them regular salaries. 1 4 8-1 5 0. of the four fundamental "orders" making up the state. in the first years of his reign. 1 5 2. It was to be expected that with a ruler such as Mahmud this would not come about easily. Halil Hamid Pa§a and Selim III had both tried to restore the old system without success. the most outstanding step here was the establishment. of a new machinery of government whereby the day-by-day control of policies by the grand vizier and other ministers was now institutionalized.66 In a document written in 1 8 29 the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. were established. 65 /hid... /hid. he did not fear to give precedence to the "men of the sword" and the "men of the pen. 1 49.. at the end of his reign. For reasons which are still obscure. 63 /hid. pp.69 M ahmud. 1 1 3 . 63 such as the Official Gazette ("Takvim-i Vekayi") . but later.e. Selim III ( 1 946) . Here again the crucial developments occurred after 1 8 29. IV. 1 6. 1 45 . 1 7 6 .65 Entirely new ministries. cf.. 1 5 4. in the presence and with the advice of state dignitaries including the highest ulema. It had been a well-established principle of Ottoman govern­ ment that political decisions of great weight were taken "in council. Selim III ( 1 946 ) . a postal system was put into operation .. 1. 68 Karal. 6 2 New governmental institutions on Western lines were cre­ ated.>' Tarih Vesikalari ( October 1 94 1 ) . 1 2 6 . relied on the advice of a narrow circle of anti-Westerners such as Halet Efendi . . 1 1 1 . p. which had to be staffed by more and better bureaucrats .''6 8 i. Karal. 1 5 7 . Pertev Efendi. enunciated a theory of government in which. when 62 6 1 /hid. 66 /hid." while he did not even bother to mention the ulema. p. «Mahmut II 'nin izzet Molla ve Asakir-i Mansure Hakkmda bir Hatti. such as the Ministry of Finance.1 5 6. 1 1 1 . P · 1 6 5 . 3 8 . pp. Tarih. 6 7 As to the new forms that the exercise of political power took during the reign of Mahmud. v. 67 ihsan Sungu.. 6 4 /hid.

It is not entirely clear whether the information is correct that in I 83 5 an embryonic Council of Ministers ( "Meclis-i Hass") was organized which met twice a week at the Sublime Porte under the presidency of the grand vizier.T HE O T T O M A N P A S T he found they misled him.1 90 1 ) . i. 99. 2 vols. From the destruction of the Janissary order to I 8 30 he relied on his own judgment. and these provincial organizations were to 70 A. 7 3 The Dar-1 §ura-yi Bab-i Ali was to be duplicated at the provincial level in the form of appointive local councils. W. 1 90 8 ) . that reforms other than military reforms were discussed in this council. 7 2 Of these two bodies. mentions the date 1 8 3 8 and not 1 8 3 5 . "Asirlar boyunca Imparatorlugu idare eden Bab-1 Ali.. 1 5 1 . Tarih. 1 9 8 . Mustafa Re�it Paia. 1. Stern. T arih. v. v. 1 1 Lutfi. 1 7 9 . I I . 3 94 . . Lfitfi. note 2 8 . he got rid of them.. 1 7 8 . and that eventually the Porte imposed its own view that a separate council for the discussion o� governmental reform had to be created. the Dar-1 §ura-yi Bab-1 Ali was to be the institutionalized form of the Council of Ministers . Abdurrahman �eref. '12 See Kaynar." Tarik Dllnyasi (August 1 9 5 o) . 1 1 On the other hand. 1. 13 Osman Ergin. 70 But what is quite clear is that in 1 83 6 an Imperial Council on Military Affairs was established. 3 8 1 . one. 7 1 . Lutfi. Manuel de Droit Public et A dministratif de L' Empire Ottoman (Leipzig. p. The source quoted by Heidborn. with the increase in the volume of international affairs. cf. Tarih-i Devlet-i Osmaniye ( Istanbul. 1 7 8. 3 7 9. the sultan began to rely increasingly on the young men who were being nurtured in the bureau of the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs ( ''Amedci" ) . 1 3 1 5. 1 7 9 . Kaynar. Tarih. pp. but the experience of the Turco-Russian War chastened him somewhat. C. established to provide permanent consultation with Ottoman ministers. Heidborn. Mustafa Re§it Pa§a. 7 0. while the second. was a more special­ ized governmental organ where the decisions arrived at during discussions were to be embodied in laws and presented to the sultan for approval. One of these young men was Mustafa Re§id Pa§a.1 2 8 .1 3 1 8/1 8 9 7. the Meclis-i Vala-yi A hkam-i Adliye ( "Su­ preme Council of Judicial Ordinances") . v. It is due to his advice that in I 8 37 two governmental institutions were finally . Karabet Matbaas1.e.

Mustafa Re�it Pa�a.'' had c!stablished two "constitutional bodies. 77 7 4 Lutfi. who pointed out that at a time when the need for reform justified Sultan Mahmud in establishing autocratic rule. His praise of members of the royal family should thus be taken with a grain of salt. who wanted the reforms to stop at the military stage.l'a§a. but it is interesting to note that Lutfi Efendi chose to point out the «democratic" aspects of the Turkish reform movement to a sultan who was a thoroughgoing autocrat himself. pp . r 53 . Lutfi Efendi was the official chronicler of the (�mpire from 1 8 8 6 onward and was on close terms with Sultan Abdiilhamid H ( reign. for example. Important state matters and accomplishments of the preceding year would be covered at the same time. is the interpretation of the official chronicler of the Ottoman Empire. Kaynar. 75 Because of the innovation represented by this creation of new institutions. Re�id Pa§a's attempts to exclude from the Council of Judicial Ordinances men who could not "divest themselves from the manners and customs with which the old generation was impregnated" shows the extent of the modernist · approach which lay behind their establishment. 1 7 9 . 1 05. Lutfi Efendi. Tarih. 7 6 Taken in the general context of Ottoman reform. Such. historians have usually chosen to bring out only one aspect of this reform-that which in modern termi­ nology would be called the "democratic" aspect. Tarih. 2 1 0-2 1 4. v. quoting an unpublished document in Re§id's handwriting. 77 Kaynar. 75 6 7 Lutfi. 7 4 It was decided at the time these institutions were established that the sovereign would come every year to the Meclis-i Vala-yi A hkam-1 Adliye and on that occasion make a speech quite similar to the Europ�an "speech from the throne" characterizing European parliamentary mon­ archies. the latter had realized the advan­ tages of the "legitimate method of constitutionalism. p. v. 1 8 7 6. 1 06. the true nature of these bodies emerges without difficulty : both were established to facilitate the administrative streamlining of the empire.1 9 0 9 ) . The allusion might be to Husrev <'2.T H E O T T O MA N PA S T correspond with the mother body and suggest reforms that were needed." and had made it a rule that no regulations regarding "the state and the people" were to be carried out unless passed by these two bodies. Mustafa Re�it Pa�a.

1 940) . v. "Amme Hukukumuzda Tanzi­ mat Devri. under the Otto� man monarchy they could only be appointed. In March of 1 83 8. pp. 1 02. he never mentioned the idea of popular sovereignty and specifically stated that. He added that. changes continued. but the change was significant. While Re§id Pa§a could not have reference to the idea of popular sovereignty. The sultan." Tanzimat 1 : Yuzii. Abdiilmecid. with the appointment of Grand Vizier Mehmed Emin Rauf Pa§a. 1 1 3 . of a rescript bearing the character of a semiconstitutional charter. I5 4 . This was quite a logical appraisal of a system under which sovereignty had been held in trust for God by the sultan. cf. could go so far as to state in the firman in which he established the title of prime minister that. Istanbul: Maarif Matbaas1. 1 1 4 . the new bodies could be rationalized as consultative assemblies made up of experts without doing violence to Islamic ideas. by Maarif Vekaleti. Meanwhile. up to that point. in turn. since most of the affairs of the state were being handled by minis­ ters. 78 This "collegial" theqry of government was quite new for the Ottoman Empire. The culmination of all these moves was the proclamation by Mahmud's successor. since there existed in Islam a theory of the delegation of the sovereign's power to his ministers. while mem­ bers of similar bodies in Europe were elected. as an additional distinction but not as a mark of having granted special powers. mutlak" ) of the sultan. since the grand vizier had. no need was fel t any more for a grand vizier. he would confer the title of prime minister on any of the ministers of state whom he thought was fit to lead his colleagues. the title of prime minister was used for the first time. been the absolute delegate ( "Vekil-i.THE O T T OMA N PA S T Although. Tarih. Okandan.ncil Yildonilmii Milnasebetile (ed. Re�id Pa�a himself established a parallel between these institutions and European parliaments. in a communication sent to the sultan. the Hatt-11 Ruma78 Lfitfi. The title of grand vizier was restored within a year.1 04.

many Europeans it seemed the sultan was suddenly falling in with the contemporary inclination of formerly wicked monarchs to grant their people a constitution. p. 2479-24 8 2. To . Mustafa Re§it. 5-2 9 . Sabri Esat Siyavu§gil. 2 2 2. For the text o f the rescript see Belin.T H E O T TOMA N PA S T y un of Giilhane. on November 3. 3 5 7-3 60. Islam did not stand in the way of a complete remodel7 9 See ((Das Conseil d'utilite publique in Konstantinopel. then Foreign Minister. «Charte des Tures. after having taken stock of this unexpected development for a few years. 1 9 2." Series 3. in their opinion. p. for one of these p reparatory steps. "a good thing" and represented no mean achievement in the direction of Westernization. 7 3 1 . Even in 1 8 3 8 a scheme of reform was being con­ sidered having as goals : ( 1 ) j ust taxation. all those present realized that an important step had been taken in the direction of the modernization of the Ottoman Empire. as well as ( 3 ) the establishment of the principle of equality before the law. pp. walked up to a podium in the middle of the Imperial Park of Giilhane and read to the dignitaries of the Porte and the foreign diplomats summoned for the occa­ sion the Imperial Charter known as the Hatt-1 Humayun of �Giilhane." Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung. 80 Even the more delayed responses were flattering. Kaynar. Journal Asiatique (April-June 1 9 3 3 ) . 7 9 Ill. This undoubt­ edly was. for which the groundwork had been prepared d�ring Mahmud's reign. 80 Bailey. 1x. British Policy. Auguste Comte decided. note 44 . ((Mustafa Re§it Pa§a. ( 2 ) the elimination of forced labor contribution (<Cangarya") and forced seizure. Beilage No. Journal A siatique (January 1 840) . vol. 1 83 9. pp." Tanzimat. The reaction in Europe was prompt and enthusiastic. 3 1 7 ( 1 8 3 9) . Here was a country where the Religion of Humanity could become the guiding beacon of governmental action for. Cavid Baysun. p. "Tanzi­ matm Frans1z Efkar-1 Umumiyesinde Uyandird1g1 Akisler. that the Ottoman Empire was the political and social laboratory of which he had dreamed. he stated. 9 9 ." Tanzimat. The Immediate Origins of the Hatt-i Humayun o f Gulhane When. Mustafa Re§id Pa§a. 7 5 0-7 5 3 · 1 55 . Jean Deny has a useful summary of various editions of the charter in his obituary of Kraelitz-Greifenhorst.

" Some of the more experienced observers of Turkish affairs did. a fundamental statement of individual liberties. . Paris. somewhat of an understatement. pp. Chancellier de Gour et d'Etat (ed. He had had only a withering contempt.8 2 and even Prince Metternich did not feel loath to congratulate the successor of Mahmud. 1 9 3 . and the rulers of the Ottoman Empire had shown that they believed in "energetic" ref arms. but it was only incidentally a ''bill of rights. British Policy." Memoires. 1 9 9. was not without having influenced the preparation of the hatt. whether human or institutional.8 3 Re§id Pa§a himself. 1 8 8 3 ) . in reality. for the obstacles that stood in his way. who had died three months before the rescript was proclaimed. the adolescent Sultan Abdillmecid. 81 This assessment of Comte was. "Sur les Reformes d'Abdul Medjid en Tu rqui e. on the other hand. 1 8 5 3 ) . which expressed itself in very concrete and severe measures. pro­ tested against the suspicion. 3 7 8-3 86. two years after the proclamation. 2 00. ancien grand visir [sic] de !'Empire Ottoman. realize this. 111. For the s i m i­ larity in points of view between t he British and the Austrians.THE O T T O M A N PA S T ing of society. The hatt was the equivalent of a European constitutional charter only insofar as it promised that hence£orth. in which the promise to respect "life. ibid. v. 82 See Bailey. as many a Euro­ pean's wishful thinking would have had it. This character of the ruler. the proclamation read in the park of Giilhane. 8 8 [Cle m ens Prince Metternich] . at the time. and property" held such a prominent place. "A son Excellence Reschid Pacha. p. by Prince R ichard Metter­ nich. In other words." Systeme de Politique Positive ou Traite de Sociologie lnstituant la Religion de l'Humanite (Paris. was not really. which aimed primarily at curbing such imperial caprice in the conduct of the affairs of the state. Sultan Mahmud II. honor. which he stated the hatt had 81 Auguste Comte. had indeed been as absolutistic a refarmer as could be found. . for affixing the imperial seal to the rescript. Carillan-Goeury et D al mon t. note 69. Plon. government would be based on principles which eliminated arbitrary rule. :note 4 6. 1 9 8 . xlvii-xlix. in the Ottoman Empire. Documents et Ecrits Divers laisses par le Prince Metternich.



sometimes raised, of "connivance with European constitu­
tionalism." He stated that education was by no means so
widespread in Turkey as to make constitutionalism possible,
and he spoke of the principal dispositions of the document as
"only intended to introduce a complete security of the life,
property and honor of individuals and regulate the internal
and military expenditures of the Porte." 84
If the charter of GUlhane had been primarily prepared as
an instrument to make the Ottoman state function with greater
efficiency and to eliminate the wastefulness of uncontrolled
imperial fiat, a special aspect of this purpose was that the
charter was aimed at giving more extensive powers than they
had hitherto wielded to the Ottoman "men of the pen," the
bureaucrats of the Porte who, as the state machinery was
gradually streamlined, had become progressively indispensa­
ble. 85 This aspect of the hatt may be bet ter understood by
determining, with greater accuracy than has been done to
date, whose "life, property and honor" it was meant t o protect
an d wh a t, precisely, its author, Mustafa Re§id Pa§a, had in
mind in drafting such a document. Upon examination, it will
be seen that a most important component of Re§id's intentions
was to make the Ottoman state officials benefit from the pro­
tection of organic laws which the sultan himself would pledge
to observe. In Re§id's own words he desired to benefit from
the advantages of "une systeme immuablement etabli."86
What Re§id desired to safeguard with such a "systeme" is
alluded to by a contemporary observer of the Turkish scene.
The latter states that, after the destruction of the Janissaries
and the defeat of the antireformist element i n the e mp ire,
"the men who had floated to the surface of the wreck of the
8 4 Nicholas Milev, "Rechid Pacha et la Reforme Ottomane," Zeitschrift
fur Osteuropaische Geschichte ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 11, 3 8 8 .
85 The governmental bodies established i n 1 8 3 7 were also the institutional
expression of the idea that in carrying out the business of the state it was
imperative to rely on a fairly wide group of experts at the ministerial and
under-secretary level. Thus the "men of the pen" were finally accorded an
official recognition of the primacy of the services they rendered.
86 Bailey, British Policy, p. 2 7 1 .


orthodox Turkish party were in general needy, unillustrated
by descent" and therefore set out to "acquire wealth to gain
influence and make partisans in default of which they would
be mere bubbles on a troubled sea." 8 7
Re�id Pa�a probably remembered in this connection the
number of wealthy men who for no ·o ther reason than that
they possessed the means to defray the cost of Mahmud's
reforms had been summarily arrested, dispossessed, and some­
times even executed during Mahmud's reign. 88
There is no doubt that for some time before the proclama­
tion of the Glilhane Rescript, while Mahmud was still alive,
Re§id had been greatly perturbed by the heavy-handed fashion
in which the monarch had carried out his reforms, that he be­
lieved that because of the sultan' s uncontrolled actions the full
benefit of reform had not been reaped during his reign.
In an interview with Palmerston, a few months before the
passing of the rescript and immediately following Mahmud's
death, Re§id Pa§a explained to the British statesman that he
had been especially revolted by the cruel treatment meted out
by his imperial master to those of his ministers who happened
to incur the sultan's displeasure. Among such highly placed
bureaucrats who had met an unenviable fate, Re§id Pa§a men­
tioned his former patron and mentor, Pertev Pa§a. 8 9 Indeed,
at the time the above interview was taking place, the memory
81 Sir Adolphus Slade, Turkey and the Crimean War ( London, Smith and

Elder, 1 8 6 7 ) , p. 3 1 f. Almost the same wording is used in Ziya Pa§a's
"H5.tira-i Evveliye," Hurriyet, March 8, 1 8 69, page 6 .
88 As attested by the Austrian internuncio to the Porte in a contemporary
dispatch to Metternich : "Jamais l'arbitraire n'avait ete porte a un tel exces
que sous le regne du Sultan defunt. Quand a la propriete, le Sultan en
disposait sans egards ni scrupules, depouillant les uns au profit des autres.
Les concussions des fonctionnaires publics devenaient plus fortes a mesure
que l'on se croyait moins sur de conserver ce que l'on avait acquis, chacun
cherchant du moins a sauver quelques epargnes faites a la derobee pour se
mettre a l'abri des evenements et se garantir contre les coups du sort.» Baron
Sturmer to Metternich, November 6, 1 8 3 9 . Cited by Milev, «Rechid Pacha
et la Reforme Ottomane,» p. 3 8 3 .
89 For th e text o f this interview see Bailey, British Policy, Appendix 1 1 1 ,
2 7 1 -2 7 6.

T H E O T T O M A N P A S 1'

of the tragic rivalry between Akif Pa�a and Pertev Pa�a,
exacerbated by the part the sultan had chosen to play in it,
was still fresh in the minds of the employees of the Sublime
In the conflict for power and influence between these two
highly gifted statesmen, Pertev had been able, at first, to
draw the sultan to his side. This had happened in I 8 3 6. At
the time Akif was Secretary for Foreign Affairs9 0 and had been
greatly embarrassed by the histrionics of Ponsonby, the British
ambassador to the Porte. A British citizen, while hunting in
the vicinity of Istanbul, had been imprisoned for wounding a
Turkish boy. The crude threats of Ponsonby to bring down
the Ottoman Empire about Akif's head if he did not immedi­
ately liberate this subj ect of Her Maj esty, placed Akif in a
difficult situation. Finally he had to give in. The Englishman,
a Mr. Churchill, was freed, awarded an indemnity, and pre­
sented with a diamond-studded imperial decoration. Akif Pa§a,
however, was dismissed for this loss of face. His rival Pertev
thereupon stepped into his shoes. Some time later Akif's star
had again prevailed. This time Akif succeeded in so thoroughly
discrediting Pertev that the latter was exiled by the sultan
to Edirne, and then this punishment, being deemed too lenient,
was followed within a matter of hours by his condemnation
to death. Immediately thereafter the sultan repented his hasty
decision, but-alas-the sentence had already been carried out
when the order for its revocation arrived in Edirne. Akif was
dismissed shortly thereafter.
Pertev was the last politician to be executed by the tradi­
tional method of the bowstring, and though his rival, Akif, was
later pursued by the avenging Re§id Pa§a, it was for reasons
connected with the neglect of Akif's official duties and the
sentence was passed by one of the administrative tribunals
90 The whole incident is

related by Akif Pa§a in his Tabsira. See . Arthur
Alric, Un Diplomate Ottoman en r83 6 (Affaire Churchill) , Traduction
Annotee de 1' «Eclaircissement" (Tebsireh) d'Akif-Pacha (Paris, Ernest
Leroux, 1 8 9 2 ) .



established after the proclamation of the Gi.ilhane Rescript. 91
Pertev is one of the figures in Turkish history probably
most misunderstood in the West, for he was labeled a "reac­
tionary" by Western publicists. This reputation of Pertev's
was due to his strong measures against Christian minorities. 9 2
With regard to the streamlining of the Ottoman state, how­
ever, Pertev was not a reactionary ; on the contrary, he was
the final link leading to Re§id in a chain of Secretaries for
Foreign Affairs who had reform at heart. After Selim's death,
in his position as Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs, in . his
own handwriting Pertev had drafted the Charter of Alliance. 93
Such modernization of the administration as was necessary
to give the metropolis a better grasp over the empire had been
the fruit of his labors. On his advice the grand vizierate had
been reorganized, the office of Assistant to the grand vizier
( "Sadaret Kethudaligi" ) recast into a Ministry of the Interior
( " Umur-u Mulkiye Nezareti" ) 94 and a permanent secretary­
general ("Muste1ar") appointed for the first time in an
Ottoman ministry.
It is . only by mentioning the name of the man who had
taught Pertev the art of statesmanship, however, that the
whole pattern in the transmission of reformist attitudes
91 Akif Pa§a's biography may be found in Alric, Un Diplomate Ottoman,
pp. ii-iv ; see also lbni.ilemin Mahmud Kemal inal, So n A sir, pp. 8 0- 8 9 ;
Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, IV, 3 2 2-3 3 5 . For Pertev Pa§a, the above source and
also tnal, pp. 1 3 1 2 - 1 3 2 4.
9 2 M. A. Ubicini, Letters on Turkey (trans. by Lady Easthope, London,
John Murray, 1 8 5 6 ) , n , 1 1 3 ; Frariz Babinger, "Pertev," Encyclopedia of
Islam ( 1 9 3 6 ) , 1 v, 1 0 6 6. A somewhat fairer description is given by Slade,
Turkey and the Crimean War, p. 1 6.
93 See above, ·P· 1 4 8 ; for Pertev's role see Alric, Un Diplomate Ottoman,
pp. 1 2. 4- 1 2 5 ; also below, Chapter VI .
9 4 This was considered by Akif Pa§a to constitute in itself a slap to the
Sultan since it implied that the machinery of the state was not meant only
to carry out his will. See tnal, Son A sir, p. 8 2 . When Akif Pa§a re­
placed Pertev in September 1 8 3 7, the term was changed to that of
Umur-u Dahi.liye Naziri. See Abdurrahman �eref, Tarih-i Devlet-i Os­
maniye, 1 1, p. 3 8 3 . Liitfi, Tarih, v, 2 9 ; for the text of the firmans re­
organizing these offices see "Extrait du Moniteur Ottoman du 2 1 Zilcadi
1 2 5 1 de Phegire, ,, Journal Asiatique, Series ur, u, 7 8 : 8 3 (July 1 8 3 6 ) ;
also Moniteur Ottoman, Ap ril 2 3 , 1 8 3 6.
z 6o


throughout the first three decades of the nineteenth century
becomes entirely clear. This man, Galib Pa§a, was the "man
of the pen" and Secretary for Foreign Affairs who, having
escaped from Janissary field headquarters, had instigated the
counterrevolution of Alemdar Mustafa Pa�a and later had
advised Sultan Mahmud as to the steps to be followed in the
destruction of the Janissaries. 9 5
Thus from Galib to Pertev to Re�id ( and, as we shall see,
to Re�id's colleague Rifat ) runs a continuous stream of reform­
ist policy which had been espoused by "men of the pen" since
the end of the eighteenth century.
In the bureaucratic circles of the Ottoman capital the
rnemory of Pertev's death sentence, carried out in 1 8 3 7, was
still vivid in 1 8 3 9. There is no doubt that the incident deeply

a.ffected Re§id Pa§a.
This was not the only dismissal that had taken on the pro­
portions of a scandal during Mahmud's reign. Another gov­
ernment official, Ke�ecizade lzzet Molla, a man of great
culture and considerable political acumen, had been curtly dis­
rnissed and exiled in


8 2 8 on the eve of the war with Russia

because he had petitioned the sultan not to have recourse to
war and to try to settle the matters outstanding between the
two countries by negotiation. The war party having won the
sultan over to their side, Ke�ecizade was sent away.9 6 Here
again it was Galib Pa�a whose influence was instrumental in
the eventual reinstatement of lzzet.
That such fallings-out of favor, to which in earlier times
officials had submitted with comparative docility, could now
become causes celebres was in itself an indication that the

See Orban F. Kopriilii, "Galib Pa§a," Islam Ansiklopedisi ( 1 94 7 ) ,
7 1 0- 7 1 4. Pertev had written the draft of the firman abolishing the
Janissaries. See Reed, "The Destruction of the Janissaries,'' p. 2 40.

9 6 Sungu,

"Mahmud II nin . . . bir hatt1," throughout ; tnal, Son A s1r,
pp. 7 2 3 - 7 4 6 ; Abdurrahman �eref, Tarih Musahabeleri, p . 6 9 . i zzet Molla's
exile bears directly on the history of the ¥oung Ottomans. i zzet's son, Fuad
Pa§a, tried to take his father's revenge by whittl ing the imperial prerogative .
Probably because izzet had not as yet given in to European ways as much
as his son, the Young Ottomans admired him as a "patriot . " See Gibb,
Ottoman Poetry, i v, 3 1 1 .


bureaucratic apparatus of the Porte was gaining an ascendance
which it had not possessed in the past. All signs indicate, in
fact, that in the case of lzzet Molla, as well as that of Pertev,
the "wielders of the pen" had created through their control
of literature and communications in general a potent image of
imperial caprice where a century before, faced by a similar
situation, they would simply have rationalized the sultan's
action. Re§id Pa§a's lack of respect for the sultan on occasions
when he knew he was not being overheard by Turkish ears
was characteristic of this new emancipation of the servants of
the Porte and indicative of their aspirations.9 7
Already for some time before the death of Mahmud,
Mustafa Re�id had tried to convince the sultan to proclaim
a charter on the lines of the Giilhane Rescript, but he had
failed because of the opposition of Akif Pa�a. The latter was
well aware of the consequences of such a move on the imperial
prerogative and warned the sultan that, by giving in, his
imperial p owers would be shorn to the benefit of others.98
The events which made up the backdrop of the proclamation
of the charter thus support the contention that the hatt, while
concerned with the rej uvenation of the empire and the pro­
tection of the rights of "all" its subj ects ( as the document
was phrased ) , was aimed in particular at the emancipation of
the officials of the Porte. 99
The beginning of the era of refarms in Turkey is usually
dated from the proclamation of the Charter of Giilhane .
Between 1 8 3 9 and 1 8 67 a number of institutional changes
were made continuing those begun at the time of Mahmud
and in many ways fulfilling the promises of the charter. These
are the best-known aspect of the Tanzimat era, and therefore
97 Bailey, British Policy, p. 2 7 2 .
98 Lutfi, Tarih vn , 3 9 0, note 2 .
9 9 Milev, "Rechid Pacha," p . 3 8 4 .

This thesis is not new ; the Bulgarian

historian Milev attributes its first formulation to another Bulgarian his­
torian, Rakowsky. Milev does not give us Rakowsky's argument and him­
self only fleetingly mentions this aspect of the charter.


a short enumeration of these transformations will be suffi­
c:ient here.100
In 1 840 a code of penal laws was promulgated. In 1 845
an assembly of provincial delegates was gathered in the
capital to impress them with the seriousness of the reform
program. In 1 84 7 modern secular criminal tribunals were
established. In I 8 50 a secular code of commerce based on
European practice was promulgated. In 1 840, 1 8 54, 1 8 6 1 ,
and 1 8 68 the governmental mechanism first created by the
<!stablishment of the Meclis-i Vala was recast. In 1 8 5 6 an
Ottoman bank was established. Between 1 845 and 1 8 68 edu­
cation was almost completely secularized. After 1 8 5 6 new
regulations regarding the Christian subjects of the empire
were made. In 1 8 6 1 a secular code of commercial procedure
was adopted. In 1 8 64 a new law for provincial administration
was put into effect. In 1 8 67 foreigners were granted the right
to own property. In I 8 68 a new lycee was established where
teaching was to be in French. Progressive steps were taken to
secularize pious foundations throughout these years.
The Young Ottomans expressed strong reservations with
regard to the Charter of GUlhane and the era of reforms it
initiated. Nam1k Kemal considered it at best a missed oppor­
tunity and at worst a concession granted to Western states to
elicit their aid at a time when the empire was threatened by
its Egyptian vassal Mehmed Ali Pa�a. 1 0 1 What Kemal was
referring to was the fact that the document had indeed been
:meant to show the European powers that the empire was ear­
nestly concerned with th e protection of its Christian subjects.
Another reason for which the Young Ottomans obj ected to
10 ° For a listing of these changes, see J. H. Kramer's "Tan?imat,"

.Encyclopedia of Islam, iv, 6 5 9 .
10 1 "While on the surface it, the Tanzimat Rescript, gives the impression
that it was made to guarantee everybody's life, property and honor, in
reality it had been proclaimed with the purpose of strengthening the state
[i.e., protect it from foreign intervention] ." Nam1k Kemal, "Tanzimat,"
ihret, 4 Ramazan 1 2 8 9 . Reproduced in its entirety in Re§at Kaynar, Mustafa
Re§it Paia, p. 1 9 5 . Cf., however, Nam1k Kemal, "Al-Hak ya'lu wa la yu'la
'aleyhi," Hurriyet, June 20, 1 8 6 8, p. 2, where the "tongue in cheek" atti­
tude of Kemal is obvious.


the Giilhane Rescript was that it provided for the perpetuation
of reform without clearly limiting it by the principles of the
�eriat. According to them, Re§id Pa§a had th ereby opened
the way for the "tyranny" of his successors. A further criti­
cism of the Young Ottomans was that the institutions created
to implement the charter after 1 839 were modelled on West­
ern institutions at a time when Ottomans were completely
unfamiliar with the body of Western culture and thought
underpinning these institutions. This, stated the Young Otto­
mans, caused complete confusion and chaos among govern­
ment employees, the great maj ority of whom did not even
grasp what the new regulations were about and therefore were
not able to implement them. 102
In particular, the Young Ottomans criticized the many
changes in the structure of provincial administration and cen­
tral government which had begun to be carried out soon after
1 8 3 9 and which had resulted in extensive changes in the
quarter century that separated the proclamation of th e Rescript
from the rise of the Patriotic Alliance. They extended their
criticism even farther back to include Mahmud's policy of
suppressing the provincial gentry which had preceded these
changes and made them possible, the elimination of the Janis­
saries without an equivalent counterweight to the administra­
tion, and the impersonal harshness which had accompanied the
Tanzimat reforms. They pointed out that the new method1 03
of government by councils had, in reality, been used to provide
sinecures ; that the governmental bodies that became heirs to
the Meclis-i Vala had, in fact, served the same purpose ; that
the standards of the ulema had purposely been neglected as
a result of the control of the pious foundations by the state
( 1 8 3 8 onward) ; that the changes brought to the judiciary,
such as the establishment of new secular "mixed" tribunals
{ 1 840 onward) and the writing of new codes of law ( 1 8 40
1 02 Nam1k Kemal, " 'lnna'llaha ya'mur bi'l 'adl wa'l-i]J.san." H urriyet,

January 1 8 , 1 8 6 9 , p. 3 .
1 0 3 Ziya Pa§a, "Istanbuldan
1 8 6 8 , p. 5 ·

. . . 1i 2

Saban,'' Hurriyet, November

3 0,


onward) of Western inspiration, had created confusion. They
added that this had diminished rather than increased the
means of redress available to individuals. 10 4 They criticized
the inhumanity of the new police organization. 10 5 They wrote
that the heavy burden of taxation shouldered by the peasants
had worsened after the Tanzimat. 10 6 They complained about
the economic exploitation of the empire by foreigners and put
the blame for the ruin of Turkish manufactures on the new
commercial policies introduced after 1 8 3 9. 10 7
None of these complaints were devoid of foundation and
all had been . voiced by European visitors who had come to
Turkey in the quarter century that preceded the rise of Young
Ottoman protests. In the year the Janissaries were destroyed,
the French geographer Fontanier had already sympathized
with the apprehension with which the people of Istanbul had
watched the total extinction of this corps. 10 8
Sir Adolphus Slade, who had served as .an advisor to the
Turkish navy, vividly described the evils of centralization. 10 9
Both Slade and the British traveler MacFarlane lambasted
the elimination of the provincial gentry. 11 0 Both associated the
elimination of these elements with the rise of unchecked
brigandage throughout Anatolia. 111
l 0 4: N am1k Kemal, "Devlet-i Aliyyeyi,'' Hurriyet, August 24, 1 8 6 8, p. I .
10 5 "Zaptiye idaresi Hakkmda,'' Hurriyet, August 1 7, 1 86 8, p. 4.
10 6 Nam1k Kemal [ ? J , "idare-i Haziranm Hulasa-i Asar1,'' Hurriyet,
December 2 8, 1 8 6 8, p. 6 .
10 7 Editorial, Hurriyet, August I o, 1 8 6 8 , p . I .
10 8 "The people as a whole regretted the Janissaries ; they felt, as if by
instinct, that their sole dike against absolute power had been overthrown,
that their liberty had been destroyed, while it would be a long time before

they might exchange it for the benefits of civilization." Victor Fontanier,

V oyage en Orient entrepris par l'ordre du government franfais de l'annee
1 8 2 1 a l'annee 1 8 2 9 ( Paris, I 8 2 9 ) , 1, 3 2 2 ; Slade, Turkey and the Crimean
War, p. 3 1 . For others who held similar views with respect to the Janis­
saries see A. D. Mordtmann, Stambul und das moderne Turkenthum, 1, 1 3 4.
A. Slade, Records o f Travels in Greece and Turkey
1 8 2 9 - 1 83 1 (London,
Saunders and Otley, 1 8 3 3 ) , 1, 3 0 6-3 1 9 .
Slade, Turkey and the Crimean War, p. 3 9 ff.
MacFarlane, Turkey and Its Destiny, n, pp. 3 8-3 9 ; Slade, Turkey and
the Crimean War, p. I I .
Slade, Turkey and the Crimean War, p. 2 9 ; MacFarlane, Turkey and,
Its Destiny, 1, 3 9 7 ff.

10 9


governmentally. rags . and to do. have virtually destroyed the security which' the mosque.. we see the heads of the . . r 66 . and the mosque alone. 5 0. Turkey and the Crimean War. Mollahs and college or medresseh students. the rabble students in MacFarlan e. already retro­ gressing for some time. 11 4 See above. 396 f. with very few exceptions." 113 That the Turkish population of Anatolia. could give to any landed property . that which the administrators of the vakouf had done or ought to have done. Chapter IV. had declined as a result of a combina­ tion of these factors was again a fact that was well known. 11 2 . the overall impression the reformers who are uprooting religion. The one Young Ottoman contention that was quite un­ realistic was that the Ottoman method of government by council had been eliminated by the men of the Tanzimat. 1 . to repair the bridges.. Turkey and Its Destiny. . . Khans. 118 Slade. and are undertaking to provide out of the common state treasury. mosques and medressehs in abj ect poverty . 11 4 Although the materials to prove such a point conclusively would take a long time to collect. which has made Turkey virtually a colony after the old colonial fashion. they have laid their greedy hands upon nearly all the vakoufs of the empire. and a respect for it 112 " '• • • in ·every direction. . they have de­ stroyed the indep endence of the Turkish Church-if I may so call it . Hence. &c. Complaints echoing the Young Ottoman protest against the failure of the Tanzimat statements to reform th e farming out of taxes may be found in almost any of the Western books on Turkey written after the Tanzimat. to keep up_ the mosques and the medressehs. MacFarlane also con­ curred on another subj ect of Young Ottoman criticism-the administration of pious endowment revenues ( "vakif reve­ nues") by the state. Slade stated in 1 8 76 : "A mbassadors under the new regime how much soever [sic] disagreeing on some points have cordially agreed with each other in enforcing the commercial legislation founded on treaties applicable to bygone days. p.T HE O T T O M A N PA S T . With regard to the process of economic exploitation to which the Young Ottomans referred. for the sub­ sistence of the Ulema. _ . bound to ad­ mit the product of every European state without reciprocity at a uniform low rate of duty reduced lower by partial tariffs and by a system of smuggling from which she is not allowed to protect herself.

1 9 5 8 ) ." as Ubicini named it. Patrona lsyam ( 1 7 3 0 ) . It also swelled the ranks of the theological students. As Ziya Pa�a pointed out11 7 there were a class of Turkish-Ottoman traders at the beginning of the century. pp. 1 3 4. That Turkish manufacturing activity was circumscribed by primitive methods is true. called Hayriye Tuccari who had eagerly sought the same commercial privileges as had been granted to foreign traders. sedulously fostered by those who prefer cliches to the study of facts. 2 3 -40. Letters on Turkey. For examples of guild influence see Munir Aktepe. 11 6 A "typical Ottoman citizen" was more likely to be a member of a guild than part of the adminis�rative machine. 11 5 The latter. was a victim of European manufacturing and in particular of British textiles. known as A vrupa Tuccari. These had gradually lost power as the result of the decline of the Turkish "manufacturing industry. 117 Ziya Pa§a. had for a long time constituted the truly central part of Ottoman city life. 1 3 3 8/1 9 2 2 ) . p. and who for a time had tried to compete with the latter. that economic activity in the Ottoman Empire was the monopoly of the non-Moslem while the Moslem preferred war or administration as an occu­ pation. with its appendage of guild organizations.T HE O T T O M A N P A S T gained from a study of Young Ottoman writings is that one of the maj or roots of their protests originated in the spectacle of the ruin of Ottoman trade associations and guilds. The latter thus 11 5 Ubicini. Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Bas1mevi. 1 8 69. This process had deep repercussions in Ottoman society because manufacturing and trading.8 . 1 1 8 For this term see : Osman Nuri [Ergin] . This economic backdrop has not been studied up to this time because of the convenient fiction. 6 80. 3 3 9-3 4 1 . May 3. Matbaa-i Osmaniye.11 8 By the I 8 6o's these Hayriye Tuccari had all but disappeared." Hurriyet. (Istanbul. that it did not play a role in Ottoman society could not be more mistaken. 1 . The destruction of the Ottoman economy created a pool of unemployed who flocked into state employment. Mecelle-i Umitr-u Belediye (Istanbul. in turn. pp. What is usually referred to as the "comprador" type of economic exploitation did not fully develop until the Crimean war. 116 . "Hatira. 7.

What little information there is on the subj ect substantiates such a theory. In a wider context. Such an approach also explains many of the vagaries of Turk­ ish political development during the time of the Young Ottomans and even in later times. the tentative hypothesis which comes to mind that in the Otto­ man Empire there had existed at the beginning of the nine­ teenth century a potential bourgeoisie the growth of which the earlier industrial development of Europe had checked. It is in this light that the protectionist policies of the Young Ottomans became intel­ ligible. r 68 . and the corollary of this hypothesis that the bureaucracy was led to assume the role which the bourgeoisie would otherwise have played as the midwife of an opposition to the existing powers. and that their criticism of the economic privileges accorded to foreigners can be understood. still need to be investigated in detail.THE O T T O MA N PA S T became an increasingly unruly element.

For one. 1. Thus the thesis contained in the one competent study of these trends 1 that "Turkish-speak1 Bernard Lewis. "The Impact of · the French Revolution on Tur key : Some Notes on the Transmission of Ideas. The interests of its spon­ sors in a policy of reform were thereby uncovered. the engagement taken by the sultan in the charter to observe its t<!rms was the first overt expression of a renewed decline of the imperial prerogative. The latter are difficult to establish for the simple reason· that the architects of the Tanzimat have left no explicit theoretical justification of their own actions. 1 0 5. At least two important aspects of the "operative ideals" embodied in it provide an inkling of what these "ideals" might have been. A preliminary question inevitably arises as to what the reper­ cussions of the French Revolution had been in the Ottoman Empire. Secondly.'' Journal of World History (January 1 9 5 3 ) . the wording of the charter showed a secular approach to the problems of government which had never before been overtly proclaimed. The answer is : almost nil in the sense of an immedi­ ate.1 2 5 .·:·8 CHAPTER VI €·£· Sadik Rifat Pasa : the Introduction of New - Ideas at the Governmental Level THE view of the Giilhane Rescrip t that was advanced in the preceding chapter was derived from a reconstruction of the events just prior to its proclamation. To under­ stand the importance of this novel approach a retrospective survet of · certain developments in this field of "ideals" in · Mahmud's time is necessary. direct transmission of ideas. This rnethod does not tell us much. however. about the new "opera­ tive ideals" that came with the Tanzimat. Professor Lewis' thesis is that "the French . Some information about the nature of the changes of this order involved in the Tanzimat may be gathered from a study of the text of the Giilhane Rescript.

1..) . 3 7 5 . and the people were shocked by those excesses" ( Cevdet. "the initial attraction of these ideas . Revolution was the first great movement of ideas in Western Christendom that had any e:ffect on the world of Islam" ( Lewis. 1 o5 ) . Western influences were at work at the court in a small circle which was interested-as a number of people had been in the "Era of Tulips"-in military organization and in ad­ ministrative methods and also in the social life that was characteristic of court circles in Europe. • • . . and while the training of soldiers in accordance with European practice was of great urgency. This can be said only of the Levantine groups of the capital. in which the ideas of the times were freely discussed and the enthusiastic optimism of revolutionary France found a ready response among a new generation of Turks that looked at the West for guidance and inspiration" 2 is incorrect. In his opinion. caused a considerable number of European style customs to appear in Istanbul and many European endeavors to be engaged in which were the prerequisites of civilization. the "success" of Western ideas in the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century should not be attributed to the "advance of the material might of the West" ( i bid. .1 8 03 ) . op. Tarih. p. and new. - . vm . is rather to be found in their secularism . 2 I b id. . that it was stunted by the deposition of Selim III. states : "And while it was necessary to bring over from Europe teachers and engineers.regulations. p. and unusual. but in a Western movement that was non-Christian the Muslim world might hope to :find the elusive secret of Western power without compromising its own religious beliefs and traditions" (Ibid. . According to him. 1 1 8. . This line o f reasoning only serves to confuse the issue if it is not qualified and set into context. the inclinations of Sultan Selim for things strange. Secularism as such had no great attraction for Muslims. This is probably based on the information given by As1m in his Tarih. viziers and officials over­ stepped the $eriat and plunged head over heels into European ways. They geared themselves to European life in all respects whether necessary or not.cit. And while changes in customs and usages are things intrinsically difficult for people to accept.SA D I K R I FA T PA $A ing Frenchmen and French-speaking Turks formed a new society in the capital. . The difficulties into which the first organized group of Turkish Encyclopaedists ran. 1 06 ) . In fact. speaking of the same events. Cevdet Pa§a. and that it never affected the staunchly conservative masses. 1 4 7 1 4 8. . in connection with the introduction of new . and the delayed effect of this group shows the "influence" of the French Revolution in real perspective. citing events of the year 1 2 1 7/1 8 0 2 . the relatively low-powered level at which even these investigations of Western culture took place. p. What Pro­ fessor Lewis fails to mention is that the "secularism" of which he speaks was limited to palace circles.

." 3 This document makes it clear that one of the ways of gauging the extent of the penetration of Western ideas into the Ottoman Empire is to follow the changes in the attitude toward the belief in the natural equal­ ity of men and the conception that "everyone disposes of his . 4 For the text of the firman. in an apology that he had prepared for propaganda purposes. in this respect. Here. we answer them thus : if the Mehdi is to appear tomor­ row. "And insofar as those who state that worldly matters may not be set into order at the time of the approach of the Mehdi [a figure sent by God to save the Islamic community following a 'time of troubles'] are con­ cerned. In one passage he stated.1 1 1 . ." pp . on the other hand. 1 0 8. 1 9 3 8 ) . among the beliefs attributed to the French. 4 Two years later. It was during his reign that the idea that "something had to be done" was given theoretical expression as well as official recognition. had been purely and simply the establishment of the respecta:bility of change. as to the way in which the French Revolution did affect the Ottoman Empire is found in a proclamation of the Porte to the inhabitants of Syria. let us work for justice and equity �oday so that He seeing 8 Lewis. pp. . Original text in Enver Ziya Karal. none has superi­ ority or merit over the other. Fransa-Misir ve Osmanlt lmparatorlugu z 79 7-z802 (Istanbul. 1 2 2. This idea was expressed at its earliest in the firman abolishing the Janissary corps. figured the idea that "all men are equal in humanity and equal in being men.SA D I K RI F A T P A $A A clue. "The Destruction of the Janis­ saries. 242-249. The gradualness with which the Turkish world view changed may be seen in that by the end of the reign of Mah­ mud the net increment of his rule." We shall see that precisely such an "activism" underlies both the reform of the Tanzimat and the Young Ottoman movement. which the French had invaded in 1 799. Ke�ecizade 1zzet Molla was defending the same "activist" thesis in the context of Islamic ideas. livelihood in this life. see Reed. and everyone disposes of his life and own livelihood in this life. Milli Mec­ mua Bas1mevi. "The Impact." p.

For the Mehdi see D . His com­ parative naivete. 1 . as related in the preceding chapter.1 8 2 8 ) and not 1 2 5 3 . pp. a sentence which. used rational criteria only to a limited extent and was far behind lzzet in terms of intellectual modernization. a less well-known synonym. p.» in Tanzimat.. had dared to lay down the alternatives quite unequivocally. "Kanunla§hrma Hareketi ve Tanzimat. although the reorganized Turkish troops were not quite ready for battle. "ls this the state of the �eriat or the state of reason? " by a conciliatory statement but then proceeded to uncompromising obj ections to a declaration of war against Russia on grounds of reason. He began to answer the rhetorical question. Macdonald. For this date see inal. Son A sir Turk $airleri.'' was that. Mahmud's opinion. despite his congenital ability as a political planner. shared by those men who were known among Euro­ peans as the "war party. 1 1 1 . Mahmud himself. For the text see Layiha o f Ke�ecizade.SA D I K R I F A T PA � A us engaged in the strengthening o f justice may give us _praise. . "al-Mahdi. lzzet Molla. quoted by H1fz1 Veldet [Velidedeoglu] . Istanbul Municipal Library . The extent to which lzzet Molla's approach differed from the earlier ( or more conservative) attitude toward the same problem may be seen in the commentary made by the historian 5 The word used for Mehdi in the text is sahib-i zuhur. He stated that merely relying on God's help in this respect was making a travesty of religion. 6 For this controversy see Layiha of izzet Molla in ihsan Sungu. "Mah­ mud II 'nin izzet ·M olla ve Asakir-i Mansure Hakkmda bir Hatti. K 3 3 7 . 1 7 0 . It was this stand which almost led to lzzet's execution. in Velidedeoglu's article. Manuscript No. . military reforms having been undertaken on rational grounds. was_ com­ muted to that of exile. in this respect.· 7 3 9 . 6 His argument was that.1 1 5 . Ke�ecizade's proj ect is dated 1 2 4 3 ( 1 8 2 7. 111. though won over to change. 1 7 0 . B. as stated. appeared during a clash that developed between himself and lzzet in 1 8 2 8 ." Encyclopedia of Islam. Tarih V�sikalar1 (October 1 94 1 ) . one had to rely to some extent on divine support in war."5 Interestingly enough. reason also had to be used in weighing the possibilities of success in warfare. on the other hand. 1 6 9.

Tarih.e. This was so. One of the contributions of the Gillhane Rescript was an appeal to "all subjects" of the Ottoman Empire to band together. in turn. was stated to be the creation of new institutions to provide for the Ottoman Empire "the benefits of good administration. 8 7. z 73 1 1 1. European and American students of the hatt have interpreted this aspect of the charter as a taking over of 1 See above.. they advance that whichever side has superior means of waging war will overcome the other. Exactly the same type of non sequitur may be found in the Hatt-1 Humayun of Gillhane. . 8 Cevdet. in earlier times been associated with practical administra­ tive reform."8 Exactly the opposite argument that singular occurrences . obj ec­ tion be raised that such declarations of pious principl es had also . a final characteristic common to the firman and the hatt has to be mentioned. (i. the firman went on immediately to suggest remedies that had nothing to do with religious practices. in Ottoman-Islamic terminology that area of man's ac­ tions in which he was free to make a decision as to which course of action to adopt) included military planning as well as gov­ ernmental measures was to gain increasing importance in the writings of the Turkish ideologues of the nineteenth century. Chapter v. because the document paid only lip service in its preamble to the theory that the Ottoman Empire had weakened due to a laxity in religious observance. Following the preamble.S A D I K R I F A T PA SA Vas1f Efendi 7 to a French offer extended in 1 7 83-1 7 84 to train Ottomans in modern methods of warfare : "These men [the Europeans] hold the erroneous belief. The firman abolishing the Janissary order was the first state document whose wording amounted to a proclamation of this "activist" principle." Lest the . fostered by certain philosophers that the exalted creator has (God forbid) no influence on singular occurrences ["umur-u Cuz'iyye" ] and since the fortunes of war are included among the latter. In this docu­ ment the maj or purpose of the new policy. immediately fol­ lowing the same type of religious preamble.

"The Destruction. The foregoing analysis does not as yet give us precise in­ sights into the "operative ideals" of the Tanzimat. Baron Sturmer. If we turn to Re�id himself we do not make any substantial progress. appears once more in this connection. This was to be transmitted to Prince Metternich. the drafter of the Janissary firman. Incidentally. One of the rare documents of this nature is a proj ect of reforms that Re�id submitted in I 8 4 1 to the Austrian internuncio to the Porte. Let them look upon each other as brethren in faith. "Rechid Pa. however. z74 . The new term "millet. and let the minor ones. and the small and the great officials of Islam and the Ulema." 10 the piece does stand out as the first official document in the Ottoman Empire which. 9 Although it is difficult to go as far as one author and see in this earlier text connotations of "the liberty-equality-fraternity slogan. consists in an appeal to the "people" to band together." as we shall see later. the preservation and the exposition of the religion and holy law of the Prophets. in every instance be obedient and submissive to their superiors. 247. And Allah grant that your union. of beneficent reform may continue and endure for ages to come. 9 "Hence. but it is used for the same purposes that appears to have molded the wording of the firman. 3 8 3 f. · Let the great ones among you look with a merciful and compassionate eye upon the little ones. Let there be no differences between you. It replaces earlier references to the "congregation of the Muslim people" found in the Janissary firman. begins to appear in the last years of Mahmud's reign to express this idea. moreover. in effect." p . let all the congregation of the Muslim people. The contents of this proj ect too have been studied. established and preserving for this noble aim. the modernism of Pertev Pa�a. It is most interesting. Reed too falls into the common error of calling Pertev a "reac­ tionary. that a similar appeal to all Ottomans appears in the firman abolish­ ing the Janissary order. to mobilize public opinion. namely. 10 Ibid.'' p." i i Milev.cha. There is very little from his pen that would enable us to determine his aims.» Reed.11 Yet only a fraction of the political theory of Re�id Pa§a may be gathered from it.SA D I K R I FA T PA SA European liberal ideals. and the members of other military formations and all the common folk be one body. And may you all strive to­ gether toward the ultimate goal to exalt the blessed word of Allah.

1 4 Kaynar.'' in Tarih Musahabeleri.1 5 . which it was his aim to bypass. Fortunately there exists one source which makes it possible to extrapolate some of the clues that are to be found in Re§id Pa§a's "Austrian" report into a comparatively complete politi­ cal theory of Turkish ref arms. Istanbul. the peoples [populations] would rally with all the strength of their heart to useful and beneficial innovations. 1 . also Ali Fuad." T TEM (September-October."13 At a later date Re§id Pa§a was to clarify what he meant by "innovations" by stating that the "way of civilization" which was being adopted in the empire consisted of "education" and "the observance of laws.SA D I K RI F A T PA $A Some of his fundamental political beliefs may be gathered from Palmerston's memorandum of his conversation with Re§id. the ulema. as tyranny would diminish. a year before ]ahmud !l's accession to the throne. "Sadik Rifat Pa§a. p . was still in the hands of the doctors of Islamic law. 69. Chapter IV. This source consists of the Selected Works of Mehmed Sadik Rifat Pa§a. which. as the new institutions would be administered with wisdom and discern­ ment. See above. everyone would feel the real advantages of an immuta­ bly established system. 1 9 2 9 ) . 2 7 1 . 1 6 Biographical information on Sadik Rifat Pa§a is based on the following sources : the introduction by Rifat Pa§a's son Rauf Bey to Rifat Pa§a's Selected Works : see Asar." 14 By the latter Re§id Pa§a meant organic statute law and not the law of the Kornn. pp. 1 2 Here the sequel that Re§id Pa§a thought would neces­ sarily follow upon the introduction of reforms points to the influence of Enlightenment thinkers : "Meanwhile. by Rauf. 15 Mehmed Sadik Rifat Pa§a was born in I 807. at the time. British Policy. Mustafa Re�it Pa�a. pp . I (NS) . But neither do these fragmentary considera­ tions amount to a statement of the political philosophy of the �ranzimat. Muntahabat-i Asar (ed. "Rical-i Tanzimattan Sadik Rifat Pa§a. affection for the government would increase. 1 5 [Mehmed Sadik Rifat Pa§a] . p. 1 6 After having com­ pleted his primary education. I 75 . 2-6 . Abdurrahman �eref. 1 2 90/ 1 8 7 0) . Tatyos Divit�iyan. 1 1 5 12 :c 2 4. he had 1 3 Bailey.

1 8 Upon the demand of his widowed mother. Pertev Pa�a.2 0 He also noticed that many of the practices in the office of the Under­ secretary had been altered by Rifat." p. his patron Pertev Pa§a fell out of favor and Akif Pa§a was appointed in his stead to the new post of Minister of . 11 See Gibb and Bowen. his career was assured. Rifat was therefore dis­ missed from his office. 3 3 2 . he was transferred from this employment in the imperial house­ hold to a bureau of the Porte and was apprenticed to the Bureau of the Grand Vizier ( "Mektubi-i Sadaret Odasi") . having terminated his studies here. Thereafter . Son A sir. Ali Fuad. The influence that had molded Rifat into such a budding reformist was again that of Re§id's mentor and ally. however.19 Akif discovered that many of the denunciations against himself on file at the Porte were due to the pen of Sadik Rifat.SA D I K R I F A T Pll $11 gone on to receive special training at the Palace School ("Enderun") and. 20 p. 3 7 . was appointed clerk-trainee in the Bureau of the Imperial Treas­ ury ( "Hazine Odasi") . and he was sent to Vienna as ambassador. who became his protector. and the Egyptian Question. 1 1 . In I 8 34 he was appointed Assistant to the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs ( "Amed'i Vekili" ) .and the West. 3 3 3 · 1 s Heidborn. 2 . "Sadik Rifat Pa§a. Vol. Islamic Society .11 on the strength of his father's earlier services as Head of the Military Accounting Bureau ( "Masari­ fat Naziri" ) . 1. When. 1. the Russian War of I 8 29. In this capacity he was able again to catch the eye of Pertev Pa§a. 1 3 1 5 . . Manuel de Droit Public et A dministratif. · Rifat escaped further persecution due to the timely appointment of Re§id Pa§a as Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Part pp. within three years of Rifat's appointment. Needless to say. the return of Akif Pa§a meant the sweeping away of Rifat's innovations. the Interior (created during his predecessor's tenure) . 1 9 i nal. There he soon attracted the attention of his superiors and was used as confidential clerk and rapporteur in a succession of crises such as the Greek Uprising.

2 1 An indication of the similarity in their attitudes toward the fundamentals of reform may be gathered irrom the mistaken attribution to Re§id Pa§a. ][n reality Rifat was only more cautious than Re§id in his stand toward reform but was in the main tradition of Turkish reform as embodied in the policies of Pertev and Galib.imat") . I 77 . In his various capacities as Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs. approximately a year and a half before the proclamation of the Giilhane Rescript. devoid of friction. A definite parallel exists between the ideas that are developed in these dispatches. and the actual reforms carried out in the empire in the first years of the �fanzimat. as ex­ pressed in the Rescript. and finally Assistant Chairman to the Council of the Tanzimat ( "Meclis-i Ali-i Tanz. Re§id Pa§a's own "Austrian" project of reforms dated 1 841 . Minister of Finances. Chairman of the Council of Judicial Ordinances. Secretary for Foreign Affairs. but their stand toward the reorganization b f the empire was at all times quite close. Jame� and Foreign Minister-a series of dispatches which also in­ cluded extensive proposals for governmental reform in the Ottoman Empire. and those of Rifat. In the era which followed the proclamation of the Rescript. the personal relations of the two men may not have been entirely . The similarity between the ideas of Rifat Pa§a and the reforms carried out in the fallowing ten years in the empire is not surprising. As to the resemblance between Re§id Pa§a's views. the principles/that were soon to be enunciated in the Giilhane Rescript. Sadik Rifat Pa§a began to forward to Re§id Pa§a-who filled simul­ taneously the offices of Ambassador to the Court of St. by a recent biog­ rapher of his. From Vienna.S A D I K RI F A T PA �A This was in 1 83 7. Sadik Rifat was provided in the crucial years of Turkish reform with ample opportunities to carry out the ideas that he had presented to Re§id Pa§a while he had been in Vienna. of archival materials which are in fact from the 2 1 Rifat has usually been labeled a "reactionary" by European publicists. this is most probably due to the close collaboration of these two men and the cross-fertilization of their ideas.

Both extrinsic and intrinsic evidence indicate · that Prince Metternich. In this report he pointed to the basic administrative practices and governmental prin­ ciples which. played an important role in helping Rifat Pa§a to crystallize his con­ ceptions of beneficial versus unadvisable or dangerous reform policies. "Rechid Pacha. 2 3 In one of these communications dated December 1 8 3 9. originated at the Porte. 22 Sadik Rifat Pa§a's comments on the subject of reform in the Ottoman Empire thus provide us with extremely interest­ ing materials with which to interpret the meaning of the Rescript of 1 8 3 9 and enable us to assess the nature of the re­ forms which followed its proclamation. immediately following the proclamation. All drafts of reform prepared by Sadik Rifat Pa�a and included among his Selected Works seem to have taken their fundamental inspiration from a report which he drafted in Vienna not long after his arrival. Mustafa Re�it Paia.S A D I K R I F A T PA �A pen of Rifat and which had already been published some eighty years before among Rifat Pa�a's Selected W orks." pp. and cf. Baron Sturmer. This evidence. he stated. 3 8 2-3 9 8 . i. added to the already existing ma­ terials which show the close connection between Re§id and Metternich. 6 3-7 3 . the Ottoman Empire should adopt for its own good. 28 For these messages see Milev. The extrinsic evidence of Austrian influences on Rifat's political ideas consists of a number of messages exchanged be­ tween Metternich and his representative at the Porte. Metter­ :. he believed. therefore. provides us with a most important clue in under­ standing Rifat's and Re§id's ideas and ultimately. Re§at Kaynar. enunciated certain principles for the salvaging of the empire which he requested be transmitted to Re�id. 2 0 2 . These principles were closely ap­ parented to the approach adopted by Rifat in his own "Vienna" 22 See the proj ect of reforms in Sadik Rifat Pa§a's Asar. . nich. VI I I. the Hatt-i Humayun of GUlhane itself. then chancellor of the Austrian Empire.e. p. in response to a request for advice with regard to reforms which..

2 4 The intrinsic evidence of Metternichian influences in Rifat's writings consists of the fundamentally conservative approach of Rifa� to the reforming of the Ottoman Empire and his stressing of the measures aimed at securing "efficiency" rather than abstract "liberty.dvantage of the audiences requested by the Turkish ambas­ sador. Rifat. after the publication of Srbik's epoch-making work on Metternich. 2 5 See Heinrich Ritter von 3 8 6. by substantiating the impacton the elaboration of Turk­ ish theories of reform. Neither should this be surprising. By now. He added that he believed Rifat Pa�a now well understood the points he had tried to get across. of ideas which by no means could be called "typically liberal. 1 9 2 s ) . it is no more a matter for astonishment that the Austrian chancellor should have been interested in reforms a." shows that these Turkish theories were indeed closer to the methods of governmental rejuvena­ tion espoused at an earlier date by the great bureaucrats who created the modern European state than to the ideas pro­ pounded by the European constitutionalists of the 1 8 3o's. vi. for in the same message Metternich also explained that he had taken a." as well as his fear of "excessive" freedom. which. F.S A D IK R I F A T PA $A drafts of reform. It is also quite clear that in his writings Sadik Rifat Pa�a was carrying on a campaign in favor of the Ottoman "men of the pen" which fitted in rather snugly with the characteristic ap­ proach of reformist bureaucrats to the process of government. 2 5 An analysis of t he political ideas of Rifat Pa§a follows. The main point of Sadik Rifat Pa§a's most important draft of reforms. and the statement with · which he often later prefaced a discussion of reforms necessary for the well-being of the Ottoman Empire. Bruckmann. 2 vols. Memoires. was that a new system had been 2 4 Metternich. Srbik. to subject him to a barrage of his considered opinions with regard to reform.t all. I 79 . Metternich der Staatsman und der Mensck ( M iinchen.

Wherever the people were given the assurance that no unfore­ seen circumstances would interfere in their life. Sadik Rifat Pa§a went on to point out that wherever arbi­ trary rule prevailed the state would decline. Egypt. For Rifat Pa§a's statement. it would be an exaggeration to say that the idea of the pros­ perity of the subj ects had heretofore constituted the core of Ottoman political theory. he continued. 3 5 · 2 7 For this idea see Kmahzade. in turn. 42." linking the well-being of the state with the prosperity and the contentment of its subj ects. Part X I and conclusion . 3-4 . p. 1 248/ 1 8 3 3 . 6 7 . Sadik Rifat Pa§a's formulation might not have been entirely new. I 80 . and agriculture and commerce were protected. Sadik Rifat Pa§a] . he added.S A D I K R I FA T PA § A enforced in Europe by the European Great Powers ever since the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Asar. It aimed at repairing the ravages caused by wars and strove to augment the well-being of all subjects. Rifat Pa�a clothed them in the garb of the classical Islamic-Ottoman "circle of justice. Ottoman Statecraft. for the insecurity felt by subj ects in such a state would prevent them from freely == 26 [Mehmed. explained Rifat. also. as the Pa§a stated. Chapter 11 1 . was also called "civilization. 1 7 . which. This new conception. 26 This system.'' was based on the determination to maintain peaceful and friendly relations be­ tween the states. for Kmal1zade's relation with Young Ottoman ideas. vn. but his emphasis on the dual concept of peace prosperity definitely constituted an innovation. was only possible where the individual benefited from the extirpation of arbitrary rule. To make these ideas more acceptable to his audience. then. started from the premise that a state flourished whenever its subj ects were provided with the opportunity to reap to the fullest extent the fruit of their daily labor. 2 1 Although this conception was thereby made acceptable to a Turkish interlocu­ tor. The extent of the territory over which the sovereignty of a state extended. was no longer con­ sidered to be an accurate measure of its strength. VI I I . A hlak-i Alai. the state would flourish too. See also above. n. This. Bulak. xr. Muntahabat-i Asar.

according to Rifat. December 6.. VII I. pressuring the subj ects of the empire. similarly deprived of any guarantees. hindered the subj ects in the develop­ n1ent of the arts and crafts that had advanced at such a rapid pace in Europe and. look after their own interests. government service too would deteriorate in such circum­ stances. VII I. 5 · so Palmerston gave his diagnosis in the following words : "Is it hopeless to get them to put their finances into better condition ? If. 44.SA D I K . on one hand. The insecurity prevailing in that coun­ try had. in Rifat's opinion. whether 1'urkish or European. the subjects would shun the accumulation of wealth. they w·o uld find their revenues greatly improved. instead of granting out mono p olies which ruin commerce. The Foreign Policy of Palmerston : Britain. on the other hand. 45 . If. they would allow the people to trade freely and levy moderate duties on commerce.29 This. quoted by Sir Charles Webster. RI FA T PA $A engaging in the productive activities which he considered the lifeline of European states. 3 1 Metter28 Ibid. they would pay their Gov't [sic] officers and not allow them to plunder. the Liberal 29 . had driven the servants of the state. In such circumstances. he said. accept bribes. the distinction of having been the first rnan to diagnose it.. was exactly what had happened in the Ottoman Empire. 1 1 . beset the empire. diagnosed it . Of these two fundamental evils which. which also was a prerequisite of production. 3 0 Re§id Pa�a himself was aware of it . Because of the insecurity of their tenure. the security which such a system would afford the population would be a wonderful stimulus to industry and production. the first one-the insecurity of the subj ects­ was so obvious to any perspicacious observer of the Ottoman Empire that it is difficult to attribute to any statesman. and in general wreak havoc with the administration of the country. into accept­ ing bribes. with whom Re�id was in touch. 1 8 3 3. Instructions of Palmerston to Ponsonby.. 5 9 . officials would try to cheat the state. instead of sending pashas to eat up the provinces they govern. 5 · Ibid.» . Palmerston. 11 . and then be squeezed in turn by the Sultan.28 While neither trade nor commerce nor agriculture could progress in states where governmental caprice was rampant. and plunder­ ing state coffers.

of these reform proposals-well indicated the conservative influence s under which they had been elaborated. while the other provides us with some interesting insights into what is best described as the "sociological dynamic" of the Tanzimat. which he contrasted with facti­ tious ones. 1 1 S f. p . 56. (Italics in quotation are mine. s2 See above. Yet the conviction that all that was needed to achieve the happiness of the subjects was to provide them exclusively with practical guarantees designed to in­ crease their usefulness-the utilitarian taint. SS Asar. 8 8 . The quiet economic pursuits of peaceful. 1 5 8 . G. in other words. by Rifat himself. consists of the blow­ ing up of a special (and specialized) problem into one of cosmic importance. in this case. The link between Rifat's ideas and those of Metternich are acknowl­ edged. Both pendants to Rifat's resume of Ottoman weaknesses are important. He advised. this latter element. Mustafa Reiit Paia. nonrevolutionary citizens were a channel for the diversion of energies that might otherwise have been used in more violent activities. Metternich approved of such "real" improvements. such as the drafting of new constitutions. Bell and Sons. A XI. . Baron Sturmer's dispatch to Metternich relating conditions in the last years of Mahmud's reign. p.S A D IK R I F A T P/1 $11 nich no doubt could see it. n. Rifat Pa§a believed that only one solution ·would solve both problems at the same time. 1 9 5 1 ) . 3 2 Rifat Pa§a's comments the�efore have no great originality. p. which appears in various guises in his writings. that in the future greater importance should be accorded to "rules and regulations" in the Ottoman Empire than to "perMovement and the Eastern Question (London. This was Rifat Pa§a's grinding of his bureaucratic ax. in very general terms.) 81 Kaynar. 45. 33 As to the particular emphasis placed by Rifat Pa§a on the security of government officials. One points to a state of affairs which it took long years to remedy in the Ottoman Empire and which even today is a timely issue under the Turkish Republic . note 1 . 540.

pointed out Rifat Pa§a. nor did they exile or dismiss officers of the state in violation of existing laws. 3 5 Ibid. What Sadik Rifat Pa§a was now proposing was to make the sultan the source of law. One of them was the law of the Koran. Much of the first reforms of Mahmud seem to have been passed on the strength of this imperial prerogative or. 3 6 Neither n1onarchs nor their ministers ever thought of themselves as above the law in those countries. that during his reign officials had been in the throes of a constant apprehension lest they unwittingly 8 4 I hid.11 $A sonal factors. at least." 3 5 This was a bolder step for Rifat to take than meets the eye. 11. . interpretation. The second body of law operative in the Ottoman Empire was derived from the power of the sovereign to make law by edict-the ancient 'Urfi pre­ rogative of the sultan. the �eriat.. respect fundamental statutes of a lay char­ acter establishing principles which the sultan might or might not have approved of. the essence of which would be that they would "determine the limits of the permissible in a way that would proclude the exercise of personal whims. lJp to the proclamation of the hatt. and exegesis-theoretically the supreme and ultimate statement of the law.m 4 In fact. the current usage was for all kings to respect such fundamental laws. In Europe. The comments made by Rifat in this piece echo almost to a word the complaints of Re§id Pa§a with regard to the sultan. rationalized on such grounds.. Rifat's assessment of the character of the sultan included such interesting items as that Mahmud had relied too much on his household staff to settle matters of state. two normative systems had existed side by side which determined the "limits of the permissible" of which he was speaking. 4 5 · 3 6 /bid. he advised the establishment of a new system of laws. 5 . p. The more selfish considerations which were submerged under these counsels appear more clearly when read in con­ junction with an obituary which Rifat Pa§a wrote on the occa­ sion of Mahmud Il's death. with all its appendages for eluci­ dation.SA D I K R I F A T P.

"For. 41 lhid. A 60.." 43 and they would not be liable to lose their positions for having expressed their opin­ ions in matters of state policy. Chapter v. 4 3 ] bid. 4 0 A sar. .S ll D I K R I F A T PA �A displease him. he now spoke of the necessity for the sultan to accept advice and cooperate with officials. Even if there existed perfectly 3 7 Ibid. Rifat Pa§a went even far­ ther in trying to establish this new understanding of the "rule of law" on solid foundations. 5 5 · 3 9 See above.'' by which was probably meant the Rescript of Gillhane.3 7 In some of his later proj ects of reform. 66. VI I I . 40 In another instance he mentioned specifically that all "com­ plicated" matters should be settled in committee by the sultan and his Council of Ministers. 4 2 Ibid. VI I I . and that the latter had often been only skin deep. that he was inconstant. VI I I . 60. of such laws as shall cause the people to pray for the continuity of the state after the demise of their king. VI I I ." he stated. 6 3 . 44. drafted after the passing of the Tanzimat Rescript. and that orders received contradict­ ing these regulations should not be carried out. VI I . 3 8 /bid. m s Rifat Pa�a also advised that the Council of Judicial Ord inances3 9 be granted more extensive powers an d he went so far as to suggest that this body should rej ect all legislative proposals which did not conform to the principles outlined in the hatt. that no officer of the state was protected from his wrath. . 41 In a somewhat vaguer proposal. 5 4. capricious. "the continuity of a state is not only the product of the good administration of a given sovereign.. and self-contra­ dictory in his reforming activities. They were no longer to be subj ect to "tyran­ nical action" without "good reason. dated after the charter.. 4 5 . 64 . 4 2 Government officials were to be accorded the protection of new guarantees. The attainment of felicity is dependent on the drafting. VII. p. X I . Rifat Pa§a also suggested that no orders be drafted contra­ dicting "existing regulations.. in a consultative manner. Encouraged by the proclamation.

Turning to the second facet of Rifat Pa§a's political theory-his concern with the well-being of the population and the development of agriculture and commerce-the Ottoman 4 i I bid. he stated. z 85 6.1 4.SA D I K R I FA T PA �A reasonable grounds for their dismissal. II. Just as in the case of the two other orders. . 45 I bid. VI I ) 5 8) 5 9 . 45 Nowhere. Rifat Pa§a also requested that these employees be appointed only to posts to which their rank entitled them and to no office of state which was filled by men of lower rank than theirs. I X. Rifat Pa§a requested in this petition that civil employees of the state. 44. the "men of the pen" too were to retain the rank that corresponded to the office they filled. because men coming from wealthy families would not be tempted to pillage state funds as would functionaries of more modest origins. be assigned to a definite rank in the hierarchy of state employment. even after they had been been dismissed.. who. that they be granted the right to receive decorations and be given a fixed place in the protocol of the state... the sum total of this part of Rifat Pa§a's proposals amounted to the whittling down of the sultan's powers concurrently with the granting of new rights to the bureaucracy of the empire. such dismissals were not to be used any more as pretexts to subject their person to indignities or to confiscate their fortunes. 46 fbid. however. toiled no less than the members of the other two "orders" of the empire. Thus he advised that a statesman should not be automatically condemned whenever he had been able to accumulate some wealth. 44 Rifat Pa§a pointed out that a state which could rely on officials who had private means of support to begin with was at an advantage over a state who recruited statesmen among upstarts. 46 In short. VI I I . did Rifat Pa§a's espousal of the cause of the "men of the pen" come out more plainly than in a petition drafted by him which was an explicit demand that the bureaucrats of the Porte be given the privileges and the honors which had hitherto been awarded in the normal course of their careers to the "men of the sword" and the doctors of Islamic law. I 1 .

4 .. 6 7 .S A D I K R I FA T P A $A ambassador believed that the first steps in eliciting this re­ covery would be to provide the Ottoman Empire with the protection afforded by the "European system of the Law of Nations. VI I I . again." 51 Yet the reason for which Rifat thought this to be true comes as somewhat of an anticlimax after what we should be inclined to consider a liberal idea. VII. continued Rifat. At one point in one of his most de­ tailed projects of reform. 49 Thus the prosperity of citizens was something that the state should view with favor and not with suspicion. and agriculture. industry. which the Pa§a repeatedly advised Turkey to adopt. 3 8 .. . 5 0 Undoubtedly Rifat Pa§a's fear of popular revolutions had the same Austrian origin. in describing an audience he had with the chancellor upon being recalled to Istanbul following the death of Mahmud." Under the terms of this system. 4 1 Jb id . and. enumerated the counsels of Metternich as follows : "The establishment of necessary regulations and the carrying out of the latter. 5 0 Ibid. never causing any action that would cause [international] order to be disrupted. 5 1 Ibid. (Italics in quotation are mine. . 44. II. p. 43. crafts. European states had worked out a scheme of international guarantees which allowed them to concentrate on the improve­ ment of their countries and the development of arts. 47 Simultaneously with these measures taken to regulate their external affairs. since in all nations' force and vitality originate in the com/art and ease of the subjects. 49 Jbid. •B Jbid. The core of this system was the peaceful settle­ ment of disputes. 6 1 . 6 7 . 44. Sadik Rifat Pa§a went so far as to state that "governments are created for the people and not people for the governments. and had encouraged commerce. 44. 3 8 . 5 8 . VI I . 5 8 .) z 86 . VI II . Again in this case the influence of Metternich can be gathered from the words of Rifat who. the European Great Powers had taken steps in their countries to prevent undue interference with the activities of their citizens. and sciences. pp. the Pa§a pointed out.. 48 had eliminated unneces� sary and galling ordinances. X I .

( Italics in quotation are mine . while Rifat did point out the advantages of a system of education so organized as to be accessible to a wider strata of citizens than had been available in the Ottoman Empire. for "une force legale de nature a contenir le peuple et en meme tempi empecher tout acte d'injustice. VI I I ."5 2 Indeed. but in the same breath he warned against a system of education aiming to impart to "the common people" . no description fits these better than Herman Finer's remarks on cameralism : "Jean Baptiste Colbert.d • Pacha. one of them being religious belief and the other public opinion. 45 · 53 lb i. certain detailed knowledge which is of no use to them and would result in license and lack of obedience. and there are two situations which are impossible to overcome." 53 and that "a state can guard itself against the evil wrought by agitators only through just conduct. the state should act accordingly to the currents of nature. . mineralogy. "5 7 If an over-all characterization of Sadik Rifat Pa§a's ideas is in order. following the proclamation of the Rescript. t"d. ."55 That this was a general consideration that lay in the minds of the Tanzimat reformers may be gathered from Re§id Pa�a's similarly in­ spired search. Recltid G2 57 ""' A sar."5 4 that a government "which enforces its rule by tyranny must heed its own subj ects more than its enemies. comptroller of finances under Louis XIV. he was wary of the political consequences of increased learning. . has given us the word Col-· bertism. . p. ) 5 4 [b i•d r 87 • • .SA D IK R I F A T P A $A In Rifat Pa§a's own words. the French equivalent of mercantilism in England Jb. 5 5 lb i'd. in the case of up­ risings and stirrings of public opinion. Since to oppose them is dangerous and difficult. physics. P · 43 . P· 4 7 · 5 6 Milev. He admired the Austrian schools in which the fundamentals of geography. a large portion of Rifat's maj or essay on govern­ Jment is sprinkled with statements to the effect that "tyrannical rule sows the seeds of enmity and reaps the harvest of revolu­ tion and anarchy." 5 6 Again. and zoology were being taught. 3 9 0 . "public opinion and the inclina­ tions of the people are like an overflowing river.

. 11. but the character of his policy still showed through Rifat Pa§a's theories.60 that the sovereign had to "capture the hearts" of his subj ects in his dealings with them. pp. Thus he stated that the source of "the power and life" of all states was justice. 1 . x1 .SA D I K RIFA T PA §A and cameralism in Germany. 2 8 3. of the term "umur-u cuz'iyye. 5 9 This survey does not exhaust all aspects of Rifat Pa§a's political theory. 61 He was indignant in his denuncia­ tion of oppression and spoke of the necessity to respect "human rights. 5 9 Asar. 4 3 . · i 88 . . These aspects transcended the more selfish or utilitarian undercurrents of his proposals. imposed on the people by law." 5 8 Times had changed since Colbert's formulation.. how­ ever." 6 2 Such an idealistic attitude does not so much rule out any connection between bureaucratic self-interest and the political 5s Herman Finer. of reform. 11. While the Turkish envoy aimed to widen the privileges of the bureaucratic class to which he belonged. 62 60 /b "d "" 6 1 1bid. 2 84 .while he acted as a channel for the funneling into the Ottoman Empire of theories aimed at its rejuvenation-which. An underlying theme of all his papers was his desire to estab­ lish a regime based on right and justice. The Governments of European Powers (New York." Quite boldly Rifat Pa§a enlarged considerably the area already staked by 1zzet Molla by stating that all · meas­ ures aiming at the increase of the well-being of individuals were parts of the area of free choice. 5 . In addition. The philosophical dimensions of the reform policy of Rifat Pa§a appeared in his use. once again. In each case is meant the plan­ ning by the state of economic welfare and national strength. stopped short of introducing the "serpent" of constitu­ tionalism into Turkey-there were also strongly idealistic aspects to his proj ects . Rifat Pa§a stated that in taking steps to make hi s proposals materialize great importance had to be accorded to the "requisites of reason" ( "mukteza-yi akl" ) . Henry Holt. 1 9 5 6 ) . 5 · Ibid. from the government's point of view.

s on A sir. It was on the occasion of Pertev's outcry to the effect that the sultan's subj ects were not his playthings that he is reported to have been exiled for the first time. . It is interesting that this defense of right and justice may again be traced to Pertev Pa§a. 4 2 2 . l 3 1 4 . 1 8 3 1 ) . 6 7 Belin . 6 4 A sar. 6 3 In Sadik Rifat Pa§a's writings we come across the wide use of the expression "halk" to convey the European use of "the people" . T. es A" sar.Turc (Paris. . however. X I . 2 2 . "Charte des Tures..S A D I K R I F A T PA §A ideas of Rifat Pa§a as it confirms it. . 6 1 . note 1 .. "Charte des Tures. Rifat also spoke of ''the right to liberty" ( "hukuk-u lazime-i hurriyet" ) 64 a nd of "all subj ects. 4 . Everat. X."66 In this charter there appeared too for the first time the word "teb'a" in its use to mean "all subj ects without distinction of religion. p. p. 6 1 ." He made such new constructions as "the interests of the millet." p .d . . 6 5 lb t. An espousal of the "rights of the subjects" seems to have been the ideological medium through which "the men of the pen" chose to work and the idealistic cocoon which they spun around their political theory. Nor is this entirely surprising. . with the idea of the good and the just. 70 Ibid."68 the "servants of the millet. 46. 12. p ." as the equivalent of the French "nation.'' a Turkish neologism in­ vented on the occasion to convey the French "liberte.d ."10 Thus concomitantly with the rise to power of a new class in the Ottoman Empire may be seen the coming into use of a certain ideological vocabulary and the vague outlines • 6 3 InaI . 3 8. 6 9 Jb i. 4 2 . Cf. p." 65 The same emphasis may be found in the Gillhane Rescript . Bianchi.''69 and "service to the millet. for parallels exist in European history of the interests of a rising class having been more or less unconsciously equated. p . ·6 6 Belin. A Vocabulaire Franfais." 6 7 Sadik Rifat Pa§a also was one of the first Ottomans to use the word "millet" which to that date had had the connotation of "religious group. VI I I . 1 1. note 1 . the latter was the first document in the Ottoman Empire in which was used the word "serbestiyyet. ..

in this case from a chancellor of state to an ambassador to a vizier. These developments occurred in the I 8 so's when 71 Ibid. the residue of the Tanzimat amounted more or less to the carrying out of the type of proposal that we have investigated above. to determine what reforms were most urgently needed. an assembly of notables was summoned in Istanbul and it was Sadik Rifat Pa§a who composed the address read to them by Re§id Pa§a.SA D I K R I F A T P A �A of an espousal of the good of "the nation" and a defense of the "rights" of a nation.. Thus. VI I I . all that was demanded was their advice. The protection of private enterprise had bene­ fited mostly the Christian subj ects of the Porte and the Mos­ lem inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire had been somewhat slow in fulfilling Rifat Pa§a's hopes of the advancement of arts and crafts.. But a precedent was thus created for the idea of representation. It consisted in the introduction into the capital of Western ideas that were brought over from Egypt. One similar stream exists which resulted in the concomitant suffu­ sion of Turkish governmental circles by European ideas. 7 1 By the end of the 1 8 6o's and the demise of Ali Pa§a. In some instances reformers such as Rifat Pa§a were also led to engage in activities which later opened the way for constitutionalism ·in Turkey. . This p rocess occurred at the level immediately below the one of which we have spoken. a certain regularization of gov­ ernmental and administrative practice had been achieved . the last pupil of Re§id. True. the worst features of arbitrary rule had been curbed at all levels in the empire. Le. The characteristic of the type of transmission of ideas that occurred in the case of Sadik Rifa t Pa§a was that the process occurred at the highest governmental level. in 1 845. 2. The powers of the sultan had been whittled away and transferred in great part into the hands of a new bureaucracy . in this address the notables were told exactly where they stood .

S A D I K R I F A T P A $A Turkish statesmen who at one time had been in the service of Egypt began to return to Turkey because the proclamation of the Tanzimat Rescript indicated that the Ottoman Empire was being regenerated. Mehmed Ali. of Fenelon's Telemaque . 7 8 for whom reform also meant opportunities for employ­ ment. Mehmed Ali. Young Man. 2 4 1 . see below. The earlier emigration of Ottoman statesmen to Egypt is explained by the fact that in that country the movement of reform inaugurated by Selim III had found a more fertile soil in which to grow roots. Chap­ Osmanl1 Devrinde Son Sadr1azamlar. Taking advantage of the personnel of Napoleon's expeditionary corps which had remained behind. he had modernized his army before Mahmud II had put his reforms into execution and had gone farther than Mahmud ever was to go with respect to Westernization. directly or indirectly.'' is quite clear. During the aftermath of the :N apoleonic invasion of Egypt. an Ottoman who had carried out reforms in Egypt with the aid of a Turkish as well as a French staff. who had started his career as an officer of the Imperial Army. Other outstanding cultural figures of the Tanzimat. In one case­ that of Yusuf Kamil Pa§a7 2 ( not as yet a Pa§a) who smug­ gled himself out of Turkey to serve Mehmed Al� when he still was very young-the motivating force. with the Young Ottoman movement had an Egyptian "internship" 7 2 The translator into Turkish ter v1 1 . 7 3 Yusuf Kamil Pa§a spent a number of years in the service of Mehmed Ali before returning to be one of the bright intellectual lights of the Tanzimat and a protector of the mentor of the Young Ottomans. 1 1. It would seem that for many progressive-minded young . a kind of "Go Southeast. most of whom later became connected. represented a haven and a congenial refuge.2 4 2 . 1 9 7. the Turkish governor of the province of the empire. achieved semi­ independent status. �inasi. .

p. 1 5 Cemaziyiilahir 1 2 9 8. and Ergin. cannot therefore be considered a coincidence. I Receb 1 2 99.emal speaks of the "Arabs." Mecmua-i E buzziya. for Sarni Pa§a. pp. 7 8 See below. 7 8 Sarni 7 4 Ali Fuad. 7 6 The earlier and more extensive Westernization of Mehmed Ali's Egypt as compared with the rest of the empire. n. 1 5 Receb 1 2 99. Original text in the daily Liberte (Paris. at any rate. was acknowledged by the Young Ottomans.cit. The fact that the first work advocating representative gov­ ernment in the Ottoman Empire76 was published by the grand­ son of Mehmed Ali. the Vilayet of Egypt. this difference between Vilayet and the capital · as : " Le . Also Hiirriyet. quoted by Re§at Kaynar.'' ibret. La Turquie. pp. At one time · a governmental colleague of Sadik Rifat. Sarni came up in the 1 8 so's with his own very similar brand of defense of economic activity and free enterprise and condemnation of sloth. "Tanzimat. Turkiye Maarif. by dint of its imitative policy." Nam1k Kemal. I (NS) .SA DIK RIFA T PA $A on their record. became completely ruined and European govern­ mental systems scored a complete victory. 7 6 Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a was also the founder of the first social club in the Ottoman Empire. 604608. "Ehemmiyet-i H1 fz-1 Mal. Ahmed Lutfi . Chapter vu. 3 1 6 . p. should not be con­ fused with Yusuf K5. 2 . Pa�a. detailed treatment of this question will be found in inal. The date given is 1 2 8 7/1 8 7 0." Millingen. This was true of Sarni Pa§a. op. one of Abdiilhamid !I's grand viziers. March 24. and Mtinif Pa§a." A contemporary of the Young Ottomans describe Pa§a.�iit . pp . Lettre A ddressee au Feu Sultan A bdul Aziz par le feu Prince Moustafa Fazyl Pacha : z 8 6 6 (Le Caire : A. the patron of the Young Ottomans. "Tanzimattan sonra Tiirkiyede Maarif Te§kilat1. 4 3 8 . For his economic ideas see Sarni Pa§a. . 3. 595-6os . The latter politician. Costagliola. 7 5 ( Mustafa Faztl Pa§a) . 1 8 6 7 ) . 6 2 0-6 2 4 . 74 The latter also studied in Egypt. 2 9 1 . 1 8 9 7 ) . "Miinif Pa§a. Son Sadriazamlar. Mustafa Faz1l. 42 5-44 8 . For Kibnsh Kamil Pa§a .s Egyptian training see Ergin. 1 8 7 2 . contraste frappant qui existe entre la maniere dont sont eleves les princes de la famiHe d'Osman et le systeme scolaire qui est suivi clans l'edutation des princes de la famille vice­ royale d' E gypte. 1 9 6-2 5 8. for example. stated : "It is well known that forty to forty-five years ago the political institutions of the Empire. which were. p. 77 Outstanding among the emi gre carriers of ideas was Sarni Pa§a. xvi . 1 8 6 8 . editorial:a August 1 0. Mustafa f?.'� 77 Nam1k Kemal. 4 Ramazan 1 2 8 9/November 5. in a sad state. While such was the situation. the protector of the Young Ottomans. began to get the better end of things in its rivalry [with the metropolis] with regard to power and influence in the Empire." T TEM (September 1 92 7 ) . where K. Subhi Pa§a. p.. 1. 1 9 5 .I 8 7 1 ." Turk Tarih Encumeni Mecmuasi (May 1 9 3 o) .

and -Russian. z 93 1. It was that part of reformist ideology that transcended all these more down-to-earth goals. In view of the importance that Sarni Pa�a's salon acquired for the Young Ottomans and in view of the part that his grand­ son. His influence. however­ i. -British. however. sets the framework for a study of Young Ottoman economic ideas.e. plus the interest shown by Europeans in the economic development of Turkey in the 1 8 6o's. This. 2 60 . Blacque had already attracted the displeasure of the French consul once in 1 8 2 7 when he had criticized the British for sending a mission to Mehmed Ali. Here lived a Frenchman. he began to heap "the most violent abuse" on the policies of these three states.. It was in 1zmir in 1 8 2 8 that the defense of th e rights of the Ottoman Empire was first undertaken in a modern medium of mass communication. This sheet had appeared since I 8 2 5. the idea that the subj ects had rights which could not be tampered with-that was to be the main source of inspiration f:or the Young Ottomans. when Blacque had taken it over from its founder. Constantinople in r8 2 8. the Spectateur Oriental. . on a local press owned by the French Government. Following the Battle of :Navarino. Ayetullah Bey. a connection between Young Ottoman economic ideas and the earlier conceptions of the Tanzimat thus does not appear improbable.SA D I K R I F A T PA $A Pa�a's conception that the Turks did indeed possess the requi­ sites for becoming a wealthy nation if only they tried hard enough was soon to reappear among the Young Ottomans. An example may be provided in the case of Alexandre Blacque. was to play in the founding of the Young Ottoman movement . published a weekly paper. he was released on promise to cease publishing. A third source for the permeation of the architects of the �fanzimat by Western ideas was the influence of their Euro­ pean collaborators. could still be noticed in the columns of the Courrier de Smyrne. a Monsieur Blacque. who. which started publi79 MacFarlane. 79 Arrested by the consul and placed on board a French ship. In general his attitude was pro-Turkish and anti-French.

Geschicktschreiber. 9 3 8-94 8 . Mustafa Reiit Paia. there was a sudden influx into Turkey of French hommes de lettres. 1 8 3 3 ) . who states he saw the first issue of the Moniteur coming off the press . 8 3 With the increased number of foreign experts employed by the Porte in the 1 84o's and 1 8 5o's. See Cor. also Babinger.S A D I K R I F A T PA $ A cation shortly thereafter. 1 03 . vn . The last steamer has just brought to the capital of the Osmanlis a small literary colony which is going to exploit liberal ideas in Turkey and proposes not to return before it has witnessed a parliamentary debate inside a M ussulman Chamber. Following the proclamation of the Hatt-i HumJyun of Giilhane. The latter caused considerable trouble to Re§id Pa�a at a later date in Paris by trying to extort money from him on the grounds that the Turks still owed him huge sums for his services. "Le Budget de la Turquie. 1 8 5 0 ) . with Ger�ek. When the establishment of an · Otto­ man 0 fficial Gazette was being considered. 402 ff. Western popular as - 80 The most reliable account of these developments is that of Louis de Lagarde in his "Note sur les Journaux fran�ais de Smyrne a l'epoque du Mahmoud II. Vol." Revue des Deux Mandes ( September 1 . pp. whose invasion a contemporary observer caustically recorded : "Why should not the French press praise to excess what it calls the Turkish Charter. it was rumored that Re§id had been influenced by Blacque in drafting the charter.. Series 1v. . [De Kay] . 2 3 8. 81 Edouard Thouvenel. . 8 3 Cor i s the author of a competent article o n the :finances of Turkey.1 44. "Constantinople sous Abdul Medj id. This influence increased with time. Sketches of Turkey (New York. p. Turk Gazeteciligi." Journal Asiatique ( 1 9 50 ) . Harper. p� 3 54. 80 Blacque was one of the first foreigners who were directly influential in Turkey by their control of cultural media. . 82 Kaynar. 6 8. p. Not much more is known about him. "81 At the time the Hatt i Humayun was proclaimed. when Constantinople is in the process of becoming a suburb of Paris ? . xxi. Cf." Revue des Deux Mondes ( 1 8 40 ) . 1 8 7 . . 82 Other Europeans from whose counsel Re§id was alleged to have profited included his secretary Cor and a cer­ tain Barrachin. Blacque was asked to edit the section published in French ( The Moniteur 0 ttoman) . 6 9 . 2 2 et seq. pp.

84 MacFarlane. showed him "a socialist proclamation recently published in Paris. a Hungarian refugee of I 848 by the name of Daniel Szilagi. They frequented the bookshop of a certain Roth whose partner. 1 95 . Turkey. 43 0 . provided young Turks with the latest political pamphlets and treatises to appear in Europe.S .tl D I K R I F A T P A $A well as serious literature became more widely available in the Ottoman Empire."84 The Young Ottomans were directly influenced by this type of transmission of ideas. Osman Bey. 11. In 1 845 MacFarlane found the "young men who had been educated alla franca" delighting in the feuille­ tons of the Journal de Constantinople. The Governor of lzmit.

" Thus the loosest cate­ gorization in this case is probably the best. was its internal inconsistency. The first one of these head­ ings is that of "traditionalist survivals. one of the most interesting features of the Hatt-i Humayun of Giilhane. the semiconsti­ tutional charter proclaimed by Re§id Pa§a. Part three surveys the attempts made by some of the older men surrounding the Young Ottomans to find a middle. As one author has stated. it is a study of the way in which the reformist policies of their predecessors affected the Young Ottomans. the Young Ottomans' background. This chapter aims to show how both the ideological changes that came during the Tan­ zimat and the institutional changes that had been remolding the structure of the empire ever since the time of Sultan Mahmud (and stepped up in Re§id Pa§a's time) affected the Young Ottomans. it was indeed a curious document that could begin by "imputing the decline of the I 96 . ground between East and West.mans in positions of responsibility changed during the Tanzimat era. A note of caution is in order here as to the classification of the occurrences and influences which make up the strands of .·:-8 C H A PTER VII 8·:· The Immediate Institutional and Intellectual Antecedents of the Young Ottomans IN TH E preceding chapter we attempted to describe the fashion in which the outlook of Otto. and our survey here is divided into three parts. I. Traditionalist Survivals As has already been pointed out." which deals with the extent to which the Young Ottomans were affected by rem­ nants of the traditional Ottoman world view. Any categorization of these antecedents introduces a note of artificiality into the appraisal of "things as they really happened. The second section deals with innovations .

Thus it has been observed . London. A.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S Ottoman Empire principally to the transgressions of old laws. . There are indications that in the eight­ eenth century the disintegration of the empire caused a revival of the belief that those vested with power should conform to the restrictive inj unctions laid down by the doctors of Islamic law with regard to the exercise of political power. . Turkey : Its History and Progress (Vol. r 97 II by . Hurst and Blackett. that the latest Turkish "mirror" of 1 Sir James Porter. 24." and end by 1"praising the restoration of old manners and customs. the revival of traditional Ottoman-Islamic culture. the survival of popular attitudes toward authority-what may be called the "Janissary spirit" . 2 Among Turkish publi­ cists the emphasis on just rule and -equity in the dealings of the ruler with his subj ects went back. The outstanding feature of this theoretical construction was its defense of the principles of Islamic right and justice as against the imperial prerogative of the 'Urf. At least three forms of traditionalist orientation that were influential in the Ottoman cultural world up to the time of the rise of the Young Ottomans may be pinpointed : one of these was the survival of the Ottoman-Islamic ideals of the "good" state . Chapter I I I . however. Sir George Larpent. T H E S U RV I VAL OF I SLAM I C-OTTO M AN POL I T I CAL I DEALS The idealized picture of an Islamic polity had been one of the main contributions of the ulema to the culture of Islam. were accompanied by a much more subtle and subterranean antagonism between the ideas that advocated a return to an Ottoman-Islamic golden age and the theories which sought to build anew better foundations for the totter:mg empire."1 · In this dichotomy of the charter. the third. as we have seen. 1 1. lies the answer to an understanding of the Tanzimat era.'' proceed "to adopt new regulations in the state. during the Tanzimat. to the eleventh century A. 1 8 54) .n. 2 See above. for it reminds us that the noisy and colorful personal clashes between the sup­ porters of the old order and the defenders of the new. the other.

1. . partly based on the Ahlak-i Celal'i of Celaleddin-i Devvan1. According to Toderini. Mustafa III had ordered the translation of Machiavelli's Prince. shows that this was not an isolated example and that the concept of an ideal polity carried weight. 5 See above. This work was. 6 In Egypt on the presses established at Bulak by Mehmed Ali. p. I I . who in the six­ teenth century had attempted to combine the Platonic concep­ tion of the philosopher-king with the office of the caliphate. personally. since the translator was an intimate friend of his. 1 7 8 9 ) . popularized. by Cournand. but. 7 Sultan Mahmud's rather meager efforts to reimpose an Islamic political theory . The abbe claimed that he. were continued on a private basis by some of the ultraconservatives during Abdi. De la Litterature des Tures ( trans. 1 8 . for detailed treatment of the A hlak-1 A lai. 5 The A hlak-i A la'i was first printed in 1 83 36 but continued to be reprinted. "Kinalizade. had also given instruc­ tions that Frederick Il's Anti-Machiavelli be translated and appended at the end of the Prince. despite the realism which permeated palace politics. see Babinger. as we have seen. 7 Hilmi Ziya Ulken." Tanzimat : I.T H E A N TE C E D E N T S any importance to have been written ( it was composed at the beginning of the eighteenth century) devotes even more atten­ tion than is usual in such works to the ethical conduct of the ruler and to that of statesmen in positions of responsibility. "Tanzimattan Sonra Fikir Hareketleri. _ 4 Abbe Toderini.4 A similar preoccupation with Islamic values may be detected from the rise to popularity.ilmecid's reign. Poin�ot. Chapter 1 1 1 .a A statement by Toderini. even with the sultan. Thus the �eyhiilislam Ari� Efendi (not to be confused with Arif Hikmet Bey) translated into Turkish the Mirror of 8 See Ottoman Statecraft. Paris. 7 7 4. shocked by the amorality of this work. during the nineteenth century. . and simplified for wider and wider circulation even after the relations with the West had been established once and for all in Turkey. 1 o 1 f. the author of one of the first Western histories of Turkish literature." Encyclopaedia ·Of ]slam. of the A hlak-i A la'i. had the opportunity to check the veracity of this incident. 6 6 .

Identifi­ cation of the authorship of the manuscript is based on the work done by Prof. 1 2 7 9 [August 1 8 62 ] . it is an accurate reflection of the grievances which the ulema had nourished against the Tanzimat and reforming statesmen such as Re§id Pa§a ever since. Yeni Matbaa. 1 2 7 5/ 1 8 5 8 ) . The manuscript shows signs of having been written by someone who admired N am1k Kemal. the first work to carry Western political under­ tones. 1 9 1 8 ) . 1 2 Yusuf Kamil Pa§a. for Arif Efendi's translation from the original Arabic. Chapter vm." [ istanbul Oniversitesi] Edebiyat Fakilltesi T trk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi (November 1 94 8 ) . see Mehmet Kaplan. had created a considerable stir among the Ottoman literati of the capital. enough to have appropriated passages from the latter's articles . Mehmet Kaplan . Matbuat Tarihimize Methal : Ilk B uyuk Muharrir­ lerden $inasi. 1 0 Although this work was written in the l 8 6 o's. 9 Ahmed Rasim. 1 0 The manuscript11 took its title ( The Rebuttal to Telema que) from Yusuf Kamil Pa§a's translation of the Abbe Fenelon's Telema T elemak [Istanbul] . as one would expect. see Minkarizade Dede Efendi. 9 During the nineteenth century a new significance was added to this survival of Islamic-Ottoman political ideals. a confirmed enemy of �inasi and was instrumental in his dismissal. Siyasetname (trans. for more details on �inasi's dismissal. the main Young Ottoman theoretician. 8 For Sultan Mahmud's political theory see above. beginning with the late 1 8 3 o's. Istanbul. p. two elements which are not characteristic of N am1k Kemal's writings. "Tanzir-i Telemak. 1 2 The latter translation. but who. by Mehmed Arif. the reactionary ulema could now pose as the advocates of Islamic "natural rights" and as the idealistic foes of autocracy. It may probably safely be attributed to someone who was familiar with the ideas of the Young Otto­ mans. 1 7 .T H E A N T E CE D E N T S :Minkarizade Dede Efendi in which the leitmotiv was obedi­ ence to authority. I I I : 1 -20. Chapter v . ( Istanbul. An illustration of this selfish exploiting of Islamic ideals by the obscurantist ulema may be found in the anonymous manu­ script entitled Tanz1r-i Telemak. since. See below. Tabhane-i A.mire. 8 Arif Efendi was. z z 99 . as a member of the ulema had his own ax to grind. by insisting on the "right" of the Ottomans not to bow to the will of reformis t sultans and statesmen. Tercii. their sinecures had been shorn and their status down­ graded. but the emphasis of the Tanzir is anti-Western and obscurantist. 11 The following expose is based on the extensive quotations from the original manuscript in Kaplan's article cited above in footnote 1 o.

14 Kaplan. 13 Even though Professor Kaplan. By trampling the precepts of the �eriat they had lifted the barriers that stood in the way of personal excesses. J\fter h�ving enumerated the reasons usually set forth as 13 See above. The threat that revolts had occurred earlier und�r similar circumstances is there. religious beliefs were cor­ rupted and ritual took the place of faith. Civilization too was stated to be the product of religion. 1 8 . By ignoring the dicta of religious law with regard to freedom of one's person from indignities. this stand cannot be defended on the mere strength of the passages which he offers as proof for his statements. . such as the plundering of state funds. the result was the disappearance of a nation from the face of the earth. Chapter I I I . lifted man out of this brutish involvement with nature. but it does not imply more than an angry appeal to divine wrath . they had jeopardized personal safety and the enj oyment of life and property. The Ottomans had thus been reduced to a miserable state. however. is of the opinion14 that certain passages constitute an open invitation to revolt. for it helps us to assess the extent to which the "right to rebel" was accepted by the incensed ulema. 1 9 .T H E A N T E CE D E N T S Tpe Tanz"ir began with a description of the wickedness of man along classical Islamic lines but highlighted the struggle of man with his environment and his own kind. The question as to how far the author could carry a political protest arises at this point. and the examples of the rise of the Islamic states and the Ottoman Empire were used as proof of this condition. who first discovered this manuscript. These leaders had themselves been transformed into beasts because they had rejected the guidance of Islam. In time. This was exactly what the reformers of the Tanzimat had done to the Ottoman Empire. It was religion which. 200 ." pp . This strife was made to be the leitmotiv of the human condition. according to the author. "Tanzir-i Telemak. Whenever such a natural progression was actively fostered by belittling reli­ gious belief.

James Baker. Turkey (New York. and­ what is of greater importance for an insight into the motives behind these complaints-the most powerful bodies through­ out the land are now the provincial councils made up of the non-ulema. 2 3 7-240 .T H E A N T E CE D E N T S' · justifying the Tanzimat reforms. Morals have declined. p. the emphasis on Islamic right and justice and the idea that the $eriat. 1 5. Thus the wide gulf. meant just and equit able rule may also be found in the writings of many of the "Westernists" of the Tanzimat. besides obedience. is to disappear. pious foundations have been neglected. where th e Seriat would prevail. 3 2 .5 For the provincial councils see Engelhardt. In the writings of Sadik Rifat Pa§a. Its History and Progress. For the extensive powers of the governor-general see Larpent. 1 43 . on the resentment of the u le m a . ia See above. The only difference that remains in such a situation is that the functionaries have a greater . In an ideal society. While traditional values could thus be transformed into the defense of vested interests by unscrupulous or ignorant mem­ bers of the llmiye. 1 05-1 09. since the Tanzimat Rescript had been proclaimed. 1 3 1 ff. official positions and the power thereby derived are divine trusts. 1 8 7 7 ) . con­ tinues the Tanz'ir. La Turquie et le Tanzimat. 1. none o: f the evils existing in the Ottoman Empire had been cured. they are accused of ignorance and-gravest of all sins­ of not according sufficient importance to the ulema.16 for l. however. Henry Holt. the author goes on to state that. On the contrary. p. the necessity for "consultation" of a public nature would oblige such officials to act with greater regard for the public. Those who profit from the privileges accruing from these positions are not more than the temporary recipients of such privileges.num­ ber of "holes and patches" in their clothing and that the dishes served in their houses are more modest than the cuisines of the ordinary citizen. on secularization. England in the Near East) pp. Chapter VI. new difficulties have been created. Yet. 201 . p. 15 These new administrators come in for bitter criti­ cism . which it is claimed separates the common people from the bureaucrats of the Tanzimat. 1 9 5-96 . Temperley. Turkey. 3 8 . pp. the "political theorist" of the Tanzimat.

yet. though he was a member of the Patriotic Alliance and still plotted against Sultan Abdulaziz in the I 8 7o's.cit. p.mire. " 'Adlu sa'atin Khayr min 'ibadati alfi sana. written by the Islamic jurist al-Mawardi. Sadik Rifat Pa§a. 4 5 2 . CULTURAL I N -GROWI NG Beginning with the eighteenth century it became obvious to the Ottomans that. 4 2 -4 3 . 1 8 6 8. Osmanli Devrinde son Sadriazamlar. It Is possible to locate statements which reproduce word for word a theory of political obligation that appears in the A hlak-i A laj. "Al­ Mawardi:. I. II.2 0 considered the imperial 'Urfi prerogative to be an usurpation of individual rights of "Mongolian" origin.i Pa�a. Perhaps the most amusing confirmation of this lingering of Islamic values may be found in the conduct of Sirvanizade Ri.Wizara . 19 In the light of this survival of Islamic ideas of the state it comes as no surprise to see that in the I 86o's the Young Ottomans too set their sights on the ideal Islamic polity of the doctors of law. himself of ulema origins who. 18 inal. op." 22 B. 22 Namik Kemal.'' Encyclopaedia of Islam ( 1 9 3 6 ) . Sadik Rifat Pa§a himself was the author of ·a text on Islamic ethics which was used in Ottoman elementary schools . at least in military matters. The manuscript translated by Rii§dii Pa§a was probably the Kitab Kawanin al. 1 2 8 6/1 8 6 9 .. Matbaa-i A. 1 8 69. 21 Nam1k Kemal.21 and admired the ulema as rep ositories of the Islamic theory of "individual rights. 1 8 69. A hlak Risalesi ( Istanbul. 2 02 ." Hurriyet. "i'zar-i mevhume. was also the author of a "catechism" [l lm-i Hal] .THE A N TECEDEN TS instance. 4 1 6 . June 2 1 .. Brockelmann. February 22.a wirhum fi '1->amr. One of the generals who actually deposed Aziz. "Wa-fill. A considerable number of trans17 See Mehmed.1 1 .'> Hiirri. 20 Nam1k Kemal. p . See C. p. reprinted many times ) . they needed to adopt Western methods. 203. "ldare-i Hiikiimetin Baz1 Kavaid-i Esasiyesini M utazammm Rifat Pa§a Merhumun Kaleme Ald1g1 Risale. x1 . in Muntehabat-i Asar. 1 1 1 . 1 9 inal. 4 7 8 . see Mehmed Sadik Rifat Pa§a. Osmanli Muellifl eri ." Hurriyet. July 2 0.i�di. . See Bursali Mehmed Tahir. was also engaged in trans­ lating into Turkish a chapter1 8 of a treatise on the ethical qualifications to be sought in a grand vizier. p. Siileyman Pa§a. 8 .

even though the author himself offered no conclusive proof of his assertion. was an era during which translations into Turkish of Islamic literature reached unprecedented proportions. or litterateurs were undertaken in Turkey in the first half of the nineteenth century. S6. see Abdiilhak A. 8 0. 7 0. "Tanzimat Maarifi. 2 03 . 2 4 Any survey of the modernization of the Ottoman Empire which does not take into account this reaction falls short of an accu­ rate description. 8 2 . order the writing of a new textbook suited to his edu­ cational goals. 8 5 . 2 4 Sadrettin Celal Antel. p . 3 2 1 -3 2 3 .» Tanzimat 1 . 25 It is characteristic of the difference between the reforms of Mahmud and those carried out in the reign of Abdiilmecid that in the I 8 so's a modern grammar was finally written anew by Fuad Pa§a and Cevdet Pa§a 2 6 on order from the Ottoman Academy of Sciences. for the text Unkiid al-Zawahir. In this he encountered considera­ ble opposition because the text was unfamiliar even to the ulema. In the field of literature and philosophy the Tanzimat. 2 3 9. but gave instructions that the commentary on the treatise on syntax of the fifteenth-century Transoxanian savant Ali Ku§�l. During the nineteenth century the movement culminated in a real flower­ ing of translations from the Arabic and the Persian. iv. Tarih. 28 But parallel with these undertakings may be detected an attempt to go back to translate and print the most popular "classics" of Ottoman and earlier Islamic culture.dnan Ad1var. survey based on · the bibliographical materials listed below shows this statement of Antel's to be true. philosophers. 460. n. p .'' Islam Ansiklopedisi ( 1 94 1 ) . 8 0. as we would expect.» Journal A siatique ( 1 8 6 9 ) . The sultan did not. 8 3 . pp. Turk Matbaaciligi. no translations from European thinkers.i be printed. 1. The text was eventually printed in the 1 8 6o's . 8 4 . A preliminary. Belin. XIV. "Ali Kus�u. see M. "Bibliographie Ottomane. 1 8 2 . though as yet incomplete. Conversely. The generation of poets preceding the Young Ottomans 2 3 See Selim Niizhet [Ger�ek] .T H E A N T E C E D E N TS lations from Western texts of military science were thus under­ taken. An interesting example of the way this process worked may be witnessed in the fashion in which Sultan Mahmud tackled the problem of establishing minimum standards in grammar at the elementary level. as a whole. 25 Lutfi. 2 6 See below.

1 9 3 2 ) . s a Tanpmar. see Kaplan. 1 5 . . X!Xncu A sir. Tanpmar. the nineteenth century. also brought back from Europe the idea of the propagation of the Islamic faith by the word instead of the sword. ( �d. XIXncu A str. XIXncu A sir. On his return he established in Istanbul a "Society for the Study of the Geography of Islamic Lands" whose purposely innocuous name was meant to ward off the curiosity of European diplomats accredited 27 28 Gibb. 7 8 . 8 1 For the relation of Kemal with Leskofcah Galih. Ottoman Poetry. Golpmarh. a classicist imbued with Islamic ideals.. 3 4 . Turkish. Ziya Paf_a : Hayati 'Ve Eserleri (Istanbul. s 2 For the Sufi revival in. though he was a modernist and a popularizer of European scientific advances. p. Namik Kemal. 229." in Nam1k Kemal Hakkinda . Hikmet [Ertaylan] . 2 3 7 . IV. the doctor of Islamic law who established a close friendship with Kemal in Paris and who. 1 9. For the classicism of Ziya Pa§a see also Gibb.81 and shows signs of having been influenced by the Sufi revival of the early nineteenth century.82 Both Ziya and Nam1k Kemal were members of a circle of poets headed by Hersekli Arif Hikmet Bey (not to be con­ fused with the �eyhillislam Arif Hikmet) which has been called the "last Pleiade" of traditional poetry to have existed in Turkey.21 It has been said of these "Council" poets28 that never before had the distance separating "popular" Turk­ ish from the language of the literati been so great. Ottoman Poetry. by Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakiiltesi Tiirk Dili ve Edebiyat1 Enstitiisii. Istanbul. p.8 3 Another variant of the attitude induced by a mixture of Islamic with Western ideas was that of Tahsin Efendi. Vakit Matbaas1. an outstanding figure among those fighting this rear­ guard action. p. 2 9 The Young Ottomans were directly influenced by these last figures of Ottoman classicism. . Encilmen-i Suara $airleri in Tanpmar. 1 9 4 2 ) . Kanaat Kiitiiphanesi. Ziya Pa§a was a disciple of Fatin Efendi. v._ "Nam1k Keinal-in §iirleri.THE A N TE CEDEN T S was steeped more than ever i n the rigid Persianized form of Turkish poetry. 29 8 0 Ismail 353. p . p. 3 0 Nam1k Kemal had as mentor during his early years Leskof�ah Galib.

June 2 6. Hiiseyin Daim Pa§a. Chapters n. but very probably this was also considered. Islamic-Ottoman greatness. TH E JANISSARY SPIRIT The annihilation of the Janissaries by Mahmud had not done away with the spirit that had animated this institution. There was something quite close to the heart of the Ottoman people in this esprit. which has · already been mentioned among the events that made the backdrop of the .T H E A N TE C E D E N TS to the Porte. In the first instance. and Russia acted in concert to prevent Ottoman . p. The latter had kept alive in the Ottoman Empire a populist esprit frondeur which had a number of times resulted in a rebellion against constituted authority. p. 3 7 What had happened was that in the spring of 1 8 5 8 Montenegro had prepared to invade the neighboring parts of Hertzegovina on which it · had claims. 3 5 London Times. In I 8 5 3 the population of Istanbul almost took up arms against the Porte for what it thought was the cowardly attitude of the Porte toward Russia. In 1 8 59 a fourth conspiracy organized by an alim but relying on the assistance of a §oldier. 1 1 1 . quoting an article by �emseddin Sarni in the periodical Hafta without date or page reference. England. 8 6 S ee above. in 1 8 3 7 it took the form of a con­ spiracy to revive the Janissary order. 3 7 The aim of the conspiracy was to replace 3 4 inal. 1 8 7 9 . Part of the latter was the legitimation of revolt directed against an administration which did not forward the aims of . 3 . 1 8 3 7 . France. This spirit rose to the surface on at least four occasions between the date of the destruction of the Janissaries and the arrival of the Young Ottomans on the scene. Son A sir. This was the so-called Kuleli Incident.Young Ottoman movement. took place.8 6 What made this conspiracy crystallize again was a series of military and diplomatic reverses. 34 C. The plot was discovered and silenced. 35 In 1 840 a similar plot misfired. His real goal Tahsin stated to be a duplication of the efforts of Christian missionaries. Whether the twin pur­ pose of unifying the Islamic people and galvanizing them · to lift themselves by their own bootstraps was also included in the goals of the society is no t known.

the disputed region. dethrone the sultan. of Janissary corpses rotting in the Golden Horn. and put an end to Otton1an "meekness. A. 2 06 . the Tanzimat-that of bureaucratic training and that of mili­ tary education. the suspicion troops from occu pying the district of Grahovo . was in the main stream of an old Ottoman tradition in this respect. was summarily arrested upon the discovery of Mehmed Bey's plot in I 8 67. See Engelhardt. who had been condemned to death but who then had benefited from a par­ don. BUREAUCRATI C TRAI N I NG The increased contacts between the Ottoman Empire and the West had resulted in the early nineteenth century in a crying need for more and better interpreters. is some indication of the extent to which tradi­ tional influences had been at work in the Ottoman society of the first half of the nineteenth century. 1 .. I 8 6 7. June 3 0 . . II." It is significant that Daim Pa�a. "Hubb ul-Watan . p .THE A N TE CEDEN TS the ministers. Innovations Two cases will serve to illustrate the connection between the Young Ottomans and the new institutions established during . Suavi. 2 9 5 I . This. but the authorities were quite correct in sensing that the same spirit had animated the conspirators of 1 8 59 and those of 1 8 67. then. 1 5 5 . at this very same 8 8 Augsburger A llgemeine Zeitung."39 Nam1k Kemal himself was opposed to the violent over­ throw of constituted authority. June 2 9 . 1 54. r. p . Hurriyet. Hilseyin Daim Pa�a was exonerated. and there was no real contradiction between his advocacy of Islamic principles and his armed coup to depose Abdiilhamid . This acute need gave rise to a crisis Nam1k Kemal too had correctly assessed the situation when he stated that the comparative docility of the population in the years following the destruction of the Janissaries had been due to the "sight of thousands . La Turquie. Under the aus pi ces of these powers a protocol delimiting Montenegro was signed in Nov e mber of 1 85 8 . 1 8 6 8 . on the contrary. 3 9 Nam1k Kem.

X I . p. v1 . 1 66. and shortly before his death a school was opened at the Porte 40 Sanizade. 46 Lutfi. 44 For information regarding this publication see Franz Babinger. 41 Sanizade. Harrassowitz.. 6 7 . Tarih. The editor. 43 Lutfi. III. 44 After· some time the French section of the Gazette dis­ appeared. 2 2 . Esad Efendi. IV. The Translation Bureau thus slowly took over a function filled in earlier days by the Im­ perial Secretariat ( "Amed'i Odasi") 48 and the Secretariat of the Exchequer ("Defterdar Mektubi Kalemi" ) . 1 1 2 . 1 9 2 7 ) . note 1 . an historian and a product of the old educational system. Osmanli Devletinin Merkez ve Bahriye Tei­ kilati (Ankara. Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke (Leipzig. . 45 One of the students educated by the Be§ikta§ Scientific Society . An interest­ ing example of how this process worked is illustrated by the history of the Takvim-i Vekayi. 46 The mere establishment of the Translation Bureau proved insufficient even while Sultan Mahmud was still on the throne. Tarih. see below. 42 ismail Hakk1 Uzun�ar§ih. 1 9 4 8 ) . 1 5 6 ff. was thereupon dismissed and replaced by Savfet Efendi (later Savfet Pa§a) . Tarih. Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Bas1 mevi . because of the lack of a competent staff. Aurel Decei. IV. 3 7 ff. 3 53 . 42 By the I 84o's this bureau of the Porte had already become one of the most important centers preparing young nlen for governmental careers. 5 8 . 2 3 1 . VI. s 9. p. A program to train young men as translators began to be implemented in 1 8 3 3 .'' Islam A nsiklo­ pedisi ( 1 94 7 ) .T H E A N TE CE D E N T S began to dawn at the Porte that the Greeks used as interpreters were disloyal to the Ottoman Government. 7 1 . gives the date as 1 8 3 2.. 549.45 a young employee of the Trans­ lation Bureau who eventually became Secre tary for Foreign Affairs. IV. When this Official Gazette of the empire was started in 1 8 3 1 . XIXncu A sir. pp . Tarih. lished.74. p. a French as well as a Turkish section had been pub . Lutfi . Tarili. 41 In 1 8 2 2 a special section called the Translation Bureau was established at the Porte. «Fenerliler . Cevdet. 0. T h i s was called the Tercume Odasi or Tercume Kalemi. 40 It was at this time that the study of European languages was fostered in a systematic fashion among Moslem Turks. also. 5 5 0. Tanpmar. 3 3 .

inif Pa§a.THE A N TE CEDEN TS called the School of Instruction. I . the author of the first translation into Turkish from the philosophes.1 9 1 2 ) . almost all the Young Otto­ mans started their careers as clerks in this office. p. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. 51 Similarly the generation of 4 7 Mekteb-i Maarif-i A dliye in Turkish. 48 In earlier times. 1 3 2 6/ 1 9 1 1 . Enderun Mektebi Tarihi (Istanbul. in the 1 8 6o's tried to carry out a policy whereby all employees of government would be literate and equipped. 3 8 et seq. Lutfi. 2 1 2-2 2 5 . Son Sadriazamlar. while another. 1 02. Tarih. . acquired by the new bureaucracy in the last years of Mahmud' s reign was the closing of this school in 1 833. v. The use of the term "adliye" here has no implication of training in j urisprudence. 2 20. Ahmed ihsan. Milnif Pa§a. but at least one man whose name is connected with the Young Ottoman movement. 3 1 5 . 48 Ibid . attended i t for a short time. p. was also employed in the same office. 49 The new School of Instruction which took over part of the functions of the Palace School did not last more than three years. 50 As to the Translation Bureau. and politics. An indication of the new status . K1bnslt Mehmed Pa§a. . Ziya Pa§a. the j ust. mevi. and �inasi (who was in the Translation Bureau of the Imperial Artillery) . graduated from it . for Midhat see inal. Vesaik-i Tariltiye eve sisyasiye ( Istanbul. Nuri Bey. "Mi. It is used in connection with Mahmud's by-name of «A dU. 2 2 1 . geography. attempts to raise the educational level of the lower employees were made. Tarih Vesikalari (October 1 94 1 ) . p.. Efforts were also made t o raise the educational prerequisites for admission to civil service positions. pp. pp.1 8 3 7 ) ." Turk Tarift Encii. Mehmed Bey. 47 The ordinance which set up this school indicates quite clearly that the students were to be encouraged to read the newest texts that had appeared in France on geometry. Midhat. 3 2 6-3 2 9 .meni Mecm as ( May . history. a grand vizier. u 2 08 i .» See ihsan Sungu . At first it was decided that candidates to the bureaus of the Porte had to pass an admission examina­ tion (in 1 25 2/1 8 3 6. 1 9 5 5 ) . Halk Bas14 9 ismail Hakk1 Baykal. This is how Nam1k Kemal. future statesmen were being groomed · at the Palace School (Enderun Mektebi) . with a basic knowledge of the fundamental laws of the land. see Hayreddiri. Later. 5 1 Ali Fuad. in addition. «Mekteb-i Maarif-i Adliyenin Tesisi. 1 1 4 • 5° For Ziya see Ergin. when the center of political education had been the palace. and Re§ad Bey of Young Ottoman fame established their first contacts with the Western world.

ibid. 1 02 . ibid. 6 5 I . whose very name-Ri. p. 1 7 3 . toward the turn of the nineteenth century. e>2 For Ali Pa§a see inal. 5 . This is true of Ali Pa§a and MUtercim Ri. 2 . was originally a clerk­ translator. 6 5 I .i Pa§a. for Rii§dii Pa§a.inif Pa§a learned German. Houghton Mifflin. inal. My friend Longworth had strong Protectionist views. Robertson and Hume-and studied political economy in those of Adam Smith and Ricardo. 5 3 For Ali Pa§a see ibid. 5 4 George Washburn.THE A N TE CEDENTS statesmen that succeeded Re§id Pa§a got its training in Transla­ tion Bureaus either of the Porte or of the Ministry of War ("Bab-i Serasker't" ) . p. 1 (NS) .54 The following remarks by a secretary of the British embassy in Istan­ bul in the thirties gives an inkling of the level at which conver­ sation could be carried on with the more brilliant products of.. D. pp. It is under such circumstances that Ali Pa§a was able to master French and that Mi. p . For Miinif Pa§a [A. see also inal ." as Washburn states. p . he had had the occasion to become a neighbor of Ernest Renan and that they had often dis­ cussed questions relating to religion. I was an 9 3 0) . Vefik Pa§a did not get this knowl­ edge "while ambassador. as well as the members of their own families. 5 . Son Sadriazamlar.i§di. 1 9 09 ) . Vefik Pa§a answered that whil e in France. 9 9 7 ff. but while on the staff of Re§id Pa§a. p." Turk Me�hurlari A nsiklopedisi. :c . Ahmed Vefik Pa§a. the Ameri­ can educator George Washburn displayed surprise at Vefik Pa§a's knowledge of Western thought. p .i Pa§a.. fo! Ahmed Vefik Pa§a. the translator of Moliere's plays into Turkish and also an out­ standing statesman of the Tanzimat.i§di. "Miinif Pa§a. note 3 . who was ambassador to France. Son A sir. Son Sadriazamlar. to increase their knowledge of Western lan­ guages. 2 6 7 .. the translator­ provides a clue to his earliest occupations. Fifty Years in Constantinople and Recollections of Robert College (Boston and New York. p. this drive to learn languages of up-and-coming young bureau­ crats : "We read together the best English classi C s-amongst them the works of Gibbon. Mordt­ mann] . 5 6 . p. 53 When. 5 2 Many of the Turkish diplomats of the Tanzimat era supple1nented the training given to the young employees attached to them by encouraging them. Stambul.

p. . . Autobiography and Letters {London. Osman Yal�m. G 7 inal. John Muray. . Miftah-1 Lisan (Istanbul. Vesaik. Halis Efendi used the term "droit des gens" to defend the Turkish position." But see alscf the earlier influence of the Ceride-i Havadis. p. listed in Fehmi Ethem Karatay.THE A N T E CE DE N T S ardent free-trader. Un diplomate. On the occasion of the British ambassador's pressing for a claim against the Porte in 1 8 3 7. 57 Halis Efendi was also one of the first Turkish authors of a French-Turkish grammar. HALIS EFENDI AND D I DON ARI F A more specific example of the extent to which the em­ ployees of the bureaus of the Porte mastered the ideological tools which were being used by their European opposites may be seen in the case of Halis Efendi. 1 2 6 6 / 1 8 4 9. and . This man. Arif Bey.1 9 2 8 (Istanbul. We spent many an hour in fierce argument in which the effendi [Ahmed Vefik] j oined in great vigour and spirit . 1 9 5 6) 1. 1 1 . below." 55 B. He was a perfect store of information on all manner of subj ects . was Europeanized to the extent of always 55 Henry Layard. 2 6 6 . a smattering of scientific knowledge. . an employee of the Trans­ lation Bureau and a minor poet.1 8 5 o) . 56 While Halis was told by the dragoman of the British embassy that he should leave the use of such con­ cepts to his European betters. 56 Alric. . 6 8 See Yusuf Hal is. . which he afterwards considerably extended. 1 3 . 48 ff. 1 9 1 3 ) . 5 2 6. al­ thqugh his own claim that no other work of the kind had been written before by a Turk needs to be verified. 58 The earliest indications that the young bureaucrats of Halis' type would try to turn to direct action if dissatisfied may be gathered from the role played in the Kuleli conspiracy of 1 8 5 9 by an employee of the Bureau o f the Imperial Artillery. 11. . Chapter VI I I . It is in one of the poems published by Halis Efendi during the Crimean War that one encounters the first poetic-elegiac use of the word "fatherland" in a vein which is reminiscent of Nam1k Kemal. such as that of nationalism. The word is "vatan. lstanbul Oniversitesi Turkfe Basmalar Katalogu 1 7 2 9. for Halis' claim see Hayreddin. 8s. Son Asir. it would appear that this did not deter the poe t from imbibing other ideas. 2 10 · .

.15 9 C. He was one of the ringleaders in the Kuleli conspiracy. "Yeni Osmanltlar Tarihi.. He was an amateur historian.T H E A N TE CE D E N T S addressing his colleagues with the interpolation "dis done" ("say there") in French . this had earned him the nickname of Didon Arif. The architect of military reform in Turkey under 15 9 Ebiizziya Tevfik. 1 9 0 9 . . The process had worked as follows : One of the employees of the Translation Bureau who had acted as Kemal's tutor in French was a certain Mehmed Mansur Efendi. Mehmed Efendi was a Macedonian Christian converted to Islam. TH E ARM Y Military training had been one of the first channels used for the introduction of Western ideas into Turkey. We know of one instance in which the Translation Bureau acted as a funnel for the conveying to the Young Ottomans of some of the ideas of the Enlightenment that had permeated the Balkans at an earlier date. Mehmed Efendi was. and his hobby was the study of the Greek revolu­ tionary society known as Ethniki Etairia. later known as Kemal hocas1 Mehmed Efendi ("Kemal's teacher Mehmed Efendi") . Up to the 1 83o's. 4 . the first Turk to publish a newspaper entitled Vatan ( 1 8 67 ) which was eventually closed at the same time as the Muhbir. of which he was a relentless enemy. He was also one of the first men to engage in a defense of the cultural achievements of Islam. it does not seem to have been able to create a Western frame of mind among the military reformers them­ selves. p. �eyh Ahmed. It is quite possible that it was Mehmed Efendi who first taught Kemal the virtues of national cohesion. however. 2II Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. Too little is known about Arif's person to do more than indicate this link between bureaucratic contacts with the West and the earliest form of a political protest to have been recorded under the Tanzimat. August 2 8. in the spring of 1 8 67. at any rate. of which he most certainly thought very differ­ ently than the guiding spirit of the affair.

8 6 . Son Sadriazamlar. another an artillery general. and Vienn a in r 8 3 5. p . 3 0 6 .. 2 I2 Ibid. 6 3 This is probably the reason for which in the following year ( I 83 I ) projects were being prepared at the Porte to establish an Ottoman Military Academy. 6 7 Ibid. 63 Lfitfi .. 2 9 8 . La Turq u ie. and in 1 8 55. I 8 3 6. 65 Ibid. 61 It was exactly this generation of military men who were to bring a new outlook back into Turkey. to Paris under the protecting wing of the Orientalist. 6 4 Ergin. pp. 1 8 54. Titrkiye Maarif Tarihi. an p. . 6 4 This school was finally inaugu­ rated in 1 834. the future Grand Vizier. and I 8 3 8. Is lam A nsiklopedisi ( 1 9 5 o ) .. · Of the four boys. Paris.THE A N TE CEDEN TS Mahmud. 1 7 2 . 6 7 . 1 1 . 66 Officer trainees were sent in 1 846. In I 830 he dispatched four young members of his household. 602. graduated with highest hono rs in I 8 3 9. "H usrev Pa§a. The historian Lutfi states that the proj ect met with considerable opposition both in the palace and outside and therefore had to be abandoned. 6 0 Halil i nalc1k. p. and a third a colonel of the General Staff. 60 Husrev Pa§a. sons of his servants or slaves. one of them later became Grand Vizier. 6 1 5 . held the opinion that reform should stop at the refounding of the army. 3 I o. 6 1 3 . paradoxically. 1 8 50. also. 62 Edhem. a proj ­ ect was prepared at the Porte to send I 50 students to study military sciences in Europe.. 6 2 Ibid. 1 7 1 . was a pioneer in the matter of sending young boys to study military science outside Turkey. 2 9 9. One of the first results of the program of European training was that as the graduates returned to their homeland and were given teaching posts in the Military Academy. Husrev Pa§a. p . Tarili. v. while translators stood by repeating their lectures in Turkish ( I 846) . Other groups went to London. 6 0 1 . The same year that Husrev Pa§a was packing off his wards to Europe and supporting them with his private funds. Engelhardt. foreign in­ structors were brought in and lectures began to be given in the language of the instructor.6 5 Students were sent to Europe for military education the same year. Amedee Jaubert. 1. 6 1 i nal.

71 At least one of the Young Ottomans. 243-245 . p. Turkey and Its Destiny. p. Soon non6 8 MacFarlane. See below. Again. XIXncu A sir. Les Reformes en Turquie (Paris. 6 2 . II. 2 9 5 . 1 8 5 8 ) . See Tanpmar. the Polytech­ nique. Dentu. Mehmed Bey. he met a Turk who had translated "the most spicy passages of Voltaire's Dictionnaire Philosophique. 69 2 IJ . the army had been one of the earliest institu� tions where an extensive program of foreign-language teaching had been carried out. Turkey and Its Destiny. and St. Luzac. p.schools for such institu­ tions as the Military Academy. Heyworth D_u nne. Thus the fact that Sinasi received his scholarship to Europe while in this bureau was no coincidence. The reason for which the Tophane ( "Im­ p e r ial Artillery" ) was a nucleus of Europeanization was that its director Fethi Ahmed Pa§a had been a strong partisan of modernization. At a later date the Life was included among the works translated by the Ottoman Academy of Sciences (see below. 6 5-7 4 . Cyr. Mir'at-i Mekteb-i Harbiye.THE A N TE CEDEN T S Conversely. II. 1 9 3 8 ) .diye" ) had proved disappointing as preparatory . Chapter 1 1 ) had been sent to France before the establishment of this school but continued his studies in this so-called Paris Egyptian Military School after 1 844. an indication of the fashion in which Turks came into contact with the later immensely popular Telemaque. See Tanpmar. 6 9 MacFarlane also saw two students helping each other to understand Voltaire's Life of Charles XII. 2 4 1 ff. The new school was to pre­ pare Turkish military students for the examination of the Grandes Ecoles. 2 3 9."1 0 In 1 8 5 5 an Ottoman school was established in Paris because the establishment of eight-year schools ( ''Ru. at the military hospital of Tophane. 2 7 5 . pp. 7 1 Mehmed Esad. 1 1 I . see J. 70 MacFarlane. Edmond Chertier." 6 8 The textbook used here was Fenelon's Fables. 1 1 4. pp. Halil Serif Pa§a (see above. note 1 8 2 ) but remained at the draft stage. p. An Intro­ duction to the History of Education in . who had passed ten years of his life in Paris. In 1 8 45 MacFarlane was horrified to see the "materialistic" spirit inculcated by French teachers in students of the College of Military Surgeons. XIXncu Asir.M odern Egypt (London. got his education in thi s fashion. p. such as the Ecole des Mines. pp. In the Military Academy he found the master of French to be "a smart young 'furk. A similar attempt had been made in 1 844 by Mehmed Ali .

2 5 6 .1 0. 1 2 8 9 [sic] / 1 8 7 3 . 6 7 . Mebani ul-lnia' ( Istanbul. 6 6. Macdonald. among them the later-famous poet Abdillhak Hamid. For a biography o f Siileyman Pa§a see [Siileyman Pa§azade Sarni] . Osmanlt M uellifleri. The early contacts of the army with the European world of ideas had already created a self-sustaining cultural effer­ vescence by the 1 8 7o's.1 2 Its editor was Silleyman Pa§a. 7 4 For this work. 7 5 G o vsa . pp. Bursah Mehmed Tahir. 4 1 4. "Maturidi. 11 1. p. 75 In 1 8 69. Napoleon. I 8 2 7) in which the Maturidite controversy with regard to free will was being revived. 6.1 8 7 4 ) 7 3 See above.THE A N T E CED E N TS military students arrived too. 4 1 5 .'' J o urnal A siatique (August-September 1 8 46) . r. 7 8 In Silleyman Pa§a's writings we encounter an attempt to set down a theoretical expression of the activist attitude that is characteristic of the ideology of the Young Ottomans. p. 1 1 . Racine. a book expressing the same general ideas See Siileyman Pa§a. 1 2 9 1/1 8 74 . 72 • 2 I4 . Vol. D. r. He translated the work on free will of the Seyh Halid of Baghdad ( d. This was used in the course on Turkish literature established and taught by the compiler of the book. "Liste des Ouvrages im­ primes a Constantinople dans le cours des annees 1 8 4 3 et 1 8 44. 3 . It was at that tim e that an officer who had never been to Europe composed the first systematic text­ book on literary genres in Turkish. B. The compendium contained selections from Fenelon. the year during which Young Ottoman activities were at their peak. Suleyman Pa§a Muhakemesi. see Von Hammer-Purgstall." Encyclopaedia of Islam. 3 40. Chapter 1 v. 1 09. and Volney. Ti1rk Me�hurlari. n. for the teachings of the Maturidites. Series IV. The Young Ottoman Ali Suavi was patronized by Eginli Said Pa§a-known as Said Pa�a the Englishman-a general who as a military trainee had studied mathematics for seven years in Edinburgh. VIII. p. Thus it was Edhem Pa�a who encouraged the Young Ottoman Ziya Pa§a to take up the study of French. who at that time filled the office of Inspector of Military Schools and later was one of the four statesmen instrumental in the deposition of Abdulaziz.7 4 The Europeanization of the army was not without its direct effect on the Young Ottoman movement itself.

his plan to ram the imperial caique was discovered. to find in his mail a magazine entitled (. therefore. 2 I5 . He then j oined forces with the most radical of the Young Ottomans. This was a publica­ tion which by Kemal's own admission 77-and because of its advocacy of violent revolution-was far to the left of the Hurriyet. For Ziya Pa§a's dissociation with Hiiseyin Vasfi. Menemenlizade Rifat. see below. Les Tures Anciens et Modernes (Constan­ tinople. later married Kemal's daughter. 1-Ie was agreeably surprised." 7 8 rnore or less overtly tried to create a stereotype of the officer as a bulwark of the empire. Chapter IV. that. This feeling of Kemal's was confirmed in 1 8 72 at a time when he had been exiled by Abdulaziz. Imprimerie du Courrier d'Orient. 43 5. See above. It is probably more than a coin­ cidence that Vasfi Pa§a was the son-in-law of another former military man. in the same sentence in which he expressed his dislike of the position assumed by the lnkilab. 7 1 Kuntay. Rii§dii Pa§a. who eventually was to unseat Abdulaziz. Namtk Kemal. Kemal stated. Nam1k Kemal believed that the move­ rnent of political reform had been cut at the root in Turkey. the news­ paper lnkilab ("Revolution") in Geneva. to publish the rnost radical of the Young Ottoman publications. 2 1 1 . 1 8 6 9 ) . 1. 1 2 9 0 ) . Chapter XI . Mehmed Bey.anta ("The Knapsack" ) . To the publisher Kemal wrote : "Long live the Young 7'6 Moustafa Dj elaleddine. a sort of "Officer's Literary Magazine."1 6 A most striking evidence of the role which early contacts with the West. Cemiyet-i Tedrisiye-i Islamiye. "the military representin g the intelligentsia in Turkey must also be eligible.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S with regard to representation that are to be found in Young Ottoman publications stated that if a "representation centrale nationale" were to be created. despite all. The (.anta. the army was still the most trustworthy element working for reforms in the empire. The Young Ottomans having been scattered.anta ( Istanbul. in the fall of I 8 68 . note 3 1 . 7 8 <. p. which was being published by a young staff officer by the name of Menemenli Rifat and which included patriotic-literary articles as its main staple. led the Ottoman army to play may be evi­ denced in the career of Hilseyin Vasfi Pa��" The latter fled to Europe when. The editor.

the doctors of Islamic law who made up the institu­ tion of the llmiyye. that the role played by this estate of the Ottoman realm was much more subtle than one gathers from such sweeping generalizations. Siileyman Pa§a. the influence of the West was not entirely without its effect on the third order of the Ottoman Empire. so Namik Kemal. D. . It would seem. officers of the age of twenty and twenty-two. . who could have believed it? . If ten years ago. 4 2 I6 ff. . Who are those who are so rash as to deny all hope for this nation . at a time when the state. and who proclaim that the education of its people is an impossible task . .THE A N TE CEDE N TS Ottomans . n. The contention is thus advanced that the ulema "naturally" thwarted all at­ tempts at reform. . an angel had descended from Heaven and announced that within ten years. pp. however. . having decided to publish a military j ournal could not find among the officers more than two or three ex-clerks [competent enough to do the j ob] . ? "1 9 Finally it was the military who had the most important role to play in the deposition of Sultan Abdulaziz in 1 8 76. and even our own pupils. The general who provided the armed forces that supported the coup relates in his memoirs that it was the despair he felt at the Ottoman Empire's ever catching up with the West that made him rebel. .80 If the "men of the pen" and the "men of the sword" had been molded in a comparatively short span of time into a new and Westernized elite. . were to become the leaders of the nation and maybe the inventors of its literature. TH E U L E M A The obvious decay of the institution of the 1 lmiyye had led students of this order to make hasty generalizations about the ulema which are incorrect and misleading. . While examples may be given of ulema who were adamant in their 79 Kuntay. Hiss-i lnkilab. 2 3 1 . .

8 1 a number of them appear to have worked in collaboration with the reformist sultans. 8 4 See below. philosophical sciences. Geschichtsschreiber. The classical statement of the case for the estab-· lishment of the Nizam-i Cedid. th e lecturer in philosophy of the Be�ikta� Society. made up more than one half of the subjects which Kethildazade had studied. Thus when the permission was first granted to establish a Turkish-run printing plant. 8 6 8 l Such as. 7 . 34. The educational background of Kethildazade Arif Efendi. vr. 8 2 One of the projects of reform pre­ sented to Selim was that of Tatarc1k Abdullah Molla. astronomy. was also an alim. mathematics. the §eyhulislam Ahmed Esad Efendi had incurred the wrath of the reactionary ulema because he approved of the innovations of the sultan. and works on history. Even in the time of Sultan Selim. 3 4 5 . 3 44. 83 Cevdet. p. 43-5 2 . pp. 85 inal. is from the pen of an alim. 8 5 �fhis is borne out by other surprising examples of ulema interest in physical sciences and association with attempts to introduce new Western cultural implements. When the School of Engineering was established in I 734. all more or less suspect in Islam.84 gives an indication of the range covered in training the more sophisti­ cated ulema. �anizade. Son A sir. Tarih. Geometry. and the �eyhulislam Hamidizade Mustafa Efendi was dismissed due to the uproar caused by his attempts to reform the ulema. the translator of lbn Haldun. and philoso­ phy. Mir'at-i Mllhendishane. the new troops organized on a European model by Selim. pp. 82 See Babinger. the committee which was to supervise the printing of "dictionaries. Pirizade. algebra and geometry were taught by ulema. the Sey!iulislam Topal Ataullah Efendi who was the ringleader in the movement to depose Selim.8 3 a rnember of the religious estate. p. see also p. Mehmed Milnib Efendi. . as­ tronomy and geography" was m�de up of ulema.THE A N TE CEDE N TS antireformist attitude. It was another alim. 2 2 9 . 3 5 86 Esad. 34 for ·another mathe· · 2 I7 . for instance. who ordered experimental apparatus from France for this school. the brilliant member of the Be§ikta§ Society.

. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. p. 29. the concentration of the educational ·resources of the empire to train better civil servants matician. the Abdiilmecid's first Minister of Education. came from a long line of ulema.were being carried out. Son A sir. Tarili. Another liberally inclined alim was <. 1.T HE A N T E CE D E N T S During the reign of Mahmud. v1. 9 1 inal. Ubicini. one of the · statesmen instrumental in the secularization of education and a protector of the Young Ottomans. With the one exception of the historian Cevdet Pa§a. his life was threatened and he had to be spirited out of the capital and given a diplomatic post in Germany. p. for by the I 8 6o's the sophisticated and open-minded ulema were almost extinct. 1 o 1 . Ke�ecizade8 7 and the S ey­ hiilislam Arif Hikmet Bey helped to carry out reforms. 88 The latter was sent to Rumelia in I 840 to see whether the principles enunciated in the charter of Giilhane . When Kemal Pa§a reached the point where he began interfering with religious educational institutions. Tarih. Tarih.'' Islam A nsiklopedisi ( 1 940 ) . inal.elebizade Hafidi Mehmed Zeyniilabidin Efendi. x. p. 2 3 6 f. 3 6 9-3 7 2 . ccArif Hikmet Bey. 9 1 The preceding argument as to the open-mindedness of the ulema does serve to dispel some of the fog cast on nineteenth­ century Turkish social history. 90 Sarni Pa§a. He had to be dis­ missed because of minor uprisings among the students of theology caused by his efforts at reforming the ulema. 90 Ergin. Hoca ishak. 5 64-5 6 8 . VI. Yet the argument is really of no use in explaining the association of ulema with Young Ottomans. 88 Fevziye Abdullah [Tansel] . who carried out the decision taken in the Meclis-i vala in I 8 3 8 to secularize pri­ mary education by establishing the modernized eight-year schools called Ru�diyes. was a member of the ulema. 1 7 2 . . the author of the first (four-volume) modern text­ book of mathematics in Turkish. Lutfi. 1 649. 8 9 Cevdet. although a layman himself. 8 7 Cevdet . 6 2 1 . pp. Son A sir. who in part owed his open-mindedness to the mentorship of Re§id Pa§a. La Turquie A ctuelle. 2I8 . 8 9 Kem al Efendi ( later Kemal Pa§a) .

1 3 3 2 / 1 9 1 3. to show that the primary purpose of the organization was Islamic. 9 8 See above.'' p. Belin.98 the causes for the closeness between the Young Ottomans and the doctors of Islamic law were a common loss of status and a common dislike for the "official" ulema. The challenge of providing the means to establish modern educational institutions was not taken up by an Islamic group until 1 8 64-1 8 65. "Ma'ruzat. With his demise. the Ulema-i Rusum. At first the school was named Cemiyet-i Tedrisiye ("Instruc­ tion Society" ) . 6 7. Chapter IV. although instruction was carried on along modern lines. but this name was later changed to that of ("Islamic Educational So­ ciety") . according to Cevdet. An illustration of the way their alliance worked may be found in the establishmen t of the Cemiyet-i Tedrisiye-i lslamiye. the really learned alim had disappeared. has remained as a center of conservatism. 2 7 1 . 8 . Tedrisiye-i 1slamiye 9 2 Cevdet Pa§a. Even today this lycee.1 9 1 4 ) . "De !'Instruction. broad-minded ulema. XVI . the Daruuafaka. The ulema had not reacted constructively for a long time to the efforts of the Tanzimat leaders to spread education among a wider strata of the population. an association which began as an adult education society and eventually laid the foundation for a lycee where Islamic ideals prevailed. xv. p.T HE A N TE CE D E N T S had resulted in a decrease of the well-educated. I 2 19 . (May 1 92 6 ) . H Cemiyet-i Tedrisiye-i islamiye Salnamesi (Istanbul. Cevdet Pa§a himself considered the date of the death of the §eyhiilislam Arif Hikmet Bey ( 1 8 5 9 ) to be a landmark in this prot:ess. What is striking in this case is that the impetus to Cemiyet-i. That year instruction began to be provided which had as a goal the dementary education as well as the religious training of indi­ gent Moslems-shopkeepers and poor government employees who had not had the benefits of formal schooling.'' T TEM (July 1 9 2 5 ) . 2 3 0. I 6 8 . 9 2 In reality. or ulema who were granted diplomas as the result of their connections. The following wer e the influences which led to the creation of this institution. as has been pointed out before.

for instance. later Minister of Finances . The society. For Tevfik Pa§a see Govsa. the proportion of each of these elements among the founders reflecting the proportion in which they are also found among the Young Ottomans.and middle-level bureaucrats. 1 3 . n r. p.. two employees of the ministry of foreign affairs. Tevfik Bey ( later known as Mii§'ir Vidinli Tevfik Pa§a ) . 1 1 . two field officers. the institution was enlarged and made a military preparatory school on the model of the French "Prytanee Militaire de la Fleche. Tahir. in particular. 97 Salname. five em­ ployees of the bureaus of the ministry of war ( employed mostly in financial capacities ) . for a few years published a perioqical entitled Mebahis-i ll­ miye ( "Scientific Questions") . A complete survey of the sponsors reveals again an alliance between the lower. Turk Me§hurlari. none of the sponsors. were almost all on mathematics. it is interesting that the proceeds of the first "officers' literary magazine" in the empire. p. one p olice department head." Salname. i. which is reported to have been in great demand among the students of the Imperial Military Academy. however. were to go to th e Educational Society. the less important ulema. M uh tar Bey. and another military man. five employees of the ministry of :finances. 95 A breakdown of charter members of the organization reveals that a number of ulema were also among the sponsors . Tev:fik Pa§a's works. one librarian. the 95 The three initiators of the new Islamic school were Yusuf Bey. Osmanli Muellifleri. one alim sitting on commercial courts. a former director of the Ottoman school in Paris. were of top rank. This already establishes an affinity between the social origins of the sponsors and those of the Young Otto­ mans. The Educational Society was also an institution which greatly interested the intellectuals who gathered in the edi­ torial offices of the Tasvir-i Efkar and. an officer ( later known as Gazi Ahmed M uhtar Pa§a ) .T H E A N T E CE D E N T S establish this new educational institution came not from the ulema but from a group of government employees. 96 In the case of the Cemiyet the collaboration with the mili­ tary can be traced fairly accurately. and the military. interestingly enough. undersecre­ tary or higher.e. 2 5 8 . p. th e 9anta. 3 8 0 . 220 . 97 Again. three employees of the bureau of the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs. 9 6 The following were these sponsors : two employees of the ministry of education ( ulema ) . Later. on the advice of Sak1zh Esad Pa§a.

were provided with a·n instrument of protest. 99 Salname. Among the liberal­ minded members of the llmiyye who were associated with the Young Ottomans were such figures as Veliyeddin Efendi. Namik Kemal. 9 . 1 8 6 6 ) . the stu­ dents of Islamic law with only a mediocre future to look for­ ward to. The manifestations of students of religion (Softas) which were decisive in I 8 76 in forcing the appointment of Ril§dil Pa§a to the grand vizierate become intelligible in this perspective.9 8 Nam1k Kemal while still in the capital was a volunteer instructor in spelling at the school. It is due to these factors that the Young Ottomans were able. Furthermore. and above Chapter I I . 100 On the same occaa few paragraphs of praise see Tas'Vir-i Efkar ( 1 5 Safer 1 2 8 3/­ J une 3 0. the thousands of ulema in training. 10 ° Kuntay.. were quite turbulent. at a time when the Young Otto­ mans were obliged to flee Turkey. caused the religious stu­ dents studying under him to band together and manifest noisy displeasure in front of the palace gates. a member of the ulema. p. It might be useful to remember in this connection that the ulema. 99 Quite apart from this specialized cas e of cooperation be­ tween the ulema and the Young Ottomans. 2 . with the arrival on the scene of men who were bent on saving traditional Ottoman values. i. more religiously inclined than the generation of statesmen who had succeeded Re§id Pa�a. 1 1. These were the same students who earlier had been used by obscurantist ulema to protest against reforms. despite theoretical strictures against disobedience to authority. In 1 8 59 the Kuleli conspiracy to unseat Abdiilmecid was led by a certain �eyh Ahmed of Siileymaniye. £or the first time. to gather the students of theology of Istanbul under the banner of such an essentially Western course as political representation.THE A N T E CE D E N T S Young Ottomans. 98 For 221 . the Young Ottomans.e. what seems to have happened in a more general context is that. whose imprisonment in I 8 67. could also become a rallying point for the liberally inclined ulema. 47 1 . to the very limited extent to which the latter still existed. p.

1 9 2 8 ) xvn-xvm. thus lesser figures of llmiyye origins whose contributions are also important have been relegated to the background. He returned to Istanbul in 1 8 69 with the body of Fuad Pa§a. One of them. .THE A N TE CEDE N TS sion. Govsa. 101 Ibid. who had died at Nice. He was then made the dean of the Ottoman University which had been inaugurated a year before. however. 6 3 . Bereketzade Ismail Hakk1 Efendi. . Osmani. "Hoca Tahsin. and Hamid's brother Nasuhi. The attitudes of these men. the Young Ottoman Aksarayh �eyh Hasan Efendi was exiled to Cyprus." TTEM (June 1 . there were five people in all who were believed to be so dangerous that they had to be banished to far-flung corners of the empire. 102 [b t. 1 0 1 When five years later N am1k Kemal him­ self was exiled to Cyprus. where he acted at the same time as the "chaplain" of the Ottoman embassy.d . p. are an essential ingredient in the temper of the times. 1 0 3 He remained there for twelve years. 1 7 6 .. Hoca Tahsin Efendi had been sent to France by Re§id Pa§a to study natural sciences in an attempt to create a Westernized ulema elite. 1 1. An experiment in physics in which he engaged soon made him the target of the attacks of the ulema. 10 3 Necib As1m. Turk Me§hurlari. Ali Suavi. of later poetic fame. To illustrate the notion of vacuum. 102 The most colorful of the Young Ottoman leaders. 222 5 7- . Sicill-i . s on nA sir. 5 44 . When he began . Hoca Tahsin was also given the responsibility of keeping track of the faith and morals of the students at the Turkish school in Paris. The eventful career of Suavi had made him stand out in Turkish political and intel­ lectual history . was himself a member of the ulema. p. was an alim. 1 0 4 InaI. 1 04 During his stay he got to know the emigre Young Ottomans and established a close friendship with them. he had placed a pigeon underneath a glass bell. p . p. Two wards who were personally entrusted to Tahsin Efendi were Abdiilhak Hamid. Two enlight­ ened alims in particular deserve notice-Roca Tahsin Efendi and Sariyerh Hoca Sadik Efendi. 1 6 7..

had to discontinue his lectures. 1 3 1 1 / 1 8 9 3 . Selim Sabit Efendi is also known for having attempted to open one of the first elementary schools where modern principles of education were applied. 1 0 6 Ergin. Hurst and Blackett. 7 . Paris.1 8 9 3 ) . by Gaston-Martin. p. inal. apparently followed in the steps of his tutor.. Hamid himself has been 1 0 5 Lewis Farley lists four of the lecturers in physical sciences. and Industry" were errone­ ously interpreted by an ignorant-though influential-alim as placing arts and crafts and divine inspiration on a footing of equality." p .T H E A N T E CED E N T S to empty the receptacle and the bird suffocated. Tahsin Efendi thought he had proven his point. 1 09 which Nam1k Kemal also trans­ lated. Son A sir.I 9 0 9 (Cambridge. 1 09 As1m. 10 6 Tahsin Efendi's modernism may be witnessed in his publica­ tion of the first Turkish treatise on psychology. was to expose himself to accusations of performing magic. in reality. "Hoca Tahsin. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. n. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi.1 894) . p. 1 1 . See Constantin Fran�ois Chasseboeuf Comte de Volney. The Persian Revolution of I 9 05 . disregarding the earlier treatise by the Imperial Astrolo­ ger (Muneccimba§t ) Osman Saib. He was thus charged with being a heretic. 1 9 3 4) . 1 8 7 5 . see Ta'lim Ul-Kure ( Istanbul. Ahmed Sait Matbaas1. Esas-1 ilm-i Hey'et ( Istanbul. 1 850) . inal. p. Matbaa-i Safa ve Enver. and was eventually dismissed. Crafts. 1 3 1 0/1 8 9 2 . See Lewis Farley. 1 0 8 Hoca Tahsin. 1 9 1 o) . All he had done. The university was closed in December 1 8 7 0. 3 84. London . For further details see Mehmed Zeki Pakalm. 1 944 ) . all of whom were ulema. G. 10 7 Hoca Tahsin. 1 0 5 The university too was closed because the advanced opinions of Tahsin Efendi were being reinforced by those of Cemaleddin el-Afgan1. Caw­ bridge University Press.. 11 0 Tahsin's charge. p. Selim Sabit Efendi. Armand Colin. La Loi Naturelle ou Catechisme du Citoyen Franfais (ed. had been sent to Paris with Tahsin . 1 8 7 3 . Istanbul.1 5 6 . Son A sir. 1 84 8 . 1 40. For the text of this speech in English see :E.108 To him is also attributed a translation of Volney's Loi Naturelle. 6 0 . 1 0 1 He also wrote the -first expose of modern astronomical theories at a popular level. The latter had caused a scandal when his remarks on the subj ect of the "Advancement of Arts.p . p. Ergin. Son Sadriazamlar ve Ba§vekiller (Istanbul. IV. Browne. 465-46 8 . 1 8 7 2) . 1 10 See below. and one of whom. for like Tahsin he engaged in a translation of Volney's Ruins of Palmyra. Nasuhi. Chapter x.. Sirket-i Miirettibiye Matbaas1. 2 23 . 1 54 . Modern Turkey ( 2 nd ed. Psikoloji veya 1lm-i Ruh ( 2nd ed.

" These Hoca Tahsin understood to be first the Ottomans and then. This is much more prevalent among the Moslem populations. Les Ruines ou Meditations sur les Revolutions des Em­ pires ( 2nd ed. 1 11 By the end o f his li fe Hoca Tahsin.mesi. the Albanians. incurred the disfavor of the Porte b e cause he mentioned the evils of oppression in his sermons. 1 4 8 6 . . who had set the mood of the times only a decade earlier-were combined with a desire to unite and enlighten his "own people. 1 1 06 . 111. "Hoca Tahsin. 1 945-1 949) . Comte de Volney. to whom he felt attached by ties of local patriotism. ( [Istanbul] . Because of these sermons Sadik Efendi was accused of favoring the Young Ottomans and was exiled to Syria. . was trying to establish Islam on naturalistic foundations. presence of the Sultan have dared state to his face that he • 111 i nal. • • . . 112 Lemi Elbir. taking as his point of de­ parture the indivisibility of the atom. The discontent of the Moslems is mostly evidenced by the daring shown in religious publications .. . p. in the . Paris. 224 p. Desenn e . living in a room cluttered with scientific instruments. 1 7 9 2 ) ." A ylik A nsiklopedi ( Istanbul. for he had been born in Yanya ( Yannina) . With this came strong humanitarian convictions which-not unlike those of Mazzini and d'Azeglio. in the narrower sense. 1 1 2 Tahsin Efendi's incursions into · modernism were mostly cultural . Turk Melkurlar1. . Fransiz Muelliflerinden Volney nam zatin "Les Ruines de Pal­ myre" unvaniyle yazmii oldugu makalattan bazi fikralarm tercil. 1 9 6 . Son A sir.. for Volney. 335. Sar1yerli Hoca Sadik Efendi. against the governments . . 11 3 A contemporary French periodical made the following comment on this banishment : "It is not only among the Chris­ tian populations that reigns at this mo�ent a lively and deep seated agitation. of Ali and Fuad Pa�a. .THE A N T E CEDEN T S quoted as having said that it was through reading his brother's translati�ns of Volney over and over that he became interested in Western literature. on the other hand. Govsa. • p. Ulemas who were delivering sermons on the Ramazan . . "Sadik 118 Efendi. 1 2 8 8/1 8 7 1 ) . For Kemal's tra nslat i on see [Nam1k Kemal] . Constantin Fran�ois Chasseboeuf.

For he preached in Istanbul [the merits of] democ­ racy. L I I I . 1 1 1 Ergin. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. they had achieved much more in the Westernization of the bureaucracy and the army on the lines that had already been laid down by lahmud. 116 Govsa. Turk Me�hurlari. John of Acre. 1 8 69. was the extent to which the ulema had kept up with the times. This. who had controlled it at the primary and secondary level to that date. p. 2 25 . JE. 3 69. February 1 5 . Re§id Pa§a and his colleagues had been only partially successful in influencing the ulema into European ways . liberty. What advances were made in spreading general knowledge. brotherhood between all men be they Christian or Moslem. 3 6 8. By I 866 one author 1 1 4 Gustave Flourens. 3 3 5 . 11 6 The significance of the overwhelming preoccupation of the intel­ lectuals of the time with this work will be discussed later." 11 4 After having de­ scribed the saintliness of Sadik Efendi. 11 5 Ibid. Greek or Ottoman. p. 1 3 4 . for a letter of Nam1k Kemal referring to this incident see Kuntay. then.T H E A N T E CE D E N TS would lose his ·empire and his people. the author of the article added : "Such is the man that the government of Ali Pa§a has just arrested and interned in the fortress of St." 11 5 Sadik Efendi is credited with the writing of a manuscript taking up the ideas of the Abbe Fenelon's Telema que.111 This was an attemp t to wrest education from the exclusive grip of the ulema. 1. 4 1 9. however." l'Illustration ( February 2 7. TH E REFORM IN LANGUAGE AND THE ATTEM PTS TO GEN­ ERALIZE EDUCATION Even in the 1 83o's Sultan Mahmud had established eight­ year schools called Ru�diye ( "maturity schools") which aimed at providing a wider program of studies at the elementary level than the local Koranic schools ( "mahalle mektebi") . 6. In 1 847 a Ministry of Education was created. Namik Kemal. 1 869 ) . pp. In :r 845 a commission was created a:t the Porte to reorganize the entire educational system. "Sadyk Efendi. must be laid at the door of Re§id Pa§a's reforms. equality. Hurriyet.

like Re§id Pa§a and the §eyhul­ islam Arif Hikmet Bey had already reached the highest points of their career. they lived only to overembellish their style with ornamentation and did · n ot go beyond various types of poetry and rhetoric. This proved more difficult than had been anticipated. . Engelhardt. 1 2 ' Jbid. pp.. 3 6 2. 1 2 0 Many of the members of the academy were later to become famous statesmen (Ali. p. see p. . the others remained in the draft stage. that in the past " . . 1 2 4 That more was meant by the creation of the Ottoman Academy of Arts and Sciences than the mere preparation of texts. 1 2 1 Ibid. 226 . These statutes declared.d . most writers limited their ambition to making a show of eloquence and vying with each other for the palms of success . 1 8 2· • . for a list of members. inaugurated in 1 850. is clear from the introduction to the statutes of the academy. Fuad. Thus efforts were concentrated on the founding of institutions which would help break the ground for the university. La Turquie. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. d'Eschavannes. 12 0 E .. n. 119 One of these was the Imperial Academy of Arts and Sciences (Encu­ men-i Dani�) . 3 6 8 . 1 2 3 This book is one of the three texts that ever reached print . Revue de l'Orient de l'Algerie et des Colonies ( 1 8 5 2 ) . and that there was envisaged an Encyclopedist move­ ment having as its goal the simplification of the Ottoman language and the spreading of knowledge. u 5 . 12 s Tanpmar. 2 3 9 . with the establish­ ment of the Commission on Education. in most refined Ottoman. "De !'instruction publique. p . 1. 121 One of the immediate tasks of the academy was to be the preparation of texts to be used in the Ottoman university. cf. 7 7. For the names of the other books and the manuscripts which were not printed . 122 lb i. 3 6 1 -3 7 2. 1 2 2 The writing of an Ottoman grammar was as­ signed to Fuad Efendi and Cevdet Efendi. 118 One of the deci­ sions of the commission was to found an Ottoman university.. ''Academie des Sciences d e Constantinople. p . 3 7 0 ff. Conse1 1 s Belin. 2 2 2 . x1 1 . Cevdet) . XIXncu A sir. the secularization of education had become an accomplished fact.» p. while some.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S could make the categorical statement that. · 1 19 Ergin. .

The new approach to language indicated that the general reader and the man in the street were beginning to be given an importance which they had not been able to acquire in the eyes of the intellectuals of a bygone social order. ."1 25 This certainly was not an attitude which could have been said to be favored by Ottoman classicists. Yet it is well known that the salutary goal of general civilization can only be reached by the prior diffusion of di­ verse kinds of knowledge. . The contempt felt by Selim Ill's envoy to France. the lower classes eliciting no profit from them.THE A N TE CEDEN TS quently the pearls which had been previously retrieved from the ocean of science remained hidden in the shells of an abstract terminology and ideas were enveloped in the veil of subtleties. Similar to the virginal betrothed they could not make their face seen to the gaze of all. insistence is [hereby] placed on the drafting of scientific and technological books written in a single style and fitted to the needs of popular intelligence so as to provide the means of widening and completing its instruction. as may well be imagined. while encouraging the production of purely literary works aiming to entertain men of discrimination. "The Impact. Consequently. "Thus praises be to God that from the day on which he ascended the imperial throne our most exalted and most powerful master has directed his attention to intellectual cul­ ture in all provinces of the empire ." pp. At1f Efendi. 3 64. for political ideas expressed "in easily i ntelligible words and phrases" 1 26 is char­ acteristic of the earlier disdain with which linguistic simplicity was regarded. In the mind of Re§id Pa§a it was undoubtedly formulated as 1 2 5 d 'Eschavannes. . 3 6 3 . 1 2 1 ." p. Such writings. It is hard to determine under what circumstances the feeling originated that the Ottoman language ought to be simplified. and has in particular undertaken to propagate civilization among the popula:r classes. 1 26 Lewis. "Academie. were accessible only to the intelligence of the cultivated minds.

Turk Dilinde Gelirme ve Sadeleime Safhalari (Ankara. Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Bas1mevi. "As1m. one of the fruits of the personal efforts of Re§id at a time when his star had not as yet risen. 1 29 Developments along the same line occurred independently of the will of Re§id Pa§a. 1v. without realizing it. and more natural. freer. Hamdi Tanpmar. The process of simplification may be traced even earlier to the style of the historian As1m . J.1 2 8 was visualized as a medium of informa­ tion . Before the Young 121 Agah S1rr1 Levend . 1 1 1 . 1 21 The Ottoman Gazette. Gibb points out. 1 8 0 Even Akif Pa§a. "This faithful disciple of the old classic teachers who neither knew nor cared to know a word of any Western language . Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. . p . Tarih. and to create for himself a style at once simpler. "Akif Pa§a." Islam Ansiklopedisi ( 1 94 2 ) . 665-6 7 3 . 1 949) . and espe­ cially the official level.'' Islam Ansiklopedisi [ 1 94 1 ] . 245-246 ) . which he handed down as a priceless legacy to his successors. Although Ahmed Hamdi Tanpmar dis­ agrees with Gibb's interpretation (see A. a contemporary Turkish poet and states­ man who cannot be described as anything but a "pure" reac­ tionary. to cast aside the old. Kopriilii. 1 s 1 Gibb. As E." 1 3 1 The next stage in this process was the consolidation of these linguistic gains by the Young Ottomans. was yet moved . p . . W. cumbersome phraseology which swathed and shackled Ottoman prose. see Ergin. 1. see F. 446. 129 "Mukaddeme-i Takvim-i Vekayi. 1. Thus the first time the practice of teaching Turkish by using Arabic grammars was abandoned was in I 846: In that year a professor at the Imperial Military College had to com­ pose a Turkish grammar because military science did not lend itself to the use · of the intricate and overloaded Ottoman of the time. Ottoman Poetry. . 3 2 8 . 1 5 8 . it is significant that both Nam1k Kemal and Ziya made the same j udgment about Akif as Gibb. 12s For this aspect of Re§id Pa§a's activities. was led." in Lfitfi.f or the people. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. however­ a fact which showed that the general increase in communica­ tions exerted a driving force in the direction of language reform. "Kaf/e-i teb'a-yi devlet-i A liyye'' is the expression used. .THE A N TE CEDEN TS a means of facilitating communication at all levels. 1 ao Ergin. 9 7. . to fall in with linguistic simplification. p . 446.

Nluhbir. Ferruh Efendi himself was a man of con­ siderable learning in Islamic subjects. and the lengths to which they would go to satisfy that curi­ osity. 13 5 Its members met in the yali ( "seaside mansion" ) of Ismail Ferruh Efendi between Be§ik­ ta§ and Ortakoy. "unspoilt" Turkish of the pre-Islamic era. 1 . 1 8 5 See Ismail Hakk1 Uzuncar§th. X I I . is vividly depicted by one of them. 4-7 . Liitfi. p. Kethi. 1 83 Ali Suavi.THE A N TE CEDEN TS ()ttoman movement had reached a noticeable momentum. p. despite his strong classical bent. a member of the ulema and a state official o f high rank who was the society's lecturer on phi­ losophy : "In the time of the Janissaries. 1 3 4 Ertaylan. 4 8 5-5 2 5 . 1. concise. astronomy. Suavi's protests against classical double talk. One of the first serious contacts between the Ottoman intellectual world and the Western intellectual realm at a nongovernmental level was established in such a salon-the so-called Be§ikta§ Scien­ tific Society ( Be�ikta� Cemiyet-i llmiyesi) . reply to a reader's letter. and philosophy. "�iir ve in§a'." B elleten (July 1 9 5 6 ) . 1 5 0 . also. 1 6 9 . xx.idazade Arif Efendi ( 1 777-1 849) . F'.1 33 and the task undertaken by Ziya Pa§a. T H E SALON S AND T H E FI RST TRANSLATIONS Private discussion groups of a . p . Mi. I would go to Beyoglu [the European section of Istanbul also known as Pera] to the church which had an organ. for Ziya Pa§a's own theory o f simplifica­ tion see Ziya Pa§a. 1 6 8 . Ziya Paia. and simple Turkish. It took place in the I 8 6o's and was the proliferation of salons. 1 8 4 Thus the setting was prepared for another development. 1 82 Later we come across �inasi's use of clear. literature. 1 84. XIXncu A sir. Cevdet. 1 5 3 . and would step up 1 8 2 Tanpmar. September 7. "Nizam-1 Cedid Ricalinden Valide Sultan Kethiidas1 Me§hur Yusuf Aga ve Kethiidazade Arif Efendi. The curiosity that the members of this circle felt with regard to "Frankish" customs.inif Pa§a in the 1 8 5o's was elaborating a style accessible to as wide an audience as possible.literary nature were not unknown in traditional Ottoman culture." Hurriyet. which also reminds us of the activities of the Encyclopedists. Tarih. pp. The society de­ voted its sessions to the study of mathematics. to go back to the original. 229 . 1 8 6 8 . 2 7 Zilhicce 1 2 8 3 .

And at one time I used to go to the British embassy ball. "The Destruction of the Janissaries. �anizade was the closest approximation to an Encyclopaedist who ever lived in the Ottoman Empire. There would be as many as four or five hundred Franks with black hats and no Moslem other than myself. 346. a religious order dissolved because of its connection with the Janissaries. "Nizam-1 Cedid. 1 1 0. medicine and astronomy. 1 3 8 According to the historian Lutfi. Reed.. who was quick to take um­ brage at any activity which he did not control. Tarih. Also. quoting Arif Efendi 's Menakib. 1 1 6. Die Geschichtsschreiber. in his works. physics. painting. who was j ealous of �anizade's learning in the field of medicine. But after the Nizam arose [after the abolition of the Janissary corps and the establishment of the new army of Mahmud I I ] and the Janissary order was abolished I did not go. They would offer me snuff. 23 0 . He has been described as "an unusual Ottoman learned man" 1 87 in that he spoke and wrote French fluently and had a wide knowledge of military affairs and organization. poetry. the Be§ikta§ group was soon suspected of "disrespectful attitudes. The latter pretext was eventually used to get rid of the leader of the Be§ikta§ Society." p. inal. This." 1 36 The reason Arif Efendi "did not go" any more was that he was accused. See Sanizide. 1v." p. One Moslem . P· I I i 8. mathematics. the historian �anizade. added to the palace intrigues of the court physician Mustafa Beh�et Efendi." by which is proba­ bly meant that Sultan Mahmud. 1 36 Uzun�ar§th. take me into their rooms and feel pleased. Saniz ade was also one of the first Ottomans to give a description. began to fear they were a nucleus of political conspiracy. 1 3 8 Babinger. and even matchmaking. music. 1 3 7 Howard A. Son A sir. p . . 96. and he did not want the Porte to use this excuse to banish him.among all these Franks was a funny sight. of favoring the Bekta§i.THE A N TE CEDEN TS to the gallery and sit quietly without taking off my kavuk [long conical hat around which the turban was wound] . of European representative institutions. I would sit with a white turban over my kavuk. 3. 5 04. eventually. pp. 3 8.

Histoire. xvn. Ibid. 2 4 1 -2 4 2 .142 Hammer. who was to serve six times as Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Tanzimat era . the historian. 1 41 T he translator into Turkish o f Fenelon's T eUmaque . p. 2 3 6.140 later Minister of Pious Foundations and the author of a text on surveying . p. Ahmed Cevdet Pa§a's instructor of Persian was Ferruh Efendi . More imp ortant still. . 2 4 1 :ff . the first man to trans­ · late a mildly p olitical work from Western sources. Savfet P�§a. the fact that �anizade's great-grandfather �ani Ahmed Dede was a Bekta§i leader is thou ght-provoking. whom we see next as chairman of the committee of the Porte which in I 84 5 reorganized the Ottoman educational system. see below pp. Among the students trained at this center were many who later rose to important positions. Kethiidazade was saved by the intercession of a friend. pp . See I inal . 14 2 Ergin. the Be§ikta§ Society trained Melek Pa�azade Abdiilkadir Bey. as a boy took lessons from Kethiidazade. Kabuli Mehmed Pa§a ( died 1 8 77) . from which at least two Young Ottomans were to graduate . referred to Melek Pa�azade Abdiil­ kadir as "l'un des oulemas les plus erudits de l'empire Turc. 1 1 0. post face. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi . who provided free instruction to anyone who showed an interest in the learning its members could offer. later teacher of Persian at the Imperial School of Music. Such were Ahmed Tevhid Efendi. which was made equivalent to that of ((freethinker. 1 43 Hammer. members of the society. 5 1 3 .. later Minister of Foreign Affairs . 5 1 4. pp. another member of the Be§ik ta§ Society. of reformist and constitutionalist fame.THE A N TE CEDEN TS caused �anizade t o b e exiled o n the official grounds that he had connections among the spiritual mentors of the Janissaries. 23 I p .. Hammer also 18 9 Although these accusations are usually dismissed as false. p .3 8 0 . In the case o f Kethiidazade the accusation of Bekta§ism." barely missed its mark. the Bekta§i. Son A sir.141 Midha t Pa§a. 140 T he following information about the men who were trained i n the society is based on the information given by Uzun�ar§Ih in "Nizam-1 Cedid. For the importance of this committee see below. xxii et seq. 3 6 8 ."143 By citing his correspondence with AbdUlkadir. note 1 .139 Lutfi also indicates that an important j ob of proselytizing was being carried on by the ." pp . Emin Efendi . Yusuf Kamil Pasa. 3 5 . It may be that the family had retained contacts with the Bekta§i even in the early nineteenth century. Ibid.

3 44 . Son Sadriazamlar. Ayetullah Bey's father. Abdurrahman Sarni Pa§a. I I I . 1 3 3 2/ 1 9 1 6 ) . Subhi Pa§a. I I .144 Husrev Pa§a was engaged through­ out his life in educating the members of his household in this fashion and f oµnd time to train scores of young men who later became government officials of the highest rank. 6 1 2 ."146 The task of this guest of distinction was to serve as teacher for the instruction of guests or members of the household. 2 2 0 ff . p. p. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. Apart from salons there had also existed in the Ottoman Empire a tradition of grooming the children of a household for government service and of making the children of slaves and domestics participate in this educational process. 2 5. was brought up in such surroundings. A hmed Cevdet Pa§a ve Zamant ( Istanbul. In this. Kanaat. Subhi Pa§a was continuing a tradition inaug­ urated in his family by his father. and at least one of them.T H E A N T E CE D E N TS gives indications that the communications of foreign savants were being read in the Be§ikta§ group . "Husrev Pa§a. was an historian in his own right 1 4 8 and had gained fame as a ·Maecenas who harbored well-known European as well as Eastern scholars in his h ouse.'' p. . Ergin. Geschichtsschreiber.. See also Fatma Aliyye. also. and the foci of intensive cultural activities. 2 1 2. 1 44: Halil inalc1k. When the Young Ottoman movement was in its inception these salons were at the peak of their activity. 1 47 whom we have already encountered as one of the Turks in the service of Mehmed Ali. Every owner . All the members of the Young Ottoman movement were active in these circles. Briefe uber Zustande und Begebenheiten in der Turkei (4th ed. 23 2 . This was called the gulam system. 9 9 · 1 4 5 Moltke. 1 4 7 Sicill-i Osmant. p. p. Helmuth von Moltke. toe. Ayetullah Bey. 2 3 5 . p. Mitler. 3 1 6 . for another salon organized by one of the servants of a member of the Be§ikta§ Society who seems to have made go o d in a surprisingly short time. as well as educational institutions. 1 4 6 inal. I 8 8 2 ) . and above . of a large mansion tried to get at least one learned man "in residence. Berlin. l 4 8 B abinger. 1 1 .cit. 1 415 But during the reign of Sultan Abdulaziz mansions became centers of discussion. 3 6 8 ff . Turk Me§lutrlari.

at the time of Ibrahim Pa§a's invasion of Syria. see A. Sent as a consular representative of the Hanseatic towns to Istanbul in 1 846. The most active in fostering this movement was M-Unif Pa§a.15 4 who was born in I 8 2 8 . a confirmed enemy of the reactionary ulema. Mahmud Nedim Pa§a. he was appointed j udge in the newly formed Turkish commercial courts in 1 8 60. One of Sarni Pa§a's innumerable sons. 2 3 7 . pp. 7. 1 . Said Pa§a also accorded his protection to Ali Suavi. Heinz Lafaire. 1 9 2 5 ) . philosophy. 8 . 1 9 3 0 ) . 1 49 Both Pa�a's children were tutored in history. p. 1 649. 1. was a.155 His father was an alim who. 99 7 et seq. Son Sadriazamlar. VI. I (NS) . 155 See above. 152 Salons were also to be found in the houses of Eginli Said Pa§a. known as "Said Pa§a the Englishman" because he had studied mathematics at Edinburgh. For biographical data. inal. Andreas David Mordtmann was a German orientalist. see inal. D. "Miinif Pa§a. 151 Baki Bey greatly admired Ali Suavi.'' T TEM ( M ay. 1 5 1. 2 00. Hanover. pp. pp. 15° For Sarni Pa§a see Sicill-i Osman1. Mordtmann. Son A sir. XIXncu Asir.cit.THE A N TE CEDEN TS the first Minister of Education unde r Abdiilmecid. Sari kli lhtilalci A li Suavi. 153 The dis­ cussions undertaken in these mansions were accompanied by a simultaneous attempt to introduce into Turkey the ideas that were part of the cultural patrimony of the West. Son A sir. The same holds true for the man­ sion of Yusuf Kamil Pa§a. by Franz Babinger. Baki Bey. true libertin. Anatolien (ed. had been 149 See above. Kemal was often seen at this house. see Tanpmar. 209. p.1 54 . Son Sadriazamlar. 233 · . 1 6. in. p. Turk Meihurlari. pp. Chapters I I . and law by the orientalist Mordtmann. . inal. For a full biography. 154 Ali Fuad. 1 5 s inal. the founder of Sassanid numismatics. and caused a minor scandal by the publication of an article of his on education expressing his secular convictions. inal.1 6. 3 44 . He remained in this position until 1 8 7 1 when he was dismissed by the gran d vizier. 150 Sarni Pa§a was a protector of Ali Suavi and gave him shelter for some time before this Young Ottoman had to flee Turkey in 1 8 67. 152 Ibid. for a treatment from the literary viewpoint. 151 K untay. Also.1 6 6 1 . p . foe. · a man whom we shall study in detail later. VI I -XI I I .

In 1 8 5 5 he was appointed Second Secretary of the Ottoman embassy in Berlin. 1 57 The literary product of Mu. Dialogue between the Greek Philosopher Democritus and Heraclitus. 1 5 6 This was a bolder move than meets the eye since philosophical speculation divorced from theology was considered heretical in Turkey . however. Imprimerie Daveroni et Sougioli. Oda-y1 Terciime-i Bab-1 Ali. XIX. pp. 158 Multaverat-i HikrJmiyy<. As early as 1 8 50 an attempt at familiarizing Ottoman audi­ ences with the foundations of Western culture had been made when an Armenian translated from the French into Turkish a history of Greek philosophy. "Democrite et Heraclite. Ceridehane Matbaas1. 1 2 7 6/1 8 5 9. ez Hulefa-yi Fenelon .T H E A N T E CEDEN TS taken on the staff of the latter as an instructor of Persian and Arabic for his children. 3 9. : Fransa Hukema-yi Benamindan Voltaire ve ve F o nte11 . Dersaadet [Istanbul] . 1 8 5 4) . In this year he provided the Ottomans with the first translation into Turkish of what may be termed the ideas of the Enlightenment. Paris. Maarif Matbaas1. Turk­ ish text facing French.1 8 6 0) . 15 9 Fenelon.I 8 3 O) .nif Pa�a's Westernization still was a novelty.. 1 9 4 3 ) . Miinif Pa�a therefore completed his studies in Egypt.15 8 The translation contained the following dialogues : 1 . Fontenelle.159 1 5 6 Cricor Chumarian. I 8 1 . 23 4 . 4 0. I 8 2 0. because what was now being presented to an Ottoman audience was a small booklet made. See Abdiilhak Adnan Ad1var. In 1 8 59 he returned to the Porte and reentered the Translation Bu­ reau. up of selected dialogues from Voltaire.1 8 3 .d �e 'l 'elifatmdan (Miitercimi Miinif Efendi. A member of the ulema by the name of Hocazade had won this prize and his work was used thereafter as a standard reference to settle any similar argument. 1 57 In the reign of Sultan Mehmed II a prize had been offered by the sultan for the best refutation of the liberal stand toward "natural philosophy" represented by the Islamic philosopher ibn Rii§d and confirmation that the opposite stand taken by the philosopher Gazali was correct. and Fenelon.'' Oeuvres (Lebel Edition. He later returned to Turkey and entered the Translation Bureau in 1 852. A brege de la Vie des Plus lllustres Philosophes de l'A ntiquite (Smyrne [sic] . Osmanli Tiirklerinde llim (Istanbul.

Demetrius.. 1 6 1 Dialogue between Bayard and the High Constable on the Bearing of Arms Against One's Country. . garding the City of Cashmere. whether there was .inif Pa§a's Dialogues had been selected from Voltaire's Dialogues et Entretiens Philosophiques.. 1 70 1 ) ... 5 7-66. . 1 6 1 Fontenelle.'' pp.cit. 1 3 3 1 3 9. 160 Dialogue between the King of Athens. 1 6 5 Ihid.. pp.1 8 2 s) . 1 62 Dialogue between two philosophers by the name 0£ Posidonus and Lucretius on the Proof of Predestina� tion. Dialogue between a Philosopher and a Gardener Re­ 3. a deliberate choice. "Les Embellissements de la Ville de Cachemire.. 3 9-5 6. It is difficult to determine. and two of them were from the Dialogues of the Abbe Fenelon. "Un Philosophe et un Controleur General de Finances. 4. Dialogues et Entretiens Philosophiques. one of them was from Fontenelle's Dialogue des Morts. 162 Fenelon." toe.THE A N TE CE D E N T S 2 . It is 160 Voltaire. xix. 16 3 Voltaire. 6. Amsterdam.. and Mlle. 2 35 . Ma· dame de Maintenon. Nouveaux Dialo gues des Morts ( Nouvelle Edition. with the omission of one dialogue concerned with a Jesuit. Oeuvres ( Renouard Edition. "Un Sauvage et un Bachelier. 1 92 7. .. Pierre Mortier. 1-8. "Lu cr ece et Posidonus. Paris. 1 8 1 9. "Erostrate et Demetrius de Phalere. "Le Connetable de Bourbon et Bayard. her Old Friend. pp. 1 66 Ihid. 7.. 166 Five of Mi. in the Voltairian dialogues trans­ lated by Mi.1 63 Dialogue between the Wife [sic] of Louis XV. 5. Oeuvres.1 9 .inif Pa§a.. pp. 3 7 53 7 8. and Erostratus. �fhe translations fallow the order in which the dialogues are placed in the complete edition of Voltaire's works. which would not have meant much to an Ottoman audience. 1 64 Dialogue between a Philosopher and a Minister of Finance Regarding Public Administration. 1 6 5 Dialogue between a French Savage and a French Edu­ cator on the Subj ect of Man. . 1 64 Ibid. de l'Enclos. 1 4. "Madame de Maintenon et Mademoiselle de l'Enclos. 8. xxxu. pp.

"Les Embellissements de la Ville de Cachemire. 1 1 1 Eventually this standpoint and attitude was to culminate in its purest form in 16 7 Voltaire. au point que. XXXI .THE A N TE CEDEN T S interesting to note. 1 6 9 Voltaire. sans avoir eu ni de vrais philosophes. Turkfe Basmalar. ni d'architectes passables. Ils manquerent longtemps de manufactures et de com­ merce. . cit. The translation was by Abro Sahak Efendi ." 16 7 The thesis advanced by Voltaire's philosophe is that nothing lies in the way of exploiting natural and human resources for a country like Cashmere. 1 2 6 8 ) . . that of the points made in these dialogues. Karatay."110 This. . ni de vrais poetes. in the advice given by the philosopher to the con­ trolle� of :finances. ni de sculp­ teurs. Oeuvres. dans l'industrie et le travail. and an approach which may also be found among the partisans of Mahmud's reforms. "Un Philosophe et un Controleur General des Finances. 1 7 0 Ibid. . Schlechta-Wssehrd. est ."168 Again.. quand un marquis Cachemirien voulait avoir du linge et un beau pour­ point. op. As he states. 2 5 0.. the general idea is the same : "La richesse d'un etat consiste dans le nombre de ses habitants et dans le travail. 6. "Pour executer les plus grandes entreprises il ne faut qu'une tete et des mains. 2 2 . . Say >s Catechisme d'E conomie Politique. . 2 I . PP · 5 . however. 2 1 . the strongest set forth an "activism" which we have already encountered as a leitmotiv of Turkish progressive thought in the early nineteenth century. il etait oblige d'avoir recours a un juif ou un Banian. I . 7 2 4 . See llm-i Tedbir-i Menzil (Istanbul. was the very argu­ ment advanced at an earlier date by Sadik Rifat Pa�a in his economic analyses. p p . ni de peintres. p. as we saw. VI I . "Verzeichnis. .. l lb i"d." ZDMG ( I 8 5 3 ) . . This work of the popularizer of Adam Smith > s doctrine appeared in 1 8 5 2 ."16 9 "La vraie richesse d'un royaume . B. pendant plus de mille ans. a member o f the Imperial Academy of Sciences. 168 . p . 111 The first work t o appear in Turkey on modern European economic theories was a translation of J. Thus the first dia­ logue of Voltaire begins by painting a picture of Cashmere which reminds one of the stagnation of the Ottoman Empire : "Le Royaume de Cachemire avait subsiste plus de treize cent ans.

112 But the contrast with the fatalism prevalent at the end of the eighteenth century was striking even in these pioneer endeavors of Milnif Pa�a." Oeuvres. 1 8 7 9 ) . "Vatan." in Makalat-1 Siyasiy e ve Edebiye (ed." 1 1 6 Another theme encountered in these translations is that of patriotism. 2 5 �aban 1 2 8 3/January 3 . "Lucrece et Posidonus. 23 7 . Thus both Nam1k Kemal and Ali Suavi were to write articles on this very subj ect. Ali · Suavi." 1 7 4 Political implication s come out in the final dialogue. This again was the first instance of a theme treated at great length by the Young Ottomans. 1 1 . pp. l 74: Voltaire. settled by his assertion that nature could not be understood without the idea of a "supreme intelligence. 1 8 6 7 .THE A N TE C E D E N T S a. the one be­ tween Mme de Maintenon and her friend probably was a hint of the benefits that could be derived from the education of women. 43 . i n Ibid." pp . in Ozon. Selanik Matbaas1." lbret. 1 8 7 2. 1 7 5 In the case of Fontenelle dialogue. in which the Spirit of Laws was. 64. 2 73 3 ·. Part 1. 1 7 1 Nam1k Kemal. A good expose of the fatalistic attitude is contained in Gibb and Bowen. pp. xxx 1 1 . Istanbul. 6 5 . p. Fontenelle.n exposition. "Mukaddeme.. made to consist of the right of the propertyless to work for property owners. 1 3 2 7 [Mali] / 1 9 1 2 ) . Vol. 2 6 3-2 7 1 . This is the subj ect of the second of Fenelon's dia­ logues included in the Muhaverat. In the same dialogue. March 1 0. by the Young Ottomans. Sevda-yi Sayu Amel ( Istanbul. Milnif Pa§a's purpose is obscure in selecting a piece which amounts to the defense of the thesis that "passions do and undo all in this world. A more difficult problem into which to venture was Vol­ taire's discussions of the Prime Mover. Nouveaux Dialogues. by Ali :Ekrem [Bulayir] . of the benefits of hard work as such. stated to be those that were made by consulting the interest of the greatest number. "Un Sauvage et un Bachelier. p. 1 78 See also Ahmed Midhat. somewhat cynically. the best laws were also . 1 7 3 Of the other dialogues by Voltaire selected by Milnif Pa�a for translation and included in the Muhaverat. 3 9. Nam1 k Kemal ve lbret. however. Islamic Society. 1 7 6 Unless i t be meant as a n additional proof o f human control over events. 206. «Say. 1 11 1 1 2 Nam1k Kemal." Muhbir.

p . " De I' Instruction Publique. who pointed out that the term "Islamic philosophy" was a contra­ diction of terms. p.nun. Stambul. The Ottoman S c i e ntifi c Society was established by an imperial decree of the 24th of Zilkade 1 2 7 7 ( June 2 . 6 6 8. But it should not be forgotten that even by the publication of these innocuous pieces Miinif Pa�a was exposing himself to censure. 119 Mustafa I 74. English. pp. See " Mektup. Referred to hereafter as MF ( 1 2 7 9. the Ottoman Scientific Society . 2 3 0. 1 8 66-1 8 6 7 ) . and Western j uris­ prudence. No. The first government-subsidized program envisaged 1 7 8 [Mordtmann] . 1 9 2 . .. x r ." Le C ontemporain ( 1 8 6 6 ) .T H E A N T E CE D E N T S The intellectual ." The protest came from ulema. who thought of him as an atheist. stand taken in all of these dialogues was quite mild by comparison with a nineteenth-century European thought that had just begun to consider man in terms of bio­ logical evolution. 1 8 1 which appeared for three years.1 8 7 2 ) . A glance at the titles of some of the articles that appeared in the Journal is all that one needs to establish a parallel between the activities of this organization and the earlier work of scientific popularization undertaken by the encyclopedists in France. and a library o f 600 volumes.1 2 8 1/1 8 6 2. suffered two decades later for having used the term "Islamic philosophy. states that the protest came from the censors . to be highly criticized for his work by the ulema. 6. 1 80 The society published a periodical. 1 7 8 A good reminder of the extent to which the Dialogues constituted an innovation may be gathered from the rebuke that another Western-minded litterateur. Devlet Matbaas1. 1 8 ° Cemiyet-i Umiye-yi Osmaniye. 1 7 3 . It offered a reading room open every day exce p t Tuesdays from 3 to l 1 . 1 79 Hardly had three years gone by after the publication of the Dialogues when M ilnif Pa�a founded. in fact the piece appears to have been written by ulema. The society provided free · instruction in French. 1 s 1 Mecmtta-i FU. Dagarcik ( 1 2 8 8/1 8 7 1 . 1 9 3 4 ) . it had forty mem_bers and was presided over by Sarni Pa§a (see above. p. who might or might not have had an official connection. in fact. . Belin. in I 8 6 I . Nihat [Ozon] . Mttasir Tiirk Edebiyati Tari/ti (Istanbul. Ahmed Mid­ hat.1 8 6 3 . European newspapers. He was. the Journal of Sciences. 2 3 2 ) . 669. This periodical did not bear publication dates other than the year. 1 8 6 1 ) .

note I 7 1 . not directly sponsored by the Academy and which also appeared much later as a serial in the Tasvir-i Efkar. See below. an Ottoman grammar by Cevdet and Fuad of which thirteen editions appeared between 1 8 5 1 and 1 8 9 3. but appeared much later. 1 1 4. "De !'instruction. 1 83 MF (Muharrem 1 2 7 9/July 1 8 62 approx. 1 85 Ibid. Turkfe Basmalar. 8 6." TT EM (September 1 9 2 7 ) . Todoraki Efendi's translation of a History of Europe. 185 "University Lectures" . 3 0 1 . See [Abro Sahak] Avrupada l\ie§hur Ministrolarin Tercume-i Hallerine Dair Risale (Istanbul. p. p. and Aleko Efendi's book on the last campaigns of Napoleon. The two products of this later activity were a translation of what has been described as "Chamber's History» in an article by a European correspondent (probably Historical Questions. There also exists a General fl istory of Abro Sahak's in draft form . Another product of these activities was Cevdet Pa§a's History which was ordered by the Academy. See Tanpmar. The following are the titles of some of the articles that ran in the Mecmua-i Funun during its three-year publication : "Comparison between learning and ignorance" . xvn . presided over by M iinif.) . (Safer 1 2 79/August 1 8 6 2 ) . was given the task of translating into Turkish texts which the · committee had decided were of "scientific and commercial in­ terest. 18 6 "History 182 See Schlechta-Wssehrd . p. (Receb 1 2 79/January 1 8 6 3) . It was aimed at familiarizing the employees of the Porte with diplomatic history and practice. Takvimhane-i A. 18 4 Ibid. 3 0 8 . 2 2 9 . 5 3 i . 1 8 6 7. Belin. Say's Catechisme d'Economie Politique . This committee. "Tanzimattan Sonra Tiirkiyede Maarif Te§kilat1. Turkfe Basmalar. p. XIXncu A sir. B. similar were Ahmed Agribozi's History of Ancient Greece. Karatay. XVI . Such is Abro Sahak's translation of Voltaire's History of Charles XII. and the anti­ quated text on Geography of the French geographer Cortanbert." ZDMG ( 1 8 6 3 ) . 1 3 3 . Associated with these activities too was the Turkish translation of Buffon's Histoire Naturelle. This book was entitled Kavaid-i Osmaniye. 2 3 6. 186 Ibid. 1 8 4 "Introduction to the Science of Geology" . 23 9 . The third work was a manual containing biographies of famous European statesmen. 1. 1 1 1. 1. 6 5 . Much of the work done for the Academy remained at the draft stage. (see above. Three books had resulted from the first activities of the Ottoman Academy of Sciences. 18 3 "The Sci­ ence of the Wealth of Nations" . 1 8 6 5 ) . 6 8 26 84. X I ." See Lut:fi." Le Contemporain ( 1 8 6 6 ) .1 8 94. 2 62 . February 2. One was J. In July 1 8 6 5 a Translation Committee was established anew and attached to the Ministry of Education. (See Karatay. n. (Safer 1 2 7 9/August 1 8 6 2 ) . 2 0. note 3 5 . �aban 1 2 7 1/April-May 1 8 5 5 ) . a member of the Academy who later became Fuad Pa§a's secretary. «Mittheilungen aus Dem Orient : Ueber den Neugestifteten Turkischen Gelehrten-Verein. 1 3 8 . the second. pp. London. 1 3 o ) .mire. Its author was Abro Sahak E:fendi.T H E A N TE CE D E N T S by the Ottoman academy in 1 8 50 had not been successful.1 82 But n0w a number of essays appeared which gave Ottoman audiences their first contacts with the scientific ideas of the West. 1 1 . For both these works see Augsburger A llgemeine Zeitung.

'' 189 "The Unity of Theory and Practice. La premiere partie de ce recueil est encyclopedique." - · . No 1 . and action." ibid. the Mecmua was considered a great step in the Westernizing of Ottoman culture. 3 6 8-3 7 6 . 74-7 7 ) ." ibid. Son Asir. 3 1 7-3 20. 190 Mehmed Said Efendi. 2 8 1 -2 8 9. 44 8 . pp. 189 Mehmed �erif. pp. gives the text of a lecture by M iinif Pa§a at the Ottoman Scientific Society in which M iinif proposed the simplication of the Arabic alphabet as a measure to increase literacy. gout des sciences. no date [ 1 2 8 1/1 8 64. inal. It certainly exerted a lasting influence on the generation that saw its first appearance.. Thus there were articles in this periodical on "The Necessity to W ork. 1 8 6 9 ) ." MF.izum-u Say-ii amel. sobriety. Le seconde partie contient des romans scientifiques et divers articles ayant pour but de mettre les sciences et les arts a la portee des gens du monde.1 8 6 5 ] . Later. 44 Avenue de la Grande Armee. p. 1. the Young Ottoman Ali Suavi published a periodical. 1.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S of the Telegraph" . XIXncu A sir. Rebiiilevvel 1 2 8 0 t o X I I I . des lettres et des arts. which appeared about the same time in Sarni Pa�a's essay on "The Importance of Thrift.. 9 4 ." 19 0 "The Praise of Work and Criticism of Inactivity. pp. the first outlines of an interest in Moslems who lived out­ side the Ottoman Empire was evidenced19 2-an interest which was to acquire considerable importance among the Young Ottomans. 1 6 8 . 400." 18 8 The economic themes of work. pp. 1 6 7. This material was unfortunately overlooked in my survey of the Mecmua. 8 Cemazi­ yiilevvel 1 2 8 6 (August 8. Journal Encyclopedique Turc Bi-mensuel. "Recueil periodique ayant pour but de repandre le . the Ulum. (Zilkade 1 2 7 9/May 1 8 6 3 ) . 3 3 3-3 3 7 . pp." 191 Simultaneously. "�inde bulunan ehl-i islam. Paris. �aban 1 2 7 9/Jan-Feb 1 8 6 3 . �aban 1 2 7 9/Jan-Feb 1 8 6 3 . 188 lbid. "Meth-i say v e zemm-i betalet hakkmda me§ahir-i Ulema-y1 islamiyeden Kemalpa§azadenin Arabi risalesi terciimesidir. "Li. in the I 8 7o's. 1 3 29 . "Nazari ile ameli arasmda olan cihet-i vahdet. 1 4. For further information on Pertev Pa§a see Tanpmar. in his Turk Dilinde Geli�me ve Sadele§me Safhalari. Zilkade 1 2 8 1 /August 1 8 6 3 to September 1 86 5 . When it first came out. The text of this lecture apparently appeared in the Mecmua-i Funun in 1 2 8 0 (No. 18 7 "History of the Sages of Greece. pp. ' 1 9 1 Ethem Pertev. which undoubtedly was the intellectual heir of the Mecmua-i Funun.'' were also taken up in the Mecmua. xr. 192 Miinif [Pa§a] . 2 3 9 ." MF. 193 Suavi Efendi. ( Serial from xv.1 98 The 1 8 7 Ibid. Ramazan 1 2 7 9/Feb Mch 1 8 6 3 . ) Agah Sirrt Levend. Ouloum Gazatasy [sic] .

1 95 Telema que had been translated in 1 859. conveys the impression of being a romance. This is why in the 1 8 7o's the cultural pretensions of Suavi had a hollow ring even for his companions. 1 2 7 9/1 8 6 3 [sic] .) . Tabhane-i Amire. its true rneaning is in the nature of a philosophical law which includes all the arts of government that have as purpose the fulfillment of justice and happiness for the individual. Fenelon. was to state later that the Philosophical Dialogues had been influential in shaping the ideas of his generation. p. due to Suavi's determination to be a single-man editorial board. See Tanpmar. Tasvir-i Efkar Gazetehanesi. 1 44.19 4 The fir$t imperceptible step in this change of emphasis had already occurred with the appearance of Yusuf Kamil Pa§a's translation of the Abbe Fenelon's Telemaque. But even at the time of Milnif Pa§a's pioneer endeavors.. Istanbul. appear dated. What had happened was that the center of gravity shifted within ten years from works aiming to enlighten to works intending to convince. p. without page reference. 2 5 1 -2 5 3 . The reason for this popularity is perhaps best indicated in a book review which the poet and j ournalist �inasi Efendi wrote when the work was first printed : "While on the surface. con­ tributor. Tercume-i Telemak ( 1st ed.. Platonic tradition. one of the Young Ottomans.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S l!lum was distinguished mostly by its mediocrity. 19 6 The book was a mythical account of the upbringing of a prince of a royal household and his grooming for future kingship. Nos. the Young Ottomans. citing an article by Ebiizziya in Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar ( 1 9 1 0 ) . It circulated for some time in manuscript form in Ottoman salons. Istanbul. For lack of better expression this process might be termed the "politicization" of intellectual productions.rkfede Roman. 196 Yusuf Kamil. 1 2 79-1 8 6 2 . XIXncu Asir. in the best philosophical. TiJ. and publisher. a process was at work which quickly made his work of popularization. 2nd ed. 195 Ozon. 19 4 Even though Ebiizziya. The translation was an immediate success. the work of the famous French author. It was printed in August I 8 62 for the first time. entitled the Adventures of Tele­ tnaque. 1 5 3. and later that of S-µavi.

1 90-2 06 . "In his emphasis on the danger of luxury. necessity for education as the basis of · . is not hard to establish. was later to criticize him because Kamil did not _ have a popular enough style. "Les Idees Politiques de Fenelon. The work was therefore comparable to the Ottoman "mirrors. Ozan. for an Ottoman audi­ ence. 1 . Nam1k Kemal. followed by a just ruler. Now. Namik Kemal. London. this new "mirror" differed from those they knew in two respects. Yusuf Kamil Pa§a himself was quite worried that the deeper implications of his translations would not be understood. note 3 6. similar ideas were made pleasant.'' XVIle Siecle : Revue des Etudes du XVIIe Siecle ( 1 949 ) . there is. easy to read . 1 . • • • • . 1. It possessed the attraction which came from combining the ideal with the practical. Although traditional literature such as the Ottoman version of the fables of Bidpay did include stories with a political moral. Another student of Fenelon has remarked. "The Rise of Liberalism. First it was couched in the form of a novel. see Kingsley Martin. the philosophy expressed in Tetemaque was an attempt to revive the Platonic idea of the state. 2oo Kuntay. At an earlier time Sadik Rifat Pa§a had presented his projects of reform either in the shape of state reports or in that of for­ biddingly didactic pamphlets. 1 86 3 . His Telemaque was a means of indicating the path that he felt should be . at least for the literati. p. clearly enough. Turnstile Press. the evils of the idle class. 3 4 3 . for example. 1. Fenelon was the tutor of the Duke of Burgundy. p. "Payitaht.'' Encyclopedia of Social Sciences ( 1 9 3 2) ."1 9 7 What this "philosophical law" was."1 98 It also included a strain of Platonism that could be found in Islamic political treatises. 1 4 5 . French Liberal Thought in the XVIIIth Century (ed. 1 9 5 4 ) . by Kingsley Martin. Telemaque had more to do with every day life. tionary " Harold Laski. who was one step ahead of Kamil Pa§a. 2 Ramazan 1 2 7 9/February 2 1 . Chapter I I I . See also Roland Mousnier.T H E A N TE CE D E N TS "A superior work concerning such an exalted craft was in need of being translated into Turkish by an author possessing poetic talent and lofty style. something revolu .national well-being. I I 7 . and the . the son of Louis XV. 5 5 ." Tasvir-i Efkar. 5 6.. 199 According to one author. 198 See above. pp. 1 99 But if treatises taking up the discussion of the ends of government were known to Turkish audiences. Turkfede Roman. 2 00 1 9 7 Sinasi.

20 5 that those citizens who contributed to arts. already found in Sadik Rifat Pa�a.d. 20 3 lb i. like his own children. Istanbul.20 3 that commercial education should be encouraged. Nationalism and Social Com­ m1mications ( New York. so too its content was directed toward what has been described some­ what pedantically as "social mobilization. I O . pp.d . 5 3 .20 4 that rulers should look after the interests of their subj ects rather than indulge in costly wars so as to satisfy their ego.d. p . 1 2-1 3 . lowliest sub­ j ects.mel-i Hikemiye-yi Telemak ( translated by Yusuf Kamil Pa§a. 1 3 1 0/1 8 9 2." 20 1 The word kanaat ( frugality) . 20 4 Jb 't. . The use of political intimidation is decried 210 and luxurious living is condemned as a social evil of� great magnitude.. p . 2 . graft. 201 A thesis developed in Karl W. such as corruption.. I I .d .d. • 2 43 . 5 5 . 211 In addition. Fenelon was protesting against the very same types of abuses that had accompanied reforms in Turkey dur­ ing the Tanzimat. Deutsch. 20 8 It is stated · that artists should devote their attention to the glorification of those great men who had been of use to the fatherland20 9vatan-an incidental insight into the extent to which the aim of mobilizing national energies had already crystallized at the time of Fenelon.d . shortened edition of Tetemaque because it was edited by one of the Young Ottomans.d .1 8 9 3 ) .T H E A N T E CE D E N T S Secondly. I am using this . 2 3 . and "enlight­ ened" despotism.d. Ebiizziya Tev:fik. 2 6. 1 9 2 2 11 /h t. p." 201 Here we come across the familiar inj unction. just as the shape o f the message conveyed by Telemaque was devised to obtain a cohesive effect. 20 6 that affairs of the state should be en­ trusted to "councils. 208 lh t. sciences and commerce should be honored for these vital contributions." i. The selection of Ebiizziya consists precisely of those sections of the book that are the most obviously directed to social mobilization. 20 6 l b i. . . 20 Ih t.. • . pp. P · 3 7 0 Ih t. Cii.. 1 9 5 3 ) 202 [Fenelon] . . which often recurs.e. Matbaa-i Ebiizziya.d. p . 7 . 2 0 5 lbt.. p. p . 2 0 7 lh t. . 1 7 . that the ruler should love his "reaya. brings to mind what has been said about the capitalist "ethos" and its ramifications. 202 We encounter such remarks as that the satisfying of animal pleasures should be subordinated to the acquisition of knowledge. p.

·· zon. 21 2 The Young Ottomans too were to state at a later date that their demands for representation was only the revival of the Ottoman gov­ ernmental mechanism of the Me.5 f .. Refik.veret. 6. In this Sarni Pa�a pointed out that even though foreign works might be impossible to un der­ stand in the language in which they were originally written. and the series following in the Hilrriyet. The first clash between the encyclopedists and the j ournalists materialized as a row between MUnif and Refik Bey." such as �Ii and Mu§fik. This complaint is echoed by the Jeune Turquie with regard to the bureaucracy of the Tanzimat. . It was this aspect of the book which he asked his readers to keep in mind. One of his complaints was that the "parlements" were an essential in­ gredient of monarchic government in France and that by not convoking them the king erred grievously. also an employee of 2 1 2 Mousnier. A final indication of what Telemaque was meant to convey to Turkish audiences may be gathered from Sarni Pa§a's intro­ duction to the second edition. 21 4 A somewhat different manifestation of the trend of politici­ zation in the 1 8 6o's may be seen in the sudden proliferation of · newspapers and the creation of a new j ournalistic intelli­ gentsia combative and political rather than didactic and encyclopedic in its approach. ·• 214 a Tu. p. This idea of the uni­ versality of knowledge was one which went back to Enlighten­ ment thinkers. Septem­ ber 1 4. 2 44 .cit. a close friend of Kemal. meaning was universal. «Les Idees Politiques. p . M artin. op. . to whom reference was made in Chapter 1v.THE l1 N T E C E D E N TS Fenelon's ideas were revolutionary in that the good Abbe did yearn for the reestablishment of a perfect bygone order of the state which lived mostly in his imagination.··rk fede R oman. p . 2 1s Nam1k Kemal. The people who staffed these j ournals were the somewhat different generation of "angry young poets. 1 9 8 ff. «Usul-u Me§veret Hakkmda . 2 1 3 Another point of interest with regard to Fenelon was that this writer took issue with the bureaucracy created by Louis XIV. 14. 1 8 6 8 . " H urriyet. . 5 8 .'' p p . .

T H E A N TE CE D E N T S one of the bureaus of the Porte." Journal A siati­ que (August-September 1 8 6 3 ) . Refik refused and was dismissed from his j ob. 2 1 5 . Typical of this new disdain for people who were not politically engage was Nam1k Kemal's criticism of Subhi Pa§a. 2 45 . u . This criticism was made on the grounds that Subhi Pa§a's achievements in the field of num. p . 1 8 6 3 . Son A sir. 1 8 66 in Milntahahat-1 Tasvir-i Efkar (ed.. 1 6 Rebiiilahir 1 2 8 3/ August 2 8. Matbaa-i Ebi. Sarni Pa§a's son." 21 6 Nam1k Kemal was also affected by the trend from Encyclopaedism toward political consciousness and became one of its spokes­ men. Namik Kemal. p. 269. 1 3 1 1/1 8 9 3 . since the latter was a government employee. Nam1k Kemal became a part to a controversy similar to that in which Refik had taken part when in the summer of I 8 66 he objected and wrote a rebuttal to an article of Milnif's in which the latter defended the thesis that with the spread of science and education recourse to force in relations between states would eventually be abandoned. p.ismatics could be considered only a meager contribution to the moderniza­ tion of the Ottoman Empire. 216 Nam1k Kemal. n . 3 6. in turn. inal. 2.izziya's collection of Kemal's articles was obtained. See also Bianchi. who could easily upbraid Refik . 211 Kuntay. ((Redd-i itiraz. Parts 1 and 2. 217 A general indication of the restlessness of the Turkish men 21 5 The first issue a pp eared on the 1 st of Ram azan 1 2 7 9/February 1 9.1 8 94) . This article was identified as Nam1k KemaPs only after Ebi. by Ebiizziya Tev:fik. and the publication was ceased after the third issue. 2nd ed. "Bibliographie Ottomane.» Tasvir-i Efkar. Istanbul. The article is therefore quoted from this collection. Ali ordered Refik to apologize . had established in I 8 63 the short-lived periodical Mir'at. 2 1 5 Refik apparently thought that Milnif Pa§a's account of the purposes of the Mir'at in the Mecmua-i Funun was a mis­ representation of the lofty goals he had set himself. infuriated Ali Pa�a. war that were spoken of as "great. This. 1 40 5. Nam1k Kemal stated that there was no indi cat i on that this was about to happen and that it was those nations that had known how to distinguish themselves in . Without rnincing words he answered Milnif Pa§a in the Mir'at. note 1 . Series VI .izziya.

the reformers had instituted a harsh and blind system of taxation in place of the old custom of assessing taxes in accordance with the fertility of the land. A petition embodying this criticism was presented to the sultan by Subhi Pa§a in I 8 67. A typical com­ plaint of his was that by setting a uniform ten per cent tax on agricultural produce. �inasi. Rasim. The Assessment of Western Influences and the Study of "Intermediate ·Types" A. the 1bar-i 1ntibah was suspended almost immediately after the first num­ ber appeared ( 6 Receb 1 279/February 1 8 63 ) . 1 64) . an advocate of reform. and a member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Re§id Pa§a. p. willing as they were to j ettison more of the Ottoman-Islamic elements in modernizing the state than had been their predecessor. The main targets of the salons were the "over-Westernized" generation of Tanzimat statesmen (such as Fuad and Ali Pa�a) . 2 3 1 . 6. the very year the Young Ottomans had 2 1 8 Belin. {citing Arif Hikmet. 219 Subhi Pa§a. T H E " SALONS " AS CONSERVATIVE CENTERS Even though cultural Europeanization was one of the results of salon activities. "De l'Instruction publique. 1 3 3 . it would be an oversimplification to dwell only on this aspect of their influence. protested in his verses against the corruption of these statesmen and condemned their lavish style of life and the harshness with which they had sometimes enfarced their decisions. Again. Divan. Islam Ansiklopedisi. pp. the Seyhulislam Arif Hikm�t Bey. 1 . "Arif Hikmet Bey. 56 5 . . unnumbered note. the most important salon leader. 2 19 Fevziye Abdullah.. 2 1 8 III.» p. although an out­ standing cultural leader. charged the same statesman with being shallow and inept.T H E A N T E C E DE N T S of letters in the early I 8 6o's may be seen in that the organ of the Society of Writers ( Cemiyet-i Kitabet) .. Also.

'' considered that Eastern societies had their own justification and looked at the attempts to Europeanize these societies as the rash works of ignorant inen. and David Urquhart. 22 1 Ziya Pa§a. in his British Policy and the Turkish Reform Movement. Others. Istanbul. "Yeni Osmanltlardan bir Zat Tarafmdan Matbaam1za Gon­ derilip Derc Olunan Hattralarm Maba'didir. but by a judicious development of those features of the Ottoman Em­ pire that would enable it to keep pace with Western prog­ ress. p." Hilrriyet. DAVI D URQU H ART S SENTI M ENTAL EXOTICISM To consider the people of the East "half children" and the "white man's burden" was only one of the attitudes adopted by British officials toward their "backward" charges throughout the world. states : "Palmerston never favored extensive constitutional develop­ ments in the Ottoman Empire. 1 8 69. 1 9 3 8 ) . 221 Such an onslaught on reform as originated in some of the salons and as taken over by the Young Ottomans was not so alien to Western ideas as one would expect. by 2 47 . under the influence of the romantic ideas of the "noble savage. Men like Subhi Pa�a and later the Young Ottomans could find in the West ideas and theories justifying a stand against what was con­ sidered excessive change. Urquhart considered that it was not through the grafting on of alien institutions that Turkey would prosper. In this he was supported by his ambassador at Constantinople. 2 3 0. p.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S to flee Turkey. Devlet Bas1mevi. This was the attitude which motivated the stand toward reforms taken by David Urquhart. ' B. 22 0 Similar theses may also b e found in the articles of Ziya Pa�a published in the Hurriyet. in the I 8 3o's. 2 5 5 ff. 2 22 In a work published in I 8 3 9 he did not disguise his 22 ° For the text of this petition see Turkiye Ziraat Tarihine bir Bakt£ Birinci Koy ve Kalkmma Kongresi . 6 . the influential secretary of the British embassy in Istanbul. April 5. Lord Ponsonby. p. One of these European sources of an antireformist stand was "exoticism.» The successor of ( ed. 2 2 2 Bailey.'' as illustrated by the viewpoint from which David Urquhart surveyed the Turkish reform movement.

2 3 1 .. Urquhart was paving the way for the Young Ottoman's protonationalism and the parochialism that was associated with it. " .. "223 Urquhart was aware that by the destruction of the Janis­ saries a great and natural safety valve in the Ottoman system had been wrecked without thought of the consequences.. of crime. .THE A N TE CEDE N TS ad1niration for the foundations on which. 1. Ottoman society rested. Henry Colburn. 6 6. he commented. above all. would astound any unprejudiced Englishman who studied them with impartiality.. That Al i Suavi. These Ottoman characteristics. n.225 should have nourished Ponsonby. The Spirit of the East ( London. 49 · 2 2 4 JbI"d . p. before sanctioning and effecting the destruction of the Janissaries. Ibid. but Bailey points out again that his influence has been exaggerated. They should have secured a permanent divan [Council] . 22 3 D. Stratford de Redcliffe followed a somewhat different policy. 1 . To an old Turk who had witnessed the reforms of Mahmud II he attributed the following reflections : "Above all the Ulema of Constantinople were to blame. How has the Sultan main­ tained himself. become powerful but what have they been hitherto but boys of ten and twelve years of age who know not what religion or duty means and who already presume to despise their betters and will grow up to divide the Musulmans into two factions ? " 22 4 By pointing out the essential excellence of Ottoman institu­ tions. will have to . who had set out to prove the superior aptitudes of the Turks for sciences. . See also Mordtmann. no doubt. 1 8 3 8 ) . and. He will be struck by the absence of pau­ perism. of the aims of the Young Ottomans as Ulum "roor allen Dingen die Herstellung alt-turkischer und Zustande. of litigation. according to him. in my opinion. Such an Englishman. who speaks too harshly. Stambul� p. hitherto ? What is his Nizzam [new forma­ tions on the European model] ? What are their numbers or instruction ? They will. Ulum ( Paris. remark an absence of party spirit and political animosity . mittelalterlicher . stated Urquhart. Urquhart. 11 1 7 2 . 1 8 70) . will perceive an abundance of the necessaries and the comforts of life within the reach of the whole mass of the population. 22 5 In an article in the periodical on the scientific contributions of the Turks.

therefore. and great prudence and caution were required_ in putting them into exe­ cution . In Ahmed Vefik Pa§a we may find a representative of a similar attitude. Abdurrahman �eref. A utobiography and Letters. thoughtful and honest men of which Ahmet Vefyk [sic] Efendi became the type. but who is. and this step was taken by the Young Ottomans. and whose understanding of Western culture c:annot be questioned. also had a different approach to the problems of reform than Ali and Fuad Pa§a. what Sa fvet Pa§a had to say about legal reforms was the following : "Sir. Mordtmann. the attitude described reflects accurately the stand toward reform taken by some of his contemporaries . Diplomatic Review (July I 8 7 6 ) > XXIV. 22 7 Sir Henry Layard. Urquhart spoke o f Ali SuavPs A Propos de l'Hertzegovine (Paris. 2 49 . were of the opinion that the necessary reforms could only be safely and effectually accomplished upon Turkish and Mussulman lines."22 1 From this stand to the contention that European repre­ sentative institutions had existed for all times in Islam was only a step. nevertheless. as devoted as a patriot [sicJ to the welfare of the Turkish monarchy. They maintained at the same time. civilization and good and just government. on hearsay.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S great admiration 22 6 for Urquhart is. are based. p . that the ancient "furkish political system and institutions and the Mussulman religion contained the elements of progress." Reverse of title page. not surprising. 296. 2 2 6 . pp. a 226 Kuntay. First we must train j udges. Tarih Musahabeleri. Even though his remarks on the subj ect. Safvet Pa§a. 1 2 0 . who whilst anxious that the corrupt and incapable administration of pub­ lic affairs should be refarmed and purified. 89. a statesman who was grand vizier. I n the Diplomatic Review which h e directed. we have neither j udges nor courts . 2 8. Sar1kl1 1 htilalci A li Suavi. . . if they were only honestly and justly developed. but not because he had never been in con­ tact with the West. As one of his intimates described him : "To the opponents of Reshid Pasha may be added a small body of able. and Minister of Education and Foreign Affairs during the Tanzimat. then build court-houses and then only attempt to reform and emlarge the legal system in our country." �ere£. Vefik Pa�a was adamant in salvaging the best of Ottoman culture. enlightened. under such circumstances legal reforms are condemned to be a dead letter. as reported by the Turkish historian . Stam­ bul. . 1 8 7 5 ) as "an enthusiastic partisan treatise by an eminent Osmanli whose uprightness of character and. opposi­ tion to corrupt government in Turkey have forced him to live in banish­ ment. 1 1 . p .

. Such a mixture. Delure. v. p. and. UU2m. Allen. 2 2 9 Ali Suavi.. however. 1 8 3 2 ) . was what. added to an Islamic substratum. Paris. eighteenth-century Encyclopaedism was crowded in with nineteenth-century historical romanticism.T H E A N T E CE D E N T S The latter were in touch with Urquhart in London. This was the new interest in linguistic and anthropological studies which so greatly contributed to building the foundations ."23 0 Suavi was stirred by this acknowledgment of the Turkish contribution to civilization. been studied . Bailly.cit. Tiirkiyede Multeciler Meselesi ( Istanbul. and Taylor. 22 8 The author's -preface to this work with its recounting of the past glories of the Turks and its sympathetic approach to their civilization apparently deeply influenced Suavi. and that its ancient inhabitants were the "enlightened preceptors of mankind. the mayor of Paris. 2 a 1 Moustafa Dj elaleddine's Les Tures A nciens et Modernes (see above. 228 Arthur Lumley Davids. "Tiirk. Matbaa-i Amire. of nine­ teenth-century European nationalism. affected Suavi was a book on Turkish grammar by Arthur Lumley Davids. a Polish convert to Islam. . 1 8 69. Kitah 'ilm un-nafi ft tahsil-i sarf ve nahv-i Turki. Lettres sur l'A tlantide de Plat on et sur l' A ncienne Histoire de l'A sie (London. devoted the above-mentioned work to the thesis that the Turks were an Aryan "lost tribe" and therefore more European than the Europeans. The influence of other European refugees from the repressions of 1 84 8 in the Austrian Empire and in Poland who established themselves in Turkey has not. Urqu­ hart's influence was bolstered by another romantic trend to whose soothing music Suavi was quite sensitive.. 1 7 7 9 ) . The author. published in London in 1 83 2 and in a second French edition in 1 83 6. (A Grammar of the Turkish Language) (London. in Suavi. 23 1 Thus. Ahmed Re:fik. Elmesly . p. see. The instrumentality through which these ideas. who read the French edition. op. 8 Cemaziyelevvel 1 2 8 6/August 8. and civilization to the world. 22 9 Davids also had reference in his preface to the ideas earlier expounded by J. as yet. sciences. attributing it to the "English­ man Bailey. S. . p.'' used it to bolster his statements about the out­ standing qualities of his people. I • 2 a o Davids. to the effect that "the plains of Tatary" had given arts. 1 9 2 6 ) . paraphrasing Jean Sylvain Bailly. Introduction. 2 1 s ) is worthy of study in this respect. Parbury.

though condemned to be short-lived.T H E A N T E CE D E N TS in general. Not the least extraordinary facet of the movement which these young men founded was the synthesis which they · created out of such diverse elements-a synthesis which. . mightily sustained their own spirit and left an indelible mark on Turkish thought. made up the fundamental beliefs of that "inter­ mediate" type of Westernist who went by the name of Young Ottoman.

shoulders of Sinasi. Tilrk Dili Dergisi (April 1 954) . 2 He came from a moderately well-to-do family. Namik Kemal. his father having been an officer in the Turkish army. �inasi: Hayati. Upo n close examination this work will be seen to have been based to a great extent on Ahmed Rasim. . "Sinasi'nin Fransadaki Ogrenimi ile tlgili Baz1 Belgeler. Yeni Matbaa. and by Re§id Pa§a. it devolved upon one person to establish its intellectual foundations. social. and political conceptions current in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century. 3 9 7-405. Mathuat Tarihimize Metltal : ilk Buyilk Muharrirlerden �inasi ( Istanbul. During his stay in Europe he 1 Kuntay. Eserleri ( Istanbul. 1 9 2 8 ) . Sinasi began his career at a very early age as a clerk in the bureau of the Imperial Ottoman Artillery ( Tophane Kalemi) . 2 The followin g biographical information is based on : Hikmet Dizdaroglu. 1 954 ) . Varl1k Yaymlar1. Encouraged by a patron of modernization. While in this post he learned French from a French artillery officer. However. 1. Sinasi soon acquired con­ siderable proficiency in French. Sanati. 3 7 7. Nam1k Kemal himself placed full credit for the intellectual mentorship of the Young Ottomans on the . whose publications familiarized Turkish intellectuals with literary. enables one to correct some of the erroneous infor­ mati on contained in the above sources. he petitioned the commanding general of the Imperial Artillery to be sent to Europe for study ( 1 849 ) .1 Ibrahim Sinasi Efendi was born in 1 8 26..+8 CHAPTE R VIII €+ �inasi : the Birth of Public Opinion ALTHOUGH the Young Ottoman movement was the product of many influences. This was the poet Sinasi Efendi. This request was granted and Sinasi remained in Paris until 1 8 5 3 studying public finance and literature. . the more recent work was used as basic source since some of the information contained in the earlier biography of Sinasi has proved to be inexact and has been corrected by Dizdaroglu. Fethi Ahmed Pa§a. A very good but short article by Kenan Akyiiz. 1 1 1. a convert to Islam who had abandoned his original family name of Chateauneuf for the more romantic one of Re§ad Bey.

Chapter vn . 4 in keep­ ing with classical usage." Aylik Ansiklopedi. the son of the orientalist Sylvestre de Sacy. bought at a second-hand book dealer's stall. an earlier p rotege of R�§id had by then become a states­ . However. The copy used had n o title page and bore only the date Saban 1 2 8 7/1 8 70. Although Sinasi was still able to reply on the protection of such statesmen as Yusuf Kamil Pa§a. the same year. Ali. at a time when Re§id Pa§a was temporarily out of power. It is not entirely out of the question that Sinasi. �inasi was dismissed by Ali Pa§a. who had replaced Re§id. During his second appointment Sinasi had begun to devote most of his energies to publishing. When he returned to Turkey in 1 853. 2 53 . an anthology of translations from the French classics. he was :appointed to his old post and then in 1 8 5 5 t� the Educational Committee (Meclis-i Maarif) . which made Kemal aware of Sinasi's stature. should have frightened A. He admits having been spell­ bound as soon as he began reading the first page. The same year Sinasi published a diminutive pamphlet entitled Transla­ tion of Poems. In 1 859 appeared his first work. 1 5 9 · 4 The edition used here w as the second ed�tion. He seems to have been in touch with a variety of liberal circles in the French capital. "Sinasi. in turn.Ii as a potential rival. an anthology of poems entitled Divan-i Sinasi.8 which was gradually taking 1education out of the hands of the ulema. It was this work of Sinasi. �inasi was reinstated in 1 8 5 6. 1. Here appeared the panegyrics of Mustafa Re§id Pa§a which constitute one of the more impor­ tant sources for a study of Sinasi. Soon thereafter (in 1 8 5 8 ) Re§id Pa§a died. My source for these dates is Mustafa Nihat Ozon. the brilliant administrative career to which many thought Sinasi destined never materialized. ( 1 944. in particular Racine and LaFontaine.· He also knew well the French liberal poet Alphonse de Lamartine.�INA S I · established a close friendship with Samuel de Sacy. Sinasi had obtained his scholarship thanks to the patronage of Re§id Pa§ of considerable stature and was already competing with Re§id.1 945 ) . with a few short 3 See above .

Then too. 6 On October 2 2 . 1 8 63. It was used by �inasi to disseminate a knowledge of European intellectual advances and break the classical molds of Ottoman literature. Extraits de Poesies et de Prose Traduits en Vers du Franfais en Turc (Constantinople.e. 7 The first issue app eared on June 2 8 . which appeared twice a week.» p. This was the Tercuman-i A hval which appeared in the fall of 1 8 60. "Mentioning too often matters of state" in the Tasvir was the official reason given for his dismissal. asked �inasi's help in publishing the Ceride-i Askeriye ("Military Gazette") . the first budget of the Ottoman Empire had been published in 1 8 62� 1 863 . In the meantime on July 2.�I NA S I excerpts from Fenelon's Telema qu. �inasi's relations with the Porte were improving. 405 . The fact that an article by �inasi explaining the principle of "no taxation without representation" appeared in the Tasvir the day before the imperial order for �inasi's ex­ pulsion was drafted may be the solution to a problem which hereto£ore has puzzled his biographers. and this probably was a complicating factor. At least one authority has stated that �inasi regained official favor to the extent of being considered for a 5 Chinassi [sic] . Sinasi began the publication of the first privately owned Turkish newspaper. Documents recently uncovered8 show that this last dismissal was due to the sultan's objections to �inasi's timid libertarianism. 1 8 5 9 ) . 254 . 7 The Tasvir-i Efkar soon became a forum for the expression of new literary as well as political ideas. broken with Agah Efendi and left the Tercuman. This was at least true of his relations with Fuad Pa§a. Imprimerie de la Presse d'Orient.5 In 1 8 60. Meanwhile. which was the second official j ournal to have appeared in the Ottoman Empire. In 1 8 64 Fuad. �inasi had once again been dis­ missed from his j ob. 1 8 6 2/3 o Zilhicce 1 2 7 8 . 1 8 6 0/6 Rebiiilahir 1 2 7 7 . entitled Tasvir-1 Efkar. 6 Within six months �inasi had. In 1 8 62 he started his own newspaper. in collabora­ tion with his friend Agah Efendi. "Sinasi'nin Fransadaki Ogrenimi ile ilgili Bazt Belgeler. 8 See Akyiiz. who was temporarily made the Minister of Defense. for some unknown reason.

9 Soon thereafter . four years later. The War of I 8 70 farced �inasi to return to Istanbul. 1 1 Ebiizziya :February 7. 1. "Yen i Osmanhlar Tarihi. however. see Ebilzziya. 11 About the same time �inasi's wife took advantage of the voyage of Sultan Abdula­ ziz to Europe to ask Fuad Pa§a to intercede with the sultan for �inasi's return. Kuntay. back in Paris Sinasi devoted him­ self entirely to the writing of an Ottoman dictionary and spent most of his time at the Bibliotheque Nationale. who later also helped Kemal to get to Paris. According to Ebiizziya. Incensed at his wife's part in it. but this acti�n was far from pleasing to him. the sequel to the earlier con­ sultative assembly established by Re§id Pa§a. 255 . z 7 . Kemal was also obliged to flee and came to visit �inasi in Paris. 1 9 1 o . �inasi's strange conduct and increasing misanthropy were probably ' Ahmed Rasim. �inasi left for Paris. p. accepting only essential help from Mustafa Fazil Pa§a. "Yeni Osmanltlar.'' Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar." Yeni Tasvir-i Efkar. 9 5 . In addition. When. 1 0 Nam1k Kemal speaks in ·one of his letters of this conspiracy as having lbeen hushed up . where he lived in great destitution. The usual explanation given for this precipitous flight is that Sinasi had participated in a plot against Ali Pa§a engineered by a certain Said Sermedi about whom little more is known than that he did exist. Only Re§ad was able to establish contact with him. Tevfik. who still divided his time between the Tasvir and his governmental work. 8. �inasi. 1 0 �inasi's escape on a French ship was arranged by the publisher of the Courrier d'Orient. �inasi fled in the spring of 1 8 65 . �inasi was pardoned. he found to his surprise that his former employer had given himself entirely to the study of literature and linguistics. the Young Ottomans were given a rather chill welcome by �inasi. As in Paris. Namik Kemal. October 3 1 . he was a recluse there too.$ IN A S I position on the Meclis-i Vala. 1 909. he returned to Istanbul for only five days-the time needed to divorce her-and then went back to Paris. 1 . �inasi had left the editorship of the Tasvir-i Efkar to Nam1k Kemal.

The development of this intelligentsia. 1. seems to have been closely associated with the history of Turkish j our­ nalism. 1 8 7 1 ( 2 7 Cemaziyil. in turn. 1 0 1 . Turkish journalistic growth had been rather slow at first. Turk Dilinde Geliime. In that sense the group led by �inasi was the first one to have the earmarks of a true intelligentsia. namely. Ismail Habib. Devlet Matbaas1 . the reformist intel­ lectua l. Within the ranks of the reformers now appeared a new breed. 7 1 .12 However. Son Asir Turk Edebiyati Tarihi ( Istanbul. how­ ever. Later the same intellectuals were to spearhead the Young Ottoman movement. Maarif Matbaas1. schemes of modernization that had been thought of had been the result of an official concern with reform.$1NA S I caused by the brain tumor from which he eventually died on September 13.cit. I. The crucial importance of �inasi consists in that during his lifetime and owing to his influence the modernists were split into two camps. Ozon. which appeared in 1 83 1 . p. Despite the fact that i t had been nurtured in th e service of the Ottoman state. N . none of these historians explicitly takes up one of the characteristic features of thi s contribution. the new group differed from the reformers of the Porte in that it had an ideology to offer. XIXncu Asir. 1 9 3 1 ) . Birinci Kmm (Istanbul. p. The 0 fficial Gazette ( Takvim-i Vekayi) . The reformers were states­ men and sovereigns. and also the following works : Levend. Up until Sinasi's time. M. that Sinasi was the first private exponent of such views. 4 1 7 . p. was the only newspaper in Turkish available until 12 See Ahmed Rasim. Edebi Yeniligimiz. 1 70. . whose book deals with this idea throughout. These young men debated the problem of reform and set their own theoretical frame­ work without being content with the prospect of rising to high offices of state and subsequently implementing whatever policy they chose. 1 94 1 ) . Even these new intellectuals had originated in the bureaus of the Porte.lahir 1 2 8 8 ) .. �inasi's Thought Sinasi is unanimously considered by historians of Turkish intellectual history the first outstanding advocate of Euro­ peanization in the Ottoman Empire. Tanpmar. op.

and diplomatic "color" books. and businessmen. in a work entitled Avrupa Risalesi ( "Pamp hlet on Europ e") . Mustafa Sarni.�INA S I 840. The social background of the men who were running the Ceride for Churchill and their dissatisfaction with things as they were has already been taken up above. These were not negligible. Devlet Matbaas1. had consisted of a concession to establish a newspaper in Istanbul. the same year the Ceride first ap­ peared. spoke of the fact that he had en­ gaged in a reporting of European life because he considered :r 1 3 Selim Niizhet 1 9 3 1 ) . Namik Kem. but the cultural ripples created by the protojournalists who congregated in its editorial rooms has not been mentioned. Churchill whose indemnization had cost Akif Pa�a his post. [Ger�ek] . In 1 840 Churchill took advantage of this con­ cession and founded the Ceride-i Havadis. 1 3 The first pri­ vately owned Turkish newspaper. Turk Gazeteciligi (Istanbul. which was later to be swelled by annuals. In 1 83 1 the foreword to the first issue explained that it was meant to inform the subjects of the day-to-day business of the 1 5 In 1 840. 1 4 During the Crimean War Churchill's personal dispatches from the Crimea caused sales to increase considerably and the . . on the other hand. 1 3 5 257 • . For a long time the Takvim appeared at irregular intervals and difficulties were encountered in keeping it in operation. 3 7 . 14 Ibid. PP· 30 ff. In the beginning the Ceride attracted little attention and was distributed free to serve as an advertising handbill. was owned and published by the infamous Mr. p. embassies. Part of this indem­ nization. Its audience was limited to Ottoman civil servants.newspaper acquired a steady clientele. us Kaplan. p. The Takvim contained the latest administrative and governmental decisions. budgetary reports..vim was the begin­ ning of a :flow of information with regard to the state. It was on the Ceride.--i Ha�adis that the ex-diplomat Mustafa ��mi� began to use the "journalistic" Turkish that was per­ fected by �inasi. The Tak.

21 Halet was a close friend of Kemal and while he was 16 Mustafa Sarni. p. It also had articles on human reason1 1 and. 1 9 It was also the Ceride that started the use of serials.cit. 2 Rebiiilah1r 1 2 5 7/June 5 . proved by parliament. 2 0 Halet was also one of the first Ottomans to experiment with the theater as a literary genre. 1 8 4 1 . inal." gave a wealth of encyclopedic information to its readers about the New World. modern methods of locomotion. 7 . p . 2 1 Rasim. . 20 See Ahmed Rasim. an important step in the modernization of Ottoman society. under the rubric "For­ eign News. While in Aleppo he also started a local paper in Arabic. most significantly. A vrupa Risalesi (Istanbul. 1 2 5 6/ 1 840) .$INA S I it a duty to his vatan ( fatherland) . 1 8 Muharrem 1 2 5 7/March 1 2. later took up an administrative career and made his own important contribution to the modernization of the empire by inaugu­ rating the practice of preparing an official yearbook for each province. 44 1 . 1 8 40. Son A sir. simplified j ournalistic language and style.. . 1 2 5 7/August 3. This in itself had little to do with Westernization but it was. 1 7 Ceride-i Havadis. 3 . Gurre-i �evval 1 2 5 6/November 2 6. p . J . Thus Halet Efendi. 14 Cemaziyiilahir p. The Young Ottomans always remembered with gratitude such erstwhile contributors to the Ceride-i Havadis as Hafiz Mil§fik and Ali Ali as precursors of themselves in creating the new. India. toe. 3 . 1 84 1 . 1 4 1 0. $inasi. p. The chief characteristic of this style was that it aimed at conveying ideas rather than at titillating the brain. pp. 2 . 4. was a precursor of the Tasvir-i Efkar in articles describing European parlia­ mentary government1 8 and news items in which it was pointed out that in France government expenditures had to be ap. 1 8 4 1 . 18 Jbid. nevertheless. The influence of the staff of the Ceride was sometimes manifested in indirect ways which it is not easy to trace but which had an undeniable importance.1° From the very beginning of its appearance the Ceride-i Havadis. He began this practice in Aleppo and it was then adopted by the central administration. and insurance. one of the early members of the editorial staff of the Ceride. p. paleontology. 1 9 Ceride-i Havadis.

Yet this newspaper. speaks of him 22 Ger�ek. Thus as director of the Ottoman Postal Service he had introduced into the Ottoman Empire the use of the postage stamp. Chapter VI I . It was likewise a hothouse for Turkish ideologues. pub­ lished by two of the coolest heads of the Ottoman Empire. p. 1 6 3 .$1NA S I on the staff of the Ceride. yet this association with them was not wholehearted. But then he was also a very careful man. Agah Efendi was later to become a charter member of the Paris Young Ottoman Society . It is not certain whether the politicization of its contents was due to the influence of �inasi or that of Agah.1 945 ) . in his work on Kemal. for Agah Efendi was essentially a nonpolitical person. above. the author of the Ottoman Who's Who. 2 3 It is in the same spirit-that of introducing into the empire the benefits of useful European institutions-that he established the Tercii­ man-i A hval. which was started by Agah Efendi with the cooperation of �inasi.1 4 1 2. who died at the age of twenty-three during the cholera epidemic of 1 865 without having been able to fulfill the expectations of his friends. The most famous of its products was the editor of the short-lived Mir'at. 1. In this sense he was doing for Ottoman j our­ nalism what Milnif Pa�a had already done for encyclopaedism. 1 404. he worked in the Customs Bureau with Kemal.'' Aylik Ansiklopedi ( 1 944. What interested Agah above all were the more pedes­ trian benefits of European civilization. Son A sir. SUleyman Nazif.2 4 Refik Bey was considered by the Young Ottomans to have been an important precursor of the Young Ottoman move­ ment. was the first to be suspended because it had displeased the Ottoman government. "Agah Efendi. 259 . 23 Server Iskit. Said Pa�a. 3 8. Neither was he an ideo­ logue. was also on the staff of the Ceride in his youth and so was Mehmed Silreyya. pp. Abdiilhamid's grand vizier. Refik Bey. Also. 2 4 For Refik see inal. �inasi's intro­ ductory article in its first issue pointed in this direction. 22 In 1 8 60 a rival to the Ceride-i · Havadis appeared-the Tercuman-i A hval. Turk Gazeteciligi.

�inasi. as we have seen. tions of such Encyclopaedists as Yusuf Kamil Pa§a. Namik Kemal. Kemal himself worked for a while on the Tercuman-1 Ahval �nd speaks of Refik with the greatest admiration. to ask MUnif Pa§a to recast the Ceride and publish the latter as the Supplement to the Ceride. 1 9 2 2 ) .1 1 . Salname-i Hadika. In using his newspaper to make cautious and indirect. 2 7 Refik. basing his information on Ebiizziya Hadika published by Ebiizziya. Milnif Pa§a had been summoned to help the Ceride because serials of the type that he had published in the Mecmua-i. p. 1 946 ) . and he was dismissed from the government because of his sneers at Milnif's mildness. For the text see Ahmet Hamdi Tanpmar. 1 . 2 5 Again.�INA SI having "opened Kemal's eyes" to the liberal ideas of the West. Namik Kemal ( Istanbul. from contemporary reports describing it. which were a complete innovation. ikdam Matbaas1. but yet continuous reference to political and social matters. was also quite outspoken in his convictions that political affairs were the concern of all citizens. 2 8 Ahmed Rasim. 9. 2 6 Kaplan. but the Tasvir offered both serials more sophisticated than those of the Ceride and analyses of political affairs.2 6 The Mir'at. Yet the Ceride was doomed because of the new popularity of the Tasvir-i Efkar. as 25 Siileyman p. to whom the rights of publication had passed in 1 8 64. 1 1. without date or publishing reference for this annual of the newspaP. p. pp. seems to have been an exponent of the idea-one encountered often among the Young Ottomans-that work and industriousness were basic to Western civilization. "Bibliographie Ottomane. Nazif. . Funun were becoming increasingly popular. Sinasi had stolen a march on the Ceride. 34. After Refik's death. 2 6 9 . Series VI . 5 . 3 3 . In general. it is in Refik's Mir'at that Nam1k Kemal's translation of Montesquieu's Considerations on the Grandeur and Decadence of the R omans is reported to have appeared. 27 Bianchi. 1 o." Journal A siatique (August-Septem­ ber 1 8 6 3 ) . Sinasi had the additional advantage of being able to rely on the contribu. Namik Kemal Antolojisi ( Istanbul. 2 8 The competition of the Tercuman-i Ahval forced Church­ ill's son. 3 1 . p.

as can be seen from the long-drawn-out publication of the above serial. 1 8 6 3-February 24. "Sefikname.1 2 Rebiiilahir 1 2 8 2/August 1 7 .e. where historical (!Vents were taken up as part of a causal chain. "Evsal-1 Secere-i Turki. 8 4 Ebu>l Gazi Bahadir Han. Abdiillatif Subhi Bey. 8 3 Mehmed Sefik Efendi.1 Ramazan 1 2 8 2/August 1 4. 81 It is in the columns of the same newspaper in the serials on historical 1nethodology written by Ahmed Vefik Pa§a that for the first time in Turkey history was called a "science. i. . Almost none of these serials appeared in consecutive issues. 1 8 62-September 4. To emphasize the European content of natural-law theories. Histoire. Encyclopedia of Social Sciences ( 1 9 3 5 ) . "Rumuz iil-Hikem fi Ahlak iil-Alem." Selh-i Zilhicce 1 2 7 8. .1 8 Rebiiilevvel 1 2 7 9/June 2 8. For the traditional Ottoman view see Hammer." 3 2 A number of these historical serials were also devoted to discovering the causes of the decline of the Ottoman Empire.» Tasvir-i Efkar. 3 2 Ahmed Vefik Efendi. 1 8 62. for example. "Uyun ul-Ahbar fi nukud iil-Asar. p. 1 8 65-January 1 8 . . 1 8 6 3 . "Vattel.8 3 and at least one of them was an attempt to recapture the glorious doings of the Turks in their original homeland of Central Asia. Mustafa Beh�et Efendi's translation of 2 9 "Hukuk-u Milel. xv. 8 Ramazan 1 2 7 9-20 Sevval 1 2 7 9/February 2 7..1 7 Muharrem 1 2 8 2/ August 1. 1 8 66..$ 1NA S / the Tasvir-i Efkar was also far ahead of other Turkish news­ papers and periodicals of the time in the quality of its educa­ tional articles. The method used here has been to mention the first and the last serial dates. 2 1 Rebiiilahir 1 2 8 2. xvn . post face. 1 8 6 5 . XLVI . "Hikmet-i Tarih. 30 Rolf Knubben. Sinasi chose to publish as the first serial to appear in the Tasvir-i Efkar a translation of Vattel's Droit des Gens. .. 14 Rebiiilahtr 1 2 8 01 6 Ramazan 1 2 8 0/September 2 8. 1 8 65.. 1 8 6 3 -April u . �inasi published serials on ancient history by Sarni and Subhi Pa§a. 84 �inasi also tried to include the best of Europe's scientific think­ ing in his j ournal . those devoted to the illustration of the methods used in the new branches of knowledge that had come into their own in Europe in the nineteenth century. 4 Safer 1 2 7 9.. spread over three years. 1 8 6 2-June 1 2 . 31 Abdurrahman Sarni Bey. 1 8 64. To counteract the classical Islamic conception of history as a process guided by the hand of God. 1 8 62-September 1 3 . 2 3 2 . 29 Vattel's conviction that natural law was the ultimate basis of all legal institutions3 0 was thus brought to a Turkish audience." 1 4 Safer 1 2 7 9..

1 8 6 5 . by Hekimha§l Mustafa Beh�et Efendi. it was the first utterance of the modern school. 8 6 Tasvir-i Efkar. by Ebiizziya Tevfik. . Mebahisat-i Edebiyye. 1 3 03/ 1 8 8 5 ) . "Tarih-i Tabii. however. It is significant that the prestige of the Tasvir-i Efkar reached a peak as a result of the fame �inasi gained from a full-fledged battle against the partisans of classical Turkish style. . 1 8 62. 4 Receb 1 2 7 9/December 2 6 . among the 85 Buffoµ. Konstanti n iyye Matbaa-i Ebiizziya. One of the rare editorials written by �inasi was a complaint that scientific education was being neglected in the new normal •chools. Munta­ habat-i Tasvir-i Efkar. Trans. 87 "Fransa Umur-u Maliyesi Hakkmda." attempted to get across to his readers the essen­ tials of parliamentary government. 1 8 6 3 -August 20." In Chapter vn an attempt was made to isolate. who attributed these articles to a "well known French personality.$ 1NA S / Buffon's Histoire Naturelle 3 5 was such an attemp t . are apt to be overlooked if we analyze them only from the vantage point of the history of Turkish literature. his espousal of lin­ guistic reform was another. . Mes'ele-i Meb­ huset-u Anha ( Ed. . 37 �inasi's ability to take advantage of the best brains of the salon group s is one aspect of his continuity with earlier devel­ opments in Turkish intellectual history ." 2 4 Safer 1 2 8 1 -4 Rebiiilevvel 1 2 8 2/July 2 9 . W. Here. 8 9 Gibb. The best method to appraise the full extent of the change brought about by him is to look at his contributions from the broader viewpoint of "communications. 2 6 . 3 8 As E. 1 8 6 3 . an Ottoman man of letters conversant with and appreciative of a great European language and literature deliberately set out to reconstruct from its very foundations the whole edifice of Turkish literary style. J.. for the first time. 3 8 This debate has been published i n pamphlet form as �inasi. Ottoman Poetry. lkinci Kmm. 86 In a single series entitled "The Financial System of France" �inasi. 1 8 64-August 2 7."39 The real innovations brought by �inasi. 1 st ed.5 Rebiiilev­ vel 1 2 8 0/July 3 . Gibb describes the Tasvir : "Not merely was it the first unofficial j ournal in Turkey [sic] .'' 1 6 Muharrem 1 2 8 0. v. .

. Tercuman-1 A hval. it is sufficient to point at the · political gazettes of those people the limits of whose under­ standing have been enlarged by the power of knowledge. Here too. It i s only with the growth of j ournalism." I . may be witnessed in Sinasi's first piece of j ournalistic writing. 1 860. If tangible proof of this assertion is sought.$INA S I strands of Young Ottoman thought. it is quite natural that they should consider the expression of ideas aimed at the protection of the interests of the father­ land part of the totality of their vested rights. Three forces which had existed only potentially in state j ournalism were thereby unleashed : cine was the feeling of intimacy. that a significant acceleration occurred in the rate at which channels of communication were t:�stablished. these were the simplification of the Turkish language and the first translations of Western literary productions into Turkish. two elements which may be included under the general heading of "communications" . Both moves had been sponsored at first by the state." All of these characteristics. however." 40 In this piece may be singled out Sinasi's characteristic contribu­ tions of antiesotericism. the second was the minimum of realism that had to infuse any literary product that explained factual occurrences . and political rationalism. realism. the direct contact between reader and editor that was established (despite what to many 1nodern readers would appear as the epitome of aloofness) . This introduction ran as follows : "Since people living in a given social community are circumscribed in their actions by multifarious legal obligations. 2 Rebiiilah1r 1 2 7 7 /October 8. the foreword to the first issue of the Tercuman-i A hval. 40 "Mukaddeme. p. Both of these moves had been steps taken toward the establish1nent in Ottoman society of a level of communications roughly comparable to that which existed in the West. the important transition was from state support to private journalism. the last was the p owerful instrument provided by a knowledge of such European liberal expressions as "the people" or "the nation. and therefore also the extent to which Sinasi differed from Agah.

accessibility-went against the grain of the old Otto41 Server iskit. the ulema did no t protest against the printing of the scientific works per se. I .42 Later a simplified alphabet had been devised by Fuad Pa§a and Cevdet Pa�a. When. opposition to its use was only quashed because the sultan. but grumbled that this new invention would increase the circulation of religious books to an extent where it would become dangerous. Again. Technical innovations which would facilitate learning were also accepted with misgivings by most conserva­ tively inclined Ottoman men of learning.� IN A S I By the mere use of direct and intelligible prose addressed to the many. 1. This was so because a most essential part of the culture of Islam was its eso­ tericism-a conception that knowledge was dangerous when indiscriminately placed in the hands of everyone. "Bibliographie Otto mane Journal A siatique (OctoberNovember 1 8 60) . 1 6 . the first Turkish printing press was established and the print­ ing of books on "philosophy. 4 3 8 . a calligrapher himself. the Bible should have been the first book printed. when at the beginning of the nineteenth century the great calligrapher Mustafa Rak1m Efendi proposed a new." . See Hammer. Devlet Bas1mevi.44 but there is no doubt that for a long time the general feeling prevailed that simplicity and clarity-in short. who used it to increase the speed of reading among elementary school stu­ dents. Tevfik. and history" con­ sidered. 1 9 3 9 ) . 1v. 44 Kadi Birgevi's Tarikat-i Muhammedi'Je. information couched in a language understandable to all had been suspect. 4 3 It is true that as early as 1 840 one comes across an attempt to translate into simple. everyday Turkish a work on Islamic dogmatics. "Liste. XIX. v. geography. 4 2 Ebiizziya ( Istanbul. had ad­ mired the new characters. "Rical-i Mensiye. simplified system of calligraphy. for instance.41 It is a telling difference between the attitudes of the East · and the West that in the West. on the contrary.1 9 00 ) . �inasi was already an innovator. Turkiyede Neiriyat Hareketleri 7." Mecmua-i E buzziya ( 1 3 1 7/ 8 9 9. 43 Bianchi.'' Journal Asiatique ( M arch 1 84 3 ) . . Thus far. 2 4 7 . p.

. 46 305. one of the survivors of the heroic times of Turkish j ournalism. then. thus reminded his readers in I 900 that in his own youth not much had been available to those like himself who were eager to know what was happening in the world. W. Esotericism. . J._ v. preparing notes for a history of education during the Tanzimat. History of Ottoman Poetry. "Tiirkiyede Maarif Te§kilati 1 2 6 7. Gibb makes this point quite succinctly when he states. Lutfi. his emphasis on facts-what we may call his realism-was also a departure from the norm. To that part of the 45 See XVI . It is useful to remember in this connection that as late as the end of the nine­ teenth century the historian Lutfi.$1NA SI rnan conceptions of knowledge. "�inasi is justly regarded as the true founder of the Modern School of Ottoman literature.1 2 8 7. exclusiveness. . his approach was entirely new. In short. 2 8 . j otted down his notes that the main drawback in the abortive attempt to create an Ottoman university in 1 8 70 had been having the lectures open to the public. in the sense of an unwillingness to divulge the aims of the society. Although the aim of the first simplifiers of the Ottoman language had been to conjure this secretiveness. when �inasi coupled clarity and intelligi­ bility with the conception of a people's right to know what was happening.'' TTEM ( 1 9 2 7 ) . E. a mere plaything for the amusement of the learned into an instrument for the moral and intellectual education of the whole peop le. 45 �inasi's concern with reporting political and social changes. its corollary. Even the audiences of the salons which were begin­ ning to grow were a select group. Ebiizziya Tevfik. was still present in the Be§ikta§ Society. Gibb."40 Forty years later this earlier state of affairs had been for­ gotten by Ottoman audiences. since h e was the first who seriously and systematically strove to raise literature from being . had remained opera­ tive even in the Ottoman Scientific Society in the sense that appointments to this body were considered politically useful sinecures.

xxx.. and parochialism that began to pervade the Euro­ pean theories which slowly replaced natural-law theories. Finally. ibid. for example. What �inasi shared with Kemal. It pointed to the emotionalism. xix." Mecmua-i Ebilzziya ( 1 3 2 9/ i 9 1 1 ) . was now being metamorphosed into a defense of the rights of the people.$ 1N A SI public that did not make it a specialty to study one branch of knowledge. �inasi's writings show a definite concern with and an approval of what he called the "civilizing mission" of Re§id Pa§a. he said. already transformed in Sadik Rifat Pa§a's ideas into the protection of the well-being of subjects.'' stemming in both men from a belief in the perfectibility-if not always the essential good­ ness-of man. irra­ tionalism. the Young Otto­ mans.which he took as an ideal to be approximated in the present. This was �inasi's outstanding contribution to the de­ velopment of Turkish political thought. In general. "Siileyman Nazif Beyefendiye. �inasi was set apart from his followers. the only works available had been ro­ mances twisted into almost identical shapes by an array of conventions. �inasi's espousal of earlier currents of ideas made him more of a universal man and more of a cosmopolitan sage. EbUzziya recalled that relating an event without emasculating its distinguishing traits by fitting it to a given mold was so rare a happening that a letter of Akif Pa§a4 1 describing a boat ride had been deemed worthy of printing because of the comparative freshness of his description. . . The earlier emphasis placed on saving the empire from disintegration." Mecmua-i E buzziya ( 1 3 1 7/ 1 8 9 9 1 9 00) . �inasi's idea of "rights" of the people as a pendant of their obligations was a product of Western political ration­ alism. 4 3 9 ff. What separated �inasi from Kemal was the strongly emotional attachment of Kemal to an imaginary golden age of Ottoman culture. 41 Ebiizzi ya Tevfik. in that he was much more a man of the Enlightenment than they were. 5 7 9 . was a concern for the "people. These points at which Kemal and �inasi differed showed the affinity between Kemal's ideas and his own time. "Rical-i Mensi ye.

This need not indicate the European origin of �inasi's ideas."4 8 Thus a large part of the poetry written by �inasi was composed of panegyrics to Mustafa Re§id Pa§a. A. 4 9 Am 1.$1NA S I Sinasi equated the well-being of the empire with the process of Eµ�opeanization which had set in since the Tanzimat. 50 In the same vein. 1 8 .. the most important gift bestowed on human beings was the gift of reason. 5 1 This was an indirect attack on the current Islamic conception that the main use of lan­ guage was to praise the Lord and spread His word." in Ertaylan. G2 Ibid. 5 1 An1 1." p. pervades Sinasi's poetry and shows the extent to which he was impressed by the idea of "the harmony of the spheres. The comparison made between Re§id and Newton and the selection of Newton as a standard of excellence did. in one of his poems." 5 2 God had granted reason to man as a rneans of investigating the world around him." Kaplan. " • p. �man. 1 46. "the will of the soul" was "chiefly guided by reason. tS<" tnan. one of the Young Ottomans. . the achievements of the grand vizier were compared to those of Plato and Newton. Again. by Mualla Aml. it is sufficient to compare this statement with a similar one of Ziya Pa§a. «Sinaisi'nin Tiirk Siirinde Yaratttg1 Yenilik. p. in �inasi's conception of man. however. show the extent of �inasi's identification with Western rationalism. Only in the light of such a divine grant. for Plato was held in considerable esteem in traditional Ottoman culture. in fact. 2 9 . 50 There is. Sait. See Ziya Pa§a. According to him. 1 3 . p. in one instance he went so far as to thank Re§id Pa§a for having liberated "the people" from "fanaticism."49 Again. Repeat­ f�dly he heaped praise on the grand vizier for having intro­ duced "reason" in the Ottoman Empire . Ziya Pa�a. <' " • p. 1 2. 1 2 . the highest achievement of Re§id Pa§a was that he had brought to Turkey "the European climate of opinion. according to �inasi. could the meaning of the divine "gift of tongues" be appreciated. ''Terciibend. pp. 5 . as Kaplan has shown. 4 8 $inasi: Muntahabat-i E�'arim (Ed. an element of astronomical description which. which takes the reverse view that the subservience to European ideas "in all matters" was a shocking development which had never been witnessed before in the empire. 1 945 ) . To appreciate the extent to which �inasi had identified himself with the West. he stated. Istanbul.

"deism has already been explored by Professor Mehmed Kaplan in his §inasi'nin Tiirk §iirinde Yaratt1g1 Yenilik. since all the §inasi. �inasi also had good reasons for being cautious. One of the most interesting of his couplets is the following : To seek the way of God is an obligation of right reason If He wills [you] to distinguish the road. Ali Nihat Tarlan. p. With time.�INA S I Many of �inasi's poems show him to have been religiously inclined and a firm believer in Islam. . which appeared in �inasi's poems. 2 7 .. for it eventually took the form of a deep misanthropy. 53 This couplet. "Nef>iye Nazire. Fo r a study which considers rationalism to have been the original contribution of §inasi to Turkish literature see Dr. was novel. but in his youth this rationalism had. as we have al­ ready noted. by making religion an obligation imposed by reason. He shall appoint Her as guide. $inasi. . in Tanzimat. 153 . p. This pusillanimity probably had a pathological origin. Even though the many pantheistic and mystical orders of Islam sometimes did describe God as intelligence.» Dizdaroglu. "Tanzimat Edebiyatmda Hakiki Miiceddid. the conception of God as reason. his lines where the worship of God was stated to consist of nothing but the expression of the purest form of man's reason are indicative of a radical change as between the Islamic approach to matters of faith and �inasi's treatment of the same question. 4 7.. the latter proceeded from faith to reason.. not only a literary but also a political expression. shows an approach to faith which is the reverse of the traditional Islamic approach . I find that my approach to §inasi's . Yet it is a type of religiousness which is expressed in an entirely new language. dis­ illusionmen � with politics led �inasi to anchor himself increas­ ingly to the humanistic rationalism which was basic to his thought. While one is ascertaining the answers that �inasi provided to the political problems which were singled out for usually quite short discussion in the Tasvir-i Efkar. In particular. 6 0 3 ff. a most important matter which has to be kept in mind is that he was a very cautious man.

" 5 4 See Tasvir-i Efkar. . This is �inasi's conception of "the nation. paper. for example.. This can be gathered by the attitude he adopted toward three 'questions : first. One thing can be ascertained and that is the fact that his rationalism resulted in his taking an entirely new approach to political rnatters.$INA SI pains he took to approach politics indirectly did no t prevent his being expelled from his j ob. he introduced into the Turkish public opinion which he created the idea of a public or of "the people.'' op. "Avrupa. 55 Yet the fabric of his political thought which has to be reconstituted from indirect references in hi s poetry and his articles is not so tight as to give us a precise indication as to whether he would have advocated the creation of a republic in Turkey. 1 8 6 2 . Istanbul t)niversitesi Tiirkoloj i Enstitiisii. 8 62 . His reference to Re§id Pa§a as "the president" of the people is an indication that he did not entirely set aside republican considerations. Eruygur. tilinasi. Institute of Turcology of the University of Istanbul) .cit." One other element that he brought to Turkish thought has no relation to his rationalism and constitutes the nineteenth-cen­ tury aspect of his thought. 55 A nt I. 3 8 . p.. "Avrupa. 1 3 . Eruygur. No. therefore. "Roma Meselesi. We never come across a full-fledged statement of principle." op." Selh-i Zilhicce 1 2 7 8/June 2 8 . p. (unpublished B.. can only be inferred from the large space he devoted to the papal problem in the columns of the Tasvir-i Efkar and the side he chose to defend-the Italian govern­ rnent. finally. in N. 8 M uharrem 1 2 7 9-6/J uly 1 8 62 . i: . 3 9 3 ( 1 9 5 3 ) . 1[hat �inasi approved of the separation of church from state. �inasi ve Tasvir-i Efkar Gazetesi. Tez. secondly. This fact was first noticed by N.cit. 26 Cemaziyiilahir 1 2 79/December 1 9. . �· . he had a rationalistic approach to law which was at variance with the main current of the Ottoman-Islamic tradi­ tion . of allusions or indirect references to reform. The raw materials that we have to work with in analyzing �inasi's political thought consist. 5 4 This was the only way the question could be approached without raising various susceptibilities.A. there are indications that he be­ lieved in politics as an activity having its own inner dynamic .

$INA SI II. below. on the surface. entitled The A dventures of Telemaque. its true meaning is of the nature of a philosophical law which includes all the arts of government that have as purpose the fulfillmen t of justice and the happiness of the individual. Chapter x. for example. Such. Thus the idea of justice was an important one among the influences that went into the making of any cultivated and intelligent individual in the empire. conveys the impression of being a romance.A superior work concerning such exalted a craft was in need of being translated into Turkish by an author possessing poetic talent and a lofty style. 2 Ramazan 1 2 7 9/February 2 1 . ." 56 It is interesting to note that in Nam1k Kemal's writings remarks can be found which are entirely at variance with this attitude. It should be clear by now that one of the ways of viewing the history of the Otto­ man Empire is to look at it from the perspective of the struggle between the imperial prerogative embodied in the sultan and the upholders of the divine law. 1 8 6 2 . ". the ulema. is the statement that ethical norms are not the result of philosophical insight but that they are given by religion. Laws of Politics �inasi's rationalism led him to consider politics as a science which had its basis in what he called moral or philosophical laws." Tasvir-i Efkar. the work of the famous French author Fenelon. �inasi's Conception of Justice and Law An insight into �inasi's Western-mindedness can be gained by an examination of his idea of justice. 5 7 Cf. It has also been pointed out that the decay of the Ottoman Empire had placed the idea of j ustice in' the forefront of Ottoman problems and that publica5 6 «Payitaht. The following evaluation that he made of the Turkish translation of Fenelon's Telemaque shows this quite strik­ ingly : "While. 5 7 Ill.

quotation are mine. �inasi thus indicated the extent of his ties with traditional Ottoman-Islamic conceptions. a selection from Racine's Esther. maitre absolu de la terre et des cieux N'est point tel que l'erreur le figure a nos yeux . luge tous les mortels avec d'e gales lois. �inasi's thought differed from the traditional Is­ lamic approach in that it included the conception of a human 58 Chinassi. This ra­ tionalism was not held to be of the highest respectability in orthodox circles. 58 Secondly. Extraits de Poesie et de Prose. Even in the writings of the West­ ernist �inasi. that �inasi believed rulers to be responsible for their actions in this world as well as in the next. L'Eternel est son nom. when th e problem of political freedom was touched. II entend les soupirs de !'humble qu'on outrage. e�en though �inasi was a rationalist in the field of law it would not have been sufficient proof to separate his thought from traditional Ottoman-Islamic conceptions. le monde est son ouvrage. Yet an analysis of the context in which "justice" is used in the writ­ ings of �inasi shows that already European pressures were becoming influential. follows : Ce Dieu. This appears in the passage which �inasi placed a t the head of his Selected Poems trans­ lated from the French.$INA SI tion s idealizing the "rule of law" upheld by the ulema began to have wide circulation. but what was mentioned as an ideal was the establishment of j ustice with the concrete meaning of equality before the law. This is due not only to �inasi' s extreme rationalism . for there did exist among the doctors of law of Islam a tradition of rationalism introduced by the Mu'tezilite order. Et du haut �e son trone interroge les rois. first of all.) p. but i t was still part of the corpus of Islamic thought. (The italics in the . 1 1 . The passage. The aspects of �inasi's conception of law which dif­ fered from the traditional Islamic conception were. it was not by the defense of an abstraction such as '"freedom" (the latter word does not appear in a political context in his writings) .

the product of the sultan's will.1 0 1 . 1 0 0. a highly heretical concep­ tion if one takes into consideration that according to the Otto­ man-Islamic scheme the laws of the polity were the existing laws of God. �inasi's emphasis on man-made · • p. Cevdet Pa§a was entrusted by the Porte with the codification of this section of Islamic law. Medeni Hukuk Cephesinden A hmet Ce(odet Pa1a." It thus seems. or that of the ruler.6 0 �inasi. the edict of the sultan. on the other hand. that part of the law which fulfilled the function of a civil code in Islam. 59 It is this idea of a lawgiver other than the ruler which is quite foreign to earlier Ottoman thought . Sinasi thought that Re§id Pa§a had built a new polity for the Ottoman Empire and had grounded it in a new law-again.C'inasi. but he ran into considerable resistance in the preparation of such a man-made code and to overcome the criticism of the ulema he had to have reference to a work of Celaleddin. 1 1 IS9 Am1. For .. the Tanzimat Rescript) would pro­ vide the basis for the development and the rise of the Ottoman Empire "eternally. 6 1 ._i Devvanl. p. • 60 Devvani. Cevdet Pa§a in regard to the mere codifi­ cation of the Islamic law of obligations. pp . see above. the Koran. set once and for all ( only to be modified by dint of interpretation or by outright distortion of the meaning) .§INA SI lawgiver. .e. Mardin. considered that the man-made law of Re§id Pa§a ( i. In �inasi's scheme what was being praised was neither divine law nor the less orthodox Kanunname. y. That the idea of keeping the law as close as possible to its original source. for example. had not changed in the I 8 6o's and that the step undertaken by �inasi was a very daring one can be gathered from the difficulties encountered by the Tanzimat historian and jurist . It was the vizier's law which was praised. Thus both from the Islamic and the Ottoman point of view �inasi's ideas were new. For him. one of the most important contributions of the grand vizier was that the latter had established a fundamental law which set limits to the power of the sultan. where law is either the law of God.

" The prevailing conception among liberal circles in Europe at the time was that of wide or universal suffrage.6 1 IV.. 65 Ibid . Tercuman-i Ahval.." 68 1rhe mention he made in the preface of the Tercuman-i A hval of using language directed to "the people in general"64 indi­ cated that he had in mind a wider strata than the Ottoman elite. 62 I'he crux of the matter was the vagueness of �inasi's concep . and while he stated in the foreword of the Tasvir-i Efkar that he considered it to be his duty to deter­ mine what the people believed to be in their own interest. 2 8 Zilhicce 1 2. 64 1bid. - . 1 8 60. a type of homo politicus similar to the homo oeconomicus.$1NA SI law is also one which comes close to Re�id Pa§a's own state­ rnents regarding his goals. "Sinasi'nin Tiirk Siirinde Yaratt1g1 Yenilik.'' Tasvir i Efkar. tion of "the people. Kaplan.'' pp. 7 8/June 26. it is probable that �inasi addressed himself to an imaginary anthropocentric man. but there are indications that �inasi believed only in having reference to the opinion of those individuals "who had acquired experience. 7 9/ March 2 9. Sinasi's Conception of Public Opinion For Sinasi. "Mukaddeme. 2 Rebiiilahir 1 2 7 7/0ctober 8. 1 8 6 1 . however. . as attempted by Kaplan. he did not mention how large a group he meant by his use of the word "people. But �inasi seems to have been more conservative in his approach. "Maraz-1 Umumi-i Osmani. a product of the mathematical imagination of the Enlighten­ ment. 2 Rebiiilahtr 1 2 7 7/0ctober 8 ."65 Just as in the case of Miinif Pa�a. 8 §evval 1 2. But there does seem to exist some influence.w and that of Montesquieu. a new approach to politics in Turkey." Montesquieu did state that virtue was the principle basic to a republican democracy . the right of the people to express "ideas of benefit to the fatherland" was one which was engendered by the obligation which the people assumed toward society.. 68 Sinasi." Tasvir-i Efkar. 1 8 60. was also the first Ottoman thinker to 6 1 It is not so easy to establish a connection between Sinasi's conception of la. "Mukaddeme. Sinasi. 1 8 6 2 . cf. such as when Sinasi calls Re§id Pa§a "the president of the virtuous people. 3 5 and 3 9 · 6 2 §inasi.'' Tercuman-i Ahval.

A m 1 . and therefore the style is not at loggerheads with the Ottoman-Islamic ideals prevailing at the time. 6 1 See • also Sinasi. as did Nam1k Kemal. however. Actually." This too is new terminology and one which has telling political implications. Cf.nasi . v('i. It is in this light that we can understand why the more religious-minded Nam1k Kemal was." es Am1 . hold a nation­ alism which was based on an appeal to feeling and emotion. . in his own words. the term "repre­ sentative" or "deputy" is used here to mean that Re§id Pa§a was the God-appointed vicar whose task it was to establish the well-being of the people. 1 1 . "Mukaddeme." Tasvir-i Efkar. however. " • p. Such phrases as "your presence in the heart of the nation is a divine miracle" 66 and his reference to Re§id Pa§a as the saviour ' of the "nati on" 6 1 or the "Great Ottoman Nation" 6 8 are illus­ trations of this new context in which the word was used. with �inasi. 2 8 Zilhicce 1 2 7 8/ June 26. �inasi on Representative Government In �inasi's writings there is an instance of Re§id Pa§a being called the "representative appointed for the obtainment of the people's well-being. the use of slightly modified classical Islamic imagery to convey new ideas to his readers­ a stratagem adopted by the pusillanimous �inasi to make his remarks less obviously European-led later to considerable misunderstanding. V. But this is certainly th e first instance of the vicar­ age of God being mentioned in a vocabulary more suited to the repertory of a European statesman than to that of a doctor of Mohammedan law. 4 Receb 1 2 7 9/December 2 6 . did not." with the connotation of the French word "nation.$ 1NA S J add a new dimension to the generally felt concern for the salvation of the Ottoman Empire by his wide use of the word "millet." This term appears quite often in his poetry and articles. 1 8 6 2 . p 11 . "dazzled" when he first came across a volume of ea . True." Tasvir-i Efkar. 1 8 62. �inasi. "Millet-i Museviye. where "millet" is used through­ out in the same sense of "religious minority. '¥<'inasi.

. His rationalism and humanistic approach was to be equaled only by one other Turkish thinker. is that although he looked to the West for inspiration. XIXncu A sir. In his mind the separation between the state and religion as affected by the reforms of the early Tanzimat posed no problems. p. and that fifty years later. he chose to think of European intellectual ad­ vances and political conceptions as superior ones which he did not try to conciliate with Islam. note 2 75 2. this resulted in · hi s followers' not appreciating the extent to which he had traveled on the road to Westernization. the poet Tevfik Fikret. however. In fact. but because these same ideas were not enunciated clearly enough. there does not seem to have been a single nineteenth-century Turkish thinker who was not convinced of t his. By adopting this attitude �inasi placed himself in an awkward position with rc!gard to those who realized that this separation was not so simple. it undoubtedly created a basic ambiguity which weakened the foundations on which the Young Ottomans attempted to build their intel­ lt!ctual constructions. His fluent pen and control of all media of literature enabled him to appeal to many who approached his works for their literary as well as their cultural and political value. and manufactures. however.69 To a certain extent �inasi's disguised approach to reform was one of its causes of success. It was his conviction that the real nub of VVestern strength lay in the European encouragement of arts.$1NA S I �inasi's works. 69 Tanpmar. Often. The impression given by his works. In one respect �inasi was quite in agreement with the Young Ottomans. �inasi's influence on the generation immediately following cannot be · overemphasized. In another way �inasi was in advance of his time. crafts. 1 6 5.

1 8 7 9 ) . Ali Suavi relates · that the low state of his morale was suddenly uplifted by the news that a former dignitary of the Ottoman Empire had gathered enough courage to suggest a plan for the salvation of the empire. 6 I . of Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a's Letter to Sultan Abdulaziz.+8 CHAPTE R IX €+ Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a : Mid. This time. 3 8. Ulitm (undated [ 1 8 7 0] ) . in the year I 8 67. by submitting to clinical analysis the · causes of the decadence of the Ottoman Empire. that the decline of the Ottoman Empire was not an inevitable process.N ineteenth-Century Liberalism ONE of the more important contributions to the propagation of the idea of constitutionalism in Turkey had been the trans­ lation by the Young Ottomans. the Letter started by pointing out the lowering in ethical standards that had taken place in Turkey in the preceding century. Just as the Gillhane Rescript had proclaimed eighteen years before.. A. viz. (Le Caire. Costagliola. 9 1 8 . In the Letter Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a took up an idea which had already been enunciated in the GUlhane Rescript-the idea that by structural changes one could work for the arrest of the process of decay in the empire. p. the earlier at­ tempt to create a more efficient administrative procedure had given way to the idea that this machinery should be controlled. Sultan A bdulaziz Han'a Pariste . however. n .2 1 Ali Suavi. Turkish text : Paristen bir Mektup. but a state of affairs for which there existed a remedy. The resulting pam­ phlet circulated in Turkey by the Young Ottomans caused a considerable stir throughout the empire. 1 Ebilzziya considers it to have been the founda­ tion stone of political writing in Turkey. He points out that it was felt at the time that the Letter. p . see above. Quota­ tions here are taken from Lettre A ddresse [sic] au feu sultan A bdlUaziz par le feu Prince Mustafa Fazil Pacha ( r 8 6 6 ) . introduced a new approach to matters of state. 2 For the various printings of the Letter.

often alluded to before. the Letter did not interpret this "degeneration" to be a result of the slackening of religious observance. this 'elan' and this military courage were only the reflection of their n1oral values. p . deeper and more universal. 1 �i 2 6/1 9 0 8 ) ." 4 In a later part of the letter Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a was to go far beyond this new secular approach to politics to affirm with reference to religion : "I t is not it [religion] which regulates the rights of peoples. . p. 3 . p .. The factor. 4 L ettre. 3 0. Eastern Empire and gloriously established t hem­ selves in the city of which Constantine had made the capital of the world. This shifting of the main emphasis from one factor to another was done with consid­ erable ingenuity. Colombe. that the earliest glory of the Ottoman Empire was due to the purity of the religious ideals of the Ottomans was now relegated to the status of a contributing rather than a principal factor. Musta fa Faz1l started by pleading : "Sire. Ali Suavi provides us with the wisdom of hindsight that places the Letter in perspective and allows us to pinpoint the origin of Cemiyeti Ahrar Reisi Mui rli Mustafa Fazil Paia Merhum Tarafindan Gonderilen Mektubun Tercumesidir ( Dersaadet. p. 5 .M US T A FA F A Z I L P A $A "We Ottomans. 3 0. "are letting ourselves be invaded by a moral degeneration which every day becomes more visible. "Une lettre d'un prince egyptien du xixe Siecle au Sultan Ottoman Abd al-Aziz. 3 7 . 2 3-5 8 . p. In the foreground appeared a notion. p. Because of the difficulty in locating these texts. ( 1 9 5 8 ) . Rather. when our ancestors."3 Yet this time. as outlined in the Rescript's preamble. Colombe. more than four centuries ago gave an end to the. Colombe. un. Artin Asadoryan Matbaas1. 8 L ettre. references to the following widely available recent edition of the letter follow the first reference to the Cairo edition : Marcel Colombe." Orient. and in contrast to the overt purposes of the Rescript of I 8 3 9. u . 6 Lettre. known to Islam-that of a lay ethic." 5 The reason for this somewhat unexpected change is easy to determine. 1 2 . they did not only owe this gr eat conquest which is one of the most memorable dates of history to their reli­ gious 'elan' and to their military courage.'' stated Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a.

See Ebiiz­ ziya Tevfik. 1 1 1 9. "Faziliye. according to Faz1l Pa�a. 6 3 . June 1 . had been believed to be the hallmark of man in the state of nature. and at the same time of the regulating "invisible hand" of nature held in such high esteem by eighteenth-century thinkers. Thus virtue. been composed by a Rumanian by the name of Ganesco and had then been rewritten by Mustafa Faz11. 6 . Ebiizziya Tev:fik states that a Greek by the name of Revelaki who was employed by a number of Embassies as a go-between in their transactions with the Porte was instrumental in having the French text printed. "Yeni Osmanhlar. Ganesco was a contributor to the Liberte in which Mustafa Fazil Pa§a's Letter first appeared. Colombe.'' Yeni Tasvir-i. but at the same time appeared equated with the peculiar love for liberty and proudness which. and that it was one of the sources of inspiration of the Young Turks. was th e core of this "moral value" which he held to be of greater worth than religious guidance ? I t consisted in the fact that the Turks "were giving allegiance to their chieftains but they were so in virtue of a principle freely accepted by them. What · then.6 Yet the Letter is still important to study in detail."7 There could hardly have been drafted a sentence more evocative of Rousseau. that it was accepted by the Ottoman intelli­ gentsia at the time of its circulation in the capital as an adequate statement of goals. they had all the proudness of the heart and the mind and some kind of feeling of freedom native to them . i. On June 2 3 . . Up to this point. Ali Suavi. According to Suavi. I 8 6 6 he had written an article warning against the results of a Hohenzollern Prince being made the ruler of Roumania. There thus exists the possibility that this revelation of Suavi is accurate. the draft of the letter had. p. Efkar. who in the I 89o's were to repeat the feats of the Young Ottomans. for some time. however. p.» Ulum. . For it is un­ deniable that the missive had wide repercussions in the Otto­ man Empire. p. 1 5 Safer 1 2 8 7/May 1 7. in Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a's new conception. 4· 7 Lettre. 1 9 1 9.M US T A FA FA Z I L P A �A such innovations.. a departure from the independent character which was native to the earliest Turks. which knew how to discipline itself.e. pp. 1 8 7 0. was not only knocked off its religious pedestal. in fact. Moral decay. . the Letter did not offend the feelings of anyone. 3 I .

Thus the Prussian victory at Sadowa was due to the superior instruction of the Prussians as compared to the Austrians-an idea which is later to recur in Nam1k Kemal. as was attempted in the centralizing moves of Mahmud II but. 1 44. p. 64. for servility. 11 See above. 1 85 6 ) . Ganesco. 9 Nothing proved this better than the backward state of commerce and industry in the Ottoman Empire. Neither were the attempts to reform and modernize the administrative system of Turkey and the efforts to establish a centralized state. and luxury. according to Fazil Pa§a. :p . was that education alone was not suffi­ cient to cure the ills of the empire. p. The contention put forth by Faz1l Pa§a. to whom Suavi attributes the first draft of the letter. and Ali Pa§a was then at the beginning of the negotiations which were to result in the creation of the lycee of Galatasaray. a new and arresting one. 3 2 . 1 944 ) . whose writings are examples of the liberal nationalism having prevailed in early nineteenth-century Europe. 9 Lettre. 8 . Cf. 2 79 . see Gregory Ganesco.M US TA FA FA Z I L P A $ . Co_lombe. was influenced by Herder .8 on the other hand it caused the decay of arts and sciences. pp. 1"he Idea of Nationalism ( New York : Macmillan. since slave na­ tions had no use for these activities. Librairie Nouvelle. "Under the yoke of despotism even the noblest people in a short time will lose its nobility : its highest talent will be abused for falsehood and fraud. 8 .t1 was the result of the inj ustices to which the population of the Ottoman Empire had been subjected. on the contrary. According to Faztl Pa§a. p. 8 Ibid. 3 2 . 11 Yet Mustafa Fazil Pa§a could not accuse the administration of the empire of having neglected the dissemination of knowledge. While on one hand these injustices made men weak and servile. Lettre. for crawling. with the statement by Herder. No one could. Diplomatie et Nationalite ( Paris. 44 7 ." 10 This is also an emphasis we have already ��ncountered in the ideas of Sadik Rifat Pa§a.» Hans Kohn . efficiency in the state machinery could not be obtained by a mere increase in control. deny the fact that the supremacy of modern European states was based on the availability of a pool of "intelligent and the educated. A great effort in that direction had been undertaken by the early statesmen of the Tanzimat. Colombe. p. 10 Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a. p . 6 2 .

and his appeal to the sultan was ostensibly meant to enlist the sovereign's support against these men. would only take away one right of the sultan-that of "making mistakes." In short. The "tyranny" existing in Turkey was attributed by Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a to the irresponsibility of "subordinate functionaries" who. p . there is nothing that is not permitted to these subaltern tyrants. not responsible to public opinion.M US TA FA FA ZIL PA �A by decreasing the grip of the state over the citizen.l 12 L ettre. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a stated. . p. . p. 8 . Liberty was the "original schoolmaster which gave rise to all o. 3 2 . In the opinion of Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a the excesses of these statesmen would be checked by the establishment of a responsi­ ble government.. since the sultan had no way of knowing if they were conforming to his "paternal orders. were only nominally dependent on the authority of the sultan.. since "there is no public opinion in Turkey and the innumerable agents of your gov­ ernment. ibid. 3 0. This was the only way to eliminate the oppressions which neither the ruler nor the officials desired but which resulted "from the very nature of government."1 2 Faz1l Pa�a contended that the truth of the matter was that the first mentor of the people was liberty itself. In reality. 5 . But an examination of what he believed to be the function of this government shows that the constitution which he proposed for Turkey would not have established in Turkey responsible government in the sense meant.. for ex­ ample. ibid."14 By the term "tyrans subalternes" Faz1l Pa§a meant to characterize the governmental elite. 6 .. 1 s Ibid." In short. p. 1 4 Ibid. Colombe. 3 I . by Locke. p . Mustafa Fazil Pa�a was appealing to a section of the Turkish intelligentsia which already had shown its distaste for the high-handed rule of these ministers. .thers. p. Mustafa Fazt." 1 3 Only when their rights were guaranteed could people make use of their knowledge. 2 80 . become conse­ quently not responsible to your Maj esty. in the words of its sponsor. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's constitution.

P · p . The least that can be said about this interpretation is that there was no precedent for it. It was expounded at length in the works of the Italians. was a conception which came to complete another one advanced in an earlier part of the Pa�a 1 5 Ibid.. p.." he went on. his respect toward the sovereign and his desire to see the sovereign leading the constitutional state. he did not hesitate to give a new interpretation of this relation in his Letter. and there was no question in his scheme of a government responsible to the people. The example that Mustafa Fazil Pa§a gave of the king of Italy as the leader of the movement of liberalization in his own country con­ firms this point. ibid. "there are no Christian politics or Moslem politics. ."1 1 This. 11 Lettre p . Although Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a knew quite well that a close relationship existed between matters of faith and matters of state in Islam. 9 . Prolegomeni del Primato Morale e Civile degli J'taliani (Brussels. Colombe. but it does not regulate the rights of the people and it loses itself by losing all the rest when it does not remain in the sublime domain of eternal verities. 1 5 The origin of Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's ideas can be pinpointed in the light of . and Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's emphasis on the ethical aspects of government are also reminiscent of the moralistic tinge of Gioberti's work. 3 7 . The idea of guidance by the sovereign on the constitutional road was one which had become fashionable in Europe toward the middle of the nineteenth century. . religion commands the soul "and opens for us the perspectives of future life.M US TA FA F A Z I L P A $A n:1eant the ·"responsible government" to be a purely consultative organ. Mustafa Faztl Pa§a spoke of a "revolution" which was to be undertaken by the ruler himself. 1 �46) . . 16 I 2." "Sire. 3 4· [Vicenzo Gioberti] . 1 6 In fact. Accord­ ing to him. the Prolegomeni del Primato Morale e Civile degli ltaliani.. It was the sovereign who was to guide the Turkish nation on the road to progress. of course. for there is only one j ustice and politics is justice incarnate. such as Mazzini and d'Azeglio. Caus & Co.

"19 Just as with the Young Ottomans. 2 9 .") The absence again in Mustafa Faz1l's opus of the idea. 18 Lettre. 1 8 67. 2 82 I. p. in waiting for better things." Something had indeed been added to Sadik Rifat Pa§a's conception of the father land in the inter­ vening years : R1fat Pa§a had not mentioned the word "race. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a was stimulated to make proposals for a constitution for the empire by the disintegrating pressures coming from its com­ ponent nationalities. But in Mustafa Faz1l's ideas may be per­ ceived a strand of genuine. Colombe. 19 Levant Herald Daily Bulletin." for in Islam no such conception existed. p. which leads us to suspect that the j ournalists who congregated around him in Paris had a hand in drafting it. 4 . the talk of "sentiments" inherent in a people was the hallmark of romantic European thought and the far echo of the idea of the soul of a nation which through the German historian Herder had come to be associated with liberal nationalism. Similarly.1 8 Again there was talk. April 1 6. it can be said that Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a's letter shows the same influence of liberal nationalism as was to appear in Kemal but with an absence of Islamic references. that the �eriat be made into the capstone of the political system showed the extent of the ideological rift that separated the "Egyptian" prince from the Turkish patriot. universalism­ a quality the survival of which later became known as "kozmo­ polit cereyanlar" { "cosmopolite movements. in the Letter. of the "lofty sentiments inher­ ent" in "the Turkish race. In general. In a letter which he wrote two month s later Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a summed up his program as "seeking to base the Ottoman Empire upon constitutional liberty which would establish equality and harmony between Musulman and Christian and which. p. Mustafa Faz1l Pa§a stated that it was his "patriotism" which had spurred him on to make his proposals. if somewhat naive. . fundamental in Kemal's pieces.M US T A FA FA Z I L PA � A Letter-the conception of an ethic ultimately based on liberty. would give to Turkey the moral superiority over such and such one of its _ neighbors.

Besides the simplicity of his Turkish. went further in the use of the vernacular than his predecessors such as �inasi and Mi. His patriotic poetry. like the prose of Renan." Whenever protests have arisen against the curtailments of what are considered to be the basic rights of the citizen under J 2 83 . for the directness and the incisiveness of his prose com­ pares favorably with that of modern Turkish writers. on the other hand. Today his works are still the most readable of those pub­ lished in his time. precise pieces of work devoid of the circumlocutions of the written Turkish of the nineteenth century and a far cry from the ornate style used in official correspondence and documents. filled with exhortations to save the fatherland. which in earlier times used to familiarize the French schoolboy with the no­ tion of patrie. Nam1k Kemal. The latter are still riddled with the Arabic and Persian vocabularv of the Classical Era of Turkish literature. a written language which was the privilege of only a minority to enj oy. his articles stand out as closely argued.+ij C H A P TE R X €+ N am1k Kemal : the Synthesis OF ALL the men who participated in the Young Ottoman movement. constitutes the Turkish citizen's earliest intro­ ductions to such concepts as "the fatherland. is still a standard part of Turkish anthologies and.inif Pa§a and thereby reached an even wider audience than these precursors of the simplification of the Turkish language. The nature of this achievement can be appreciated only by com­ paring his writings with those of his contemporaries. the power of his style was remarkable. one above the rest. Nam1k Kemal. That Kemal's fame should have endured is hardly astonish­ ing. has retained in modern Tur�ey the fame which he achieved in the middle of the nineteenth century. Among the political writi ngs of the era.

Vocabulaire Francais. X. huN"iyet was used as a fifth meaning of liberte. 1 1 . the word hurriyet was used to characterize the state of a person who was not a slave. 7. He accompanied his grandfather Abdil. he studied at the Ru�diye's of Beyazit and Valide. The same source indicates that the contemporary Turkish equivalent for civil liberty was ruhsat-1 !eriyye.3 This event is symbolic of the influences that surrounded Nam1k Kemal during his boyhood. 1 8 5 0 ) .Turc (Paris. eigh t year schools that had been estab­ lished during the Tanzimat.e. Namik Kemal . In I 8 6 1 . But it is seldom realized that this second contribution of his. Bianchi. B i an chi . performed. in his youth. in terms of the contrast with earlier Ottoman values. n. n ote 8 . T. X. what could be done without overstepping the law. and fallowed him later to Sofia. 1 83 1 ) . textually "permission of religious law. the popularization of the notion of "Hurriyet.e. The latter's functions had little to do with astronomy proper._ p . it was a noun used i n conn ecti on with freedmen . See T.NA M I K KEMA L the Turkish Republic. Most of his time between the ages of ten to sixteen was spent in extensive travel throughout the empire.1 and that in the long run it proved of greater worth in the modernization of the Empire. His functions were to determine the propitious time for any of the Sultan's actions. 2 9 3 . i. Yet on this occasion the ceremony was held ahead of time because other bureaucratic considerations had to be put in the forefront.. 1. 1 K\lntay.. Dondey-Dupre.2 For a few months. These were the new types of westernized. Dictionnaire Franfais­ Turc (Paris. Nami k Kemal. . As early as 1 8 3 1 . Kemal's father was the Court Astronomer Mustafa As1m Bey. 2 Kaplan. On one hand. Mustafa As1m Bey was actually the court astrologer at the time when even in the Ottoman Empire kings were beginning to take astrology with a grain of salt. 4 2 2 . it was Mustafa As1m Bey who was charged with the determination of the propitious time for the ceremony to be . Everat.llatif Pa�a to the border town of Kars.e. the family of Kemal was associated with ancient tradi1 According to a standard French-Turkish dictionary of the time. however. p." i . Nam1k Kemal was born in the town of Tekirdag in Decem­ ber of 1 840. these too have been voiced in his name and expressed in his words.. i . on the occasion of Abdiilaziz's accession to the throne." was the most original.

His grandfather on the paternal side. 6. was the upholder of those Islamic standards of j ustice which consti­ tuted the core of the teachings of the ulema.5 and his paternal grandfather's house was seized by creditors. eighteen years had passed since the proclamation of the Rescript of 1 83 9. Nam1k Kemal came under the influence of the classicist poet. "Kemal. apart from having had considerable experience as a government official. �emseddin Bey. p. 8 4 7-8 5 1 . and Fevziye Abdullah Tansel "Siileyman Hiisnii Pa§a ile Nam1k Kemal'in Miinasebet ve Muhaberat1. ." .. had been the first chamberlain to Selim III. and his family traced its lineage to Topal Osman Pa§a. emphasis on the person of the caliph Ali which was one of the forms that "folk" Islam had taken in Turkey.N A M I K KE M A L tions and distinguished itself by service to the state." Turkiyat Mecmuasi ( 1 9 5 4 ) .ew class of Ottoman functionaries. . "Nam1k Kemal'in �iirleri" in Namik Kemal Hakkinda. p. Milnif Pa§a was publishing his translation s from the French philosophes and at literary gatherings questions relating to the Westernization of Turkey were being dis­ cussed. Yet the influences t o which Kemal was subj ected were not only Western. for the Sufi use of "freedom. 8 . Abdiilbaki Golpmarlt . pp.' On the other hand. the victor over Nadir �ah of Persia ( circa 1 743-1 746) . The latter. also. 69 for Alid inclina­ tions. At the time of his arrival in the capital.. At the same time Kemal was meeting �inasi. Nam1k Kemal's oft-quoted poem "On Liberty" appears to have been directly inspired by a similar poem written by Galib. Namik Kemal.e. p. 1 40. 6 Ibid. of which both �inasi and Galib were members. 7 Kaplan. 1 1 . EncycloptJ:edia of Islam.. Through his maternal grandfather. 4 3 . x1. when Nam1k Kemal was seventeen.1 • Theodor Menzel. and the Europeanizing drive of the Tanzimat had begun to affect markedly the cultural life of the empire. Leskof�ah Galib. and became a member of the poetic circle known as the Council. he came to Istanbul and entered the Translation Bureau of the Cus­ toms and then that of the Porte. 6 In 1 8 5 7-1 8 5 8 . 15 Kuntay. His father had to rely on others for the support of the family. the family was slowly losing its importance with the arrival on the scene of a IJ. i. 1 9. AbdUl­ latif Pa§a. 1 . 6 8 . Namik Kemal.

when Ziya Gokalp. then. his numerous exiles." in Namik Kemal Hakkinda. the second important modern Turkish political theorist produced the second. is found in the articles he wrote for the Hurriy et and the lbret. The core of his political theory. the first volume of a proj ected twelve-volume Ottoman history. two extensive essays ( one on the Ottoman past and the other on his dream of the ideal Ottoman society) . 8 No indication has been provided as yet of the voluminous literary-historical productions which he managed to complete while being driven from pillar to post. 9 For a complete bibliography of Nam1k Kemal's works see Serif Hulusi.NA M I K K E M A L Nam1k Kemal's activities from 1 8 65 onward. and his death while still comparatively young have been recounted above. "Nam1k Kemal'in Eserleri. more or less systematic body of political thought. Kemal's political philosophy. two long critical­ literary essays in verse. The extraordinary extent to which his editorials set the tone for Turkish j ournalistic style may be followed even today. may be studied from two viewpoints : first. The echo of his patriotic exhortations may be found in any occasional speech delivered by a contemporary Turkish political leader. pp. More philosophically inclined than his colleagues. It is to these articles that we have to turn to recapture his political thought. Exactly the contrary is true. and completed several translations.9 His political conceptions run throughout his works and should therefore be studied in the context of all his productions. This does not mean that Kemal's ideas have not left a characteristic imprint on Turkish political thought as well as in literature. three novels. . The privileged position which his political theory occupied only came to an end at the beginning of the twentieth century. Nam1k Kemal concentrated on the discussion of fundamental theo­ retical issues and thus produced a body of political philosophy which is the only one worthy of that name among the writings of his time. a series of short biographies. 3 0 5 -42 1 . in relation to his attempted 8 See above. Chapter I I . however. During his lifetime in addition to large numbers of articles he wrote six plays.

His strong classical cul10 ihsan Sungu. 1 94 0) . of religious law. The Political System of Namik Kemal In 1 940 there appeared in Turkey a volume entitled Tanzimat I: I o o ncil Yildonumii Munasebetile. " Tanzimat I : 1 o o ncii Yildonumii Munasebetile (ed.NA MIK KEMA L synthesis between Islamic and Western political conceptions and therefore in terms of purpose. Nam1k Kemal's background does.10 This article raised considerable interest among Turkish scholars because it purported to refute a myth. and of observance of the principles of Islam. by lengthy excerpts from the Hurriyet. This reminder had certainly become necessary at a time when the nationalism of Kemal. by Tiirk Tarih Kurumu. used by subsequent generations of less religiously inclined reformers. Among the contributions to the commemorative volume was an article on the Young Ottomans by lhsan Sungu. pp . and secondly. that of the Young Ottomans as advocates of thorough Westernization. and internal con­ sistency . to a certain extent. "Tanzimat ve Yeni Osmanhlar . Sungu showed. aiming to summarize the achievements of the Tanzimat on the one hundredth anniversary of the proclamation of the Rescript of Giilhane.8 5 7 . that in fact this mouth­ piece of the Young Ottomans had consistently taken an Is­ lamic approach to the problem of government. an official of the Ministry of Education and an expert on the intellectual history of the Tanzimat. origin. I. . explain this emphasis. . and that religion was given an undeniably maj or role in its schemes of reform. Yet it is probable that this discovery did not surprise many of those who had made the study of the Tanzimat their specialty. Maarif Matbaas1. for throughout the writings of Kemal there reappear the themes of divine justice. in terms of having introduced into Turkey certain key political concepts which affected subse­ quent generations of Turkish thinkers. had become identified with the lay nationalism that was part of the ide­ ology of the founders of the Turkish Republic. Istanbul. 7 7 7.

1 9 3 7) . The Bektaski Order of Dervishes (Lon don. and which resulted in the opening of many straight paths. is well known for its contribu­ tions to the intellectual life of the Ottoman Empire and for its espousal of the griefs of the "common man. "N am1k 11 Kemal'in §iirleri. shows the evaluation of the ideas of Voltaire he made at the tim� : "This man has devoted himself to the destruction of existing precepts of religion.NA M I K K E M A L ture and the contacts which he established with the Council poets. Leskof�ah Galib. originally had religious and probably mystical bases." Nam1k Kemal Hakkinda. On the influence of the religious leader 0£ the Kadiri religious order Osman §ems on Kemal. See John Kingsley Birge."1 2 Thus Nam1k Kemal's interest in "the people. p. The following let­ ter written to his spiritual mentor. yet in so doing he fallows the same road as that blasted by Ahmed Vefik Pa§a in Bursa. in particular. Luzac. which was gaining strength all the time in Europe. At any rate. Namik Kemal. p."1 1 The Bekta§i order of dervishes. There are indications that. but which has also been Kaplan. It is probable that.on the other hand. · . Nam1k Kemal was already comparing the ideas of the Enlightenment regarding government with the traditional political thought of Islam. 12 It has been pointed out that in Turkey. found a ready reception in his mind. even during the first years of his stay in Istanbul.'' which has often been errone­ ously interpreted as a belief in the value of universal suffrage. as well as the mentorship of the classicist Leskof�ah Galib. 69. When. among the poets known to Kemal. 19. such inclinations did exist in his family . which has been called "a Bekta§i family. see Golpmar h. mysticism has been made the vehicle for the expression of the discontentment of the un­ privileged. 1 8 . later on. there were mystics who gave him an insight into what many Turks have considered to be the more sophisti­ cated aspects of religion. p. the idea of the participation of the people in the political process. are other factors which must have confirmed his Islamic faith quite early. . Nam1k Kemal became acquainted with European liberalism. into that universalism and semipan­ theism which has been associated with the tasavvuf or Islamic mysticism.

" 18 On the bases of his Islamic culture. 1 8 6 8 . This was done. Hurriyet. such as the "natural sociability" of man. the �eriat.1 900) was a bureau­ crat disliked by Kemal for his reactionary tendencies. . The first of these theories is the one encountered in the works of the Islamic jurists . p. 1 4 Nam1k Kemal. In one of the most important articles he wrote on the sub­ jj ect. Yet there are many instances where it is not entirely dear whether according to him government in the abstract and the principle of political authority are divinely ordained categories or due to a purely mundane development.1 4 Nam1k Kemal would seem to have adopted this second 1 8 Kuntay.4. In particular his [Voltaire's] information on the subject of Islam having been gatherecl from work on homiletics. is as mistaken as the sources which he uses. While in most parts of the book the reasoning used is so strong as to appear superhuman. and consisting of hearsay. 24. the second is one which is · found both in Islamic and Western philosophers.e.awirhum fi 'l-'amr.NA M I K K E M A L the cause of much tyranny and disorder. 1 . July 2 0. The structure of Nam1k Kemal's p olitical system and its points of contact . II.. Yet this is more the result of his ignorance than of his evil intentions. The Origin of Government For Nam1k Kemal good government is government which fulfills the political desiderata of the religious law. however. by emphasizing certain factors in Islamic po­ litical thought and conveniently relegating others to the back­ ground. At certain times the contradiction between the system of Nam1k Kemal and that of Islam became quite obvious. p p. Senih Efendi ( 1 8 2 2. Namik Kemal. I consider [the case of Voltaire] to provide quite strong proof of the impo­ tence of reasoning in the face of the deed of God. Nam1k Kemal evolved a system which has the distinction of fitting rather closely the prerequisites of the type of liberalism that was current in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century. there are some parts in it that can be refuted as easily as the words of Senih Efendi.. "Wa-ili. i.

In this piece he started from the idea that men are naturally inclined to harm one another and that the power to protect man from the attacks of his kin can be provided only by an association of men." David de Santillana. "Wa-@awirhum. The idea of the essentially preda­ tory inclinations of man is not. 1 . 1 6 Nam1k Kemal.1 7 7 . • . "Law and Society. Remzi Kitabevi. but an Islamic conception. In his own words. in Mustafa Nihat Ozon." The Legacy of Islam (ed. 1 9 3 1 ) . 1 3 4. According to one authority this has led to the conception of law as "a permanent struggle against the wicked instincts of man. . by T. see Robert Derathe. 1 9 5 o) . Locke. Presses U ve l bret. Oxford. Rousseau et la Science Politique de son Temps (Paris. Cf. 1 5 6 . and may be considered the natural product of a division of labor brought about by the greater complexity that arises with an increase in population. God said 'Get ye down enemies one to the other. 1 7 Nam1k Kemal. Sura xx. Namik Kem. I . Bell. Oxford University Press. This article. 249-2 7 8 ) . i n Ozon. by Gough. an absolute normative force for the protection of freedom. as advanced by Boran. ("Nam1k Kemal'in Sosyal fikirleri. 1 8 7 2 . p p . "the service rendered by society in the world is the invention of . Thus government arises as the result of an agreement among citizens to appoint a "specialist" in government. 1 3 1 . 1 94 8 ) ." p. par. 1 1 As Kemal states : "Since it is impossible that the community perform the tasks with Islamic theory as well as its similarities with the ideas that were current in Europe in his time have not been well studied as yet. Nami k Kemal ve ibret Gazetesi (Istanbul. . . London . 1 5 Nam1k Kemal. John Locke. See Nam1k Kemal. 15 Thus the freedom of man can be protected only in society. Second Treatise. cf. ." 16 Government.. The life of humanity is dependent on the continuation of this force. October 9. however. Nam1k Kemal stated in another article that even though human nature could be bettered by education it would take "a few thousand years" to achieve it. 3 o 1 ." p. par. "Wa-@awirhum. . the organ which uses "this force. . W. 1 3 1 .' " Koran. does not try to place in perspective the Islamic elements in N am1k Kemal's political theory. verse 1 2 1 . 1 3 2 . The only attempt to trace European influences is an article of Behice Boran entitled "The social ideas of Nam1k Kemal.N A M I K KE MA L stand. The Second Treatise of Civil Government and a Letter Concerning Toleration (ed. a reflexion of Hob­ besian influences." in Namik Kemal Ha kkinda .. 2 9 5 ." i bret. «Baz1 Miilahazat-1 Devlet ve Millet. pp . . i . . 1 7 4. 1 9 3 8 ) ." exists be­ cause all members of the community cannot busy themselves with governmental matters. "Baz1 M iilahazat-1 Devlet ve Millet. For the dissimilar views of Rousseau. Arnold and Alfred Guillaume. pp. . p. «And. p.

. A moment existed at the dawn of history when mankind was a single flock. Political Thought. Thereafter. and as the result of a division of labor. according to the precepts of natural law. Compare with the classical Islamic accounts of the origins of society : the beginnings of society «are traced by Muslims much in the same way as in Christian theory. p. Society is a form of association which is distinguished by its being regulated by certain principles generally agreed upon (the "absolute normative force") which keep men from hurting one another." 18 Nam1k Kemal. i. 1 9 Rosenthal. on the other hand. 1 9 Unencumbered by Rousseauan in­ fluences. and the introduction of particular law. after government had come into being." Santillana. . . is nothing other than the delegation of certain individuals by society for the perform­ ance of the above-mentioned duties. In the second stage this force was the �eriat. however.." The Legacy of Islam. Ignorant of evil they lived in a peaceful anarchy. This he had to do because if he had not he would have agreed that a natural law of secular nature had 18 Nam1k Kemal. p. the loss of true faith. p. First society is created. «Wa-fill awirhum." Now the mere secular explanation of the origins of society encapsulated in such a scheme need not indicate that Nam1k Kemal was going outside the bounds of Islamic political theory. 3 04 . This. The Falasifa had also relied on a secular explanation of the origins of society. i . The end of the golden age came with the crime of Cain. the appointment of an Imam [leader of the Islamic community] and the formation of government is a necessity. «Law and Society. . The mere assumption of a "state of nature» then need not indicate the influence of the Enlightenment on Kemal's ideas. government is created and some members are as­ signed the task of enfarcing this "force. seems to imply that there are two stages in the establishment of government.NA M I K KE M A L which befall it . The passions of men gained the upper hand and brought about social disaster. Where Nam1k' Kemal entangled himself in contradictions was in his idea that the force which had regulated the workings of the first stages of association was the same as that which had obtained during the second stage. they left the issue conveniently vague. 1 2 5 . then.e. But Nam1k Kemal implied that the first force was identical with the second.


preceded the �eriat. As we have tried to show in Chapter 1 1 1
this could not be so because Islamic natural law did not con­
sist of a continuum but of the �eriat itself and of the very spe­
cial duties, political, economic, and social, which it prescribed.
A similar problem which Nam1k Kemal encounters at this
early stage is that of the problem of good and evil. As· he
stated : "With us good and evil are determined by the �eriat.
Again whether the relations between compatriots conform
with the abstract good is known by the application of the
guage of [religious] justice to these relations."2 0
There is nothing preceding the Seriat, then, which may be
called good or evil because only the �eriat enables one to
determine these qualities. 21
There are other passages of Kemal where we can see that
in fact he did not involve himself in such patent absurdities
but came dangerously close to it. Thus the Rousseauan con­
text in which he explains the origins of t�e �eriat22 is uncon­
vincing : "When societies became larger, states and govern­
ments were formed and it became necessary to enact a binding
thread which would elicit common opinion in matters of
general administration for the individuals who made up every


Nam1k Kemal, "Hukuk," in ibret, 1 9 June 1 8 7 2 , Ozon, Namik Kemal

I bret, p. s 1 .


"Is law a primal principle for the presence of which we search the
universe or is it the product of the will of humanity? The second alternative
can in no case be admitted, for the will of humanity is either completely free,
or is limited by a norm. If it is free then no man would want to bow to the
orders of others on the sole basis of caprice, neither could they be forced to
obey these orders. If [on the other hand] there exists such a limitation of
will, what does this limitation consist in ? . . . According to our belief,
[this limitation] consists in the good and evil with which the Ruling
Power has endowed nature. Consequently, the name of law is given to 'the
necessary relations which arise from human nature in accordance with the
idea o.f good.'
" Nam1k Kemal, "Hukuk," in Ozon, Namik Kemal 'Ve
1 bret, p. 49.
22 I have consiqered the article from which the following quotation is taken
to have been written by Kemal as attributed in Kaplan's list of the Hiirriyet
articles written by Nam1k Kemal. See Kaplan, Namik Kemal, pp. 1 7 3 - 1 7 7 .
The emphasis on a state o f nature, a favorite point o f Ziya Pa§a's, does not
rule out entirely its having been due to Ziya's pen. But even were the article
to be Ziya's there are other similar statements by Kemal.




civilized society. This binding thread is the �eriat which is
the political law serving to protect and govern the members
of society j ointly and severally. I ts interpretation is deter­
mined by the assent of the community but its basis is natural
law. For us that natural law is the same divine justice as has
been set by the Koran." 2 3
The origin of thi s juxtaposition of secular and religious
elements in Kemal's political theory went back to the dual
origin-half European and half Islamic-of his thought.
The reason for which he chose the secular explanation of the
origin of government was tha t such an argument naturally
led him to the conclusion that "the right of sovereignty be­
.longs to all." 2 4 Such a conclusion would have been hard to
elicit from Islamic political theology. In fact, what he was
attempting to achieve was what Robert Derathe has stated
was the overriding aim of Rousseau, namely, the transforma­
tion of the idea of a pactum subjectionis into one compatible
with the idea of freedom. 2 5 For in reality the first pact in
Islamic theory was not one between men but one between God
and men and a true pactum subjectionis in this respect. 2 6
Having taken care of the question of the origin of political
power, Nam1k Kemal then goes on to ascertain the specific
form in which men are bound by this power. This brings
Kemal to a discussion of what is essentially the second pact,
the pact of government. The specific form in which the alle­
giance to the ruler is legalized is, according to Kemal, the insti­
tution of the Biat ("Baia" in Arabic) . It has already been
indicated that this process of confirming the authority of the
caliph played an important role in the theory of the j urists.21


"Devlet-i Aliyyeyi Bunlundugu Hal-i Hatarnaktan Halasm Esbab1,"
Hurriyet, August 2 4 , 1 8 6 8 , p. 2 .
24 Nam1k Kemal, "Wa-iliawirhum," p . 1 .
215 Derathe, Jean Jacques Rousseau, p . 1 8 2. .
26 See above, Chapter 1 1 1 .
2 7 "Given these requisites, [the qualities necessary to a good monarch] it is
eviden,t that the choice o f a chief for the Islamic community cannot be left to
chance or violence, but must be founded on the ripe reflection of those best
1quali:fied to appreciate whether the candidate is a fit subject for choice.
2 93


According to Khadduri, this institution was also considered to
constitute the second contractual step in the Islamic theory of
contract. 28 At this stage the contract becomes one between the
Muslim community on one hand and the Caliph on the other.
The bonds which bind the subj ects to the ruler are not as
strong here as in the first contract.
Since, in the theory developed by the jurists, the social
compact was binding only on condition that the caliph enforce
divine law, Nam1k Kemal was justified in stating that he based
himself on Islamic fundamentals when he enunciated the
theory that the community had the right to break the contract
if the ruler did not carry out his obligations.
"If the people of a country,'' he stated, "gather and pledge
allegiance to a man for the Sultanate or the Caliphate, this
man becomes Sultan or Caliph, the Sultan or Caliph preceding
him is invalidated, f o r the imamate is a right of the commu­
n i ty . " 9 But if Nam1k Kemal was j ustified in pointing out
that the Islamic contract was revocable, he failed to draw
attention to the fundamental ambiguousness of the theory of
the Islamic jurists, the fact that they had never mentioned

The elective body cannot therefore be the whole o f �he Muslim people,
but only those who by their culture, their social rank, their experience of
worldly affairs, and their morality, are suited to be j udges. The electorate
will be entrusted to the 'men of the pen and the sword,' in other words to
the civil and military notables ; to them is given power 'both to bind and
to loose,' that is to say, to stipulate in the name o f the whole community
the bond on which rests the power of the prince and the obedience due
from his subj ects. Election is in the law the act by which the people, or
the notables on their behalf, con fer the supreme power on the obj ect of
their choice ; it is an offer of contract ( 'iqad) , which, if accepted, by the
person chosen, becomes a binding contract (' aqd) . . . . By accepting the
investiture, the caliph binds himself to exercise his power within the limits
laid down by the divine law.»
The caliph, in turn, "undertakes to provide for the temporal interests of
Islam, such as the protection of the frontiers, the conduct of war against the
unbelievers, internal security, management of public property, and the ad­
ministration of j ustice." Santillana, "Law and Society," The Legacy of
Islam, pp . 2 9 7 - 8 .
Khadduri, War and Peace, p . I I .
29 Nanuk Kemal, "Wa-@awirhum," p . 1 .



the specific steps by which the mandate of the caliph could be
revoked in case such a fundamental disagreement arose be­
tween the caliph and his flock.8 0
In fact, Nam1k Kemal never evolved a theory of justified
revolt ( a conception which in Europe was the crude and
embryonic predecessor of the idea of the responsibility of
government) .8 1 His own position in this matter was similar
to that of the Islamic j urists and he strictly opposed any such
conception as a right of rebellion. There was no question in
his mind that the sultan-caliph could not be deposed by an
armed revolt or conspiracy, nor could he by any stretch of the
imagination be said to have thought that "the tree of liberty"
should be "watered by the blood of tyrants."3 2
Nam1k Kemal even went further than denying the right of
revolution ; he made it extremely difficult for the mandate of
the ruler to be revoked. For, according to Nam1k Kemal, the
right to break the contract is not a right of the individual ;
neither is it, as in traditional Islamic theory, the theoretical
privilege of the notables. It is, according to him, a right of
the community as a whole, assembled for this ·purpose, to
3 0 The most widely accepted Islamic attitude app eared in the following
saying traced to the Prophet : "When you meet God (on the day of the j udg­
ment) say, <Q Lord, Thou didst send us Prophets and we obeyed them by Thy
permission, and you set over us Caliphs and we obeyed them by Thy per­
mission, and our rulers gave us orders and we obeyed them for Thy sake' ;
And God will answer, <Ye speak the truth ; theirs is the responsibility an d you
,, quit of it.' Sir Thomas Arnold, The Caliphate (Oxford, Clarendon
Press, 1 9 24) , p . 4 9 . Cf. with Locke, who des cri b es legislat ive power as
"only a :fiduciary power to act for certain ends" so that «there remains still
in the people a supreme power to remove or alter the legislative when they
find the legislative act contrary to the trust reposed in them." Second


8 1 "The

para. 1 49 .

right of resistance was, however, merely the Medieval method,
clumsy in idea and technique for the realization of a more general principle,
for which a technically more suitable p rocedure of enforcement was after­
wards found. This principle was the responsibility of government, which in
the middle ages meant the responsibility of the king and his Council." Fritz
Kern, Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages ( trans. by S. B. Chrimes,
Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1 9 39 ) , p . 1 95 ff.
8 2 Nam1k Kemal, uveni Osmanlilarm ilan-1 resm isi, " Hiirriyet, Oc to­
ber 1 2, 1 86 8, p . 3. uHubb ul-watan,'' Hurriyet, June 2 9 , 1 8 6 8 , p. 2 .

2 95

N A M I K · KE M A L

break the contract. Just as the selection and the rejection of a
person to the office of imam is the right of the congregation
which gathers for this election. 8 3
Nam1k Kemal's emphasis on the biat is quite consistent
with his use of such concepts as "the people," "the interests
of the people,'' and "public opinion" ; but these are definitely
new terms to be used in connection with the biat. They re­
place the much more narrow terms of "the men of the pen and
the men of the sword" or ·"the binders and looseners" which
are found in Islamic theory.
Another point which Nam1k Kemal relegated to the back­
ground was that concomitantly with the theory of biat had
been developed the Islamic theory of trusteeship or wilaya,
the net effect of which was to countermand the theory of
the b iat. The Islamic theory of trusteeship was a basically
authoritarian theory. In contrast with the liberal theory of
trusteeship as evidenced in Locke, for example,8 4 in Islam
the trustor was not identical with the beneficiary ; there was
no trust which the people set for their own benefit. In Islam,
the trustor was God and the trustee was the ruler. It was a
trust meant in the reverse of its libertarian meaning.
What emerges at this stage as a fundamental characteristic
of Nam1k Kemal's theory is his attempt to devise some means
by which ultimate reference in matters of government would
be the will of the community while still remaining true to
Islamic principles.
Nam1k Kemal's argument, when summed up, was that such
a basis did exist in Islamic theory. According to Kemal, one
of the results of the existence of such an Islamic principle of
reference to the will of the community is that the particular
form that an Islamic government takes is not important. The
monarchical system, for example, is not necessarily the only
possible Islamic political regime. He goes on from there to
Nam1k Kemal, "Usul-u Me§veret," (1) Hurriyet, September 1 4 , 1 8 68,
p. 6 ; "Wa-fil}awirhum," p. 1 .
84 J. W. Gough, John Locke's Political Philosophy ( Oxford, Clarendon


1 950) , p. 1 43.


inake the statement that, in fact, the Islamic state was "a
kind of Republic" at its inception. 35 In his own words : "What
does it mean to state that once the right of the people's saver..
�:ignty has been affirmed, it should also be admitted that the
people can create a republic? Who can deny this right ? That
a republic would cause our [Turkey's] downfall is a different
111atter which nobody will deny, and this idea would not occur
to anybody in our country, but the right to create [such a sys­
tem] has not lapsed, because of the mere fact that it has not been
used." 3 6 Or, as he stated it on another occasion : "There is no
quality of the Padi�ah which gives him the right to govern
rnen other than that which, under the name of Biat, is granted
to him and with which the ministers are vested by way of
appointment. This is the connotation of the saying of . the
Prophet to the effect that 'the masters of the tribe are your
servants.' "8 1
The contradictions which appeared in Nam1k Kemal's
account of the origin of government also carried over to some
of the other key concepts of his political theory. A good ex­
ample of that is the conception of "liberty," which was so
important to him. There is no doubt that Kemal's most deeply
felt attitude with regard to liberty was conveyed by such a
passage of his as the one in which he stated : "Man i s free. He
always requires freedom. To deprive humanity of it is as if
one were to deprive it of food." 38
This, however, was an attitude which differed considerably
f:rom the one which conceived of liberty as having been a
divine grant ( i.e., God had given Moslems the religious law
which provided them with this liberty) .89 It also differed from
the theory that man "created free by God is . . . obliged to
profit from this divine gift,'" 0 or the one whereby "the right
3 5 Nam1k Kemal, "Usul-u Me§veret," Hurriyet, September 1 4, 1 8 6 8 , p. 5 ;
also, "Sadaret," ibid., March 1 , 1 8 69, p. 1 .
86 Nam1k Kemal, "Wa-filla wirhum," p. 1 .
8 7 Ibid.
Nam1k Kemal, "Hiirriyet," Hurriyet, August 3 1 , 1 8 6 8 , p . 4 .
8 9 Ib id , August 2 , 1 8 69, p. 2 .
40 Nam1k Kemal, "Wa-shawirhum,'' p . 1 .

2 97


and purpose of man is not only to live but to live with
liberty" ; 41 and . from the conception according to which
"man's freedom results from the fact that he is free in
his actions and his freedom derives from the fact that he has
been endowed with reason." 42
Again, the fact that Nam1k Kemal was unaware of essential
differences between his position and that of European advo­
cates of responsible government appears clearly in the con­
fusion that existed in his mind as to the place of the individual
in government. Nam1k Kemal advocated a political system in
which the individual would be held in as high esteem as he
was held in Western constitutional states. This he tried to
achieve by stre�sing the Islamic theory of the inviolability of
the person, by referring to the saying in the Koran which made
man "sovereign over things." 43 Yet he did not realize that
the basis of the individualistic concept of European govern­
ment was one in which he as the upholder of Islamic principles
could not acquiesce, i.e., that in Europe the individual owed
his emancipation to a postulate inheren t in the liberal world
view according to which "the state is regarded not as a natural
necessity arising out of man's needs and social nature with a
purpose transcending the subj ective will of the individuals,
but as an artificial instrumentality based on the claims of
This Nam1k Kemal could not accept, for in the first place
the �eriat was not based on the satisfaction of such individual
claims. Nam1k Kemal's attempt to look at government as an

Nam1k Kemal, "Medeniyet," in Ozon, Namik Kemal ve i bret, p. 2 1 5.
Cf. editorial, Hurriyet, August 1 0, 1 8 6 8, p. 2 .
4 2 Nam1k Kemal, «Hiirriyet-i Efkar," Hadika, November 2 4, 1 8 7 3 , KUl­
liyat-i Kemal, Makalat-i Sivasiye ve Edebiye, Birinci Tertip (ed. by Ali
Ekrem [Bulayir] , Istanbul, Selanik Matbaas1, 1 3 2 8/ 1 9 1 0 ) , p. 40. Herein­
after cited as M.S.E. This is a collection of articles written by Nam1k Kemal
in various newspapers.
4 s Nam1k Kemal, "ifade-i Meram,'' ibret, September 1 8 7 2, in Ozon,
Namik Kemal ve ibret, p. 1 2 5 .
44 John H. Hallowell, Main Currents in Modern Political Thought (New
York, Henry Holt, I 95 0) , p. 1 1 4.


"invention" was an effor t made to introduce this individualistic
element. But the spirit and the letter of the �eriat, based on
the idea of a divinely ordained purpose, i.e., the providing
of justice and harmony, engulfed this attempt and what re­
rnained was only an internal contradiction in Kemal' s theory.
In the second place, in the West the validity of such individual
daims ultimately rested on other basic postulates such as the
e�ssential goodness of men and their ability to guide them­
selves by the sole light of reason, which Nam1k Kemal could
not accept.
If the community is made the source of sovereignty in
Nam1k Kemal's scheme and if the "binding force" is the same
as the pressures of the maj ority in the community it does
not follow that the majority is entitled to transgress the
boundaries of the moral law set by the �eriat. The maj ority
is not justified in "touching a hair of the most insignificant
Ethiopian child." 4 5 Just as the maj ority cannot transgress the
boundaries of the moral law, neither can the community as a
whole delegate to anybody a task which does not conform to
the dicta of the �eriat : "Every community can delegate com­
rnand to a greater or lesser degree, according to its needs and
character. However, it is a precept of reason [Kavaid-i hikem­
iye] that 'regardless of the time, the place, or the method
used, the government should choose the road which will least
limit the freedom of the individual.' No community can agree
on, or confirm in the office, an individual as an absolute ruler,
nor can · it bestow legislative powers on a single individual.
And even if it so de sires , it cannot rightfully do so. For it
neither has the right to tyrannize an individual nor to violate
the rights of all." 46
This brings us to one of the most striking characteristics of
45 Nam1k Kemal, "Baz1 Mi.ilahazat-1 Devlet ve Millet,'' lbret, October 9,
8 7 2, in Ozon, Nami k Kemal ve ibret,. p. 1 3 2 ; editorial, Hurriyet, November 3 0, 1 8 6 8 , p. 1 .
4 6 "Furthermore, since the influence of one era over the succeeding era is a
law which is based on the necessity of nature, no society has a right to
<:hoose a way of acting which shall affect its successors." Nam1k Kemal,
c:cwa-fil!awirhum,'' p. 1 .



Kemal's system : his stand against the conception of a general
will. Nam1k Kemal does not assign the state any attributes
which distinguish it from the government, and he uses the
terms "government" and "state" interchangeably. As he ex­
presses it : "The 'government' or the 'state' is the name given
to the way in which this delegation [the delegation of the
powers of the community] is exercised. On the other hand,
the name 'community' is used for the whole of a civilized
society when one sets aside this delegation." 47
In other words, Nam1k Kemal does not have any use for an
organic theory of the state or for a state which would embody
the general will and would therefore j ustify individual sacri­
fices on its behalf. Reference has already been made to the
fact that Nam1k Kemal did not consider any maj ority, how­
ever strong, warranted in committing an injustice. But Nam1k
Kemal went farther to point out that the state qua state was
not entitled to special privileges, but only consisted in the
sum of the individuals which made it up. This thesis was
advanced by Nam1k Kemal's two articles in the lbret in which
he criticized the attitude assumed by two newspapers, the
Basiret appearing in Istanbul and the Gul�ensaray appearing
in Bosnia, in a controversy that was raging between the two. 48
To the arguments ofthe Guhensaray, which were based on the
conception of the moral personality of the state, Kemal ob­
j ected, "Is it possible that a quality which is not present in
any of the parts be found only in the sum of these parts ? "'9
According . to Nam1k Kemal, it was this very conception of
the state as embodying the general will which in Europe made
it an offense punishable by death to say "Long live the mon­
arch ! " one day, and attached the same penalty to the utter47 N am1k

Kemal , "Baz1 M iilahazat/' Ozon, Namtk Kemal ve lbret,

p. I 3 2 .

48 Nam1k Kemal, "Dostane bir Vesatet," ibret, 2 0 Rebiiilahir 1 2 8 9/June
2 7, I 8 7 2 ; "Herkesin maksadt bir amma rivayet muhtelif," ib ret, 2 5 Rebiii­
lahir 1 2 8 9/July 2 , 1 8 7 2 .
49 Nam1k Kemal, "Hukuk-u Umumiye," lbret, July 8, 1 8 7 2, i n Ozon,
Namik Kemal ve ibret, p. 9 7 .
3 00

d.d . Namik Kemal � . 9 7 • 1 9. Even if there were no question as to what the will of the maj ority was.d . p. 53 According to Kemal. Nam1k Kemal felt that government could still be tyrannical. is not a power that derives from the abstract meaning attached to conceptions such as the 'maj ority' or the 'people. 1 8 7 2.. .' "5 2 It is from this vantage point that Nam1k Kemal approached the problem of maj ority rule. and which is called biat in the religious law. June 'Ve 1 bret. p.' It is a right which de­ rives from the congenital independence with which every individual is endowed at his creation." l bret. and assuming that all government action were geared to the interest of the ma­ j ority. as well as the ultimate standard against which the action of the government had to be measured. "The sovereignty of the people. p. p. "that a n1ember of the police-I saw it with my own eyes-could beat and insult a gentleman in public. which consists in that the source of the power of the government is the people. these clearly inhuman consequences showed the limitations of the idea of the interest of the ma­ j ority. says Kemal. and follows from per­ sonal independence." 5 1 "In reality. i n Ozon. 51 lh 't. 5 0 It is for the same reason.. for example. the real source of sovereignty. 53 Nam1k Kemal. and resulted in similar sanctions against those who shouted "Long live the republic ! " four years after the first manifestation of enthusiasm. For Nam1k Kemal. sovereignty is not an abstract right which is attributed to the totality of the people. It . it is the right of sover­ eignty which is congenitally present in every man.. 30I "i2 lhI. 1 00. was the inviolability of the private person of the citizen. "Hukuk. Urider these circumstances. the state would be justified in condemning to death all those suffering from incurable infectious diseases as a permanent danger to society.NA M I K K E M A L ance of "Long live the empire ! " four months later. . s o. · 5 0 lbI. "This particular sovereignty can never separate itself from the nature of the individual. 'Every one is the ruler of his own world. I O I .

a positive side to these ideas also existed. . nor the guardian.e. ibid. This is the meaning of Nam1k Kemal's use of the term "community" when European writers would have used the Nam1k Kemal.'' lbret. 4 3 . 1 8 7 2. The Islamic roots of this attitude can be stated as follows : Nothing in the Koran indicates that a state is to be formed which has been granted the right to protect itself or foster its own growth qua state. P· 9 7 · 5 5 Nam1k Kemal. i. Nam1k Kemal's political system is based on a peculiar ideal of the state as a rather amorphous entity. June 5 . for the upbuilding of the country.. for the maturing of humanity and for the ad­ vancement of civilization. "ibret. June 2 9 . but some of the peculiarity of this approach vanishes when its origins are investigated. 1 8 68. election.c. 1 8 7 2 .NA MIK KEMA L cannot be abandoned to anyone. p. It is impossible to rightfully execute laws in the name of a person or a corporation or a c01nmittee without obtaining at first a special permission by use of one of the available means such as the biat." 54 While this constitutes the negative side of Nam1k Kemal's ideas regarding the limitation of government. lbret.. or delegation or without taking a secondary authorization from one who holds this privilege.. it then will have extended a help which is of benefit to itself. but can we criticize it if it limits itself to the execu­ tion of justice ? Do we have the right to ask it to act as our governess ? " 55 All considered. July 8. . H 3 02 .'' Hiirriyet. One of the things that never permeated Islam was a real theory of the state. without reference to the individuals who make it up. "El hal. "Hukuk-u Umumiye. in ibid. nor the mentor. 2 . to its people and to the entire world . . This is how Nam1k Kemal expressed this charac­ teristically European conception : "There is no doubt that government is neither the father. . nor the governess of the people. If it renders services for the betterment of the individual. p . Nam1k Kemal was also convinced that the state should not play the role of a mentor vis-a-vis the citizen.

" Louis Gardet. one author states : "Nous avons vu l'enseigne­ ment theologique qui fut longtemps le plus officiel. celui de l'ecole Ash'arite affirmer un occasionalisme atomistique. and his arguments against the state qua state could not be taken from the availa5 6 Sylvia G. maintiennent cependant et affirment leur discontinuite individuante. Haim. sont crees et recrees par Dieu seconde p ar seconde. . In the hadith and the teachings of the 'ulama' . Even though the subservience to authority became a subservience to the state in the Ottoman Empire. mais qui risque beaucoup moins de compro­ mettre de simple valeurs humaines que ce reniement d'un au dela de la terre ou s'enracine l'individualisme de !'Occident moderne Le role de la com­ munaute ne sera pas de creer.NA M I K K E M. atomes discon­ tinus d'un meme tout qui les englobe. La Cite Musulmane. even though they had comments to offer regard­ ing the misuse of the principle of authority and the abuses of the ruler. "Islam and the Theo ry of Arab Nationalism. preparer Pepanouissement de la personne. Vie Sociale et Politique (Paris. NS iv. they do � ot know a collective being higher than the individuals who make up society. But Nam1k Kemal was obliged to face a new problem unknown to the ulema. although they appear to be similar to western organic theories of government. trame derniere de tout etre contingent." Die Welt des Islams ( 1 9 55 ) . Vrin. il est vrai. Forme 'd'individualisme' si l'on veut. . . On the absence of an Islamic con­ ception of the Leviathan state. Nam1k Kemal revived the teachings of the ulema in regard to the evil of unj ust rule. the theories about al-Umma al-Islamiyya [the Islamic commu­ nity] . 2 0 7 . In the face of such developments as the controlling drive of the Tanzimat. 1 9 54) . Cette vision du monde peut nous servir d ' i m a ge sym­ bolique et comme representative de l'U mma. . Les individus. 1 2 9. in fact insist on the benefits which the individual reaps in such a solidary community and on the rnaterial services rendered by one individual to another. 3 03 • • • . Librairie Philosophique J. Nam1k Kemal's theory is conspicuous in the first place because it is a theory which sets itself against the state.A L term "state. p."5 6 Most of the sayings of th. . mais non plus de travailler a creer l'etre collectif ." This point has been well expressed by one recent student of Arab nationalism : " . les absorbe et fait leur grandeur. ou les atomes discontinus et j uxta­ poses.e Islamic theorists show that the idea of the Leviathan state was one with which they were not familiar. 1 2 8.

1 9 1 1 ) . did. which Nam1k Kemal identified with a particular type of culture (such is the use by Nam1k Kemal of the term "Ottoman Society") . The making of laws is its will. in the fallowing passage taken from one of the first articles in the Hurriyet : "The state is a moral personality. pp. 4. What these roots were will be investigated below." 57 It is therefore probable that the anti-Rousseauan trend in his thought was also the expression of his more mature politi­ cal thought. We are there£ ore led to suspect that while Kemal's attitude toward this issue was determined by hi s Islamic background. i n Ozon."60 I t would seem that the difference here lies between Nam1k Kemal's conception of the state and his conception of society. November 1 8 7 2. No. At that time he was able to compare the system of France. "Terakki.NA MIK K E MA L ble ideological arsenal of the ulema. September 1 4. 1 3 2 6/ 1 9 1 0. Societies." Hilrriyet. the idea of cultural uniqueness and H Nam1k Kemal. their execution its actions. · . 5 8 with that of England. possess qualities which made them live and progress in the stream of history. p. p. 4 6 . which he developed after his stay in England." Hurriyet. 1 8 6 8. Mahmud Bey Matbaas1. July zo. 1 7 6 . This is the case. his Ottoman History. according to him. Here again." lbret. They were personalities. for in the last work which he wrote. which he admired. One final fact that has to be taken into consideration here is that Nam1k Kemal did not take a consistent attitude in regard to the nature of the state. 59 Nam1k Kemal. "Wa-@awirhum. Osmanl1 Tarihi ( Istanbul.59 Yet again we find that this explanation is also unsatisfactory. 1 8 6 8 . but the state had no reason to claim a personality for itself since it was only a means to provide the well-being of the community. for example. we . 6 0 Nam1k Kemal. p. which he had criticized even in the earlier stages of his stay in Europe. his argument had European roots. 58 Nam1k Kemal. 5 . Namik Kemal ve lbret. 1 . 6 . find again : "There can be no age of maturity for the moral person called civilized society. "Usul-u Me§veret.

pp. they would be led in their individual p�ths to do the same things. Indeed. in essence. These remedie s and Nam1k Kemal's synthesis might have been rej ected by a sizable portion of the Ottoman citizens. a belief that." See Boyd C. 6 3 He had an unbounded 6 1 See Cevdet Pa§a's statement about the influence on his own thought of the French romantic historian Michelet in Ebiil'iila Mardin. M edeni Hukuk Cephesinden A hmet Cevdet Paia. 62 How. For one. 1 9 5 5 ) . the provincial delegates to Parlia1nent) to reach politically sound decisions. What this theory amounted to was. 1 7 9. The Enlightenment origin of this conception is clear. then. 3 0. note 5 6 . 6 1 Nam1k Kemal was able to take exception to a conception of the "general will" because political authority had firm bases in Islam. Michelet himself has been described as a "zealot. 62 See above. �fhe problem may be stated as follows : Nam1k Kemal pro­ posed certain definite reforms to eliminate the ills that were besetting the empire. during his lifetime Kemal wit­ nessed the fact that this could happen. . 3 1 . involved Kemal in certain difficulties in terms of internal consistency of which he was not entirely aware. This stand. representative) government. Nationalism : Myth and Reality ( London. September 2 9. Shafer. "Usul-u 1e§veret. however.. p. Nam1k Kemal had great faith in the ability of the "com1non man" (in this case. He therefore did not feel impelled to undertake a search for the rational bases of political obligation. 1 8 6 8 . 6. did Kemal expect his suggested remedies to be enforced? The answer to this lies in Kemal's belief in harmony-an attitude in which it is rather difficult to separate the Islamic from the Enlighten1nen t strands. 111." Hlirriyet.NA MIK KEMA L · personality are new conceptions which can be traced to the in}luence of the romantic theory of history in the intellectual circles of the Turkish capital. Chapter I I . once th e people had been given the opportunity to take a share in the ideal (viz. 6 3 Nam1k Kemal. Notwithstanding his stress on popular sovereignty he unconsciously relied on these traditional Islamic bases of authority. Gollancz.

led to truth. 64 Of a similar origin was Nam1k Kemal's reference to the harmony of the universe : "It is well known that strength in­ creases in proportion to mutual aid and not only in the human world but in the world of matter too a binding order is [pro­ vided by] the harmony and unity which are inherent in things. "i ttihad-1 Islam. p ." Hurriyet. according to him. p. See Chapter 1 11 . " 'Inna'llaha ya'mur bi'l 'Adl wa'l 6 7 Nam1k Kemal. 6 7 This stand also expresses itself in Kemal's obj ec­ tion to politics as a clash of opposites. went on to investigate the reason s for which the Islamic "na­ tion" had disintegrated. all of its parts would suffer . 1 8 6 9 . 66 To it may be traced other ideas of Kemal." 65 But in this very article Nam1k Kemal. "Since to thus consider government and the people two opposites running counter to each other. 6 6 Particularly the conception o f the "pure city" i n Farah! which reappears in the A hlak-i A lat. if the smallest satellite of Jupiter were to move from its accustomed path. 1 . 75. If the smallest wheel of a factory were to get out of order. 4. Namik K emal ve 1 bret. the conditions regu­ lated by our sun would probably be completely upset. January 1 8 ." 6 8 6 4 Nam1k Kemal. 68 Nam 1k Kemal. "Baz1 Miilahazat-1 Devlet/' in C>zon. > ' in Ozon.NA M I K K E M A L admiration also for the mechanics of discussion and the ex­ change of ideas which.'' Hilrriyet. "lkhtilafu Ummati Ral}. for Kemal showed that what he was longing for was the ideal harmony of an ideal Islamic state which had existed in the golden age of Islam. 6. p. Ju ly 65 N am1k Kemal. It is in this transition that one encounters the second Islamic source of Kemal's emphasis on harmony. 1 8 6 8 . such as the thought that ideal government in addition to providing justice establishes social harmony and cohesion.san. is a conception which has such a bad effect on the political situation and on public opinion as to make it completely undesirable. just as the currents of the Bosphorus flow in opposite directions. Namik Kenuil ve 3 06 . This attitude went back to the idealized picture of the harmonious state as expounded both by the jurists and the Falasifa. after such a preamble.

with the orthodox Islamic jurists. it based obedience on stronger grounds both "materially and morally. 1 x. p. p. c'est a dire de tout gouvernement qui n'est pas modere. le magistrat.. in opposition to the lrano-Mongolian despotic arrangement of powers to which Montesquieu referred. comme des dissonances. 69 Montesquieu. 1 8 6 8 . le laboureur." 70 Nam1k Kemal who stood. le noble ne sont j oints que par ce que les uns oppriment les autres sans resistance : et si l'on y voit de l'union. 4 1 5 . ce ne sont pas des citoyens qui sont unis mais des corps morts ensevelis les uns apres les autres. since it was based on religious authority. 1. ciant. 1 3 o.. and ( c ) the ideas of the Islamic jurists. · 70 Ibid. il y a touj ours u. for ]Montesquieu was still bound by invisible threads to ancient philosophical conceptions which had found an echo in Islamic a · 1 bret. The idea of harmony also colored the conception of law held by Kemal. be "une union d'harmoni e qui fait que toutes les parties. Kemal could find in the ideas of Montesquieu rnore of a common ground than is apparent at first sight. Nam1k Kemal. dans la musique. by Masson. found in the latter a. In division reelle .NA M I K KE MA L Nam1k Kemal's idea of h�rmony is also interesting in that it constitutes a locus where meet ( a ) the Irano-Mongolian theory of classes. Paris. concouren t a !'accord total. l'homme de guerre. One of the examples which Kemal gave to prove the superiority of the §eriat was that. . le nego." Hurriyet. ( b) the ideas of the Enlightenment. " 'Inna'llaha. 1 9 5 0 ) . . ed. Considerations sur les Causes de la Grandeur des Romains et de leur Decadence (in Oeuvres. quelqu'opposees qu'elles nous paraissent. January 1 8 . 5 ." 69 Montesquieu goes on to say that the ideal state should. concourent au bien general de la societe. on the contrary. Western thinker whose theories with regard to the checks to be imposed on the executive were combined with a theory of harmony which Kemal had already espoused on Islamic grounds.. In Montesquieu's Con­ siderations on the Grandeur and the Decadence of the R omans passage may be found in which the author states : "Dans !'accord du despotisme Asiatique.

4 r . Oxford University Press. . 7 2 Nam1k Kemal.7 2 found thus in Montesquieu a thinker who organized a wealth of facts into an ancient framework with which he as an Otto­ man was not entirely unfamiliar. Osmanli Tarilii. r 9 5 6 ) ." the word coined by Kemal for "representative government. His catalogue of these forces is very famous­ monarchy rests on the principle of honor. he would go on to state that a community ( "ummet" ) could be free only when it had been assured of its personal rights ( �'hukuk-u 11 Isaiah Berlin. whatever impairs it causes it to decay. the republican regime on that of virtue. As Isaiah Berlin points out : "Montesquieu's con­ cept of types is not empirical. III. According to him each type of society possesses an il)ner structure. Reprint Pro ceedings of the British A cadetn'Y (London. p .NA M I K K E M A L civilization. Part 1 . aristocracy on that of moderation." Thus. those sections of his writings that took up the impassioned defense of representa­ tive government were much more consistent and coherent. 8 . In all fairness to Kemal it should also be pointed out that a de­ fense of liberal ideals carried out on such practical grounds made up the bulk of his contributions to political literature. it is thoroughly metaphysical and Aristotelian. an inner dynamic principle of force which makes it function as it does-and this 'inner' force differs from type to type. it springs from the ancient doctrines of natural kinds . Whatever strengthens the 'inner' principle causes the organism to flourish. starting from the premise that freedom was a divine grant. Most of Kemal's articles were so built that they naturally led to a common conclusion-the necessity to establish in the Ottoman Empire the "system of me�veret. r ." 1 1 Nam1k Kemal who criticized both Locke and Rousseau for their failure to base their system on empirical evidence. p . Representative Institutions While in its more fundamental and abstract aspects Nan11k Kemal's theory was not quite convincing. 2 7 7. Montesquieu. Vol .

is Decembre-Alonniers. 4 . in Volney.upon the institution of impartial and competent courts. Tanzimattanberi : I I Edebiyat A nto­ lojisi ( istanbul." 74 Nam1k Kemal was referring here to his suspicion that the official style of the Porte ( "kitabet-i resmiye" ) . Thus Kemal did not choose to stress the drafting of a con­ stitution or the wresting of a charter from the government with as much vehemence as had been the case among the advocates of constitutionalism in nineteenth-century Europe. p. devised cen­ turies before. 1 8 6 9 ) . pp. "El 1). we find the following statement : " . .NA MIK KEMA L �ahsiye" ) and of its political rights ( "hukuk-u siyasiye" ) . he desired that laws and regulations be written in "a language understandable to all. June 2 9. 1 8 6 8 . "Wa-@awirhum. il n'exista aucun moyen de reforme ni d'amelioration. 1 8 6 8.a\-1_( ya'lii" Hurriyet. 1 . Kemal had two purposes in mind. This idea went back to Montesquieu. p. p. What Kemal did insist on.» C.veret" are . 1 . 7 5 A point elaborated by him in the preface to his translation of the B ahar-i Dani�. Volney. was meant to prevent the people from under­ standing governmental affairs.73 Securing personal rights was dependent . Remzi Kitabevi. pp. The necessity for accessibility was an idea that had been quite common among Enlightenment thinkers. In Kemal's writings this term has only rarely the connotation of "constitutional­ ism" . Some characteristics of Nam1k Kemal's use of the tenn "usul-u me. 1 943 ) . 208-209. .) . See Ismail Habib Seviik. while p olitical rig ht de­ pended upon the separation of powers ( "kuvvetlerin taksimi" ) and the establishment of representative government. F. First. See Esprit. see ((�iir ve ln§a.worth analyzing. September 7 . 3 1 5 £. set of fundamental political principles to guide statesmen. et !'adminis­ tration etant secrete et mysterieuse. For a similar article of Ziya Pa�a. . 7 4 Nam1k Kemal. 3 . In particular." p ." Hiirriyet. 7 5 73 See Nam1k Kemal. whom Kemal knew well ( see below. 46. was that the laws of the land other than the �eriat be 1nade accessible to all. however. 3 . more often it is used as the equivalent of "representative government." The reason for which constitutionalism was not accorded a place as a primary political goal was that according to Kemal the �eriat already provided a . Les Ruines ou Meditations sur les Revolutions Jes Empires Sui'lJies de la Loi Naturelle (Par.

Furthermore. ernment. 6. p. 1 8 6 8 . according to Kemal.\ Thus. he suggested a codification of these laws. 7 8 Nam1k Kemal.NA MIK KEMA L In addition. the sultan and his viziers the executive power. to institute a mechanism of governmental control would only mean the refining of a mode of government which had been in use in the Ottoman Empire before the centralizing moves of Mah­ mud and the rise of a new bureaucracy had put an end to it. 77 Ibid. despite the external trappings of an autocracy. «Usul-u Me§veret. while the people in arms represented by the Janissaries controlled the action of the executive. in reality the Ottoman system of gov. he admitted was a fairly primitive arrange­ ment which resulted in continuous friction between the govern­ ment and the Janissaries and in the needless shedding of blood during palace revolutions. had always been a "legitimate government" in which the ulema held the legislative power. concluded Kemal. December 7 . 7 1 According to Kemal." Hurriyet." Hurriyet. There was · 76 Nam1k Kemal. r.." 7 6 Every one of the clauses to be included in the new con­ stitution of the Ottoman Empire was to be in harmony with a precept of Islamic law. be an innovation. 3 IO p. the establishment of a constitutional regime in Turkey would not. 1 . According to him. These revising activities were to be inspired by "existing foreign constitutions. The document which was to underpin the system of repre­ sentation proposed by Kemal was to consist of a consolidation and a revision of the Rescripts of GUlhane and of 1 8 5 6. 6. . 7 8 This. Nam1k Kemal pointed to the unwieldiness of the masses of Imperial Rescripts in force and the inconven­ ience of having to depend on various laws and charter s pro­ claimed at different dates (such as the GUlhane Rescript and the Rescript of 1 8 5 6 ) which were all part of the fundamental law of the empire . 1 8 6 8. "Hasta Adam. however. historical evidence "unfortunately" pointed to the necessity of confining government to the hands of "a well-qualified group" of limited size which would take care of the matters of state. Sep tem be r 1 4.

and the lower chamber was to control the budget.8 4 with the whole arrange­ n1ent supervised by the sultan. he ruled out the constitution of Prussia and England because both were partly based on the representation of an aristocracy which. the . 6. 1 1 . Nam1k Kemal advised the creation of a system of government composed of three organs-a council of state.S. Kemal speaks of the Belgian constitution as the best available.. 7 .. 8 0 To Nam1k Kemal. 1 3 5.French constitution appeared to include the most suitable combination of checks and balances for Turkey. for it had been able to create "an era of happiness" in France.8 1 Using the French model." Hurriyet. 80 /bid. 8 2 Meclis-i Sura-yi Devlet i n Turkish. October 7. 1 8 6 8 .NA MI K K E M A L no other way to invest this group with legitimate authority and to control their actions than by having "recourse to delegation. According to Nam1k Kemal.'' Hurriyet. the constitution which was to serve as model to the Turks was the constitution of the Second Empire of France. "Usul-u Me§veret."79 Most of the space that Nam1k Kemal devoted to constitu­ tionalism treated of the various modes in which the group of limited size or government was to be controlled. 85 The corps le gislatif (composed of elected members in contrast to the members of the council of state who were to be nominated by the sovereign) and the senate were to approve or reject the projects of law prepared by the council of state. In this scheme. 8 6 Ibid. v 311 . sts Nam1k Kemal.82 a senate. pp. 1 8 7 2 . 6. September 1 4. Nam1k Kemal ruled out the constitution of the United States because it was a republic . 83 and a lower chamber." l bret.E. 1. 86 1 9 Nam1k Kemal. a country generally given to violent revolution. In his ((Memur. This result was arrived at by a method of elimination rather than by choice. 8 l Ibid. September 2 1 . p. did not exist in the Ottoman Empire. M. the council of state was given the task of preparing laws and ironing out difficulties that might arise in administrative practice. 8 3 Senato in Turkish . 1 8 6 8.. "Usul-u Me§veret. The influence of this document also shows in the Ottoman constitution of 1 8 7 6 . he said.1 4 8 . 84 Meclis-i Sura-yi Ommet in Turkish.

1 . instead of spending his time translating the Abbe Fenelon's Telema­ que. h ad opened a few high schools wh i le he was M i ni ster of Instruction. p. that if Yusuf Kamil Pa§a. He men­ tioned.. "8 9 Nam1k Kemal proposed the ambigu­ ous compromise of making the sultan "responsible for his own actions. " 87 For Nam1k Kemal.90 What Nam1k Kemal really meant was that the sultan Ibid. 1 8 6 8. but in the former case what he alluded to was the necessity for Turks to work and thus create wealth without state support.e. and make the government solely responsible . 1 34. 1 8 6 8 . he would have done more for his country. r n .NA MIK KEMA L · Nam1k Kemal stated that the two primary goals of the government thus created should be the enforcing of law and the "securing of progress. 8 ." Hurriyet. "Baz1 Mulahazat-1 Devlet ve Millet. while in this case what he meant was the cultural development of the empire. This would seem to contradict the earlier statements of Nam1k Kemal to the effect that the state was not the governess of individuals .. for the Padi§ah. as earlier for �inasi. for those actions that could be traced to his own will. Hurriyet.>> i n Ozon. which lifted some of the responsibility from the shoulders of the government and placed it on the emperor.. Other statements of Nam1k Kemal in the context of the question of state support confirm this distinction which he made in regard to the state's inter­ vention in cultural as opposed to economic matters. "Usul-u Me§veret. is "designated by religious law for the carrying out of j What was to be the position of the sultan in this scheme? The answer provided by Nam1k Kemal to this question was that the Ottoman Empire could not imitate the French system. Namik Kemal ve lbret. 8 9 N am1k Kemal." i. p. September 2 9 . as in England. September 1 4. 9 0 Ibid. for example. 7 . pp. this meant that reforms had to be pushed by the state and could not be left entirely to the efforts of individuals. according to Kemal. 87 88 J I2 . Nam1k Kemal. 5 . 1 3 3 . Neither could the Ottoman Empire choose to divest the ruler of all responsibility. made solely responsible to the people.

started from the basic tenet of the superiority of the 91 For these ideas see Nam1k Kemal. (Paris. History o f Political Theory. lThere are statements of Nam1k Kemal which show that he believed the ulema needed to be shorn of what he considered obscurantist elements. 93 It is because Nam1k Kemal believed in the " common law" that he attacked the continental European conception of a public law which. at an earlier date. To a large extent what this meant in practice was a demand for the implementation of the religious law. 1 8 6 8. both the fundamental structure of the government and the fundamental rights of the subjects. to every Ottoman] the rights and privileges of his statiort. . Gibb. Kemal went on to bury the harshness of this new conception under a series of compliments to the sultan and the House of Osman.La Structure de la Pensee Religieuse de l'lsla. This belief of Nam1k Kemal's was strictly orthodox and emphasized the teachings of the ulema. 9 2 Sabine. "El ha�� ya'lii. as for the "spirit" of that law itself. IV. but.. 93 See H . in the form it took during the nineteenth century. Nam1k Kemal's position was quite similar to that which. Nam1k Kemal too believed that it was the Ottoman equivalent of the common law "which assigned to the King his powers. �eriat. 3 . p. 3 5 . p.NA M I K K E M A L would also be limited by the laws of the realm. to each of the courts of the realm its proper jurisdiction and to every Englishman [ or. the ." Hurriyet. Namik Kemal's Idea of Law Most of the criticism of the Young Ottomans and particu­ larly that of Nam1k Kemal can be summarized as a cry for justice. A. Ju ne 29.. 91 After having spelled out this feature quite uncompromisingly." 9 2 He · also believed that the �eriat included all that then could be counted as constitution. 1 9 5 o ) . in this case. 3 13 . Just as in Coke's case. :Nam1k Kemal believed that the �eriat provided the surest guide. had made Sir Edward Coke oppose James I. Editions Larose. p. He also pointed out that as matters stood the sultan was little more than a prisoner of his ministers. 4 2 5 . R .1.

For Nam1k Kemal's difficulties in this respect see below. a positivistic interpretation of law was anathema to Kemal. accept Montes­ quieu's statement that law was the sum of relations which stemmed from the very nature of things. �he comparison which was made between Coke and Kemal may be carried farther to the points on which Nam1k Kemal and Sir Edward differed. could not by itself constitute a check on man's actions. For. "Hukuk-u Umumiye. It was something which derived from the nature of legal reasoning. Nam1k Kemal went to attack the conception of the general will. p. it was the �eriat. Coke had spoken about the particular reason of law which the king. 484. but. . ethics he considered to be "mere philo­ sophical speculation. In his stand against James I. Namik Kemal ve lbret. could not therefore fathom. 9 6 Ibid. argued Kemal. was wha t was meant by Voltaire when the latter stated that "if there were no God. according to him. p. the �eriat being the law of God could have no secular inner logic. it had great practical advantages. in addi­ tion. in Ozon. who was not a lawyer. Namik Kemal.NA MIK KEMA L moral personality of the state. 1 8 7 2 . since this statement was vague enough to be set into religious context. every citizen was held to know the general principles embodied in it. this "particu­ lar reason" was not an essentially religious element.. 97 According to Kemal. Since God had ordered the study of the Koran."95 Morality without religion. He did. If laws were passed in accordance with these general principles. This difference is of fundamental importance. This. This is why. But then. 95 Kuntay. On the other hand. 1 1 . however. 4 3 5 . for example. 4 8 8 . it would be necessary to invent one. p. not only did the religious foundation of law solve the problem of a fixed standard of good and bad. it meant that every true believer would automatically have a sufficient knowledge 94 Nam1k Kemal. . 9 3 ff. "the science of what is just and what is unj ust" was based on religion ." lbret. On the other hand. he said. 97 Ibid. July 8. Nam1k Kemal would state that he did not believe law could be based on ethics. ." 96 Consequently. P· 3 1 8 . 9 4 From there.

where law was not drafted in accordance with such basic standards. 9 9 He was violently opposed to the movement for the secularization of law which had started with the Tanzimat. 3 . secular. We would seek our salvation in conforming to these standards.] . 99 Nam1k Kemal. . pp. 100 I bid. even the greatest of tyrants cannot alter it. 2. 1 02. 2 8 1. August 24. 102 [Nam1k Kemal] .N A M I K KE M A L of the laws of the realm." Mecmtta-i Ebuz­ ziya. 3 . "101 Yet it would seem that he had enough ·respect for a Western. All he can do is suppress it. 1 . p. 1 8 6 8 . For a corrobora­ tion by Ebiizziya see [Nam1k Kemal] .. Volney was the Toynbee of his era. "Devlet-i Aliyye-yi Bulundugu Hal-i Hatarnaktan Halasm Esbab1. 98 With regard to the Ottoman Empire.. other than weakening the Mohammedan �eriat ? Are these courts more impartial than religious courts and are these laws more perfect than the precepts of the Seriat ? Since it [the �eriat] is under the protection of the Unique One. 1 2 8 8/1 8 7 1 . Nam1k Kemal was in keeping with the tradition of Ottoman thought 'Yhich related the downfall of the empire to a slackening in the observance of religious law. Namtk Kemal.p. pp . natural-law interpretation of the decline of the Otto­ :man Empire to have taken the pains to translate it. 2. note 2 .. 100 He stated : "Up to the present courts . Frannz Mllelliflerinden Volney nam Zatm "Les Ruines de Palmyre" unvaniyle Yazmii Oldugu Makalattan Bazi Fikralarin Tercumesidir [n. . it was of course impossible for the citizen to know the law. Of what use have these been. In a country like France. 101 [b 'I"d . Volney also included 98 Ibid. editorial. pp . 102 This was the French historian Volney's Ruins of Palmyra. p. 1 8 6 8 . November 3 o. and his book on the Ruins of Palmyra was a considera­ tion of the general causes of the decadence of empires. 49 3 . .with wide jurisdiction [the new secular courts of the Tanzimat] have been founded and all kinds of laws made. and the case of Kemal's attraction to his ideas is important enough to merit somewhat extended treatment. p. While the main bulk of this work was devoted to the analysis of the causes for the decline of ancient empires. . 2 8 o. «Volney Terciimesi. For the attribution of this translation to Nam1k Kema_l see Kaplan.'' Hurriyet. 1 5 M uharrem 1 2 9 8 .

in trying to find the mysterious signs by which it could be determined whether an empire was on. le cultivateur etait garanti des rapines des Janissaires et les campagnes prosperaient. conse­ quentes clans leurs effets.. 10 3 In addition. for example.NA M I K K E MA L the Ottoman Empire in this study and gav:e it considerable attention. Decembre-Alonniers. empires declined because they did not heed the principles of natural law inherent in human beings. Volney conveniently made the specific point that the Ottoman Empire had declined because its rulers had neglected this law and become tyrannical and unjust. 104 In view of his concern for the decline of the Ottoman Empire. 1 0 5 His purpose in both cases was to show what happened when what he had called in one instance ((natural law . Volney explained the origins of society in a Rousseauan fashion. 5 9� 1 0 5 For this translation of Kemal's see Kaplan. et la multitude vivait clans l'aisance. peu nombreux et pauvres. immuables clans leur essence . August 24. F. the �eriat. Demandez leur par quel moyen ils eleverent leur fortune alors qu'idolatres. Nam1k Kemal had probably under­ taken the translation of Volney's work for the same reason that had prompted him to translate Montesquieu's Grandeur and Decadence of the R omans. Hurriyet. l 'homme reporte en vain ses malheurs a des agents obscurs et • • imaginaires. "Devlet-i Aliyyeyi. . 2 4 . pp. il recherche en vain a ses maux de causes mysterieuses l'homme est regi par des lois naturelles. p . Thus. The only remedy against such decline was to follow the law of nature. Volney. 1 0 4 "Voila par quels principes s. regulieres clans leur cours. 1 8 69 ) . • _ . 2 . _ . p. the wane. ils vinrent des deserts Tartares camper clans ces riches contrees ." 1 0 6 i.. pp . Alors le Sultan lui-meme rendait j ustice et veillait a la discipline. 49. les routes publiques etaient assurees et le commerce repandait _ l'abondance. . . men were fooling themselves. the idea that the decline of the latter could be ex­ plained by a deterioration of its government was a very help­ ful one for Nam1k Kemal. Interrogez vos ancetres. The method he used in undertaking this analysis­ was an application to the philosophy of history of an essentially Rousseauistic approach.." C.. stopped being observed.e. but his originality consisted in the analysis of the rise and fall of empires by the same method. 1 8 6 8 .» Ibid. alors etait puni le j uge prevaricateur le gouverneur con­ ' cussionnaire. . Namik Kemal. . 106 Nam1k Kemal. .ont j uges les peuples. 10 3 ". According to Volney. 5 8 . . Les Ruines (Paris. 5 0 .

( ed. there had been Western thinkers in whose conception natural law and. True. l08 J . there were fundamental differences between the Islamic and the Western conception of natural law.Also. for Kemal's conviction that statute law was based on natural law with citations from Martens and Pu:ffe ndorf see Nam1k Kemal. 41 5. if not outright heretical. together with transcripts of Locke's short­ hand in his j ournal for 1 6 7 6 . 109 John Locke. Clarendon Press. Locke's inspiration on the subj ect of natural law had been the Bible." 1 0 7 · Basic to Volney's approach to natural law were the follow­ ing conceptions : a) That human societies were regulated by natural laws and that flaws in human institutions were due to a de­ parture from a fixed norm of nature and reason . c) That these laws were immutable in their essence. Oxford. 1 4 7 . 1-1 1 . "No." Muntahabat-'t Tasvir-i E fkar. "Redd-i itiraz. p . b) That these laws could be grasped by men's intelligence because they were inherent in human beings . 1 2 3. 2 2 . . He forgot that in the West there had begun since the seventeenth century "a gradual process of releasing political philosophy from the association with theology . 4 I . for example. Gough. 1 9 s 4) . Essays on the Law of Nature. The Latin text with a trans­ lation. von Leyden. 1 08 But the answer given by Locke to the questions "Can the law of nature be known by the light of reason ? " and "Can reason attain the knowledge of natural law through sense experience? " was an unqualified "Yes. W. 4 2 . even more important. A History of Political Theory. "Locke's notion that the law of matter is immutable" implied "that t he bi ndi ng force of it does not lapse even at . 10 7 Sabine." 1 09 To the same ques­ tions an Islamic thinker would have replied." Further­ more. by W. Thus. introduction. p p. revelation had played an important part. p. John Locke's Political Philosophy. while on the surface the type of conduct advocated by Volney and that required by the �eriat had similarities. and notes.NA MIK KEMA L He forgot that the natural law which Volney spoke of was not the �eriat and that. All of these conceptions were foreign to orthodox Islam.

the law of nature had been "a moral standard to which all men. and he came to the conclusion that these two conceptions were not antithetical since it was God who was the Author of the "nature of things. Nam1k Kemal ve ibret. it was this Islamic texture which was preponderant in his thought. John Locke. But Nam1k Kemal was not aware of these contradictions and thought that these ideas would blend in with his Islamic theories. pp. leave them free to follow the light of reason. again. 112 Finally. 11 8 Nam1k Kemal. Volney was much farther on the road of the seculari­ zation of natural law than was Locke. In one instance. Esprit. «L'Espece Humaine s'Ameliorera-t-elle.NA M I K K E M A L God's own command. as has been stressed in an earlier chapter.cit. p. pp. p . as for Kemal. 5 0 . The cure Volney was advocating for humanity's ills showed a n amazing similarity with those proposed by d'Holbach which Sabine has described as follows : «Enlighten them [men] . 111 .'' Les Ruines. In reality. In fact. There were even similarities between the attitude of Volney and that of the most extreme representative of the secularization of natural law. one point at which there can be found internal contradic­ tions in his thought. should conform. including governors themselves. Nam1k Kemal's espousal of the ideas set forth by Volney is. Nam1k Kemal tried to conciliate Montesquieu's definition of law as "the relations stemming from the nature of things" with the Islamic conception of law." Sabine. 2 11 See Volney." 11 3 Yet. convince rulers that their interests are identical with those of their subj ects and a happy state of society will follow almost automatically ."11 0 This would have been crass heresy by Islamic standards. Volney's conception of natural law was based on the idea of the essential goodness of man. again. Gough." in Ozon. 5 7 . 1 . the materialist d'Holbach. while Nam1k Kemal's idea was postulated on the essentially predatory nature of men. 2 2 . 657 3 . 111 For Volney. it was a semideterministic norm of growth and decay which presented men with the simple alternative of conform­ ing to the laws of history or perishing. 4 9 ."d. this deistic conception of the role played by the llO lb f. p . . 5 7 0 . 1.. For Locke. cf. «Hukuk. for a similar conception. op. remove the obstacles set up by superstition and tyranny.

Kaplan's thesis 11 4 that by the standards of Islamic mysticism such a conciliation was possible. 11 7 V. These difficulties and the diver­ gence between these two approaches to law stand out quite clearly in view of the specific injunctions. "Miisavat. was thorough­ going relativism. political. It also corroborates the link established earlier in this chapter with regard to Kemal's idea of freedom... 3 7 8 . Namik Kemal's Idea of Pro gress Of all Nam1k Kemal's ideas that can be traced back to the influence of Europe. . 1 1 5 . p. 1 1 7 Jb t"d. contained in the Koran. used. does shed light on the mental processes of Kemal. One finds this conception in the articles that he wrote iu Kaplan. . the most obvious is his conception of progress. Namik 11 5 N am tk Kemal. 1 1 5 In practice. 11 6 This was the equality that had existed between the Prophet and his followers and was identified with an ideal­ ized Islamic golden age. and that this was what Nam1k Kemal had in ." M. 3 7 7 .NA M I K K E MA L divinity had no orthodox Islamic equivalent.E. equality meant before everything else equality before the law.S. and other. on the other hand. mind. something with which Nam1k Kemal could not agree in view of his allegiance to the principles enunciated in the Koran. 11 6 Ibid. this meant for Kemal that high government officials would not be treated more leniently than ordinary citizens in the courts. does not dispel the great philosophical difficulties in which Kemal had involved himself by attempting to conciliate . The all-embracing aspect of Islamic law and the importance it had for Kemal have to be grasped to place in their true context other concepts he . Montes quieu's main contribu­ tion to the theory of law. For Kemal. legal. and equality which derives from the dignity of the human person and the divine origin of the creation of man. P· 3 7 9 · Kemal. however. p. p. This explanation. such as equality.M ontesquieu with the �eriat.

. British printing presses. Namik Kemal 'lJe lbret. in Ozon.NA MIK KEM4 L after his soj ourn in Europe and particularly in those he com­ posed under the influence of his stay in England. in one and the same breath. p. and the uses to which steam and electricity were put in Britain. 1 1 9 Ibid. p rogress was advancing at 1 1 s Nam1k Kemal. praised the Crystal Palace. "ibret." in Ozon. It is in these articles that we can see an aim of Nam1k Kemal which always accompanied his political liberalism but which he ex­ pressed most vehemently at the time he stopped being an expatriate. 3 9 . 122 Nam1k Kemal.11 9 Even the fact that in England policemen did no more than regulate traffic and pacify a few drunken brawlers was due to progress. 11 8 Every aspect of life in England aroused the enthusiasm of Kemal who. "Terakki. 1 7 8 . 121 Ibid. 320 p. the British system of education. p.1 2 0 According to Kemal. Kemal considered Western progress to have been due to the · sum of events which had occurred in Europe in th e two centuries preceding the middle of the nineteenth century. according to him. I 8 3 · 1 20 Ibid. this flow of progress was part of the dynamic move of every society and reflected the natural ability of individuals to progress. · Namtk · Kemal ve 1bret. p . Thus British courts were.. like the hands of a clock. November 1 8 7 2. It is to the materialization of this progress that Nam1k Kemal attributed the superiority of the British in a variety of fields. p. it could not be turned back.1 21 Furthermore. Nam1k Kemal believed that progress was irreversible . A great many of the articles published by Kemal in the years following his European exile were devoted to demon­ strating the practical benefits reaped by Europeans from their attitude toward the family and their fellow citizens. . or to show the material advantages provided by the West.. 1 8 6. 2 1 2 ." lbret. so just as to inspire in the people who were brought before them more confidence than they had in their own fathers.1 22 This . This aim was to overtake the West in the race for progress.

NA M I K K E M A L increasingly fast pace12 3 and its most important characteristic was that it had brought "lasting order" in society. but the only way in which the population . the Tanzimat had introduced reforms a. Specially in regard to its commercial backwardness. 12 4 Kemal argued that Europe had achieved these results by separating existing laws from "abstractions" and "supersti­ tions" and had thus established science on "experiment and deduction." in Ozon. "Medeniyet. Hurriyet. 12 8 Nam1k Kemal. 12 6 If the Ottomans desired to make use of their natural abilities. 1 . Namik Kemal ve bret. the elimination of the tariff policy which }tad led to the ruin of local manufactures. "Memalik-i Osmaniyenin Yeni Mukasemesi. continued Kemal. "ibret.nd new institutions. 12 9 Nam1k Kemal. "Terakki.creation of a prosperous country. August 1 0. an November 9. True. 32I . . This progress. in regard to the fact that the people had not contributed their share toward the . and the establish­ rnent of favorable credit for the growth of local industry. p . 1 8 6 8 . the arresting of the decrease in th e Turkish ele­ rnent of the empire by extending conscription to the non­ Moslem population. 3 9. . 1 8 8 ." Hurriyet. Namik Kemal ve 1bret. 12 6 Ibid. had not been followed in the ()ttoman Empire. The Islamic injunction to look for science and learning even so far as China pointed to the way for changes. 12 9 l 12 s Nam1k Kemal. they should take notice of what had happened in Europe." in O zon. 12 1 Part of Nam1k Kemal's attitude toward progress was his advocacy of a regeneration of Turkish agriculture through tax reforms. 2 I 6. 127 Nam1k Kemal. Turkey could not be said to have progressed. p . p. editorial. 1 8 6 8. p. 12 5 Nam1k Kemal. 4. p. of the Ottoman Empire had been made to participate in the Tanzimat was through the language reform of �inasi. 12 8 All of this was part of a general activist attitude of Kemal which made him scoff at the idea of resignation to one's fate as utterly non-Islamic. 12 4 /b t"d ." in Ozon. Namik Kemal eve l bret. 2 1 2 . p." 1 2 5 One of the consequences of this "dawning of truth" had been the French Declaration of the Rights of Man.

Hurriyet. for him. M."1 3 1 This essentially European social activism recurs in Nam1k Kemal's article entitled "W ork. The Islamic vantage point chosen by Kemal was expressed in two sayings-one. 1 8 69.European civilization included many institutions that had been invented in Islam to begin with and which had been perfected by Europeans. Kemal fostered a new approach. social intercourse. 1 8 7 2 . "Say. would be eliminated. In Kemal's words : "If the preachers.E . p . Nam1k Kemal showed the zealot strain in his approach to reform. February 2 2 . that one should look for science as far as China and the second. in Ozon.S. 1 3 2 N am 1k "Nufus. . By considering nineteenth-century Europe to have brought back to life ideas and institutions which "in fact" were Islamic. p . It should be clear from the Islamic conception of the im­ manence of God that progress as a self-perpetuating process activated by human reason is an idea which is far from being Islamic. lots of misconceptions on this subject.NA M I K KE MA L Nam1k Kemal saw clearly that one of the elements that made for progress in Europe was the internal safety provided by good government." Kemal. . 7 0 . ." lbret."1 3 2 Here he dwells at length 1 30 Nam1k Kemal. June 2 5. and manners. 2 7 ff. "Karmca Kanatland1. and [thus] contribute to guarantee the life of the nation. i b re t. instead of theologizing in the Mosques would apply themselves to teach subj ects which would be of use in both this world and the next. eve 1 31 Nam1k Kemal.. In addition. There is no better indication of Kemal's innovation in this respect than his advice to take advantage of the office of prayer leader to prod the members of the congregation to diligence and cleanliness as a means of encouraging progress.. p. Yet this did not stop him from clinging tenaciously to a number of Islamic cultural institutions in matters of dress. 322 � Namik Kemal . 1 80 But it is far from these bases to the "innate ability of man to progress" of which Kemal spoke. which are present in public opinion. a saying attributed to the Prophet to the effect that temporal changes justified a change in mores. 2. in the case of progress too. Yet.

1 8 6 7. 136 lb td . Matbaa-i Ebiizziya. 1 3 1 1/r 8 9 3 . and to look for talent in the provinces rather than only in the capital.1 34 Similarly his injunctions to establish a stream­ lined civil service. . that literature should be used as a means of inspiring the Ottomans to lift themselves by their own bootstraps. 1 7 61 8 9.E. . :although mortal. i n Ozon. "Terbiye-i nisvan hakkmda bir Layiha . "Memur.1 4 8 . See N am1k Kemal.. Nam1k Kemal believed. Similar was his theme that women should be educated." lbret. 18 4 Nam1k Kemal. pp. "Vatan..ilahir :c z 8 3 -2 8 August 1 8 6 6. (2nd. Nam1k Kemal was convinced that the :future development of the empire depended on intense effort accompanied by education.NA MIK KEMA L on the evils of sloth and makes the statement that man.. 45 ) October 1 8 7 2. 1 6 Rebii. 1 3 6 His articles on economics1 3 7 repeat economic themes first encountered in the writings of Sadik Rifat Pa§a.135 His criticism of the ulema's assuming a double function as "professors" in traditional Ottoman institutions of higher learning and judges in Ottoman courts. . 8 . 3 23 . p . «Niifus..'' M. 3 3 0. In the same piece the transition from purposiveness to puritanism can be quite clearly seen. .S. p. p .1 8 9 4) .S. Ibid. «Terakki. ed. for example. Nam1k Kemal ve lbret." lbret (No." Tasvir-i Efkar 4 �evval 1 2 8 3/February 9th. amounted to a desire to see both of these :functions performed with the efficiency that was re quired by a modern society. At the end of the article Nam1k Kemal argues that the Ottomans have no more time to devote to the "titillating" classical Ottoman literature which is branded as immoral because it leads to a waste of national (�nergy." M. should look at life as if he were to live for­ ever. pp. this strain in Nam1k Kemal's thought is a continuation of one to be found in �inasi and Sadik Rifat Pa§a. P· 1 3 9 · 1 3 7 Nam1k Kemal. . 2 5 June 1 8 7 2 . 1 3 5 See Nam1k Kemal.E." Tasvir-i Efkar. 60 . In fact. Istanbul. 1 3 5. were part of an effort to harness all available resources to what today would be called the "development" of the Ottoman Empire. «Bend-i Mahsus. ·with these authors. 1 33 Nam1k Kemal. In Miintahabat-i Tasvir-i Efkar : Edebiyat : Namik Kemal Ciiz 1 -2. 1 33 A final aspect of Nam1k Kemal's views on progress which :must not be overlooked is that it was part of the general �"social mobilization" to which we have already pointed out in connection with the significance of Fenelon.

na mely .1 40 he showed his own inclination in the matter by stating that science was not merely "an instrument to gain control over nature and create wealth." 1 41 "It can never be known. even though passionate.ce as Europe because it did not have a maj or tradition of secular thought ir�dependent of theology. It may be that while Kemal still felt some affinity with the Enlightenment he could not swallow the philosophical desiccation of Renan. Renan had relied on an argument similar to the one that has been advanced in this study. Kemal's specific target was this French thinker's allegation that there existed no philosophy in the true sense of the word in Islam. 1 42 /b1"d. This attitude which seems to have crystallized in the last years of his life was essentially an extension of an earlier one which had led him to rej ect any bases for the state other than the �eriat. was quite weak. 1 39 While on one harid he defended the thesis that nothing in Islamic doctrine forbade the study of the exact sciences and mathematics. It is true that in this later phase he attacked the materialism of Renan. "of those who use science for practical goals if they have been able to attain a higher status [i.. Paris. by Ali Ekrem Bulayir." 14 2 The antiutili­ tarian and strongly moralistic-religious aspect of this statement is striking....'' he stated. 945-95 9. 1 3 8 Nam1k Kemal's defense. Oeuvres Completes (Psichari ed.A L VI. Namik Kemal and European Philosophy With all the emphasis he placed on Western progress Kemal was not as yet ready to use the new philosophical world view associated with the advances that he admired so much. Selanik Matbaas1. for he obvi­ ously was unable to understand his adversary's position. 1. . 1 41 /bt'J. I 6 . p. p. who had gone quite far beyond the deism of the eighteenth century. 1 4. 1 40 /b t"d.e. . 1 3 2 6/1 9 1 0191 1 ) . Renan Mudafaanamesi (ed. Again. 13 9 Nam1k Kemal. Kulliyat-i Kemal. achieve so great a distinction in the field of scien. that Islam had not been able to . Birinci Tertip Istanbul.NA MIK K E M . p. if they have evolved morally] or reached maturity. Kemal protested that Renan should have 1 3 8 For the text of this lecture of Renan's see Ernest Renan. I 7 . Calman-Levy) ( 1 94 7 ) .

NA MIK KEMA L equated science with mathematics and natural sciences. and.d . he opposed the fact that the science of hikmet. 3 4 · . in particular. 2 I . The de-emphasizing of the mechanistic aspect of Enlighten­ ment thought was accompanied. on another occasion he stated quite un­ .1 44 But he did not take into account the fact that this Islamic scholastic approach to philosophy was quite barren and that the spirit o"f hair-splitting which pe_!meated these teachings was no more part and parcel of European philosophy. . that the rise of political liberalism hadt been associ­ ated with two parallel movements-the emancipation of phi­ losophy from religion and the conceptualization of a mechanis­ tic system of nature. . 148 J:'o Renan's contention that there was no such thing as an Arab philosophy. If this method · were to be adopted. He did not mention the fact that a qualitative change had taken place in Europe in the attitude taken toward philosophy after the end of the Middle Ages and that the Europeans themselves attributed a great part of the progress that had been accomplished in Europe to the gradually widening limits of freedom of thought. by which words he tried to convey to his readers his opposition to a mechanistic . equivocally his disbelief in a conception of society deriving its strength from astronomy. p . the attitude of the Inquisition toward Galileo. was being taught in the religious schools of the capital. The argument that was used by Kemal to counter Renan was that one could not make statements about philosophical freedom in the Western worl4 in the face of such events as the death of Socrates.. in Nam1k Kemal. Although Kemal protested the notion advanced by Renan that astronomy had never made any progress in Islam because of the different world view that such a study would entail. and the burning of the copies of Rousseau's Emile. an 1 43 Ih t"d p . he stated. an Islamized version of the physics and metaphysics of Aristotle. by . he would agree that Islamic culture had thwarted the growth of science. conception of society as was curren t in nineteenth-century Europe. 1 44 lbt.

for example." the Turkish equivalent of the French "patrie. in this respect. but it is characteristic of Kemal that in the discussion of cultural issues he preferred to emphasize emotions ·rather than reason. The characteristic emphasis on feeling of Nam1k Kemal is best seen in his patriotism. between Namik Kemal's utterances and the much more staid writing and the constant emphasis on reason of the poet �inasi Efendi. in the early nineteenth cen­ tury. VII. There is a striking difference. It is significant. As he expressed and the progress of the world. Nam1k Kemal's brand of patriotism was one of the most fiery and romantic and was linked with his advocacy of feeling. that it is in his article entitled "The Fatherland" that Nam1k Kemal gave one of his · most complete and clear statements about his belief in the insuf­ ficiency of reason. which has contributed more than any­ thing else to the maturi.NA MIK KE MA L emphasis on sentiment and feeling. has not been able to clear itself of the onus of having overstepped all boundaries and having placed whatever beliefs there were in the mind and whatever feelings there were in the soul under the light of reality and investigation. it is to him too that is credited the first extensive use of the word "vatan" in the sense of "fatherland" in Turkish litera­ ture.the experimental method. but its widespread use and its popularization are due to Nam1k Kemal.. The word "vatan. in the preamble of this article : "With all the benefits to which it has given rise. Among those who have made it a habit to use the experimental method in their search for truth there are certain super-critics who limit their quest for answers to material occurrences and who would like to consider everything that cannot be touched or seen as either 326 .. Namik Kemal." had been coined before. It is only fair to remember here that in the elaboration of the political system of Kemal a considerable amount of rationalism had crept in. the Patriot As much as the word "hurriyet" is an invention of Kemal.

"Qu'est-ce qu'une nation ? " in Ernest Renan's Oeuvres ( 1 9 4 7 ) . p. Namik Kemal 'Ve 1 bret. 1 49 Key words in Nam1k Kemal's patriotic statements." 1 49 lhid. 1 46 Ibid. p . "Turk" ("Turk"}." l bret. 1'1am1k Kemal spoke of the fatherland as being not only a geographical unit." are the expressions "Osmanli" ( "Ot­ toman") . and "mezheb" ( "denomination") . 2 6 3 . Every one of these words was used by Nam1k Kemal at one time or another to denote the focus of national allegiance. I . " Ommet" ( "community") . is indicative of the fact that Nam1k Kemal. sentiment had its own logic differing from the logic of reason : "If the Lord had created the mind of man [on the model of] the · multiplication table. life.. 2 65 . 1 4 8 He added : "The fatherland is not composed of the vague lines traced by the sword of a con­ queror or the pen of a scribe. 1 48 Nam1k Kemal.. This. "kavm" ( "tribe") . in addi­ tion to the word "vatan. his con­ science like a geometric measure. but also an emotional bond in which the 1nemories of ancestors. began with the breathing of the air of the fatherland. March 1 2 . respect for one's ancestors.NA MIK KEMA L unreliable apparitions or as inferior to the manifestations of nature. "One should love one's fatherland because the most precious gift God has bestowed on us.' 'the fatherland. "millet" (used both for "nation" or in its traditional meaning of "religious group in the Ottoman Empire") . 8 8 7. 2 6 5 . it would have been impossible for such concepts as 'the nation. enthusiastic as he was in eliciting an 1 45 Nam* Kemal. . love of the family. sovereignty. interest. 147 Ibid.9 06. "Vatan. the recollections of one's own youth and (�arliest experiences all had a place. It is a sacred idea resulting from the conglomeration of various noble feelings such as the people." 1 46 The defense of the concept of "the fatherland" on this basis by Kemal reminds one strikingly of the speech of Ernest Renan entitled "Qu'est-ce qu'une nation? " Like Renan. p. brotherhood.' or 'family' to exist. in Ozon. liberty.. 1 4 7 Kemal stated. 1 8 7 3 . «Vatan. p . 2 64. and childhood memories. by itself. "14 5 For Nam1k Kemal. 2 64. p.

1 8 6 8 . 1 5 0 Sometimes. December 7' I 8 6 8 . "Hubb ul-Watan. "Usul-u Me§veret. activating the individual's allegiance to · the vatan. and also belonged to many#denominations. Within this territory the great unifying force was to be the proj ected representative assembly itself. p . believed in a number of religions." "compatriots") appears in a religious context. p. Ibn Sinas. The number of possible combinations and permutations within these four basic categories is quite large and almost all of them were present in the empire as groups with separate personalities. May 1 0." "hem millet" ( "co-nationals. . In this case it applies to the Ottoman Turks. to the territory contained within the borders of the Ottoman Empire. however. i. 1 5 1 Nam1k Kemal. By and large Nam1k Kemal wrote his articles on "the father­ land" with a view to . And indeed in some writings N am1k Kemal uses "Ottoman" as a name to describe all the citizens of this ideal empire.'' Hurriyet.NA M I K K E MA L undivided allegiance to "the fatherland. Hurriyet." 1 51 In this reminiscing context "Ottoman" is sometimes re­ placed by "Turk" : "Are not the Turks the nation ["millet"] in whose medresses Farabis. 1 8 6 8. The Circassians are the hem millets · of the Turks. 152 Ibid. An example is the state­ ment. 1 58 E ditorial. June 2 9. 1 8 6 8 .e. editorial. 1 . the term "Ottoman" is used with reference to the past instead of the future. Gazalis." November 2 3 . Zemah§eris propagated knowledge? " 152 But while "millet" is used in the sense of "nation. Hilrriyet. 15 3 I' 150 Nam1k Kemal. 6 . The difficulty lay in that the Ottoman Empire was composed of people who spoke different languages.." was not entirely clear as to what the fatherland consisted of. It would then seem to follow that all the categories of citizens within this area were Ottomans. had various ethnic origins. "The blood that runs in· our veins too is that Ottoman blood which bears the distinction of having been shed to provide even the smallest benefits to the fatherland. It is used usually to refer to the out­ standing qualities of the Ottomans.

The Ottoman popular classes were thoroughly permeated by this spirit and its latest manifestation (in . the preservation. In this respect Kemal was sincerely ready to 15 4 Nam1k Kemal ."155 and "Is it not strange that European cabinets should attempt to apportion by a stroke of the pen countries which our ancestors conquered by their sword? "1 5 6 If gaza was the existing psychological substratum on which Nam1k Kemal built his patriotism.NA M I K KE MA L In the same passage in which he uses "millet" in the sense of "nation. 1 8 6 8 . and development of the Ottoman state was his primary practical purpose. 1�hus he said. 2.ahs were seen that some died on the field of war [ "gaza meydani" ] and some perished in horrible dungeons. The Romans are a "great community. 1 54 Kemal's attitude can be clarified only if reference is made to an element which for centuries had constituted the core of Ottoman culture. in the context of his patriotic exhortations." Hurriyet. rehabilita­ tion. . "Such [courageous] Padi. 1. 1 56 Nam1k Kemal." Hurriyet." Kemal states the very same Turks to have been "an ummet ["community"] which has achieved the position of teacher of the world'' and a few lines farther on he speaks of "the fatherland" as having been ruled by the caliph Omar and the sultan Siileyman I. 1 55 Nam1k Kemal. 1 . "Memalik-i Osmaniyenin Yeni Mukasemesi. June 29. p. Nam1k Kemal used both gaza and futuvvet.the nineteenth century) had been seen in I 853." the Jews "a small tribe" but superior to the Romans in that they were able to maintain their cultural personality longer. p . the vocabulary Nam1k Kemal uses to describe other nations do not help to untangle the puzzle. At that date a popular rebellion had almost taken place in the capital because the official attitude toward Russia had been considered too cowardly. November 9. 1 8 6 8. "Hubb ul-Watan." Hurriyet. This was the spirit of gaza and futuvvet­ tbe Ottoman "pioneer spirit" of conquest. p. 1 8 6 8. Comparisons with . August 24. "Devlet-i Aliyyeye.

that with time and advances in science and education. 1 8 6 6. On one hand. while the sec­ ond was the very base on which the empire was built. To bring about this intertwining Kemal relied on the con­ ception of an equal guarantee of the political rights of the entire Ottoman population and on a system of education acces­ sible to everyone. This intellectual evolution is somewhat analogous to that from the conception of "equal but separate" status to that of a fully integrated citizenry. The first one was a traditional Ottoman ideal. To him. the Encyclopaedist. Tasvir-i Efkar. Quite early.. however. His own contribution.N A M I K KE MA L work for the creation of a new focus of allegiance transcending that provided by the spirit of gaza. the future of the Ottoman Empire would be assured. Neither the idea of the preservation of the Ottoman state nor that of an ethnically diversified empire were entirely new. .'' in Ozon. These conceptions seem t o have been formed quite early. See Nam1k Kemal. 2 6 6 . Thus we may say that Nam1k Kemal found the ground already prepared for his idea of the har­ monious symbiosis of ethnically and religiously differing popu­ lations. Once these conditions were fulfilled. in Muntahabat-i Tasvir-i Efkar 1-2 . Nam1k Kemal stated that he did not believe in an internationalism which consisted in loving humanity as a whole at a time when nations were in arms and one's fatherland was in danger. This was indicative of the new European trend toward realpolitik in Kemal's time. 3 5 . p. "Vatan. In the summer of 1 8 66 Kemal was already obj ecting to the thesis set forth by Miinif Pa§a. an important one which should not be overlooked. sitting side by side on the same benches was the best way of fostering such a unity. as Nam1k Kemal himself argued. was that the idea of a union of populations ( all to be known as Ottomans) replaced the previous concep­ tion of people living side by side in harmony but still separated by religious barriers in the absence of a feeling of nationality. p. alternative methods of strengthening the Ottoman state were being considered by Kemal which had a characteristically Western stamp. 1 6 Rebiiilahir 1 2 8 3/August 2 8. he thought. Namtk Kemal ve jbret. "Redd-i itiraz. 33 ° . force would become obsolete in relations between states. 157 On 151 Nam1k Kemal.

according to Kemal. They Nam1k Kemal's early ideas on the subj ect of "th e father­ land" are thus quite complex. i t becam e difficult to convince the rest of the races entering into the composition of the empire that they would be placed on an equal plane in the constitutional empire that Kemal was offering them. 33 1 . even during the first period of activity of the �foung Ottomans. in Nam1k Kemal it is a constant theme. If the Turks were glorified. 1 8 69. of the continuous mention of the prowess of the ancient Ottomans which. on one hand. he was already thinking of reuniting all geographically accessible Moslems by extending to them the same benefits of representative government. caused the government to exil� Nam1k Kemal when his appeal to patriotic sentiment in his play The Fatherland got an enthusiastic response from his audience. It showed that Nam1k Kemal was not conscious of the impos­ sibility of convincing the minorities of the empire of the value of a theory which united the glorification of Turkish conquests and of a Moslem army with a sincere concern for the problems of the nations which made up the empire. in part. of suggestions regard­ ing the building of a unified state and the establishment of the conception of an imperial Ottoman citizenship regardless of religion or race. obligated succeeding generations to live up to it and. �fhere was an explosive element which did not escape Sultan Abdillhamid II in this praise of Ottoman valor of bygone days and the simultaneous attempt to build a state to which non­ Turks would willingly give their allegiance. It is probably this contradic­ tion which. May 1 5 9 See above. During his last exile. the idea of which had been suggested to him by a desire to investigate the military ac15 8 Editorial. Chapter I . 1 o. Hurriyet. These two ideas are usually set forth within one and the same article.NA MIK KE M A L the other hand. The play159 was a glorification of Turkish courage and patriotism. on the other hand. by writing an Ottoman history. Although the emphasis on the superi­ ority of the Ottomans can already be encountered in the Letter of Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a.

Turgot.'' J bret. Bacon. June 2 7. ·gave up the idea of an 0 ttoman nation made up of various national and re­ ligious groups and seemed resigned to the loss of the greater part of the European holdings of the empire. The Europ ean Origins of Kemal's Ideas." VIII. 5 8 . 33 2 . within its fold. Nam1k Kemal. Namik Kemal ve 1 bret.16 0 with the help of the Otto­ man "elder brothers. Garibaldi. Cicero) Descartes. 1 8 7 2. Rousseau." 1 bret. in Ozon. On the occasion of a Yemenite demand for protection to the Ottoman Empire in 1 8 7 2 Kemal was stimulated to respond as follows : "It is only from here that the multifarious achievements of our century can be heralded to Arabia. Danton. Silvio Pellico. They are the following: Plato. Ebiizziya mentions among Kemal's unpublished translations Co�dorcet's Sketch of a Historical Picture of the . 3 2 . Kaplan. "i ttihad-1 Islam. Toward the end of his active life as a theorist and pamphleteer. pp. Condorcet. June 2 o. of all Moslems. faced with an increasingly strong current of Pan-Slavism in the Balkans.i 61 In other sections of his works Nam1k Kemal praises Montesquieu. Namik Kemal. "Miitalaa. 74. p. Most conveniently for those interested in his ideas. 1.NA M I K KE MA L complishments of the Turks." Turk Hukuk Tarihi Dergisi ( 1 9 4 9) . 1a1 Fevziye Abdullah Tansel. Aristotle. Voltaire. Nam1k Kemal showed himself to be more concerned with th e glorious past of the Turks than the creation of a new Ottoman nation. His attention was turned toward the "Islamic people. Namik Kemal ve lbret. He could hardly be blamed for this in view of t �e already obvious fact that the people making up the Ottoman Empire were not interested in Ottomanism. in Ozon. Progress of the Human Mind and "some' of Bacon's works. Robespierre. Thus the desired future prosperity of the Islamic Caliphate will be the contribution of the Turks in the first degree but also of the Arabs in the second.7 8 . 5 7." Nam1k Kemal. p. "Nam1k Kemalin Hukuki Fikirleri." What he hoped was that the 0 ttoman state could now be reinforced by the union. Nam1k Kemal mentions in one of his writings those men in the stream of Western tradition of political thought to which he attributes the greatest importance. 1 8 7 2. whom he calls "one who has reached the status of 160 N am1k Kemal. Zeno. 5 3 .

p. 1 8 6 9. p. 1 6 5 To these influences must be added that of the French historian Volney . vi. p.» Kaplan. 1 . Liv. 3 1 6£. 163 and Rous. Ebiizziya mentions an unpublished translation of the "Esprit des Lois. 3 2 . Osmanli Tarihi. Still other political thinkers whose works.ontrat although this translation was not. <:. par laquelle chacun. seau whose Contrat Social164 and Polish constitution are men­ tioned. "Sadaret. iaa See above. Of these Western antecedents Nam1k Kemal derived the theory of popular sovereignty from Rousseau. He seems to have obtained his ideas about the double contract from Locke . 8 . p .'' it is the reflexion of Rousseau's "Corps rnoral et collectif. 1 63 N am1k Kemal. are mentioned include Locke. ch. p . 333 . Namik Kemal. p. as well as n�mes. 1 �5 Nam1k Kemal. 3 2 . published. in the instances in which Kemal speaks of the state as a "moral person.'' Hurriyet. Namik Kemal. 8 .NA M I K K E M A L [supreme] teacher in the science of politics" 1 6 2 and speaks of his Esprit des Lois. 1 a4 Nam1k Kemal. • . n. .. he definitely owed his theory of the separation of powers to Montesquieu . That Nam1k Kemal owed his conception of popular sover­ eignty and of the origins of society to Rousseau may be seen in the fashion in which he described the creation of the first "normative force" to be "invented" in society. however. 5 .» p . whose Caro­ linian constitution is referred to in one instance. 3 3 . The Political Writings. Note the simi­ larity of his wording with Rousseau's expression : "Trouver une for me cl'association . 16 8 Ibid." 16 7 Again. p. did not accept the · 1 6 2 Nani1k Kemal. et reste aussi libre qu 'au­ paravant. . 1 . 1 6 7 Contrat Social in Vaughan. According t o Ebiizziya. Osmanli Tarihi. he was indebted to Volney for · his analysis of the decadence of the Ottoman Empire and to the romantic writers for his emphasis on feeling and emotion as well as for his conception of culture. March 1 . 3 2 . s'unissant a tous. Nam1k Kemal translated the . n:' obeisse pourtant qu'a lui-meme. Kaplan." 168 Rousseau. . 1 66 Finally the French romantic writers as a whole influenced Kemal. "Usul-u Meiveret.

his first move in 1 8 7 1 upon the foundation of the French Republic. 33 4 . 1 . Kemal seems to have been impressed by that of the separation of powers almost as much as that of popular sovereignty. A. reaches the conclusion 1 69 For Acollas. Kemal's opposition to the idea of a general will may be traced. 1 9 2 . 2 0 7 ." Ency clop edia of Social Scien ces ( 1 9 3 0 ) .'' ·p . 110 Nam1k Kemal. links him in the last analysis to an aspect of continental liberalism which had been evolving in an anti-Rousseauan direction. Cheva­ lier Moresc. 1 69 Of all the European ideas to which he was exposed.. See Fevziye Abdullah Tansel's biblio­ graphical criticism in Belleten ( 1 94 3 ) . The similarity between Kemal's ideas and certain aspects of Acollas' theories remains striking. a work I could not see." Emile Acollas. According to Acollas. 1 3 2 6 ) . Acollas was a French jurist who for some time gave Kemal private lessons in law in Paris. Kemal's taking lessons from Acollas was :first reported in Kemal Beyin Terciime-i Hali ( Istanbul. democracy's most important component was individual independence. 420. Imprisoned for con­ spiracy on the eve of the Franco-Prussian War. in turn. "Wa-@. who was loath to get involved in the consequences that stemmed from a theory of the "general will. His life. 1 8 8 5 ) . La Declaration des Droits de l'Homme de 1 78 9 Co mmentee ( Paris. "Acollas. the system of governmen t would be absolutistic. ed. was to demand the authorization to teach courses in civil law to the workers. "El ha�. to the ideas of Emile Acollas.NA MIK KEMA L double contract and Kemal. Compare Nam1k Kemal's ideas with Acollas' follow­ ing statement : «La societe n'est qu'une collectivite qui n'a ni plus de droits ni plus de devoirs que les individus dont elle est composee. 1 . p . 4 . He had been fairly well known under the Second Empire in France as an advocate of the reduction of the power of the central government.awirhum. vu. in his work on the influence of French litera­ ture on the literature of the Tanzimat. see Georges Weill." therefore turned to Locke for the double contract. I am drawing a parallel between Acollas' and Kemal's ideas fully aware that the report of the contact bet�een the two men has been questioned as resting only on Ebiizziya's words. which he lived along clearly Proudhonian-humanitarian-socialistic lines." p . To him it was quite clear that as long as legislation was enacted and executed by the same body. 1 10 Cevdet Perin.

11 2 Also of romantic origin in Nam1k Kemal's writings is his conception of the hero. 1 76 There is no doubt that Kemal's insistence on feeling as sometimes superior to reason as well as the fieriness of his style were of romantic origin. 1 11 Perin goes on to state that what made Nam1k Kemal a romantic was his personality and not the influences to which he was exposed. 1 5 0.ali ( Istanbul. A kif Bey ( Istanbul. . see Kaplan. for Kemal uses it with the aim of arousing the patriotic feelings of his audience. p . 1 29 0/1 8 7 3.1 7 3 Kemal's biographies of the great figures of Islamic history. Namik Kemal.1 8 74) . 1 3 0 1/i 8 8 3-1 8 8 4) . Namt k Kemal.NA M I K K E M A L that Nam1k Kemal's literary works show him to have been in the romantic tradition. and therefore the generation that influenced Kemal. Tanzimat Edebiyatinda Fransiz Tesiri ( Istanbul. It was a call to action rather •than a mere recounting of prowesses. Pul­ han Matbaas1. however. I t is probably to this that Ziya once alluded in dismissing Kemal's style as being copied from "French poets. This glorification of the individual is dif­ ferent from that which had existed in Ottoman popular epopees of the classical times.114 as well as many of his plays. 1 946) . p. 335 .1 5 8 .. 1 69 . 1 29 2 / i 8 7 5 ) .t Periian ( Istanbul. Kemal's highest admiration was for the French classics." 11 1 A final romantic strain reminiscent this time of Herder 1 7 1 Cevdet Perin.1 7 0. 1 49 . had studied in Europe at the height of the romantic movement a. 1 7 5 Vatan Yahut Silistre (Istanbul. pp. 1 77 Ismail Hikmet [Ertaylan] . However. Celaleddin Harzem. 5 2 · 1 7 3 This point has I been extensively analyzed by Kaplan. p. is suggested by the same author when he admits that the generation that was influential in the I 8 6o's in Turkey. I.nd that for this generation. Evrak. Matbaa-i Osmaniye. 1 42 .1 8 74) . 1 7 4 See Nam1k Kemal. Turk Edebiyatt Tarihi. p. 1 5 3 · 1 7 2 Ibid. Europe still meant the romantic Europe of the I 8 3 o's. 1 76 For Nam1k Kemal's own conception of the theater as a call to action . See ibid. which was out of touch with Europe.1 1 5 show his attraction to charismatic figures who galvanize · the people into action. 1 29 0/ 1 8 7 3 . A much more plausible explanation.

Chapter XI . of which is made up of a man. cannot divest itself of all content and inheritances sud�enly and . "Human society. "It is on the strength of this conclusion that the divine law posits that while statutes may be changed with time. 1 78 Nam1k Kemal. which is a moral presence . customs are unchangeable. 3 . every parcel . . assume new form and content.N A MIK K E M A L appears in Kemal's preface to his Ottoman History in such statements as : . 33 6 . "11 8 It is to such utterances that must be traced back the ideas of Turkish nationalism as they developed during the twentieth century. Osmanli Tariki. For the influence of Montes­ quieu's historicism as a possible origin of such conceptions see below. p. .

With . "Ziya Pa§anm Evvan-1 Tifliyeti . Ziya had already had considerable political experience and a some­ what longer record of opposition to Ali Pa§a than had the Young Ottomans. concerned with better­ ing administrative practice in the Ottoman Empire. This might be due to the fact that at the time he j oined the Young Ottomans. Ziya's comparative lack of fervor is one of the reasons for which he has not been accorded the same position as Kemal in the Pantheon of Turkish patriots. 1." l�ecmua-i Ebuzzi. one of the two schools mentioned above. 5 . 2 [Ziya Pa§a] . while Kemal's articles rnore often than not have to do with general principles of politics. was more of a theorist. Ziya was a much more cautious man than Kemal. . on the other hand.aziyiilevvel 1 2 9 8 ) . p. Ziya Pa§a's father was a minor customs employee. where they were provided with special amenities.1 Cem. 33 7 . was his ex­ perience as an administrator .regard to their respective personalities.ya ( 1 5 Rebiiilahir 1 2 9 8.+?) C HAPTER XI 8+ Ziya Pa§a : Philosophical Insecurity 13oTH the personality and the career of Ziya Pa§a differed f:rom those of Kemal. Ziya Paia : Hayat1 ve Eserleri ( istanbul. 2 The recollections of one of Ziya's school com­ panions shows that even at this time students were aware of thle upper-class status acquired by the children of important TaA­ zimat statesmen. 1 9 3 2 ) . . born in 1 8 25. The outstanding characteristic of Ziya Pa§a. Ziya Pa§a's are. Kanaat Kiitiiphanesi. in the maj ority. Nam1k Kemal. 1 His son. Thus. Hakkmda Makalesi. and one which has been often mentioned. The latter were being sent to the Mekteh-i Maarif-i Adliyye. 404�� 0 9. He did not entirely approve of Kemal's romantic panache and thought of the rest of the Young Ottomans as somewhat naive. was able to complete the local Koranic school and was then admitted to one of the two academies established by Re§id Pa§a. The twin 1 Ismail Hikmet [Ertaylan] .

the overtones of a moralistic crusade against favoritism being present both in the attitude of the students and that of the teachers of the Mekteb-i lrfan. Edhem Pa§a. Ziya Pa[a.4 Ziya Pa�a.ZI YA P A � A school to which Ziya Pa�a went. was one which provided scholarships to every student but which also lacked the amenities that were to be found at the Mekteb-i Maarif. It was as a result of his influence that Ziya Pa§a concentrated on French and started translations from this language. and he advised Ziya to learn a foreign language. 1 3 04/ 1 8 8 6. 1 2 99 /1 8 8 1 1 882) . feel the greatness of the Westernizing moves of Re�id Pa�a. was. commanding general of the palace troops. the poet Fatin Efendi. however. This "poor man's scho_ol" was called Mekteb-i lrfan. Eser Kiitiiphanesi. Thus quite early the defensive cast of Ziya's thought was 3 We gather this from the remarks of Ziya's schoolmate. 1 5 . He did. Engizisyon Tarihi (Istanbul. p. . under whose guidance he acquired a vast store of classical Ottoman­ Islamic culture. The competition between the two institutions seems to have been fierce. 5 Ibid..1 8 8 7 ) .7 The sec­ ond of these works was an indirect defense of Islam in that it pointed to the inhumanity of the methods used by the Inquisi­ tion. whose unpublished memoirs are quoted in Ergin. like �inasi.6 This was followed by Lavallee's History of the lnquisition. at the time. the �eyhiilislam Arif Hikmet Bey. was a protege of Re§id Pa§a. But an examina­ tion of these very verses showed that he divided his admira­ tion between the grand vizier and that enlightened member of the ulema. Matbaa-i Ebiizziya. The first of these was a trans­ lation of Viardot's History of the Moors of Spain. ibrahim Halil A§\tdede. There he came under the influence of one of the last Turkish classicists. 6 Endulus Tarihi (Dersaadet. Ziya Pa�a entered the Translation Bureau. 4 vols. 8 Upon graduating from this school. a product of the Ecole des Mines. Turkiye Maarif Tarihi. 7 Ibid. p. therefore. 3 2 5 ff. 4 Ertaylan. 5 In I 8 5 5 Ziya Pa§a was appointed secretary to the Imperial Palace. whom he praised in his poetry composed during the happy days when the latter was still alive.

the date of his death ( May 1 7. The relentless hatred of Ali Pa§a and the abuses he had witnessed during his ad­ n1inistrative career convinced Ziya Pa§a that he should take a hand at the problem of political reform in Turkey. pp . It is probable at that time too that he set out to trans­ late Rousseau's Emile. Ziya Pa§a. as stated in Tanpmar. and some of the more important articles in the llurriyet came from his pen. that he prepared the drafts of the Ottoman constitution. 9 See above. During Ziya Pa§a's final stay in the Province of Amasya. 2 8 7. Ziya Pa§a was progres­ sively pulled away from the main stream of the business of the state. 2 6. This was Ali's way of making him expiate his intrigues. 8 Ertaylan. Ziya Pa§a was made to resume his administrative posts. visible. he lived a n1iserable life in various provinces until I 8 So. shortly thereafter. 33 9 . Cut off from the intellectual world of the capital. 8 In the following four years he was sent to various distant posts in Anatolia. When Sultan Abdulaziz was finally deposed. Ali Pa§a had it so arranged that an investigation com­ n1ittee was sent to check on his activities. An attempted intrigue by Ziya to discredit Ali failed and earned Ziya Ali's enmity. then Minister to Athens. The preponderant influence of Re�id Pa§a thus gave way to the influence of Fuad and Ali Pa§a.9 he was the closest collaborator of Nam1k Kemal for a long time.. This accounts for his collaboration with the discontented element in the capital. and a con­ stitutional commission created.Z I Y A P 4 $ 11 . 1 0 When. p . In 1 859 M ustafa Re§id Pa§a died. l O Although there is no evidence. Chapter I I . he participated in its work. and purposely given new assignments as often as possible.. 1 8 80) . not to be convened for thirty-two years. being appointed first Minister of Police.3 1 . XIXncu A nr. and finally assistant governor in an Anatolian prov­ ince. Even though misunderstandings arose between the two main Young Ottoman leaders during their common exile in Europe. the first Turkish parliament was dissolved by Abdillhamid II. and shortly thereafter (in 1 86 1 ) Sultan AbdUlmecid died too.

The overriding metaphysical anxiety which has been found to prevail there is the best indication of the deep spiritual crisis created in him by his encounter with Western thought. A special facet of this ap­ proach was Ziya's study of the decline of this function. 4. pp. First. through which runs a strong vein of commitments to the achievement of such an ideal synthesis. Gibb. Secondly. pp. 1 2 For this work see 3 40 . Finally. Ottoman Poetry. Ziya was a man intimately acquainted with the Palace and thus obsessed with the idea of the imperial function. There are times when modern ideas are definitely on the upsurge. 1 8 6 8 . which according to him paralleled and was the cause of the decline of the empire.' > Hilrriyet. 9 5-9 8 . as we shall see below. The best way to pinpoint the origin of this vacillation is to follow closely some of the themes in his poetry. 1 2 A similar ambivalence appears. September 7 . complicated. 2 94. in his preface to his anthology entitled Harabat. This accounts for his vehemence against the adoption of "Frankish customs" and his fear that the geist of Ottoman culture was about to disappear. See Ziya Pa§a. v." where Ziya11 destroys the Turkish classical style as cumbersome. for instance. Ziya was a cultural traditionalist in more ways than Kemal. 7 8 . he seems to have been of the opposite opinion. 1 3 Ziya Pa§a's ideas concerning the state are quite similar to those of Kemal. Yet in his system East and West were more or less in equilibrium. This appears. 2 9 5 . For the opposite view see Ismail Hikmet. but there are three aspects of his contributions which distinguish them from the latter. on his return to Turkey. in his articles in the Hurriyet entitled "�iir ve ln§a'. Neither Ziya's life nor his writings are so consistent. Yet. This is true both of his writings and of his life. in Ziya's proposals for political and educational reform. Ziya Pa§a. 1 3 See Tanpmar. and a means of keeping the people in subservi­ ence.7 . 11 "�iir ve In§a .ZI YA PA $A Nam1k Kemal had failed to achieve a true synthesis between East and West. XIXncu Anr. pp. he was not so much interested in freedom as he was in the elimination of the new bureaucrats.

1 -5 . pp. 6-8 . 1 8 69. 1 8 6 8. However.ZI YA P A $ A The most complete statement of his fundamental political theory may be found in a series of articles which appeared in the Hurriyet. pp. March 1 5 . 1 8 6 9 .14 In this series he first turned his attention to the origin of society and built step by step an explanation of Ottoman decline. 1 8 69. December 1 4.4. «Hattra. . pp. and thus a new form was evolved and the community progressively came into being. Ap ril 1 2. 4-8 . The single families who saw two or three families gathered in one place joined them. pp. 7 . pp. Hurriyet. 1 8 69. remaining on an elevation in summer and living in lower parts in the winter. the result of daily intercourse between families was the rise of dis­ pute and enmity. inside caves and feeding on wild fruit. ambi­ tion and greed and the desire of the victorious to subj ugate the defeated being congenital tendencies of human character. 1. 1 8 69 . 6-8 . Thus the wisest and the oldest [man] among the families was chosen and these words were said to him : 'Because of your superior qualities. 7. Apri l 5 . January 4.. 1 8 6 9. pp. 1 8 69. they shall find somebody to replace you. Ziya Pa�a explained the origin of the earliest political ties as follows : "If one ever brings to mind the fashion in which society arose and which in turn gave rise to tribal origin and govern­ ment. To settle these disputes a principle became necessary [ hir hukmun vucudu iktiza etmi1tir] .' In short he was brought to this office with the words : 1 4 Ziya Pa§a. 1 8 69. March 2 9. this roaming was undertaken [by a few families] at one time . pp. March 8. If you do not fulfill your duty satisfactorily. 5-8 . pp. February 1 5 . 5-8 . 8 . as long as you occupy this function everybody or every family shall give you thus much victuals every day. the members of the community have agreed that you be brought to the office of government. May 3. pp. 3 4I . You shall serve them by taking care of such and such a matter. 6-9 . 8 . t 8 69. Since you consequently will not have time to gather nourishment like others. With the establishment of contacts between families. reason leads one to the following explanation : at first a few families were roaming completely naked through the n1ountains. pp. March 1 .

judge who had been chosen to settle disputes was not sufficient any longer.ZI YA PA SA 'You shall be a paid servant of the community. and the simple people were always kept in blind igno­ rance. and undertook by guile to keep science and learning a · monopoly of the spiritual caste. the governments of antiquity used them as they would cattle. the title of Emir was transformed into that of King or 'Padi§ah. for his ability and material spirit. and the cultural patrimony of the maj ority of humanity began to consist of such things as stones and trees and spiders and hellfire. the seizure of their natural rights. again the one person who was best known among all families. among the maj ority the King was believed to be the master. for just as insects who live in dirt think that no other state exists than that in which they find themselves. was again brought to the executive office of government with a salary. and when disputes began to arise between them and the.' When with the passing of time the community grew and houses and vil­ lages were built and other families began to gather in various places in a similar fashion and were shaped into society. i.e. Matters went so far that to keep the people from being enlightened about this secret. when societies grew larger and took the form of tribes and nations. Thus the Emirs and the monarchs were at first paid servants of t he community who ·were given the duty of ministering to its needs and performing services for its benefit. when men are born in centuries of 3 42 .' and with the passing of time and centuries. the need was felt for a superior chief to protect the community from the attacks of the enemy and to enforce the execution of the orders of the judge. and it was believed that pomp and luxury and the executive power were beyond ques­ tion. the foundations [of this institution] were forgotten. the task fulfilled by the Emir assumed greater importance and since naturally respect and prestige [for the office] increased as it became more and more important. Thus a situation arose which completely contradicted the original purpose.. Later. It was now believed that the people were no more than the servants of the King. And this was only natural. Thus.

While these clashes were taking place in the world. And after a while they meet with disaster and decline. but when civilization began to spread and the eyes of humanity began to open with the light of science. "Those whose support was derived from being in power decided not to change their unbounded rule. 8 .Z l . as long as it exercised its duty of providing justice and right by way of conforming to the principles of the Seriat. 25 Saban 1 2 8 5/December 1 4. However. "Later independent cities and government and states and Sultanates arose by way of forceful imposition. 7. all nations saw the state in which they were and began to sue for their rights. A few nations such as Rome and Sparta and Athens established republican rule to escape from unbounded tyranny." Then he added. The affairs of the state were decided by the votes of selected Companions of the Prophet and carried out in accordance with the sacred law of th e �eriat. Ziya Pa§a went on from there to show that Islamic rulers had never taken the title of "king" but were content with being called "the leader of the faithful" and the "successor of the p rop het of God. and every Islamic government. "Hatira. reached a state _of progress and happiness and the people had richness and 15 Ziya pp . but even then." Hurriyet.Y A P A � A oppression they go on in life believing oppression to be custom­ ary and slavery to be a requisite of nature. This conflict gave rise to m�ny civil revolutions and national wars. This too gave rise to innumerable clashes and troubles. these precautions were effective only as long as ignorance an4 blindness continued." 15 . those who were appointed to po�itical office made it their aim to use this power without recognizing any bounds. The saintly person of the Prophet did not establish a sultanate. The number of nations which have thus been born and lived and died has not been ascertained. and the four [first] Caliphs were brought to power by the election of the Compan­ ions of the Prophet. and used the very power and force they had taken from the people against the people. 1 8 68. 3 43 . the exalted religion of Islam arose. Pa§a.

richess and authority. See Gough's "Introduction" to Locke 's Second Treatise. 1 946) . While there are no extensive descriptions of the state of nature in the book. 19 Thomas Hobbes. and the general will." Hurriyet. Locke's stand is the same." Mecmua-i Ebltzziya { 1 5 Cemaziyiilevvel 1 3 3 0/May 2. 1 04-u o. It appears from this expose that. 20 See Ziya Pa§a. 4.ZI YA PA �A re p ose. A comparison that would be justified. on the other hand." 18 He considered it a "perpetual conten­ tion for Honours. the com­ parison between Ziya's ideas and those of English political theorists would be somewhat misleading since there are no indications that Ziya ever came directly in contact with their thought. "Hattraya zeyl. Basil Blackwell. "Jean Jacques Rousseau ile Emile'i hakkmda. For the most complete and authoritative argu­ ment that Rousseau believed in the state of nature as an historical event see Derathe. 1 3 2 .20 The Emile. 1 7 . by Michael Oakeshott. is larded with frequent references to such ideas as the state of nature. mure de moeurs et de caractere non par des 16 Ibid. 460. p. Forme and Power of a Com­ monwealth Ecclesiastical and Ci'Vil ( ed. 1 8 6 9. p. p. 1 8 6 9.. 1 7 As to the particular characteristics of this state of nature. January 4. con­ tains an analysis of the formation of societies which is strik­ ingly reminiscent of Ziya's theory. Leviathan o r the Matter. 3 44 . for Locke's position. on the other hand. 4· 17 Ziya Pa§a. the Discours sur l'lnegalite. Ziya Pa§a did not regard the state of nature as a state of "peace. pp. Oxford. another work of Rousseau. XVI I I . Ziya Pa§a is known to have translated the Emile. se reunissent en diverses troupes et forn1ent ensuite clans chaque contree une nation particuliere. although basically a treatise on education. m s This was the state of the Ottoman Empire up to the end of the sixteenth century. p. Second Treatise. Rousseau states : "Les hommes errant jusqu'ici clans les bois ayant pris une assiette plus fixe se rapprochent lentement. is one that would link him with Rousseau. like Kemal. p . good-will and mutual assistance. Ziya Pa§a believed the state of nature to have been an historical occur­ rence."1 9 However. the similarity with Kemal is also apparent. the social compact. January 4. n . 1 8 Locke. Rousseau et la Science Politique. 1 9 u ) .

then." consists. namely. It should be noted. Ziya had in mind a double contract of society. "21 The first point at which traces of Islamic political theory at odds with Rousseau appear in Ziya's scheme is his conception of the "community.e. just as Kemal. Here again. in giving some power to a judge so that he can arbitrate disputes arising in the community. that just like Kemal and in contradistinction to Rousseau. 22 Khadduri. the statement that the community does not surrender its sovereignty to its rnagistrate but holds him continuously responsible. the so­ called "contract of government. the investigations of these thinkers was primarily an investigation of the nature of the relations between the community and the executive. was not accustomed to think of government as rnachinery and that for him government meant the dispensa­ tion of justice rather than the presence of a machinery of the state. that Ziya Pa§a exploited another line of thought and made the judge the first person to whom authority had been delegated in the name of t he community. 1.ZI YA P A �A reglements et des lois mais par !'influence commune du climat. Since the aim of the Enlightenment thinkers had been to devise a theory by which the executive c:ould be held responsible. It is significant. the preced­ ��nce of law over the state. War and Peace. p.. It is probable that this characteristic of Ziya Pa§a's system reflects again an aspect of Islamic theory. i. The next step in the establishment of government. the looseness of the Islamic conception of the community as primarily a "union of proselytizers"22 with no tight juridical definition of the nature of the union permitted Ziya to leave his thought unclear. It points to the fact that Ziya Pa§a. in this connection. but which is so tacit as to be almost nonexistent. indicates an 21 Vaughan. The Political Writings. 3 45 1 73. The second facet of Ziya Pa§a's theory. .'' which is much looser than that of "society" found in Rousseau. in Ziya's theory. In Ziya Pa§a's theory the com­ munity comes about as a result of an agreement which appears to be tacit. 1 7 .

The appointment of the judge is followed by the appoint­ ment of an executive solely to help the judge in this task. by making this contract one between 'the people and their magistrates. . is com­ pletely at odds with the· Islamic theory of a contract entered 2 8 Sabine. II. the change-over from "community" to "society. The Political Writings. p. Thus it appears that for Ziya Pa�a the command of a sovereign is only a subsidiary factor in the growth of government. once he has estab­ lished a monopoly of power. 24 That no surrender of sovereignty is meant in Ziya Pa§a's theory can also be seen in the fact that he does not consider this step-the appointment of the judge-to be indicative of a qualitative change in the fabric of civil society. Locke "retained the older view that the grant of the community divests the people of power so long as the government i s faithful to its duties." 24 Emile. and be traced to such statements contained in the Emile as that a people cannot unconditionally alienate its liberty to its chief. the �eriat seems to lose entirely its character­ istic of a fundamental statement of political obligation and becomes no more than a perfect statement of law-the best available means for keeping the ruler from oppressing people .23 for Ziya Pa§a speaks of the judge as a "paid servant" of the community. In general. or. in Vaughan. Ziya Pa§a's theory of contract. . Ziya neglects to mention the fact that in Islam authority is a divine category and that this theory is based on the Koranic dictum to obey leaders. This absence of a surrender of sovereignty may reflect the influences of Rous­ seau. The next stage in this theory is that the ruler. to use Ziya Pa§a's own termi­ nology. 5 3 4. The qualitative change. as Kemal did. uses this power to foster the idea that the sovereign is not responsible to the people and also to establish his own tyrannical rule over them.ZI YA PA $A even more extensive conception of responsibility than · that which is to be found in Locke. A History of Political Theory. In Ziya Pa�a's writings." oc­ curs only at a later date and is simply the result of the growth of the community. What is striking about this interpretation of the history of governmen t is that. 1 5 0.

1 5 7. The Political Writings. Rousseau pointed out. 3 47 .2 6 A certain parallelism has emerged from the comparison between the system of Ziya Pa§a and the ideas of Rousseau. at the time they delegated their powers to the government . p. This view appears in the Emile. the theoretical premise of an un­ alienable sovereignty was reflected in the criticism he made of parliamentary government as giving the right to the people of legislating only once. i. 1 . "Fuad Pa§anm Vasiyetnamesi. Hurriyet. p. 8 . 2s Emile. But then the positions adopted by the two differ considerably in the steps that they indicated would remedy the ills of government. for the arbi­ trary power of a few individuals. History of Political Theory . "Mes'ele-yi Miisavat. 2 . 2 7 Sabine. He was trying to establish the theoretical bases-whether at odds with Islam or not-to justify such statements of his as : "The efforts of the Young Turkey Party are primarily directed to the substitution of the .. 1 8 6 8 . For Rousseau.e.ZI YA P A $ A into between the people and God. ( Italics in quotation are the author's. 2 8 But Ziya Pa§a had quite different plans. pp. October 2 0. 535."2 5 Ziya Pa§a did not seem to think that this attempt to by-pass the religious foundations of obligation should deter him from demanding. thereafter. 1 8 6 8 ." Hurriyet.. 2 1 Rousseau therefore concluded that only in small communities could one devise practical means of providing for the continuous control of government. "Hatira. letter to the French newspaper Liberte . December 1 4. a wider use of religious law. October 5 . 1 5 8. What Ziya Pa§a was attempt­ ing to do here is fairly easy to grasp.will of the nation. for if he believed like Nam1k Kemal that the salvation of the empire lay in the creation of a national assembly . as he repeatedly did. Ziya Pa§a. p. 2 6 Ziya Pa§a.'' a conglomerate of politically wieldy units of small size. 1 8 6 9 . n." Hurriyet. that is to say of the population of the Empire without distinction of race or religion. 1 8 6 8 . in Vaughan. November 1 . ). 1 . he was extremely timid even in proposing such a mild step toward establishing the responsi25 Ziya Pa§a. in Rousseau's proposals to set up a "federative association. French original and English translation in the Levant Herald ( Istanbul ) . the hands of the community were tied.

For the text of this petition see Cennet­ mekan Sultan A bdulaziz Han'in Londraya Azimetinde Takdim Olunan Merhum Ziya Paiamn Arzuhali (Dersaadet. 2 .." Hurriyet.Z I Y i1 PA �A bility of the sultan. Published separately as a pamphlet in Latin script. The striking element in this piece was the fact that. despite his proposal to create a national assembly. October 1 8 69. just as the inde­ pendence of the Sultan is bound by religious law. For example. "Sultan Abdulaziz Han-Ziya Bey-Ali Pa§a. which has been thought of by your humble servant. p . 1 3 2 8/1 909) . so Kuntay. 4 3 6 . Edibi Muhterem Ziya Paiamn Ruyasi ( Istanbul. 30 The scheme of government proposed by Ziya Pa§a in the "dream sequence" article reflected quite clearly his respect for the monarchic principle. so with the [new] system would it be limited. The ideals that he held on this subj ect were expressed in an article that Ziya Pa§a wrote about an imaginary conversation that he had with Sultan Abdiilaziz in a dream.p. �irket-i Miirettibiye Mat­ baas1. . would not be anything that would tres­ pass the limits set by the order of the �eriat. at the same time he exerted himself to explain away the "revolt" of the Young Ottomans. 1. Ziya Pa§a immediately qualified this proposal by the statement that the "legitimate independ­ ence" of the monarch would in no way be curtailed : "For since the National Assembly. 1 9 3 2 ) . what is there in holding ministers responsible before a National Assembly for their actions that could be considered a limitation of your will ? Can it be considered a sign of your independence if 2 9 Ziya Pa§a. Ziya Pa§a's actions at the time he wrote this article also sub­ stantiated such an attitude. n. since it is known that while he was in London in I 8 67 he could not resist the temptation of pre­ paring a long petition which he expected to submit to the sultan during the latter's official visi t to France and about which his colleagues were in the dark. while in the article Ziya Pa§a tried to establish a vague parlia­ mentary mechanism for Turkey. For one thing . The tone of this dialogue 29 and the anguish manifested by Ziya Pa§a in trying to explain to the sultan why he had been driven to criticize government showed his respect for the 1nonarchy. Namik Kemal.

1 8 69. This responsibility had later been thrown on the shoulders of the prime minister as . though. Thus..§a. Up to the la�t. On the other hand. were his protestations that the sultan should take a more active hand in the affairs of the state and restrain his grand vizier from doing the same. Ziya Pa§a was faithful to the monarchic principle and when he was the only person left on the editorial staff of the Hurriy et which he published by lithography in Geneva. Ziya Pa§a. one of the implicit elements on the theory of parliamentary government was that the king was responsible to the people. but he was in no way frightened by the prospect of a resurgence of irresponsibility on the part of the sultan. he also included in his proposals a scheme whereby the bureau­ crats whom he despised would be made responsible to a national assembly. Ziya Pa§a earnestly believed that the decline of the Ottoman Empire was due to the degenerescence of the imperial function. while Nam1k Kemal hid behind a screen of praises for the House of Osman his fear that a sultan as incompetent as Abdi.ZI Y A P A S A ministers feel free to oppress the people and rob the treasury? Would you want such independence ? " 8 1 Ziya Pa§a agreed that the subj ects of the Ottoman Empire had not as yet reached the state "where they can distinguish their own interests. Octo­ ber 1 1 . he spent his energies rebuking Mehmed Bey's lnkilab and its advocacy of tyrannicide. The tacit assumption that no harm would come from the sovereign and that therefore he did not need to be held accountable was one which was in harmony with Islamic con­ ceptions of government. Since Ziya was affected by European libertarian currents." but he was adamant in stating that it was good government and the institution of representation itself which would achieve these results� Characteristic of this very same stand. to witness the sight of exactly such a resurgence during the reign of Sultan Abdiilha­ mid II ( 1 8 76-1 909 ) . "Sultan Abdiilaziz Han-Ziya Bey-Ali P3. 2 . however. s1 3 49 . He lived long enough.ilaziz would undermine the prestige of this dynasty. Hurriyet. p.

The other individuals arrested are alleged to be Ottomans belonging to the Young Turkey Committee. he was confident that the "natural in­ clinations" of man were toward goodness. Yet we have seen 3 2 Z iya Pa�a. .a treatise of education based on the assumption of the naturally good instincts of man. Chapter VI I . his use of the conception of an unalien­ able sovereignty and his secular theory of contract are all factors which point to the Western origins of his theory. Among the number are mentioned M. For Ziya Pa§a. Altinj i ."32 Ziya Pa§a's use of the state of nature as a starting point for his political analyses. Condouri and Altinj i are totally unknown to us and the idea of associating th e Young Turkish Party with Greek or Russian subjects is as burlesque as the proj ect of assassination attributed to these men is criminal. . rebellion was such a bogey as to cause him to write the following letter of protest to the editor of the French newspaper Liberte while he was in exile : "A letter of the 29th September. It would seem that. the Levant Herald ( Istanbul ) . however. letter to Liberte . French original and English translation in October 2 0. But the theory of parliamentary govern­ ment was elaborated under the dark aura of a royal execution and it reflected this origin. M. published in the North Eastern Correspondence and reproduced by other organs. As in Nam1k Kemal's ideas. This was a reference to Huseyin Vas:fi Pa§a's conspiracy. states that a conspiracy had been discovered at Constantinople and that twenty-six persons have been arrested.ZI YA PA $A the result of the historical development of parliamentary practice in England. since he translated the Emile. . But in introducing these principles in his political theory he had to do violence to some of his Islamic precepts. the influence of the Enlightenment may also be seen in his attempt to use the concept of the state of nature and the law of nature in historical interpretations. Condouri. a rich merchant of Odessa and a Russian subj ect. . M. 1 8 6 8 . 350 . I protest against the assertion relative to that party. The first thing that comes to mind in this respect is his ambivalent attitude with regard to the "natural goodness" of man. See above.

«Ziya Pa§anm Evvan-1 tifliyeti hakkmda makalesi. "Hatira. 8 5 Ziya Pa§a. Yet. 2 9 7 . usually older domestics who were too feeble to do household chores." and while he stands out from among animals by his ability to manufacture tools. December 1 4. he shows even greater ability in decimating his kind. it has been shown that Rousseau's ideas about the "natural goodness" of man are much more complex than one usually allows for and we might expect the contradictions in Ziya's thought to reflect this complexity. p . Another way in which to place Ziya Pa§a's educational ideas in perspective is to view them as part 'of the activism which is so characteristic of the thought of Ottomans who were influ­ enced by Western ideas. in political theory he involved himself in contradictions which showed the divergent sources of his · inspiration more clearly. According to Ziya. The deeper philosophical implications of his educational stand did not trouble him. unclutteredness. a simpler explana­ tion suggests itself. Ziya admired the quality of simplicity." Hurriyet. Ziya Pa§a's article on his own youth which was part of the preface he had prepared for his transla­ tion of the Emile shows this quite clearly. p. To a basically Islamic pessimism about the icenature of man" Ziya added his own peculiar sense of fore­ boding. Pa§a] ." lW:ecmua-i Ebiizziya ( 1 5 Rebiiilevvel 1 2 9 8 ) . In the light of Ziya's other writings.ZI YA PA §A that this is not true. 1 8 6 8 . 8 3 Two explanations come to mind at this point in elucidating his stand : first. man is not very different from animals in his "natural condition. however. 6 . Already he had protested against the complication of the traditional methods of instruction in the empire. X/Xncu Astr. 404-409 . r. Now he tried to show what could be substituted for it. common sense that showed in the educational system of Rousseau. if he was not obliged to clarify his stand in the matter of an educational philosophy at odds with some of his fundamental beliefs.3 5 It is only the Prophet's divine message in the form of the �eriat which brings an end sa Tanpmar. 34 The entire piece is a recounting of the waste of talent that resulted from entrust­ ing children to male governesses [ "Lala" ] . 8 4 [Ziya 35 1 .

Which idea. Ziya Beyefendi. or did men have to wait for the divine message of the �eriat? Ziya Pa�a's ultimate rationale for "freedom" was that God had congenitally endowed man with freedom." Hl1rriyet. Even more striking are the instances where he specifically attributes political evolution and betterment to the impersonal forces of history." 37 Ziya stated further that these laws were part of a system which was germane to a given people and that whenever changes were brought to the system. 1 8 6 8. . "Yeni Osmanhlarm Ecille-i Azasmdan . these people began to decline. there have been found traditions special to them which had the force of law. p.. What Ziya Pa�a �sed it for was to expand the idea that free­ dom without law could not be conceived : "Elaborate laws were made according to the particular composition of every nation and according to its characteristics and mores.ZI YA PA � A to this social chaos." 36 Another variant on the same theme is the idea that tyranny has a degenerative effect on people and that civilization is dependent on good government. The vagueness of such a conception allowed it to be elaborated in various ways. then. There has never existed at any time a tribe which lived in society without being tied to a more or less regular system of laws. 352 . the idea of liberty is spreading through the world like a river which has overflown its banks so that such ways of self-defense adopted by tyrants as imprisonment and exile and even murder cannot make up a dam that will stop its flow. . 2 . July 6.e. "Since the present century is the time of humanity's youth. did Ziya accept as true ? That man's appetites could be controlled by a scheme devised by himself-i. Even among the savages. In reality. what he wanted to express was the idea that the �eriat could not be abandoned without the danger of ss Ziya Pa§a. 3 7 Ibid. But there are instances in which Ziya Pa§a speaks of "civilization" and "the opening up of men's minds" as being significant forces in history which made for progress without the benefit of the �eriat. good government. Thus liberty is found with attachment to laws.

It is difficult to trace the origin of this emphasis o f Ziya's on the "spirit" of a society. indeed. inventions too increased and many o f the products which used to be produced by hand began to be Jmanufactured by machine. 1 8 6 9 . how­ ever. these populations migrated to America. many millions of whose artisans were living from the product of their handicraft. This happened when he attributed all European emigration to the American continent to such an abandonment of their old ways : "Every nation [ "millet"] has its distinctive customs and ways of administration and civilization. Thus every time these foundations are shaken a nation's means of livelihood is destroyed. May 3 . :Here the consequence o f Ziya's stand was not so much doing violence to Islamic fundamentals as getting involved in some­ what absurd conclusions. a belief which has earned him a place among the fathers of historicism. Then. il n'y en a j amais eu. Que le grand-seigneur mette un nouvel impot a Constantinople. il ne le peut pas. 11 y a clans ' :n y 35 3 . un cri general lui fait d'abord trouver des limites qu'il n'avait pas connues. believe in a "general spirit" animating a given state. 7 . yield some interesting parallels which might constitute the answer to the problem. ma is obliger ses su j ets de hoire du vin. An example of this may be seen in the situation of the people o f France. Montesquieu's writings. England and Germany. with the advancement of education. 8 9 The passage runs : "C'est une erreur de croire qu'il y ait dans le monde " une autorite humaine a tous les egards despotique . p. power settles its own foundation and thus necessarily checks itself. Hat i ra. le pouvoir le plus immense est touj ours borne par quel­ que coin. It is one of the laws of nature that every indi­ vidual earns his living in accordance with these laws. When it shocks this spirit.ZI Y A P A $ A degeneration and loss o f cultural identity for the Ottomans." 38 Ergo. Montesquieu did.'' Hurriyet. and whenever t his happens every type of mischief and upheavals and revolutions occur. Un roi de Perse peut bien contraindre un :fils a tuer son pere ou un pere de tuer son fils . Romantic origins do not stand out so clearly as in Kemal. et il en aura j amais . Thus it is quite probable that Ziya's ideas originated in such theories of Montesquieu as that "there is in every nation a general spirit upon which power itself is founded."3 9 8 8 Ziya Pa§a.

At the time. 5 I 9 · 354 . For Ziya Pa§a was also a patriot and his greatest concern was for the weakening of the Ottoman Empire that he alleged had come about after the Tanzimat. et elle s'arrete necessairement. 1 9 5 o ) . 1 . Paris.ZI Y A P A $ A Ziya Pa§a's ideas on the origin of obligation and his · pro­ posals for a national assembly were only part of what can be called his political theory." Montesquieu. elle se choque elle-meme. Considerations sur les Causes de la Grandeur des Romains et de leur Decadence in Oeuvres ( ed. by Masson. which because of the increased corrup­ tion was obliged to have recourse to larger and larger loans. quand elle choque cet esprit. XXI I . the extent to which the Porte had been cowed by Western Great Powers and the insolence of for­ eigners who exploited their privileged status to the utmost. the humiliation of seeing the Christian subj ects of the Porte granted the special protection of the West. In his articles he described at length the ruin of the Turkish trading classes by European traders due to the privileges that had been granted to the latter. the financial inepti­ tude of the government. The description he gave of this latter process sheds consider­ able light on the reasons for the crystallization of Turkish patriotism in the middle of the nineteenth century. Ch. the fact that the Turkish traders seeing that they were being pushed out of commerce went into government service and thus placed an additional burden on the shoulders of the state. one of the maj or accusations leveled against the Porte had been that the Christian subj ects of the Porte did not have governmental careers open to them. sur lequel la puissance meme est fondee. the ignorance of the governmental elite and their inability to muster any respect for the Ottoman state outside of Turkey­ all these were treated as factors having aggravated the de­ velopments which he had outlined in the series on the decline of the Ottoman Empire. Of all these factors the one that seemed to interest Ziya Pa§a most was the guarantee of equal treatment which had been embodied in the Firman of Reforms of 1 85 6. The Porte had at first countered by the argument that the Rescript of Gillhane had chaque nation un esprit general.

This factor is much less important in Ziya. . 3 55 1 8 6 8. specially that of progress. the pro­ visions of the Firman of 1 85 6 according to which employment was forcibly opened up to the minorities on a proportioned basis. however. And what he criticized was the basic postulate on which such provisions were founded. 3 . Despite a common attraction for historical explanations. Con­ sequently to say that the Porte proclaimed complete [political] equality in the first place by passing the Rescript of Gillhane. that is to everybody being afforded judicial remedy. one Jewish. one Catholic. October 5 ." These. p. Ziya Pa§a saw the specious­ ness of this argument : "The equality which was proclaimed with the Hatt-1 Hilmayun of Giilhane was restricted to private law." 40 What Ziya Pa§a obj ected to was the con­ ception of what he called "equality in honors. He argued that to thus have one Moslem. Kemal's histori­ cal analyses are not so much devoted to find out why the Otto­ man Empire declined as to discover how a juncture could be effected between Ottoman culture and the stream of Western progress." viz. whose 40 Ziya Pa§a. "Mes'eleyi Miisavat. would not be obtained by employing Christians in the highest state functions but by providing them with an opportunity to control the government.'' Hurriyet. the conception that the religious groups making up the Ottoman Empire should be granted civil and military offices in rough proportion to their numbers in the empire. Ziya Pa§a concluded that what was really meant in the demands of the Great Powers was the establishment of "political rights.. one of the main differences between the political thought of Ziya and that of Kemal is that over and above his traditionalism Kemal may be described as deeply committed to the ideas of the Enlightenment. namely. is a statement of ignorance which is contrary to fact and merits being laughed at. and one Orthodox Greek general in the army would no more mean the granting of equality of status to the various minorities than would an obligation imposed on the sultan to change the color of his trousers every day of the week.ZI YA PA �A established such equality in the law.

" With time this religious fervor waned. 1.ZI YA PA � A main contribution consists in a description o f the causes of the disintegration of the empire. According to Ziya. p. . The Imperial power thus weakened day by day. 1 8 6 9 . at least during the earlier part of the period during which it took place." Gibb and Bowen.§a. These statements had a basis in historical fact. th e main reasons for this decline should be sought in an event which happened approximately at the time of the death of Sultan Siileyman. . when these princes acceded to the throne. and worked most diligently for the advancement and happiness of the state and the subj ects. o p . 41 Ziya Pa�a illustrated this contention as follows : "None of the grand viziers of Mehmet the IInd or Selim the Ist or Siiley­ man the Magnificent were ever defeated in battle." Ziya P3. princes of the Imperial family were sent to the prov­ inces. January 4. . namely. while the men who made up European armies were dragged to the battlefield under the threat of the whip. 4 2 z·1ya pa§a. and Moslems and non­ Moslems. "H"atlra." 42 In these historical passages appeared once again the theme of gaza found in Nam1k Kemal's writings.. Islamic Society. "The weekly divans met in the very presence of the Padiiah. the Ottoman government became decidedly less 'constitutional' than it had been. 1 9 7. But it marked also a growth in what may be called cap rice of government . p. they personally took the reins of the state in their hands. 4. 1 . According to Gibb and Bowen.cit. and since it was part of imperial usage to study the 'achievements of man' and administrative practice under the guidance of the Ulema and savants who were detailed to their side." Ibid. the decline of the sultan's power "corresponded to a growth. 41 "Up to that date." Hurriyet. and every j udge was aware of the penalties to which he would be subj ect if he strayed from the path of the sacred law. but the Sultans who thereafter acceded to the Ottoman Throne became the victims of their ministers or of 'rowdies' or of those who used the latter as instruments of their policies. . all were secure in their rights as set in the �eriat. the practice fostered by the grand viziers of keeping princes of the imperial household in the dark about the affairs of the state. In his opinion in earlier times the Ottoman army had relied for its strength on the "religious principle of rising to the beatific state of a gazi. 5 . "Hatira. in the power of the Grand Vizier.. and the lowest individuals as well as the most highly placed. . According to Ziya it was the latter which had provided the cohesive force in the Ottoman Empire.

and used Greek inter­ preters to communicate with the Ottomans. 7 . Europeans devised better methods of induction and training. was building up St.ZI YA P A $ A thus causing a weakening of the army . ." 45 Other illustrations followed .." This mutual estrangement had been a 43 "As the result of the Imperial power getting into the hands of the ministers and any Tom. Dick and Harry. Peter. other dis­ pensers of j ustice arose. the latter took action to modify its mode. and reinforc­ ing his army and his navy by the introduction of modern . and stuck candles on the back of turtles when tulips were in bloom. and let them loose in tulip gardens . Conversely. on the other hand. and decorated both banks with pleasure spots. 357 .methods of training. Ziya Pa§a made the point. and every time des­ potic power became unbearable. thus aiming to erase from the mind of Sultan Ahmed the very thought of struggle. ." lbid. 44 A vivid example of the consequences of the misrule of the viziers-and one which Ziya Pa§a used to explain the reverses suffered by the Ottoman army during the eighteenth century ·-was the following : "Thus while Damad Ibrahim Pa§a con­ structed waterfalls on the stream emptying into the Golden Horn. and these were the Janissaries. the commands of the $eriat began to be abandoned and as a consequence of the tyranny thereby created. that while every European power of importance had resident envoys in Istanbul. the Tsar of Russia. example. for . p. The reason which Ziya Pa§a gave for the decrease in religious belief was that the �eriat had not been enf arced by the usurpers of the imperial function. These representa­ tives thus got an erroneous idea of the "national customs of the Ottoman Nation.48 Another consequence of the change of the sultan's position was that palace intrigues became t he rule. in Istanbul. 44 Ibid. on the other hand. 45 Ibid. and profit the most attractive aide of an official position. The Ottoman Em­ pire was thus unable to follow the changes which were taking place in Europe. European representa­ tives rarely wandered outside of Pera. the Ottoman Empire for a long time had no such representative in Europe. Petersburg and the naval yards of Kronstadt.

and the new emphasis placed on the study of ancient Greek and Latin." 47 46 Hurriyet. p . Empress Catherine the Second. . February 1 3 . 2 .ZI YA PA $A factor which the Russians used to great advantage in their Middle Eastern policy. 1 . for example. the widening of the scope of education. pp. the pay of the military was reduced. were rulers all but in name and when the Russian and the Egyptian questions arose. Diderot. on the other hand. as a natural result of [their rivalry with one an­ other] . . . harboring with­ in its walls a host of Socrates and Platas" and that the Otto­ mans were "habitual · tyrants. which made the graduates of such schools believe that "Athens was a land of philosophy." Yet the Ottomans never took pains to answer these allegations. and reaped good will by distributing bribes among the Euro­ pean press. while on one hand engaged in waging war against Mustafa IV on the Danube. "Hat1ra. and internal trade thereby greatly affected. did not neglect. such men caused the weakness of the state. to win to her side such famous Europeans as Voltaire." Hurriyet. In addition. 1 ." gave strength to the anti­ Ottoman feelings. 1 8 69. . and d'Alembert. currency debased. for. . following the French Revolution of 1 79 I (sic) . 47 Ziya Pa§a. 46 Ziya Pa§a gave the following example to illustrate the contention that even during the reign of Sultan Mahmud I I the same factors that had caused the decadence of the Ottoman Empire were still silently undermining its structure : "The silahtar ["imperial sword bearer"] Ali Aga and Husrev Pa§a and Fevzi Ahmed Pa§a and Pertev Pa§a and Akif Pa§a . This policy caused a reversal of opinion with regard to the Ottoman Empire among Europeans. February 1 3 . 1 8 69. and prepared the ground for the doctrine which was then propagated-that the Christians in the Ottoman Empire were like "sheep being tended by wolves. "whose very words were law in Europe" by such simple stratagems as honoring them with a few lines in her own handwriting and "clever pronouncements" and gifts.

adopt­ ing the policy of their master. 6. and it was religious belief which in turn formed good men. but an outstanding aspect of his theory was that government meant justice for the people. This in turn led to two evils : on the one hand.49 The foregoing analysis has shown the extent to which Nam1k Kemal's ideas were more radical than Ziya's. 359 1 8 6 8. Again. went on confirming this errone­ c>Us impression. the governor of the Danubian Province. 49 Ibid. 1 8 69. no importance was given to the �eriat during these years. and.. p. and yet the successful reforms carried out by Midhat Pa§a. he pointed out that "equality" was a meaningless term as long as the "upper dasses" of Istanbul would be steeped in wealth while the paupers in Izmir had to drown their children because they were too poor to afford any.ZI YA PA $A Finally came Re§id Pa§a and the proclamation of the Tanzi­ rnat Rescript. October 5. because he wanted to "become f:amous" in Europe.48 made the Europeans believe that the privileges which had been granted to the subj ects of the sultan in this charter were new in Islam." Hurriyet. True. "popular sovereignty" was not a concept as widely used by him as by Kemal. 3. March 29. "Mes'ele-yi Mu"''"' vat. 7 · 5 0 Ibid. True again.. sec­ ondly. the successors of Re§id Pa�a. 1 8 69. Fuad and Ali Pa�a. Yet the . libertarian content of Ziya's writings cannot be denied. Ziya vitiated his schemes of govern­ rnental responsibility by his adulation of the sultan. p. Speaking of the attempts made in the Firman of 1 8 5 6 to ��stablish "equality" among Ottomans. but Re§id Pa§a.. p. April 5. Europeans became confirmed in their convic­ tion that Islamic law did not provide such rights . . 5 0 48 Ibid. showed that it was individuals who were important in matters of state.

In recent times his figure has been surrounded by an aura of reverence due to the fact that he was the first modern Turk to die in the pursuit of democratic ideals. The dominant pathological traits of his personality are so striking as to re­ quire no special expertise to single them out. his essential force consisted in being in touch with that large.+?) C H A P T E R XII (3+ Ali Suavi : the Zealot the products of Ali Suavi's mind are worth analyz­ ing in detail is a question which anyone willing to follow his adventurous life has to consider seriously. Like them too. Such a harsh judgment is not surprising coming as it did from an age not as yet steeped in the cult of the colorful and the bizarre. 1 9 5 4) . To his political companions Suavi was a charlatan and. however. tion at a Ru.diye." Suavi was born in Istanbul in 1 8 3 9. for which Suavi's conduct as well as his ideas should be given serious attention today : they were the product of the same kind of frustrations as have produced the ambivalent personality of the demagogic ulema of our time. Bai Veren bir .1 (Istanbul . the son of a paper merchant of modest means. He received his primary educa­ . 1 But there is very little of the real Suavi in that image. and yet there is more to him than his eccentricities. this theme see Falih Rifk1 Atay. W H ETH ER 1 For a booklet taking up 1 nki. inchoate mass of dissatisfaction which modern political mani­ pulators usually equate with "the people. to many of his contemporaries. Suavi was an Islamic radical quite akin in his ideals and his conduct to the leaders of the various rnodern Islamic politico-religious associa­ tions which have made an undeniable contribution to the instability of the contemporary Middle East. Sometime after his graduation he studied religious sciences and went on a pilgrimage to Mecca.lap. He then entered the service of the state in a governmental bureau. There is one reason. a crank. the product of a belated political canonization.

On his way to Paris Suavi was j oined in Italy by Kemal and Ziya. but by the end of May he had been able to make his getaway. 2 Suavi now returned to the capital and was taken under the protective wing of Abdurrahman Sarni Pa§a. The fact that the Young Ottoman weekly also was to be named Muhbir and that it claimed to be a reincarnation of the first Muhbir pro­ vides some clue to this selection. 5 1 . The reasons for which Suavi was placed in charge of the first Young Ottoman publication to appear in Europe im­ mediately after these developments are not clear. It should be kept in mind that Ali Suavi was by then trained primarily in religious sciences. . Namik Kemal. 5 0. We know that at this time he was a reader of the Tasvir-i EfkJr and was promising it scholarly contributions which apparently never came forth. 1 . Suavi was. Because of a conflict with the administrator of the region. The three companions thus arrived in Paris together. Suavi had already made him2 Kuntay. When the Muhbir was closed in March of I 8 67.diye in Bursa by obtaining the highest score in a competitive exami­ nation organized by the Ministry of Education. although he later acquired a wide store of rather muddled encyclopedic information. This escape was planned and financed by Mustafa Fazil Pa§a. preaching at the Sehzade mosque. When the Vilayet of Edirne was reorganized in accordance with the new law of Vilayets he was appointed to an administrative post in Filibe (Plodiv) and then to a teaching position. Suavi was sent into exile to the Black Sea. at the same time. It is at this time ( I 8 67 ) that Suavi began writing for Filip Efendi's Muhbir. Ata Bey had accused Suavi of inciting the people to revolt during his weekly sermons. the Minister of Education whose attention he had first caught during the competitive examinations he had entered some y�ars before and whose salon was a gathering place for the literati of the capital. the historian Ata Bey. and in the beginning of June he was already in Paris. he was dismissed.JJ L I S U JJ V I Three years later Suavi got a position as a teacher in a Ru.

as well as the primitiveness of his style and the lusterlessness of his defenses of liberty and constitu­ tionalism became apparent as soon as the first few issues of the Muhbir had come out. December 2 8 . and the decision was taken to publish the Hurriyet . The factual material for such descriptions of illicit bliss was directly available to Suavi since s Kuntay. that some amount of editing was taking place. Such a basic variety makes it difficult to select Suavi's own contributions to the Muhbir. Finally. The difference in style between the various unsigned articles which appeared in the Muhbir make it clear. 5 7 . 4 This. 1 8 6 8 . it was because a Greek printer's apprentice who worked at the printing plant had absconded with some of the key implements of the press. Kemal and Ziya requested Suavi in writing to delete from the first page of the Muhbir the notation that it was the organ of the Young Ottoman Society. Suavi's real limitations as a j ournalist.A L I S U A VI self a reputation as being able to appeal to a popular audience and he probably was thought of as being the right person to keep the effervescence of the capital at the level which it had reached in the early spring of 1 8 67. 3 Sometime later a meeting was convened in Paris. p. for this letter. When the Muhbir ceased to appear shortly thereafter. the difficulties were discussed. exposing imaginary engagements. he poured his bile into anonymous letters to the wives and fiancees the Young Ottomans had left behind. The following year seems to have been spent by Suavi in drifting around in London. The most effective test is to look for the character­ istic primitiveness of Suavi's style. but this is not always con­ clusive since there are some pieces that seem to have been corrected by Kemal after having been written by Suavi. however. of course. in April of 1 8 68. flirtations. . Ali Suavi. Still in the pay of Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a. the Muhbir was also to continue publication. however. Not much could be done to change the Muhbir because of Suavi's extraordinary pride and self-assur­ ance. ' Hurriyet. or marriages of the latter with English girls. brought great relief to the Young Ottomans but infuriated Suavi.

AU Suacvi. This j ournal. I-Ie also saw a basic similarity between the two groups. constitutionalism. combined with the idea of government as an activity tailored to suit the needs of the "small man" and a concomitant suspi­ cion of any intermediate political forces-whether Ottoman politicians or Turkish reformist groups-was an important aspect of Ali Suavi's philosophy which hardened at this junc­ ture. From Lyons where he found refuge Suavi began to publish a successor to the Ulum under the title Temporarily : to the clientele of the Ulum. In July-August of 1 8 69 began in Paris the publication of the lllum. It is this feeling which quite probably kept him from returning to the capital in the first days of I 8 76 after the destitution of Abdii­ laziz. Suavi now placed both Young Ottomans and Ottoman statesmen under the same heading of enemies of the people.A L I S U A V1 he himself had attached to his person a young and beautiful Englishwoman whom he was later to bring back to the capital. the articles sent by Suavi to Turkey before his arrival . and the people in articles he sent to Turkish newspapers pending his return. At the same time Ali Suavi was attempting to show his real attachment for the monarchy. subtitled "Journal Encyclopedique Turc. 5 In this sheet both Young Otto­ rnan personalities and Young Ottoman goals were being lam­ pooned. I 60. Suavi had requested permission to return to Turkey during Abdiilaziz's reign but permission was not granted. 6 ts Mucvakkaten Ulum MiiJterilerine. Only after Abdiilhamid was brought to the throne did he come back." was one place where Suavi could parade the all-embracing knowledge of which he was so proud. 6 According to Kuntay. Thus his earlier praises of Midhat Pa§a in the Muhbir were replaced by silence and later by vituperations against him. after having heralded his own new beliefs with regard to reform. The change-over had been publicized as a triumph of Midhat Pa§a's reformist conceptions. The Ulum was discontinued during the Franco-Prussian War. I have been unable to find this periodical. note 2. . p. but this did not seem to attract Suavi. However. This new emphasis placed by Suavi on the sultan's leadership of his community.

he described as a conservative force.8 A tentative explanation of Suavi's conduct is that he had been disappointed by Abdiilhamid's failure to lead "the nation in arms" in an inch-by-inch defense of the Ottoman soil against the Russian invaders.iragan Saray1 Vak'as1. 1. p.r . Suavi. "Ali Suavi ve <. Son A ltesse Midhat-Pacha Grand Vizir (Paris. VI I I . attempted to seize the palace. Kugelmann. See E.try. on this occasion. A li Suavi. 9 1 -9 7 . once again. It was his incompetence. o. which aimed to bring Murad V back to the throne. not just ministers like Midhat. 1 909 ) . a school established by Fuad Pa�a in 1 868 where the standard French lycee program of studies was being carried out by a partly French faculty. 42. gathering a few hundred refugees who had fled before the Russians' advances in the Balkans. 1 3 2. In letters sent to the newspapers of the capital he condoned Ab­ diilhamid's action. Ali Suavi. 9 The apocalyptic figure for whom Suavi make it quite clear that what attracted him back to Turkey was not the triumph of those political forces which collaborated in bringing about the downfall of Abdulaziz. 1 This name had reference t o the Koranic line. Suavi. 9 Public opinion in the capital was running against the sultan because of this failure. On the occasion of Midhat Pa�a's banishment. 8 See Ismail Hakk1 Uzun�ar§11t. Soon thereafter Suavi established a "society of hearing and obedience" which. Sultan. Prisonnier d'Etat r8 4 8 7 8 ( Paris. scandalized many s ocially conservative Turks by establishing his English wife in the headmaster's suite. 1 5 3 . Ali Suavi was made the director of the lyceum of Galatasaray. i 8 7 8 ) . using the transcription into Turkish of the French contre-revolution." Sura 1 1 . however. 2 5 1 . attacked Midhat. Murad had been confined to the palace of <. Kuntay. considerable activity as a publicist. "we heard and believed. Bell.A L I S U A VI Upon his return. he showed. de Kera. expressed once more his belief that liberty was something of which the people should profit. pp. See Kuntay.1 3 3. Dentu. Mourad V-Prince. see A. which led to his dismissal soon thereafter. Clician Vas1f.1ragan. p. but he failed and was killed in the process. pp." Belleten ( 1 944 ) . 7 With this background in mind it is not easy to explain Ali Suavi's attempted coup in May of 1 8 78.1 1 8 . 2 8 5. Ali Suavi was also work­ ing against Midhat. 7 1 .

Mustafa Kemal Atatilrk.istakable.? . Such a personage was to rise up only much later at the end of the First World War and thus fulfill a deeply seated popular need for success in battle which had been cumulating since the grea t Ottoman military reverses in the eighteenth century. . This contribution of the Gazi. If a poor man steals. the same is true if leaving aside personal rights we consider the rights of the community . . . "All right. The confused but fervent world of his ideas. explains the extent to which he was able to ride over popular conservatism and carry modernization much farther than anybody had dared until that time. But if there are no obj ections to exhibiting the poor in such a fashion for their infractions why should the exhibiting of governmental wrongs which wreak havoc with the entire fatherland and the nation be considered • excessive . blast it. and the man made to stand in a busy avenue and ·exhibit it to all passers-by. they too bear a characteristic stamp-that of an un­ m. is thus best set in focus by capturing the "atmosphere" of a passage in which Suavi develops one of his favorite themes. "Why. his failures are spelled out in large characters on a piece of paper. rather primitive. hung on his neck. "What now is it that provides a guarantee of the rights of the community? ls it the personality and the will of the Sultan or the �eriat which sets limits to all men and the Tanzimat which is the instrument it uses to this purpose? . While Suavi's writings ·are devoid of the literary polish which makes the products of Kemal's pen such captivating reading. often dismissed as the lucubra­ tions of a maniac by his Young Ottoman colleagues. .A L I S UA V I yearned did not appear in this instance. . or if he commits any other well-known infraction of the law. and crude style. In the follow­ ing piece Suavi counters the accusation that the Muhbir ( n) was more interested in inflammatory polemics than in the truth : "Strange.

arguing against Kemal 10 Ali Suavi . 1 8 6 8. Suavi replaces this by the principle of the "unity of the imamate. three fundamental disagreements between the two men emerge. Once this is done. not to decrease in number? How can one expect those who are trampled not to take under their feet those who trampled them regardless of the consequences that such actions would incur? .A L I S UA VI "Well. In following Ali Suavi's discussion of popular sovereignty. . the first duty of government. Second." Finally. . one cannot but feel that Suavi is. while Kemal at­ tempts to work into his scheme the principle of the separation of powers. When the rights of millions of people are given in trust to such [corrupt] assemblies how can one expect the security of the people not to be frittered away? How can one but expect part of the population to change nationality ? How can one expect the Moslems. First. while the nub of Nam1k Kemal's political theory consists of a determined effort to introduce into Otto­ man political thinking the concept of popular sovereignty. that the assemblies are indirectly the guarantors of the rights of the community. by what are the �eriat and the Tanzimat secured if not by the assemblies? It follows. for it is the very reason of its establishment and a pledge of its continuation. is to compare them with those of Kemal. in fact. . Suavi finds the term to be meaningless from the point of view of Islamic political theology and false from the vantage point of European political philosophy. while Nam1k Kemal was opposed to any act of civil disobedience that would go beyond verbal protests. "Sahsiyat. 2 . p. who are denied protection." Muhbir. on the other hand. ." 1 0 One of the shortest ways of making the fundamental characteristics of Ali Suavi's theories stand out. Why then should our assemblies be made the instruments of the whims of one or two men ? . March 2 3. To provide justice is the greatest. then. Do all members of the Government believe themselves to be free of responsibility for this state of affairs ? If there are any of them who harbor such beliefs they are mistaken. Suavi was ready to go much farther. .

To Suavi this was a poor substitute £or God. he was sovereign over his own self with regard to his fellow humans in that none of them had the right to interfere with his activities as long as he observed the dicta of divine law. there doe s not exist a single human being who possesses 'souverainete. in fact. Its original reads : 'souverainete du peuple... His own arguments on the subj ect are quite dear : "There exists a term which has gained considerable notoriety nowadays. the kadi ( the judge sitting on the Islamic court) . 'popular sovereignty.' Sole master of his self ["hakim-i hinnefs"] . p.. and the vali (the governor acting as the arm of the executive) . 1 8 69. This was a point that had already 11 Suavi. Well.A L I S UA VI and trying to show as far-fetched Kemal's efforts to make popular sovereignty an element which had always existed in Islamic theory. Ibid. 1 8. What does 'souverainete' rnean ? This word is originally from the Latin 'soprenos' which rneans 'does what he desires. as c:ould be gathered from the division of labor between the muftu ( the interpreter of the �eriat) .' as the . p. ultimately. what is it. i. 1 2 Again. in this sense. the presence of an all-per­ vasive ordering force. 12 «al-�akim Huwullah. Thus." the philosophers of the Enlightement] were obliged to admit.' Now let us inquire into the rneaning of these French words. . that rules by itself and has absolute power over things ? Something which cannot be qualified with any attribute other than that of ])ivini ty.' " 11 According to Suavi. UlUm.expression goes. . with regard to the separation of p owers Suavi's re­ action was characteristic of what we would expect from an alim when faced with the doctrine of Montesquieu. This term is a translation from the French.e. 2 2 Rebi iilahir 1 2 8 6/August 1. Suavi stated that first of all the separation of powers existed in Islam. absolute authority ["amir-i mutlak"] . free in his actions ["/ail-i muhtar"] . the sovereignty that man possessed was of a relative nature. 2 4. Suavi then went on to argue that even the "natural" philoso­ phers ["tabiiyyun.

. as we shall see below. p. the umera would not follow suit but veto their proposal. the ease with which. but there is no reason why it should way of looking up to precise. for the process of checks and balances is a purely secular. Insofar as historical precedent had precisely meant the whittling of the powers of the ulema." This he described as follows : "The umera rule over the people and the ulema rule over the emirs and divine law rules over the ulema. According to him the only three-way division that Islam allowed was one based on a separation of functions. 8 Cemaziyiilevvel 1 2 8 6/August 8 . both in the 1 3 Ibid .A L I S UA VI been made by Kemal. Omera. Suavi claimed that this was impossible. Suavi was trying to avoid it. consequently what the separation of functions·( instead of powers) aimed to provide was the faithful applicatipn of the divine orders. if riot in practice) that once the ulema had determined what the law was. mechanical arrangement taking its origin in the idea that in making laws and carrying them out man had . In the more general context of all his writings. Suavi made the point that the principle of the "unity of the ima­ mate" required that though these forces carry out different tasks they be linked to one another in a hierarchical chain reminiscent of Kinahzade's "circle. he took to a theory of justified resistance. are the warriors mentioned in the "circle" of j ustice. the p lural of Emir. But while Kemal went on to accept the concept of checks and balances. . In Islam these norms existed . absolute norms. not make any sense. It was unthinkable (in theory. There was no way of considering these three functional orders as powers working at cross-purposes with one another. Suavi's argument did not take historical precedent into ac­ count. 1 8 69. 8 0. but apart from that he was quite right in stating that in a nomocracy a system of checks and balances did. namely." 1 3 I t is noticeable that Suavi had in fact reversed the order of hierarchy to place the ulema over the military ruling class. This attitude of Suavi's is also relevant with regard to· the final point at which his theories differed from those of Kemal.

he stated that this should spur Moslems to devote themselves to the development of industry and that sciences such as mathematics and physics should be studied· more in­ tensively. pp.. Muhbir. Modern natural sciences . October 5 . his desire to infuse a new energy into the veins of the Ottomans and his own readi­ ness to take drastic measures so as to elicit the recovery of the Ottoman Empire . [ ? ] . 2 5 �aban 1 2. Another corollary of this stand was that Ali Su avi thought that economic and commercial enterprises should be taken out of foreigners' hands.14 At a more advanced level this activism appeared in Suavi's advice to take over from the West the body of knowledge that had enabled it to increase these material benefits. and. 1 8 6 7 . 8 3/January 2. it may be said that Suavi's ideas converge at three points which are : first. editorial. he stated. This was the subj ect of Suavi's prologue to the first issue of the Muhbir. But this again is a preindividualistic view of the functions of authority and government and may be found even in medie­ val Europe. Relying on an Islamic saying that works in this world were a preparation :for the next. 1 8 6 7 . his willingness to resist consti­ tuted authority. 15 Ibid. This latter factor is often extremely ambiguous as it is accompanied by a search for the right type of ruler to which to surrender the administration of the affairs of the state. In its simplest form this was expressed in Suavi's praising of the virtues of work. and ex­ plaining why efforts should be made to catch up with Euro­ pean educational advances. In its most general sense Ali Suavi's activism consisted in a conviction that the Ottomans should begin to do things for themselves.." Muhbir. A question mark indicates a slight deviation from what would be Suavi's normal style. secondly. had no connec­ tion with the "theorizings of the ancient Greeks" frowned upon by Islam. his self-identification with the underprivileged . . "Mukaddime.15 This attitude culminated in Ali Suavi's political activism.A L / S UA VI Muhbir and in the Ulum. 1 -3 . best expressed in his own 14 Ali Suavi. although the ideas expressed are characteristic of Suavi. thirdly. describing the comforts pro­ vided by the material aspects of Western civilization.

the compilation of which had been made in the time of the Moghul king Awrangzeb. what is this sleepiness."19 Or. . according to Suavi. January 2 7. as he stated it on another occasion. All that was needed was to take advantage of the Islamic provision whereby as times changed the law could also be modified-in its application if not in its essentials. whom he taxed with inactivity in the face of missionary propaganda. 17 Suavi stated that Islamic law was quite adequate to cope with the modern world wherein all kinds of new economic and social institutions had arisen. 1 8 6 8 . 2. his attempt to galvanize the Ottomans in a defense of "the father­ land" against Russia. Mukbir. 1 9 Ibid." Muhbir. Suavi concluded. 1 8 Ibid. wha t is this effeminateness ? Why should it be that the Frenks who are not congenitally smarter than we should hold their government to account for state expenditures while we con­ tribute our dues and then do nothing but stupidly stare? " 16 Such "stupid staring" was also an accusation Suavi brought to bear against the ulema. 1 8 6 7. editorial . pp.. pp. 3 .A L I S UA VI words : "What is this ignominiousness that has befallen us. December 5. 1 . A further aspect of Suavi's activism was his patriotism." "Proclaim everywhere that the Ottoman Empire cannot dis­ integrate merely as the result of Greek or Russian hullabaloo. their religio n . 1 6 Ibid. was to prepare an "excellent book of fikh [ 'Islamic law' ] in a language that everyone would understand. 1 8 6 8. The only step that was necessary. by making use of a legal code in India. 1 8 6 7. 11 Ibid. 4. such as j oint stock companies and factories."1 8 The British had already opened the way. . their family? Who care for the defense of their own interests ? Will the Turkish people who once made the world trembl e accept to be the serfs of the Russians ? By no means ! Our nation is not as yet dead. [ ? ] Muhbir. January 1 3 . p. to keep up with the pace of modern social and economic life.. p. what is this inability to stir ourselves. . as in the following passage : "Are there no men left in our nation who love their fatherland.. "Herald it to the world that the Turks are still here. [ ? ] . Muhbir. "Adem-i Tesahib-i Din. 2 . August 3 1 . 1.

. 1 3 4. he gave to the Central Asiatic prob­ lem. there were happening in Central Asia events which would have.. too." Muhbir. demands for help from Central Asian khans against the Russians had received some publicity at the Porte. 4 . For a study of this aspect of Suavi's ideas see Ismail Hami Dani§mend. 1 942 ) . 2 1 Ibid. . Russia's Central Asian policy was being discussed in the European press. [ ? ] ." 2 0 It is tempting.." k!uhbir. speak of Central Asians as "Turks. Then. adding that.. directed Suavi's attention to this area." as the constitutive ethnic element of the Ottoman Empire. " at the end of 1 870.2 4 Furthermore. that is to say the Tartars."22 Again Suavi spoke of "the Turks. in this context. "Keza fi 1 3 Cemaziyiilahir. i t is true. 2 2 Ibid. 1 8 6 7 . to classify Suavi as the first "Turkist" because of his repeated use of the term "Turk" and because of the attention . For one..A L I S U A VI . but this was more a function o f his attempt to make knowledge available to a large audience and simplify medrese teachings than part of his Turkism. 1 8 6 7 . . p. Muhbir. 1 8 6 8 . in fact. in any case. Asadoryan.. p. Istanbul. "Tefrika. 2 1 In fact. The great Ulema have stated it to be a sign of the faith ful­ ness o f man and o f his keeping his engagements that his cries o f sympathy go to his brothers and his love to his fatherland. 1 3 2 7 ) .'' concluding in his work on the Khanate of Khiva : "To it Russia has sent soldiers and s o we wonder what has happened to those Turkish Moslems who were of our religion and our tribe and our family. In this piece Suavi commented : 2 0 Ibid. 3 . Hive ( 2nd ed. 37I .. he had demanded that the codification of Islamic law should also be accompanied by a translation of it into Turkish. 1 8 7 3 ) . p. . Le Khiva en Mars 1 8 73 (Paris. 24 Ibid. August 3 1 . Ali Suavi'nin Turkfulugii (Ankara. p . and Ali Suavi. October 2 6. Victor Goupy. few of these original Tartars remained because of the mixture of races. 23 Ibid. however. Suavi did. January 2 7. 4 .2 3 Suavi also supported the proposal of an orientalist friend of h_is by the name of Charles Willis that Ottoman schools should adop t Turkish as a single language of instruction. Suavi's attitude is made fairly-although not entirely-clear in a piece he wrote in his "Temporarily .

he countered by stating : "The Ottomans." Thus. and unsuitable for the education of large numbers. it may be stated that Suavi was still too much inter­ ested in all of his Islamic brethren to be labeled a "Turkist" although "Turks" were given greater importance in his writ­ ings than hereto£ore. "Do our ministers realize that the question of nationalities is one special to Europeans and that we do not have a nationalities problem ? Nationality questions would cause our ruin. 1 8 6 8 . . quoting Muvakkaten. these dens e Turks to whom reference is made." This stand had two aspects : a positive aspect which expressed itself in new educational ideas and a negative aspect in which Ali Suavi revolted against the privileges of those in power. He was also convinced that a simplification of the language was necessary to provide for the intellectual development of "the people. 'tribalism'] and assemble all Moslems." 25 In short. 3 72 1 5. states : now the time has come for it . December Ibid. say to politicians of 25 Kuntay. 1 . viz. the Porte should follow the example of Italy and Prussia. 1 8 70. 26 A Ii Suavi. To gather Moslems together could at most be a religious question but not a question of national origin.. "Terk-i Lisan. Ali Suavi was completely set against the traditional methods of teaching as well as the curricula of the religious schools and came out for a thorough modernization of the latter. p. January 1 8 . 5 9 .A L I S UA VI "Our semi-official gazette.' textually. p . First it should make of Egypt a province like that of Edirne. adopt the cause of nationalism [ 'Kavmiyyet."2 6 Another facet of the same attitude was that Suavi placed considerable faith in the political wisdom of "the people. not geared to modern ad­ vances." Muhbir. Suavi's attempt to uplift the people and tailor programs of modernization to their needs was the second aspect of his activism and constituted what we may call his "populism. which he considered too time-consuming. to explanations provided by the Porte that members of an Ottoman national assembly would not have enough education to understand the intricacies of foreign policy. the Turquie.

then we shall come to your rescue.» Muhbir. that there were only two types of ministers in the Ottoman Empire-those who only changed portfolios from one ministerial rearrange­ rnent to the other and those who kowtowed to the latter. [you established a constitutional assembly] . for example.. p.. p. Suavi's most violent and heartfelt objections were to the humiliation that an Ottoman had to endure when he had business to transact with a governmental officer. He does not come to beg for pity. But here again the emphasis was different . 2. He is not the slave of the vizier. Jan uary 3. 2 8 Ibid. gave every man the same right and the representative assembly would pro­ vide for the enforcement of this fundamental principle by rnaking it impossible for ministers to drive out of their offices citizens who had important matters to discuss with them. the ministers were taken to task for their opposition to a scheme of representation. adding : "The individual who comes to seek justice is." M· u/ihir. Just as in Kemal's articles. 4. like the vizier. 28 "Times [when this type of conduct was prevalent in the world] have changed. 1 8 6 8 .A L I S UA VI this type : such politics. With all his criticism of ministerial oppression it is signifi­ cant that Suavi never was able to evolve even as tightly knit a theory of representation as that of Kemal. September 2 8 ." said Suavi. If they [the European Great Powers] stop busying themselves with Garibaldi and the Pope and attack you asking why . 1 868. he stated. .. "Sual-Cevap . schmolitics [sic] are too subtle for us. " 27 Like Kemal and the rest of the Young Ottomans. a man. Suavi complained. 2. p . istanbuldan :fi 1 8 Kanun-u Evvel. 3 73 1 86 7. "istanbuldaki Islahat. the �eriat was the instrument whereby 21 Ibid. Repeatedly he lampooned the flowery circumlocutions with which the ordinary citizen was supposed to address him­ self to statesmen. February 6. ." Muhbir. Suavi's fundamental political theory consisted of a few fundamental principles which may be summarized as follows : God was the seat of political sovereignty ." 29 The �eriat. through­ out his life Suavi's attacks were directed against the ministers of the Porte. 2 9 Ibid. .

" Suavi like Kemal placed the blame for this separa­ tion on the shoulders of the "followers of <. Insofar as the Islamic canvas on which he embroidered his themes is concerned. Ibid. one outstanding difference between Ali Suavi and the rest of the Young Ottomans was that while they too exploited Islamic themes. 1 8 68.A L I S UA VI this sovereignty was translated from the divine to the human plane . · maintain at the very same moment that the ulema had deteriorated because the new Otto­ man bureaucracy had pushed . 1 8 6 8 . however. "Mevt ul-Ulema. precedents. was a far cry from the emphasis found in later Islamic political theory that the powers of the sultan were. February 2 9. kings and viziers were only the executors of the interpretive decisions ( "fetvas" ) of the ulema as to the suitableness of basic political acts. As to the ulema." the Mon­ gols.. 2 . This. of course. in this sense. 8 0 This was a theme that later also was to be exploited in the Hurriyet. Suavi's views were inspired more by the fundamental statements contained in the Koran and by early Islam than by the political theory of the later jurists. Suavi's attempt to piece together the Islamic background of his arguments is so painstakingly earnes t that the impact of his message is lost in the process. " 'An-na�ar fi'l-ma?alim. a purist. 3 . 8 1 Ibid." Muhbir.ingiz. January 1 0.. a man going as far back as possible to the original sources of Islam. 31 He could. . Suavi had to admit that their quality had deteriorated considerably and that therefore using their advice to the extent that Suavi counseled was out of the question. for example." Muhbir. in themselves. Suavi seems either to spend an unnecessary amount of time in the labyr�nth of Islamic traditions. in neither case does he build the powerful arguments that Kemal. it into the background. and Koranic dicta or to give way to his raw emotions . important political attributes as well as reflections of God's vicarage on earth. so 374 p. He was. p. This purism of Suavi also showed in his conviction that the Islamic state had begun to decline as soon as "matters of state" had been separated from "matters of religion. the ulema were the interpreters of this incarnation of God's sovereignty on earth .

By the very participation of the Prophet in its deliberations this covenant had become an ac­ cepted institution in Islam. The institution of hilf al-Fuzul also constituted the theo­ retical foundation whereby an extra-Ser'i judiciary was accepted in Islam. Hilf al-Fuzul was the name given to an assembly which had gathered before the Prophet Mohammed's mission had be­ come manifest. and a third went back to the theory of the shura. 2 7 0 .. in itself. 3 2 Emile Tyan. 3 75 . Histoire de l'Organisation Judiciaire en Pays d'lslam (Imprimerie St. Thus. The arguments that Suavi used in defense of representative government-all purportedly based on commands emanating from the body of Islamic law and traditions-were of three kinds : one type took its strength from the institution of hilf al-Fuzul. 3 3 Ibid. Normally ma�alim courts had a collegial com­ position-on them sat several high dignitaries of the state. when judges were unable to cope with the situation because of pressure ex­ (!rted on them. This so-called "justice of the ma�alim" was a wide­ spread Islamic practice establishing means for a recourse to j ustice whenever recourse to the �eriat. Mohammed had been one of the participants in this ad hoc council assembled to protect the members of all the clans present in Mecca in their transactions with one another. 1 943 ) . The meeting had culminated in a pledge by the clans gathered that any attempt by the member of one clan to cause damage to the interests of a member of another clan would be j ointly redressed by all clans. did not result in the redress of a wrong. 3 2 To Suavi it meant that there existed in Islam a precedent whereby the rights of a single Jman were safeguarded by the whole community acting in concert. the second was based on the principle of na�ar fi-l mazalim.1 47 . recourse could be had to ma�alim courts. Paul. pp. the same media. 33 The exercise of this extraordinary justice was vested in the ruler himself but could be delegated by his provincial or ministerial rep�esentative.A LI S U A VI wove by his controlled use of what were. Harissa. 1 45. basically. n. for example.

he considered the normal functioning of the institution of the ma. p.alim would.alim function that the citizen would be fully protected in his rights vis-a-vis the executive machinery. "Tarik-i Me§veret.'' ibid. the existence of something like a regular shiira dur­ ing his caliphate. when (whether on the instructions of 'Umar or not) all the probable candidates for the succession assembled to debate the matter in shiira or committee. however.35 H. 1 . open the eyes of the sultan to the need for a representative assembly. R. February 85 Ibid. 8 6 H . 1 6. Suavi. R. A. some modern writers have deduced from the references in the historical sources to 'Umar consulting with other Companions (read in the light of the injunction to consultation between the Believers found in the Qur'an) ." Law in the Middle East. 84 A third Islamic defense of representative assemblies was jus­ tified with the argument that such assemblies had existed in early Islamic times and had been used by the caliph Omar. also. " 'An-Na�ar Fi'l-Ma�alim. Since Suavi saw representa­ tion as a check on the tyranny of the executive. January 1 8.alim to be one step toward eliciting the benefits of representative govern­ ment. "But there is." Mukbir. in fact. . still less a cabinet. 84 Ali 2. 2 ." 8 6 From time to time. "Constitutional Development. Gibb's explana­ tion of the origin of this argument clarifies the relevance of such an approach to representative institutions : "The occasion was the election of the third Caliph. "On Dokuz Numarada Emraz-1 Dahiliye-nin Mabad1. Suavi. Gibb. Together with this instance. attributed this latter practice to Mongolian influences and stated that it was part of the religious obligation of the sultan to guarantee by his fulfillment of the ma. p. p... Suavi hoped that the reintroduction of the practice of the ma. if nothing else. This was the theory of the shura. 1 8 6 8. starting from an accepted p. 22.'' Mukbir. A. in suc­ cession to 'Umar in 644. 1 8 68 . nothing in the texts to justify the sug­ gestion that 'U mar's consultation was more than informal or that there was at Medina any recognized consultative com­ mittee.A L I S UA VI Suavi.

'fhus if only the state benefits of protection and subjects do not." 3 7 The most interesting aspect of Suavi's political theory. 3 77 . These were : a ) traditions attributed to the earliest caliphs . A state must necessarily have subj ects : well. he still was defending it : "It is common knowledge that the word 'adalet' (justice) is of Arabic origin (it means change in balance) . subjects will disappear and the state itself come to an end. was his own highly simplified account of the separation of powers. attempted to go on to an exposi­ tion of a Western political concept. With one assembly protecting the rights of the state and the other. 3 ." Muhbir. to control the revenue and expenditures of the state and to pro­ tect the population from oppression with regard to taxation and other matters. In short. for example. 6 . 1 8 6 8. p. For example it means that if we place one hundred dirhems in one side of the scales an equilibrium is established by placing one hundred dirhems in the other. Three types of Islamic arguments seem to have been used by him to this end. One example of the first type of argument was Suavi's use of a tradition according to which the caliph Omar had re­ quested his community to correct any errors in which they 37 Ali Suavi. at a time when. b) the Koranic obligation imposed by the Prophet on his community to conform to the Good and to avoid evil ways . there is no j ustice in the balance of government. under the influence of Young Ottoman ideals. Such.A L I S UA VI Islamic premise such as that the primary function of the state was to provide justice. how­ ever. the state and subjects are like the two sides of a balance. Meclisi Olmad1k�a Devlet Yqamaz. the balance of government is naturally a just balance. the rights of the people. c ) arguments taken from later medieval jurists which have to be traced to their source to establish their full significance. «Me§veret February. "Consequently in European states there is an assembly ap­ pointed by the state to protect the rights of the state and to stop those who would trespass on these rights. There also is a repre­ sentative assembly elected by the people to discuss policies. is his defense of the right of civil disobedience.

3. January 8 6 8." Muhbir. tyrants will never allow you to raise your voice. 25. . "lstanbuldan Tahrirat :6.'' Muhbir. Dimirdashi. · p.A L I S UA VI might observe him engaging. 1 7 Te§rin-i Sani. 3 . if necessary. in connection with the same tradition. to redress these wrongs wherever they witnessed them-thus the necessity to protest against oppressive measures. on that occasion two of the Prophet's companions. 3 . . This move was justified by reference to the works of the j urists lbn Nudj aim. the ulema. How long are you still going to believe that a Mehdi shall appear and save you ? . "Do you think that the emirs who are in charge and who are free of question and responsibility will abandon what profits they draw out of you and begin to favor you? "8 8 Again. you are free. Suavi went so far as to broach the subj ect of Ali Pa§a's assassination. "Paristen bir Miisliiman Mektubu. Selman and Bilal.. 1 8 67.. "Mevt iil-Ulema."8 9 Suavi went on to state that under these circumstances it took considerable nerve for the Europeans to advise the Moslems to abandon absolutistic practices. Suavi continued : "0 ye who desire justice ! If you want to go about nodding your heads like snails." Muhbir. and al-Zahidi. J • 8 9 Ibid. p. December p. According to the tradition. I ibid. Citing the tradition. 1 8 6 7.. 2 7. "If. You are slaves. November 2 8. had sworn to correct Omar by the use of their sword.40 Finally. 1 8 6 8 .. 1 s Ramazan. This matter of resistance to oppression which our religion enj oins [ 'farz kiliyor' ] is a fundamental political principle which Europeans have only recently discovered after several thousand years of experience. "0 people. p . Suavi went on to say that it established the right of rebellion and continued : "This is truly so. 40 Ibid. The Koranic injunction to re­ frain from evil and do good was interpreted by Suavi as having granted the right to a group among the believers. on the other hand. "lstanbuldan :6.'' Muhbir. 8 8 Ibid. you take to the sword and show your presence in the field of honor you will stand up against tyrants : you are human beings. January 1 0. .

a recipient of the ideals of the governing class in his own time. The reason for which Kemal. he also mentioned the an-Nahr al-fii'i[e by Ibn Nudj aim. only j oined revolts because of fear of losing their life and/or position. See Bursah Mehmed Tahir.e. 3 79 .e. 1 949 ) . pp. "Suavi Efendi tarafmdan gelen mektup.. the ulema would have stood as interpreters of the divine law where Suavi placed them.. in effect) . i. as well as agitated for it.A LI S UA VI all three of them late medieval Islamic j urists. 6 5 2 . Osmanli Muellifteri.41 On the other hand. See Brockelmann. It was this ideology of service to the state which ultimately had to do with the outlook of the "men of the pen" that lent itself even less than the theories of the ulema to a theory of civil disobedience. Geschichte der Arabische Literatur ( 2nd ed. i. was the follow­ ing : it had always been to the advantage of the ulema not to relinquish even an iota of the theory about the nomocratic nature of government. 3 . See ibid. 3 03 . 40 3 . See Ali Suavi. on the other hand. n . as opposed to the doctrinal rationalization of such an attitude. 1 . Conversely. If this theory were made effective. it was not so difficult l�or an alim to repudiate or modify it. above the umera. a commentary of the j urist al-Zahidi on the Mukhta�ar of �udiiri. Decem­ ber 2 0. the Mudjtaba. The significance of Ali Suavi's choice and the relevance of the allegedly favor­ able comments of these j urists with regard to the right of resistance is obscure. It was due to the fact that Nam1k Kemal was trained as a bureaucrat... Leydell. 9 2. 4 1 Suavi referred to the "Mii�tebi. Despite his dislike for corporate theories of the state. Suavi's own outstanding contribution was that he elaborated a new theory of revolt. 3 1 1 . since a certain amount of doctrinal gnashing of teeth had accompanied the ulema's acceptance of theories of subser­ vience (to the military class. Supplement. the historical foundation. This was not the case with the higher "official" ulema ( " Ulema-i Rusum" ) who . 1 86 9. 1.e. was loath to devise a theory of revolt and engage in it was not due to the Islamic element in his thought. p. Nam1k Kemal was suffused with the idea of service to the state. and a j urist by the name of Dimirdafil}i of which there apparently were a number.." Hurriyet.'' i.

arifi kesret el-ru'asa' which means in simple Turkish that too many cooks · spoil the sauce. on the contrary. Most of them too take up them·es which reappear in the Hurriyet. Already in his articles in Muhbir ( 1 ) Suavi had given some arresting characterizations of what he thought of liberty as conceived of in Europe : "It is thus clear that freedom (which means that everyone low or highly placed is limited by the law) is a fine thing. This is why debates take place in assemblies and finally trickle down to the rabble and cause the troubles that we all see. For j ustice is like an enormous stone which when pushed from above by one single person will fall in motion. Once Suavi separated from the Young Ottomans and began to publish the Ulum. All of these pieces bear the imprint of a more refined style than that of Suavi."4 2 4 2 Ibid. I.. 1 8 6 7. is that none of the articles in the Muhbir in which a fairly sophisticated Western theory of representation appears may safely be at­ tributed to him. Too bad ! Justice.. 2 . . In the first case he was still writing for the Young Ottoman Society and could not inject too much of his own beliefs. Muhbir. Europeans desire that this justice come from below upward. all the doctrinal grudges he was nursing against them rose up. In fact.A L I S UA VI The contrast between the theories of Suavi and the outlook of Kemal do not appear so clearly in his writings in the Muhbir as in those of the Ulum. while to push it up-grade requires a great many forces. 27 §evval 1 2 8 3/April 4. But European nations have tried various methods to obtain i t and in none of these have they been able to find the middle way. this fits in well with Suavi's primary interest in bettering social and educational conditions rather than in working to establish "liberty" in the Ottoman Empire. political beliefs. p. as well as a clue to his . should come from the top downward. It is reported by �ehristani that even Homer who lived three thousand years ago said the equivalent of the Arabic : 'la .There thus is a possi­ bility that they might have been written by Kemal in the first place. An interesting aspect of Suavi's relations with the Young Ottomans.Q. "Serbestlik. . .

" Suavi for a time had played along with the Young Ottomans. This in itself could. viz. 1 5 Safer 1 2 8 7/May 1 7. He went so far _along with them as to take up in Muhbir ( n) a most spirited defense of representation. But the theory that sovereignty resided in the people and was only delegated to representatives who held it as long as they performed other duties or the opposite Western theory of representation that the representatives of the people realized what the best interests of their electorate were even better than this very electorate. indeed. "Just as in the days of the caliphate one would congregate in the mosques. p. he believed that by the m·e re negative step of doing away with corrupt ministers the Islamic system of justice based on the equality of all before religious law would come back into force. Hiikiimet-i Halk. Following his estrange­ ment from the Young Ottomans. Suavi had therefore reverted to his own earlier approach to the problem of an ideal state. and Suavi's attacks on the Turkish ideologues who were consciously or unconsciously inj ecting theories of popular sovereignty into Turkish p olitical thought were thus quite logical. there was no Islamic body of theory to justify them. true "democracy" was the for." Ali Suavi. the Islamic attitude that the aim of government was to obtain justice for all members of the community. Miisavat. It is this advocacy of direct democracy by Suavi which has mis­ led many modern Turks into thinking of him as a "democrat. because of their Western origin. . indeed. As for Suavi.. 1 8 7 0.m of government that provided that whenever regulations were made they would be made by the entire people gathered for this purpose. According to him. conceived as a check on the power of ministers."48 43 Suavi left no room for doubt on this issue. ·This was a far cry from the idea of popuiar sovereignty. be justified by reference to Islamic precedent and was a matter close to Suavi's heart. He also was firmly convinced that some form of Islamic direct democracy would ensue from a strict observance of the �eriat.A L I S U A VI Forced by his association with the Young Ottomans to take up a defense of ideas which." Ulum. 1 099. "Demokrasi. were neither of them theories to which Suavi could subscribe because. catered to "forces coming from the bottom up.

For one. Despots increased. . "Yes. I am using it in the 3 82 . j ournalist. Whatever the means neces­ sary to bring this about. "I am using the word republic here not in the nonsensical sense in which th e Europeans use it. doctor and the like held in their hands the fate of thirty to forty thousand of their constituents. This was due to Suavi's disappointment with British parliamentarism. Since in those days kings were in power who considered that human life should be spent in obedience to the government and thus caused the depredations of autocracy to bear too heavily on it. Should these means harm other states. they still will be used . vegetable seller. this or that manufacturer. The deputies. Thus Suavi asked : "Can there exist public opinion where there exist a constitu­ tion and a cabinet? There used to be the Cabinet of Gladstone­ Granville. . they will be used. butcher. The right of 'those present' increased. The mess made by the noble came to an end and the messiness of the lower classes began. it was then made to topple by the Disraeli-Derby group. poet. grocer. writer. one day they [the people] said that they had had enough and elected a council of notables to control state revenue and expenditure. "In olden times there existed in Europe neither a �eriat nor established usages and customs such as morality. in 1 8 76 Suavi was not any more convinced that foreign policy matters could be best handled under a parliamentary system. but more fundamental criticisms of the parliamentary system emerged in the piece in which he criticized the British. . showing what had always been his basic beliefs.A LI S UA VI The attitude of the British toward the Ottoman Empire during the events of I 876 led Suavi to write an article in which his most fundamental political stand is outlined quite clearly. everywhere national assemblies began with this pre­ text of property. and now Gladstone and Granville are trying in turn to bring about the fall · of the latter. the right of republic disappeared. banker. Later 'notables' went under and 'deputies' arose.

" 44 Suavi's later conservatism had found a sociologist of distinc­ tion to fasten on in the person of Frederic Le Play. . Who would talk? Men. This purely ide­ ological failure." Vakit.A L I S UA V I sense it has had with us. ten peasants. everybody would tell what he knew. 9 1 et seq. one peasant. He believed too that many problems of social dis­ organization arose when a population lost its religious faith.1 6 9 . five peasants. 4 1 1 . Urquhardt praised Le Play for seeking to isolate "those things which are equally necessary under all forms of government. 4 1 2 . quoted in Kuntay. and Suavi's Society of Obedience took its cue from Le Play's ideas. would assemble and express their grievances to the government. xix. what he heard." See D.» Diplomatic Review ( 1 8 7 1 ) . "Le Play. Par­ liamentarianism. p. the mechanism of representation. Chapter vn . Just as it was with us in olden times in rnost places in Europe if there was a matter that needed set­ tling. There is a possibility that Ali Suavi's admiration for Le Play may have been inspired by Urquhart (see above. Le Play was one of the early social engineers who also was interested in finding a solution to the problems of the disinherited French rnasses. A li Suavi. And thus most certainly the matter to be settled would be unraveled. "M.. that is to say the whole population. for Ali Suavi's relations with the' latter) .45 Le Play also believed in a strong state. This privilege which I call the 'right of republic' exists no more. 1 8 7 6 . Suavi's theoretical constructions are mainly of use in bring­ ing out into relief how much less attuned to the current nine­ teenth-century liberalism he was than was Nam1k Kemal. women. Le Play on the Social Disorganization of France. Urquhart. rx. children. might well explain 44 Ibid." Encyclopedia of Social Sciences ( 1 9 3 3 ) . popular sovereignty-all of these ideas which stood in the forefront of K. Whenever a thinker who himself had been an Jlim attempted to build up a modern political system none of these elements was to be found in the synthesis thus brought about. September 1 9. which was the result of new concepts being poured into old Islamic intellectual molds. «Paristen bir Mektup. and one ended with a conception of direct democracy such as that of Suavi. 45 Gottfried Salomon. 1 6 5 .emal's theory had truly Western roots. what he had seen.

. Suavi's first clash with administrative authorities at the age of seventeen antedates by far his contact with Western ideas. of course. provides a clue to the reasons for which there have arisen no outstanding advocates of parliamentary government among them. on one hand. In many respects the ease with which the Ottoman capital was aroused by persons like Suavi in times of trouble will have to be sought in the esprit frondeur which was the legacy of these same guild tradi­ tions. It is true. his ideas of social justice and resistance to oppression were family inheritances . is that. on the other. It also. and the extent to which they have been able to work in close conjunction with the modern masses. Suavi's theory of revolt-an attitude at odds with all Islamic tradi­ tions-would normally be brought under this category. about the influence of which little is known at present. His idea of social justice was taught to him by his father. that on the surface the transfer of new ideas seems to have been successful sometimes. as he himself reports it. . however. What is striking about Suavi. a member of a merchant guild .A L I S UA VI how the minds of other modernist ulema have worked. and there is no doubt that it is in the equalitarian folk traditions transmitted through Ottoman guilds that the origin of this aspect of Suavi's thought will have to be traced.

and Mehmet Zeki Pakalm." Encyclopaedia of Islam. " 2 This. This work was 1 For biographical information about Hayreddin Pa§a see Th. that is to say in the years 1 8 64 to 1 8 68. during his exile. This may also be seen in that one of the ulema who was arrested with Kemal in 1 8 73 . . "Khair al-Din.i. P · 1 44. . chose to translate Hayreddin Pa§a's main work. p. Istanbul. but it is certain that these ideas represented the attitude of at least a section of articulate Turkish public opinion toward the problem of re­ :form in the empire. Ahmet Sait Matbaas1. entrusted by the Tunis­ ian government with various missions to the courts of Germany. as "reproducing ·exactly the ideas which gained currency in that period of the reign of Abdulaziz. Resigning his function in I 8 63. . In his early youth he was sent to France to study :military science and after his return to Tunis he occupied several governmental posts. 3 Bereketzade Ismail Hakk1. Menzel. France. but who was somewhat more conservative than Kemal.3 the Reforms Necessary to Moslem States. Yad-i Mazi. Bereketzade Ismail Hakk1. the historian of the Tan­ zimat. Son Sadrazamlar ve Ba�vekiller ( Istanbul. 2 Engelhardt. During his stay he published in Arabic his project of reforms for Islamic states. La Turquie et le Tanzimat. who for a short time was grand vizier during the reign of Sultan Abdillhamid. 4.he remained in Europe for nine years. England. 1 944) . p . is not entirely true.1 9 1 4. 2 00.+8 C H A P T E R X I I I €+ :H ay reddin Pa§a : the Attempt to Compromise 'TH E political thought of Hayreddin Pa§a. 3 24. 1 3 3 2/ 1 9 1 3. Vol. et seq. and Italy.e. It is probable that the success achieved by this widely popular scheme of reforms was the result of its moderateness and its ability to appeal to the Turks who did not go along all the way with even the limited iconoclasticism of the Young Ottomans. as will appear upon analysis of :Hayreddin Pa§a's ideas. 1. 8 7 3 .. Hayreddin Pa§a was a Tunisian of Circassian birth at the time when Tunis was still a semiautonomous part of the Otto­ :man Empire. 1 1.1 has been described by Engelhardt.

combined with his experience of things European. therefore. This offer was ac­ cepted. Dupont. Hayreddin insisted that the office of prime minister or grand vizier was not that of a certifying agency for the mere will of the sultan. 4 Hayreddin Pa§a's argument for reform was actually contained in the introduction to the Arabic text. 1 2 9 6 ) . Thus his scheme was a proposal for the rejuvenation 4 Le General Khereddine. As Hayreddin Pa§a had been brought up in Tunisia and as he had the opportunity of representing Tunisian interests in Europe.5 The mildly reformist approach · of its author. the main bulk of which was a statistical directory of European states meant to indicate the extent to which European states had succeeded in amassing material riches. namely. for him the decline of the Ottoman Empire was of interest for all Islamic nations and meant the establishment of European hegemony in lands where Islam had once been powerful. Hayreddin Pa§a's Arabic text was soon translated into Turk­ ish and attracted considerable attention. Yet with­ in eight months of his establishment in office he resigned be­ cause of a conflict that developed between him and the sultan with regard to the role to be played by the prime minister. Reformes Necessaires aux Etats Musulmans (Paris. • . At the time ( I 8 7 8 ) Turkey was going through an important crisis and the newly convened national assembly had been dissolved by the sultan. led Sultan Abdiilhamid II to extend to him the invitation to fill the office of grand vizier. Hayreddin Pa§a's ideas do lead one to the conclusion which Abdiilhamid seems to have reached on the basis of Hayred­ din's work. Mukad­ dime-i A kvam el-Masalik fi Marifetu A hval ul-Memalik (Dersaadet. that the latter was interested only in a slight modification of the powers wielded by the Ottoman ruler and that his policy had much more in common with basic Islamic conceptions than with those of th e Young Ottomans. Elcevaip. to be the ideal statesman for the situation.H A YR E D D I N P A � A translated into French in 1 8 68. 1 8 6 8 ) 5 Turkish text : Devletlu Fehametlu Hayrettin Pa§a Hazretleri. Hayreddin Pa§a seemed.

his glorification of the Ottoman-Turkish past and achievements was an integral part of his beliefs. Hayred­ din Pa§a believed that the decline of the Islamic states was due to the ulema's lack of concern with politics.. 8 In fact. 7 the other was to show "certain Moslems" that European political and social institutions were not contrary to Islamic teachings. the content of Hayreddin Pa§a's work also pointed to the comparatively undiluted Is­ lamic quality of his proposals. Hereinafter cited as Ref ormes. 1 8 6 8 ) . 7 . 8 lbid." No 6 Mithat Cemal Kuntay. 1 . Thus Hayreddin Pa§a men­ tioned two reasons which urged him to write his book : one was to "awaken the patriotism of the ulema and of Moslem states­ men and urge them to collaborate with one another in the intel­ ligent choice of the most efficacious means to ameliorate the state of the Islamic nation" . and indirectly by the adverse comments showered on his opus by Nam1k Kemal. Namik Kemal. 5 · . His preponderantly Islamic approach was indicated both by the title of the book. Apart from the title of his work.H A YR E D D I N PA § A of Islamic states in general and was focused on the Ottoman Empire only because the latter had been the leader of Islamic nations for centuries. since the European conception of the patrie did not exist in Islam. 7 Le General Khereddine. Reformes Necessaires aux E tats Musulmans (Paris. Dupont.. Reforms Neces­ sary to Islamic States. Nam1k Kemal knew too well the novelty of the notion of fatherland to try to use it in conjunction with the ulema. 6 By such comments Nam1k Kemal was indicating that although his own schemes of reform started from an Islamic vantage point. Again. in another passage of his work he described his goal as "mettre nos ulemas en etat de mieux remplir leur role temporel. p. p. To speak of a renewal of the patriotism of the ulema was an absurdity. It is significant of the greater sophistication of Nam1k Kemal that there is no similar statement about the ulema in his writings. who indicates that the Ottoman Empire had not "sunk so low" as to take counsel from other Islamic states. 202 f. citing an unpublished letter of Kemal.

he declared that the economic subservience of the Islamic nations was due to their imitation of Europeans in con­ sumption patterns without a concomitant establishment of European political institutions. 9 Hayreddin Pa§a characterized this stand as "humiliating. who chose rather to criticize the ignorance of the ulema rather than their lack of "citizenship. The very sight of the people who opposed European liberalism gorging themselves on imported products.'' as can be seen by his use of the term "Islamic nation. . Hayreddin Pasa took up for examination all the elements which he believed relevant in an investigation of the sources of European ·power. however. where Hayreddin Pa§a's stand came quite close to that adopted by the Turkish reform­ ists which we have taken up above."1 0 Proceeding by elimination." used the term "Ottoman nation" consistently enough to make it easy to differentiate his stand from that of Hayreddin Pa§a. Finally Hayreddin Pa§a was using the word "nation" with the connotation of "religious group. 1 0 Ibid. on the other hand.H A YR E D D IN PA $ A similar statement can be found in the works of Kemal. What existed in Europe and the cause of European progress was ''liberty. since Christianity separated religion from matters of the state-a remark which showed that as a good Moslem Hayreddin Pa§a considered the unity of state and religion to be a factor of strength rather than of weakness. on luxury goods of Euro­ pean origin." Wealth was only the natu9 I bid. which in reality were the fountainhead of European progress and wealth. showed the illogicality of their stand." Nam1k Kemal. Neither could the superiority of the Europeans be at­ tributed to the superiority of their religion. despite the ambiguousness of his "national­ ism. Repeating a line exploited by the latter. and racial superiority were all eliminated as irrele­ vant. There· were points. antieconomical and politically destructive. fertility. Climate." This is an indication of the extent to which Nam1k Kemal had been influenced by the de facto separation of state and church which had taken place during the Tanzimat.

. "It is a law of [divine] Providence that justice. 1 3 . there · was nothing in the Islamic creed. p . Hayreddin Pa§a equated economic advances with European political liberalism. p . the statement of the Proph­ et to the effect that science should be sought wherever it existed was indication of the latitude provided in this matter by Islam."14 Tying in this factor with his own interpretation of the rise of nationalism among the component peoples of the Ottoman Empire.eddin Pa§a's superficial treatment of a tough cultural. and spoke of European progress as "the progress achieved by the Europeans with regard to knowledge the development of which is helped by political institutions based on j ustice and · liberty... Hayreddin Pa§a did not investigate. 11 In short. 9 . Hayreddin Pa§a clamored for "justice" and stated. however.H A YR E D D IN P A � A ral consequence of this factor. Here again was a strain of thought reminiscent of Sadik Rifat Pa§a and Nam1k Kemal-a way of thinking ultimately traceable to natural-law interpretations of the de11 Ibid. 1 3 Historical example of the tolerant attitude of Islam toward such innovations could be seen in the appropria­ tion by Islam of Greek logical method. p.. the deeper problem as to why Islam had stopped at logic and had not gone farther in its borrowing of Greek attitudes and modes of thought. 12 Ibid. pp. 7 3 . according to Hayreddin Pa§a. 1 4 . " 12 Actually. Like the Young Ottomans too. which precluded Islamic states from taking over Western institutions. 14 Ibid. deprived of the most basic benefits of justice by a corrupt j udiciary. I I .. Indeed. 1 3 Ibid. Hayreddin Pa§a stated that the disintegra­ tion of the empire was due to the fact that the Christian sub­ j ects of the Porte. 1 4. Hayr. looked up to European governments for protection. philosophical. good administration and good political institutions be the causes of the increase of the wealth of the population and general well-being and that the opposite bring decadence in all things. and historical problem was one which was paralleled in the writ­ ings of the Young Ottomans.

however. I 8. to place it within well-established bounds. . she recommends the adoption of means and remedies appropriate to times and circumstances. is the obligation to take counsel before acting. Hayreddin Pa§a suggested that there were means at the disposal of the Islamic states to achieve such results-the possibilities provided by the institution of the bai'a and the Islamic theory of trusteeship." 1 5 Hayreddin Pa§a concluded. who saw a much more basic institution in the Biat. repre15 Ibid. 1 6 Ibid. . . This was ordered to the Prophet only for an eminent reason which was to establish an obliga­ tory rule for all who would follow him." 1 6 adding. rather. Adopting a line of reasoning already exploited by Kemal. Hayreddin Pa§a viewed the biat ( bai'a) as a necessity imposed on the ruler by God to take counsel before engaging in action.. p . p. " . . Hayreddin Pa§a's suggestions as to the immediate steps to be undertaken to achieve the political advances which he thought basic to the well-being of the Islamic states were to curb the power of the sovereign or. 3 90 11 Ibid. . "It is from this most important of measures that result the legitimacy of public acts and the necessity for ourselves to control the latter . be they musulmans or not. Hayreddin Pa§a. p .. imposed by God to his immaculate Prophet . . attributed his inspiration in the matter to the North African historian Ibn Haldun." 1 1 In Islam. ." According to ·Hay­ reddin Pa§a. . . I 6. from the political point of view. The citizens upon whom Moslem law imposes this obligation are called to play among us the same part that representative chambers and the press fulfill in Europe. He kept in the back­ ground the fact that this was an historical development and that in the basic theory of Islam contained in the Koran there was nothing more substantial to rely on in this respect than a vague recommendation to "take counsel. she orders the protection of the rights of particulars.H A Y R E D D I N P A §' A dine of empire. " [Islam] forbids any individual to act capriciously and in sole accordance with his personal leanings. One of the most important prescriptions of this law.. 1 5.

1 9 Ibid. that Hayreddin Pa§a was encountering a dilemma which had faced Kemal before. pointed the path to be covered by Islamic liberals was the theory of the delegation of sovereign powers to ministers. 39I . "All the authors who have written on this politico­ religious part of our j urisprudence are unanimous in their interpretation which has the force of law and defend the thesis that the delegation even of th e greatest part of the powers of the sovereign is not a limitation of sovereignty. but that it constitutes. to have thought of the Biat as a transfer of sovereignty. in the latter case he had the more able members of the nation to fulfill this task. p. according to Hayreddin Pa�a. "From all that precedes necessarily follows the legitimacy of the intervention 1 8 Ibid." 1 8 A comparison of these two expressions which are used to express the same thought reveals.. However.H A YR E D D I N P A $ A sentative institutions and the press were replaced by "the direct obligation for sensible and enlightened people in the nation to oppose themselves to any violation of the law. In the first case he spoke of "the citizens" as the controllers of public acts . Hayreddin Pa§a was not clear as to the ultimate basis on which this "control" which he wanted to establish would rest. In other words. As . however. who seems . Hayreddin Pa§a was closer to the spirit in which th e institution of the Biat had been understood for centuries than was Nam1k Kemal. by speaking of a "control" of the acts of the sovereign rather than of a sovereign responsible to the people in terms of a sovereignty which had been trans­ ferred from the people to the sovereign." 1 9 All this led Hayreddin Pa§a to conclude. on the contrary. 2 5 . one of the sovereign rights admitted by religion. The classical Islamic theory had reference to the control of the enlightened members of the community. but it is probable that Hayreddin Pa§a saw that this conception was not the basis of the European system on which were founded the "representative chambers" to which he looked up. he stated. The second theory which.

Let us be permitted to ask them if they are quite sure that the non-Moslem subjects who demand these same liberties aim at their goal without mental reservations and merit to be trusted fully and completely. One thing of which we can be certain is that he had the example of the Ottoman Empire before his eyes when he wrote down his ideas. . and that he agreed with Ali Pa§a that Turkey was not as yet ripe for the establishment of a national assembly on a nationwide basis." 21 The mention of "a certain number of Moslems" was a dis­ guised reference to the Young Ottomans.. finding these refarms to be insufficient. 3 8 . pp . The reasons he gave for his stand were substantially the same as those of Ali Pa§a . These demands which are requested to be made effective immediately are proffered with a view to the creation of institutions that an assembly composed of members elected by the entire nation would establish. According to us there exist indices which allow the supposition that the aim of most of them is to disengage themselves from the rule of the Sublime Porte. 392 . 3 9 . in agree­ ment with the non-Moslem subjects of the Empire. A different sort of qualm was expressed by Hayreddin Pa§a when he stated. p. and safeguard. and Hayreddin Pa§a evidently thought they had gone too far in their pro­ posals. 2 7 .H A YR E D D I N P A § A of the nation in the sense and the limits of which we have spoken. ask for the widest liberty to control the acts of the government. 21 Ibid.. Hayreddin Pa§a expressed his own mis­ givings as follows : "A certain number of Moslems. "Among the tasks of the legislator charged with the founding of institutions is certainly included that of keeping account of the moral state of the masses and of the extent to which they have become recipients of useful knowledge in view of determining the degree of political liberty t hat can be granted to them and also to find out whether 20 Ibid. . it is difficult to extract a clear scheme of government from his work. . " 2 0 Despite the amount of writing that it took Hayreddin Pa§a to expose these ideas.

to dignity and to the public good to personal advantages which they could obtain under a system of arbitrary rule.H A YR E D D IN P A § A the generalization of its exercise and its extension to all with­ out distinction is indicated or whether political liberty should be granted only to those who find themselves in the special circumstances required for it. p . he stated. in describing the desires of the · most honest.. pp. 5 5 . "22 What. 3 93 2 4 Ibid. 5 9· . In Hayreddin Pa§a's own words : "The examination and the successive use of the means which must remedy to social necessities and contribute. namely." 23 Hayreddin Pa§a expressed the same thought in a different passage when.. 5 4. c•: [They] like and approve sincerely the system of institu­ tions and prefer the usefulness to liberty. Hayreddin Pa§a expressed this idea as follows : "Both success and failure in states which do not have political institutions entrusted to the safekeeping of constitu."2 4 In short. by proposing in 1 8 68 to establish institutions of a permanent nature to fill in the gap opened by the decomposi­ tion of the "old orders" of the Ottoman Empire. 2 3 Ibid. together · with • • • 22 Ibid.'' as Re§id Pa§a had earlier phrased it.. to establish "un systeme immuablement etabli. 24. competent. by support­ ing the so-called "system of institutions"-that is. and idealistic-minded civil servants. Hayreddin Pa§a's specific proposals concerning the fashion in which governmental activity would be channeled by the institutions he proposed to establish confirm the impression that in substance he wanted to do what Re§id Pa§a had already achieved in 1 839.. tional bodies depend entirely on the character and personal qualities of the sovereign. by establish­ ing a stable framework for the activities of the ruler-Hay­ reddin Pa§a was substantially setting forth proposals which Re§id Pa§a had already firmly grounded in new institutions. p. then. was Hayreddin Pa§a's real goal ? The real purpose behind his proposals and the core of his political program comes out in one of his remarks from which one can infer that his aim was the same as that of Re§id Pa§a.

H A YR E D D IN P A § A progress. 3 6 0 et seq. IV. No wonder that Hayreddin Pa§a was considered to be incompetent by Nam1k Kemal.. 26 Hayreddin Pa§a's scheme to gather a pool of expert politi­ cians to act as consultants to the sovereign was quite in har­ mony with the original Islamic conception of the control exercised over political affairs by the "notables. and therefore even the special �osition he ac­ cords to the ulema has no · special significance. who was taken in by the mildness of Hay­ reddin Pa§a's approach. Son Sadriazamlar ve Bajvekiller." But to this 25 Ibid. who had seen the system of corruption and irresponsi­ bility evolved by the Ottoman statesmen who considered them­ selves to be members of a supremely wise elite. to the happiness of the nation can only take place by common understanding and by the uniting of one part of the nation composed of enlightened members of the ulema class and of men versed in politics . . What Hayred­ din Pa§a did not realize is that by the middle of the nineteenth century the Ottoman Empire was not in need of a strengthen­ ing of political institutions but that it needed a system by which those in charge of the institutions created during the Tanzimat would be held accountable to the people. 49. . p. when the latter stood up for the use some of the "delegated power" of . . 26 33· For an interchange of letters between Abdiilhamid and Hayreddin Pa§a on the subj ect of ministerial responsibility see Pakalm. that Hayreddin Pa§a had independently evolved the same type of theory as Re§id Pa§a-a theory which had resulted in the Tanzimat statesmen getting stronger and stronger to the point where they deposed his uncle Abdiilaziz. which he had spoken in his works. 394 . No wonder too that Abdiilhamid. because of their special knowledge to indicate the need or the ill and to propose the remedies. and it is to the ulema to take into consideration the means indicated by statesmen and to legitimize its application by a healthy and learned interpretation of the law. See also p. "It is thus to statesmen. realized." 25 In Hayreddin Pa§a's scheme the ulema were relegated to the position of legal advisors rather than keepers of the politi­ cal conscience.

Nam1k Kemal. 2 7 See p. it appears probable that Hayreddin Pa§a directly appropriated some ideas that he came across in Europe to build up his own theory of national self-determination. of a nationalistic recoiling in oneself which is further substantiated by Hayreddin Pa§a's accusations that the at­ tempts of the Islamic nations to liberalize their system had been sabotaged by the European powers. nevertheless.HA YR E D D IN PA $A approach can again be opposed that of Nam1k Kemal. 8. the right to demand that the administration be organized and regulated so that the functionaries be held responsible for their official acts under the laws. September 1 4. Even though Euro­ peans leveled the accusation of backwardness against these nations. It also shows the influence of the theory of nationality. could go_ so far on his own as to think of the "common" people as an untapped reser­ voir of statesmanship. 1 8 6 8 . starting from similar. in consequence of the latter. 2 7 In matters of nationality we have already indicated the stand adopted by Hayreddin Pa�a and his use of the word "nation" in the Islamic sense. the remainder of JHayreddin Pa§a's statements do not seem to bear so direct and specific an imprint. it bears the imprint of such natural-law originators of the idea of nationality as Vattel. In particular. "Usul-u Me§veret. however. it must be admitted." Hurriyet." The political ideas which appear in this paragraph are among those which show the strongest European imprint. Yet his mention of such senti­ :ments as "patriotism" is indicative of a certain stiffening of attitude. "Even if it were established that the Moslem people were not mature enough to obtain any degree of political liberty. Islamic premises. 3 95 . each one of them has. and while not interfering in public affairs. one must also admit that. who. that each of them has the natural right to exist as a nation whatever be the form of the govern­ Jment which steers it . they had a natural right to exist as a nation. in terms of its being a corporate entity [ 'association civile' ] . Since. a theory for which Islam provided only dubious material.

" These ideas may also be examined in relation to the reshuffling of elites brought about by the Tanzimat. and of the state was their intellectual inheritance. In general. the thought of the Young Ottomans means different things to different students. but many strands entered into the elaboration of the first systematic-if not entirely consistent-statement of a new political theory by the Young Ottomans. to show how larded with conflicting views of man. The maj or Islamic theory that the Young Ottomans used to create this synthesis was the theory of the biat ( bai'a) . the genesis of these theories may be analyzed from a number of vantage points. even the best Young Ottoman theoreticians did not cut a particularly impressive figure. or antagonistic. Thus we noticed that not one. and of placing them on an Islamic substratum. of society. We may consider them to be the result of institutional change. nature of some of the sources of inspiration of the Jeune Turquie. an attempt was made in the preceding pages to point out the various roads from which the corpus of Young Ottoman intellectual productions might be approached. Insofar as internal consistency goes. or viewed as an illustration of changes wrought by a general increase in communications. as t. the "best" of European political institutions .+?) C H A P TE R XIV (3+ Conclusions ONE of the outstanding characteristics of a process of intellec­ tual "modernization" such as we have j ust surveyed is its com­ plexity. or the fruits of intellectual "diffusion" or "osmosis. Consequently.h ey may be taken to be the ultimate products of a certain im­ manent logic of things. This was due to the impossibility of taking over. as they would have liked. the product of a psycho-social involvement in traditional values. lnter396 . Like the legendary elephant. It was also attempted to bring out into the open the mutually con­ tradictory.

But this weapon of the press that they used would have lost much of its force had they had recourse to the traditional fund of Ottoman ideas having regard to the relation between the individual and political authority. had not evolved an accepted theory of resistance. in turn. This was true. The first part of the problem with which they were f'l. was not a theory of popular sovereignty. They were dependent for results on the reader­ ship of the newspapers they published. despite such an absence of a theory of justified revolt. for it was unclear as to whether a transfer of sovereignty was involved in the investiture. This theoretical lacuna. Could not the Young Ottomans have gone ahead with their protests without such a theory ? The answer to this lies in the fact that the Young Ottomans were the first ideologues of the Ottoman Empire. The European theories of responsible government. After all. had grown around such theories of j ustified resistance. even when established. which the Young Ottomans wanted to use. was not so much concerned with their own consciences as with the technical question of making effec­ tive propaganda. Concentrating their wrath on the bureaucrats of the Porte while protesting their allegiance to the sultan solved this problem. while they did not condone tyranny.C O N C L U S I O NS preted very liberally. On one hand. does not ex­ plain why a theory legitimizing revolt would have made the work of the Young Ottomans so much easier. On the other. the j urists of Islam. TJ:ieir medium of action was not the sword but the word. 397 . dependent as it was on the unquestioned acceptance of hierarchical relations. how­ ever. revolts had �>ccurred throughout the history of the Ottoman Einpire.a pre­ rnium on obedience. in other words. The Biat. because no precise instrumentality was provided for the repeal of the mandate of the Caliph and because the deferential spirit which had per­ vaded Islamic political theory for centuries· had placed .Ced. the latter amounted to the ruler's re­ rnembering the symbolic engagement taken at his investiture to account for his actions to the Islamic community. the theory of functionally differentiated orders in the realm. however. was even bleaker on this score.

with one exception. ." By the same token. it should be remembered. Nam1k Kemal and his friends were. it is the same fundamental outlook that made Na­ m1k Kemal establish polite. It is difficult to separate the point here where tradi­ tional ideas with regard to the preservation of the state merge with the patriotism that was one of the maj or tenets of the Young Ottomans. The ideology of loyalty to the state was one which per­ meated all classes in the Ottoman Empire. they were determined to save the Ottoman state. At the end of the war the Young Ottomans did not consider it fair to the state to engage in revolt. the Young Ottomans. In all of these situations the actions of the Young Ottomans may be explained in terms of their willingness to sacrifice their ideas to the immediate benefits of the state . had much more complex roots. which has often erroneously been interpreted as a surrender of their ideals. The obverse of this feeling was the fact that there had not 398 . In addition. It was basically the same type of attitude as had resulted in their earlier tolerance toward Mustafa Faz1l Pa�a's contacts with the Porte-a toler­ ance that one would have expected to last a shorter time than it did. the dif­ ficulty was much less easily overcome. It is in this connection that the close relation between the ability to fall back on a theory of justified resistance and the vitality of a movement of political protest emerges. former bureaucrats. they accepted administrative posts under his despotic rule. On the contrary.C O N CL U S I O NS Insofar as their own consciences were concerned. did not incite one another to revolt. In fact. Again. if not friendly relations with Ali Pa§a's offer to enlighten him about the state of affairs in Europe. Disliking the Porte did not solve the problem of what they would do if faced with an "evil" sultan. When Abdiilhamid dismissed the Ottoman parliament indefinitely within a year of its establishment. however. There is no doubt that this behavior of the Young Ottomans. they were faced by such a sultan. It is while they were part of the Ottoman adminis­ tration that they had been fired with the zeal to awaken "the nation.

This alone. the only Young Ottoman to have lost his life in an attempted coup d'etat. Furthermore.CON CL U S IONS developed in the Ottoman Empire the type of intermediate organization between the state and the individual to which a :man like Nam1k Kemal could have pledged his allegiance when circumstances forced him against the wall. Yet in Islam this consulta­ tion was limited to the "weightier part" of the community. in addition. Paradoxically enough. concep­ tions. the willingness to sacrifice oneself to the state was much weaker. Suavi's outlook was fashioned. but since then the idea had arisen in the West of government by the people. But to come back to the political theory of the Young Otto­ Jmans. the corollary of the theory of the Biat-the ruler's sup­ posed obligation to consult with his community-was the second Islamic principle advanced by the Young Ottomans in support of responsible government. it was a feature of government for the people. they also ran into difficulties because they did not dispose of a theory as to the corporate nature of the state. This is particularly true of the theory of representation. who bore historically conditioned grudges against the employees of t he state. The person heading the state was much more important. Neither Islamic nor Ottoman consulta­ tive practices rested on such a basis. 'fhe real point at issue was that the Young Ottomans did not realize that the modern Western theory of representation depended on a belief in the intrinsic worth of the subj ective will of the individual. With the ulema. of course. while the Young Ottomans ran into difficulties because they had no room for atomistic individual­ ism. The Islamic theory was not a theory of this nature. did not produce the outburst of Suavi. 'fhis was also a feature of medieval Western theories. For in some respects liberal thought rested on nonindividualistic . Otto von Gierke traced this theory to Roman conceptions 3 99 . by an elusive Populism cum folk-tradition-of-violent-assertion which undeniably is one of the most pervasive and also least-known structural component of Ottoman society.

'' American Political Science Review (October 1 9 3 8 ) . . made it much easier to establish a clear-cut distinction between the individual and the body politic. Yet there were other democratic products of the same theory . This thesis was advanced by Gierke as part of the general theory that the medieval world was on the way to.C O NCL USIONS which were taken over in Europe in the Middle Ages. one of them is the modern theory of repre­ sentation. half con1 Otto von Gierke. when Nam1k Kemal at­ tempted to turn the Biat into a theory of representation.that the community was a whole with a personality different from the sum of component parts. half transfer of sovereignty. on the other hand. p.. The Roman theory of corporate personality. 1 9 3 9 ) . 1 . he was faced with a difficult task. an organic theory of society. the idea ." and the Rousseauian abstraction of a General Will superior to the will of all. The result was that. W. 2 4 1 . viz. but never quite achieved. did. the theory of the Biat was itself amorphous. As such it may be considered the foun­ tainhead from which eventually sprang such ideas as that of the Leviathan state.take such an organismic view of the activity of sociai and economic groups. Even though Gierke's main thesis has been challenged. by Bernard Freyd. And the availability of such a theory. the "Raison d'Etat. W. 8 7 6. Though traces of the idea of corporate personality can be found in the works of some Islamic political thinkers.. Islam did not possess such a theory of corporate personality for the community. 3 2 : 849. 2 his contention that Western theories of representation could ul­ timately be traced back to the Roman theory of corporations has not been proved incorrect. New York. "Organic Tendencies in Medieval Political Thought. and to create a rationale of _ representation in the West. specifi­ cally to the Roman theory of corporate personality. The Development of Political Theory (trans. These were the authoritarian products of the Roman theory of cor­ porations. Norton and Co. As a result of the absence of a corporate theory of the state in Islam. 2 Ewart Lewis.

the theory of popular representation and saver· eignty. But since then En­ lightenment political theory. the Young Ottomans saw no discrepancy between the theory that the king's power comes from God and the theory that it arose by a contract with the people. how­ ever. Just as in the case of the author of the Vindicae. Thus the thesis advanced by Sir Thomas Smith in his De Republica A n glicorum-that the constitution consisted imainly of courts-paralleled Ziya Pa�a's theory about the origin of government in which he made judges the first re­ cipients of political authority.C O N CL U S I O NS · sultation with the community. The philosophy they offered in support of these goals. had been devised in the West as ideal checks against the encroachments of the state. For Kemal to evolve a rationale of representation based on the Biat was an almost insuper­ able task. The political philosophy of the Young Ottomans was a pre-Enlightenment philosophy. viz. differed from the philosophy of the Western political thinkers who had provided the theory of these politicial institu­ tions. based on much more radical conceptions. What the Young Ottomans did not realize was that there existed an organic bond between the political institutions advocated by a philosopher like Locke and the individualistic conceptions which lay behind them. the arguments they had used against the "progressives" of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Like Sir Edward Coke's.but with sixteenth-century Europe. 40 I . Its closest affinities were not with eighteenth. the Young Ottomans' defiance of the existing powers grew out of the fact that they were conservatives. at an earlier time. Like the author of the Vindicae Contra Tyrannos. Their ideas were most of all reminiscent of the theories that the defenders of the medieval polity had set forth against the new theory of sovereignty.. they did not really develop a workable theory of resistance. had arisen. Another way of describing the Young Ottoman position would be to say that they opposed the centralizing activities of the state and wanted to establish in Turkey those political institutions which.

C O N C L U S I O NS With respect to the establishment of fundamental freedoms. To the inadequacies of the political theory of the Young Ottomans which have been mentioned to this point should be added a special reference to the intellectual history of the Ottoman Empire. The foregoing inadequacies in th e theories of the Young Ottomans constitute excellent material for a critic of their con­ ceptual schemes. Nam1k Kemal was acting on the strength of this element in Islamic thought when he protested against the idea of a. � s. despite these shortcomings. beside the point. the Young Ot­ tomans did affect the society in which they were living. which also ultimately has Islamic roots.general will. the liberalizing effect of this absence of a conception of the general will in Islam had been lost. these restrictive aspects of the Islamic element in the thought of the Young Ottomans were counterbalanced by the very benefits of a theory of the state qua state which was amorphous. Nam1k Kemal tried to re­ capture this element of Islamic theory and weave i t into his theory of the state. however. With the adoption of European con­ ceptions of public law. For. expressing themselves in the anonymity of the administrative institutions created under the Tanzimat. To dwell on these short­ comings of internal consistency is to be sterile in our appraisal of the Young Ottomans and to lose sight of their very real contributions. That was the failure to devise a system of nature with its own inner dynamic. This factor greatly affected Ottoman intellec­ tual development and placed great obstacles in the way of an empirical science of politics. Indeed. however. Such critical analysis. ideal Islamic state. engaged in in the present study to pinpoint their ideology as accurately as pos­ sible. This is 40 2 . This influenced the political theory of the Young Ottomans by emphasizing a political system at rest rather than one in motion and gave rise to their contradic­ tory stand with regard to the idea of progress-on one hand praising abstract "progress" and the material advances of Europe and on the other hand looking back wistfully on the harmoniousness of an imaginary.

e. but the link between the two movements may be seen in that at least three n1embers of the Suavi conspiracy were implicated once again in Aziz Bey's plot. failed. This short-lived organ was the first in a new series which . which fed the underground opposition to the sultan between 1 8 7 8 and 1 908 . 1�hus he used one of Kemal's favorite abstractions as a name for a publication which took over where the lbret had stopped. the genesis of which owed something to their propaganda and the substance of which incorporated some of their ideas. Ali �efkati. it is true. the last sputter of Young Ottoman activity. This conspiracy to de­ throne Abdiilhamid and bring back Sultan Murad to the throne took place in 1 8 78. The new e. This was the unsuccessful coup of Aziz Bey. but Young Ottoman ideas were also effective in the long run. That there was such a link between the activities of the op­ ponents of Abdiilhamid's autocracy and the earlier Young Ottomans may be gathered from a glimpse at the first of the new series of attempts to make Turkey into a constitutional state after the final disbanding of the Young Ottomans. It is this belief. Then too. The toup which had pre­ c�!ded the proclamation of the constitution and made it pos­ sible was. due to the intervention of the army. was able to escape to Europe. the most intellectual of the members of this last conspiracy. which would not have been widely held before the appearance of the Young Ottomans.C O NCL US I ONS true both in the short and in the long run. the same year that Ali Suavi's coup. where he started to publish the newspaper lstikbal ( "The Future") . i..m phasis on coups to attain political ends marks a substantial change over the reluctance of the maj ority of the Young Otto­ n1ans to sully their hands with such methods. The short run of success of the Young Ottomans consisted in that during their time a constitution was proclaimed. the most important result of their propagandistic efforts was not so much the proclamation of the Ottoman constitution as the establishmen t of the belief that Sultan Abdiilhamid had perpetrated a crime in suspending it.

the Young Turks. and Atatilrk is the weakening of Islamic content. however. in 1 908 it was the result of action by the military. The latter. however. we owe our entire upbringing to Kemal." Just as in I 8 76. on the need to enlighten public opinion. The impression that nowadays prevails in Turkey that the Young Ottomans were the direct intellectual ancestors of the Turkish Republic thus rests on partly correct foundations. Thus arose the Young Otto­ man emphasis on education. The signifi­ cant strand to follow. has characterized this effect of Kemal on his own generation by stating. In the ideas of the Young Turks this 1tsubstratum is weaker and it disappears completely in Atatilrk. Such knowl­ edge which th e Young Ottomans were seeking to keep the . It is often forgotten. then. during a secret investigation of the contents of their desks.C O NCL USIONS · greatly contributed to the undermining of Abdiilhamid. administrative. Siileyman Nazif ( 1 8 70-1 927) . One of the Turkish ideologists of the twentieth century. to study. This most important contribution of the Young Ottomans consisted in an increasing eagerness to know. Some clue as to what was involved in the later reappraisal of Islamic content may be understood from an analysis of one . and financial tech­ niques. of the important contributions of the Young Ottomans which has not as yet been enumerated. in establishing the link between the Young Ottomans. with a connection being made between knowledge and survival. that Young Ottoman theories were partly of Islamic origin. and to cite Nam1k Kemal as the intellectual mentor of Atatiirk is not an entirely erroneous point of view. Even more effective than this continuity of a tradition of criticism voiced in newspapers published by exiles was the direct influ­ ence of the writings of Kemal and Ziya on Turkish public opinion. This was their attitude toward the external world. that they were growing up reading Young Ottoman literature. on the necessity to master all Western governmental. when Abdiilhamid's singlehanded rule came to an end. to understand. "If we owe our life to God. had shown as early as I 876.

. and ultimately of the material bases of individual happiness. the product of this knowledge has been a thousand times superior to that of ancient times in content of truth as well as in quantity . Two instrumentalities as productive of beautiful works as the spirit and as quick-moving as imagination were thus created to render service to humanity. . . .C O NCL USIONS (!mpire afloat seems to have differed in at least one essential respect from the knowledge that was pursued at an earlier time within the framework of the traditional Ottoman chan­ nels of learning : the drive to acquire knowledge now ran parallel with an ever-increasing awareness of the material sub­ stratum of historical change. It is due to electrical power that rnan. civilization began to proceed at an entirely different pace and gait on the road of progress . "It is due to steam that in countries with a population of twenty-five to thirty million. It is due to electricity that a sick man on this end of the world is able to save his life using the skills of a doctor on the other end of the globe. could not but state this discovery of the material worId in the fallowing terms : · "Let us cast a glance at the intellectual and educational treasurers of the world. who thought of the political ideas of the Islamic j urists as basically valid for his own time. is able to save both from time and space. And especially when philosophers abandoned abstractions and im­ aginary things. In the last two centuries. and established philosophy on experience and rational deduction. . Even Nam1k Kemal. of the material element in histori­ cal and social problems. "It is due to steam that men like magicians walk over the sea and fly over the earth. . . . fifty to sixty million horsepower of steel and copper are unceasingly engaged in satisfying our pleasures and our needs. Those who worked to wrest moral and material advantages by applying knowledge to external [physical] occurrences discovered steam and electricity. "Natural gas appeared and the comfort of humanity was further increased. . as if endowed with supernatural powers. .

. 3 9 -4 1 . Is this the way to advance trade? "Is there a single Ottoman Bank in existence? How do we propose to go about creating wealth ? " 3 The earliest appearance of this interest in the material world may be traced back to the eighteenth century. and logistics had led to the victory of European armies began to impress itself with increasing clarity in the minds of Turkish statesmen. How are arts [ and crafts] to prosper in our country? "We have not been able to establish a single j oint-stock company. · . "What we have done does not amount to more than a few superficial changes that newspapers-and that through the efforts of the late �inasi-were able to bring about in our literature. . Men richer than a thousand companies establish companies more powerful than states . "We do not have a single factory. seas are united. ten times as able as an ancient master craftsman. continents are separated. . This attitude had existed in embryonic form even · 8 Nam1k Kemal. . "When will we start taking example? . . plots of earth are located in the midst of vast oceans and water found in sandy wastes. . methods of warfare.C O N C L U S I O NS "Engineeering has reached the zenith of expectations : through it." A different facet to the same type of attitude toward the external world was the "activism" of the Young Ottomans. . begins to occur as an outright defense of rationality and active control over man's fate some forty years before the Young Ottomans became active. But it took approximately a century of intellectual evolution for the admiration of material advances to take place among accepted "operative ideals. . "Economics has given rise to the division of labor. as we have shown. in his field. "Commerce has found an extraordinary welcome." Namik Kemal eve 1bret Gazetesi. pp . «ibret. At that time the discovery that superiority in armaments. A mediocre artisan is. an attitude which.

This term was used to denote that sphere of man's actions over which God had only a partial control. however. Again. The Young Ottomans themselves had been urged to action by such considerations in the first place. however. It was always associated with urgings to create. Maturidite philoso­ phy in the nineteenth century.C O N CL U S I O NS among the earliest Ottoman reformers. were interested in picking up the pieces into which the Otto­ inan Empire had disintegrated and in building up once more a social and governmental machine identical with the one that had disintegrated ("reform in consonance with the practice of my ancestors") . If the activism of the Young Ottomans. The latter. These men were for action but against innovation. found echoes in the n1inds of Turks of all walks of life. 1�his advantage consisted in that the spirit of gaza. of having policy dictated by the European Great Powers. however. The Young Ottomans were both for action and £or innovation. the under­ pinning of the Ottoman state. as well as in the ideas of the Iranian reformer Cemaleddin Afgani. to work. was in itself the result of the magnification of the desire for change. In its purest form it appears in the form of a revival of the antipredestinarian. This was the foundation of Young Ottoman patriotism. to defend the fatherland. It also reappears in the writings of the Egyptian reformer Muhammad Abdu. to rise up against tyranny. had been allowed to become fused . 1�he humiliation of suffering military defeats. which was that part of their theories that was most in tune with the spirit of European modernization. It was a "qualitative" change due to a "quantitative" development. lent itself to an activist ideology. this philosophical development does not seem to have been limited to the Young Ottomans. The Young Ottomans. Among the Young Ottomans an activist attitude was ex­ pressed in the increasing use of the term "irade-i cuz'iyye" ("partial will") . Their desire for innovation. had somewhat of an advantage over their Iranian and Egyptian comodernizers.

they never recovered from the blow dealt them by the "defender of the faith. In the ten years they were active they had already done considerable work in creating such a synthesis. Abdiilhamid II gave neither an opportunity to regroup. . of the two elements the Young Ottomans had attempted to fuse. Thus the process of a decrease in sophistication among the ulema. a genuine modernist Islamic synthesis might have re­ sulted. and other riffraff. of which Cevdet Pa�a had spoken. was compounded. the activist attitude and the Islamic dogma-activism floated to the surface and without deep intellectual underpinning became its own justification. he also actively encouraged obscurantism in the medreses. Conversely. As he persecuted liberals." the sultan-caliph. the ulema had been eased into an intellectual limbo.. He turned the latter into refuges for deserters.C O NCL U S I O NS with a smoother conceptual scheme than the one they had to offer. As to the ulema. But the Young Ottomans were never granted the breathing spell they needed to refine their theories. Because he distrusted the alliance between lib­ eral bureaucrats and ulema. What the Young Ottomans needed was time. evaders of military serv­ ice. By the time of the Young Turk coup of 1 908.

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