Am J Dance Ther (2008) 30:84105

DOI 10.1007/s10465-008-9054-y

Emotion, Embodiment, and Mirror Neurons in Dance/

Movement Therapy: A Connection Across Disciplines
Allison F. Winters

Published online: 21 October 2008

American Dance Therapy Association 2008

Abstract The current study questions whether our emotions change depending on
whether we watch a person model postures or, rather, embody the postures ourselves. The posture photographs from the Diagnostic Analysis of Nonverbal
Accuracy Test of Posture (DANVA2-POS) were used as the stimuli by which to rate
levels of agreement among participants. Forty-one individuals were randomly
allocated to one of two groups (observing or embodying) and invited to rate, in
open-ended written responses, twenty-four postures by describing the emotion or
feeling associated with each posture. The responses were then coded as happy, sad,
angry, fearful, shameful, or surprised. A comparison of means demonstrated that
there were no differences in response among all emotions except anger. A significantly higher anger response was shown for the embodying condition than for the
observing condition.
Keywords Embodiment
Emotions
Mirror neurons
Posture

Dance/movement therapy

Introduction
To what extent do people agree on which emotions are associated with specific body
postures? The literature suggests that people agree at above chance levels (Coulson,
2004; De Silva & Bianchi-Berthouze, 2004; Ekman, 1965; Ekman & Friesen, 1967;
Pitterman & Nowicki, 2004; Schouwstra & Hoogstraten, 1995; Wallbott, 1998),
based on studies that asked participants to judge images of various body postures.
Problems arise, however, when looking at body postures and emotions, depending
on how the postural stimulus is administered (photograph vs. live model vs.
A. F. Winters (&)
1166 Pelham Pkwy South, Bronx, NY 10461, USA
e-mail: afwinters@msn.com

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embodiment). The purpose of this study is to take a closer look at the issue. Is there
a difference in recognition accuracy when one embodies a posture as compared to
simply observing another? The current study questions whether emotions that we
associate with body postures change depending on whether we watch a person
model postures or if we embody the postures ourselves. Recent research on mirror
neurons suggests that there is no difference; observing engages the same
neurological processes as embodying does (Gallese, 2005; Iacoboni, 2008;
Rizzolatti, Fogassi, & Gallese, 2001). This study is particularly intended to enrich
the body of literature in the field of dance/movement therapy, as well as to help
bridge the gap between body-oriented psychotherapeutic work and other mental
health professions.

The History of Posture and Emotion

Posture has been found to be a particularly powerful tool in both expressing and
recognizing emotion (Bianchi-Berthouze, Cairns, Cox, Jennett, & Kim, 2006).
Studies on posture and emotion have provided insight into a plethora of issues, such
as motivation, intent, therapeutic interactions, relationships, and mental disorders.
In the literature on emotion, the focus on body posture can be credited to William
James (1932) for his study of reactions to photographs of people in various postures.
Since then, body posture has been studied to gain insight into the emotions that are
supposedly connected with them. Some studies have looked at specific differences
in recognition of emotion in posture, such as cultural diversity (Kleinsmith, De
Silva, & Bianchi-Berthouze, 2005, 2006; Kudoh & Matsumoto, 1985; Russell,
1994), age (Boone & Cunningham, 1996, 1998; Montepare, Koff, Zaitchik, &
Albert, 1999; Petti, Voelker, Shore, & Hayman-Abello, 2003), and successful social
interactions (Bickmore, 2004; Sternglanz & DePaulo, 2004).
Other studies have even looked to computer technology for its usefulness in
measuring peoples judgments of body postures (Bente, Kramer, Petersen, & De
Ruiter, 2001; De Silva & Bianchi-Berthouze, 2004). This work has created an
important base of knowledge regarding emotion and posture. Yet, questions still
remain. Specifically, how accurate are people in judging body postures and
emotion? What emotions are equated with which body postures? Although there has
been extensive discussion about the importance of peoples accuracy in recognizing
emotion in body posture, few studies have been conducted to explore this area of
interest.
Basic Emotions and the Question of Methodology
Since Darwin (1872), researchers have studied how people express emotion through
various nonverbal channels, such as facial expression, voice, and body posture.
Interest in peoples perceptions of emotion was especially heightened as a result of
Ekmans original body of work (Ekman, 1970, 1972, 1973; Ekman & Friesen, 1971;
Ekman, Sorenson, & Friesen, 1969), which measured attributions of emotions to
facial expressions cross-culturally. It was found that across cultures, people tend to

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ascribe particular emotions to specific facial expressions at above chance levels.

This study gave rise to the concept of basic emotions, which has since been used as
a standard by which to test peoples perceptions of nonverbal behavior. As a result,
the literature on body posture and emotion is largely focused on these basic
emotions.
Methodologically, the best way to test accuracy in recognizing emotions
associated with particular body postures is unclear. Part of the problem is that
researchers do not agree about which emotions are associated with which body
postures. Underlying the disagreement is the question of what the basic emotions
are and whether they are universal (Ekman, 1992, 1994; Izard, 1994; Ortony &
Turner, 1990, 1992; Panksepp, 1992; Russell, 1994). Researchers have used basic
emotions as a standard to test peoples recognition of various nonverbal cues.
Unfortunately, the standard seems to vary from study to study. Both the number of
basic emotions and the terms used to describe them seem to differ, depending on the
author. Ekman (1972) suggested six original basic emotions: happiness, anger, fear,
sadness, surprise, and disgust. Studies on body posture and emotion have used
anywhere from four to seven basic emotions, including emotions in addition to the
original six, such as shame, pride, and confusion (see Coulson, 2004; De Silva &
Bianchi-Berthouze, 2004; Keltner & Shiota, 2003; Pitterman & Nowicki, 2004;
Schouwstra & Hoogstraten, 1995; Wallbott, 1998). This causes difficulties in
comparing results across studies.
There has been some debate in the literature about the reliability of posed versus
spontaneous postures (Russell, 1994; Wallbott, 1998; Wallbott & Scherer, 1986), as
well as whether still photographs represent emotions as accurately as video (Ekman
& Friesen, 1967; Wallbott & Scherer, 1998). In the same vein, there has been some
disagreement about the use of actors to portray emotion as opposed to behavioral
observation, citing the actors representation as possibly being too simulated or
stereotyped (Wallbott, 1998; Wallbott & Scherer, 1986). The participants
viewpoint on the particular body posture has also been of some concern. Not
surprisingly, perspective can play an important role in determining how a person
recognizes a particular emotion from posture. There is some evidence to suggest
that some postures do not elicit the same response when viewed from different
angles (Coulson, 2004; Daems & Verfaillie, 1999). To complicate the issue further,
as Darwin (1872) postulated, the complex emotions (e.g., jealousy, greed, revenge,
guilt) are usually too difficult to detect in others (Chodorow, 1995). Introduction of
the so-called background emotions, including states such as calm and well-being
(Damasio, 1999), has added yet another level of emotional information to consider.
The body can also play a part in identifying emotions in others (Duclos et al.,
1989). In some situations, emotion can be detected by subtle details of body posture,
musculoskeletal changes, shaping of body movement, speed and contour of
movement, minimal changes in the amount and speed of eye movements, and the
degree and contraction of facial muscles (Damasio, 1999). In fact, some research
(Meeren, van Heijnsbergen, & de Gelder, 2005) suggests that recognition of
emotion in another is biased toward bodily expression, overriding what a face alone
might be expressing. Still other research has focused on how taking on or

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embodying a posture can affect recognition accuracy (Barsalou, Niedenthal, Barbey,

& Ruppert, 2003).

Study Background
Winters (2005) attempted to answer some of these questions to bridge gaps in the
literature. The purpose of her study was to examine whether the format of the
question elicits different responses to images of body postures. To do this, the
Diagnostic Analysis of Nonverbal Accuracy Test of Posture (DANVA2-POS) was
used as a stimulus to measure judgment accuracy. The original test asks participants
to categorize 24 photographs of people in various postures by choosing among four
options: happy, sad, angry, and fearful. The study contrasted this forced-choice
methodology with the option to select none of the above and an open-ended
format (Winters, 2005). Rates of agreement were determined by comparing
participant responses to the DANVA2-POS between the three different conditions
(forced choice vs. none of the above vs. open-ended). Results suggested that
ratings of postures differ significantly under the three different conditions.
Participants whose options included none of the above were reliably less likely
to agree with the standard than those without a none of the above option.
Participants whose response options were open-ended disagreed with the standard at
even higher rates and tended to generate standard emotion words (or derivations or
synonyms of those words) far less often.
The differences in agreement may most likely be attributed to the lack of
consistency across studies aiming to measure agreement levels on posture and
emotion. Differences in choice of stimulus (photographs vs. computer-generated
figures), viewpoint differences, and forced-choice vs. open-ended response formats
could all affect agreement levels. The drop in agreement across the three conditions
implies that the emotions that participants associate with body postures are not so
clearly defined. It could also suggest that laboratory settings are not so conducive to
eliciting authentic emotional responses. Based on these findings, there appears to be
a much deeper level of processing occurring. Participants not only associate
postures with other incorrect emotions, but with non-emotions as well. It might
be helpful (and insightful) to consider emotions as Haidt and Keltner (1999) did, as
falling along a gradient of recognition. The basic emotions are basic because there is
evidence of them from infancy, yet they appear to exist on a continuum of
intensity, from mild to extreme (Chodorow, 1995, p. 100). It may not be practical
to measure peoples perceptions of body postures by restricting their responses to a
list of specified emotions.
The open-ended option generated a wide range of responses. Although the
instructions specified that participants were to write the emotion or feeling they
associated with each posture in the photographs, some responses consisted of nonemotion words and phrases. In viewing these issues from a dance/movement therapy
perspective, rather than a cognitive psychology perspective, it became clear that
incorporating the body into this study was an important next step in this research.
Would the use of a different stimulus change the results? Would having people

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observe an actual person embody these very same postures change the agreement
level? What if participants embodied the postures themselves? Would that change
the percentage of standard emotion responses in peoples responses?
The Body and Emotions
Since the early work on posture and emotion (James, 1932), little has been done to
further research on this topic. Much of the work has been focused on the
relationship between facial expressions and emotion. There does, however, seem to
be some agreement in the literature that the body plays a part in emotional
experience (Duclos et al., 1989). In fact, some research (Meeren, Van Heijnsbergen,
& de Gelder, 2005) suggests that recognition of emotion is hampered if facial
expression and body language are in disagreement; people actually tend to be biased
toward the emotion expressed by the body over what the face is expressing.
Furthermore, we process this difference on an unconscious level, which suggests
that we automatically read nonverbal cues and innately know when emotional
expression is off. Reading emotion in others appears to be a necessary function in
our sensory perception. Other research has focused on how taking on or embodying
a posture can affect ones mood (Riskind, 1984; Riskind & Gotay, 1982).
In the dance/movement therapy literature, empirical research that looks at the
relationship between body, emotion, and perception is sparse. Chodorow (1995)
discusses fundamental (basic, primary) emotions and their connection to the body
and the psyche. She states, emotions motivate and shape the way we move. An
emotion is at once somatic and psychic In the depths of the unconscious, it is the
emotions that mediate between the realms of body and psyche, instinct, and spirit
(p. 98). Dance/movement therapy is rooted in the assumption that body and emotion
are intertwined. Dance/movement therapists speak of the powers of dance/
movement therapy and of how individuals have transformed before their eyes,
using their bodies to move through pain and gain insight into their deepest levels of
unconscious processing. These observations are often difficult to explain beyond a
feeling and, thus far, have been little explored in empirical research.
Training in dance/movement therapy requires the development of fine-tuned
observational skills. Dance/movement therapists are trained to pick up on
nonverbal cues and use that information to communicate with patients. The dance/
movement therapist understands the relationship between body and emotion and
uses it in the therapeutic process. Not only has she a heightened awareness of the
other, what is called kinesthetic empathy (Dosamantes Alperson, 1980, 1984;
Dosamantes-Beaudry, 2003; Berger,1972; Levy, 1988), but she is also skilled in
reading the body, its movements and emotional qualities through the Laban/
Bartenieff system.
Rudolph Laban proposed an analytical framework to understand the body and its
movement capabilities (Bartenieff & Lewis, 1980). He spoke of efforts, specifically,
space, weight, time, and flow, and provided a vocabulary to explain movement.
Movement can be a combination of efforts: indirect or direct (space), light or strong
(weight), sustained or quick (time), free or bound (flow). His student, Imgard
Bartenieff (Bartenieff & Lewis, 1980) used these efforts to understand the

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psychiatric patients she worked with. She observed vast differences between
patients based on their psychiatric illnesses. In comparing two depressed patients
and a schizophrenic patient, she observed significant differences in the expression of
their effort qualities. The depressed patients exhibited heaviness with some
directional movement, and neutral weight, flow, and time. The schizophrenic patient
exhibited a rigid posture, disorganized use of direction, and varying use of flow,
vacillating between extremes of being bound and free. Bartenieff (Bartenieff &
Lewis, 1980) exhibited the usefulness of Laban analysis in connecting specific body
postures and movement to emotional states.
Embodiment
The view of the mind and body as separate entities is found in the works of early
Greek philosophers (Gomperz, 1955) and, in modern philosophy, in Descartes
(1641). Body and mind have traditionally been separated in scientific research,
with a focus on studying the intricacies of the brain (Damasio, 1999). Recent
research has begun to join the two entities, or, rather, has begun to recognize that
they are part of the same integrated system. The literature on embodiment
(Barsalou, Niedenthal, Barbey, & Ruppert, 2003; Koch, 2006; Niedenthal,
Barsalou, Winkielman, Krauth-Gruber, & Ric, 2005) takes a closer look at the
relationship between posture and emotion. Embodied knowledge, or the grounding of knowledge in a bodily state (Niedenthal et al., 2005, p. 186), has gained
interest in a number of fields, specifically, linguistics, neuroscience, artificial
intelligence, psychology, social psychology, memory research, and developmental
psychology (Koch, 2006). Particularly important to the work of dance/movement
therapists is the recent work in social psychology and neuroscience, which has
provided sociological and biological explanations for body- and movement-based
therapeutic interactions.
The computer metaphor is the traditional view of information processing in
both social and cognitive psychology. The theory assumes that the software of
the mind is separate from the hardware of the body and the brain (Niedenthal
et al., 2005). That is, the mind functions independently from the physical
functions of the body. Information is received and processed separately from
bodily functions and experience. Since dance/movement therapy assumes an
integration of mind and body, dualism has been seen as antagonistic to the work
of dance therapists.
The dualistic view of cognition, however, has begun to shift in social psychology.
Many researchers and theorists (Niedenthal et al., 2005; Barsalou et al., 2003) are
focusing on an embodiment approach, positing that cognition, attitudes, and
emotions are all grounded in the body (Koch, 2006). Specifically, the literature
increasingly states that perceived bodily states in others produces similar bodily
states in the perceiver (Bavelas, Black, Lemery, & Mullet, 1986; Gallese, 2005;
Iacoboni, 2008; Keysers et al., 2003; Rizzolatti, Fogassi, & Gallese, 2001), and felt
bodily states produce affective experiences in others (Duclos et al., 1989; Riskind,
1984; Riskind & Gotay, 1982).

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Neurobiology and Mirror Neurons

The recent discovery of mirror neurons sheds light on the neurological underpinnings of embodiment. Mirror neurons were originally discovered by Giacomo
Rizzolatti and his colleagues at the University of Parma, in Italy, while studying
monkeys motor activities. Those special neurons respond to audio, visual, and
somatosensory stimuli. They fire when the monkey performs an action as well as
when the monkey observes another performing the same action (Keysers et al.,
2003; Rizzolatti, Fogassi, & Gallese, 2001). Similar results have been found in
human subjects (Gallese, 2005; Iacoboni, 2008). Certain parts of the brain have
been found to help us identify individuals when facial cues are not available
(Urgesi, Candidi, Ionta, & Aglioti, 2007). The extrastriate body area, in the lateral
occipital cortex in particular, appears to become active when we view the body and
its parts to enable us to interpret the actions of others without seeing the entire body
or face. This process is implicit, as suggested by Meeren et al. (2005).
The implications of this research are profound. The discovery of mirror neurons
has provided us with a scientific explanation of how humans perceive actions,
how action perception is linked to kinesthetic modes of communication,
kinesthetic empathy first and then empathy, as a mental state (Braten, 2007).
The research on mirror neurons is particularly pertinent to the work of dance/
movement therapists in that it provides scientific support for the mirroring
technique used in dance/movement therapy practice (Berrol, 2006). The purpose
of using mirroring in dance/movement therapy is to both attune to the client and
create an empathic connection. By physically and empathically attuning to clients,
dance therapists activate their patients mirror neurons, thus creating a stronger
therapeutic relationship. The capacity of patients to derive meaning from their
bodily-felt experiences has been correlated with positive psychotherapeutic
outcomes (Dosamantes-Beaudry, 1997). But the question remains: How is action
perception related to emotion perception?
In a study by Jackson, Meltzoff, and Decety (2005), functional magnetic
resonance images (fMRIs) were taken of individuals witnessing photographs of
human hands and feet in seemingly painful positions. It was found that when
viewing these pictures, the area of the brain that is associated with pain and affective
experiences was activated. The results indicate that witnessing pain in others
activates the brain in a similar way to feeling pain in oneself. de Gelder, Snyder,
Greve, Gerard, and Hadjikhani (2004) also used fMRI technology to observe
subjects neurological responses to images of bodily expressions of fear. It was
found that when viewing these images, areas of the brain known to be associated
with emotional processing were activated, such as the amygdala and the posterior
cingulate. Additionally, areas of the brain dedicated to action representation (e.g.
inferior and middle frontal gyri, precentral gyrus) in motor areas were also
activated, suggesting that emotion is a combination of both neural and motor
processes. In related research, emotion has been found to be a result of the
interaction of cognitive, neural, attentional, and sensory processes (LeDoux, 1995,
1998).

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The Role of Context

When examining the connection between posture and emotion, it is important to
remember that context most certainly plays a role. Posture is not necessarily viewed
separately from facial expressions. Additionally, emotional feeling and expression
are usually in response to a particularly stimulating situation. Emotions are
regulatory and automatic, and assist both humans and animals in maintaining life
(Damasio, 1999). Emotions exist in order for us to survive (Darwin, 1859; LeDoux,
1998). The primal nature of emotions makes it difficult to induce particular
emotional states or even to simulate situations that might evoke an emotional state.
There is always a chance that simulated emotional states or situations in research
become contrived or inauthentic (Wallbott, 1998; Wallbott & Scherer, 1986).
Additionally, despite research that has shown the universal experience of emotions
across cultures, learning and culture may still affect our emotional processes
(Damasio, 1999).
Regardless of these barriers, it is still important to examine the relationship
between body and emotions. These two topics have been largely ignored as important
areas of study and research. It is only recently that scientific research has found ways
to measure the connections between body and emotions. However, there are questions
still unanswered and clarifications yet to be made. Furthermore, the field of dance/
movement therapy lacks an extensive collection of empirical data on these topics.
This study is an attempt to contribute to this newly burgeoning body of literature and,
additionally, connect it with the field of dance/movement therapy. Context is an
important consideration when studying peoples perceptions of emotions, but steps
must be taken to parse the various elements in this area of exploration. In this study,
posture was used as a means to begin to understand the relationship between the body,
emotion, and perception. Posture was utilized specifically to isolate the body and to
engender a bodily-felt experience in the participants.

Purpose of this Study

The literature review indicates that (1) embodying specific postures can induce
affective states; (2) witnessing others in affective states can also induce affective
states within us; (3) whether we are observing or embodying, similar neurological
functions are being activated. The body and emotions are essential components of
dance/movement therapy, yet there is little empirical research in the field on the
interaction of the two. Hence the purpose of this study is to compare the differences
in emotional experience through embodying and observing.

Method
To explore the difference in emotional recognition between observing and
embodying, the Diagnostic Analysis of Nonverbal Accuracy Test of Posture
(DANVA2-POS) was used as a stimulus to measure judgment accuracy. The

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original test, as mentioned previously, asks participants to categorize specific

photographs of people in various postures by choosing from four options: happy,
sad, angry, and fearful. There are 24 photographs in total. The purpose of the test is
to measure peoples accuracy in identifying the correct emotion for specific
postures. The current study uses an open-ended format, rather than the original
forced-choice methodology, to allow for greater range of responses from
participants. Two conditions were administered: (1) participants observed a model
embodying each posture from the DANVA2-POS and (2) participants viewed a
photograph of each posture and then embodied the posture. Participants written
responses were coded in terms of the basic emotions of sad, happy, angry, fearful,
surprised, and embarrassed/ashamed (see Table 1).
The coding was further differentiated by considering whether participants
responded with words descriptive of emotion or action, while an additional category
of non-emotion (no emotional content in responses at all) was also included (see
Appendix for complete lists). Results were compared. Five dance/movement
therapists (with the higher ADTR credentials) were given the researchers coding
system in order to validate the categories. Some of the dance/movement therapists
had additional graduate and professional degrees.
Participants
Forty-one people participated in this study; four were male and 37 were female. All
were 18 years of age or older, ranging in age from 23 to 57. Participants were
recruited from the New York City metropolitan area by word-of-mouth and
comprised 16 White/Caucasian, 20 Black/African-American, and 5 Hispanic/NonCaucasian individuals. Participants were students in a masters degree program in
creative arts therapy (dance and art) (classmates of the researcher) or undergraduate
psychology majors (students of the researcher). All participants participated
voluntarily and were randomly assigned to one of the two categories.
Apparatus and Procedure
All research was conducted in classrooms either on the Pratt Institute campus in
Brooklyn, or at The College of New Rochelle, School of New Resources campus in
South Bronx, New York. Participants were asked either to embody each posture
after viewing a photograph of the posture or to observe a trained model (also a
dance/movement therapy student) embodying each posture. The models face was
covered to control for biasing effects of facial expressions. The model held each
posture for approximately two seconds. In both conditions, participants were asked
to write the emotion or feeling they associated with each posture. Identical answer
sheets were used for both conditions.
After forms consenting to participation in the study were read and signed, the
researcher explained that the study was looking at the relationship between posture
and emotion and that each participant would be asked (a) to observe someone
embodying postures or (b) to look at photographs of postures and embody the
posture. The participants were then told that they would be asked to write a response

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Table 1 Mean emotion
responses: standard emotion,
derivation, or synonym

93

Sad

Surprise

Embarrassment/Shame

Sad(ness)

Wonderment

Shy (little girl)

Upset

Surprised

Shame

(Feel) Lonely

Shock(ed)

Embarrassed

Feeling sorry

Stunned

Ashamed

Fear

Regret

Hopeless
Depressed

Self-conscious

Withdrawn

Fearful

Mournful

Frightened

Angry

Rejected

Nervous(ness)

Angry

Disappointed(ment)

Anxious

Enraged

Hurt

Scaredy cat

Mad

Dejected

Scared

Furious

Let down

Worry(ied)

Impatient(ce)

Empty

Afraid

Frustrated

Not too happy

Jumpy

Fury

Solitary

Anticipating(ion)

Annoyed

Put down

Concerned

Defensive(ed)

Alone

Apprehensive

Rageful

Intimidating

Defiant

Happy

Cautious

Irritated

Happy

On edge

Passive aggressive

Excited

Alert

Rebellious

Overjoyed

Shaken

Pissed off

Complacent

Uneasy

Uptight

Exhilarated

Reserved

Extremely intense

Carefree

Vulnerable

Enjoyable
Elated
Free
Relaxed
No cares
Comfortable
Gay

after viewing/embodying each posture and that they should respond quickly, writing
their initial response.
Data Analysis
Responses were analyzed based on a coding system developed for the purposes of
the study. Responses were coded based on whether they included the words sad,
happy, angry, fearful, shame, or surprise. The SPSS statistical program was used to
calculate and analyze all data. Responses were recorded in SPSS as 1 if they

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included a derivation or synonym of any of the words. Action descriptions of

emotional experiences were also coded and were recorded as a 2. If no emotion
terms were written then the response was recorded as non-emotion and was
recorded as 0 in SPSS. Independent t-tests were performed to compare the mean
responses for each emotion between conditions. A difference in mean responses
between conditions was found to be statistically significant when alpha levels were
greater than .05 (p [ .05).

Results
Results indicate that overall, in this sample, N = 41, participants ratings of
postures do not differ on the basis of on whether they are observing a person
embodying postures or whether the participants are embodying the postures
themselves. A comparison of means shows that there is a pattern of agreement
between conditions (see Table 2).
Table 2 t-Test results of subjects
DANVA2-POS answer key

Observe condition

Embody condition

Posture 1. Sad

Sad (.40)

Sad (.52)

Posture 2. Fear

Fear (.20)

Fear (.29)

Posture 3. Fear

Fear (.75)

Angry (.55)

Posture 4. Happy

Non-emotion

Shame (.05)

Posture 5. Angry

Angry (.25)

Angry (.43)

Posture 6. Fear

Angry (.40)

Angry (.38)

Posture 7. Sad

Sad (.55)

Angry (.29)

Posture 8. Angry

Angry (.95)

Angry (.71)

Posture 9. Fear

Fear (.15)

Angry (.29)

Posture 10. Angry

Angry (.55)

Angry (.81)

Posture 11. Sad

Sad (.10)

Sad/Angry/Happy (.05)

Posture 12. Sad

Sad (.35)

Sad (.67)

Posture 13. Happy

Angry/Happy (.05)

Happy (.14)

Posture 14. Happy

Happy (.65)

Happy (.50)

Posture 15. Angry

Angry (.80)

Angry (1.00)

Posture 16. Sad

Sad (.35)

Sad (.29)

Posture 17. Fear

Fear (.30)

Fear (.24)

Posture 18. Sad

Sad (.35)

Sad (.38)

Posture 19. Happy

Happy (.20)

Non-emotion

Posture 20. Happy

Non-emotion

Happy (.14)

Posture 21. Angry

Angry (.10)

Angry (.33)

Posture 22. Fear

Fear (.70)

Fear (.43)

Posture 23. Happy

Angry/Happy (.20)

Happy (.62)

Posture 24. Angry

Angry (.30)

Angry (.52)

Data codes: 0 = non-emotion; 1 = standard, synonym or derivation; 2 = action description

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95

Independent t-tests showed no significant difference in responses between

conditions, except for the emotion of anger, which supports the hypothesis that
embodying a posture and observing a posture elicits similar emotional responses
(see Table 3).
However, it is notable that the participants were found to identify the emotion of
anger more often in the embodiment condition (see Fig. 1).
An independent t-test showed a significant difference (.005) in responses between
conditions for anger. This finding does not support the hypothesis that embodying
and observing produce similar responses; rather, embodying particular postures
generates an anger response more often than simply observing a person embodying
the same postures.

Discussion
The results of this study indicate that, generally, people tend to have the same
emotional response whether embodying a posture or observing someone else
embodying the same posture. This supports recent findings in mirror neuron
research, which holds that the same neurological mechanisms are at work when
embodying an action as when watching someone embody the same action. In the
case of the emotion of anger, however, results differed. Participants tended to
identify anger at much higher levels when embodying postures than when observing
postures. One possible explanation for this difference is that the processing of anger
starts first at the limbic brain level (MacLean, 1990; Panksepp, 1992). When the
limbic system (the amygdala, the hypothalamus, and the hippocampus) is
stimulated, body sensations arise in response to threats (fight-flight response) or
physiological needs (hunger, thirst, sleep, etc.), which in turn determine specific
body actions.
The primitive, unconscious, and immediate nature of anger may explain the
differences found specifically with the varying conditions associated with anger. It
is posited that the act of embodying particular postures may have unconsciously
triggered feelings of anger, thereby causing participants in this group to experience
and identify anger more intensely, thus generating a higher agreement level than
those observing others.
In looking at the data, there are clear similarities between the postures that
participants identified as predominantly angry. Postures with crossed arms tended
to be associated with anger. The two postures leaning forward, in a confrontational stance, were associated with anger. All the postures with fists were also
linked with anger. In Laban terms, these postures can be seen as direct, strong,
and bound, which are considered fighting efforts and can be associated with
resistance, confrontation, power, and sometimes even violence (Bartenieff &
Lewis, 1980). A relationship has also been found between making a fist and
feelings of power and hostility, which are feelings often associated with anger
(Schubert, 2004).

123

123

Non-emotion

No emotion

Surprise

Shame

Fear

Happy

Angry

Sad

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Equal variances not assumed

Equal variances assumed

Table 3 Independent t-test results

2.319

10.375

.109

10.681

.831

3.447

27.328

2.908

.128

.001

.742

.001

.362

.064

.000

.088

.820

.770

.770

1.623

1.602

.165

.165

1.643

1.625

.419

-.420

.934

.931

2.738

2.725

.823

978.754

982

789.993

982

981.949

982

849.335

982

965.304

982

971.586

982

960.601

982

974.492

982

df

.441

.441

.105

.110

.869

.869

.101

.104

.675

.675

.350

.352

.006

.007

.411

.412

g. (2-tailed)

Sig.

t-Test for equality of means

Levenes test for equality

of variances

Independent samples test

.02

.02

.01

.01

.00

.00

.02

.02

-.01

-.01

.02

.02

.09

.09

.02

.02

Mean
difference

.031

.031

.006

.006

.008

.008

.013

.013

.025

.025

.020

.020

.033

.033

.021

.021

Std. error
difference

-.037

-.037

-.002

-.002

-.014

-.014

-.004

-.004

-.060

-.060

-.021

-.021

.026

.026

-.024

-.024

Lower

.086

.086

.021

.022

.017

.017

.046

.046

.039

.039

.059

.059

.157

.157

.058

.058

Upper

95% Confidence interval

of the difference

96
Am J Dance Ther (2008) 30:84105

Am J Dance Ther (2008) 30:84105

97

.3

Mean

.2

SAD
ANGRY
.1

HAPPY
FEAR
SHAME
SURPRISE

0.0
1

condition

Condition 1: Embodiment Condition 2: Observation

Fig. 1 Mean emotion content of participant responses

As with most research, there are certain limitations in regards to the validity
of the study. An important factor in any research study is the demographics.
Age, gender, educational level, ethnicity, and culture should always be
considered. An obvious potential limitation in this study is gender. Specifically,
37 of the 41 participants were female, which may have skewed the identification
with particular emotions. A gender-balanced participant pool may produce
different results. Also, the participants, trained in dance/movement therapy, had
a heightened awareness level regarding the relationship between body and
emotion. Their responses may possibly have raised the agreement level in this
study more than if none of the participants had been trained in dance/movement
therapy.
Measurement error should also be taken into account. The coding categories were
chosen at the researchers discretion and levels of rater agreement were not
determined. Coding the data in a different way may have yielded different results.
Also, as mentioned earlier, the context of the testing environment should always be
considered, especially when studying emotions. Attempting to induce authentic
emotional responses in a laboratory, or (in this case) a classroom setting, may have
produced unreliable results.
Despite such limitations, the studys findings are important for the field of
dance/movement therapy. The connection between body and emotion are integral
to the work of dance/movement therapists, the direct relationship of these two
entities being at the core of the therapeutic process. The study has provided insight
into these relationships that are difficult to articulate. One, it appears evident that
both embodying a posture and observing someone else embody the same posture

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Am J Dance Ther (2008) 30:84105

generates similar emotional responses, which is supported by the current

neuroscientific and social psychology literature and research. The findings suggest
that individuals who simply observe others moving in a dance/movement therapy
group experience feelings similar to those members of the group who are moving.
Secondly, anger, being a primary emotion (Cozolino, 2006) and one that is often
viewed as a culturally inappropriate expression, appears to be strongly evoked by
embodying certain bodily postures and gestures. The result directly supports the
therapeutic work often done in dance/movement therapy, where exploration of
anger through embodiment is both appropriate and encouraged.
Further research on these topics is needed, not only to enrich the field of dance/
movement therapy, but also to strengthen and validate the connections between
dance/movement therapy and neuroscience.

Conclusions
To what extent do people agree on which emotions are associated with specific
body postures? The purpose of this study is to take a closer look at the issue,
specifically, to compare the differences in emotional experience through
embodying and observing. Is there a difference in recognition accuracy when
one embodies a posture as compared to simply observing another? The research
on mirror neurons suggests that there is no difference; observing someone
embodying a posture engages the same neurological processes as embodying the
same posture. The results of this study support the mirror neuron research,
indicating that, generally, people tend to have the same emotional response
whether embodying a posture or observing someone else embodying the same
posture. Interestingly, participants tended to identify anger more frequently when
embodying a posture than when observing a posture. Embodying particular
postures may have unconsciously triggered primitive feelings of anger, generating a higher agreement level from participants in a way that observing others
did not.
The results are particularly intended to enrich the body of literature in the field of
dance/movement therapy as well as to help connect body-oriented psychotherapeutic work and other mental health professions. The body and its emotions are
essential components of dance/movement therapy, yet there is little empirical
research in the field on the interaction of the two. The findings carry importance for
the field of dance/movement therapy, having helped define the relationship between
body and emotions. This is one step towards bridging the gap between dance/
movement therapy and other disciplines as well as validating the connection
between dance/movement therapy and neuroscience.

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99

Appendix

A Standard emotion action description

Sad
Bad news
Solitary
Let it all out
Closed/within
Like at a funeral.
Something very melancholy just occurred.
Depression is killing me. I have to find a
way out of this problem.
Keeping it within.
Retreat within.
Holding within emotions and speech.
Im down andIm feeling like Im thinking
about something serious.
Angry
Yelling
Shouting at someone
Scowling
You want a piece of me!!!
Ready to fight
(Being) Aggressive(ness)
So what!
Ready to get loud.
Not getting her way
Attack
Combative
Dont give me attitude!
Confrontational
Ill tell you what!
Ready to fight
Wanting to explode
Tight
Guarded
Tense
Lookin for a fight
Confrontational. In your face.
Feeling clenched and also ready to burst.
Here I am about to leap up at a negative reaction
someone caused me.
Ooh! I just wanna
I am really trying to hold back from expressing my
feelings (frustration).
Here I am refraining from jumping up from my seat
to interact angrily at something!
This made me think about karate.
Im fed up with the whole thing. Attitude! I dont care!
Stop bothering me. When I express myself this way
I feel everyone will take me seriously.
I dont want to hear it. Well talk later.
I can fight. Dont get me wrong.
Why dont kids ever listen? I feel like its time to put
them in their place.
About to pop.
Ready to pounce.
Pre-emptive defenses
Get away!
Stop! Dont!
Now wait a minute!
Not trying to hear anyone right now
Come and get me or take me as I am
Defensive or to do something or perhaps strike someone.
Stop.
Stop, dont do that
On the verge of bursting
Stop! Enough.
Why is life so hard? Especially when you are looking
for a better life?
Scolding someone.

Happy
Yeah! I did it.
Oh boy!
Life is great!
Wow that was great
In love
Open
Surrender
Yelling hooray
Light
Free but also strong.
Releaselet go
Fear
Saw something horrible
Not open, guarded
I am going to get you
Threatened
Stay back
On edge
Avoiding
Warding off
Stay away you will contaminate me.
Looking with concern
I felt as thought I walked into the middle of a hold up.
This feels like a readiness stance where I should be
preparing for something.
Im so nervous that I dont know if I did a good job
today at work.
Look at me when Im speaking. Im not afraid of you.
Oh my God theres a rat on the floor. Do something!
Bracing(ed) oneself (for something)
Wanting to leave my chair as soon as possible.
Rigid
Protective/Protected
Bound
Stressed out
Suddenly frozen.
I feel confused and I dont know what to do with this
problem. It bothers me so much, I have a headache.
The end
Feeling stressed
Cant let go
There is a problem
Somewhat uncomfortable and tense.
Braced.
Embarrassment/Shame
Very low self esteem. Everybody is looking nice
except for me.
Hiding
Trying to cover something up.
Not confident presence.
Self-conscious
What did I do?
Why did I do that? Regret.
No Feeling
Numb, no feeling associated
Dissociated
No strong feeling associated
Feeling very minimum emotion. This person cant
extend themselves outward.
Detached from below.
Detached.
checked out
Empty
Removed

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Appendix continued

Non-emotion responses and action descriptions

Relaxed(ing)
Gazing
Thinking (hard) (hard about something)
(about something heavily)
In conversation
Interrogating someone
Tired
Lazy
Posing
Patient
Stretching
Elegant
Listening (to someone)
Observing (something)
Questioning
Looking (at something)
Chilling (out)
Seeing a girlfriend
Getting up from her chair
Paying attention
Sitting like a dude
Waiting (for something) (on Mr. Right)
(for the train)
(for a response while sitting down)
(for a bus) (for her stop)
Staring at a painting or art
Dont know the answer
Its not coming out
That guy looks good over there
So you do like him huh!
Now that sandwich looks good on her plate.
Watching a movie
Asleep, Sleeping
Riding the bus (train)
Looking at her new shoes
Its easy!
But what happen
This class is boring
Study(ing something)
Resting
Hello
Riding a bike
Looking like a psychologist
Creeping
Praying (to God)
Frozen in thought
Attentive
Calm
Tired of
Not interested
Trying hard to pay attention, but bored
Proper-attention
Openness
Hanging (out)
Leaning
Playing

123

Napping
Skiing
Entertaining
Straining
Standing in line
Trying to stop
Meditating
Whatever!!
Noisy
Dont care!
Strong
Being a man
Hey, I am here!
Range mode
Looking (at a man)
(Trying to be) sexy
Tell me what!
What!!!
Ask me if I care.
Advertising
What happen
Laid back
Gangsta lean
Leg crossed
Take my picture
I have to use the bathroom
Thinking about boys
Wait
Starring
Bored
Holding her knee
Folding arms
Holding her head
Crossing/folding arms
Standing firm
Wave and say hi
Getting attention
Sitting with gesture
Gesture like a man
Flying
What do you want?
Educated woman sitting
Man style
Stand
(?) setting
Wandering
Friendly
What will I have to eat today?
Im convinced!
Im the shit!!
Powerful
Confident
Leave me alone
When will this train arrive?
Im hungry
Very smart (educated)

Am J Dance Ther (2008) 30:84105

101

Appendix continued
I give my all to you
Falling
Talking movement
Eager
Ho-hum
Contemplative
Daydreaming
Lady like
Trying to pick up a girl (cool dude pose)
Perfect posture (trained)
Holy/to the angels
The way we sit in class or at the movies
Tough
Boredom
Aloof
Off-guard
What!?
Wait!
Nonchalant
cool
Giving
Praising
Interested
Awake/alive
Confused
Pensive
With attitude
Sleepy
Curious
Cold
Um
Too cool for school
Let me tell you something...
Is it time to go yet?
Arrogant
Awaiting
Expecting
Stop
Discipline
Strict
Eager
Seductive
Loose
Rude
Unconsiderate
Self-centered
Stern
Held together
Introspective
Casual
On show
Entertaining
Not fully comfortable
Ready to move
Strained
In pain
Forcing
Secure
Reaching (out)
Invested
Present
Composed

Grounded
Trusting
Under control(led)
Relief
Day dreaming
Stationary
Mocking
Sitting on a toilet
Falling asleep
Solitary
Masculine
Epiphany
Reflective
Engaged
Ready, waiting, in control
Conflicted
Over-looking something
Disinterested
Passive
Uncertainty
Neutral
Enlightened
Receiving of the world
Well-mannered
Polite
Unsure
Unstable
Im the boss.
Distracted from the moment, but focused on
something.
Keeping it cool and relaxed.
Adjusting on the toilet.
Contained
Statue
Set in a purposed state.
Welcoming
Cerebral
Unsure
Blunt.
Dont care or want to seem that way.
Childish response.
Feeling very uncomfortable and wrong.
Uncertain with the body.
Putting eyes down out of respect.
Up and away!
Nonchalant.
Hug for myself.
Ready for the act.
Resisting.
Strong, still, and open.
Inviting (others).
Receptive.
At ease
Waiting/anticipatory
Inquisitive
Reserved
Safe
Thoughtful
Uncomfortable
Hungry
Open for discussion
Out of control

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Am J Dance Ther (2008) 30:84105

Appendix continued
Restricted
Unbalanced
Thought provoking
unaffectionate
in a conversation
Witty
Looking at tv
Talking
Inquisitive
Exercise
Not sure what just happened
Wondering
Debating
Smoking a cigarette
Behind is hurting
Undecided
Laid back
Taking a breather
Interviewing
Just sitting
Using good posture
Looking at my heel
Here I am.
Calm
Getting up
Intrigued
In church/praise
Exercising
Thinking of things
Wait a minute, stop
Lack of interest
Focused
Yawning
Concentrating
Processing thoughts
Here I am
Waiting to talk
Deep in thought
Exhaling
Getting ready to get up
Contemplation
Open with anticipation
Relieved
Scheming
Pondering about something
Nodding
Reached a goal
Puzzled
This makes me feel like Im standing and
checking out the area.
Here I am casually standing, talking with
friends.
I thought that something was over and began
to get up too quick.
This position makes me feel as though I am
surrendering my whole being to God.
Makes me feel like Im getting involved with
something.

123

I felt like I was in a Michael Jackson video.

Im listening to my professor trying to stay
focused.
Just laid back, not a care in the world, my mind
is just wandering.
I felt as though I were refusing to do something
Look at him standing like that. He thinks he is
all that and cool.
Exercising the legs and pushing myself up helps
me be in shape
Stretching back helps me relax
Whats wrong? Anything I can do for you.
Im listening.
Working all day makes me want to go to sleep
on this chair.
I feel like a macho man. I see the world differently.
Stretching myself. Standing up. Pull my hands out.
Brings back my energy.
I like to listen to people when they are speaking.
I like to touch my legs.
The thinking chair, and also its very relaxing.
Everything is working nice and smooth. I can do
this.
Stand up and having my hands crossed. That
means Im ready to go home.
My arms are open if anybody needs a hug.
Who cares what people think of me? I can sit
however I want.
Jerking.
Like Im cool; a smart aleck cool guy.
As if Im slightly raising my hand to answer a
question.
Attempting as though I was about to get up
suddenly.
As I am trying to learn a step or new move.
Just sitting awaiting to hear my call.
Feeling as if I am waiting patiently for my
turn to come up.
Like a man sitting with his leg crossed.
Attempt to exhaust the body.
Feel like Im in a waiting room dealing with
the surroundings of people.
I feel I was sitting at attention.
Going into a relaxation mode.
Observing or listening to someone or watching
something that has my attention.
Promiscuous; flirting, rebel-ish with relaxing
to be the assumption
Attentive; observant
Standing feeling feminine dainty
Submissive; being looked at/watched
Feel as though I am close-minded, ready to
depart from where I am at.
I felt as though I were under arrest and
asking why?

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103

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Author Biography
Allison F. Winters, MA, MS, DTR Ms. Winters holds two masters degrees, one in dance/movement
therapy from Pratt Institute, New York, the other in psychology from The New School in New York. Her
research, Perceptions of body posture and emotion: A question of methodology, was published in The
New School Psychology Bulletin. She is a therapist in the inpatient psychiatry department at Mount Sinai
Hospital in New York City and adjunct faculty at the graduate school of The College of New Rochelle
(New Rochelle, New York).

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