Studies on FunctionalCategorial Grammar

Xavier Frías-Conde

© PhD Xavier Frias-Conde © Ianua. ISSN 1616-413X. www.romaniaminor.net/ianua An Introduction to Functional-Categorial Grammar. First Edition 2008. All rights reserved worldwide.

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1.Structure and Function in FCG
1. 1. The two faces of a sentence Along the different studies included in this book and in the previous one our approach to the structure of sentences has been based on the functional aspect of sentences, i.e., tagging the operators depending on their relationship regarding the PRED. Nevertheless this approach does not represent the whole reality of sentences, since it just represents the functional one, whilst the structure of sentences has been left aside, except for a few examples on chapter 4 of our Introduction to Functional-Categorial Grammar. 1.2. The concept of Phrase Some current trends in Linguistics, such as Lexical-Functional Grammar, have tackled this double analysis of sentences. In our case, the structural parse runs parallel to the functional one. Anyway, the lexical and functional words require a further analysis, i.e., how Nouns project into broader categories, such as a NP (Noun Phrase). Therefore concept of Phrase, such as it is normally understood in modern Linguistics, is also valid for FCG, though it necessary to establish how many kinds of phrases should be taken into consideration. FCG does not recognise Determiners or Prepositions as heads of any phrases, such as it occurs in GG. As a matter of fact, Determiners and Prepositions are projections of Nouns. Observe the following examples about the structure of an OBJ, whose head is in all cases a Noun (N): 1. 2. 3. 4. I saw you I saw Jenny I saw some people I saw the neighbour

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The functional parsing of these sentences is always the same:

SUBJ

PRED

OBJ

Instead, the structural parsing is different: 5. I saw you

PRN I

V saw

PRN you

6. I saw Jenny

PRN I

V saw

N people

7. I saw some people

PRN I

V saw

Q some

N people

8. I saw the neighbours

PRN I

V saw

D the

N neighbours

9. I saw all our neighbours

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PRN I

V saw

Q all

D our

N neighbours

10. I saw some very interesting foreign people

PRN I

V saw

Q some

Q very

A interesting

A foreign

N people

The combination of both functional and structural parsing is also possible. Let’s see applied to the last example:

PRN I SUBJ

V saw PRED

Q some

Q very

A interesting OBJ

A foreign

N people

1.3. The structure of complementizers An interesting case of structure is the one corresponding to Complementizers.

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Complementizers can have a single form but also be preceded by prepositions, which is a rather usual case in Romance languages. Observe the following Spanish examples:

11. Espero que me llames. 12. Te espero para que me llames.

Example 11 corresponds to a case of single COMP, whose structure is:

COMP que

PRO (tú)

CLT + V me llames

P <a mí>

PRN

P para

COMP que

PRO (tú)

CLT + V me llames

P

PRN <a mí>

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2.Deep and Surface Structures

2.1.Introduction Within the framework of the Functional-Categorial Grammar (FCG) the reality concerning the deep/surface structure of sentences is studied and represented. The original theory by Chomsky, first adopted by the primitive Standard Theory of Generative Grammar, shifted later into the so-called αmove theory, where mainly the subject moved upwards within the syntactic tree. This principle is acceptable for itself and actually reflects the reality of natural languages. Anyway, a few differences must be introduced in our model in comparison with the Generative one. First of all, we accept that the opposition deep versus surface opposition exists, where movements just represent the structural changes performed at the syntactic level from an original pattern. In this way, the interpretation of passivization is based on the movement of an original inner valency (usually an object) into the subject position.

The parsing of a middle ergative sentence, like The house burned in a simplified way such as: The house burned

SUBJ

PRED

does not allow us to appreciate the real structure of the sentence, since it is apparently intransitive, though in fact it is ergative, where the original object (“the car”) occupies a empty functional gap, the one of the subject, due to a process of desagentization. Moreover, since the transformation of an active transitive construction into a middle ergative one involves a process of 7

diathetization, which is reflected by means not only of a movement of the original subject, but also by the expression of a category, diathesis, which in this case is empty in English:

SUBJ The house

DIAT Ø

PRED burned

OBJ <the house>

There cross-linguistic evidence proves the existence of DIAT such as it happens in Spanish or Italian with the previous example, whose equivalent is:

SUBJ La casa La casa

DIAT se si

PRED quemó brucciò

OBJ <la casa> <la casa>

Therefore the previous parsing shows the transformation of an originally transitive sentence into a middle ergative one.

On the other hand, the number of movements described or accepted in FCG is much more limited –and accordingly simplified. Thus it is convenient to establish the main movements to be analysed by FCG, taking into account the existing differences between natural languages, which explains why certain languages accept more movements than others.

2.2. The Operator Movement and the Function Movement In our An Introduction to Functional-Categorial Grammar we had already introduced the concepts of Expletive and Post-Subject. The first one refers to the existence of an expletive that can occupy the position of an absent SUBJECT, but that real SUBJ may reach the highest position, as it is seen in the following example:
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 [EXP There [PRED is [SUBJ John [PRED coming]]]]  John is <John> coming The first sentence does not show any difficulty to interpretation, since the SUBJ moves up to the empty position that was previously occupied by the expletive. However, how can the movement of the SUBJ in the second one be interpreted? It was previously shown the rising movement of the operator (in the former example John), being its original position occupied by the same operator written between crosses (<John>). This is an operator movement, an example of which can be seen in 1), where the operator The house passes from being OBJ into SUBJ. However, functions can also move, so it is absolutely necessary to represent also this movement, without forgetting to mark the original position, which will also be conventionally written between crosses. This system allows to represent any likeable movement without the sentence. Let’s apply it to a very frequnt case occurring in Romance lang e uages, where the SUBJ of inaccusative verbs is usually placed after the verb, as in Spanish:

Ha llegado la primavera  La primavera ha llegado

SUBJ La primavera

AUX ha

PRED llegado

<SUBJ> <la primavera>

In this case, the function movement represented together with the movement of its own operator. Nevertheless, the movement of the OBJ in most cases, motivated by emphasis, is a case of focalisation, in which the operator moves up, but not its sustaining function. Let’s take the following Italian example to illustrate it:  Quella casa non hai comprata <quella casa>

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FOC
Quella casa

SUBJ
pro

NEG
non

AUX
hai

PRED
comprata

OBJ
<quella casa>

An important difference between 3) and 4) is that the first example cannot be considered as marked ([–marked]) while the second one is clearly marked ([+marked]).

2.3. The “natural” word order One way to establish the typology of languages is to fix up the unmarked order of the predicate together with its two main complements, so it is possible to refer to languages having a SVO order, a SOV one or even a VSO one, among other possibilities. English is a typical SVO language:  John wrote a letter Instead, Latin is a typical SOV one:  Johannes litteram scripsit Finally, Classic Arabic is mainly VSO  ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﯾﻮھﺎن رﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬

Our interpretation of word order is that the original structure is SVO, which corresponds to a semantic projection of inner and outer valencies. Therefore different structures are further transformations of that primary one. So SOV must be interpreted as S O V <O>, where O has changed its position. However it is probably an unnecessary complication to represent that movement, since in languages like German, it is usually accepted that the complement of the object is place on the left instead of on the right. Therefore its representation can be like this:

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SUBJ Petrus

OBJ litteram

PRED scripsit

The presence of the OBJ at the left of the PRED does not cause any difficulty, since it is a mere enlargement of the Predicate’s complement on the left instead of on the right: Quite a different problem shows the VSO order, since the Subject and the Object cannot be linked together, remaining the predicate at a higher level. In GG the movement of the Predicate into the highest position can be interpreted as a rising of the head of the TP. However this same idea is interpreted in FCG as the movement of the PRED into the highest position, in the same way as the SUBJ does (see above). The way to represent it is exactly the same as we did for the SUBJ for the Arabic example of 7):

PRED kataba

SUBJ Yúhán

<PRED> <kataba>

OBJ risalatun

Nevertheless, this movement is also possible in Romance languages, such as it can be seen in the following Spanish example:  Trajo Juan unos libros

PRED Trajo

SUBJ Juan

<PRED> <trajo>

OBJ unos libros

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The movement, as it was previously mentioned, can also affect AUX, MOD and DIAT apart from PRED:  Pueden los niños jugar al balón

MOD Pueden

SUBJ los niños

<MOD> <pueden>

PRED jugar

OBJ al balón

Compare this sentence with an interrogative version of it, where there is just an operator movement instead of a function movement:  ¿Pueden los niños jugar al balón?

INT ¿Pueden

SUBJ los niños

MOD <pueden>

PRED jugar

OBJ al balón?

Observe also how the first function, INT can be fulfilled with another operator in Catalan, maintaining the MOD its own operator:  Que els nens poden jugar a la pilota?

INT Que

SUBJ els nens

MOD poden

PRED jugar

OBJ a la pilota?

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2.4. The German Predicator Movement The previous Predicator Movement Theory turns out to be quite useful in order to represent the movements of German predicates. Let’s approach them by making a clear difference between verbs containing separable particles and verbs without them. Verbs containing separable particles tend to present a separate both the lexeme and the particle (PRV) in simple sentences, where the predicate rises up to the highest possible position. Let’s analyse the following example:  Ich mache die Tür auf

SUBJ ich

PRED mache

OBJ die Tür

ADV

+

<PRED>

auf<mache>

There is no need to move the SUBJ since the primary structure is SOV, such as it was shown above. Therefore the interpretation is that the movement of the function is instead: S V O <V> Verbs composed by just their lexeme or their lexeme plus an inseparable particle behave in the same way:  Ich sehe dich

SUBJ ich

PRED sehe

OBJ dich

<PRED> <sehe>

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In this language, the presence of an adverbial may still change the position of the core of the sentences, as in:  Das Buch finde ich nicht This is a clear case of focalisation, but the position of the SUBJ must be interpreted as a lack of movement, instead the PRED has suffered a double movement:

FOC
Das Buch

PRED
finde

SUBJ
ich

<PRED>
<finde>

OBJ
<das Buch>

NEG
nicht

<PRED>
<finde>

It is necessary to interpret that the spaces to which PRED rises are real existing gaps. The fact of occupying the higher ones depends on different structural reasons.

2.5. The interpretation of amalgam in FCG The concept of amalgam in Syntax was first introduced by Martinet. It is necessary to show in which sense we are to proceed with amalgam in FCG, given that the merge of two different words into just one has important consequences in the interpretation of the syntactic structure. One of the most outstanding cases corresponds to the formation of the passive voice by means of synthetic forms. Compare the French structure:  L’homme est écouté with its equivalent the Arabic one:  ‫ﯾُﺴﻤﻊ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬ and even Latin:  Homo auscultatur The interpretation of the French sentence offers no difficulty within our framework:

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SUBJ L’homme

DIAT est

PRED écouté

<OBJ> <l’homme>

Instead, the interpretation of the Latin sentence involves an amalgam, whose representation is as follows:

SUBJ Homo

OBJ <homo>

PRED <auscultat>

DIAT + PRED auscultat

However a past form of this sentence is not amalgamated in Latin:  Homo auscultatus est

SUBJ Homo

OBJ <homo>

PRED auscultatus

DIAT est

As a matter of fact, the DIAT is placed on the right in both cases. For its interpretation we will just follow the same criterion used for the German example given in 1.3, where the MOD/AUX can be added on the right instead of on the left. On the other hand, the Arabic sentence, despite also being synthetic, requires a double movement, since as we have already seen, the PRED moves to the highest position of the sentence:

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DIAT + PRED yusmi3a

SUBJ ar-rájulu

<DIAT> <+>

<PRED> <yasmi3u>

OBJ <ar-rajula>

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3. Some Considerations about Negation

3.1. Introduction In FCG Negation is represented by means of a category called NEG (which stands for Negation). Our standard theory states that NEG is a category placed before or after the PRED or AUX/MOD in order to express the negation of the sentence. This shows a few situations that are worth being analysed. 3.2. Typology It is possible to establish a few cases of NEG 1. NEG + PRED: The NEG is always placed before the PRED. This is the normal pattern of most Romance languages (Gallo-Romance group apart) [SUBJ [NEG [PRED [K]]]] 1) 2) 3) 4) Luis no tiene suerte Luigi non ha fortuna O Luis não tem sorte En Lluis no té sort

As a rule, when there is an AUX/MOD, NEG is placed before it, since NEG must be placed before the finite form: [SUBJ [NEG [AUX [PRED [K]]]]] 5) Luis no puede tener suerte 6) Luigi non può avere fortuna 7) Luis não pôde ter sorte
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8) Lluis no pot tenir sort Czech negation should probably be included in this section, though it presents some particularities. The most remarkable feature of Czech negation is that it is merged to the PRED, but it is also possible to find it attached to certain AUX. 9) Ludvik nemluví italstinu 10) Ludvik nebude to studovat (=Ludvik will not study it) 11) Ludvik nemůže to studovat (=Ludvik cannot study it) However for past tenses, the Negator is attached to the PRED: 12) 13) Ludvik nestudoval italstinu (=Ludvik didn’t study Italian) Já jsem nestudoval italstinu

The interpretation of examples 10) and 11) is as follows: [SUBJ [NEG+MOD [<MOD> [PRED [OBJ]]]]] Instead, the interpretation of 12) and 13) is as follows: [SUBJ [NEG+PRED [MOD [OBJ [<PRED>]]]] 2. PRED + NEG: It is proper of most Germanic1 languages, where NEG is placed after the verb. Even English until the Renaissance used this system:
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The German system can be expressed like this (information and examples based on http://www.germangrammar.de/grammar/chapter_12/12_4_3_position_nicht.htm) As a general rule, it is placed at the end: 1) Ich sehe ihn nicht 2) Ich gebe es ihm nicht 3) Er schenkt den Kindern den Apfel nicht 4) Ich sage es ihm heute nicht In compound tenses nicht comes before the PP 5) Ich habe ihn heute nicht gesehen 6) Du hast heute noch nicht gelacht. With sein, the Negator nicht comes immediately after it: 7) Ich bin nicht reich 8) Ich bin nicht so groß wie du

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[SUBJ [PRED [NEG [K [<PRED>]]]]] 14) 15) Ludwig spricht Italienisch nicht Lewis speaks not Italian (Primitive Modern English)

Colloquial French and Modern Occitan also use this structure2: 16) 17) Louis parle pas italien Lois parla pas italian

In case there’s an AUX or MOD, the structure is different in German: [SUBJ [AUX [NEG [K [PRED]]]]] 18) Ludwig kann Italienisch nicht sprechen

Instead, in Colloquial French the pattern is different, since the PRED has not moved, so it is added to AUX: [SUBJ [AUX [NEG [PRED [K]]]]] 19) 20) Louis peut pas parler Italien Loís pòt pas parlar italian

3. NEG + PRED + ADV: It is the common structure of Standard French, where the ADV is absolutely compulsory. [SUBJ [NEG [PRED [ADV [K]]]]]
ADV and ADJ are placed after nicht: 9) Ich esse nicht viel. 10) Ich mag es nicht besonders
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It must be interpreted as though ADV substituted NEG.

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21)

Louis ne parle pas italien

Egyptian Arabic has a similar pattern, with the only difference that the ADV is a suffix –š, though it is also interpreted as a merged ADV, though we will keep on considering it as an ADV for practical reasons. 22) Lúwís ma byatakallamiš iťálí

Our parsing, including an amalgam, of the previous sentence is:

SUBJ Lúwís

NEG ma

PRED + ADV byatakallamiš

OBJ iťálí

The presence of an AUX/MOD attracts NEG and its [SUBJ [NEG [AUX [ADV [PRED [K]]]]]] 23) Louis ne peut pas parler italien

4. AUX+NEG PRED: It is the structure of modern Standard English, where NEG requires an AUX. For English examples see An Introduction to Functional-Categorial Grammar A further research on more patterns is to be performed, but the four previous ones are rather representative. 3. 3. Negation, negative determiners/quantifiers and negative adverbs It is also quite usual that determiners and adverbs have a negative sense. Therefore this section is devoted to the relationship between determiners/quantifiers and adverbs with the predicate. We will analyse a few cases corresponding with several natural languages:
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3.3.1. Negative determiners/quantifiers a) English In English no is negative by nature. This means that NEG is always present, though not visible. The apparent absence of NEG corresponds to the concept of ‘covert’ of Generative Grammar, i.e., the operator is present though it is “hidden”. It is another case of pro. But not all covert items work in the same way. In English, for instance, the complementiser that can be overt or covert at will, while not in: 24) Nobody undestood it

must be convert by force, since the presence of not is ungrammatical: 25) *Nobody doesn’t undestood it

So it is necessary to establish a convention to make a difference between compulsory covert items and optional ones. The optional ones will be marked as pro , while the compulsory ones will be marked as PRO. Therefore, no requires a compulsory covert representation of NEG:

SUBJ Nobody

AUX Ø

NEG pro

PRED understands

OBJ it

Instead, any (as an OBJ) may have negative or positive sense depending on the presence or absence of NEG (in this case it is not a matter of being covert or overt). 26) 27) You can buy any postcards (affirmative value) You can’t buy any postcards (negative value).
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b) Portuguese qualquer, nenhum and Spanish algún, ningún Both Portuguese and Spanish qualquer and algún may be affirmative or negative according to the presence or absence of NEG, but always when being part of the OBJ, since the only possibility to express negation when being part of the SUBJ is by means of nenhum and ningún respectively, but negation must be compulsorily overt: 28) 29) 30) 31) O Luis não tem qualquer revista (=Lewis has no magazine) O Luis não tem nenhuma revista Luis no tiene revista alguna Luis no tiene ninguna revista [SUBJ [NEG [PRED [OBJ]]]] The focalisation of a negative OBJ involves instead that NEG becomes compulsorily covert in both languages (but it is optional in Galician): 32) 33) Nenhuma revista tem o Luis Ninguna revista tiene Luis

FOC Nenhuma revista

NEG PRO

PRED tem

SUBJ <o Luis>

<NEG> <não>

<PRED> <tem>

OBJ <nenhuma revista>

Instead, such as it was mentioned before, Galician has an optional covert NEG: 34) Ningunha revista (non) ten Luis

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FOC ningunha revista

NEG pro

PRED ten

SUBJ <Lois>

<NEG> <non>

<PRED> <ten>

OBJ <ningunha revista>

[FOC Ningunha revista [NEG /non/][PRED ten]] [SUBJ <Luis> [NEG <non> [<PRED> <ten> [OBJ <ningunha revista> ]]]]

d) Catalan cap and the double negation Catalan is a language where NEG must always be overt, so it means that the so-called double negation is absolutely possible in all circumstances (in Spanish, instead, it is only possible with negative OBJ, as in 31)). The equivalent Catalan example of 32) is:
35) Cap

revista no en té en Lluis

FOC cap revista

NEG no

PRED té

SUBJ en Lluís

<NEG> pro

<PRED> <té>

OBJ <cap revista>

e) German kein This German determiner requires a compulsory covert NEG, as in: 36) Ich sehe keinen Telefon

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SUBJ Ich

PRED habe

OBJ keinen Telefon

NEG pro

<PRED> <habe>

3.3.2. Negative adverbs being operators of Adverbials (ADV) The behaviour of negative adverbs is similar to the shown before for determiners. NEG is a compulsory item, but its overtness or covertness depends on the rules of each specific language. We’ll just analyse a couple of cases, since the applying rules are similar to the ones applied on determiners and quantifiers, as we have already pointed. a) English never As it was mentioned with no, the ADV never requires a compulsory covert NEG: 37) We never travel during the winter

[SUBJ we [ADV never [AUX Ø] [NEG PRO/] [PRED travel [ADJ during the summer]]] Nevertheless, observe how an overt NEG involves an affirmative ADV: 38) I didn’t understand it either

b) Ibero-Roman nunca/mai Whith an emphasized ADV, Spanish/Portuguese are compulsory covert NEG type, Galician is an optional covert NEG type and Catalan is a compulsory overt NEG type. Instead, when the ADV is not emphasized, NEG is always overt in all four languages. The following examples show these reality:

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39) 40) 41) 42)

Não tomo nunca café (=I never have coffee) No tomo nunca café Non tomo nunca café No prenc mai cafè [SUBJ [NEG [PRED [ADV [OBJ]]]]

43) 44) 45)

Nunca tomo café (both Spanish and Portuguese) Nunca (non) tomo café Mai no prenc cafè

This is the parsing of the Galician example:

FOC Nunca

SUBJ pro

NEG pro

PRED tomo

ADV <nunca>

OBJ café

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4. Reversibility

4.1. The concept of ‘reversibility’ Within the theory of FCG reversibility is a matter related to either the possibility of linking two functions in such a way that they can exchange their positions, or the likelihood of placing a function or category in different positions (usually at the highest level of sentence), either at the very beginning or at the very end of the sentence. Both possibilities are treated along the following pages. 4.2. Reversible functions It is usually accepted that English is a language in which word order is quite rigidly set up. That is why the OBJ always comes before the ADJ: 1. [SUBJ He [PRED speaks [OBJ English]] [ADJ very well ]] 2. [SUBJ I [ PRED like [ OBJ chocolate]] [ADJ very much ]] This means that both the Object and the Adjunct cannot exchange their positions in English: 3. * He speaks very well English 4. * I like very much chocolate Therefore, the representation of the relationship between PRED OBJ and ADJ is always as follows:

SUBJ

PRED

OBJ

ADJ

Instead, in most Romance languages both the Object and the Adjunct can exchange their position, as in the following French example: 5. J’aime bien le chocolat Actually, the presence of the ADJ immediately after the PRED turns up to be unmarked, while its placing after the PRED is marked: 6. J’aime le chocolat beaucoup In some other cases, the reversibility is absolutely normal, as in the following Spanish example: 7. Compré un libro por poco dinero. 8. Compré por poco dinero un libro The latter example is clearly marked. Anyway, this reversibility between OBJ and ADJ is a reality in many languages. The usual possibility of representing the sentence patter as a movement of the original position seems scarcely acceptable, so it is better to interpret that both the ADJ and the OBJ can exchange their positions so that the tree linking them can move its branches either in one sense or in the other; besides, the linking with the PRED will be established at a higher level. So, the previous structure applied to English is not acceptable for Romance languages (at least), which instead present the following one:

SUBJ Or

PRED

OBJ

ADJ

SUBJ

PRED
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ADJ

OBJ

Anyway English accepts the same reversibility in the event of transitive phrasal verbs, since the position of the OBJ may vary: 9. I called my brother up 10. I called up my brother The parsing of both sentences is as follows:

SUBJ I

PRED called

OBJ my brother

ADV up

and

SUBJ I

PRED called

ADV up

OBJ my brother

4.3. The reversibility of Topics The second case in which an element can change its position is the TOP. Topics, as it is well known, can be found either at the beginning or at the end of the sentence. So it works as floating element skipping over the core of the sentence. In this case, the TOP does not exchange its position with any other function. Examples of this have already been shown in our Introduction, therefore it is enough to offer an example of this sort of reversibility: 11. Last week I was in Paris 12. I was in Paris last week
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4.4. As a conclusion Reversibility is a possibility affecting either two functions at the bottom of the sentence structure or topics on top. In the first case both functions –OBJ and ADJ– exchange their positions with no need to mark it as a movement of one of these functions; in the second one the most external topic occupies the outer position, either at the beginning or at the end of the sentence. In both cases, reversibility takes place when no internal barrier of the sentence prevents from movement, i.e., reversibility can solely occur on top and at the bottom of the sentence, but not in the middle of it, in which case we refer either to movement of operators or movement of functions (or categories).

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5. Subject and Object Movements in Simple Sentences in English

5.1. Justification The concept of movement in English responds to very specific rules. On this paper we will deal with movement concerning Subjects and Objects. Some of these movements are compulsory, i.e., they are caused by syntactic reasons, but some others are forced by pragmatic ones. It is important to keep this difference in mind. On the other hand, the movements can take place within the simple sentence, but also they correspond to the rising of depending subjects into other functions projected as functions of the main Predicator. 5.2.Rising of the Object The Object(s) may rise into Subject position in the following cases: 1. In middle and passive constructions, due to a process of desagentization

SUBJ The ship The ship

DIAT was Ø

PRED sank sank

OBJ <the ship>

2. In interrogative sentences containing a wh- pronoun (observe how it also involves the movement of the AUX-operator:

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FOC who

INT have

SUBJ you

AUX <have>

PRED visited

OBJ <who>

3.

The focalisation of the object, which is quite exceptional in English.

FOC Off

SUBJ we

PRED go

OBJ <off>

This focalisation is much more usual with exclamation sentences:

FOC What a nice present

SUBJ you

PRED go

OBJ <off>

5.3. Double rising of the Object A double rising of the OBJ occurs in double processes, such as interrogative passive clauses. The process is as follows: The first step takes place when the OBJ moves to SUBJ position because of passivisation. Somebody visited me  I was visited <me> The second step takes place when that same operator moves to FOC because it becomes a wh-PRN I was visited  who was <I> <was> visited <me>? This is parsed as follows:

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FOC who

DIAT was

SUBJ <who>

<DIAT> <was>

PRED visited

OBJ <who>

5.4. Rising of the Subject In English the Subject rises under very strict circumstances. In general SUBJ rises just in questions. In that case, the PRED also moves if it is the only present verb:

FOC Who

INT opened

SUBJ <who>

PRED <opened>

OBJ the door

5.5. Rising of the Indirect Object This only occurs in two cases: 1. Passivization:

SUBJ Charles

DIAT was

PRED offered

OBJ1 a good job

OBJ2 <Charles>

2. Questions:

FOC Who

INT did

SUBJ you

PRED give

OBJ1 the keys

OBJ2 to <whom>

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6. An outline of depending clauses

6.1. Justification The matter of depending clause and their classification can be approached in many different ways. In this case we will fix our attention on the way in which clauses are introduced and the structure of the kernel clause, mainly with regard to the presence or absence of finite or non-finite forms of the verb. English will be the target language, though in some cases some other languages will be analyzed as well. In our Introduction we have already offer a classification of depending clauses classified as embedded and attached. Relative clauses are not analyzed here, though, as well as coordination, so we will concentrate on these two types and subtypes derived from them. 6.2. Embedded clauses Embedded clauses work as primay functions of the main predi r cate, in most cases as OBJ: 1. I want [OBJ to visit my parents] next weekend. 2. He said [OBJ he was working] Anyway they can also work as SUBJ, mostly in copulative clauses 3. Working in this firma is a bore There are three possible ways to introduce this kind of sentences: By means of a complementizer together with a non-finite form of the verb: 4. John expects to pass his exam

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By means of a null complementizer together with a non-finite form of the verb: 5. I don’t mind waiting for you outside By means of rising subject together with a non-finite form of the verb (in this case there are two subtypes, one having an overt complementizer and the other having a covert complementizer: 6. George saw us park the car (null complementizer) 7. Karen made them clean up the room (null complementizer) 8. They wanted [OBJ3 us [OBJ1 to change our declaration]]

9. Your family offered [OBJ2 me [OBJ1 to <I> spend my holidays here]]3
By means of a complementizer and a finite form of the verb4: 10. I think (that) he is working now. In most Romance languages there are just two possibilities; these are Spanish examples:  By means of the non-finite forms (mainly the infinitive): 11. Quiero comprar un coche nuevo (=I want to buy a new car)  By means of a finite verb introduced by a complementizer:
3

The depending clause is always OBJ1, however the rising SUBJ occupies either the OBJ2 gap or the OBJ3 one. Its nature depends on the semantic structure of the main predicate. In 8) WANT has a structure x, y; while OFFER has a structure x,y,z. 4 This last subtype corresponds mainly to saying and thought predicates. In Romance languages the behaviour of these depending predicates with thought predicates is different according to the languages. In Spanish they rule indicative when the main predicate is affirmative:  La gente piensa que este trabajo es fácil (=People believe this work is easy)

Instead Italian rules subjunctive in these same cases:  La gente pensa che questo lavoro sia facile

However in both languages the depending predicate rules subjunctive when the main one is preceded by a negation:   La gente no piensa que este trabajo sea fácil La gente non pensa che questo lavoro sia facile

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12. Quiero que compres un coche nuevo (=I want you to buy a new car) The rising of the subject rarely occurs, but it may take two different possibilities. One is the double expression of the depending subject both as the subject itself and as indirect object of the main predicator: 13. Me pidió (a mí) que (yo) me quedara. The other one corresponds to the sense verbs, which allow the rising of the Subject as in English: 14. Los oímos poner la tele (=I hear you switch the TV on) The structure of the last sentence is as follows:

SUBJ

PRED

OBJ

OBJ

COMP pro los oí pro Ø

SUBJ <ellos>

PRED poner

OBJ la tele

6.3. Attached clauses Attached clauses present a larger variety of types, but mostly according to the semantic component. The traditional classification of these sentences is valid when referring to the meaning of this kind of sentences, namely, conditional, causal, consecutive and concessive clauses. There are two subtypes of attached clauses, corresponding to the position in which they may placed: as topics or as adjuncts.

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6.3.1. Topic clauses Theoretically all the previous structure are to be found in the attached type, though it is true that most of the depending clauses correspond to the finitetype pattern: 15. If you are worried, let me know what happened 16. As the waiter isn’t coming, let’s go. Non-finite clauses are mainly found for time clauses, mainly introduced by gerund: 17. While having lunch, there was a phone call 18. Speaking so quickly nobody will understand you

An interesting case is the one corresponding to concessive/causal clauses. They can be considered as a unit being the most important difference the position they occupy in the sentence. It can be stated that consecutive clauses occupy the Topic gap, but whenever they are moved to the Adjunct position they automatically become causal clauses and vice versa:   Since you are tired, have a rest  Have a rest, because you are tired He had an accident because he was drank  As he was drank, he had an accident.

There is an exception to the previous rule: consecutive clauses introduced by so are always Adjunct:  He was tired, so he had a rest.

6.3.2. Adjunct clauses Portuguese is the only language showing a structure similar to the rising of the Subject of English, with the difference that there is no real rising of the Subject, though the infinitive marks the person of the Subject. The three possibilities existing in Portuguese (in clauses introduced by a preposition) are:
1.

Que-clauses: when the SUBJ of both PRED are different. The second PRED takes subjunctive mood:

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SUBJ

PRED

OBJ

ADJ

pro

comprei

o livro

COMP para que

SUBJ o João

CLIT+PRED o leia

OBJ pro

2. Conjugated-infinitive clauses, when also the SUBJ of both PRED is different:

SUBJ

PRED

OBJ

ADJ

COMP pro comprei o livro para Ø

SUBJ o João

CLIT+PRED o ler

OBJ pro

3. Bare-infinitive clauses, when the SUBJ of both PRED is the same:

SUBJ

PRED

OBJ

ADJ

pro

comprei

o livro

COMP para Ø

SUBJ PRO

CLIT+PRED o ler

OBJ pro

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7. Syntactic Settings

7.1. The concept of syntactic settings Up to here we have showed the two most important manifestations of syntactic patterns, i.e., functions and structures. However the description of the Syntax of any language requires the description and analysis of the settings that govern syntactic relationships. An example of these settings is agreement. In most cases, agreement is established between SUBJ and PRED (or the first V in the clause), as it is shown in the following Italian example.

SUBJ [+SAgr] Nous

PRED [+SAgr] avons

OBJ des problèmes

7.2. Syntactic settings and their representation in FCG It is impossible to show a complete list of settings, but any setting that may turn up necessary to explain syntactic phenomena. The following list shows some of these settings and their representation (Subject Agreement has already been represented in 7.1.).

1. Mood : usually referred to indicative (unmarked) and subjunctive (marked); observe the following examples, being the first Italian, the second Spanish and the last Italian again:

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SUBJ

PRED [–ind]

OBJ

COMP pro voglio che

SUBJ tu

PRED [–ind] taci

SUBJ

PRED [+ind]

OBJ

SUBJ pro dice que

SUBJ pro

PRED [+ind] duermo

SUBJ

PRED [–ind]

OBJ

COMP pro dice che

SUBJ io

PRED [–ind] dorma

2. Object Agreement, applied to Italian participles (in the following examples, the Past Participle shows agreement in the first case but it does not in the latter):

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FOC [+OAgr]
I tuoi occhiali

SUBJ
pro

CLT+AUX
li hai

PRED [+OAgr]
persi

OBJ
<i tuoi occhiali>

SUBJ
pro

AUX
hai

PRED [-OAgr]
perso

OBJ [-OAgr]
i tuoi occhiali

3. Case Assignation, which makes possible that the inner valency of certain predicates works either Object or Subject. Any normal predicate assigns case to its inner valency, but there are certain cases in which the assignation is not performed. The main situations in which case assignation does not occur are:  With inaccusative verbs  In processes of passivization  In processes of ergativization In the following English examples, the same verb shows the accusative case assignation in the first case and the lack of assignation in the second due to the influence of the DIAT:

SUBJ My parents

PRED [+acc.] visited

OBJ [+acc.] me

ADJ yesterday

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SUBJ I

DIAT was

PRED [-acc.] visited

OBJ [-acc.] <me>

ADJ yesterday

There many other settings to be taken into account, but the previous ones serve to show the way in which the syntactic relationships can be expressed.

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IANUA

Revista Philologica Romanica 2008