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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

An Idea & Event Architecture
for Creative City Theory & Practice;
288 City-fication Operators by
Which We Turn New & Wild Places
into Homes
Finding, Attracting, Enabling, Developing, & Getting Out-of-the-Way of the People Who Invent Civilizations


Richard Tabor Greene



First 50 pages of 24 Books


STEP 1--use links below to download FREE 1450 page PDF file of
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1. Your Door to Creativity--42 models summarized 8 in detail--PAGE 4--86
2. Are You Creative? 60 Models--worlds most comprehensive--PAGE 88-142
3. Are You Creative? 128 Steps--to becoming creator & creating--PAGE 143-192
4. Getting Real about Creativity in Business--measures tools--PAGE 193-245
5. Your Door to Creativity, Revised--42 general 12 deailed models--PAGE 246-303
6. 72 Innovation Models--a grammar of changes that change history--PAGE 304-367
7. Creativity Leadership Tools--intructors manual & student text--PAGE 368-420
8. Creativity Leader--managing creativity of self & other, everywhere--PAGE 421-468
9. Thinking Design--160 approaches, tools, leading design, designs that lead--PAGE 469-538
10. Designs that Lead, Leaders who Design--an article collection--PAGE 539-594
11. Are You Educated?--an empirical science-based definition as 48 capabilities--PAGE 595-657
12. Are You Educated, Japan, China, EU, USA--300 capabilities from 5 models--PAGE 658-728
13. Managing Self--128 Dynamics--redoing Plato, Freud, Sartre, Kegan,Zen--PAGE 728-805
14. Power from Brain Training--exercises for 225 brain modules--PAGE 806-866
15. Knowledge Epitome--200 new face to face tools from revising ancient media--PAGE 867-933
16. Your Door to Culture Power--the shared practiced routines model--PAGE 934-989
17. Culture Power--what can be done with it, models & articles--PAGE 990-1055
18. Global Quality--24 approaches, 30 shared aims, quality soft-&-hard-ware--PAGE 1056-1129
19. Are You Effective?--100 methods from the worlds top performers--PAGE 1130-1193
20. A Science of Excellence--54 routes to the top of nearly any field--PAGE 1194-1242
21. SuperSelling--tools, methods, cases from 150 best at ALL forms of selling--PAGE 1243-1304
22. Managing Complexity--3 sources, 3 paradoxes of handling them--PAGE 1305-1370
23. Taking Place--creative city theory & practice via 288 city-fications--PAGE 1371-1431
24. Innovations in Innovation--& in 29 other creativity sciences--PAGE 1432-1491
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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Taking Place--Synopsis and Abstract

The Image: The character Victor (not Walter) in the play Barefoot in the Park, illustrates city-fied selves--people whose psyches, lifestyles, workstyles, associations, digs have
as much interacting diversity as large metropolitan areas themselves have. He plays Japanese koto music, while sitting on Southern California cushions on a Persian rug, eating
Albanian delicacies, with Greek wine, in a converted high rise attic studded with Pollacs and Warhols. Robinson Crusoe is not a survival story but a city-fication story--how a man
must city-fy to live; it is the story of the root urge to city-fy in us all, hidden by inter-dependencies that do city-fying functions in our urban lives. This is a paper about how individual such people, organizations, and large metropolises city-fy their lives.
Precis: This article uses a survey and reviews of unusual literatures to suggest possible elemental functions of city-fying places, so that later research can hone the models of this
article down to essential elemental ones. In doing so, this article defines and provides initial models of 36, 64, and 288 city-fication processes, and models of 150 creativity conditions that city-fication processes must support, and 256 system effects that city-fication processes must handle.
The Benefit: This article presents five well ordered, detailed models that can be used by anyone wanting to make their own personal life richer as well as by anyone wanting to cityfy their workplace or the city where they live. In addition, dozens of additional similar models are provided and explained in detail, that can be used to enrich person or city lives.
People having this article available are able to generate 20 to 50 good ideas in the same time as others generate 3 or 4 good ideas, with those 50 being better focussed, more specific,
and more diverse from each other than the 3 or 4 that others generate. Cognitive speed, accuracy, and performance superiority to others in improving lives and cities results.
Researchers will find the candidate 36, 64, and 288 city-fication processes presented herein a powerful start towards defining minimal essential processes that keep cities lively. If
your city wants to attract the global creative and professional elites, this article is your best single compendium of techniques for doing that.
Unique Conceptual Main Point: This article replaces Jane Jacobs image of the city as diversity generator with an image of the city as the instigator and result of large scale
insight processes going on fractally on all size scales of society. The city is sheer creation in this articles view.
Definition: City-fication processes are, in this article, defined as the processes by which: (personal level) one, people in wild environs city-fy, make livable, how and where they
live, their camps, their space station, and so forth; two, people new to a city seek out the lively parts of the city, that is, the on-going city-fication processes within it; (policy level)
three, people founding a new city install certain non-optional enlivening processes in it that attract to the city the global creative and professional classes; four, people now administering or responsible leaders of a city in decline, seek out remaining essential lively city-fication processes in it, or install missing or entirely new ones where needed, to attract to
the city the global creative and professional classes. People city-fy their lives and their cities by finding or installing certain non-optional processes that keep their civilization alive
via keeping their cities alive, by doing such things as attracting, to themselves or to their city, global creative and professional elites. The models of 36, 64 and 288 city-fication processes developed in this article are not perfect by any means, but they are starting points for finding and assessing such processes in existing persons and cities, and installing them
where missing.
Model Granularity: Three different size models were created because different work on cities requires different granularity of models used. Empirical work to find correlations
between cities abilities to attract the global creative and professional elites and the robustness and obviousness of their city-fication processes can be begun using the initial models
of 36, 64, and 288 city-fication processes that this article provides. Additionally, this article provides a model of 150 creativity conditions for city-fication processes to install, and
a model of 256 system effects that city-fication processes have to handle, including a new kind of Evolutionary Engineering, which some of the city-fication processes define. For
a long time urban studies, city planning, community activism, and social capital-ism have discussed the processes essential to keep cities and their respective civilizations alive; this
article attempts a more rigorous, comprehensive, and detailed approach to defining just what those processes are and how various aspects of cities, including architecture and landscape facilities, can support them.
Purpose: So much of urban studies and architecture concerns facilities, that the city-fication processes, that keep cities alive, not a few times get forgotten, lost, or obscured. Keeping cities alive requires, among other things, attracting the global creative elites to a city (and already in the city) by meeting the requirements for living and working such creative,
highly informed, easily-relocatable people have. It also requires constantly renewing the diversity of the city--diversity encountered enough to become familiar is no longer diversity. It also requires deploying and mixing particular diversities to get task done and new capabilities invented. City-fication processes are what identify such requirements and
meet them, keeping cities alive and attractive. This paper takes does not distinguish city-fication processes that are nice to have from ones that cities must have, if they are to stay
alive and attract minimal levels of the global creative and professional elites. Making that distinction is work for later articles and books. This article concentrates on making an
initial comprehensive survey of candidate city-fication processes for others to later edit, prune, modify, add-to, and test.
Method: Phone and email interviews with 120 urban leaders, both public and private (in 15 creative cities: Dublin, Ghent, Sydney, Amsterdam, Auckland, London, Toronto, San
Francisco, Stockholm, Geneva, Copenhagen, Hamburg, Barcelona, Shanghai, Tokyo) were conducted and content analyzed to get over 1706 initial city-fication processes identified.
Those 1706 were boiled down into a sequence of well ordered models of 36, 64, and 288 items (similar items were grouped, groups named, similar groups were grouped and named,
then branch factors throughout the hierarchy of names were regularized, as well as principles of item ordering, resulting in fractal concept models of 36, 64, and 288 city-fication
processes). After that, a review of a great number of literatures, not usually applied to urban issues, was conducted, searching for items corresponding, roughly, to the 36, 64, and
288 items that the survey produced. All corresponding items found were used to enhance or sharpen terminology in the models.
Result: Three well ordered fractal concept models--36, 64, 288--of city-fication processes were thusly produced, along with similar models of 150 creativity conditions and 256 system effects that city-fication processes must handle. These models can be tested empirically for basic validity by examining cities, both highly creative attractive ones and non-creative unattractive ones, then seeing which of this articles city-fication processes and how much of each are present. These models can be tested empirically for basic reliability by
comparing the rank ordering of cities most attracting global creative elites (done by Prof. Florida) with rank ordering of cities scoring high on numbers of city-fication processes
from this articles models or scoring high on amounts of particular city-fication processes from the models. That work requires measures for the 36, 64, and 288 city-fication processes defined in this article, a job for later research.
Example Detail: The 36, 64, and 288 city-fication processes models, presented herein, include such processes as: establishing and maintaining a culture of development; maintaining an inter-city and inter-population insight process; countering Locality, Democratic Power, and Performance illusions by developing bottom up power development processes; setting up non-linear solving processes like micro-institution development; and keeping authorities and funding sources plural, diverse, and competing, among many others.
Literatures on regional development, growth economics, interface theory, culture evolution, power development, globalization, archaeology, non-linear system dynamics, social science of modernization, event theory, influence theory, quality management, plus a great number of models from creativity theory, social cognition, technology evolution, self management, and other literatures were surveyed. The creativity, social cognition, technology, and self management literatures surveyed are used to create a city-fication conditions of
creativity model, of creativity conditions that city-fication processes must install and maintain. Also, the most comprehensive model yet published of system effects is developed
and presented in this article, summarizing results from over one hundred books on non-linear phenomena in group dynamics, societies, economies, political processes, and like city
Use: All five models developed in this paper--the 36/64/288 city-fication processes, the 256 system effects of non-linear social systems, and the 150 creativity dimensions for cityfication processes to install--can be used by individual people wanting to better use and penetrate their own cities as well as by policy makers wanting to make their cities attract the
global creative elites that make cities wealthy, interesting, and vibrant. Together these models offer leaders, mayors, administrators, agency heads, and related others 512 distinct,
well-defined aspects of their work and plans to assess and possibly improve. Four kinds of learning aids punctuate the text: grounding exercise questions, case stories, case exercises, and city-fication inventions. The article is the principal text in a 6 semester (3 year) course sequence in Creative Cities, taught to undergrads, graduates students, and midcareer administrators of cities and city-related national agencies and programs, as well as to corporation human resource and quality departments.

City-fication: Processes that Make Places into Cities & that Make Cities Live, Take Place, and Thrive
What turns places into cities? What portions of the cities we live in do we meet, learn, and actually use? What do cities do to human personalities? What do people do to city personalities? How can cities attract global creative elites to live and work in them? What processes keep cities alive and save cities that are failing? What do we do to workplaces to make
them fit us, comfortable, humane, and inviting our best efforts and how do these transformations we make in our workplaces resemble what we do when we city-fy campgrounds, space
stations, or other places we plan to stay in? These are the questions this article provides preliminary answers to.
By definition there are four distinct forms of the city-fication process: two personal level forms: one, a person among others in a wild area arranging things so his basic needs, the less
basic needs are served well; two, a person entering a city new to him, seeking where the most lively and vital forces are at play, the ones that attract people to the city and make the city
attractive to live in; two policy level forms: three, people founding a new city or city-like entity orchestrating a sequence of spurts of growth, each of which not only grows the city but
installs progressively more robust forms of the overall non-optional processes that keep a city vital, surprising, and attractive to others; four, people administratively or otherwise in
charge of an existing city either install certain non-optional vitality-creating processes in the city to save it from death or enhance the existing such non-optional processes in it that make
it vital, attractive, and capable of growth. In other words, individual people seek out or install vitality-generating processes wherever they live and similarly, the leadership of entire city
areas seeks out or installs vitality-generating processes there. This definition implies that there can be human communities, created ad hoc and temporarily, as well as full blown alreadycreated cities, that lack certain non-optional core vitality-generating processes, here termed city-fication processes. Such communities/cities die. The image is shellfish--a vital being
inside that excretes layer after geometric layer of beautiful architecture around it, in which accumulation it moves and lives for ages after. When that vital center dies, the shell remains,
beautiful and functional in parts but imperceptibly at first, decay sets in and erodes all, eventually into disaster. This article defines, using phone survey data from global city leaders and
a review of many literatures outside of design and urban studies, these processes that generate the creative, vital, attractive core of cities--city-fication processes.
An Example of City-fying Wilderness. Base camp at the foot of the Himalayas immediately is filled with people arranging fresh water, latrines, food, shelter
from storms, and shortly thereafter, sites of worship, medical facilities, dispute resolution, stores for sundries like tobacco, and a series of streets among tents with
distinct neighborhoods for women, men, porters, climbers, guides and media. Mining towns immediately arrange fresh water, latrines, food, shelter, sex, dispute
resolution and shortly thereafter, medical facilities, legal facilities, stores for sundries and sex, and streets with distinct businesses and neighborhoods for successful
miners, unsuccessful ones, new arrivals, churches, and so on. These are examples of city-fication of wild places.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

An Example of City-fying College Towns. Students fresh at college map out locations of key supplies and services, various neighbors and services in dorms or
apartments, status implications of what dorm/apartment you choose and who you hang out with, and routes/schedules among various role, job, study, class, relationship and other time commitments during each week. There is a pulse of discos, professors, seminars, concerts, trips, where trends are being born or breaking
they seek out along with the people populating them. Immigrants seek out their fellow countrymen already in the new land and their already built mappings of
important services and products, similarly. They find the frontier of penetration of the host culture currently occupied by the best of their fellow countrymen and
explore their own possible additions to that frontier. These are examples of finding city-fication in old established cities.

BEING PRACTICAL 1: An Exercise in Spotting Stages of City-fying

The next time you are in a city-fying situation--camping in one place for several weeks, living in a new apartment, dorm, or city for a few weeks or more, staying at the
same hotel or vacation resort or client site (for work) for a couple of weeks or more, moving to college for the first time, changing city or company--do the following:
1. Write down at the end of each day, all the functions you found facilities, support, encouragement, help, or other local tools and enablements for.
a. What ones did you seek but fail to find today? b. What ones did you think about but delay seeking today? c. Why? d. What lackings in how particular functions
were locally supported did you notice that you might want to fix tomorrow or later?
2. After you leave that location, or after spending a few months there, draw a diagram of what functions got done first, second, third, and what changes in support for
support for those functions were made when you cycled back to them again, later, to get better supports for them. Name those stages, compare with others answers.
Alternatively, you can read an account of someone who moved to a new city, or company, or the like and answer 1 and 2 for them, based on what you read.
Once you have stages you experienced from either of the instructions above, compare those with the model of anthropologist stages of culture penetration on the page
Though all the residents of a place can city-fy it, that is not usually the case--usually some do and some do not. The actions of leaders may or may not city-fy a place, often they undo
city-fication work by residents. The leadership of every city is diverse, located in a host of different institutions, public and private. Such leaderships of cities are always split into a satisfied group, comfortable working within past mindsets and goals, and a dis-satisfied group worried that we are missing the boat or working on trees while the forest rots. The latter
seek out what other cities are doing and seek out leaders of dissatisfied sub-populations of their own city, getting images from them of what needs to be done and what has gone wrong.
Problems that have resisted generations of attempted solution draw their attention and analysis of what blind spots allow continual choice of solutions that do not solve. Trips to newly
formed, rapidly growing cities elsewhere are used to see where the worlds best people are heading and why, as well as what attracts them and what places they get attracted to. Such dissatisfied leader factions in what they actually implement to help their cities regain attractiveness to global creative elites achieve city-fication of their old, decaying city. This is an
example of finding or founding anew the city-fication process somewhere within an old established city.
This paper tries to overcome the architecture paradigm of thinking about cities as facilities and replace that with a new paradigm of thinking about cities as processes applied both to
cities already established as well as to frontier places lacking all amenities. Actually, seeing cities as processes not facilities is not new. Jane Jacobs, afterall, in 1961 said: ...the most
important habits of thought to understand cities are these: 1) to think about processes 2) to work inductively 3) seek large scale average realities in small scale unaverage ones (p. 440).
Furthermore, she saw the processes that cities are, as natural things, making cities themselves natural objects, arising from how human life itself is grounded in nature. People who flee
to suburbs or farms to escape cities end up reconstituting cities at great empty expense around them--uneconomic small shops, small arts, small events, small facilities. Nature is not an
escape from or opposite of cities, but is city itself, city nature in parallel with human nature. She went on saying: The most important question--about planning cities is this: How
can cities generate enough mixture among uses--enough diversity--throughout enough of their territories, to sustain their own civilizations (p. 144). The most important point this book
has to make ...[is] the necessity of these four conditions [for generating diversity]: 1) parts must serve more than one primary function; 2) blocks must be short... 3) ...mingle buildings that vary in age and condition... 4) ...dense concentration of people (p. 150-151). Presciently she directly associated cities with biologic scale problems, intermediate between two
vast scientific simplifications--two variable relationships and statistical regularities/properties of crowds (both of which enamor architects and city planners, harmfully, in her opinion)-cities are organized complexity she states, which corresponds with what the Santa Fe Institute investigated 30 years later as non-linear system dynamics or complexity theory.
Overall she presented a theory of cities as diversity generators:

Cities as Diversity Generators,


A Theory of Jane Jacobs,

1961, in The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Vintage Books, NYC
niches from niches

cities are diversity, when they lose it, they die; it is the diversity generated by cities that sustains civilizations, without it they die too;
city diversity itself permits and attracts and stimulates and invents more diversity

small entities = diversity

city diversity is small scale enterprise/entity diversity because only small entities cannot afford vertically integrating within
themselves functions and services upon which they depend, so they need lively diverse cities as supply environments

time, need, cost, numbers coverage = diversity cities generate diversity 4 ways: 1) parts of cities must serve more than one primary function so people go outside on different
schedules for different reasons; 2) blocks must be short; 3) districts must mix buildings that vary in age and condition because
entirely new buildings are so expensive they drive out diversity; 4) dense concentration of people



success fails, monumentality kills, self-fulfilling four forces against diversity: 1) diversity self destructs by making places attractive enough that people bid more so only the
fear of slums, monumentality of funding kills richest can afford driving out small, new, dark nascent diverse things; 2) massive single elements driving out diversity; 3) population instability driving out diversity as people expect others to flee so they flee till all flee inviting developers to eradicate it
all; 4) money gluts or starves development that brings diversity

causal path: diversity to attraction to competition to price rise to nascents out to repeats to
homogeneity to death

diversity makes a district attractive, competition to move there occurs, winners of these competitions will be narrow segment
of the diversity of uses there that makes it attractive; the richest winners will win bids gradually pricing out nascent, small
diverse stores and services; successful expensive uses will be repeated as they are found to be lucrative till five, ten or more of
the same entities are selling there = no diversity

double diversity destroyers: destroy where

arrive = are repeats, destroy where left = were
unique there

double destroying of diversity happens at the tipping point because the repeating arrivers who win expensive bids for popular
space reduce diversity there while, because they left some place, reduced diversity as well at the place they left

diversity growth: start = replace samenesses,

end = replace diversity

in initial growth stages of diversity, new diversity comes by consuming/replacing samenesses, but late stage diversity includes
repeating financial winners, that is, replacing diversity with samenesses

the issue: measures to find tipping point where the issue is spotting the tipping point where more new entries are reducing diversity than increasing it--the issue in doing this
spotting is having valid standardized measures of diversity dimensions so all can measure when the newly arriving newly
new arrival decrements diversity


attracteds are killing off the diversity they arrived because of

diversity solutions: zone for diversity, tax for

diversity, covert cultural profits into financial,
know diversity growth alternative places

three solutions to the diversity destroying diversity problem: zone for diversity not uniformity; assess taxes for diversity (do
not impose uniform rates on whole areas/blocks); staunchness against economic profit for cultural/diversity profit by key
buildings; competitive diversion (diversity growing areas as well known as diversity arrived areas so less expensive moves
into them can increase their diversity)

design complementary functions to exchange

across borders

deadly borders redone as exchanges between partner complementary institutions facing each other across borders (ice rink
opposite cafe, roller rink opposite sportswear shop etc.): replace logically clean planner borders with diversity inviting
exchange lines between functional distinct areas: railroads, highways, parks, university edges, etc.

centers for criss-crossing traffic, peripheries

for functions

through land and not through land = two types; centers of areas for criss-crossing traffic and functions around peripheries for
exchanges at borders not functions at centers

It is worth noting that Jan Jacobs by defining cities as generators of diversity ends up emphasizing cities as mixers, blenders, combiners, and connectors. In doing so she slights cities as
segregators, separators, isolators, dividers. A bias against the latter and for the former infests her outlook and book. However, a case can be made that all the connection and combination of diverse elements, that she seeks and favors, means nothing unless it itself is mixed with isolation, and distinction. My approach, in this article, presents the city as an on-going
insight development process, alternating engagement periods with detachment periods. Just as research on product development innovation found that good isolation helped concept
development and ruined concept application (Gallegher, 1988), and good connectivity helped concept application but ruined concept development, so we can expect that cities that
emphasize connectivity at the expense of isolation, lose creative capability and cities that emphasize isolation at the expense of connectivity, lose creative capability. The optimum is
somewhere in-between pure isolation and pure connection--a point at the edge of chaos where spontaneous order emerges for free as stated by non-linear system dynamics maths. By
treating parks as places where people want to be together she neglects parks as places people go to to be isolated and away. I think she never worked in an nasty competitive office environment in a high pressure industry, so she under-understands peoples drive for comforting isolation next to their own city workplaces. Writers may go outside for stimulation in their
cities but high pressure finance industry professionals often go outside to flee from stimulation.

The Purpose of This Article:

To identify, as far as possible with survey and literature reviews
exactly what the non-optional processes are:

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

1) that city-fy wild areas,

2) that generate the vital creative part of cities that allow them to attract global elites,
3) that people seek out and find as learning the ropes of any city they live in.
Some Initial Models and Their Helpfulness for Understanding City-fication Processes: Maslow, Bohanen, Brown, Sternberg, May, Simonton, Sogawa, Luckmann, Mayer. Just using the above definition of city-fication processes, we can begin to explore how to better define and understand them. Some models
come immediately to mind, when considering the above definition of to city-fy. People interviewed quite quickly came up with the models listed below, though more serious questionning generally made the items below not the most important or frequently mentioned ones from such people (the latter are presented in the next section of this article and summarized
as a model of 36 city-fication processes several sections below).
First, Maslows hierarchy of needs comes to mind. Base camp in the Himalayas seems to progress from base physical needs to more social and psychic development needs, in the order
suggested by Maslow. However, if you think more carefully, the people coming to base camp in the Himalayas, come for a self realization goal--climbing the worlds highest mountains,
joining a pantheon of heros, challenging danger and the universe. So all needs together, not in a sequence from primitive to enlightened, constitute base camps and guide their development--shrines for worship and latrines get laid out together not sequentially. People come to cities for basic economic reasons--to get a job--and for higher order reasons like--to fulfill
my quest for adventure by joining Manhattans Explorers Club, for example. They come for both sorts of reasons at the same time.
City-fication as personal exploring and putting together of a city-fied life around one as one moves to a new city, suggests that the stages of penetrating a foreign culture might pertain to
city-fication processes. Anthropologists have long penetrated foreign cultures and noticed similar stages of mental, social, and emotional progress in all such penetrations. These stages
might accurately characterize city-fication as personal penetration of a city around one.
City-fication processes evolve as people master parts of cities and encounter new parts that

Stages of Penetrating Any Culture

Speed of going through the nine
stages can vary but not the order
of stages gone through

dominant response

relation to

what is essential

typical errors


all is different

my otherness is advantage

doing nothing is learning

missing what is the same

typical error:

all is the same

my otherness is disadvantage

learning is doing

missing what is different

I do not know

my otherness is neutral

learning is unlearning

missing what you actually know


getting serious

otherness is a tool

essence is unimportant

success on the margins, missing success in the center

typical error:

fighting for mastery

otherness is conquered

essence is victory on any terms

missing side-effects of existing results

doing more than you realize you

are doing

mastery is impossible

otherness is unconquerable

essence defeats me

main effects for you not main effects for them; missing
main effects


partial understanding

otherness is mundane

willing to be ordinary

social reception mistaken for impacting the others system

typical error:

partial capability

the other is familiar

enjoying limits

the wrong limits enjoyed; avenues of success missed

being more than you really are in

the situation

contributory opportunity

familiarity is other

loyalty happily split among two ways

deciding when to contribute to which side stymies action

knowing more than you know

mystify them. These are stages of other peoples values penetrating ones own and of ones own values injecting into other peoples. City-fication processes blend value systems in these
staged ways, with failure to blend resulting in failure to influence or contribute. One cannot city-fy while maintaining the value set one enter a city with. City-fication changes people.
A third model is the stages of learning the ropes of an organization, that is, the stages of developing tacit knowledge held by those masters of operating in an organization. Cities are, for
the person new to them, filled with masters of how to operate there. It is intimidating to be a novice among such experts and treacherous as well. People, it turns out, build mental maps
of what works around here and who influences whom and what around here, as they penetrate a new situation. City-fication involves, at a minimum, building such maps and using
their contents to guide influence and contribution efforts.
A fourth model is the stages of marriages. A man and woman get together informally then formally as a wedded pair. That merely starts a long journey of inter-meshing, inter-penetrating, inter-acting. Passion gives way to partnership and partnership grows into pluriform partnerships within any one relationship. A person penetrating a city marries it in a similar
sense--because initial passion gives way to partnership, the city using resources of the person and vice versa, the person using resources of the city. Both develop as a result. Both benefit.
A fifth model is Rollo Mays model of power development--negative power setting the stage for assertive power, in turn, setting the stage for partnering power, which sets the stage for
transformative power. The person penetrating a new city and the city welcoming the new person, both develop power in this sequence. In both cases, the ability to block, jam, deny
gains respect and detailed attention, causing agendas to get recognized and blended, so the city and the person share agenda items. To city-fy is to develop power together with a city.
A sixth model, presented in detail just below in this article, is the insight model. Penetrating a new city is a process of developing insight about what and how to live there. The same
alternation of engagement with detachment that drives individual insight processes within individual persons minds, drives city-fication processes as people penetrate cities new to them.
Engagement gives way to detachment as initial ideas do not mesh or work, requiring rethinking.
A seventh model is that of the stages of saving failed companies. People who do this work for a living notice stages like: stopping the blame game, getting everyone to do their assigned
job, repairing busted business equations so financial sense can be made, measuring what is crucial and de-emphasizing what is non-essential, rewarding what saves crucial functions and
de-emphasizing what rewards non-essentials. People who enter or grow up in declining cities, have the problem of identifying what city-fication processes are missing and installing
them. Some of the processes of saving companies apply to restoring life to dying cities.
An eighth model is family systems therapy. It is miraculous how families tortured by decades of nasty inter-relations, habits, behaviors, and hideous outcomes, forget all that and outgrow it all in months, when a few interventions are completed by trained family therapists, who view the entire system and how the roles inter-relate, fixing the influence that particular
roles have on other roles. The revolution of defining a role by its effects on others rather than its intents or rightness or justification by past offenses of others allows cycles and feedback loops of hate and harm to disappear, quickly and permanently. New ways of talking and seeing go together to constitute a new system of self re-enforcing interactions. Cities being
saved by city-fying people, go through much the same--role effect diagnosis, role interaction diagnosis, negative cycle identification, role revision experiments, reaction-to-role experiments, institutionalizing new roles and responses.
Finally a ninth model is ecosystem building and repair. Niches that spawn new niches, exponentially, and so-called increasing returns to scale--the bigger a city is the better it works and
the more attractive it is, hence, the bigger it gets--are what is involved here. Repairing ecosystems is tricky because a single niche-holder, removed, often results in another player filling
that niche, moving into it, expanding roles. Ten species are enough, biological research found, to make most ecosystems stable, and resilient to intrusions and disturbances. Cities that
people revise and improve, save and repair, benefit from similar niches from niches, exponential growth, increasing returns to scale, and resilience from certain standard levels of diversity.
The above nine models, sketchily presented above, suggest how all sorts of other models might help us define and improve city-fication processes. This article takes the hint from these
nine models, suggesting other models, far more detailed and comprehensive, using them to define and suggest ways to improve city-fication processes, the processes that make cities
alive, the attract global creative elites to cities, that repair civilization faults, keeping entire civilizations alive via pulsating innovative cities.
The simplistic analysis just done, taken from first mentions by people interviewed, suggests possible city-fication processes, namely:

1) a city-fication process: simultaneously satisfying, more and more, both base needs and self realization needs, when entering a new place
2) a city-fication process: going through standard emotional stages of penetrating a culture foreign to one, as ones own culture blends with the citys culture
and as the citys culture blends with ones own, when entering a new city
3) a city-fication process: as naive person among masters of local situations, mapping what works and does not, who leads and who follows, till tacit knowledge in the city is no longer hidden from one
4) a city-fication process: initial passion about a new city decaying into active contributory partnerships with its aspects in a marriage between you and your
5) a city-fication process: mutual recognition, detailed attention, and respect won for you by blocking city initiatives and for the city by blocking your initiatives till you both master each others agendas and partner to fulfill them both
6) a city-fication process: alternating intense engagement with punctuating detachment (reverie) applied to ever more abstract representations of what is
there to be related to, till, as a sudden insight, you understand your city and as a sudden insight, your city understands and uses you fully
7) a city-fication process: finding the core city-fication processes present in a city and essential ones now missing, then improving the ones present and installing the ones missing, till all city-fication processes are there, doing their respective jobs, pulling interdependently the city into the future
8) a city-fication process: diagnosing flawed role inter-dependencies among aspects of the city and between the city and other regions/cities then changing
that system of inter-relations so constructive initiatives and responses replace conflicted and counter-productive ones
9) a city-fication process: installing increasing returns to scale, niches creating niches, non-linear growth processes among wanted city aspects, with enough
minimal diversity to make the attainments robust to perturbations of the city as ecosystem.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

In a similar way, the rest of this article uses more powerful and pertinent models from outside urban design and city planning to define and elaborate other city-fication processes possibly
essential to city live-ness and without which cities decline, fall into disrepair, and die.

BEING PRACTICAL 2: An Exercise in Grounding the Folk Processes of City-fication in Your Own Experience
Take any situation where you entered a new group, community, environment for some weeks or years, for the first time (the most recent such event is best because the
older you are, the more your city-fying work will involve the processes mentioned in this article), and answer the following questions about it:
1. How did you seek self realization goals right from the start there? How did you seek basic food, safety, and essentials-finding goals right from the beginning there?
2. What version of each of the typical mistakes, from the model of culture penetration stages above, did you experience? Why?
3. What specifically did you quickly learn about what works and does not work, who leads and who follows, in the new situation there?
4. What specific first passion did you develop and what specific form of partnership did it evolve gradually into there?
5. What did you early on learn to block in the situation that won you some attention and respect and what did the situation early on block in you that won your attention
and respect for the locale you newly were in?
6. What alternating intense engagement followed by intense detachment I dont care did you undergo there as you struggled to be effective and valued there? What
alternating intense periods of engagement by things around you followed by intense detachment of things around you, did you experience early on there? What insight
did the first alternating create in you about the situation there? What insight did the community develop about you from the second alternating?
7. What essential processes that kept that community around you alive and attractive to outsiders did you eventually discover there?
8. What were the major players and roles and institutions in that community there around you, and what inter-dependencies among them seemed to dysfunction and
sustain poor results? What one or two such flawed inter-dependencies could someone, perhaps you, someday change to benefit the community? How?
9. What non-linear growth processes (of things getting increasing returns as size expanded, of each new things spawning niches that caused more other new things to get
invented and installed) did you find there? What core forms of diversity there were essential to such non-linear growth processes? How?

Survey of City Leaders to Find Meanings of to Citify. I showed the above definition paragraphs (by

face-to-face interview or email) to 120 city leaders around the

world over the past few years, scribbling down or collecting their reactions (120 city leaders from 15 of the worlds most creative cities, in nine nations on three continents, including government agency civil service leaders, political leaders, civic and volunteer group leaders, social movement leaders, business leaders, arts leaders, policy innovators, architecture and cityscape leaders). Here I report their overall (of 288 images total, from 1706 remarks grouped by similarity and groups named by me) top six images of what city-fication processes are
(below, in a later section, I present their second six more mentioned images of what city-fication processes are, and a total of 36 such images most frequently mentioned by them are covered in the first sections of this article; later sections no longer are organized by frequency of mention and drive this number to 64, at mid-article, and 288 by the end of this article). Three
different sizes--36, 64, 288--of the same model are presented because granularity of model matters practically and theoretically with some purposes needing cogent few factors and others
needing comprehensive well-articulated precise factors.
The most elemental meaning of to citify is to turn a place into a series of events and, vice versa, to turn a series of events into a place. We find both of these going on throughout
human history. The second meaning of to citify is the fluid, mobile population of the global creative class seeking out places to locate its daily lives and work. There is such a fluid
population that, well informed, up to the minute, rapidly invests in interesting places, divesting in those suddenly less interesting. Places compete in trying to attract it. The third meaning of to citify is to find diversity in a place and find ways to combine that diversity into creative outcomes. Having diversity and doing something with it of value are two entirely different things. The fourth meaning of to citify is populations inventing new ways to be together with other people and inventing new ways to be apart from other people. Both of these
tend to get invented at the same time, because life is not livable without having both. Ways of being apart only work when they are relative to current ways of being together and vice
versa. The fifth meaning of to citify is any of various ecological processes, among humans, operating when some existing city is ecologically disturbed. For example, when an
entire generation is killed in war, young and the niches they occupy in city-life are missing, those niches being filled by parts of other sub-populations which are said to citify. The
sixth meaning of to citify is to sustain civilization by inventing. People citify when they invent new work or life roles that bolster a civilization in serious danger or decline somewhere in one of its places or dynamics. Thusly defined, city-fication is something many people do, those people who keep civilization and cities alive, who make them happen. Cityfication is collaboratively done by public and private leaders and institutions. This article emphasizes the strategic importance of design professionals distinguishing clearly work to support urbanization from work to support city-fication processes. Supporting the latter is often lost in the midst of supporting the former, this article argues. Identifying just what city-fication processes are there, to be supported, is vital.
Six Definitions of To Citify from Urban Leaders in 15 of the Worlds Most Creative Cities


a city-fication process:
a city-fication process:
a city-fication process:
a city-fication process:
a city-fication process:
a city-fication process:

turn series of events into a place; turn place into series of events
the global creative class choosing to locate itself somewhere temporarily
combining diversity among populations into creation
populations inventing new ways for people to be together and apart
ecological repair of human communities disrupted via sub-populations or environment or other system effects
security from invention work that sustains civilizations under threat somewhere.

BEING PRACTICAL 3: An Exercise in Grounding in Your Own Experience the Six City-fication Processes Above
What city are you living and working in now? What city is like that in resources but much more creative and attractive to outsiders? What city is like that
but much less creative and less attractive to outsiders? In the context of those three cities, answer the following questions:
1. Give an example of a series of events eventually becoming a place.
2. Give an example of a place eventually spawning a regular series of events.
3. For both of the above two questions, tell why exactly that happened.
4. Which of the three cities you named best attracts the global creative class and why exactly?
5. Which of the three cities you named has the most diverse types of diversity within it? Which of the 3 combines whatever diversities it has the best? Why? How?
6. Which of the 3 cities named, overall, combines the best the most diverse types of diversity? Why?
7. What new ways of people being together and people being apart has each of your 3 named cities created?
8. What ecological intrusion or perturbation has each of you 3 cities undergone, and what ecological repair resulted in each case? Was it adequate? Why?
9. What threatens your entire civilization the most? Why do you think this? What exactly is threatened in your civilization? What exactly is threatening that?
10. What did your three cities, each, invent to solve, fix, meliorate, or avoid that? How effective was that invention? Why?

City-fication Not Urbanization, the Role of Design by All of Those Who City-fy a Particular Place.

There is already a word at hand urbanization and

urbanize. I choose to not use these to avoid the contextual baggage that comes with them. City-fication makes human and wonderful what urbanization accumulates and builds. To
use my shellfish image above--city-fication is the vital core that excretes the shell that constitutes urbanity (urbanization is the shell emerging in stages, city-fication is the process that
generates that shell). I want a word for the life-giving evolving frontier not the built-up accumulated mass behind that frontier that it generated. Designs by architects, plans by urban
planners, budgets by mayors, technoparks by business groups, concert halls and university extensions by arts groups, events by one and all, may merely rearrange the shell of urbanization or may generate city, the vital core that keeps cities attractive to the global creative class and others.

There is a tendency to drift into policy think, leadership think, elite designer think, planner think when confronted with the word city or urban. Planners, mayors, architects, and the
like do not city-fy much. They participate in city-fying as we all do but by occupation they can only continue to contribute. They do not dominate it though they can extirpate a good
bit of it. Most city-fying work is done by great numbers of people leading on all size scales of a place from sets of 3 friends, to families, to block clubs, and so on, all the way to intermetropolitan consultative boards of directors. Planners, mayors, architects and the like all too easily get into thinking that they are the main show, that the products of their work city-fy
places--a terrible distortion and major step on the road to city destruction. At best, at their very best, the recognize city-fying work by myriad others, enable and make it easier, situate it
beautifully, contribute to it. They almost never create it, lead it, or make it succeed. They often do, however, block, obstruct, and hinder it, wittingly or unwittingly.
I wish, in this article to change that. I want to blend a personal dimension to city-fying a place with larger-scale policy and leadership dimensions of city-fying a place. They are actually
the same process conducted on different size scales of place and time. Robinson Crusoe city-fied his island. Astronauts city-fied their space station. You city-fy that new workplace
you joined. I city-fied my college campus and town as a new student. Pharaohs city-fied ancient Egypts desert and Nile borders. CEOs city-fy failing corporations that they save. It
is the same thin red line, liveliness, renewer of civilization processes that all those people do in all those settings. City-fying is the entirely natural process of humans erecting artificial
worlds around them that attune nature to them and them to nature and both to the mysteries of the universe as human uncover and invent them. We all do it, but we do it unconsciously,
sloppily, happenstancely, and at times. This article examines what goes on inside city-fying a place. What exactly does city-fying a place do to the place, to ourselves, to others? There
are strong hints in the arts and in citylife as we know it. The character Victor in the play Barefoot in the Park, was a city-fied self--eclectic, exotic, touring the world as represented in his

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

city, cosmopolitan and global in viewpoint, flexible in values, modest in pride of background, growing psychologically at age 60, open, outward, upward, yearning, with frontiers still to
discover. His urbanity was accumulated city-fying work. What do cities do to us, and what do we do to cities?

Case 1: Kamagasaki
Example One: Citifying in Kamagasaki, the Poorest Neighborhood in Japan. My first trip outside the United States was to Japans poorest
neighborhhhood, Kamagasaki, just West of the Abeno area in the south of Osaka. This is an area where tens of thousands of men, lack full time
employment, and daily go to a government hiring hall for one-day-at-a-time jobs assisting construction company crews in menial labor. 78-yearold prostitutes, 20-year-old knife fighters, local shop owners, gangsters, illicit drug and arms traders, gather here right next to a rich neighborhood, each yard filled with killer Dobermans, where company Presidents life. Charmingly this neighborhood alone preserves the pre-War architecture of shops on the first floor, homes on the second, walk-able streets too narrow for any cars, local public baths in every area where everyone
gathers between 10p.m. and 2a.m. for naked washing and soaking in hot pools. The area is at least 1100 years old in terms of its overall social
role within the greater Osaka area, and local customs peculiar to crowded living in theatre state polity, where disturbing social tranquility is the
greatest sin, have evolved and deeply embedded themselves in everyones psyche. It is common for wives to sneak downstairs for love-making
trysts while their husbands sleep upstairs, ignoring the passionate noises clearly originating from their disrobed spouses downstairs. The next day
it is the husbands turn to tryst while the wives ignore passions noises downstairs. For hundreds of years the authorities have been content to
minimize expenditure, on this area and its people, to what they can get away with, while yet maintaining no presence of the area and the problems
of its residents in local media or elections. The local police stand in front of the local gangster offices (yakusa offices) reading comics, which a
boy on a bicycle refreshes with new ones four times a day, taken from other police stationed in front of other yakuza offices. Inside the local
yakusa offices, gangsters read the same comics, refreshed by a boy driving a top-of-the-line Harley-Davidson, among yakuza offices several
times a day. Police, however, strictly do not exchange comics with gangsters and vice versa. In winter dozens of homeless men, largely drunk,
freeze to death on the streets, though a German missionary woman for 40 years has driven through the back alleys on bike to find and bring them
to hot soup at her shelter. Mormans and similar missionary organizations for decades have sent representatives to urge the men to stop drinking
beer, and love Jesus, to no visible effect, though the murder rate in this poorest of all neigborhoods in Japan is less than 1 person every two years,
something no Morman neighborhood worldwide has been able to maintain in recent memory. From time to time city government erects special
single occupancy dwellings to get the men off the streets, to no effect, as such dwellings always come with an abundance of rules and getting
away from rules, after all, is what brought just about all occupants of this neighborhood to it. In earlier decades, however, not a few men used
such generously donated dwellings to keep chickens and rabbits that they raised for food.
When I arrived, assigned to set up participatory town meeting programs all over East Asia, the police forbid public gatherings in this tenderbox
neighborhood so I looked around and found that the social nodes everyone used for exchanging news among friends were stand-up sake shops
(where prices for cheap quality foods and drink were highest in Japan, paradoxically--the poor pay the worst prices). An early attempt to use the
moderately-hot pool of water at local public baths (sentos), for un-dressed workshopping, failed as local gangsters often inebriated sang loudly,
while bathing, taking turns doing Japanese minyo singing, preventing workshop questions being heard. I trained students in workshop procedures and got them to visit 20 such sake shops nightly asking one workshop question of everyone present per night, getting twenty or so customer
replies while eating and drinking with day laborers in these shops (for a total of 400 peoples answers to the question of each night). In four
weeks, all 400 people finished all workshop procedures and booklets summarizing their analysis of their own problems and what they, without
government support, could do to help themselves were written and published. The government of Osaka was somewhat surprised and nonplussed that such a public gathering of citizen inputs had taken place under police noses without being noticed, and dismayed to see, before them
in writing, detailed analyses beyond anything city government workers had done in several hundred years. A side note--I did this work before
having learned Japanese and therefore had to speak to shop owners in French, they not speaking English. It turns out that these poor people all
worked in French North Africa for construction companies in their youth, and, therefore, they spoke perfect colloquial French. This tiny cityfication process fragment accelerated when printed workshop results booklets got distributed nationally to local governments all over Japan.
Suddenly, before peers nationwide, Osaka government workers had to explain why they had not, in hundreds of years, executed such a serial
decentralized workshop approach, to gathering citizen requirements. Within a year, dozens of formal workshops in poor neighborhoods all over
Japan, based loosely on our groups workshop procedures, had been implemented. Governments nation-wide had instituted a city-fication process of resident need self assessment, in neighborhoods without such processes for hundreds of years. Participants of my Kamagasaki workshops, for their part, formed committees, meeting at local sake shops, to institute a few dozen of the hundreds of recommended actions in the
booklets. As a clever move, a student assisting me in this work got a relative who owned a sake factory, to donate free sake for these committee
meetings, a sure-fire attendance draw in this type of neighborhood, especially in winter.
16) a city-fication process--to update processes of obtaining customer requirements for city services and policies using latest technologies
from any sector of society and any part of the planet, and to deploy such updated processes throughout all strata of society from top to bottom and
bottom to top.

Case 2: Ecumenical Institute

Example Two: The Ecumenical Institute Citifying Western Civilization by Refounding Japanese Culture Dynamics in US Society.
As an undergraduate at MIT (who spent years studying at Wellesley and Harvard while at MIT), I was so grateful for the education provided,
I felt the need to pay back society for the privilege of being educated there. I asked Huston Smith, Professor of Religion, for the name and
address of any organization rebuilding Western Civilization, and, to my amazement, he gave me a name and phone number (of a group calling
itself the Ecumenical Institute). I skip my first years penetrating and working in that organization, here, to report a day in the organizations library when I found Hannah Arendts books, The Human Condition, and On Revolution, with nearly every single sentence underlined
and marginally commented on by the Ecumenical Institutes founder, Joseph Mathews. It was clear that his entire idea of Western Civilization having a deficit in community dynamics (social capital this was called after Putnam), and Japan having a surfeit of rich community
dynamics, and refounding community in the West by tranplanting Japanese community practices, re-founding them from a Buddhist to a
Christian basis, came from those two books by Hannah Arendt. The Ecumenical Institute was a social movement of 200 die-hards supported
by 2000 full time volunteers and assisted by another 5000 sympathizers in 24 nations and 104 cities in 1972 (its centalized top-down management regime insured that no one competent was around when its founder died, so the organization evaporated within months of his death). Its
job was to re-found churches on the basis of modern business methods so the result of that could re-found Western civilization by injecting
Japanese community practices refurbished with Christian roots to replace their Buddhist origins. Whether that job was good or bad, done or
not done, the spawning of such movements is a normal dynamic in city-fication processes throughout history. Cities give birth to social
movements, aimed at real or imagined faults in whatever civilizations they are in. Waves of such movements are merely the flowing waters
of cify-fication processes in any one locale.
17) a city-fication process--regularly spawn social movements that attempt the complete improvement and revision of societys basis from
some intense one point of view or another, each movement recruiting different society strata and institutional sponsorships, and setting up different demonstration projects of what application of their values and views can produce

Imagination is a keyword for grappling with city-fying activity. Humans, as the cases above and below indicate, can approach their lives with such unthinkably clever, weird, unusual,
unexpected frameworks and directions. You can never tell what something is because you can never tell what untoward framework someone else will bring to bear on it, revealing
aspects you never saw before or thought of. Each new framework we master in life expands what we can see of the world. As we add frameworks and more diverse ones, we live in
larger and larger worlds. The world to us actually gets bigger. In situations, we find ourselves seeing what others next to us miss entirely, neither being able to see nor to articulate not
to influence. Imagination, enriched by plural diverse frameworks, means, the world is immensely rich, complex, and evolving, all our lives. I like the research that found different
micro-environments for first born, second born, third born, and so on children in families. The parents think of themselves as extruding the same one environment that all their kids live
in, but each kid actually perceives a different world than the others, seeing different portions of parents, future occupations, siblings, and friends than the others. City-fying is like that-we each erect our own version of a city as we penetrate any physical city we move to, any workplace we move to, any wilderness we camp in. With all those around us each erecting

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

their own versions, it does not take long for huge amounts of surprise and complexity and unpredictability to enliven our days, keeping us amused, distraught, and occupied mentally and
emotionally. Conversation is constantly bridging these version differences among us.

Case 3: Fund Raising Circuits

Example Three: A Fund Raising Team Stuck Somewhere Till It Raises $40,000. Three new fund raisers and I were assigned to a major city, for
the first time, to visit 20 wealthy families a week, getting cash-in-hand donations, plus pledges to be paid later in the year. Usually, because we
lacked experience, we were assigned to minor cities, deadwood areas, rural communities, or a series of such places. However, there comes a time
when the organization wants to test our mettle by putting us into a major urban area, with the usual instructions and goals, to see how we thrive. My
three associates and I were suddenly assigned to Boston instead of Pinkville, Arkansas or the like. The rule, in our charity, was fund raisers could not
come home without $2000 cash-in-hand per week. If we failed to get that the first week then we needed $4000 cash-in-hand the second week in order
to come back to headquarters. We were thrilled to be in a major city. The advantages were geographic compactness--much wealth concentrated in
an area that required little driving--and well connected societies, so success with one donor might very well lead to introduction to amicable others.
We were less aware of the negatives but soon found them, face to face--the biggest and best donors in such areas, have layers of secretaries and assistants to protect them from direct conversation; such donors have heard every possible pitch about every possible good cause already a dozen times
a year, and, finally, such donors have professionally designed cosmic nos that enthrall naive fund-raisers.
We phoned, from the airport, families who had already taken seminars by our organization in past years, till we charmed one of them into putting us
up for the week at their home or some other apartment they had access to. We put our bags in the two rooms the four of us were to share in a generous
familys house, and started to work. I will ignore, here, nearly everything that happened related to fund-raising, mentioning instead the city-fication
journey we took in that facility and week. At first we imagined sleeping only there, and working downstairs at the kitchen table or outside in nearby
coffee shops. After a day or two, we began to notice and use particular facilities in the house (a corner office, a fax machine, a library of old area
newspapers), and particular facilities in the neighborhood (a Kinkos with office machines and desks, a chain coffee shop with telephones, faxes, and
quiet corners, a local library with various social and community newspapers from the area). At the same time we began to distinguish members of the
host family with particular talents, knowledge, or attitudes towards us of use, and people in the neighborhood or connected to our host family who
were useful and friendly. The third or so day, we found ourselves, in turn, responding to requests by such people, who, in return for helping us,
wanted some small cooperations and information from us, from time to time. The fourth day a crisis developed--we were far from our cash-in-hand
goal for four people, $8000 for the week. The community of new acquaintances around us--from the family and neighborhood facilities and from the
family associates and neighborhood persons-met we had dealt with--shared our growing sense of crisis and urgency. They began to wrack their
brains for contacts and paths of access to possible key donors. They began, with us, to brainstorm, particular social clubs, museum directorships, and
other points of entry to the right people in the large society around us. Allumni clubs for some colleges in Boston, a fishing group of retired university professors, and like unique points of entry appeared and were contacted. We just failed in meeting our first week goal, so we stayed over that
weekend and prepared actively to achieve $16,000 cash-in-hand early or midway through our second week, building on the momentum, and paths into
the core vital parts of the community we had finally uncovered the existence of, and in some cases, paths of access to.
This funding trip was a city-fication process by a group of strangers to Boston--four fund raisers. In the course of doing their particular mission, they
rapidly distinguished deadwood points, people, groups, not open to anything they were not already doing, from lively open people--willing to hear a
new story even from strangers if recommendations by others they respected were good enough. Our fund-raiser city-fication process sometimes
encountered on-going city-fication processes in particular cities. A trip to Kansas City was this way, casual visits to two bankers led to a lunch before
30 city leaders meeting informally, and a circuit of four dinners in a row, two per night, with particular interest groups, culminating in an end-of-week
tentative agreement to sponsor a 2000 person one day workshop meeting six months hence, led by workshop leaders my group was to train. The
commitment to launch that meeting became the focus, then, of serious fund raising for that and related matters, with local leaders we had contacted
doing the fund raising themselves on our behalf. We ended up with $50,000 donated for things beyond the 2000 person workshop a year later when
everything was said and done. Here a tightly knit local leadership group set in motion its own very fast decision making and exploration of possibility processes upon two of the encountering us by chance. We fund raisers had stumbled upon a powerful city-fication process on-going inside Kansas

BEING PRACTICAL 4: An Exercise in Penetrating a New City or Firm Rapidly with Precision for Immediate Practical Results
The above section presented fund raisers stuck in a city trying to raise donations, and forced, for cities never visited before, to quickly map social networks of money
and influence, noting values and connections to the fund raisers own agenda. At least six distinct steps of penetration were undergone by them all. Answer the
following questions:
1. What six distinct steps of penetration did they undergo? Who was involved in each? What was difficult about doing each? What was ambiguous in each?
2. For each step, what city-fication process of the ones already mentioned in this article, did that step potentially expose them to? How? Why?
3. For each of the six steps, what better step can you think of for them to have used? How and why is it better? What better city-fication process exposure does it
produce--how? why?
The model below of 216 city-fication aspects is more an outline, a rough one, of what this article presents than a formal model of city-fying work. The 36, 64, and 288 item models of
city-fication below are formal models, meant to be taken somewhat seriously. The model immediately below, on the contrary, is meant to announce interesting turns in the road as we
explore the idea of city-fying places. The rest of this article flows clockwise around the model below starting at the 12 noon position at the top.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

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frames natality
not power;
depends on
of locality
Democracy powers x, y
issues =
Illusion cyber demo
criticism of
= rule of
co-opt loudest
citizen rudest
aura proposed

Turn a Place into Series of Events,

Turn Series of Events into a Place

Theories Unlikelictp: accelerate
personality ctp: Substance
Models Social
space devt.
nature, subA bstractor
urbs, sky60
Cities to blend,invent
People VV ctp: thick
ptc: raterace
Models Knowledge
skin, power
$ & drugs ptc:
System Models
litter, vagrant,
Purity c9g
crime, mafia,
times & spaces


Interior &
persons &
culture mix
Manage Room
& blend
sub-places Theory tools &
person, work,
fractal domain vary,
Creation Machine
on ideas
processes Darwinian select,
& Think
circles Quality
levels of
envt. &
policy &
work/ traits of lifespan
domain that beyond:
creator & work
of influence
fractality Theories

system changes

corruption vs.
virtue; sin
heroic vs. gooddesign vs. ness live in
past vs
live in future
social capital vs.
do roles well
plans as locales
vs. solve
attract creative
for viewing
assimilaemergents manage
the living
values vs.
tion vs.
vs. the
engineering Managing
TradeCopyright 2004 by
deep &
Richard Tabor Greene
vs. lifestyle
All Rights Reserved
causes lumpy nets
social vs.
& connectors,
psychic vs. cyber
US Government Registered
mavens, etc.
12 Surprise Types
all cities are
small = big
in Wildavsky
ex. big =
money (violations,
people only some find the
Greenes Theory Attractor
cannot visit
process in
they are
the city
go unused
new roads
of City creators
lock in &
order for
cities choose Theories
nuclear family Paradoxes success =
which embeddecreasing
seek cities low experiment.g, new
fail: CA
dednesses to
public = nuclear bomb:
to locate in coordn civic coalitns. infra.str
returns in sex & Kaufmann
attracts till
4 is not
be creative humans
costs = clusters =diversity
too big to
Arthur sandpiles
enough monopolies
coalitions of
daily life
NYC vs Missoula
cities to invent
indls/bidders/ Social
Par Bak
=relativism &
new humanness forms
drug store ofounding
Science practicehomes
to exist
Theories self-reflectn.
now prevents
load, search
line not pt.
focus from
reciprocating uniformity for missing
ideal flow
pricing create diversity; authority
instns. too big/small;
alone together;
their new homes
seek what left




Social Indexing

Disciplines &


Spaces &
Theories Solution
Align- Sense
Media ment Evidency
to User
Countering Media
Translations Interface
Theories Structural
Media Counters Assist
Misleading Level
& Evidency


BEING PRACTICAL 5: An Exercise in Scanning the Above Model of 216 City-fication Dimensions Covered in this Article
The model above of 216 city-fication dimensions gives the overall flow of topics in the rest of this article.
1. a. Circle all the boxes (trapezoids of which there are 216, that is, the lowest level boxes) that you fully understand, probably.
b. Put an X in all the boxes that you do not understand at all.
c. Put a checkmark in all the boxes that interest or intrigue you in any way at all now.
2. Look for clumps--of circled boxes, of Xs, of checkmarks--put an oval around each clump. Read the higher level (not 216 but 36 or 6) box names inside each clump.
Write a four word name of what each such clump, overall, is about, is presenting, is commenting on, and another four word name of what it is saying about that.
3. Reviewing your names clumps, what do they tell you about you own views of city-fication compared to this articles views? What do they tell you about how and
where this articles views might differ from you own?
4. Where, as a result of this analysis, in this article (as indicated by the flow of topics in the model above) do you expect to find the most interesting ideas? the
least interesting ideas? Why?

The Most Frequently Mentioned 36 City-fication Processes: Insight, Interfaces, Multipliers, Social Processes, Development, Performance, Substrate Updates, Human Nature, Culture, Democracy, Power, Globality, Educatedness
This section goes beyond the 8 most frequently mentioned city-fication processes, mentioned by surveyed city-leader respondents, to another 28 such processes. Processes suggested by
survey respondents, below, are elaborated using nearest matching ideas from research literatures outside of urban studies, urban planning, and architecture.

Page 9;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Our City Wants to Succeed in Competing for Global Creative Elites: How Do We Establish What They Want? By Setting Up and
Improving City-fication Processes. Every major city mayor, plus associated city leaders from the private sector, has paid for expensive lectures and seminars, in the past few
years, on the global creative elites, the professional global business class, the Silicon Valley cluster class, the global educative elites that found and run universities. They have done this,
at great expense in money and time, because cities now compete to attract such flows of people. These are all highly informed, up-to-date, wealth-producing, global classes of people,
constantly seeking out the best places to temporarily locate themselves. Cities compete in attracting them. The good part of this is it gives specific focus to city leaders when they imagine policies or decide among alternative policies. There is now a vital criterion--which policy will result in attracting more of the best global elites to locate in our city?
The people who do these lectures and teach these seminars present data showing leading cities of the world, in terms of income per capita, growth per year, life satisfaction of population
segments, that show how all these good things go steeply up only for those cities that succeed in attracting the global creative and other elites. The lecturers and seminar teachers also
present data on what traits a city must have in order to attract such elites:

18) a city-fication process: establish the three Ts and one L: technology (measured by innovation and concentrated high tech firms), talent (measured by portions of workforces in creative occupations not just education levels), tolerance (places that welcome diverse values, lifestyles, family styles, ideas and
integrate them rather than segregate them); and liveliness (tolerance permits this to develop, that is, permits surprising diversities densely packed in districts
with unique themes for a fractal pattern of mixing laced like necklaces, criss-crossing urban areas)--Florida, 2002.
Few of them move to the next step--what procedures can a city undertake that produce such traits.

cultivate and reward creativity

invest in a creative ecosystem of diverse creative venues
embrace diversity
nurture the creatives
value risk-taking by creating a yes climate
be authentic by knowing what assets are unique to you and what value you can add
invest in and build on quality of place
remove barriers to creativity
take responsibility for change in your community, make things happen
ensure that education makes creativity something everyone can actually try for
(Memphis Manifesto Summit, 2003)
Unfortunately most efforts at this next step--what procedures can a city undertake that produce such traits--are like the list above--all too obvious, already published commonsense dicta.
There are 100 billion billion billion different ways to do such general, abstract, and obvious processes, with nothing to guide you in selecting which of them works best. Cities that are
dying need city-fication processes, what processes are these? How many are there? How are they organized? Which are best set up as a set, together? Which are best set up first, second, and so on? Which best fit a particular city and its current circumstances? There is an entire technology of the processes of city-fication that needs exploring, research, testing, productization, and promoting--decades of work. This papers ambition is to scour literature for suggested city-fication processes, adding in some results from initial surveys of city leaders.
The result is two rather important models: one, of suggested city-fication processes ordered in a multi-level comprehensive way; the other, of creativity dynamics that need acknowledgement and support, and the robustness of which can be assessed in current city institutions, roles, events, processes, goals, policies, creative sub-populations, and results.
On an informal, personal level, what do we need to know about cities and city-fication? First, nearly all of us want to personally use cities better. We sense much there that goes to
waste because we do not find it or know how to use it well. Second, we wish to citify many of the groups we are in--that is, we wish to turn them from mere places to series of events or
turn them from mere events into places. Third, we want to find the city-fication process amid the refuse and clutter of any actual historic city we find ourselves in. It can take years to
find the processes sustaining, solving, reforming, and recruiting that citify any particular place. There is much around that does none of those things, the facilities, hangers on, lights and
places to eat, that architects and not a few city planners confuse with city. Fourth, we wish to better satisfy the base needs and basic needs we have. Picassos ideal Sunday was
Church in the morning, Bullfight in the afternoon, and Whorehouse in the evening, according to one or more of his wives. This captures the gamut from base to basic that we all experience. There is a psychic courage necessary for getting such satisfaction, even for seeking it, that many of us lack. Fifth, we all want the best things in life, but all the best things in life,
are, as the Paint Your Wagon song goes, dirty, and available mostly in cities: money, power, transcendence, and sex. Sixth, we want to get all this knowledge about all the media in
which cities take place: physical facilities, social events and processes, cyber worlds and networks. The knowledge we need and seek is a core, amid the clutter, the philosophical
excesses, and the refuse, that shows us the minimal essential dynamics needed to keep civilizations alive, turn groups into accomplishment homes, and find where live-ness pulls dead
people and facilities into futures. We seek the burning frontier amid the ashes.

BEING PRACTICAL 6: An Exercise in Evaluating Floridas Model of City-fication Processes

Consider your present city, the best city in global attractiveness of roughly the same resources as it, and the worst city in that as it. Considering those 3 cities answer
the following:
1. How exactly do Floridas 3 factors for attracting the global creative elite predict correctly which of your citys is most and least attractive?
2. Which of the 3 Florida factors is your present city weakest on? why? How can that be fixed in the next 3 years? in the next 9 years?
3. For each of the ten recommended actions of the Memphis Manifesto, write a specific change in your own present city that would implement it well.
4. For each of the ten recommended actions of the Memphis Manifesto, write a specific change in that recommendation that would improve its power.
5. For each of the ten recommended actions of the Memphis Manifesto, invent a much better action and replace it with that better one, stating how and why your new
one is better than the one in the Manifesto.
6. Which of the ten actions in your new version of the Manifesto, are best implemented together? why?
7. Which of the ten actions in your new version of the Manifesto, are hard to implement or perhaps impractical overall? why? how?
8. Which of the ten actions in your new version of the Manifest, most likely to meet powerful resistance if implemented in your present city? Why? How?
How can such resistance be actually overcome? How might it be prevented from appearing in the first place?

City-fy a Place by Setting Up an Inter-population Insight Process.

Once we agree that cities are not primarily facilities, bricks and mortar, but living assemblies of
organisms, we direct our attention to the living that goes on in them, rather than the real estate in which that living goes on. What is most salient and central in what goes on in cities
includes creativity, on all size scales. Cities are where populations interact to create or fail to create, where neighborhoods interact to create or fail to create, where institutions interact
to create or fail to create, where interests, politicos, social clubs, ideas and ideologies, new technologies, and nearly all that humans think and do interact to create or fail to create. Cities
that manage to be creation continually going on are full of city-fication processes. Cities that manage to avoid creation continually are missing city-fication, they are cities, as facilities,
shells, without the living organism that generates those facilities and features of those shells.

19) a city-fication process: to establish an inter-population, inter-city, inter-neighborhood, inter-family, inter-firm, inter-person = inter-X insight process
We can be quite literal about this image. Cities literally execute the precise process steps of the same insight process that goes on inside the heads of individual inventors, creators,
authors, artists, and the like (Simonton, 2002; Sternberg, 1995). There are a number of models of the insight process as it occurs in the minds of creators. Here I take one particularly
well articulated and comprehensive model of insight processes (Greene, 2004).
Cities are alternate application of intense engagement with intense detachment to ever more abstract renderings of phenomena encountered and of interest. During this alternation of
engagement with detachment on ever more abstract targets, failed solution attempts accumulate, till they are so numerous and puzzling that cities build indexes of what is common to
what is failing. They then reverse the traits of what failed in these failure indexes, to inversely specify what traits any eventual solution must have. In doing all this cities operate not on
single problems or single attempted solutions but on entire populations of related problems and entire populations of proposed solution approaches. Cities tune the interactions among
the members of these populations of interacting ideas (most of which have particular people and interest groups attached to them), adjusting how tightly members are connected, how
diverse those interacting are, what types and amounts of initiative-taking are distributed among members, until better-than-planned results spontaneously begin to emerge from much
noisy interaction. Cities then carefully notice and prune away noise to reveal the eventual solution hiding among the clutter from many idea interacting. Finally, the spontaneous emergence of entire solutions and the gradual recognition of it amid much clutter often happen suddenly as eureka insight events, because only when cities entirely despair of ever reaching
a solution with any of their existing knowledge and frameworks, and hence try out entirely new ones, does the solution suddenly come into view. Despair is the doorway to solution in
insight processes. Cities not in despair of all that they know failing, are not ready for finding solutions. Mobilizing many parts and aspects of cities into such insight-producing interaction is the city-fication process at work.

Page 10;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Case 4: Patron Colab Dinners

CITY-FY BY DESIGNED COMBINING: A close suburb of Osaka, Kitabatake, housed many of the richest families in Osaka, chairmen of many companies. Naturally these
powerful families were drawn largely into the professional worlds of their own companies and clientels, spending virtual no time and concern on the physical neighborhood they
shared. One pair of retired chairmen, urged on by their wives, decided to change this, especially as crime and gangs chipped away at the edges of the area. They hired my nonprofit as a consultant and designed monthly dinners of a special sort that added up to one major neighborhood improvement per year.
We, the consultants, were given the problem of how to engage the design minds of super rich, powerful people, in thought about their own neighborhood. We studied their personal backgrounds, friends, present job challenges, and interests, then connected those to neighborhood proposals from a panel of outside experts. The final dinner design had 12
tables of 8 people each, with sets of 7 guests rotating from table to table every 20 minutes. Each table had a different food theme and a different form of table-local entertainment,
and an outside expert leading a discussion, assigned to that table, of one possible overall neighborhood improvement for the next year. When dinner was done, the 84 guests voted
on the best proposal of the ones they visited at the various tables.
Success at attracting people to these dinners was obtained by: the two retired chairmen and their personal contacts; the outside experts at each table including trendy celebrities and
global figures; and the rare foods that each table specialized in. In addition the dinners were kept secret from government and press and local organizations. All outside contact
was done after the guests voted in their chosen project of the year. This gave the ultimate initiative to them, not outsiders, and reduced hassle that long drawn-out processes and
projects subject them to.
The City-fying Point: Designed combinations outperform accidental and casual ones, especially as busier layers of society get involved. Ideas and persons and atmospheres and
security have to all come together into events that combine just the right things in just the right ways to work with the people attending.

The Insight Process from Reviewed Literature

Exhausting First Impressions

Depth Struggle

Insight as Victory
Reduce and Test

The Insight






Try Existing Frame

Stop Existing Frame

Specify New Frame

Generate Candidate Solution


Represent the Problem

Unrepresent the Problem

Represent Points of Failure

Generate Alternative Partial

Solutions and Solution Components

Engagement, Inductive Model

Building, this problem consists of X

Detachment, Model Breaking and

Expanding, things that are X have
not been tried yet

Engagement, Inductive Model

Building (of Failure Points), things
that are X dont work

1. Select Problem

6. Select Assumptions

11. Select Solution Attempts

both problem and features of the problem to attend to

(Implicit in the problem, you, your


that failed thus far

2. Abstract Features

7. Abstract Constraints

12. Abstract Failed Hypotheses

from problem descriptions of others

and new descriptions you generate

(witting and unwitting)

abstract hypotheses from failed solution


3. Case Index--Match Cases find

past problems similar to current one

8. Context Index--Switch Contexts

and activities

Detachment, Model Breaking and

Expanding, what about trying X
16. Select Parallel Project Involvements
multi-task in wildly different projects to
refresh frames, contexts, morale, images
17. Abstract Analogies in Other

Recognize and Combine Solution


Engagement, Inductive Model Building

(of best solution combination), things
that are X help in way Y
21. Select Combinations
of partial solutions and solution elements
gained from analogies with other domains
22. Abstract Patterns from combinations
and analogies to try

to find what is common about problems

across domains and potential solutions
across them

13. Failure Index--Specify Causes of


18. Discourse Index--Seek Out New

Discourse Partners

state why and how each hypothesis


and discuss your stuck-nesses with them

separate helpful from unhelpful patterns

among solution elements

19. Apply Out-of-Field Solutions


24. Specify What Part of Each Pattern


inside your own field

and does not work

15. Find Eventual Solution Attribute


20. Find Invariants in Aspects of Partial Solutions

25. Find Invariants Among Working


find invariants in all solutions tries that

failed and all reverse specifications of
eventual solution

that work partially

as your overall solution

4. Represent Problem

9. Apply Outside of Field

14. Reverse Failure Causes

in multiple ways, as many ways as

possible, both careful and playful

knowledge, images, techniques

reverse causes of failure to find what

each tells you about nature of eventual

5. Find Representation Invariants

10. Find Representation Variants

to problem across various representations, these will be rather abstract

what varies as you change ways to

represent the problem

23. Partial Solution Index--

BEING PRACTICAL 7: An Exercise in Setting Up a Social Insight Process Among the Minds of Groups of People
Select a group you are involved with, where you have enough influence to suggest or lead things, that others will follow. Select a current major interest, worry, or
task that group faces. Lead the group in handling that issue by using the 25 steps in the above model of insight processes in general as specific workshop steps that
your group goes through. Implement all first, third, and fifth column steps as intense engagement actions, and all second and fourth column steps as relaxed, reverielike, detachment actions. Similarly implement all the first, third, and fifth row, steps as intense engagement ones, and all second, and fourth, as relaxed reverie-like
detachment actions. Push hard for a sub-insight at the end of each row, end of each set of five steps, that is.
1. How did following the above process work worse than your groups usual procedures for solving or facing issues?
2. How did following the above process work better than your groups usual procedures for solving or facing issues?
3. Which three steps of the 25 were hardest? how? why? Is the source of the difficulty of doing them inherent in them or can it be fixed or made easier somehow?

Six More City-fication Processes from the Survey of City Leaders.

In my survey of city leaders, mentioned above, the eleventh through sixteenth images they
most frequently mentioned, of what city-fication processes include, are as follows. People pursue a monumentality goal (connecting the arbitrary local to the secular divine, societies
marking the world like dogs, persons marking societies with their careers; Eliade, Campbell, Mumford, Levi-Straus, Bourdieau, ), enacted in local performances (a zoo dimension of
display and performance before others on sidewalks, in lobbies, in concerts, and in/at/on/under/over/around/etc. other city spaces), across diverse media (physical space, media, networks,
events, processes, institutions), interfacing with other persons and institutions, by adjusting particular social processes so as to reach that goal. Particular lubricants make adjusting those
social processes possible and powerful. We can state this more succinctly by adding an abstract concept--people erect multipliers (local performance spaces, with links among diverse
media and interfaces among people and institutions) that take as inputs adjustments to social processes (themselves enabled by certain social lubricants like good education standards and
implementation) and multiply them to help people achieve monumentality goals. In some societies, today, such multipliers are publishing industries, in others, political parties, or venture
and angel capital. These take single ideas or prototypes and multiply them into society-wide influence and fame. Much of the worth of cities and their attractiveness is found in these
multipliers and this multiplication function.

20) a city-fication process: to erect multipliers that turn single ideas and prototypes into society-wide trends and influence and fame (like publishing, venture
capital, movie industries, and the like)
21) a city-fication process: to lubricate all social processes via educative infrastructure: interfaces, tolerance, social capital, slack; so interactions can be tuned
to the edge of chaos where unplanned patterns unexpectedly spontaneously emerge
22) a city-fication process: to erect interfaces between--persons to persons, persons to institutions, persons to media, media to institutions, all to the secular
divine and vice versa
23) a city-fication process: to sponsor style auditions, that turn into, educative wheres where mere daily life accelerates personality development
24) a city-fication process: to adjust social processes so as to reach some, overall goal fit for the type of city involved (see types of city below)
25) a city-fication process: to localize performance--to compensate for how performance chances and audiences are stripped from ordinary lives by central
performing elites in profit-oriented broadcast, entertainment, and publishing industries with deliberate invention and sustaining of local spaces of appearance capturing actual experiences in locally invented arts performed by local people before local and larger audiences

Page 11;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

BEING PRACTICAL 8: An Exercise in the Above Six New City-fication Processes

1. What more local, smaller scale, form of publishing, form of venture funding, form of broadcasting that does not exist now, would enliven your city? Where would
each get creative inputs locally? Who would want to buy them after being multiplied? What excellence of editing could propel marginal local contributions
towards high enough levels of quality to be inputs later for larger scale multpliers?
2. Which of the following--better public education, interfaces between more diverse parts of society, more social fellow feeling and sympathetic connection among
people--would most lubricate particular social processes in your city that are not now helping to attract global creative elites to your city? How could you achieve
that improvement?
3. What honest forms of real spirituality, connection with awe of existence and awe of the universe itself, are lost in the particular historical religion in which you were
raised? to which you now belong? What dishonest false forms of spirituality are currently fostered actively by the religion in which you were raised? to which
you now belong? How is science the true next global ecologic religion, replacing older more biased ones? How does science reveal awe, make people
modest, expand peoples feeling of ownership and responsibility for the plight of others?
4. What places in your city are where people go to be seen and see who is who and what is what? What is educative about those places? to you? to others?
5. What social processes in your city are working together towards some long terms goal at present? What ones are not thusly cooperating? Why?
6. What local spaces of performing and being seen by peers and neighbors are now needed in your city? How do you determine that? What recent events in the news
could likely have been prevented or meliorated had such spaces of appearing and performing been available at the time to the right people? Why are such spaces
missing or not now available? What would it practically take to make them available?
Social processes are hard to define--are they different in different cities and cultures or are they the same? It is really a matter of modeling convenience both for researchers and for people influencing cities and each other. An abstract model of social processes institutionalized or recognized/funded differently in different cultures but present everywhere and at work
everywhere even where unfunded and not available to conscious design can be constructed and was constructed by the Institute of Cultural Affairs (funded by the Rockefeller Brothers
Fund in 1970), using 2000 largely white suburban North Americans, and later modified by a conference of 230 East Asians, South Asians, South East Asians, Pacific Islanders, Russians,
South Asians Indians, and Arabic peoples that I organized in 1979. City-fication is not defined by such social processes--all societies have them going on--even dead and dying societies. However, city-fication corrects imbalances among them, taking slighted social processes and better funding, managing, or directing them, and taking over-emphasized ones and
reducing their salience. The model completed in 1979 is presented below.
There is an Illusion of Performance and Art in societies today. Performance has been stripped from ordinary lives and concentrated in central rich elites. Similarly art composition and
exhibition has been stripped from ordinary lives and concentrated in central rich elites. The commercialization of performance via entertainment, movie, publishing, and other industries
has removed local performance, art composition, and art exhibition and performance from hundreds of millions of lives, replacing local expression of local emotive depths with stereotypes, dumbed-down homogeneous whole society pabulum arts and entertainments meant to sell not to capture experience and serve artful roles in development of psyches, families,
communities, and lives. We sit for hours before Illusory Performances and Illusory Musics and Illusory Arts, rather than, at regular local festivals, performing ourselves before peers and
neighbors, expressing what is on our hearts. This Illusion of Performance and Art goes hand in hand with an Illusion of Locality and the Illusion of Democratic Power--all three capture
how local lives have been systematically impoverished by industrial civilization and its commercial motive driven centralization and elitization of community functions. City-fication
processes, everywhere, rollback these commercial-motive-caused distortions of community life, reducing the bowling alone and alone together character of modern city community
life. The rest of this article presents a number of city-fication process components, suggested by survey items but fleshed out fully, only after finding corresponding items in various literatures, relevant to the city-fication processes.

BEING PRACTICAL 9: An Exercise in Confirming and Using the Illusion of Performance and Art in Your City, and the Locality and Democratic Power Illusions
1. List all the intellectual important human experiences about which you have never heard a song?
2. List all the emotionally moving human experiences about which you have never heard a song?
3. List all the topics of typical comedy performers you like that never show up in songs, dramas, TV dramas? Why?
4. List all the really important experiences in life that are never found in songs these days? Why?
5. What negative things, feeling, events, consequences, disasters are virtually never sung about? Why? What is lost by never singing them?
6. When was the last time the neighbors near where you live performed in front of you? When did you last perform in front of them?
7. What do you feel when watching a multi-millionaire elite Hollywood star or pop singer star sing a song? What do you feel when you watch an unfamous local
person of less talent but more authenticity sing a song? What makes those feelings different? What does that difference mean?
8. When have you ever tried to change something local where you live or work and found surprisingly high levels of authority in remote places were affected and
deeply involved in that matter?
9. How does simply having the power of voting make you feel powerful? How does simply having the power of voting make you feel powerless? What direct
involvement in directing the community or company affairs around you do you crave? Would the hassle and time serious involvement in that requires of you
be worth the benefits? Why? Why not?

ReInnovative- interpretation




No mans


the Way












Miracle Promise










Non-linear Social
Dynamics Automata




Knowledge Generations Families

Innovation Measurement































Legislation Juridication

Page 12;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

BEING PRACTICAL 10: An Exercise in Plotting Problems on Social Processes to Find Interesting Places/Processes Where Problems Clump Together
1. What are the ten biggest problems your city faces the next five years? What are the ten biggest opportunities you city in in danger of not benefitting from the next
five years?
2. Plot your 20 answers to question one on the social process model immediately above by putting the problem/opportunity name in the box it most pertains to/effects.
3. Circle clumps of names--where several names all come in either the same smallest box, or adjacent small boxes, or in the same medium sized box. Note that
there are three sixes of boxes--big ones containing 16 processes, medium ones containing 4 processes, and small ones containing 1 process each). Try to end up
with five clumps at least.
4. Name each clump by asking--what about that social process (that goes on in all societies) as it goes on in your city, causes all these named problems/opportunities
to pertain to or affect it? Your answer to that should give you a good name for each clump. You can also ask--what do all these problems and opportunities have
in common that relates to this social process location?
5. Which of all the city-fication processes presented thus far in this article, goes on in each clump? How does that city-fication process explain the problems there
or opportunities almost being missed there?
6. What city-fication processes, of the ones already presented in this article, are pertinent to each clump but missing? How would installing them fix the problem or
make sure the opportunity was not missed?

A Culture of Development and City-fication as Development of Culture. The word develop can be tricky though it is often used as an unqualified good, except
in Seattle, China, and most cities. If you have ever lived in a poor society with no development going on, the word has a lot of positive aura about it. Lack of growth and development
can be stifling on a personal level and a societal level, given the immense number of human needs unmet in every community in the world. Rich people have an annoying habit of recommending less development for poor societies. The trick, of course, is growth of what, development of what? Policy makers tend to talk about some sort of global development as
an all or none proposition. We are very slowly learning to discriminate what needs to grow from what needs to not grow or be shut down entirely. In the discussion below I assume such
discrimination is being made.
Development, of the right things, requires a special culture if it is to happen. This is true whether the development considered is within an individual person, a single family, neighborhood, company, city, industry, profession, science, or region. There is a universal culture of development--without any of its attributes no development takes place. It is not culture specific and attempts to bypass its tenets in particular cases and cultures has, thus far, always failed. As such, it is a core part of to citify and city-fication processes. The version
presented below comes from Greene, 2002.
A reliable near future must be established. That is what allows people to invest in the future. Laws, systems, values of things, and persons must all be somewhat reliable if investment
is to be possible. Certain infrastructures that expand the scope of actions must be in place. Education, laws and norms for partnering without backstabbing, democracy, and working
communication, power, and other essential technologies must be in place and maintained in reliable working order. Thirdly a population of strivers must be established via training, tools,
and an unofficial and official tolerance for heresy and rivalry. These three constitute a culture of development that allow people in and outside a city to invest in its initiatives, dreams,
and projects. The test is always the same--can I invest? can I predict intermediate futures within margins of error I can live with? can I trust what is written, legislated, enforced, and

26) a city-fication process: establish a reliable near future allowing investment

27) a city-fication process: establishing infrastructures that expand the scope of local actions: education, partnering norms, democracy, and working reliable
28) a city-fication process: establish a population of strivers via training, tools, and formal and informal support for a tolerance of heresy and rivalry.

BEING PRACTICAL 11: An Exercise in Grounding the Three City-fication Processes Above
1. What initiatives that you wanted to start were not started in part because people or systems around you were not trustable and reliable enough?
2. What extra effort, resources, or the like might you invest in initiatives of your own or others were things more reliable around you?
3. What local actions have you recently taken that were amplified to wider scale or scopes via education effects, partnerships, democratic participation, or reliable
technologies? What local actions failed to expand in scope or scale because one or more of those amplifying things was missing?
4. What initiatives that you have undertaken were stopped or reduced significantly because people or organizations around you would not tolerate the departure from
common viewpoints and beliefs inherent in your work? because they would not tolerate any rivals to themselves and their existing powers arising?
5. What initiatives have you thought up but not invested in because the people and institutions around you are intolerant in some ways? What ways are they intolerant?
6. What general highly appropriate and beneficial initiatives does you city now need to undertake that it will almost certainly not undertake because the culture of the
people and institutions in your city is intolerant, narrow, bigoted, or overly conservative in some ways? What will it take to change those blocking culture traits?
How likely is it that those blocking traits will fairly soon change in your city?
7. What are the ways other cities have successfully changed fundamental parts of their own intolerance and culture? How exactly did they do this? How long did it take?
It is important to keep in mind that this culture of development is not specific to economic development but applies to mental, social, style, network, and myriad other forms of development as well--any form that requires people to invest now for future returns of some sort.

How to City-fy a Place by Developing Culture There.

There are over one hundred definitions of culture. Culture is vague and unsatisfying as a field of study and
practice yet we cannot escape it because of its huge power to determine success of failure (witness Disneyworlds bold losses in its EuroDisney expansions, nearly all problems of which
came from refusing to read cultures and their effects). The powers of culture are nine (see Greene, 2005), most coming from the unconsciousness we have of what we imbibe growing up
as kids or in a profession that becomes culture and the unconsciousness we have of what others encountering us actually face, since we are not aware of what operates inside of us and
how it looks to others. In a way culture is a word for missing self awareness. The opposite of culture is education, growing beyond what backgrounds and environments put into us,
unawares. What does it means for a culture to be developed and for a group to develop a culture?
All cultures are high performances (others, not of the culture, find all sorts of routines done fast and masterfully by the culture, or not done at all done in their own). Culture development,
in this especially elemental sense, then, consists of groups of people, from different national, gender, era, profession, and so forth cultures, together inventing and automating to the point
of unconscious execution many routines and ways of seeing things (and things to notice). This usually happens because they share intense experiences or crises, rather than because they
set up study groups to inter-penetrate the othernesses and cultures of others. Even negative experiences of X hurting Y become a culture of common attitudes and references and eras
of action and reaction shared by X and Y hating each other for years later (Hatfields and McCoys sharing a culture of vengeance with each others). Culture development, thusly defined,
is inevitable among any people living or working together in any sense involving serious inter-dependency or propagation of effects of actions of one party onto others. City-fication is
culture development beyond this, as people sharing the city-fication processes with each other, automate them into unconsciousness of execution.

When, as described in a section below on dimensions of culture, city-fiers pay attention to the dimensions of difference that define what differs from what in different cultures, what interacts with what when they clash, culture interaction development goes on--getting detailed particular aspects of cultures to meet and interact. This culture interaction development also
becomes culture development as blending cultures, especially well blended ones, spawn creativity. City-fication, then, as city and civilization sustaining creativity is generated by culture interaction development of this sort. See the below section for details and a model of 64 dimensions of culture difference.

29) a city-fication process: to distinguish many sorts of things that differ in culture--eras, families, organizations, professions, business practice sets, nations,
genders--and to map particular dimensions of difference among interacting cultures, and, finally, to blend, mix, coordinate plural cultures in mutual
intense efforts and long range projects that cause new cultures to get invented shared by them all

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BEING PRACTICAL 12: An Exercise in Dimensioning Differences with Small Enough Granularity to Change Potential Actions and Results
1. What is another culture that you have lived or worked in for some days or weeks or more?
2. What is another culture that lived in your culture for some days or week or more, observed closely by you?
3. For both cases, list exactly the differences you observed in culture--try to get lists of 30 or more, for both 1 and 2 above.
4. Take your two lists of 30 differences in cultures and group the similar ones in each list (do not combine lists). Try to get six or more groupings for each of your 2 lists.
5. What more abstract dimension of life underlies or generates each grouping of culture differences? What such dimensions of life are the same on both lists? Why?
6. When trying to persuade a person who is German to take American-style risks in business, what that is highly German, in German culture, can you appeal to? Do
library research if necessary to find the answer to this question.
7. What persuades an American that does not ever persuade a German? What persuades a German that does not ever persuade an American? Why?
8. Take the more abstract dimension of life you named in 5 above and state how it limits and guides you in negotiating a deal between the two cultures it comes from.
Is is specific enough to help? Is it general enough to help? Why?

Issues You Run Into When You City-fy a Place. There are all sorts of issues for societies that do not affect city-fication processes all that much.

Only the latter--issues

affecting city-fication--concern us here.

Globalizing technologies challenge city-fication today, nearly everywhere. They bring the world into all locales. They project local productions world-wide. They enable anyone anywhere anytime to communicate and broadcast images globally. They continually reduce the cost of coordinating work across large expanses of space and time. They expand the scope
and scale of actions, but for so many people at once, that few experience this as empowerment of any serious sort. They change our idea of the boundary of cities. They allow hundreds of kilometers of continuous human dwelling spaces to act as one city in many ways. Yet they allow greater discernment and responsiveness to diversity within ordinary cities.
They extend scope while breaking up scope into finer distinctions and responses, both at the same time.

Case 5: Globalizing Locality

CITY-FY BY MAKING THE OBVIOUS OBVIOUS: I lived in Fairport, New York, a suburb of Rochester, New York, just when Kodak, Xerox, and other major area firms were beginning a two
decade long decline, failing to make the transition from analog to digital, from blue suit to T-shirt management, from hierarchy to egalitarian contribution, from 20th century to 21st century style. Rochester had several major global corporations in the area and tens of thousands of globally experienced managers and their families. You could easily find, at any cocktail party there, people who had
lived for years in any of 150 different nations, some no longer existing. I met one guy who claimed to have lived in 44 different nations, showing proudly photos from all over the world (apparently he
drank beer, at least in 44 different nations). With such globally experienced people, it was a puzzle how dowdy and local the social clubs of Rochester were. I could feel a tension of old New York traditions holding back more progressive, more experienced, more global people.
What if each manager, participating in a local Rochester social club, could pick one or two global locations elsewhere, and make contacts with corresponding social clubs or projects there, using regular
company travel to bind the areas with specific projects or cooperations? What was needed was opening out local social clubs by parternering them with global others. Some Xerox employees working
with me on a Work Coordination project, decided to use Fairport social clubs as a test, making presentations to each of them, in turn, of the global experiences of some of their existing members from
Xerox, Kodak, and other area firms. Just seeing all the global experience among their own members, transfixed attention and got people excited. When current year trips abroad were also mentioned,
the possibilities for low cost actual international cooperation between clubs became palpable.
The City-fying Point: Lives and work are already more global than communities and cities. It is a matter of catching up thinking and procedures to realities of the human material in cities.

Social integration and segmentation work is increasingly done by media images, with that part of it being done by people slighted and reduced because those people are so powerfully
directed by media. The virtual space of media presence competes with and distorts real physical space to the point that people and groups are mastering absurd acts, designed with gross
or violent visual content known to attract media, so they can get heard and get their messages out. At the same time huge portions of entire national populations, convinced the
media are of a particular bias or ideological bent, ignore them and their messages and advice, moving elections and issues to places different than the media acknowledge, respect, or
recommend. This affects city-fication processes. The lowest-common-denominator principle in media and the base nature of how media compete for attention and audiences, coarsen
discussion and polarize it. People end up recruited into harsh unrealistic bigoted camps that more and more are encouraged to hate each other. Elites and non-elite portions of populations in return begin to hate media and pass laws to put it in its place. Meanwhile real integration and segmentation in homes, offices, streets, and neighborhoods gets little attention and
investment. Real space has a hard time competing with media space.
The sustainability of the environment and city ecosystems is a challenge for city-fication processes. Local efforts of much worth can be made insignificant and indeed worthless by
larger scale environmental disasters that creep up unseen due to no one owning them and no one organization being large enough to handle them. Just to see, define, and admit global
scale environments and their threats requires decades of movement building in modern societies. Cities as presently enacted are toxic to the planet in many ways with little being done
about it. City-fication processes need morale and un-handled global environmental disasters building without response and handling erode morale for all sorts of other city-fication
work. More directly, heat island effects, heart attacks and strokes from auto exhaust, heavy metals in fish and local waters, artificial estrogens in food supplies weakening males of all
species, humans included--these are a fraction of the environmental detriments building steadily in the worlds cities. But beyond natural environment effects are other more subtle and
unrecognized environmental effects. Cities out-do schools in information generation and interest capture, causing generations of youth to drop out of schools (whether formally or informally while still attending). Learning replaces education in such schools with the learning clearly inferior to what ordinary streets and media outside schools provide; while education
not done by parents, not done by schools, simply disappears, hence, no transfer of responsibility between generations occurs, leading to crime and drugs and huge underperformance of
urban population segments. This informational environment effects, present in nearly all cities, is largely unrecognized, unmeasured, and uncountered in policy. City-fication is the process of recognizing and accounting for its effects.

30) a city-fication process--to recognize the information environments erected by cities, the competition between sources of learning and education in them,
and counter negative effects (such as streetlife media out-informing schools)

BEING PRACTICAL 13: An Exercise in learning to be educated and educating to learn

1. What sequence of daily feelings did schools put you through from 5 to 18 years old? What sequence of physical postures and activity types did schools put you
through daily from 5 to 18 years old? What disciplines of daily living did schools teach you? What passive habits and timid risk-avoiding mindsets and habits
of mind did schooling from 5 to 18 years old install in you, by repetition? by example from teachers? by viewpoints and attitudes supported or condemned?
2. What sources of information do you have outside of schools or college? What is the level of quality and sophistication of the information they provide to you?
3. What are the most important five things you have learned in the past year? in the past 5 years? Where did you learn them? What source taught them to you?
4. What were the five most boring subjects you were forced to study in school or college? Assume that hidden in each was a secret side-curriculum, something valuable
you learned while struggling with the overt content of that subject--what, for each of the five, might that hidden valuable side-content curriculum be? What
mental operation types did you have to repeat again and again with those subjects? What is the value of such mental operation types?
5. What responsibility for the fate of society did your teachers transfer effectively to you while in schools or college? What responsibility did they not transfer? Why?
6. What information did they convey with responsibility and direction for using it entirely missing? Why?
7. What reality aspects were hidden, unadmitted, avoided, or never mentioned by schools and colleges? Why? At what cost to you once your graduated?
Local democracy and movements are issues because of the Locality Illusion. Most people have the illusion that local communities exist and can do things. In reality local land and
local institutions are not local and are nationally controlled. It takes senators working in a national diet or congress to change things locally. Locality is an illusion, it largely does not
exist. In Chicago neighborhoods, for example from a few years ago, upgrading a slum building eventually took leverage from Illinois senators in the US Congress. A prefectural governor in Hokkaido filled in 2 meters of forms and spent two years getting a bus stop moved 20 meters to the left. All over the world local things cannot be done locally. Physicians or
other professions, for another example, usually organize to reduce competition in each locale, upping salaries, while making clients travel longer distances or wait longer. There is an
immense powerlessness in most bottom up levels of government that this represents. This powerlessness means you can organize people easily because they are vastly ignored and dissatisfied; it also means you cannot organize people easily because they are cynical about being able to do or affect anything. This makes local forms of city-fication processes hard to
erect and maintain.
Plurality, diversity, otherness are problems everywhere. People cannot figure out when otherness is too unassimilated and when it is too assimilated. They want otherness that is not too
other. They want sameness that is not too similar. They want and do not want diversity. People have a hard time dealing with differences of value, lifestyle, framework, and outlook
among each other. This ultimately may come down to blending cultures and thereby inventing new ones. Where people who are diverse fail to make the effort to together invent a new

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blended culture combining the best of both and shucking the worst of both, trouble arises. Yet people are not good at blending cultures and inventing them. City-fication involves combining populations till creation results--that requires combining values, frameworks, cultures, and the like.

Case 6: Community Quality Cabaret

CITY-FY BY EMOTIONAL ANCHORING OF PEOPLE IN A PLACE: The Uptown community in north Chicago was a culturally diverse community with poor youth and
increasing population of poor elderly in single occupancy dwellings. The old Aragon Ballroom that Benny Goodmans 1940s orchestra made famous was there, along with some
famous churches. The one thing not there in any way was a coherent community and a coherent future of any sort. The established old landmark institutions in Uptown fought
rear-guard actions to protect themselves, thereby insuring their increasing irrelevance to anything other than history, hence, insuring their demise. The un-established growing parts
of Uptown were unrepresented, without institutional supports, and making do as best they could in a community that did not recognize or want them. A complete disconnect
between past and future was evident on every street corner.
It was more than a matter of getting disperate local entities collaborating or working together. It was more fundamental than that. Uptowns various contents needed to see each
other, to recognize that each other existed, to imagine what kind of collaborations could be attractive to the wierd assortment of contents actually there. Uptown needed to see
itself, first, then do something coherent about itself second. Without the seeing, the doing would split instantly into uncoordinated splintered efforts amounting to little.
The non-profit for which I worked saw art as a tool and performances by local groups and persons as a tool. If emotional connection to the places actual present, via art, and to its
actual present persons, as performers, could be made, then the basis of collaboration could be accomplished. I was assigned to a committee to come up with something arty and performance-y that would get this split community to see itself, in full, without distortion, and like itself. Too much history had been spent there liking a past that no longer existed,
and liking contents of Uptown who had not lived there for decades now.
We came up with an 8 week process of several dozen community groups each coming up with a act that would be combined with other such acts to form a 2 hour show provided
every night for five days in a row, tickets being sold to residents of Uptown and all its constituent organizations. Each group was to analyze the present year experience and project
future year needs and spot gaps, then invent new styles needed for transitioning to better futures. Teams visited 130 community groups, demonstrating comedy, song, dance, and
drama inventions and doing mini-workshops with the groups to on-the-spot get them to invent comedies and songs. As a result a small part of 47 of the groups, interested in performing, was found and excited. A lot of principles of art (capturing experience, transmuting suffering into chosen destinies, stratifying experiences by concept/feel/association/
reminding/interpretation/decision, and the like) and performance (your self as doer and tool simultaneously, utter cool doing the utter hot, and the like) were embodied in workshop
procedures each of the 130 groups used. Fractal repetition of transformation stage themes on all size scales of performance was achieved. 5 sucessive evening 2-hour each performances were held, drawing at total of 1200+ residents and observers in all. Workshops with each of the 130 participating (attending or performing) social groups were later held to
embed themes of the Cabaret Shows in their own goals and tactics for the next year.
The City-fying Point: Surveys six months before and after the event showed an 18% rise in positive feelings about being in the community and about prospects for its future.
Increased interest in cooperation with community groups was found at the 30% level. Emotional anchoring in a place often precedes rational anchoring.

Women, liberated from spending half their adult life pregnant by birth control technologies, have newly exercised their free time and the powers it brings, finding that men ran the world
for eons as if women were something to ignore, own, or control. Men, finding that what they thought of as women does not satisfy real women, are shocked and taken aback. When
policy gets made by women, it systematically differs from male-made policy, people are discovering. Some of those differences are improvements, things unimagined and unattained
when men make policy. City-fication is intensified by this working out of new roles for women by women and by men making room for women who exercise their powers without pregnancy constraints of the rural past.

31) a city-fication process--use globalization to enhance locality and vice versa, a) set up antidote plural bottom up media to counter central elite broadcast
media, b) continually de-toxify current ways and means of being urban, c) fill the power gap between apparent physical locality and the reality of the Locality Illusion, d) furnish people with tools for seeing the educativity of daily life encounters with otherness, e) try out feminine ways, visions, values, and
policies thoroughly enough to possibly cure problems caused by male approaches throughout history

Case 7: Knowledge System Circles at Xerox

CITY-FY BY LOCALIZING GLOBAL IDEAS AND TECHNICAL TOOLS: .Xerox, famous for quality accomplishments forced on it when Japanese competitors took half its market
share after mother patents expired on copier technology, wanted to win the Baldrige Award for best company quality in the US but their information management department had nothing to
show to examiners for the award. I proposed a generalization of artificial intelligence circles I had sold to New Jersey drug companies, knowledge systems circles, combining information
management artificial intelligence software with total quality circles. Xerox hired me to set up such a program, quickly, in time for coming examiners for the Baldrige Award. I recruited 20
workgroups from all over the company who had problems that such technology could solve, for 4 hours a week of training in artificial intelligence and knowledge extraction and protocol analysis and work coordination object software systems. A one-week intense programming event produced partial systems which the workgroups proudly showed to Baldrige Award examiners
when they came. Xerox won that award, in no small part due to having such a wide-spread, bottom up, high tech, customer oriented technology-delivery-by-circles program in operation.
Because ordinary workgroups proposed projects, they were simple, direct, and had immediate paybacks that local managers appreciated. Because such workgroups all over the company participated, the technology was standardized across all variations in company area, culture, need, technology, and systems. Because local workgroups actually built the code, week by week, and
in two one-week-long intense programming events, the code was simple, direct, and followed standard formats. We simplified and standardized the definition of applications, the technologies
used, the processes of producing code, and the testing of resulting systems. This allowed us later to automate those simple application definition, and software production and testing processes.
The social vehicle that does a new technology has a great effect on the form and function the technology takes on. Certain social vehicles make the technology complex, expensive, risky,
centralized, and ponderous. Other social vehicles make the technology simple, standardized, cheap, low risk, distributed, and useful. Choosing a social vehicle for technology deliver determines in most cases the ultimate destiny and contribution of a new technology.
The City-fying Point: Shaping tools to serve local needs instead of distorting local needs to make a technology tool barely survive is common sense, though rare. It is not just global trends
and foreign land contents that need localization but also global technologies and tools that need to be made to make local contributions not just local appearances.

BEING PRACTICAL 14: An Exercise in Male and Female Cultures, Global and Local Cultures
1. What do you think the top five interests of all men are, in order from first to fifth? What do you think the top five interests of all women are from first to fifth? Write down your
2. Women readers should buy one copy of each of the five most popular male magazines. Men readers should buy one copy of each of the five most popular female magazines.
Both women and men do the follow steps on those magazines after buying them.
3. Cut out all articles and cut out or copy all advertisements, making two piles, one of all articles and another of all advertisements (copying is needed because advertisements are
inside pages of articles).
4. Group all articles by similarity into five or more groups having similar themes or interests. Do the same for all advertisements, getting five or more groups.
5. Order the groups of articles and groups of advertisements from groupings having the most members to groupings haveing the least number of members.
6. Using the above work, answer the following questions:
a. what is the main single interest of women? what is the main single interest of men? why is it that women and men have exactly the same overall main single interest?
b. what is the second main interest of women? what is the second main interest of men? why are they different? how are they different?
c. what is the third main interest of women? of men? why are they different
d. compare you answers earlier to 1 above with you answers to a,b,c above--who more correctly guessed their own sex top 5 interests, men or women? who more correctly guessed
the other sex top 5 interests, men or women? why these results? what explains them? what does this tell you about powerful roles appropriate for men and for women in society?
are such roles now occupied by men and women? why? why not?
7. What global values and alternatives did you observe from media last week? from events in your city last week? from personal contact with people with global exposure last
week? What local values and alternatives seem better than the global ones? How? Why? What global ones seem better than local corresponding ones? How? Why?
8. What was your personal cost/benefit ratio last week of globality invading locality? Did global invasiveness help or hinder you last week, how overall?

Types of City and Their Constraints on What You City-fy a Place For. The roots of types of city, and hence, types of city-fication, are theories of human nature,
held by one people or another throughout history. It is not the case that we have progressed beyond earlier theories so much as we have moved to others, blending and mixing the new
ones with the not-entirely-discarded old ones. So we can find the most primitive, early, and ancient images of human nature and the most modern and radical operating together inside
individual people and institutions today and generating related types of city and city-fication processes.

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monuments: if you see entire peoples as cowered by their insignificance in the world, you build gigantic monuments so your society can leave its mark on history [think Egypt]
polis: if you see individual people dwindling into insignificance in the immensity of the universe, you build agoras--forums and markets--where people leave
individual marks on the history of their society via ideas, words, deeds, and goods that compete for attention and the immortality of being remembered by
the community throughout history through stories it tells of great words and deeds [think Athens]
monastery: if you see people as sinful or deluded, you build monastic communities, where everything is designed for promoting just one purpose, some sort of
ultimate truth [think Sparta]
guilds: if you see people as craftsmen pursuing excellence, you build guildhall neighborhoods each developing a distinct skill and all together embellishing
society with the results of their skill [think Venice]
enterprises: if you see people as lazy unless put into competitive risk-reward relation with each other, you build a capitalist society of enterprises [think Chicago]
clusters: if you see people as inherently diverse some pursuing upward status mobility, others pursuing comfortable human relationships, and still others pursuing artful creativity, you build boundaryless mega-cities punctuated by clusters of self emergence ventures, arts, performances, media. [think Silicon Valley
or Santa Fe or Sophia Antipolis]
resorts: if you see people as oppressing themselves and each other due to the momentum of all they involve themselves in, reflected social pressures they themselves set up and continue, you build resorts enabling the most detached styles of work and detachment from intense styles of work [think parts of the Mexican Pacific coast for people in Los Angeles, Monaco and the Canaries for Europeans, certain Swiss sky slopes for newly rich Russians]

Case 8: Trojan Horse Penetrations

CITY-FY BY HIDING TRUTH IN UNTRUTHS: The world does not readily handle truth, direct observations, honest portrayals. People want to be praised before they will hear you, for example.
Only history, art, comedy, and fiction allow truths to be spoken and said--real life forbids them. Cities are social organizations, sets of social organizations. Each personality and group in that mass
requires its own tax of untruths to be paid before listening to or engaging with you. You penetrate social organizations by crafting layers of untruth and flattery (the latter indirect enough not to be seen
as flattery) that lubricate your forward motion, hopefully leaving a core of truth there at the end when all layers have been penetrated. The risk, of course, is crafting so many layers of so many
untruths, of such degree of untruth, that, by the time you arrive, you no longer remember why you bothered with the journey--the truth has gotten lost in the lies.
What was just described here is could be well called the Trojan Horse dimension of penetrating places new to you, of city-fying a place.
A corporation is a place to penetrate in this way. A market of customers is a place to penetrate in this way. You establish your self, your identity in a company, in a market as a product or brand, in just
this way--crafting layers of praise, allegiance, deference, impressed-ness to oil you past each ego, fragile male self, terrified-by-existence neurotic ambitious person. These are your Trojan Horse gifts
to each layer of ego and human weakness. Inside your Trojan Horse is the truth. There are myriad examples but one here suffices: I had an advanced software system for automating both the meeting
and between meeting document and message flows of any work process but that was truth and markets and their customers would not directly buy into something that new and risky. So I had to package it as a total quality databse, sell it to thousands that way and let them discover, one by one, that it was really a quite general process automation system disguised as a simple quality database. The
disguise, the Trojan Horse, made people, relax and buy something simple they had a clear need for. The truth, they discovered gradually, at their own pace, till they were trusting enough and ready for
something bolder. Young people habitually miss this Torjan Horse dimension to city-fication work. .
The City-fying Point: Disguise for salving egos, and avoiding scaring people is the oil of all social penetration work in city-fying a place. .

BEING PRACTICAL 15: An Exercise in City Types

1. Which of the six images of human nature above--entire peoples cowered, individual people dwindling, sinful deluded people, craftsmen pursuing excellence, lazy, inherently
diverse mix of status mobility/relationships/creativiity--best characterizes the population of your present city? Why? How do you judge or know this? What evidence can you find
to support your choice?
2. Which of the following functions would be best as your citys next emphasis and theme of work--everyone working together on one monumental effort, setting up places where
residents can compete in quality of word and deed before each other, removing worldly concerns and temptations to concentrate on what is spiritual and really important, the variety
of skills in the community enhanced by serious professionalization and enhancement of each skill type by organizing them into skill communities, getting people off their rear ends
and engaging them actively via rewarding better those with initiative and punishing more those lacking initiative, drawing people to one of various intense concentrations of innovation in status improvement or human relations improvement or arts and other types of creativity. Why?
3. The present form and functions of your city come from past concentrations on which type of city in the model above--monuments, agoras, monasteries, guilds, enterprises, clusters?

Though no one could pretend that the above list is complete, it is accurate so far as it goes, and it follows historical record of what types of city developed early and late in human history.
It suffices to make the points I present below. Today some city administrators, political leaders of cities, national funders of cities, creative elites attracted to cities, new residents of cities,
immigrants drawn to cities, migrants within nations drawn to them, all do city-fication work. Each of these groups is a mix of people and therefore a mix of the six types of city just listed
above. Some pursue monuments, others personal fame, others purity of focus on or recovery of some virtue, others craft excellence and social embellishment with it, others capitalist
competitive striving and risk-taking, others punctuating clusters of self organizing ventures, technologies, arts, social services, or something else. This helps us define compromise in
policy making for city-fication processes:

32) a city-fication process--to mutually adjust resources, attention, effort among the city type images--monument, polis, monastery, guilds, enterprises, punctuating clusters, resorts.

The Architexture of Architecture.

A visit to most contemporary schools of architecture (via plane or internet) or inside recent buildings or city developments of renown often
reveals a poverty of imagination somehow fully expressed by an excess of imagination. The usual way this is said is--try to sit in a Frank Lloyd Wright designed chair without a Frank
Lloyd Wright designed ass. Comfort of actual people seems to nearly always be lost in the shuffle (MITs new, built in 2004, Artificial Intelligence Center a perfect example, spaces
only a theorist could love, only an on-looker could love, only someone completely divorced from customer requirements could imagine). In Roppongi Hills, an early 21st century massive development in mid-Tokyo, a very broad yet specific poverty of imagination of some architects and city designers is fully at play. Apparently someone thought that people walk,
talk, work in jobs, eliminate waste, eat, shop, live in apartments, and sit for movies and concerts. Monumentality is missing, the agora and forum functions are missing, the monastery is
missing, the guild neighborhoods of craft skill are missing, while capitalist striving is supported somewhat in passive formats and diversity is ignored. This is, unfortunately, typical
rather than exceptional. To be fair to these fields, new materials and technologies of building come continually on the scene and figuring out what now can be done that could not be
done a couple of years ago, keeps people occupied creatively, even when customer requirements are slighted or missed entirely for generations.
The root causes of this dismal outcome are readily apparent as soon as you look at how design is conducted outside Urban Studies and Architecture. For one thing, the total quality revolution has not taken root in these two fields. Similarly, quality function deployment and policy deployment tools of design are entirely untaught, unread, and un-practiced by architects,
though used world-wide by every industry and most government agency types. Also, global quality tools of combining the primary values of ten diverse global quality-directed movements (quality of the earth in the environment movement, quality of conflict in the human rights movement, quality of life in the consumer movement, etc.) in local value-meshing practices is largely missing from urban planning and architecture education and practice. Taguchi design for optimizing ideal energy flows through designs, optimizing not signal alone but
the signal to noise ratio, and optimizing not to find point values but lines of reliable values, so-called, tuning functions, is entirely missing in Urban Studies and Architecture though found
everywhere in industry and some government agency areas. Somehow the tools that all other industries use to stay close to customers and make project developers not become stand-ins
for the actual end-users of projects are missing from urban design and architecture. This includes lack of a model of the different types of city-fication that actual people pursue in cities.
As a result many of the leaps of progress in urban design and life space invention come from sudden eruption of customer requirements ignored for decades by expert practitioners in
design fields. Every few decades, ignored wants and needs erupt messily and disruptively as new schools of design. Since gradual inclusion does not help careers and attain great
attention and media presence, it pays practitioners of design to ignore things till masses build up big enough to erupt into major attention (and career progress). This hurts customers,
however, by making them wait decades for obvious need fulfillments and making fulfillments, when they come, ill thought out and rushed, more a matter of looking avant guarde than
being it.

33) a city-fication process--to revive the ways that people are together and apart by continually learning from other fields how they stay abreast of changing
and inarticulately emotionally interior customer requirements, and apply those ways to revive how people are together and apart; that is, what it is, in people, that needs to be apart or together continually evolves, so continual invention of new ways to be together and to be apart is needed.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

BEING PRACTICAL 16: Architecture, City Planning, and Public Administration: the Role of Customer Requirements and Total Quality Technique
1. Identify three companies famous for total quality programs and accomplishments
2. Visit the home pages of these firms, visit the firms, or phone quality managers in them to get detailed materials on the methods they use and results those methods produce.
3. Make a list, based on all materials from all three companies, of the 20 most important total quality methods and results, especially ones pertaining to doing good design of products and services.
4. Identify two leading architect firms in your city, two leading city planners or city planning consulting firms in your city, two leading public administrators or city leaders in your
5. Visit their homes pages or visit and interview them personally, or phone them and interview them on the phone, asking how exactly they approach design work and getting
requirements designs must meet--do not mention businesses or total quality when asking questions about this. Then, for each aspect they mention, ask more detailed questions
about the formal methods, techniques, software tools, or data basis of their doing of that design step. This is half your interview with them. Now switch to questions about each of
the 20 total quality techniques you found businesses using well. Ask not only if they have heard of, studied, or do use each technique, but details about how they use it and why,
with what result, and for how long.
6. If they do not know or do not use most of the 20 total quality techniques, ask to find why? what is the source of their resistance to knowing of or using them?

The Culture of Constraint and the Constraint of Culture When Othernesses Dance.

As soon as you begin to take the customer requirements of end-users of

developments seriously, culture rears its ugly head. Design communities have thrown up their hands, again and again, or decorated as a superficial response to a phenomena they
lacked serious tools for describing, using, and influencing. You cannot define types of city and types of city-fication processes to be supported and enhanced by designs until you have
tools for grasping comprehensively and exactly the culture that each of those types fosters and is supported by. Tools for culture specification are essential parts of any design science of
urban environments and facilities, events and life opportunities, that accelerates rather than shuts down city-fication.

People citifying in a place, encounter cultures new to them. Few get beyond that for they lack tools for characterizing what each encountered otherness of culture actually consists of.
They have a hard time mapping what is other and how it is other and what it is other than. The model of dimensions of culture, presented below, in this article, shows one tool for
improving this situation. Using such tools people can, as they citify somewhere, explore not just what other cultures are there but exactly what is other about each.
Designers short-circuit ideas for their designs when they borrow an idea from another culture while missing knowledge of and experience of the various contexts that give meaning and
use to what they borrow in that other context. By getting a design idea from another culture and borrowing it into their own context, they often bastardize and obliterate the core for
the sake of a borrowed periphery, dissatisfying both those borrowed from and those borrowed to. People who citify rather than urbanize get cultures interacting deeply and with care and
respect with each other. It is the detailedness and depth of emotion and care of their interaction that generates creativity.
BEING PRACTICAL 17: Design Ideas Transplanted Across Cultures or, Copying the Surface Not the Meaning
1. What objects or practices in your daily life were developed by someone copying something from another culture into your culture?
2. What is different about sushi bars in New York City and sushi bars in Tokyo? Why?
3. What is the culture of southern California--list ten traits. What is the culture of Disneyland--list ten traits. What is the culture of France--list ten traits. What supports for Disney
culture are in California but not in France? What hinderances for Disney culture are in California but missing in France? What supports for Disney culture are in France but missing in California? What hinderances for Disney culture are in France but missing in California? How do you answers to these questions explain why EuroDisney has never been
close to profitable since its founding years and decades ago?
4. What product or service, developed in a culture outside your city, is better in the version in your city because of errors involved in copying it between different cultures?

Truth is, unless you can characterize pretty specifically and in detail what you are encountering when you run into a culture new to you and what in its ideas, habits, assumptions, and
frameworks differs from corresponding things in your own, you cannot be effective. This is a matter of modeling effectiveness--to abstract and therefore general a model of dimensions
along which cultures differ, and you spot differences but they do not readily predict or explain concrete instances of difference; too concrete and therefore detailed a model of dimensions,
and you spot differences of case anew in each case encountered, not seeing things shared by or similar across different cases. You have to get the granularity of your model of dimensions
of culture difference right in order to operate effectively. Below I present a model of dimensions of culture, with Japanese values on each of the 64 dimensions (US values are the polar
opposites of the ones marked below for Japan). The model below is far more detailed than Hofstedes simple four dimensions of very very abstract difference yet abstract enough to
encompass hundreds of cultures encountered. Cultures have lots more going on that such dimensions but I have other articles (Greene, 2005) discussing all that and for our purposes
here, the below diagrammed dimensions are enough to convey my main points to the reader.
The design significance, when designing facilities, events, social organizations, tax policies, roads, etc. of dimensions of culture difference is overlooked nearly entirely. Each dimensions of culture difference is a meeting ground where diverse cultures offer up diverse values/settings on that dimension. Thus policy makers and local citizen groups, social clubs, and
global creative elites looking to locate themselves somewhere can design events or facilities or the like for each particular dimension of difference or sets of such dimensions taken
together. The absence of this element from design practice has made urban accumulations only nominal intersections of diverse values, peoples, views, and the like. Since specific
dimensions of such difference are not entooled for exchange, sharing, competition, or other mutual interactions among difference types and parts, what we get is overall, partial, often
frustrating encounters with overwhelming differences among groups, not broken down into more imaginable and manageable components (dimensions of culture difference here).
Consider yourself after you have spent ten or more years living in one area of one city. You and your spouse have done a lot of exploring and automated a lot of routines of living. You
move with some adeptness on clever routes through traffic to destinations newcomers never find. Consider yourself after you have spent ten or more years drinking fine wines. You
have done a lot of exploring and automated a lot of routines of selecting, tasting, and drinking. You can please anyones palate with an under $50 purchase where newcomers have to
spend hundreds of dollars for the same effect. In both cases, the living in one area case and the connoisseur of wine case, cultures have been built. Cultures are values, frameworks, contexts, purposes, procedures that have been absorbed without conscious awareness and execute within you as automatic routines without conscious effort or attention being needed. We
build cultures as we city-fy. Hence, people are not aware of all the city-fication going on in their lives. There is always more there than meets the eye. The power of all cultures is this
unconscious iceberg character they have of things operating inside us automatically that we did not consciously choose and learn and do not consciously manage when they operate
inside us.

34) a city-fication process--absorb, unconsciously, and automate, for unconscious repeated later execution, routines of living or working that constitute a high
performance culture of daily living and working then consciously improve both; cities where there is so much flux, diversity, change, and instability, that
the rules shift always, disorient, prevent investment (futures cannot be guessed), and stop the automating of procedures that makes people masters of all
they see and do, that is, that makes them achieve high performance in some place and time
35) a city-fication process--to articulate in all six dimensions of culture the culture of practices, customers, developers, proposals of change so full translation of entire frameworks and layers of contexting takes place when an idea is borrowed from one context for application in another; borrowing ideas
and styles, if it is just superficial dressing up, for show, tires and bores, but where it is deep, it becomes serious adjustment and learning of others ways
36) a city-fication process--to explore all the cultures there in a place and all the dimensions of each; to establish among all the cultures there in a place new
cultures among them that become bridges between them and shared super-ordinate cultures to which they subscribe that unite them in valuing and using
each others diversity; if two things differ, how they differ must be determined if bridges between those how differences are to be built and used
BEING PRACTICAL 18: An Exercise in Daily Life Cultures as High Performances Having Dimensions of Difference from Diverse Other Cultures of Daily Life Around
1. What routines did you develop or pick up from your present city that would not apply were you to move to another? what social routines? what economic ones? what intellectual ones? what daily life ones?
2. How is the culture of women different than the culture of men--list 50 differences.
3. What are all the cultures present in your city--list 100.
4. What are all the types of cultures--cultures of eras, cultures of nations, cultures of families, cultures of corporations, cultures of professions--in your city--list 50.
5. How is every culture also a high performance? How is every high performance also a culture? Why are these equivalent? What do high performances and cultures share?
6. What is a culture you knew about and had a little contact with but never understood at all till some time later when you lived in or fully engaged people in that culture in some
circumstances--what minimal sorts of engagement with othernesses is needed for you to really understand what you are dealing with? Is a 3 year foreign nation assignment for
a business sufficient to introduce you well to another culture? Why? Why not? What determines who learns and who does not in such assignments?

Furthermore, as we city-fy our lives somewhere, we encounter local cultures, other cultures, the cultures of genders and professions. If we are well trained and have read this article, we
notice particular dimensions of each new culture we build or encounter, 64 of them in fact. Exploration includes finding not only new cultures but new dimensions of already met cultures. City-fication is building and exploring all the dimensions of the cultures there. It is mapping the resources, strengths, and weaknesses of all the dimensions there. It is bolstering

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

culture dimensions that are missing or weak and de-emphasizing dimensions that are too strong or salient. The frequent failure of cultures to assimilate or be supported or to blend
or mix is quite often, caused merely by no one being around capable of articulating just what is other and how other it is and what it is other than. A tool, like the below model of culture dimensions, solves this problem both for private people city-fying their lives somewhere and for designers trying to create enduring facilities to support the city-fication processes
that attract global creative elites to a place.
The dimensions of every culture in the model below, appear in every culture, including those produced by city-fication processes: basic social psych categories of behaving like inner
locus of control versus outer locus, gender specific ways of talking and feeling and thinking, anxieties of existence shunned or embraced by how people choose to answer questions of
existence that show up from time to time or inherited answers they choose to default to, community complexity aspects, cognitive dispositions of what is automatically seen as salient and
background and the like, and plurality as emphasis on personal mobility versus human relationships versus artful creation. You can characterize city-fication processes by how they handle each of these six dimensions of cultures and which they emphasize. The strength of a culture along each dimension relates to the strength, the power, of a city at particular points in
time. But the relationship is tricky as more culture and culturedness sometimes reduces strength and power and sometimes increases it. More of that will be given later in a section,
shortly following below, on city-fication and power.

Case 9: Culture & Technology Circles

CITY-FY BY : N. V. Philips, the electronics leader of Dutch industry, has crises every four or five years, layoffs, retrenchments, re-engineerings, yet continues to come up with excellent technology
after excellent technology. I had set up artificial intelligence circles programs and high technology circles programs at a dozen American firms so I was utterly unprepared to do the same at N.V. Philips.
The initial meeting had technology managers from 45 different nations! The Americans always filled their meetings with white American faces, punctuated by a token woman or Indian engineer. The
Europeans seemed to be mini-United-Nations not corporations.
While I went theough the mechanics of interesting them in artificial intelligence circles and getting the started with launching them, something else was going on. My boss at N.V. Philips, was the first
to articulate it--you know, Greene, we sell in over 100 nations and produce in over 30--that makes for an expanding problem of being enough of one culture to work coherently while being plural cultures enough to benefit from local expertise and uniqueness; could circles invent, on-goingly, a culture we all share while localizing it intelligently and sensitively, filling it with local unique talents? I
was not sure as I had never imagined or tried such a thing. Guided by him and his associates, over the next months we invented Corporate Integration (Benefitting from Diversity) Circles--sets of leaders
of Philips, its lead customers, and suppliers from sets of three nations. These were overlapping circles so we had 30 global production centers in sets of 3 = over 33 overlapping sets of 3 nations representatives each, that is 33 circles. Each circle was given responsibility for global standards invention and enforcement, local exceptions to standards invention and enforcement, and global upgrading of
standards yearly. [Standards not updated yearly quickly become phony.] To do there work a series of Integration Workout Events were devised, allowing a small local staff, doing each circle part-time,
to impact hundreds of local managers in quarterly events.
It was the formality of commitment to blending global elements with local elements and elevating local elements to improve global evolving standards that made this whole idea exciting in practice.
Instead of touchy-feely you be sensitive to me and I will be sensitive to you sessions (which everyone hated), we devised what would be standard and what would be exception, yearly, for dozens of
different finance, technology, sales, quality, distribution, advertising, personnel, public affairs, functions. Standards were no longer just technical, but also cultural--a commitment for the global to learn
from the local and for each local to learn from global uniqueness elsewhere.
The City-fying Point: No shared standards without updated standards; no shared standards without legitimized exceptions to them--these principles make standards viable, that is ,real.

others or
why can I not
make my own




will it/I make

a difference?


peacefulness of

death is
most real fairnness
birth is
most real
44 why engage ugly
must I die?


Kukai, Lao Tsu, Sartre, Kierkegaard

why I dont life
how could I
is a
do my plan my
story of:
situation or iences
the group
experiences I
play roles in
self am I heard/seen? work
45 why does posses46 AUDIENCE
ing make me object
where is meaning?
why is not choosing also choosing 37 RESPONSE-ABILITY
what/who am I?
what is truth?
group acts
the self is:
life/groups are
unitary across
love the
selves act
role = id
tasks or
varies by
intent = id
institutions Nisbet
Nisbet love the person
function basis
why something?
why here, now?
You cant see me
why love dies?



Dimensions for Distinguishing Cultures

Social Psych, Gender, Existential, Complexity, and Nisbett Models Combined

life or
or transquality
of life
54 (attributes)
several chance

causes or
single local






right vs. right

right vs. wrong

foreground item
power from









Geertz, Weisbord, Greene, Grunell, Todorov

self indulgent



drive to center
drive to margins

one pole
or other
blended middle

focus from single

focus from

uncontrol- [vision is real
vs. case details
are what is real]




drive for
fitting in

talk to solve
talk for empathy



Copyright 2003 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, Government Registered



Tannen, de Beauvoir, Friedan

29 personal rejection
not tolerated
sign of respect



save face or
save truth

(mind to mind)
(person to person)









from effort
from talent





world reality is:

stable or in flux


friends over
primary or
equal to
or right
14 relationships 13
of control


work to
pleasant end
caring or
feel good
about self
work to critique
& improve self


the world:
is sacred
is fallen

Hampden-Turner, Hofstede, Tropenaars







feeling as
as embarrassing



as relation
status threat

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

BEING PRACTICAL 19: An Exercise in Dimensioning Differences

1. Characterize the culture of your own city along all 64 dimensions of the model above.
2. Characterize the culture of Silicon Valley, California along all 64 dimensions of the model above.
3. What are the dimensions of difference between your citys culture and Silicon Valleys culture?
4. What is the culture, in the 64 dimensions above, of the parts of your city that most resist change, progress, adaptation, and being attractive to global creative elites?
5. Where did their (answer to 4 above) culture come from? What was it well adapted to at one time? Why is it mal-adaptive now?
6. What is the culture of your own nation on the 64 dimensions above?
7. What dimensions of culture are different for your city and your nation? What relationship to your nation does that imply for your city? Is that relationship real? Why or why
8. What is your personal culture on all 64 dimensions of the above model? How does you personal culture differ from the culture of your city? your nation? Silicon Valley?
Why? Who should change--you or them and why?

Exercise Case 1:

You are transferred to the brand new Seoul, Korea office of your company (or NGO), where a newly hired local manager, who will work under you,
is preparing to hire five people to assist your work there. Your work there is half determined--some Korean companies have shown interest in the
services/products of your firm or NGO--your job is to turn that interest into tangible contracts, agreements, and so forth. The other half is undetermined--your job is to determine what else is possible there, quickly and at low expense, so decisions about whether a permanent office there is
worth doing or not can be made by headquarters, six months from now.
1. What are the first five city-fication processes you use there? Why? To produce what result?
2. What are the second five city-fication processes you use there? Why? To produce what result?
3. What turns work and workplaces from mere tangents and utilitarian tools of life into full communities worth the loyalty, investment, love, and
care of all of their people? Which city-fication processes achieve this?

City-fying an Office in Seoul

WARNING: this question

requires a brain to answer.

The Democracy Illusion--Power without Power--and Other Illusions of Place.

Democracy is a required infrastructure of all cultures of development (mentioned already in above sections). However that is not to say that democracy is real and vivid and powerful anywhere. Voting does not equal participating in political processes. Representatives do not represent people but moneyed interests. Democracy does not generate any power at all, but rather serves to check the powers of government. Democracy depends,
in order to get things done, on powers outside it, possibly not there, hence, the democracy gets nothing done though much agreement exists. Cyberdemocracy equals rule of the loudest
and rudest, bad currency driving out good. Good government spots popular policies in any faction or party and co-opt them rapidly making them their own platform. The goal of most
successful social movements then, is to get government to co-opt their own agenda. Most governments take criticism as an insult to their leadership. Experts and professions, professionals and planners, denigrate and belittle locality, till they ignore end-user requirements so severely that all that they do fails. Democracy is an illusion of power, merely a check on it,
in reality, having no power of its own.

37) a city-fication process--develop democracy and power without confusing democracy with power, and without expecting democracy to develop power
rather than merely check it where it already exists

Case 10: Bullet Hole University AI Homework

CITY-FY BY LINKING ELITES TO UPLIFT MASSES: While a grad student at the University of Michigan, I needed money. A newsletter I shipped monthly to 9 Japanese
electronic companies produced lots of money as the yen rose relative to the dollar, but the money dwindled as the dollar rose relative to the yen. I needed money. I got work teaching Lotus 1-2-3 at the worst community college in Michigan, one in Ysiplanti. What amazed me first in this college were the excuses students gave for not handing in homework:
mom shot dad and blood got all over my work last night, there was a police bust on where I was staying and the police took my homework, and more of the same. I chose this
college for two reasons: one, it was a 5 minute drive from my student apartment; two, I wanted to prove a point.
I divided the class into 30 minutes teaching a function you could do using Lotus software, 30 minutes teaching how to automate the doing of that function using Lotus macro language, and 30 minutes showing how to generalize and further automate the doing of that function by building an artificial intelligence ruleset in OPS83, an AI rule language. At the
end of the class I gave my students the final exam questions for the current year first required artificial intelligence course for grad students at the University of Michigan Computer
Science Department. My poor, poorly educated, nearly illiterate Lotus students, bullet holes in their arms and all, scored slightly below the U of Michigan grad student class average on the same exam the U of Michigan students took.
The City-fying Point:Societies spend far more effort distinguishing people by status and talent than acknowledging the basic uniformity of capability all humans are born with.
People want desperately to be superior to other people--for some reason, men especially. The status content of social stratifications, like this community college being below the
University of Michigan in social rank, tells millions they are inferior and they lose hope and effort. The eliteness of a few is bought by lowering the hope, effort, accomplishments,
and destiny of tens of millions--a lose-lose proposition if you think carefully.
Cities that denigrate and demoralize millions while apotheosizing a few elite people, die sullen historic deaths (Rome and later Vatican Catholicism come to mind, put out of their
misery by Visigoths and Martin Luther following the Boria Popes respectively). City-fying requires doing the opposite--elites uplifting the hopes and prospects of those they are
performing better than. Elites separated in destiny or hostile in destiny from masses get overthrown one way or another by historic forces. Elites who pull away from masses get
destroyed as their societies decay; elites who pull up their masses, ride waves of general societal progress.

BEING PRACTICAL 20: Power versus Personal Freedom and Convenience--the Culture Clashes of Democracy
1. Do you want to participate in your citys political processes? Why? Why not?
2. Do you want to directly influence your own future? Why? Why not?
3. List ten political decisions made in your city that have affected how you live, what goals you pursue, and how well you achieve your goals.
4. Does voting enable you to influence your citys political process enough? Why? Why not?
5. What form of participation in your citys political processes and what political processes do you wish to influence and get more involved in? Why? Why not?
6. List ten forms of participation in your citys political processes besides voting that have more power to influence things than voting has.
7. For each of those ten, what is your estimate of the cost/benefit ratio for you of such involvement--what would each involvement cost versus what benefit would it producde for
8. What non-political forms of power that you are already developing locally will inevitably develop political power side-effects for you if continued?
9. What forms of power development are you doing or likely to do that, though not called political, amount to political power?

Power Development--with or without Democracy.

There are many views of and approaches to understanding power. Power and violence are often equated in folk reasoning; power as the authority to coerce others is casually included in nearly all political science texts; for two examples. I have found compelling a different view that sees violence and
power, coercion and power, as polar opposites, not bed-fellows. This view sees power as complex webs of inter-locking mutual promises and obligations gradually emergent from myriad centers of initiative freely interacting and following their own diverse and rapidly evolving viewpoints. No central design can match on an information-developed-and-deployed
basis the information properties of such emergent obligation nets. Violence is often a central authority hating the mutual dependence, unpredictability, and pluriform imaginative content
of such nets and reducing complexity, diversity, interactivity, and the like by imposing a cognitively simple one-right-person or one-right-party or one-right-idea viewpoint. Overall
power of society is reduced though a certain clarity and focus may result for a while.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

I also rather like an embellishment of this view of power that comes from a coincidence--that Hannah Arendt, the political philosopher, Rollo May, the psychotherapist, St. Teresa of
Avilla, the christian saint, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the French philosopher have each independently of each other come up with the same definition of power and four stage models
of developing it. Power is developed by liberated people making and keeping promises with each other in a no mans land between past and future in Hannah Arendts view. Negative
power, the power to interrupt the plans and acts of others, leads to getting on others radar screens, that is, agenda power, the power of getting an item or two you want onto group agendas, which leads to partnering power, the power of meshing your agenda with the agendas of others, which leads to transformative power, the power of leading agenda development of
others, in Rollo Mays view of how power develops. His four stages match nearly uncannily well, though on a psychic not social level, Hannah Arendts stages of liberation, freedom,
historic dream, and conserving novelty. St. Teresa of Avilla wrote that liberation from animal dependencies creates flowing consciousness that leads to transcendent peace appearing
suddenly by grace, which leads to returning to your life as a land of mystery which leads to facing the mountain of caring for novelties attacked by conservative built up forces of the past.
Again, the correspondence between these stages and Arendts and Mays is remarkable. Maurice Merleau-Ponty identified mortality as a drive that pushes us to natality as a countering
drive which leads to plurality, the essential ground of political work, as a drive, which gives way in turn to immortality as a drive--leaving ones mark on history and the world via contributions to those yet unborn in the human community. These correspond strangely well with Arendts, Mays, and St. Teresas stages of power development. These four models, plus
some other related ones are combined into one overall model of power development shown in the quad model below.

38) a city-fication process--continually develop power, preferably with democracy to check it, with which to get things done, by setting up populations of strivers in reliable near futures who make and keep promises with others liberated from the same aspects of the present as they are, till spontaneous emergence
of the utterly new and a new form of happiness, public happiness
BEING PRACTICAL 21: Stages of Power Development = Stages in Your Development
1. Choose a relationship of you--to parents, to teachers, to boss, to girl or boy-friend.
2. When did you first stand up to them, not do what they expected or tried to get you to do, when did you stand firm and make them give up trying to move you? Over what issue?
What change in the relationship did this produce? What new respect did it create in them for you? How did you know there was new respect there? How is respect different than
3. When did you find them wondering what you are all about, what you want, why you do what you do, what makes you tick? What provoked this interest in them about you and
your concerns, your agenda? In general, what sort of action produces others noticing you and investigating what you really want?
4. When did you find you and them collaborating on mutually shared goals? What made this evolve into them helping you with some of your goals and you helping them with some
of their goals? Why did this evolution occur? What provoked it?
5. Which of the above experiences in 1 through 4, was you establishing negative power? you establishing assertive power? you establishing partnering power? How does negative
power set the stage for developing assertive power? How does establishing assertive power set the stage for developing partnering power?
6. What stage of power development are you in in relation to your own city? Have you established negative power with its powers-that-be yet? Why or why not?

City-fication is a continual process of power development, with or without democracy. Without democracy, excesses of rulers tend to seriously interrupt power development of the community, leading to jerky histories of great progress punctuated by unpredicted collapses. It is vital to keep clear the distinction between democracy development and power development.
Democracy checks and may at times channel power as it develops but they are not the same thing. Power development may make a so-so democracy capable of accomplishing more and
more ambitious and admired things, but it is rare that a democracy, as a political form of organization, gets all that much done. Cities, the urban accumulations that city-fication takes
place in, tend to appear to have localities, but the Locality Illusion holds that these are illusory, and tend to develop democracies, but the Democracy Illusion holds that these are often
merely checks on powers, which powers may or may not exist, depending on the actual sources of power in society and how they are. The illusoryness of locality and democracy in
urban accumulations produces a huge power gap between folk views of city and city realities. City-fication tends to fill in such gaps with actual development of power and actual
accomplishment, only checked by democracy, not basically organized democratically.
The model of power development below, unifies within psyche and within society levels of analysis. Hence, a person, entering an urban area, flopping around looking for what really
goes on and matters there, searching for city-fication within the citys accumulated facilities and noise of activity, goes, more or less in the order presented, through all the 64 steps of the
below model. People who seek and find city-fication processes within urban areas experience being there as personal power development. The city liberates them, forcing them into
inventing the utterly new with other liberated ones, till their invention attracts the attention, emulation, and volunteering of others, forcing defense of the invention from forces of the past.

Global Locality and Local Globality--Taking Places.

Cities, urban accumulations, clearly are locations chosen by fluid global elites, from time to time. Research physicians located in Boston for almost 100 years, till the weather got to them (perhaps among other things), then, for three decades they shifted to San Francisco, for one example, of such a
relocating elite. So someone local builds or does something that catches the attention and/or interest of a global fluid elite who then come to that local, locate themselves there. This is
a chicken and egg situation in terms of the global initiating the local development versus the local developoment initiating the global elite locating one particular where. City-fication is
also ambiguously both local and global at the same time, with who starts what completely ambiguous. Cities, as urban accumulations, come from early city-fication processes. Many
lose their way, their city-fication atrophying gradually into nothing, while development goes on, unable to develop locals into entering global elites and unable to attract global elites to
locate in the city. It is this partnership of developing city without citifying core processes that most of us are used to, in reality. Conversely, many of us at least once in life if not more
often, happen upon a vivid city-fication process in full swing, sweeping us off our feet and engaging us with dozens of ventures, creatives, global centers, and opportunities, far beyond
the quotidian cynicisms and detached uninvolvement of usual urban living. Though most of the world is dragging its feet and avoiding anything challenging or difficult, there is, some
places, what Herman Hesse referred to as a global movement and Katzanzakis called the thin red line.
Global enterprises tend to massify local tastes, pushing communities toward homogeneity. Globalization infrastructures, on the other hand, greatly extend the scale and scope at which
local people and enterprises can operate so that more and more distinct local entities get global exposure through trade, broadcasting, publishing or other multipliers. Global intruders in
each locality force people to notice alternatives ways to think, feel, and act, whether they want to or not, that relativize local gods, beliefs, biases, and traditions. Local communities, conversely, develop power and adeptness at encapsulating global ideas and products in local traditions and values so that only a shell of some diverse other locality remains (an example,
Japans toy and decorative uses of the English language in commercial ads and daily life, this by a society that is the only one in East Asia with less English ability overall than North
Korea; so call this encounter without actual encountering). Commercial forces push technologies for connectedness extension and lowering of coordination costs onto localities so that
it becomes rarer and rarer and harder and harder to establish enough isolation to become non-homogeneous, unique, diverse, and an input, not a receiver, of global broadcasts. Technologies for bolstering isolation are few and far between. Commercial forces, again, foster central broadcasting ignoring or preventing narrowcasting, foster central entertainment
industries ignoring local arts and performance, condemning entire populations to seatedness, fat, heart disease, and early death. The center is so much more profitable than the local that
capitalism itself may be incapable of locality, hence, the Illusion of Locality above.

The overall picture is quite complex with some local forces able to blunt global intruders and some global forces able to amplify local actions and products, while other global forces wipe
out local talent and performance by centralizing performance in rich elites, and still others erode local traditions and certainties. It perhaps has been quite romantic for us all to have
assumed that in the past some healthy balance between locality and globality ever existed. Perhaps, more realistically, it was always a kind of fight, an unstable equilibrium, or something of the sort. City-fication takes this ambiguity and conflict and instability in as an input and does something constructive with it. It does not eliminate it but it uses it, forms and
directs it, rides and influences it.

39) a city-fication process--to use the globals intrusions into the local to overcome the illusion of locality by establishing actual locality and to use the locals
intrusions into the global to diversify what global means, making it a less homogenizing a force; institutionalize projecting global things deep into local
interiors and projecting local interior things broadly worldwide.
BEING PRACTICAL 22: An Exercise in Institutionalizing Globality Projections into Locality and Locality Projected Globally
1. List five very unique local capabilities, features, events, types of technology, or other local creations. These should be things existing nowhere else in the entire world in the same
form and function.
2. List ten places in the world that would seriously benefit from each (that is list ten times five = 50 places). Which of those places would also be easy to interest in each of the five?
3. List five unique products, methods, technologies, tools, human relationship types, or other innovations from elsewhere in the world.
4. What local problems or opportunities link well with each--find three local problems or opportunities for each of you five?
5. How would you practically make the link between each of the five and one or more of those local problems or opportunities that it fits? Who locally would you contact, how, about
what? What first, second, third, etc., steps would be needed?
6. What new institution could be locally built to project local unique productions and inventions more globally? What new institution could be locally built to project global inventions and productions more locally? How exactly would each of these work--who would fund each and why, who would benefit from each and how?

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Case 11: Yubari

The Yubari Example of Globalitys Power to Liberate Localities by Making Them Local Again. 24
years ago, I designed workshop procedures partly used by 800 people meeting in an intense ten day workshop event to fully design, staff, fund, legalize, and
launch 16 business ventures, one of which now produces the famous Yubari Mellons, costing $100 each or more. My designs were input to a committee
of older people in charge who modified my work so substantially that key parts were gutted entirely. Nine years later, after 14 of the initial 16 businesses
had died, community leaders called me to fix things, by helping them revert to my original procedures. A second ten day consult was held (8 days actually)
of 200 people, who designed etc. 3 venture technology businesses and 3 venture resort businesses. In both the original workshop event and my own follow
up one year later, national press coverage resulted, along with visits by the prefectural govenor and other dignitaries. In the first case, this press coverage
revealed how a major mining company had hundreds of empty houses for miners (mining had died as an industry years earlier throwing Yubari into economic depression), going unused for years and getting crushed by snow in winter. The embarrassment of ex-miners in Yubari having sub-standard housing
while empty houses were crushed by snow, caused the company to donate the remaining buildings to the community. In my later workshop event, similarly,
national press coverage, particularly of European resort operators from Switzerland and Norway, enhanced by a planned bid for the Winter Olympics by the
nearby Hokkaido town of Sapporo, embarrassed local Yubari government officials who had made plans for new ventures without doing basic marketing
preparation like customer requirements specification and benchmarking similar ventures elsewhere. As a result these officials formally established resort
benchmarking teams for each Swiss and Norwegian resort represented at the event, and these data greatly helped the ventures output to later succeed. This
is a case of globality of attention driving local corruption and ineptitude away, improving local conditions in part by making them more local than they formerlly were.
Creating 16 business ventures or 6 venture technology businesses in ten days by organizing a few hundred people in parallel workshops is not as hard or
impressive as it may appear. The key is the home work leading up to the event, the precision of interactions among intermediate workshop results during the
event, the timing of presence of particular authorities to fit when and where they are needed by particular workshop groups, and the follow up to the event.
Workshops to design the businesses are what MBAs want to create but design is merely a locale for noticing what really is needed, according to good managers. The Descartian cast to MBAs and how they are educated does not serve them well or venture-creation-workshop events well. Therefore, workshops
to build on proposed new businesses, suggested in homework preceding the event, by recruiting monies for them, staff for them, managers for them, technology for them, organizational and legal form for them, homes-facilities-equipment for them, suppliers for them, delivery systems and logistics for them, working software for them, imagery and ads for them, and, not to be forgotten, initial products and services by them, letting such fleshed out proposals get
evaluated by panels of diverse kinds of experts, including prospective suppliers, investors, customers, competitors, and the like, are what the event is about
(not MBA-like abstract designs of businesses using simplistic Harvard quad strategy maps and the like). If several sorts of actual entrepreneurs are on some
of the evaluating panels, much good results, with powerful advice and transfer of un-guessable contacts, resources, and methods, not mere ideas. As participants watch particular proposed ventures fully flesh out with money, legalities, staff, products, suppliers, marketing experiments, pricing, and the like during
the ten days, excitement builds and much additional cooperation is arranged by public and private authorities in attendance. The ventures become everyones
baby with all parentally wanting them to grow, succeed, and make all proud. MIT, Stanford, Ecole Polytechnique, and other schools world-wide have managed half year long and year long versions of the same thing, but dragging out the process that long merely inculcates a bureaucratic staff speed and mindset in these baby ventures before they even are born. Also, such famous colleges in their venture-creation events, prefer workshops producing ideas rather
than workshops producing suppliers, product specs, logistic equipment and networking, working software, and the like. The idea that programmers, for one
example, could on Monday learn of the leading 20 proposals, and by Tuesday p.m. have fully spec-ed what each proposed ventures software needs are, with
production starting Wednesday morning and ending a week later with fully working code for the 12 to 16 winners--astounds professors used to working at
professorial, not commercial, speeds.


Representatives are randomly chosen from all ethnic and nationality groups in a city, to attend a formal dinner and dance, held once a year and a follow up workshop on
what each potentially offers the city that is not now being realized and what the city potentially offers each group that is not now being realized. The payment for the dinner provided is attendance at the following workshop. The workshop results plus photos of the dinner are published and distributed widely to all formal, informal, city
leadership types and institutions along with to the leaders of each ethnic group and its associated social clubs or churches. As these books accumulate, year by year, consensus on an agenda of cultural diversity usage gradually appear in the general city leadership.

Page 21;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Normalization of
New Liberation
continual search
for further
similar revisions
of past

Inviting Liberation
Self Editing of
Strained Analogies from Your Just
Created Novelty
monitoring of
analogous wanted effectiveness
changes found & institutionalizing
of continual
editing own ideas
monitoring &

society 64

New Orthodoxy I Write History

continual moni- writing history
toring & counter- ourselves
ing of erosion forces I guess people like

Emergent Divinity


living archetypes

liberation &

olympian destiny

Novelty as Door
Not Content
the new as it first
appears may only
be tip of iceberg
of further novelty
pull the string and
a new sun appears


investigating each
possible such liberation spot

suddenly people must

stay awake during

fragility of
the new
Baby Care


the new
the new
counters all
all institutional
personal habits
the old church beside
the cell phone store

the past

powers that be
besides themselves

Loyality Switch
Misinterpretations by Bystander
the past assimilates
the new into plural hints of entire
diverse past frame- systems crumbling
works of interpretation one pillar pulled and

oh we used to do
what was I revolting that all the time

countering COUNTER
OFFENSE of the past
Dependencies THREATS the past
the past
assimilates the
the new procedurally
new institutionally old things are autoold things are easy
to do


the entire ediface


the outrageous is
my normalcy

the road never

before taken

Letting Go of All
Provisos & Excuses
utter despair at
continuing, having
a life, as at present
caught in the headlights


Inadequacy Inevitability
of Despair
DESPAIR of all you do
and know

drawing five jacks


act of

Your Self
the act of
courage THE BREAK
of saying no
burned bridges
choosing my destiny,
so this is my battleground

Letting Go Existence Nothingness
of Self & Mortality Embraced as
something CONSCIOUSNESS absolute
end of road
in who you are or of existing system/you
what the world is, Alice falls thru the
is at fault
rabbit hole into
house of mirrors

Mind as
or failure

the rat rejects its


Anihilation of All
Partial Responses
tipping point
releases systemwide avalanches
the butterfly flaps one

last straw
Forced to Turning Point Forced to
saturation HOMELESS Change
end of the road
super saturation
not even close, miss
by a mile

move sinks me deeper



send me your
huddled masses NEW
Replicating RECRUITS
Your Selves
limitless sympathy
exported hope

people everywhere
seeing possibility

where there was none

seeing all those

others trapped in their
selves and lives

the miracle
of victories

Global &
Globality Instructionless Global Last Straw
Plurality Instructing
unity of mankind
MIRACLE my life
experienced in
vision of
becomes teaching shared
the slammed door
new future
becomes archway
into a new world

the garbageman

eyes lighting up with

hope worldwide

see what is
show the way
happening there SURPRISED I AM
Whistle Points VICTORY THE WAY Most Individual WORLD
All Responses Transform- Most
Social Globalization
of Local Acts
Inventions ational
GLOBAL possibilities
POSSIBILITY for everyone
now changed by
new personal,
root for the underdog unimagined tactics group, mankind what we do here
unhead of acts,
and now
applied at unheard
of places

continually remaking
I not inheriting it

changing the definition of humanness




of a new

if I were to live for

1000 years...

Victory Realized Power from Honor Lauch Initiatives

realization that
emergence of
colleague interactions new power beyond risk-filled action
already are your planned or
to realize novelty
new envisioned
envisioned powers pullingbottom cards
the story retelling
from a house of cards
the hut is really a

emergence of
public forms
of happiness
Expended Life

Settling for
abandonment of
lifestyle goals

a cityscape made of

Living in Visions
making & keeping
promises to each
building houses
with words

another world

quicksand, every


a bulls eye on my


David vs.
the unfair

PROCESS Steps of Self &
Meeting the
Plural Uniqueness Confirmationlessness
the Old
start of war of
the whole world
discovery of
other liberated as enemy
they just dont get
with friends like you
comprothe point
utterly alone together, who needs enemies
mises & threats
form of
simultaneous discovery
FINDING entry to no
ANOTHER mans land
Optimism of
utter loneliness hopeless odds

volunteer army

spawned everywhere

the past

Agreement Liberality
Disrupted Immortality Mindlessness
the new is
CARE the
not well
of time causes
defined enough to forgetting of last
be consensed on straw violations


baby revolutions

me write it

self criticism
acting to revise
acting to
INSTI- WRITING the audience
TUTIONof the unborn AVATAR
ANALOGOUS of the new
OVER- INSTITU- new from the old ALIZE
Humanitys Pioneering
Surveying Erosion Transformation Erosions Status from
Blocked Transform HISTORICI- Normalcy
Possible OLD PARADIGM Liberations set up
Liberations REPLACED finding
seeing the
beyond OF PERSONS completely
entire past differ- parts of the past ing
relevant daily lives
specific erosion
ently from new
needing analogous types
erosion actions
my privacy publicized
new monkeys, new
keeping watch on
blocking and tackling
poking society looking for soft spots

Training the World

of daily

work as one long


emergence of
All Self,
New Designs
Time, Past PROMISE work to
labor to
create really new acts and speech to
vision and realize realize new vision
fashioning holes in
sweating inventions

Rethinking Surprise
refusal of
past inside
selves in
own operations
reflective garbage

POSSESSING of colleagues
HONOR Wealth of the EXCUSES
Saved by
Not Yet
COMMUNITY imagining
survivaltogether alternative worlds &
institutions together
eleven fingers in the

game done with


living fantasy

struggle to
see and preserve what

in this haystack there

is a needle, I believe


Insights as Doors
Not Contents
emergence of
solutions better
than imagined
or planned ones
my ideas are birth
leavings of the real

SEPARATING of novelty
to Trying
DEVELOPMENT focus from
intents &
means attempted survival struggles

a boat made of


Copyright 2003 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

BEING PRACTICAL 23: An Exercise in Creation Power

The diagram above presents 64 states of being of a person involved in self change or in social change. You, and also all other readers, will have experienced all of the steps in this
model already in your life several times--whenever you changed yourself or whenever you took responsibility for a group and changed it, even without knowing ultimately what
change was going to be needed. Answer the following questions about any one or more of such experiences you had in the past.
1. For the case you chose, write down exactly how and why you experienced each of the 64 steps in the model above.
2. For the case you chose, mark which ten of the 64 steps above were hardest on you and which ten were easiest for you, and why.
3. Why is self change so emotionally difficult--what exactly makes it that way? Why is changing others so politically difficult--what exactly makes it that way? What are the reasons that people ultimately change themselves? change others?
4. At what particular step in the process of the model above does new power arise from nothing? Why? How?
5. Write down the exact contents of the American Revolution that correspond to each box in the model (there is an exact match in history--the model came from a formal study of
social revolutions and formal self change regimes from a number of nations). Which steps, because they were omitted, caused the French and Russian revolutions to fail?

Page 22;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

City-fication as Edi-fication: The Educativeness of Daily Life in Cities Alive. Globalization and localization can be recognized and used well by cities only if
certain conditions are met, and certain capabilities embedded successfully in a citys city-fication processes. Here I turn to the information environment that cities create and that cityfication processes recognize and manage. Facing the globe is daunting; facing the local without mastery of global alternatives and perspectives can also be daunting. Education--a system for making the kind of human beings we want, that is, for introducing the entire world to people and vice versa for introducing certain people to the entire world--determines whether
and to what extent and with what ultimate benefit local people can face the globe and global alternatives and unstymie local initiatives and solve local problems.

40) a city-fication process--to make sure people become educated not merely learned so transfer of responsibility for the world occurs along with transfer of
information about it
41) a city-fication process--to assess what the curriculum that living in all particular parts of the city amounts to, what it teaches people to believe and do,
and to adjust that so all particular parts of the city teach non-harmful and, if possible, beneficial things
42) a city-fication process--to assess the educativeness of the curriculum that all particular parts of the city are and the informativeness of all particular
parts of the city and make corrections where too much or too little or too imbalanced a relation between learning and education is found; sub-cultures of
astonishing intellectual and social poverty of imagination exist in cities as collectors of rejects or drop-outs from richer more complex cultures, such subcultures score poorly in both educativeness and informativeness, hence, need to be starved of supports while richer alternative sub-cultures draw resources;
on the other hand, every culture in a city needs to track sub-cultures of those dropping out from it, and work to get others to invent constructive better subcultures for those people to be drawn into (in science drop-outs from dominant paradigms are often the sources of innovation, in social life this fails because
drop-outs are merely blamed not enticed into constructive alternative cultural inventions)
BEING PRACTICAL 24: An Exercise in Distinguishing Education from Learning
The 36 point model below distinguishes educating--transferring responsibility from one generation to another--from learning/teaching--transferring information from one person to
another. Schools are supposed to do both, but urban schools, increasingly do not educate and the learning/teaching they do is inferior in topicality and volume with what ordinary
street life in big cities with mass media produce. Schools do not attempt to educate and their teaching is inferior to the informativeness of ordinary urban living environments, all
get for free each day. Considering this distinction, answer the following questions:
1. Why do teachers fail to transfer responsibility to kids in city public schools? Why is this an increasing not stable or decreasing problem?
2. Why do schools provide daily less information than ordinary daily life in a big city provides?
3. What changes would schooling have to make to handle the first problem, lack of educating?
4. What changes would schooling have to make to handle the second problem, inferior informativeness of schools to ordinary big city daily life environments of street, people, and
5. What does living in your neighborhood teach people to be like, to do, to think? What does living in your present job teach people to be like, to do, to think? What does living in
your present city teach people to be like, to do, to think? What other neighborhood you have seen or been in teaches very different things? Why? How? Which is best?

The information environment that cities create relates to a major problem shared by all large cities in the world--a breakdown of education systems. This problem does not at first seem
to be a polarity, trade-off, paradox, surprise, or non-linear problem (all of which are dealt with in a section below). It represents problems beyond non-linearity in origin and treatment. It
represents problems with courage, the courage to exist as human at all, and with responsibility, willingness to be responsible for the entire world one is in.
Also there are educative
effects that have to do with how daily life in cities educates people, that is, transfers responsibility to them, or how it does not, and how daily life in cities informs people, transferring
information to them, or how it does not.

Case 12: Compiling Conversation into Application

CITY-FY BY COMPILING CHALLENGES INTO BORING FAMILIARS VIA LEARNING: .People build systems and software applications by talking with each other. They talk rather randomly but that is because of social arrangements and traditions at work. The contents of the conversations needed to specify and debug and design a system are quite specific, well known, and unambiguous. You could easily imagine a sequence of conversations, not entirely free and not entirely constrained, semi-structured in effect. The minutes of those meetings would be working small
software modules or stages of specifying and setting parameters for such modules. In other words, you could capture the comments of some people meeting together, sort those comments by topic, convert those comments into specifications of modules, module behaviors, module connections to other modules, and the like. Then you could generate the modules thusly specified. This is the idea of a
system that automatically converts semi-structured human conversations into working software implied in those conversations.
An entirely different path leads to the same conclusion. There are many meeting management software tools sold these days. Each tool is really a toolkit of a dozen tools, one for each of many highly
common meeting activities--setting up a meeting agenda, assigning action items and checking on them later, making decisions, prioritizing and sorting lists of ideas, brainstorming ideas, sophisticated
analysis procedures for particular types of data, particular analysis processes for total quality or return on assets or human resource decisions, and the like. A screen appears in front of the whole group
and each member of the group and people fill it in while talking to each other (or fill it in individually and after that talk about where their answers to particular fields differs). These software meeting
management tools support semi-structured meetings, where each human purpose in the meeting has one or more possible procedures the group wants to follow to keep things flowing, practical, and not
distorted by emotional and political distortions from people attending. It is a small step from such semi-structured meetings about anything to such semi-structured meetings about what a new software
system needs to be and do. The latter is the same as what was discussed in the first paragraph above: a system that converts conversations, semi-structured, into working software embodiments of conversation suggested contents.
The City-fying Point: Life is semi-structured in cities, not just conversation. The spaces, times, events, and environments of cities are semi-structured and semi-structuring of those in and near and
using them. Life is becoming freer because things around us suggest directions and alternatives beyond our habits and backgrounds, and life is simultaneously and from the same sources less free
because things around us semi-structure our lives. There is continual struggle as what environments suggest to us, at first unfamiliar and expanding, becomes familiar and constraining, forcing us to
break free and go beyond, making us an expanding environment for those around us.

The Competition Between Schools and Daily City Life for Attention and Interest of Young People. Schools and cities compete for the interest and
attention of young people. When actual measures are made, daily life on city streets and in media available in cities is more informative than schools are. Ordinary people get more
information on more subjects faster on streets and in media than they do in schools. The informational of environments of ordinary cities is richer in this way than the information environments of public schools and their curricula. There are open lectures, conferences, debates in parks and coffee houses, concerts, internet cafes, documentary TV programs, correspondence courses, the teacher next door, radio talk shows, counselors on line--tens of thousands of forums where new information is richly provided at little or no cost. From this
competitive inferiority of school environments come a number of social and policy problems, the main ones being youth crime and unemployment and drug culture. Schools are the formal representative of reality, civilization, the future, and occupation structures-careers to rising generation members in every industrial society. When these formal representative institutions are less informative, interesting, and attention-getting than street life and media, respect is lost--the elders in society are seen as incapable of or uninterested in recruiting rising
youth into the formal structures and processes of civilization. As a result, uneducated peers in peer-cultures abuse rising youth with barbarian self-destructive street cultures and youth
cultures and drug cultures and criminal occupation structures.
Much of this is a cultural disconnect between the civilization leaders who design public schools and their contents, and the families needing the most education and learning in society.
Abstract thought, metaphorical thought, and years of patient self denial and delaying of self gratification doing classwork and homework that is paper based, are denigrated by many ethnic groups, youth cultures, immigrant groups, parents, and media cults of celebrity and sport stars. Kids encouraged to do abstract metaphorical thinking and active self denial and delaying of self gratification in schools go home at night to peers and parents who make fun of and denigrate such types of thinking and behaving, in most cases. The public school doorway
to all the formal structures and processes of civilization is treated with contempt by ethnic cultures, peer cultures, and family cultures in many areas of society. Liberal cultures of tolerance interpreted as value relativism that all values are equally valid and efficacious make this worse by allowing such drop outs from all of civilization an excuse for holding to their self
destructive and self isolating values. Reality is not optional and teachers have no obligation or practical need to make education interesting because reality will absolutely torture and
destroy anyone who ignores its details and precepts. Civilizations, and their public schools, who lack a powerful reality principle to present forcefully to rising generations and immigrants, self destruct. Reality interests without teacher embellishment because of its centrality and power to control all good outcomes in life. Only where such a reality principle is
entirely missing do cultures ask teachers to make education interesting. It is learning that must be interesting, not education. Education is not a transfer of information but a transfer of
responsibility--its interest comes from the power of reality in society. Learning, on the other hand, has to compete with street information sources and media sources in interestingness
and ability to capture attention.

Page 23;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Case 13: Second Hand MIT Research

CITY-FY BY ADDING EDUCATION TO LEARNING: As a college undergraduate, I was inspired by how Nathan Sivin and some other MIT professors, created a new
academic department, the Science, Technology, and Society department over lots of faculty opposition by never having facilities and formal budgets--making it so that there
was nothing there to be a target, that opponents could undermine or stop. Only after fame was achieved, formal supports were sought.
While an undergraduate at MIT, I got a teaching certificate after practice teaching in the Weston Public Schools, one of the USs best school systems where a lot of Harvard
and MIT faculty send their kids to school. I noticed the hunger of high school students there to see what serious college work was like and so I hired a few high school students, from Weston, as my personal research assistants, one term. It worked so well for me and them, that I expanded, the next term, to 15 such assistants, 5 each from 3
schools systems, Weston plus Newton and Wellesley. This experience I wrote up in the form of a book--15 pages of explanation of the program, plus 85 pages of published
articles by my 15 research assistants on 6 weeks of research they did full time with me in the summer plus 4 hours a week of research they did with me during the term.
The next year, I recruited a dozen MIT undergraduate and graduate students, each of whom recruited 15 personal research assistants for the next year. They each published
a similar 100 page book most of which was research articles by their assistants on what they researched during their year. We now had 14 books of 100 pages each containing explanations of the program plus articles by student research assistants on what their research work produced during an intense 6 week full time summer research session plus 4 hours a week of research during one or more school terms.
At this point, we all thought about Harvard, Boston University, Tufts, Northeastern, and a half dozen other colleges for which Boston is famous. Presentations to student
organizations were made and the program expanded to 3 of those universities in the next year. At programs end, when I graduated from MIT, 62 students at 5 colleges
were working with 910 high school research assistants per year, publishing 6200 pages a year of research by those assistants. All of this was done without money from or
to anyone involved--a principle I imposed on the program from its informal start to its somewhat larger scale ending. The idea was love of knowledge and learning would
be the primary motive force in the college students needing research assistance and in the high school students wanting to experience first hand what college knowledge
generation work was like. People not motivated by knowledge and learning alone enough to participate were not wanted in the program.
I worked personally with a total of 91 research assistant high school students during the three years of the program. Over the years since then I lost contact with nearly all
of them, however, in recent years, by happenstance, I found 22 of them, while browsing in, where their published books were displayed. It was gratifying,
decades later, to see the mental stimulation of our early research together had turned them in part towards a career of intellectual work and idea invention.
The City-fying Point: Public education lacks education--that is contexts for transfers of responsibility from one generation to the next. Contact with real world work, in
this case, academic research of beginning sorts by good college undergrads and grads, brings career concerns and responsibility for the world into high school culture. It
provides motive to otherwise uncontexted high school learning. It provides the so what factor.

Where Did Reality Go. It is not only entire civilizations and their school systems that lack a reality principle. Parents and families in cities forget the reality principle as
well, with generations of kids being raised permissively in the sense that human wishes and ambitions are encouraged with little mention of the hard facts of reality that stand in the
way making fulfilling ones wishes much much harder than we all would wish. Thus, kids are put out into the streets and media with hugely naive ideas about how easy it is to fulfill
ones dreams. Celebrity worship in the media encourage such ways of thought, filling kids with images of multi-millionaire basketball players, not images of the tens of millions of
would-be such millionaires now in hovels starving or ruined by drug habits because they ignored the statistics, only one in a million gets a livable income from professional sports
(roughly the same ratio as music majors experience).
It is not accidental that the reality principle, long recognized by psychology and psychoanalysis, religion and philosophy, as essential for human character development, goes missing in
modern cities. One feels powerful merely walking the sidewalks of any great city like New York, Tokyo, or London. Media present a celebrity-worship culture that leaves reality far
behind. Youth has a perennial problem of liking living in possibility, and disliking the feeling of 99 possible futures dying whenever one is actually chosen for actualization. This makes
youth susceptible to borrowing feelings of power from city environs around them without ever actually developing power themselves. Parents lose this reality principle by erosion by the
same forces, though it takes more time to delude parents than kids. Permissive cultural relativism provides a confusing message that any set of personal beliefs or ethnic-group-favored
beliefs are equivalent morally to any others. This allows people and entire groups to endorse absurdly incomplete or self destructive belief sets, for lack of a hard standard to compare
against. Past histories of racism and bias make people skeptical of admiring openly ethnic groups that look more successful or are, on a hard data basis, higher in income, education, and

BEING PRACTICAL 25: An Exercise in Finding and Keeping Reality in Our Lives
1. List ten incidents in the news over the last five years that clearly indicate that someone got caught up in media and could not see reality outside of media, hence, ended up doing
some horrific crime to themselves or others.
2. Listg ten incidents in the news over the last five years that clearly indicate that someone got caught up in some local sub-culture and could not see reality outside of that groups
viewpoints and norms and hence ended up doing some horrific crime to themselves or others.
3. Why does reality fail to attract the attention of people when competing wiith media?
4. Why does reality fail to atttract the attention of people when competing with local sub-culture groups?
5. Why is reality so wimpy yet it is powerful enough that if ignored it ruins entire lives? How do you explain this paradox--the wimpyness and power of reality simultaneously?
6. When specifically did reality upset your identity, confidence, self image, or plans? Why? How? Who?
7. When did such an intrusion into your illusory self preferred beliefs world of reality scare or irritate you so much that you resisted for months or years admitting reality was real?
What cost did you delay of recognizing reality as real entail for you or others?
8. How can parents raise kids so they lose all sense of reality? How can parents raise kids so they develop a healthy respect for and recognition of reality?

The Differences Between Learning and Becoming Educated. Education institutions are largely without city-fication. They are rich in learning, but poorer in
and at it than streetlife and media in large cities, and they are missing education, save for what streets of hard knocks teach on about surviving at the lowest ranks of society, not education
that works well at the dozens of higher levels of social involvement above street life. Centralization and elites have monopolized performance, selling it rather than watching it go on in
every local community, family, and social organization. Centralization and elites have monopolized responsibility for society, stripping it from ordinary jobs, companies, agencies, parents, and teachers, so kids grow up not meeting any adults who feel responsible for society and its fate, in most cases. The Illusion of Locality, the vacuum of local power, the Illusion of
Democracy have so stripped performance and responsibility from ordinary lives that kids grow up without a sense of reality, from media and its worship of celebrity thinking that mere
wishing can make lives, careers, futures, and things so. Below a model of the differences between learning and educating and how contemporary urban society is failing at them from a
political philosopher, and the primary philosopher of democracy in the late 20th century, Hannah Arendt, is summarized in the form of 36 points, 18 in a learning column and 18 in an
educating column. City-fication is educating work, informed of course by much learning. Where educating does not go on, city-fication does not go on and civilizations and their cities
decline or die.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered


Residents choose a bright easily visible badge to standardize on and all wear it during certain times of day or week so anyone not wearing it is scrutinized for criminal intent.
Designers are commissioned to design the actual badges and fees are charged so no one with taste would not want to wear them. Police and other service personnel are
informed of the scheduled times for badging, and assist in ferreting out non-badge wearers. Each resident is given a limited number of subsidiary badges to hand out to visitors or friends who might want to drop in during the restricted times. This severe program is meant to be severe--a visible warning of crime out of hand and policing too
removed to be of use to anyone. It is a demonstration against the climate of fear in urban areas where security is slack and life for children and the well dressed and elderly is
dangerous. Such voluntary neighborhood passport programs can ward off would be thieves and attackers while building community pride and cooperation, albeit at a cost in
liberal freedom to be robbed, drugged, raped, burgled, and the like.

BEING PRACTICAL 26: An Exercise in the Arendt Theory of the Failure of Urban Education in the Modern World
One view holds that nuclear families are a proven mistake, they fail to raise kids well, and urban public education is a failure, it fails all over the world to raise civilized kids. Considering this viewpoint answer the following questions.
1. Find an example in your city of each of the 36 points in the model above.
2. Find an example in your personal life of each of the 36 points in the model above.
3. Look through old newspaper of your city till you find five articles on general education problems in your city and present attempted solutions to them.
4. For each of the five articles, what does it criticize, and what solution does it propose?
5. Plot those criticized points, from each article, and those proposals from each, on the table of 36 points above.
6. Where on the table, which of its 36 points or adjacent sets of such points, have a clump of several criticism points or proposals from your five articles?
7. Use the point on the model (which of the 36 it is) to explain all the criticisms and proposals clumped there. Write a one paragraph summary interpretation of the meaning of each
clump in this way for however many clumps of points you have on the table.

The Global Crisis in Urban Education

(a summary of Hannah Arendts model)
Failure of Civilization, Societies, Leaders, Institutions, Especially Public Schools to Introduce the Reality Principle to Rising Generations
Failure of Civilization, Societies, Leaders, Institutions, Especially Public Schools to Offer as Much Interesting Information as Media and Urban Streetlife
Causes: Children Lack a World (instead having childhood segregating them in schools away from the world)
Adults Lack a World (central government and corporate control strips responsibility for the world from parents so kids see irresponsible parents.)

Learning (play and parents, private realm)


Educating (work and parents, public realm)

1. transfer of information to becoming being (like all animals)

2. transfer of responsibility for the world to someone new to the world (which world is immensely
valuable having been erected by generations of people struggling to create civilization, more gentle
to people than nature is)

3. TEACH the art of living [children are bore incapable of sustaining their own lives]

4. TEACH what the world is like and what responsible relations to it are like and get the childs
newness to invent solutions (we, the older generation, were unable to think up or implement); [children are born barbarian]

5. protect the child from the world (error 100 years ago in countryside--kids are miniature
adults; error now in cities--kids are a separate world of their own)

6. protect the world from the child (error 100 years ago in countryside--kids are miniature adults;
error now in cities--kids are s separate world of their own)

7. conserve the child from the harms of the world

8. conserve the world from the harms of each childs newness to the world; the world wears out if
invaded by barbarian untrained children; the world--and civilization--wear out unless renewed by
each generation overcoming the previous generations errors

9. adult role: the school (though the family should do this not schools) is a social structure
that nurtures the child as a living biological being, helping the child live as a living being in
the natural private and social worlds of all animals (includes types of intelligence, social
skills, mastery of reading and writing and the like)

10. adult role: the school is a representative of the public world responsible for introducing how to
be responsible to other people for that world and developing the uniqueness of the child as an
entirely new thing inserted into our common public world gradually, who can improve that world

Why We
Want to Fail

11. unconscious dislike of their own children by most parents (and dislike of the burden of
child care that children require) so parents rejoice at TV and videogames and schools that take
kids away for hours at a time

12. unconscious dislike of the world by the parents (and the burden of being responsible for it
whether you do a good job of that or not) so parents rejoice in blaming schools when kids have no
responsibility, no motive, no future goals, no respect for reality and structures of society and others

For Whom

13. done with children and adults, all through life (you can learn all your life without in any
way being or becoming educated)

14. done with children and criminals only, as adults are defined as those responsible for the world


15. informer doing courses and classes

16. mentor introducing work responsibility, family responsibility, civic responsibility, global responsibility, sexual responsibility and above all, Reality and Realitys powers

17. qualification to teach (in a field of knowledge)

18. authority to teach (as representative of the world and Reality)

19. the teacher knows things and explains them

20. the teacher takes responsibility for the world and its fate himself and introduces kids to what that
responsibility is like and requires

21. the current crisis in urban education worldwide: teachers know less about modern things
than kids find from streetlife and the media

22. the current crisis in urban education worldwide: teachers do not take responsibility for the world
and kids observe teachers being irresponsible (and unconsciously hopeless) about how to handle and
improve the world


23. needs to be made interesting (because daily streetlife and media compete with schools and
have more and better information, schools are boring)

24. has the natural interest of any small being meeting an immense power that, if ignored, will
ruin you and your life: does not need any special added entertainment or interestingness


25. failure to compete for child interest: information from school is less in volume, poorer in
quality, less relevant, less useful, less intriguing than information in the media and street lives
of ordinary people in large cities

26. failure of commonsense: adults no longer share with each other and with their children a common public world of appearing and performing the dramas of responsibility for community life-instead all sit and watch immensely rich people talents or central elites who monopolize performance and strip it from everyones life except a small minority in society. The daily theatre that village life was 100 years ago of performing before friends and family has been eradicated by media
industries bent of profit who centralize performance. Also, responsibility has been eradicated by
central governing and corporate elites, running everything top down centrally, stripping ordinary
parents of a world and responsibility for it

Evils of

27. sit for the first 20 years of life and pile up idea not used, applied, and therefore, not
understood; complete absence of understanding, caused by complete lack of grounding
ideas in kids own experience, causes much of the decay an crime in our major cities

28. sit for the first 20 years of life kept away from--parents, work, community needs, the old, babies,
the sick, the mentally ill, the criminal, most community roles, in other words, nearly all problematic
things needing care--means practicing irresponsibility for 20 years, even if the practice is passive

29. what kind of person learns well? what is important to learn?

30. what kind of person responsibly manages society? what is important for societys future?

30. answer of our big cities now: a parrot, a non-human being (a person trained well to sit,
follow elites, and not think for him/herself)

32. answer of our big cities now: an imposed ideology of everyone is free to compete in spite of
immense differences in resources and family background or everyone is equal and competing is distortive

33. providing a lot of information with no understanding of it because no experience of a

multi-age-group real world to relate it to responsibly (no educating going on)

34. assimilating what is new in the child away so the child, in order to fit into the world, is made as
old and dying as the world is;


(invented 100
years ago)

Image to be

Error Possibilities

35. providing a lot of experiences and work with no reflection and improvement of it based on
mastery of the abstract symbols and mental skills that allow humans to improve their world

36. assimilating the world to the barbarian newness of the untrained child so the tyranny of children
becomes adult behavior eventually

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered


One of the great failings of modernity is invention of the nuclear family--two parents taking care of one to three kids. It does not work, anywhere. Another equally general failing of modernity is the sequestration of kids in special institutions away from the world of work called schools. This does not work, anywhere. A third general failing of
modernity is the absence of education and the inferiority of teaching/learning, informativeness, of schools. That does not work, anywhere. A description of the second one of
these failings is the below.
For millions of years kids lived among working adults--learning by gradual stages how things worked and how they themselves worked and what work others did. When mass
public education was invented, just before agriculture lost its hold on 90% of the population who fled to cities, a special place, away from parents and away from work, was
invented in which, instead of doing work, kids sat and sat, and heard and heard, taking notes from lectures about a world they were forbidden to see (because of school hours corresponding to work hours) and participate in. For their first two decades of life, kids learned how to memorize verbal formulas (changed in France and the US after WWII to
manipulating rather than memorizing verbal formulas, but unchanged in Germany and Japan), how to sit, how to be regimented into long days of not doing, not inventing, not
figuring out, not working in teams towards objectives.
The Idea Factory School is simple--kids each year choose particular businesses (a random assignment algorithm assigns kids to popular over-subscribed businesses) and rotate
every six weeks among different departments of that years assigned school. Kids spend one day a week at the business with homework from all other classes based on things
observable by kids at that workplace. Kids are also assigned work to do at each workplace, however mundane, so they can observe while contributing. Each business participating each year forms teams with teachers to develop in a one week workshop teaching materials from the workplace situations that amplify existing lessons planned by the
school. At the end of each 6 week period, kids with other employees do a half day workshop together on improving some workplace system.

Summary of The City-fication Processes Identified in This Section.

This section covered the most frequently mentioned 36 city-fication processes suggested by
the 200 interviewed city leaders, mentioned at this articles beginning. I graphically summarize these points below, in the form of a fractal concept model of branch factor three. In every
case, a process mentioned by several subjects was elaborated above with nearest matching references from literatures outside urban studies, city planning, and architecture. The model
below organizes 36 different city-fication processes, all of them something individuals do when they penetrate cities new to them, looking for the lively parts, and something city leaderships do when they revive, improve, or found cities. In the rest of this article, I no longer order city-fication processes mentioned by frequency of mention by my survey respondents.
Rather, I group items coming from a single viewpoint and elucidate them with respect to that context.

We city-fy a place when we make the place competitive with other places, when we empower differences in that place, when we distinguish performances at that place, and when we
invent new capabilities at that place, making the place capable of more. Making a place competitive requires making it competitive in resources, in mission, and in development speed
and content. Empowering differences requires fixing illusions, getting spaces to compete, and surfacing difference types and dimensions then blending them deliberately. Distinguishing
performances in a place requires capturing experience there, projecting what is there, and developing taste and style there. Inventing new capability for a place requires developing the
components of capability--power, culture, ways to be together and apart, fostering interactions in the place, and spotting and handling emergents in the place.
Making places competitive with other places in resources, mission, and development city-fies a place. We city-fy a place when we develop technology, talent, and tolerance there that
other places lack. We city-fy a place when we attract global creative elites there that other places lack. We city-fy a place when we get global creative networks to locate nodes, facilities, events, or persons there, however temporarily. We city-fy a place when we turn a series of events into a place and vice versa, when we turn a place into a series of events. We cityfy when we lubricate social processes with educated populations, minimal enforced rules of decency of interaction, and the like. We city-fy when we repair civilization at a place, regularly, because civilizations wear out unless renewed, adapted by every generation to the challenge new to that generation We city-fy a place when we develop a culture of development
there. When we globalize the local things there by exposing to them global alternative ways to choose from and by exposing local things to the world at large to enrich globality everywhere else, we city-fy. When we make wheres educative so just being in a place educates, we city-fy.
Empowering the difference in a place and around it, city-fies the place. We city-fy when we fix the illusion of locality, revealing how local things are controlled by larger scales of society. We city-fy when we fix the illusion of democratic power--democracy is a system of checking power but it is not power itself and does not naturally generate power. You can have
great checks of power that is not there or is too wimpy to handle the challenges a society presents. We city-fy when we fix the illusion of performance and art--there is nearly no art in
modern industrial societies, inspite of much decoration and objects to auction. There is nearly no performing in modern industrial societies. Both art and performance have been
monopolized by central broadcasting elites, and stripped from nearly all ordinary lives, leaving an impoverishment of self expression that hurts local spirit and psychic development all
over society. Fixing this city-fies a place. We city-fy when we fix competition between scales, so the global does not wipe out the local and so the local does not wipe out the global.
We city-fy when we fix competition between spaces, so cyber space does not suck people out of physical existence and so physical space does not prevent people experimenting with and
learning to live in cyberspace. We city-fy when we fix competition between time scales so short term results are not bought at a cost of long term failure and, vice versa, so long term
results are not bought at a cost of excess short term suffering. We city-fy when we blend different types of human nature inside our selves and others. We city-fy when we counter hormonal extremes, excess maleness of policy or art or excess femininity of policy or art. We city-fy when we map the specific dimensions of othernesses that we encounter and arrange to
otherness to meet otherness on the grounds of particular dimensions of each, so people are not overwhelmed.

Case 14: Placing the Placeless of Woodbridge

CITY-FY BY GIVING PLACE TO A PLACELESS PLACE: Anyone who has lived in Manhattan or its bedroom communities in New Jersey has experienced the strange paradoxic community
among people there. While consulting for Coopers & Lybrand I lived in Woodbridge, New Jersey, a town with no population, no daytime life, where all the streets are north-south making it hard to
get anywhere East or West as you have to detour around all the huge multi-lane north-south limited access highways that chop Woodbridge into 8 vertical bands. Other than the worlds largest shopping mall, Woodbridge was perfectly featureless (there was one Japanese restaurant there but it served small hills of sugar in its tofu). Manhattan existed, had features, had population, had all the things
Woodbridge dreamed of but lacked. Manhattan envy infested every corner of New Jersey (except southern New Jersey which envied Philadephia). It was very much as if all features of life and residence had drained into Manhattan from surrounding areas, leaving apartments and streets and that was all. Woodbridge was a placeless place, there was no there there. To get out of Woodbridge (there was nothing there to depart from) one took New Jersey Transit--a train line that did not exist, that is, that did not own its own tracks, so it could not keep promissed time schedules.
Thousands congregated in Grand Central Station in Manhattan waiting for last minute announcements of what track particular New Jersey Transit trains were arriving at--since it did not own its own
tracks it did not know where it was going till the last minute. Then those thousands of waiters would rush down staircases to the announced platform, everyone hoping to beat everyone near them to
the few seats so they would not have to stand while the train passed by placeless place after placeless place until it arrived at their own particular beloved placeless place.
Some friends and I decided to fix some of this by mapping where all the people who lived in Woodbridge actually lived--that is, we built a map of Manhattan showing where in it all Woodbridge residents spent their lives. Though their bodies came and went daily, to and from Woodbridge, all their living was done in Manhattan. In every major Manhattan skyrise building and neighborhood were
workplaces and restaurants and sports clubs where Woodbridge residents actually had lives and lived. We copied a famous German map maker, puting actual renderings of particular Manhattan buildings on each block, with the floor and firm name where Woodbridge people worked or recreated daily. We then tied these propinquities to particular apartments in Woodbridge. We mapped people in
nearby Woodbridge apartments showing their pattern of location in Manhattan, and vice versa, mapped people working together in Manhattan showing their pattern of scattering over Woodbridge.
The City-fying Point: Though we printed up these maps for free using donations to pay for printing and distribution, we ran out as demand exceeded supply and ended up charging a small fee for
them, in order to do extra printings fast enough to keep up with demand. People were hungry to know the people around them and their work types and locations.

We city-fy a pace when we localize performance, unbroadcasting or localizing broadcasts. We city-fy a place when we increase the spaces and events wherein styles and new ideas can
compete, auditioning for attention, funding, enterprise establishment. We city-fy a place when we unmassify experience, picking our way through the particulars and unique moments of
experience rather than rushing to label and categorize everything as the same. We city-fy when we erect multipliers, like publishing, venture funding, and internet bloggs, that take single
creations as inputs and expose entire societies to them. We city-fy when we erect machineries that customize and localize global ideas and trends. We city-fy when we erect hierarchies
of spaces of appearance moderate so the loudest and most self obsessed do not dominate them. We city-fy when we pluralize elites so authorities compete, giving ideas multiple places
to go and chances to succeed. We city-fy when we develop elite audiences that concentrate absurdly in unique areas of idea or feeling, pulling creations in specific extreme directions.
We city-fy when we challenge elite criteria pulling elite-developed things into forms that communicate with and benefit everyone in a society.
We city-fy a place when we invent new capabilities for that place. When we develop power at a place, when we develop new cultures there (often by blending existing cultures there),
when we invent new ways for people to be together and apart there, we city-fy the place. When we combine populations at or near a place, when we invent ways for new inventions to
interface with each other at a place, when we set up large scale insight processes among aspects of a place, we city-fy that place. When we spot the eruption of newly recognized or new
customer requirements in a place, when we spot the eruption of monumental new goals in a place, when we spot the eruption of new insights in a place, we city-fy that place.
City-fying as making places competitive, empowering the differences found at a place, distinguishing performances done at a place, and inventing new capabilities of a place, is what
keeps cities and civilizations alive. It is the burning center that lights up the urban cumulations of city areas. We city-fy campsites, space stations, new companies we move to, new
neighborhoods we move into. We find or install city-fication processes of the above 36 sorts. When urban designers, city planners, public administrators talk about designing cities or
anything to do with cities, they default to facilities as if all that junk buried under the soil by later eons was the city. No, the city was and is never that facility stuff and the contributions of facilities to city-fication is quite modest, though not small. No, cities are urban cumulations, much of it quite toxic, lighted up by a burning core of processes, the 36 city-fication
processes outlined above and displayed in the model below.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered






polis hierarchy



style audition





develop culture

develop power


culture of






events to
places &
vice versa

invent new
nature types








set up fractal





shrt vs. long term





36 City-fication Processes (Most Frequent Mentions by Interview Subjects)

BEING PRACTICAL 27: An Exercise in Applying the Most Frequently Mentioned 36 City-fication Processes
The model above summarizes the 36 most frequently mentioned by respondents city-fication processes. Just because they were thusly mentioned does not mean they are real.
They still need empirical support, not yet provided. However, the fact that expert city leaders, public and private, in cities around the world mentioned them first, when asked what
processes sustain cities and enable them to endure in history as vital centers not dying entities, means they are worth some initial attention. By organizing the first 36 ones into a
categorical model, with similar processes in groupings together, we imply that the 36 processes might just be 36 versions of 12 processes, which, in turn, might just be 12 versions
of four oveall processes. Empirical research is needed to verify which level has the most evident truth--36, 12, or 4.
1. Find an example of each of the 36 processes above, now going on in your own city.
2. Where did you look to find each of the 36, where did you not look, and why?
3. Which of the 36 are strong and health in your city? Why?
4. Which of the 36 are weak or practically non-existent in your city? Why?
5. List the five biggest current initiative underway in your city? Which of the above 36 city-fication processes does each support? does each hinder?

Exercise Case 2:

You are attending a cocktail party of 60 people about half of whom are above you in social status and wealth, the rest are at your level or below.
How do you work the party, that is, meet whom you need to meet in the way that best relates them to you and you to them, avoiding completely
each of the below-listed faults in cocktail penetration behavior? Write a seven step procedure you would follow to city-fy this cocktail party. Show
which of this articles city-fication principles underly each step.
1. Avoid this Fault: young men inevitably spot the most distinguished, powerful other male at the party and hang around saying impressive things
to him trying to curry favor or impress him. They thereby demonstrate to all watching their own obvious lack of confidence.
2. Avoid this Fault: young women work to catch the eye of the most powerful male at the party in front of other females there so as to one-up
them and defeat them competitively in ability to attract attention. They thereby show their worth is determined by male values.
3. Avoid this Fault: serious discussions of serious ideas may start up at cocktail parties but they spoil the mood and belong in the boardroom or
backroom or ones personal office; ideologs, sure they are right, are never right in cocktail party settings no matter what their ideas are.
4. Avoid this Fault: old experienced high status people gather lower status types around them on sofas and take turns telling interesting stories,
all of which ever so indirectly (not too indirectly) imply how great a person the teller is. These thinly disguised self-praising story telling sessions
are all the social life many people are capable of, unfortunately

City-fying a Cocktail Party

WARNING: this question

requires a brain to answer.

How Handling Non-Linear System Dynamics City-fies a Place

People and institutions, policy makers and new residents of urban accumulations directly experience the non-linear dynamics of cities. However, approaching everything urban with
tools for handling non-linearity is rare as yet. Below I revisit most of what was mentioned above, showing how at the core of all that was mentioned, is always the same non-linear system dynamics. This section ends with tools for handling non-linear dynamics, showing how city-fication both already uses such tools and can benefit from the versions of them presented here. As mentioned above, the city-fication processes mentioned in the rest of this article, are not ordered by frequency of mention by survey respondents, but are grouped by
shared frameworks, and explained in the context of such frameworks. This makes the understanding of city-fication processes, overall, much easier and more coherent. An overall
model of 64 city-fication processes, simplified, coalesced, with redundancy removed, is the final result of both the research reported herein and of this article.

Polarities and Inverted U Functions.

Humans seem to live between polar opposites. They lurch, at times, from one pole to the opposite. They pursue both poles at the
same time. There is a good reason for this, inverted U functions--aspects of life where much A is bad and little A is bad and optimal results come when some intermediate value, hard

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

to ascertain, is achieved. Inverted U functions abound. Creativity decreases when ideas break too radically from the past and when ideas conform too much to the past, and creativity
is optimal when ideas break enough to surprise and excite while conforming slightly enough to be understood and appreciated. Because there are lots of inverted U functions, people
often dream about, and seek extremes, polar opposites with me and mine being on the right pole and those and theirs being on the wrong pole. People tire of finding hard to discriminate values in the middle and dream of a world where extremes work well--it is not our real world, however.
One such polarity is corruption versus virtue. Both corrupt cities and virtuous ones are shunned by global creative and professional elites. When people ask that cities and institutions
not be corrupt, what are they asking for. In part, a culture of development, that is, reliable near futures that attract strivers and investment. Corruption means the actual rules are not the
publicly available rules, so no one can guess well outcomes--this ruins investment and scares away strivers. As a result, non-strivers do every function, a society of immense incompetence results. The world and history are absolutely full of examples. When people ask that cities and institutions be virtuous, what are they asking for. In most cases, they are asking
that their own ideas be supported as best. Though the idea corruption is an opposite of virtue, the people who seek virtue in their societies are not seeking the end of corruption.
This is a tricky but important practical distinction and one for policy making. Virtue is what Sparta and monastic communities have--one truth fully applied. Virtuous societies are not
attractive to most people, because they drive out diversity of value, lifestyle, and opportunity. Non-corrupt societies are attractive because they bring in investment and strivers. In a few
cases, people asking cities to be virtuous are seeking an overall positive vision that can unite diverse cultures and groups in cities in a common effort. Monumentality in civilizations
involves vast mobilizations of social resources toward monument building. Sending a man to the moon, for the US in modern times, was a monument building effort, quite the same as
pyramid building in ancient Egypt This is virtue as something more than a code word for getting everyone to support my own beliefs.
Another polarity is good versus evil (here, sin is used, good versus sinful). When people ask that cities be good, what are they asking for? Good, paradoxically, seems to stand in for
lack of bads--crime, income inequality, fear, boredom, lacking upward mobility, unfairness, prejudice, intolerance, and so forth. A city that is good differs from a good city. The latter is
a city filled with richly veined city-fication processes. When people ask that cities be not sinful, what are they asking for? They are asking that human nature meet some rational ideal
or moralistic righteousness, that people of other traditions give up their beliefs and follow some one right belief (of some best group of people). The former amounts to asking that
reality be different than it is or suppressed. The latter amounts to asking that all bow down to one tradition or group of people as superior to all others (because they claim so). Most cities actively suppress some sins but not others. It is a key strategic decision, made by cultures more than by people, which sins you suppress and which you wink at. Mormons, horrified
at parent all over Japan serving beer to kids, are not horrified at murder rates in Mormon communities in the US hundreds of times, per capita, higher than any murder rates in Japan. Japanese, horrified at the lack of daily bathing in France and the US, are not horrified at the lack of bike helmets for kids all over Japan. Sin is culturally dependent and people asking for sinless cities really are asking for a particular menu of available sins, with particular ones, they hate, suppressed and others they are hypocrites about, tolerated and kept from too much
public view. Cities that are good, in the moral sense of less crime, income inequality, lack of upward mobility, have tremendous drawing power, though rare in North America, except
Canada, they are common in Europe and East Asia. Cities that are good cities, in the sense of full of active city-fication processes, keeping them creative, vital, and attractive to global
elites, are popular everywhere. Cities that are sinful are attractors too, offering diverse forbidden fruit, from around the worlds cultures. Cities that are sinless are, of course, illusions,
though cities promoting themselves as sinless exist and are shunned, often because of a secular or religious totalitarian cast to their people.

Case 15: Weaning Gangs to Civilization

CITY-FY BY CIVILIZING METHODS OF OPERATION: One of the communities where I did non-profit work, immediately after graduating from college, was East Garfield
Park, Chicago--a hot bed of drug use, gang violence (over the funds from drugs), and broken families. While drinking beer there with friends, one night, we all observed, cynically,
that weaning the neighborhood from drug use and drug profits was not possible with low paid jobs available to minorities. Only if fast-food hamburger flippers got $100 a hour,
would jobs draw people from exchanging drugs on street corners and all the violence and incarceration that led to. What if gangs found something that made them more money
than drugs? we all wondered. This was the origin of an accelerating gang financial normalization project.
A friend and I, later, without beer, re-looked at the issue, estimating the cash flow from drugs in East Garfield Park, controlled by one particular gang, there, the Vice Lords. We
knew those funds were wasted on expensive looking clothes and cars, women and digs. What if half those funds could be put to use on money markets as investments? Just the
presence of another reliable way to wealth, other than drugs and violence, might pull resources, people, and attention out of crime a bit, over the long term, we reasoned (somewhat
shakily). One problem, of course, was gang members are not good at impulse control (they prefer impulse shooting), so proposing a reduction in monthly luxury spending of half
would get nowhere with them. Another problem was human greed is expandable so if we invested half of drug monies and got profits from that better than investing in drugs produced, the gang would probably do both drug investing and money market investing, instead of switching from the bad one to the good one. A third problem was making the transition; from drug protits to investment profits sustainable. Gangs lack math and finance skills needed to choose and select investments. They also lack a view for the long term to
tide them over when investment or markets generally go bad for periods of months or a year or two. Shooting people when markets go bad quickly ruins investment climate. We
stewed around and under, through and above, in and out, over these problems and this issue for months, casually. Then a missing idea came to us--one of us heard about a core of
dedicated people who elicits a movement of concerned people from a mass of unconcerned deadwood. If we split gangs into dedicated people who elicit movement from concerned
middle people who come from larger populations of deadwood, then it is not the entire gang we have to succeed with--it is only the dedicated core we need to deal with and they have
discipline, motivation, and leadership attributes missing in the middle and masses of the gangs. We proposed proposing an experiment to a faction of the leadership of the Vice
Lords gang--give us 10% of your drug cash flow each month and in three months we will return to you that plus 12% more as investment income. By re-investing that 12% every 3
months, larger investments could be made, producing larger returns, gradually. The experiment included training 3 of the faction leaders in financial management. Legal problems
abounded so agreements to keep all gang information and crime unknown and uninvestigated by our experiment were needed. Our goal was to accelerate the evolution of income
sources for the gang from crime to legitimate investing, by outside expertise as a jump start that evolved into within gang-leadership for the long term. We worked with local police
to clear our tactics.
Within three years of start, a quarter of all gang funds yearly,for the faction we dealt with, were coming from investment income, with 9 people trained to invest. No decrement in
crime-derived funding was evident, though we did not know details that would let us actually know this. However, half of the leadership of this faction spent most of their time on
investment work, and very proudly flaunted their higher-than-drugs-alone returns before other gang factions.
The City-fying Point: Toxic urbanity begins and ends, in nearly all cases, with educating. If schools do not educate programs later must. In addition, sin pays in many places
and times, but with unmeasured collateral costs (incarceration, unreliable lifestyles, unreliable life lengths). When collateral costs are added in, non-sin ways outperform sin ways.

Related to this issue of sin versus goodness, is traditions that see work as a punishment (Christian cultures) for apple eating (according to the Bible) versus traditions that see work as a
way to heavenly peace on earth (Buddhist emphasis on perfect doing of mundane tasks as a route to clearing mind of ego-caused illusions that hide ultimate peace already always there
within each person), and traditions that see sex as a route to heavenly peace on earth (both as a mindset achieved and as peace in society by keeping men satisfied sexually all the time)
and traditions that see sex as a scary threatening force to be denied, kept under submission, and if possible, avoided altogether (Saint Paul in the Christian traditions among others). In
one case you have people working only under duress and having sex with guilt, while in the other you have people joyously working with elan and having sex without guilt. Cities based
on the former traditions build in huge resevoirs of frustration and dissatisfaction; cities based on the latter build in large resevoirs of joy and emotional closeness (Davidsons Univ. of
Wisconsin research finds the latter have happiness set points considerably happier than the former). When people ask for cities with sins A and B tolerated and sins C, D, and E
entirely extirpated, they are setting the tone of entire cultures, lives, institutions, crimes, and societies, more than they usually realize. Nobody can outlaw sinfulness of nature--people
revel in it and according to psychologists and novelists need quite a bit of it to maintain healthy psyches--but by trying to outlaw large parts of human nature, they can develop quirky
societies, with huge frustrations built in, that spawn real crimes and harms like high murder rates, emotional cruelty in daily life culture, parental violence to children, cruel violent media,
and the like. Novelists since Herman Hesses Demian, have acknowledged an essential variety of life in cities, including variety of sins to participate in, as both one of their draws and
one of their, ironically put, virtues.
BEING PRACTICAL 28: Do Not Ask for Good, You Might Get It or, Heaven is Filled with the Kind of People You Cannot Stand Now
1.Who are the particular people you know who are most sinless, the least evil doing, the most filled with goodness and virtue?
2. What is it that you cannot stand about such people? What is it that makes them ineffective in caring for themselves and for others?
3. What parts of the world, reality, life, and human experience do they shun, avoid, not acknowledge, fail to explore, and hide from? Why?
4. What happens to them in later years of their lives, what sorts of experiences to they grow into? what sorts of people do they grow into? what is their typical effect on their childrens lives?
5. What competitive other forms of goodness are there among the good people you know? Which of them have forms of goodness incompatible with the goodness of others?
6. What is it about goodness that makes people a bit arrogant and causes them to, perhaps out of insecurity, push their own form of goodness onto others, using public force if they
gain political power? What harm does it do for governments to push one form of goodness on entire populations?
7. What is the positive constructive role of sinning in lives as people grow up? after people grow up? What exact forms of goodness arise only from experiencing sin? What price
do people pay who avoid sin entirely? What forms of goodness do they lose entirely? How does that make them dangerous?
8. Why do people support goodness in spite of its evident faults? Why do they feel social pressure to support it more than it deserves? What makes sin practically undiscussable?

Some cities live in the past, in fact, entire cultures live in the past. A series of celebrations, dressing ups, fashion, music, and dance arts, traditions, festivals, concerts, plazas, and the like
decorate the present so the past pervades it. When change is proposed, one and all worry about who it will hurt, more than what new benefits it will provide. When it has been modified
enough to not hurt anyone much, it is accepted for implementation. Making the future bend and change to not hurt the present is common in past-oriented cities. They can implement
only harmless things. Such past-living cities do not notice the present too much, particularly its lackings and needs. When needs break out, response is often celebrations and festivals,
inclusion in rehearsals of a glorious past. Needy ones are co-opted into a pageant of history, rather than having accurate assessment and solving of what they now need. Other cities live
in the future. They have visions and imagination contents they are striving to make clear and implement now. They live in their visions, not paying all that much detailed attention to
what goes on around them. As a result, such cities often tolerate incredible amounts of crime, poverty, bias, inequality, corruption and the like, because they simply do not notice it, this

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miss seeing the present their eyes being so taken in by possible futures. The present is not as real for them as imagined futures are. People concerned too much about the present, in
these societies, seem dead, not alive. In both cases, the tradition cities and the futuric cities, the present is missed, slighted, and forgotten. In both cases, rather huge ugly presents can
build up making visitors unable to see why anyone would ever want to live that way. Ironically, Americans visiting Europe see them missing the present in favor of the past, while Europeans visiting the US see Americans missing the present in favor of the future. Both miss how they themselves are refusing to see and live in the present.
Some cities struggle for articulation, specificity, actual unique instances, setting up diverse activities, services, and facilities. These cities are visions working themselves out in realities.
Other cities struggle for integration, trying to wrap up diverse people, ideas, facilities, communities in cohesive focussed major directions, changes, projects or monument building
efforts. When people ask cities to articulate better and more, what are they seeking? They are wanting ideas transformed into lives and deeds, institutions and facilities. They are asking for embodiment. When people ask cities to integrate themselves better and more, what are they seeking? They are asking that all that they are amount to something, aim somewhere, go somewhere, get beyond merely existing purposelessly. You ask cities and societies to go to the moon when they are so obviously going nowhere. You ask cities and societies
to stop reaching for the moon and get real locally when they are wrapped up in visions and projects that ignore what can readily really be done everywhere around them.
Cities can foster encounters that change you, educate you, modify you and your world and destiny. Cities can foster values that you like and want to see no exceptions or violations to.
In reality cities have to do both, and balance them carefully (inverted U functions again). Without a certain reliable near future, set up by shared rules and values, people do not invest
and striver do not appear. With too many values and rules, investment and strivers run away for freer environments. Balancing a value emphasis with an encounter-promoting emphasis
is tricky business; it is easy to get it wrong and hard to get it right. Pornography and youth drug culture are value problems because many city people believe they eliminate millions of
potentially worthwhile encounters. The encounter-promoting aspect of cities has won over the value-promoting aspect to the extent that lack of shared values and rules is not freeing up
more encounters but reducing net total encounters made. We have few examples of values-dominant societies or cities but communist societies--the Soviet Union--was a good example.
It held to its values so well that encounters of nearly all types ended up being formally forbidden and informally tracked with maniacal thoroughness by secret police. Such societies
need to open to encounters where plural value sets compete for human attention and allegiance. Today many religious communities and rural neighborhoods lack enough encounter richness to survive as communities. They lose their youth, eventually, as sheer boredom (nothing is quite so boring as goodness and heaven 24 hours a day) draws the kids away, minds
first, then bodies. When people ask cities to foster certain values, what are they asking for? They are asking for a culture of development, including a reliable near future so they can
invest and attract strivers. When people ask cities to foster encounters between diverse values and peoples, what are they asking for? They are fed up with existing values and want a
frontier where new ones are invented and applied. They want human imagination and nature to grow, not stay the same.
Cities can work to get roles done well or they can work to solve problems. When people ask a city to get roles done well, what are they asking for? They are asking for fancy stuff and
advanced stuff that has distracted the city from the basics of life and work to be thrown away. They are asking for the elimination of fat, waste, and frivolity. They are asking for an end
to bickering and backstabbing, attacks and lies, among people in a situation that is not going well. When large companies are approaching bankruptcy, everyone in them blames everyone else and all use the blame they receive as an excuse to not do their own role well. The result is an accelerating drop towards bankruptcy. The people who make a career out of saving such companies, when they move in, first stop this excuse game, then they stop the blame game, then they stop people from not doing their assigned roles. When people ask a city to
solve problems instead of doing roles well, what are they asking for? They are asking the city to stop pretending that present situations and needs are the same as past ones, for which
past already set up roles work well. They are pointing out that no matter how well past roles are done and perfected, they offer nothing for present needs and circumstances. They are
asking the city to wake up to the ways the present is not the same as the past.
Cities can foster heroic designs or distributed emergent solutions. When people ask a city for heroic designs, what are they asking for? They are giving up on power and asking for violence. They are giving up on plurality and asking for focus. They are giving up on complexity and asking for simplicity. However, sometimes, they are asking for a bit more than this.
They are asking for bold, clear thought with irrelevant noise and incidental corrupt misunderstanding pruned away. They may at times be asking for conceptual focus and clarity so that
every goal and principle is not always open to compromise, reduction, negotiation, and forgetting. When people ask a city for distributed emergent solutions, what are they asking for?
They are asking that elites not make the final solution but rather form input proposals heavily modified by all sorts of interacting other players, powers, and stakeholders in the city. They
are asking that local knowledge flesh out reality and implementation means from a bunch of ideas and ideals proposed by elites or the wealthy or others unconcerned with daily life constraints of the masses living in cities. They are asking that the Illusion of Locality and the Illusion of Democracy be, for a moment, overcome and replaces with real locality and democracy.
BEING PRACTICAL 29: An Exercise in Do You Get What You Ask For
!. Your city now emphasizes which pole of the following polarities: lives in the past or future? struggles for articulation or integration? fosters values or encounters? works to get
roles done well or problems solved? seeks heroic design or distributed emergent solutions? For each pole emphasized, why? with what result?
2. What would change about your city overall if the opposite pole were from now emphasized instead? List 12 changes for each of the four poles.
3. How would you lead some people to get your city to emphasize the other pole from the one now empahsized with a five year or ten year program or campaign of some sort? What
15 steps would your compaign have to implement? What resistance from those in your campaign would each step face? what resistance from those outside your campaign would
each step face?

Trade-Offs. Trade-offs are where you can have more X but only at the cost of less Y, or more Y but on at the cost of less X.

You cannot get a lot of both X and Y at the same time.

There are lots of these in life. Cities are defined, managed, and experienced via lots of these.
Cities can develop large amounts of social capital or they can attract large portions of the global creative class, but they cannot do both at the same time. If cities are too well ordered and
peaceful they lack encounter, chance, disturbance, slack and the leeway that innovators demand, so the global creative class avoids locating there. If cities are too chaotic, encounter-oriented, disturbed, they lack the reliable near futures required for any sort of investment and attraction of strivers. Only if cities are somewhere between order and chaos do they thrive,
having enough social capital to be enjoyably reliable and peaceful and yet enough disturbance to be exciting, surprising, stimulating and attractive to global creative elites. Social capital
(Putnam, 2002) became popular as the US noticed that it had less of it than some European and East Asian societies, but more careful thinking and research shows that too much social
capital was a turn-off for the global creative class (Florida, 2004). All that fellow-feeling and closeness of living meant forces to conform and follow rules anathema to creative types
who make cities grow and prosper.
Cities can assimilate newcomers to established norms and procedures or they can foster enclaves that become virtually foreign cultures embedded in encapsulated areas within, but they
cannot do both at the same time. The attraction of assimilation is having enough shared rules that reliable near futures are maintained allowing investment and attracting strivers. The
attraction of enclaves is having deep resevoirs of difference that keep any one way from prevailing or getting total allegiance, hence, differences that stay different rather than assimilate
away, evaporating into the common soup of a host culture. Anxiety often drives policy in cities towards stronger assimilation, or at other times, towards greater enclave encapsulation.
Cities can build monuments or lifestyles but not both. If cities invest in monument building of any sort (stem cell research, going to the moon, building large triangular tombs for divine
kings, holding city-wide art competitions for major cathedral decoration, and the like) they lack resources to invest in supporting interesting lifestyles. A great overall deed can give
mobilization and focus to a society but at a cost of reducing diversity and lifestyle variety. Future creativity may end up reduced as a result. If cities invest in lifestyle supports, they
forgo monumental efforts, and the mobilization and focus they provide. It is often a matter of whether cities want to be one major thing, visible worldwide to outsiders or whether to be
many lesser things, visible nowhere outside but highly visible to groups within.
Cities can invest in infrastructures: physical facilities, social networks, psyches, and cyber worlds. They cannot invest more in one of them without investing less in others. City choice
of what media to be themselves on, in terms of what to invest themselves in of the four infrastructure types, defines the city to outsiders and insiders alike. Cities are their investment
profile over such infrastructures, attracting the global creative class with certain such investment profiles and scarring them away with others.

Case 16: The Virtual Researcher Net

executives office, waiting for my turn at a job interview, next to another candidate, for the same job. We got talking and by accident ended up joining a group he knew of who
wanted to create a virtual person of great resume (a composite of the 12 of us), great proposing (done by the 12 of us), and great work speed (done by pretending one person was
doing the work when actually all 12 of us shared the work).
This was a lark, basically, but a source of good side income for us all, for the virtual resesarcher rented out his first year of services for over $286,000, divided by twelve twice, providing each of us $2000 a month (minus some small expenses). All the proposing and getting and doing of work was on the internet (its early DARPANET stage).
What amazed us were things like the following:
a. people in corporations believed our virtual persons heavenly resume of abilities (combining 12 peoples actual abilities)
b. people in corporations believed our virtual persons unbelievable work speed
c. fights among the 12 of us about what personality to give our virtual person when he replied to particular customer messages
d. how our team blended into virtual personality, each of us playing up part of it, taking the lead in some situations
e. how the net allowed global reach in proposing and in delivering and in cooperating with customers in after-sales service
f. the possibility that we could together be, not one virtual person, but a dozen virtual persons (losing our work speed advantages).
The City-fying Point:The natural thing was to be ourselves but on the net. The un-natural thing was to be, as a group of 12, one person, a virtual person, because the net permitted
it. Virtual persons could do work in the net that real people could not. The new space, global in reach, narrow in bandwidth, shallow in emotional transmission capability, allowed
forms of person and forms of interaction and forms of work never seen before in old physical and social spaces.

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Cities can get involved in being just places or being places of opportunity, but not both together. Justice and fairness work gets people and institutions and laws involved in careful allocation, not allowing the future to abuse the past or the present. Opportunity involves deliberately freeing efforts, initiatives, and strivers from obligations to the past and present, for the
sake of future opportunities, chances, and freedoms. Cities often get pulled by their poor and immigrant and unemployed members towards justice and fairness; they often get pulled by
their strivers, adventurers, and entrepreneurs into opportunity. The trouble is, too much chasing of opportunity, creates a third world within a first world nation, of crime, poverty, ignorance, disease, and violence. The trouble is, too much chasing of fairness and justice, creates a first world nation within a third world nation, where ambition and rare accomplishment
are denigrated as sinful and being nice to everyone and not troubling others replaces growth and dreams.
Cities can work to impress the living or work to impress those yet unborn. Inevitably the living have voices and reactions at present filtered through political systems and media demonstrations allowing the unborn to be forgotten again and again. However, huge crises build up this way as pension systems fail or immigrants turn into enemies due to decades of inattention. When cities over-react, tilting from serving the living to getting the balance right between those not yet born and those now living and clamoring for all, they develop truly better
futures undermined by revolts by non-understanding poorly self-disciplined political forces representing the dissatisfied present. Cities have to get those present interested in those not
yet present and vice versa get those not yet present mindful enough of present groups and their needs to build a constituency for the unborn among the already born. This is tricky to do
in practice, usually involving lurches from too much present need handling to too much present need ignoring.

Exercise Case 3:

Voting irregularities in your city reached national media attention levels in the last election, and the current mayor was elected in part to fix that.
You are put in charge of fixing such irregularities but powerful political interests, murky in the background, far beyond your influence, operate to
slow down your work or mis-direct it. Your mayor has put pressure on you to move aggressively and fast, while murky background figures have
sent messages warning that giving into the mayor will ruin your career.
1. What are the functions assigned you, in this work context, be very specific, and neither too general not too narrow.
2. For each function, what city-fying work is needed for it--which city-fying processes does it need? why? how delivered? when? to what result?
3. How can the voting irregularities situation be understood as being caused by several missing city-fication processes? Which ones?

City-fying Voting

WARNING: this question

requires a brain to answer.


Small equals big. This is also called the Broken Window paradox. If you allow people to break windows without consequence murder rates later will rise greatly. Small
actions and reactions serve as symbols of what is allowed, the limits of which people, like small children, inevitably test. Thus, he who would control the big, large outcomes of cities
must control well, first, the small quotidian outcomes. Mayor Giuliani of New York City hired a police commissioner aware of this paradox who crushed small crimes and thereby got
an attendant reduction in large crimes (though statistically overall national crime rates for violent crimes were already going down as demographic trends reduced the young man age
group responsible for most violent crimes--would a pro-sex-business policy have worked better? one wonders).
Big equals small. People who move to large metropolitan cities like New York City, Paris, Tokyo, or London get disappointed when they discover that they cannot visit with co-workers
after hours as everyone lives two hours commute away in different directions, making visits home to home four to six hour long trips, even among people working within two meters of
each other. Big cities bring people together only in parts of their lives, leaving them far apart in other parts of their lives. Big cities reduce social circle richness in not a few cases in this
way, save for that fraction wealthy enough to live downtown where they can play with others living there and working there.
Success equals failure. Any city successful at attracting the global creative class to locate there, thereby attracts lots of other kinds of people, not so creative, who overload logistics, service, school, and other systems till the city loses the ability to attract the global creative class, and is left with millions of less creative attracted ones, it can no longer afford to support.
Success brings failure.
Monopolies compete. To open a drug store in Long Island, New York, for example, requires meters of documents, months of permissions, weeks of waiting, and all sorts of zoning,
health, fire, tax inspections and hurdles. To open exactly the same drug store in Missoula, Montana, requires none of all that. Hence, the global creative class locates itself in really out
of the way, strange, beautiful, places at times simply to bypass accumulated laws, regulations, inspections, hurdles, hassles, and barriers to entry. The new drug store owners in Missoula,
Montana, a few months after starting operations get together and make up new laws, regulations, inspections, hurdles, hassles, and barriers to entry designed to keep new competitor drug
stores from entering their market. In an instant, Missoula is as rigid and bureaucratic as Long Island, and for the same reason, the existing businesses work to keep newcomer competitors at bay. Monopolies are the nature form of doing business and competition is the exception in cities. Cities as cities compete for a brief while, but within city competition is very
brief indeed.
Nuclear families are bombs not care structures. It used to be all of us lived on farms, with extended families on adjacent farms nearby. A cloud of kids passed among aunts, uncles, cousins, parents, grandparents, and like relatives, so a cloud of adults raised each kid in the cloud of kids. We replaced all that when we moved to cities, assigning one mom and one dad, more
recently one mom alone, to raise several kids, who attend after-school schools so mom can work and earn enough money to take care of the kids. The data are in and the nuclear family
experiment of the last 100 years in the industrial world does not work. Two parents at the peak load years of their own career building are too stressed and overworked and too few to
raise two kids. A few can manage it with grace and good results, but the vast majority are nearly destroyed by the pressures and the pressures erode health of parents and kids alike, driving all to drugs, recreational and medical. Nuclear families, two parents having two kids, are not viable family structures. The rural extended family cloud of parents raising the rural
extended family could of children works better, in part because aunts and uncles have emotional distance and detachment allowing more patient and gentle interacting with kids than
over-burdened parents can manage. Cities that set themselves up to support nuclear families end up supporting single mom families that do not work well. Virtual aunts and uncles or
real ones need to be established for doing parenting work in cities to fix the broken nuclear family prototype.
Money prevents solving rather than helping it. In modern organizations everything is phony till it gets into a budget. So all fighting centers on the budgeting process. A few decades of
this process and people begin, without realizing it, to see money as how to solve things. This becomes quite literal, and constituents, via the media, get the idea that money is always the
solution. Within a few years such societies are throwing money wherever a problem is found, to no effect. Money atrophies the brain. If we did brain scans we would probably be able
to verify that statement literally. When social capital is missing, having gone undiscussed and unsupported by policy for decades, you cannot get things done with honor, trust, elan, cooperation, fellow-feeling, shared vision, and the like. You have to pay each self-interest to get involved in helping others. It is management by bribery and a fundamental debasing of civilization itself.

BEING PRACTICAL 30: An Exercise in City Paradoxes

1. Give an example from your city of each of the following: small= big; big = small; success = fail; fail = succeed; monopolies = competition; nuclear families self destruct; money
hinders solving.
2. Is there anything your city can do to eliminate nearly forever any of these paradoxes? Why or why not?
3. What forces sustain each of the above paradoxes, making them impossible to remove or eliminate entirely? In each example you presented what forces sustained the paradox?
4. What policies or ambitions or initiatives now underway in your city will inevitably come to naught because of one or more of these paradoxes? What can be done to prevent that?
5. In your own work or career, give an example of how each of these paradoxes is now frustrating your own goals or assigned outcomes? How? What can you do about that?

System Effects. The original gurus of the total quality movement--Feigenbaum, Juran, and Deming--along with Kano, Ishikawa, Ohno in Japan--installed system thinking to replace
non-systems thinking in the basic tools of total quality control now used world wide by business and most governments (in the industrial world). Total quality attacked deep characteristics of Japanese culture--personalism, hierarchy, emotionality--offering fact-based management, teamwork, and statistical analysis. These were unnatural in Japan, actually attacks on
traditional Japanese culture. Human systems are non-linear systems having many interacting components. That means similar inputs can have extremely different outcomes. That
means the reactions to what you do get swamped by the reactions to the reactions to what you do. This means that you can set up conditions by what you do that you are not aware you
set up, then react to them, as self standing causes, forcing your hand in certain directions. In other words, without realizing it you can create your own environment and be forced by it
to do things you do not want to do, without realizing that you yourself created that environment by early actions whose consequences you did not carefully track. Decades after the total
quality movement in Japan dealt with and distributed systems thinking, Senge at MIT tried to introduce it against the total quality movements American version, as a new idea. He
missed the systems thinking tools in total quality and he introduced computer simulation tools thirty ore more years after Japan dealt with the issue nation-wide. System effects appear

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over time--in a world of short term image-making and celebrity-obsessed media--effects that do not appear till weeks or months or years later, do not exist at all, for practical and policy
making purposes. Cities are absolutely filled with such system effects. Nothing can be done without tools for realizing and handling them.
New roads increase traffic jams. This happens because new roads decrease traffic jams if the new roads are merely add-ons to the existing situation. However, wherever people are
involved, you cannot add anything on to an existing situation. Add-ons change expectations, beliefs, attitudes, and also driving habits, routines, ambitions, and volumes. Thusly, new
roads, by changing driving expectations and hopes increase overall traffic rather than help out a stable existing volume of traffic. This is a symbol for many similar system effects, where
intended helps undermine their own goals by changing human expectations and hopes so that demand volumes or some other volumes drastically increase along with changes in equipment, facilities, logistics, permission, or the like.
Public spaces become non-public. Public facilities, spaces, and equipment draw out people who have to use them rather than want or choose to use them, in any society with people
barely getting by. So parks that people voluntarily use get filled with homeless people using them as living spaces that are non-optional. Fights result and the quality of an enjoyableto-visit part disappear so the public purpose gets lost entirely. Similarly, cyberdemocracy experiments draw out all sorts of participants till the loudest and rudest drive away all others,
leaving bigots browbeating other bigots with nearly no one participating. Public spaces become non-public wherever minimum standards of living are not provided or attained by all.
Present satisfaction prevents future satisfaction. Doing what satisfies people now guarantees great dissatisfaction in the future for all. People simply do not responsibly manage their
lives, choosing present satisfaction suicidally over saving for pensions, putting aside for insurance, laying aside for medical emergencies, and the like. If you work to satisfy people fully
now you guarantee the end of your society. Enduring societies must greatly frustrate their members for this reason.
Immigrants assimilate their host societies. Immigrants filter the societies they move to, viewing all contents from their own cultural frameworks, and re-interpreting things similarly. As
a result they generate versions of the host culture and its routines that point, support, aim, and promote aims not intended or found in the host culture. This reframing, re-interpreting, and
re-contexting of host culture contents is subtle and not advertised. As a result host societies greatly exaggerate amounts of loyalty and assimilation achieved, being unable to measure
degrees and kinds of re-contexting.
Existence requires extremes of living. In modern societies, especially cities, you cannot get noticed by normal decent living. You have to something extreme to get noticed. Therefore
you find artists doing absolutely absurd and ugly street art gimmicks, to get on local TV or print media whereupon they add, in their comments, exposure to their real art work, something
entirely different and better. Modern cities split all people into an extremist absurd getting attention part and a serious, sober, value-producing other part that goes unnoticed and unsupported save for attention attracted by the absurd extremist part. Greenpeace, the environment movement, has made a method of this--designing photogenic absurd media events, using
masses of naked women, for example, to guarantee exposure on local media, with the bodies of the women spelling their main point in images that local TV stations cannot fail to show.
Femininity invites masculinity, and vice versa. Both men and women who succeed in making things more feminine in style and value, eventually tire of it or get hurt by its weaknesses
and shift towards more masculine styles and values. Vice versa, both men and women who succeed in making things more masculine in style and value eventually tire of it or get hurt by
it and shift towards more feminine styles and values. This alternation continues indefinitely, with no stable neutral position ever being found or maintained. This example is but a stand
in for many similar polarities alternation among which is ongoing and unstoppable. Alternating among two extremes is just the simplest example. Alternation among sets of four or six
or ten alternatives also takes place, though alternative paths make it somewhat more complex, making balance harder to achieve over short periods of time.
URBAN DREAMS, CITY-FICATION INVENTIONS: Resident City-Architecture Inventions Fair
Residents in every business and neighborhood submit architectural improvements in the city they wish to happen. A screening committee selects the best 50. Professional
architects and designers from universities and firms are assigned to each of those 50 to develop the idea better and more implementably. Then an event is held in which these
50 pairs of professional paired with amateur compete for a prize of the overall best proposal. A committee of angel, venture, public, and foundation funders evaluates these 50
and chooses winners, the single best winner awarded not just a prize but legal, financial, design help for actual moving the idea towards real implementation in the ciity.

BEING PRACTICAL 31: An Exercise in System Effects Handling--How a City is not a Community (Social Capital) and Never Should Be a Community but Instead a Community
of Communities, Which is Something Quite Different
1. Give an example from your own city of each of the following system effects: new roads increase traffic jams, public spaces become private, present satisfaction prevents future satisfaction, immigrants assimilate the cities they move to, existing requires extremes of living, being feminine makes one masculine and being masculine makes one feminine.
2. Why does each of these system effects exist and have power? Where does each come from? What deep non-linear system dynamics physics or social phenomena underlie each
system effect?
3. People tend to take responsibility for linear effects of their actions, and deny responsibility for non-linear effects? Why? To what result?
4. How are cities like big single communities? How are they not at all like big single communities? What is the difference between being a big community and being a community
of communities? What relation does this have to non-linearity and systems effects?
5. When people try to make life more linear and less non-linear, what results? Do they succeed? Why or why not? Why do they attempt this?

Surprise types.

Non-linear systems are filled with surprises, in part because people think linearly more than non-linearly. Before personal computers were available, doing the
math for non-linear modeling was too time-consuming so models, for generations, were linear simplifications of reality. However, the world surprises us not just because of linear models we used to use. The world surprises us, Wolfram (Wolfram, 2003) informs us, because on an abstract basis our minds are not more complex than the world systems we try to comprehend. We have no computational superiority to the systems we try to understand and predict. That means the best we can do is run many systems to find out how they will behave.
There simply are no short cuts we can take. We get surprised because there are no short cuts to actually experiencing the systems as they play out in time.
Wildavsky and others (Wildavsky, 2002) invented Culture Theory a theory of four fundamental types of political culture. Any one culture could encounter environments consonant
with its own type of culture or consonant with any of the three others types that it did not have. The latter encounters were surprises because each culture expects to find the environment as portrayed and expected by its own culture type. It is surprised when, instead, the environment is consonant with entirely different types of culture that it has not. The individualist (anything goes, acts have few or no bad consequences), communal (the world is untrust-worthy, we must stick together), hierarchist (some things are safe, others are unsafe, we
must be careful about boundaries and classes), and the fatalist (nothing works well, everything goes badly) types of culture exist and, if surprised enough, switch to each other as new
phases. For example, individualist cultures tend to make bigger and bigger mistakes because they see life as benevolent, till giant disasters ensue turning them instantly into communal
cultures. Communal cultures, on the other hand, are so conservative and unventuring that nothing ever goes wrong (or superbly) in them so they eventually see life as benevolent,
switching suddenly to individualist culture. These types apply across social size scales, from individual persons, to groups, to organizations, to nations, to civilizations.

Case 17: Own Culture Barmitzvahs

CITY-FY BY CONTINUAL RENEWAL OF ONES OWN CULTURE: A former President of N. V. Philips attended some of the social functions when we launched artificial intelligence circles there.
He lived in Eindhoven near headquarters and invited me to his home a couple of times. He was a peculiar intellectual sort of person whose mind never stopped growing, regardless of work or retirement status. Over dinner, on one of those visits to his home, he mentioned the fate of Dutch culture the next hundred years. He was worried that Dutch people, besides growing taller and taller, were not growing
their culture. The end of empire meant that mastery of foreign languages and cultures was optional, taken over by corporate training, so the Dutch, as Dutch, were leaving Dutch culture unattended to,
static, flat, which actually implied decay. A culture that is not continually rebuilding itself, generation by generation, is dying he once said. He wanted to do something about all of this but could not see
a practical way to go. Then I showed him my model of 48 dimensions of any culture and he got an idea. The result was monthly dinners, rotating among the homes of some of his friends, each dinner dedicated to one of my 48 dimensions of culture, examining how Dutch culture did things there compared to a dozen other world cultures. Careful reasoning about forces pressing Holland to change and future
scenarios for Europe were blended in to suggest changes needed in Dutch culture and institutional arrangements that might produce them.
The City-fying Point: Nearly all humans are content to just be their own culture, leaving it unimproved, as if it were perfect as it were. It was so unusual and refreshing to meet a retired, older man, of considerable social standing and global exposure who thought otherwise--cultures not adapting continually, modifying their own contents, are dying.

Stuart Kaufmann and others at the Santa Fe Institute investigated evolving systems finding systems that poised themselves between order and chaos at precise values where some local
perturbations had global overall effects and patterns that they set up, while most local perturbations had only local or minimal effects. Finding the intermediate values between too much
order (local things always only have local effects) and too much chaos (all local changes affect everything globally in the system) where complex global patterns emerge spontaneously
without being planned or intended by anything in the system, is hard work and yet responsible for most creativity in the universe including the invention of the natural selection process

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

that is the most creative process known because it is the one that created human beings, the most creative things yet known. Immensely complex patterns spontaneously emerging in systems of many things interacting, without anything in the system planning or intending or imagining them is the kind of surprise deal with here.
Casti, also associated with the Santa Fe Institute, in a series of books and articles emphasized irreducible systems (also emphasized by Wolfram later) that are as computationally complex
as the human mind is, so there will be no short cut ways to model or predict them. The only way to know what they are capable of and will produce is to actually run them and observe.
Surprise here comes from lack of ways to predict systems of a certain basic level of computational sophistication (called by Wolfram, systems of General Computational Equivalence).
It turns out that most of the systems known, including nearly all psychologic and sociologic systems are this sophisticated so there will be no short cut ways to predict their consequences
and behaviors.
Par Bak won a Nobel Prize for showing how sandpiles are like having sex. You talk to a girl, desiring her, and nothing happens; you talk again and take her to a movie and nothing happens, you talk again and go to a park and nothing happens, you repeat this dozens of times and nothing happens, then you talk and go to a movie for the tenth time and suddenly she wants
sex now. It is not something you said that time and not something about that particular movie that caused her change of behavior. She is reacting not to the last incident in the series
but she is reacting to things that build up over the course of the entire series of encounters. The last talk and movie were somehow the last straw, even though there was nothing particular
or special or attractive about them compared to previous talks and movies seen. Suddenly an input entirely the same as many others produces a fundamental change in the overall system
state between the boy and the girl. Par Bak showed how sandpiles were like this--add a grain of sand and nothing happens for tens of thousands of times till one last grain, you can never
predict which one, suddenly causes avalanches on all size scales that changes the entire state of the sandpile system. Such systems he called self organizing criticality systems, systems
that on their own organized till they were always in a critical state where one more slight input would change the overall system state. This is surprise as a sequence of identical inputs
of little or no system effect till an additional identical such input vastly changes everything for no apparent reason.
Lock in--systems that entirely reconfigure themselves around a particular initial, perhaps very suboptimal standard--and increasing returns to scale--systems where the more something is
used the more people want to use it further--explain why so many things in life and work and the world are suboptimal or event counter-productive, yet continued for generations. Nonlinear systems, including human social and market systems, are path dependent, so that how a result is obtained changes overall outcomes, ruling out certain better outcomes because certain other paths were not how the system reached it present state. The prime example is the QWERTY keyboard on computers, design to slow down hand motions in mechanical early
typewriters to prevent keys mechanically jamming, but now world standard even though vastly better keyboard layouts have been known and used for generations, like the DVORAK
layout. The world standardized around QWERTY and no one was willing to go through the time and effort cost of re-learning to type just to vastly speed up typing speed. The costs of
learning another typing system outweighed the speed improvement, and since no one else typed that new way, there was the issue of being compatible with how others typed. Many systems humans use are sub-optimal but locked onto because of accidents about the path of how innovations were actually encountered. This is surprise embedded in the form of sub-optimal systems.
Surprises are simply encounters with system effects that we do not expect because we are not looking at the world as a system of many things interacting in a non-linear fashion. Therefore, the types of system effects that there are are also the types of surprises we encounter. There are, it turns out, at least 256 system effects (surprise types), if you take into account the
various diverse contexts in which we encounter non-linear reactions to what we do. A model is given below.
BEING PRACTICAL 32: An Exercise in Abstract Surprises
1.What type of culture dominates your city and its culture: individualist (anything goes, acts have few or no bad consequences), communal (the world is untrust-worthy, we must
stick together), hierarchist (some things are safe, others are unsafe, we must be careful about boundaries and classes), and the fatalist (nothing works well, everything goes badly)?
How do you know which dominates? What evidence do you have?
2. Which parts of your city do not at all have that culture and chafe or resist it? Why them? How do they resist? How are they oppressed by the dominant culture of your city?
3. What events in recent history of your city have tended to challenge the dominant culture it has, that is, tended to surprise it (of the four types above)? How? Is there any evidence
that they are succeeding in shifting the cultural commitment of the people and institutions of your city? Are they underming the dominant culture successfully in any way? Why or
why not?
4. Give an example from the life and dynamics of your city of each of the following non-linear systems phenomena:
a. periodic attractors b. chaotic attractors c. order for free d. creativity at the edge of chaos e. systems that self organize to become critical systems in which one more of a certain
input surprisingly totally reconfigures the entire system f. lock in g. decreasing returns to scale f. increasing returns to scale

Ineffective Organization System Handling

long cycle times allow time for many

long cycle times for doing things allow time for many errors to accumulate

ownerless problems

problems without obvious owner, beyond simple profession boundaries often too unfocused for any one group to handle

giant greenfield initiatives that dont build

on past

totally new goals and means in a project fail to link to already built up and tested capabilities, making achievements unstable

emergents from interactions

totally unplanned outcomes often emerge from the myriad parts of systems interacting as
a result of 1 or several moves/initiatives

career system rewards distinguishing self

from others not building on their work

career systems can end up rewarding flashy launches of new initiatives not patient solid
doing of hard long things, so rewards can reduce building on work of others or cooperating

partial solution lowers standards

partial successes often change peoples ambitions or criteria of success lower, so accept
transient solution that go away

aggressive specs that ignore real capabilities

leaders can force extreme specs utterly unconnected with actual people and process

side-effects counteract main one

many side-effects directly counter the main intended effect, undoing it, or distracting
from it via huge costs worse than want

long cycle times allow many outside market changes

long cycle times in a project give time for outside environment, customer, and market
changes to undermine what is done

act combines counter intent

the actions done to reach a goal though individually toward goal combine to counter the

many changes of requirements

requirements that specify what a project does can continually change during doing of
the project making designs chaotic

staff combines
counter intent

the people working to reach goal though individually helping reach it combine to prevent
it happening

marketers know customers but dont and

dont see engineers as their customers

marketers can substitute own bias for what customers really want and can impose not
effectively communicate requirements to engineers

launch manner counters intent

the manner a solution is launched with counters overall intent

one-product projects when all know competition will instantly respond

major one outcome efforts can demoralize entire workforces who know competitors
will instantly respond to any one innovation actually done

self-reinforcing growth self limits

an act can have result that cause more such results continually till negative feedback self
limit process grows big and reverses

long cycle times allow many changes of


long cycle times for a project allow time for key staff to change, retire, or lose interest
reducing skill and quality

moderate solution bad so miss good

larger one

when initial small solution tries fail badly, people give up and miss fact that much larger
such tries would work well

one old generation manages so younger

imaginations shut out except crises

stable fixed old leadership generations controlling all shut out, always without exception, younger imaginations or force re-interpretation mistakes onto projects till failure

side-effects of result worse than

benefits of result

the side-effects may be much worse than the benefits of getting the intended main effects

unfunded capability development so must

invent product and technology together

product development gets funded but not development of reliable new technology such
products use so projects jointly develop both, making performance achieved unreliable

result done is not satisfying/wanted

some intended results when actually attained and experienced do not satisfy

early phases understaffed/funded; unrealistic schedules from remote leaders

old projects always late so early phases of new projects are understaffed, causing errors
to be spotted/fixed expensively later in projects; remote leaders force unrealistic schedules

similar input very different outputs

similar inputs, even extremely similar ones, can produce extremely different output types
in any non-linear system

products/projects often cancelled

tradition of leaders suddenly cancelling projects cause entire workforces to underinvest

in projects till nearly completed

usual input whole system changes

an input just like usual ones done many times already can yet produce entirely different
never seen before results

no manager action till problems are huge

hierarchies can cause local problems to get unresolved locally, instead escalating to VP
level, delaying solutions

fast good results then huge bad


early or easy initial results can be good lulling people till huge bad ones suddenly emerge
from unseen negative feedback force

resources adequate only at product end

managers can fear early resource flows, hold back resources, so errors build up expensively treated at project end

solution with delayed huge cost

good solutions can work well in many respects till people notice huge negative costs that
are delayed often considerably

subsystem team arguments escalate cuz

refuse trade-offs

subsystem teams may refuse trade-offs among each other, hence, escalate arguments to
VP level, delaying solutions



home runs

people plan and intend wanted outcomes not envisioning responses of myriad involved
system elements/forces/persons

of quitting



Time Blind



Attention Distraction Effects

unplanned second order effects

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

unprincipled management causes waits for

many sign offs

hierarchies can impose levels of permissions which only serve to delay key actions
through projects dangerously

travel, waiting, reporting are most of

development work time

the logistics of communicating and documenting a project can become half or more of
all work, supplanting real design

environment or whole system design caused failure gets blamed on one component or
weak one, letting problem reappear

reviews distort actual capabilities

leader reviews can be unprofessional due to remote leaders or delusional due to leader
political distortions of reality

other part as envt undoes 1 part fn

functions of one system part can be undone or blocked or made harmful by functions of
other parts acting as environment of it

no incentives for needed behaviors: building reliable technology

all the incentives in a project can favor errorlessly and quickly doing things impossible
to due errorlessly and quickly without development of technique/technology base that is

lack of leeway in other parts stifles

1 parts function

each part doing its own function very well can cause overall failure because they do not
have leeway helping each other do their individual functions well

leaders remote and ignorant, do not like

nuts and bolts solving

Western leaders want social class superiority to workers hence do not get hands dirty,
lose sense of real capability, become totally dependent on politics distorted reports

environment changes during solving

the solving process can take enough time that the environment around it changes so as to
undo its effects

waiting till problems huge then killing

entire project preferred as it spreads blame

leaders prefer to let problems grow so huge that they kill entire projects as that spreads
blame beyond one leader; smaller problems can be blamed on one leader so dangerous

solution so particular to 1 environment cannot be used

a solution can be so particular to 1 environment that it cannot be used or its effects are
transient as the environment evolves

no personal, social, knowledge basis for

inter-manager agreement, so solution is

managers so competitive that no rational negotiated solitons are possible among them,
instead only political agreements are possible making technically irrational solutions

credit & rewards not to those who


systems can reward people who did not actually solve so in the future they do not solve

managers lack the social skills to guide

without punitiveness

managers may lack the social skills to work with or encourage own employees, instead,
such managers are hated whenever they are around others, acting punitively among

outside help used till own capability atrophies

outside help can assist you so long and well that your ability to live without it atrophies
causing disaster when it is no longer available

managers force symptom only solving by

tacit intimidation

managers unwilling to imagine or solve deep issues or political ones, may force solving
of only superficial aspects by intimidating people

great solution for situation too

weak to last

great solutions can be too weak to last and keep problems at bay

promotions not based on actual problems

faced and solved

leaders may be recognized and promoted based on things other than actual problems
faced and solved so incompetent contexts in higher leaders judge/distort lower competent ones

great solution gets enemies cuz of

who supports it

great solution can assemble and motivate scattered ones who dislike it or who does it or
fame from the doing of it

no consensus building process on product


overall product strategies of a group may be contested and not agreed on so individual
projects do not add up or synergize

enough chaos: local act effect goes


enough chaos can prevail that good effects go unnoticed and unappreciated

no building on success/failure of previous


leaders to show own worth may deny worth and value built up by predecessor managers, ignoring previous team learnings

enough order: local act cannot

affect system

tight interconnections in a system can make for such stasis that nothing can change
enough to constitute solution of problems

missing project postmortems

leaders may ignore reviews of completed projects to find learnings as they do not intend
to apply past learning in future

sequence of solving exacerbate user


the particular sequence of acts in a solution process can create user dissatisfaction that
overwhelms their overall result

tradition of hiding slack time and no one

covering for others on team; no pain sharing system

project aspects that cause one role to work harder than others not recognized and equalized so people hide slack and other private benefits that compensate them for unfair
work loads

solution delivery configuration


how a solution is delivered can undo any of its benefits

creativity valued over effectiveness

creative solutions that bring visibility may be preferred to humdrum but cheap reliable
ones that work better


people getting less than needed can try harder, getting even less, so trying harder till no
common resource is left

consulting = participating

leaders can consult genba for genbas reactions then ignore them and consider that a
participatory system

rich get richer

those with slight initial resource advantages can be so favored with results that their
advantages grow hugely

roles assigned by precedent not need

leaders can structure all present projects just as past ones were ignoring unique needs
and opportunities of the present

price war

several parties can undermine their competitors prices, till everyone together goes broke

social will not mind used to solve

getting everyone to fail together is worth as much as getting everyone to succeed-togetherness considered solution

envy isolate

successes can produce such envy caused isolation that benefits are unusable

rotating everyone before an issue

rotating all leaders before an issue is considered adequate even if not consensus or
insight occurs and leaders sleep

when get what want, dislike it

people can find negatives of losing goal to achieve outweigh attaining concrete goals

ignore = solve

ignoring a problem for generations is as good as solving it, the Charlie Brown strategy,
ignore it till it goes away

when live with result, hate it

people can find that experienced result dissatisfies them

admit issue = create issue

admitting you have a problem is the same as creating the problem--this attitude

solving process raises expectations

so hate result

solving process can raise expectations to than any likely result dissatisfies

agreement all interpret different is agreement

consensing on a vaguely worded agreement that everyone interprets completely differently considered agreement

representative of customers spec

are wrong

how we represent what the customer requires can distort or miss actual customer requirements or miss customer changes

agreement fact outweighs content

social fact of agreement being announced more important than whether anyone really
agrees with anyone else

producers become/supplant customers

the requirements of producers can supplant needs of customers in projects so customer

hate the result

intolerance of slight differences

slight differences of one group to another, one project to another, hated and resisted,
forcing all into same mold

during production parts/requirements change

while producing something enough time elapses that components or overall requirements

information hiding

hiding information and problems is as good as actual solving--this attitude

parts hijacked during production

parts during a project get noticed by others and taken for other purposes

if new, not an issue, only old issues are


new issues are not really issues, only issues that have been seen before are treated as

way something produced kills


the way something is done can undermine the purpose behind it

copying rivals outweighs inventing solutions

copying competitor moves is considered more important than inventing own solutions

factors from unincluded profession,


professions omitted from an effort usually have been omitted because they have vital but
unpopular knowledge needed by it

issues are just distraction from real work

issues are considered distractions of real work of doing past routines without thinking

profession not customers make


producers of a project or designers of it may supplant requirements of customer of it with

their own requirements

good managing = issuelessness

good leading is considered leading that avoids any issues and deals with no issues

inter-profession disagreement on

the plural diverse professions required by a project may be unable to agree on even the
most basic aspects of it

changes in environment interpreted as

already found inside group

environment changes are all assimilated to inside of group already known phenomenon-so nothing is ever really new, that is, nothing requires new thought or effort

solution more complex than problem

solutions may dwarf in complexity the problems they are to solve

considering whether to do so thorough it =


consideration processes are so thorough and long and detailed that they are more complicated than actually doing what is considered

fatalist and hermit

the world cannot be trusted, withdraw and minimize harm--this attitude makes the world
horrid so withdrawal is needed

issue generators neutralized coopted early

any social unit that might generate issues is coopted by payouts early, that is, paid to not
generate issues


the world is dangerous and untrustable, we have only each other, so stick together above
all--this drives merit away

attitude discrepancies responded to as


differences of attitude are considered issues so opponent positions are constantly folded
into own position, removing debate


small errors and big errors have mild consequences, the world is trustable so anything
goes--this eventually produce disasters

long standing irrational situation is natural

= not issue

long standing unfair or irrational situations are, because long around, considered nonissue, and never improved


parts of the world are very dangerous, parts okay, must know boundaries--this eventually
produces dated distinctions

pay money to all parties = solving

instead of hard choosing and thought, just pay all parties money to make issues go away

components too big

the scale of problem/causal elements differs from the scale of solution elements

ritual process repetition is work, not issue


following social rituals of consideration considered how to handle issues even if solutions not invented or tried

components too small

the scale of problem/causal elements differs from the scale of solution elements

cost of issues is lost focus on unity of


issues considered harmful because they distract people from the mystic unity of the
group and society

overkill solutions or cut vital stuff

as waste

the scale of problem/causal elements differs from the scale of solution elements

social surface: establishing a thing called a

solution = solving

getting everyone to call something, anything, a solution is considered a way to solve

issues, regardless of whether it really works or changes arrangements in society

overly incremental solutions

solution too incremental may allow drastic changes of situation during long implementation periods

super direct solutions, bypassing causes

getting people to like bad situations is considered good solution, better than removing
bad situations

solution perfect for present situation only

solutions may be so specialized around current situation that slight changes of environment vitiate them

easy meeting tradition: discuss = repeat

elder opinions

meetings that just ritually endorse opinions of whoever is oldest in the meeting, after
consulting/ignoring everyone

parts config lost in responding so

problems reappear

inter-relations needed among solution components may be lost during the chaos of implementation so problems reappear

group wrongs better than interrupting

unity with issue

wrongs perpetuated by a community are better than disrupting community by eliminating such wrong at cost of lost unity

new parts added rather than reconfigure old ones

situations tend to get solved by adding things rather than replacing present things so complexity builds and dissipates efforts

trance-like no mind state is ideal consciousness

clear minds, without issues, is a goal of governing

culture of designers narrower than

culture of customers

the culture of designers/solvers may be so much narrower than that of customers of a system that requirements of customers get missed or distorted terribly making outcomes

mastery & automation of routines = ideal


action is ideally the mastery and automatic repetition of old established routines, not the
hectic scurrying to solve issues

social ranks block feedback flows

social status and merit rankings can be boundaries across which feedbacks do not flow so
leaders miss results of their own acts

perfecting everyday life = greatness

inventing and living a perfected polished smooth everyday life personally is what society issue handling is for

firms or department functions block

feedback flows

functional departments of sets of firms may block the flow of feedback so leaders miss
results of their own acts

issue preventing = garbage collecting

preventing issues is the same as garbage collecting in importance

single solver pushed to heroics

because alone

solvers acting alone may be driven to extreme heroic level efforts that, lacking subtlety
and patience, ruin solutions

slight disturbance of no mind daily life

state intensely investigated

anytime and anywhere people get interested in issues is a real problem for society and
must be stopped

committee forced unneeded diversity

committees doing solutions may force forms of diversity on a project that disintegrate it
and make it unwieldy

utter meticulousness of handling trivialities

tremendous detail and administrative power applied to trivial disturbances of clear mind
No Mind consciousness


Person as Bureaucrat

hiding in

big environment caused failure

blamed on weak/1 component


when design or configuration of the system causes some problem, solutions that miss it
will allow the problem to reappear


system caused variation solved

w/o system changes

is reality

many causes can be handled well but since what causes them is left untouched problem
reappears continually, especially when one cause after another is handled


teams split geographically can result in in groups jerking other around suddenly without context, warning, or consideration of local conditions and capabilities


cause of other causes not attacked

Ineffective Organization System Handling

team members not co-located; global suppliers jerked around without context


Reaction Blind

people can completely handle causes acting near where problem appears and thereby
miss many other bigger causes acting in far flung other parts of the system




Scale Blind



to professionals

to production





Space Blind



Attention Distraction Effects

cause at problem locale only is

Page 33;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

cannot do only 1 thing

humans acting in social systems can never do only 1 thing or only what is intended

systems change
element traits

the system has traits different from traits of its parts, which system traits change context of parts
traits = meaning changes

tight linkage =
fault widening

more tightly linked systems are efficient but subject to widespread failure when small faults

basic units resist change

many interdependencies mean basic units resist all changes because relations to other units
would also have to change

non-consensus based existence

some system elements exist only because other elements must consense to eliminate them, consensus is hard

relations determined relations

relations between some actors determined by relations between other actors, not between each

cats cause flowers indirectness

extreme indirectness of effects--cats eat mice which therefore cannot eat seeds, causing 1 flower
type to dominate/appear

delayed effects
time fractality

hard to declare any policy/intervention a success because time period of side-effects is fractal,
multiple size scale

second best become disaster

second best conditions do not produce second best outcome in non-linear systems, but often

theoretical best = actual worst

best in theory can be terrible in practice

context locality make meaning

context (system parts near) of actor different than act viewers so intended meaning not seen

action consistency message

our response to this instance seen as info about our response to future similar instances by others
in system

reacting to reactions

others reaction to our actions change our preferences, acts, and self image, and reactions to their

waves of fashion

parallel micro-environments and deployed changes taken up by parallel micro-environments

similar inputs different outputs

similar inputs can have vastly different outputs

diminish returns critical mass

output decline after certain level of inputs; output appears after certain level of inputs

effect from other effects

an effects existence depends on presence of certain other effects/variables

input increase reverses effect

ex: incentive to act morally reduces moral action; increase in input increases output for a while
then suddenly decreases it

variable order change outcome

order in which variables act changes outcome produced; ex: baby before not after marriage

action timing

when in process plea or proposal happens determines what outcome they produce or tend

transient factor effects endure

effects of a factor that ceases to exist can yet endure far beyond lifespan of factor that created
them; ex: found firm

hysteresis: path dependence

outcome may vary on how variables attained key values; ex: water flow from open vs. closed

failing variable may yet be OK

a variable change may fail to produce an outcome not because it is wrong variable but cuz other
variables needed also

gradual vs. leap to big input

gradual steps to some input value may not produce same output as single leap to same input

blame fails

effect of one variable depends on others so blaming one variable nearly always wrong

bad people illusion

people bad in one team can be great in another; worth is relative to environment challenge of
other personalities interactg

nature versus nurture type arguments are false because they each are environment for each other;
they are a system

evolved over designed traits

evolved traits tend to be far superior to designed traits because invented relative to actual environments encountered

small steps create crisis

inadequate first measures can exacerbate a situation while drawing attention making it look
worse,so crisis expands involvement

bad people illusion

people bad in one team can be great in another; worth is relative to environment challenge of
other personalities interactg

right tactic illusion

European softness proved better than US hardness, BUT because US hardness was context,
established by deeds

enemy focus error

view 1 enemy policy, miss actual & possible others and relations among actual and possible others as the 1s meaning

effectiveness erosion

professionals surprised when what works for years gradually fails BUT audience
changed;ex:rank colleges but fit= worth

reaction to others expectatns

actors react to what other actors expect; ex: A thinks X hard so Y tries it and wins cuz of As

blinded by seeing

my clarity on my motives causes me to miss that B mistakes what my motives are, so I misinterpret wat Bs motives are

blind to origins of own strategy

getting wanted result shifts attention elsewhere, others see so result eroded:speed fees cut
speedg&police=more speedg

last method worked illusion

last in series of negotiations worked so method there is good but only worked cuz context
set by earlier methods

see what works several try illusn

cannot make several tries cuz each try changes context

act in own interest fails

many actions directly in own interest hurt own interest cuz others reactions; repress revolt
increases revolters

unplanned results okay

people use treatments for own purposes (in own context) so unplanned results inevitable

solutions look like failures

solutions applied at priority problem/crisis areas/times so often fail but still great value cuz
context=extreme challenge

variable fails/works illusion

variable X fails or works in some cases means nothing cuz those cases when X used are
special or extreme somehow

anticipate info effects of acts

when actors know being watched for info on future reactions, changes how act now

indicator meaning indeterminate

if less of those accepted come maybe cuz we are bad or cuz bad ones dont bother applying

single indicators cause gaming

any intelligent person can distort unmeasured variables to get indicator high at huge or
counter costs

solving symptoms

indicators can indicate success steps in small increments encouraging inadequate scale
efforts till real causes overwhelm

non-causal indicators

indicators not focussed on real causes or less distributed or numerous distract from needed
causal work

feedback results

positive = growth, negative = stable systems, escalation = symmetric growth, appeasement

= compensatory change

feedback topologies

within individuals--feeling an emotion makes it bigger;

between levels--alignment/constraint cascades

feedback locale/scale dependent

arms races show positive feedback at ind.l actor level produces negative feedback at relationship, dyad, level

same input plus once minus later

predator/prey cycles example; winners create envy (neg) but further wins create partnering/adoption (pos)

success creates failure

expansion creates fear become easier expansion becomes too much expansion till collapse

unstable pride & depression

pride makes more trying till overextension collapse; loss makes less investment so more
depression till collapse

self limiting acts

imposed concession produces powerful negative fdbk; successful methods get copied losing their advantage

info caused negative feedback

lock on door tells thieves where to steal from: success atrophies collaboratn skills so no
help in hard times= failr: using signal causes signal to end (acting on rumor ends it)

changes create changes

one change creates new issues becoming further changes; feedbacks between fdbk cycles
evolve laterally

ideologic poles shift ground

dialectic of bigoted responses automated so moves between poles are lateral shiftings of

expectations inflated to zero

process of implementing design can inflate expectation till they undermine outcome satisfaction forcing new initiative

what works undoes itself

what works gets copied till org has too little diversity to handle environment change, so
success self moderating

escalation by identity change

I did bad thing, so I am bad, so I might as well do more bad things: media say bank weak
so it becomes weak

escalation by public privates

if I see others actualizing what I only wish, my wish become action, causing still others to
act = movement

preparations become actuals

I fear X so prepare for it and gather tools and resource for it that appear waste, so they
lobby me for actualizing X

accelerating mutualism

integration creates niches for further types of integration

increasing returns to scale

for knowledge products, increasing sales does not increase costs, so prices drop greatly
increasing sales

vaporware, success expectation

if success is expected then product succeeds so competition to look most likely to succeed

escalation by learning costs

if better alternative requires much unlearning then it is not chosen

lock in, rich get richer in network

first not best wins (QWERTY); becoming standard raises value greatly so greater growth
becoming standard
rulers fear small reforms will get out of hand so no reforms so revolution ensues

reporters create news

reporters ask leaders about stories they want to cover, causing remark-news

conquest evolves into game

first victories make second easier so later conquests are more and more nominal till conquest overall is fluff

more cycles

violation/news/visibility/sales/wealth; greed/striving/compete/ideas/wealth; care/depend/


prune connections

reduce non-linearity of reaction

cross-level observation

monitor results of actions on larger and smaller system size scales

undo customer standins in system

find requirements of functions, professions, leaders etc substituting themselves for what
customer require and undo

self justifying effect study

people study second order effects only if and where consonant with biases and wanted

steer emergents

use emergent side-effects steered to attain your goal

tune system interactions

till wanted emergents appear; connectedness, diversity, patchings parameters

do population of strategies at once

do multiple contradictory strategies at once, observing side-effects & results, then join
emergent winners

I use strategy X with present opponent W because my previous opponent used strategy Y, but W
is not Y

stop by extrema

tip into chaos to stop, tip into stasis to stop, tip into cycling to stop,

phony proposing

many proposals, threats, actions are done because we know or expect other will ignore or stop
them, so not genuinely meant

domino paradox

small losses erode image so act boldly after small losses

actuals vs images tactics

tactics that weaken me actually can make me stronger cuz of effects of image I create; arm
spending excess = strong image

move opposite to your goals

use reactions to that by others/competitors to attain your goal

reacting to environment I create

result of my actions become environment determining further actions I take and results I aim for/
achieve; over-react movts.

attract by rejecting

attracting by playing hard to get

interaction as environment

interaction can change aims, beliefs, capabilities of actors; conflict can harden, extremize, mobilize enemies

stopping continual not 1 time

blocked action produces work-arounds so continual new blockings are needed if you wish
to stop some action

evolution to opposites
via positive feedbacks

false polarities

success illusion

reform causes revolution

reduce non-linearity

even giant improvements in one factor can have no effect or bad effect on wanted outcome

Undoing Non-Linearities

several slight, individually negligible, faults together can cause disastrous outcome

futile to improve 1 part

use emergents

plural OKs = disaster

system narcissisms

safety measures increase unsafe driving habits causing more injury not more safety

misleading truth
appearance in systems

from simple local actors interacting by simple local rules, global complexity can emerge

dangerous safety measures

Feedback Caused Ignorance

complexity from simplicity

indicators mislead
in systems

systems whose parts think (consciously react) and evolve nearly never do just what is planned or

feedback relativities

self conscious evolving system

negative feedback

wholes have traits not found in any of their parts

neutral or lateral


Types of Feedback

instead of groups and individual actors by action making their behavior, most comes from their
position in systems

positive feedback

behavior from location

Tools for Handling System Effects Well

knowledge & network

economy feedbacks

instead of groups and individual actors by action making power, most comes from their position
in systems

manage side-effects

creativity of systemness
relativity from
non-additivity of effects
path dependence
results as environments
of later actions
strategy ecosystem
act to create environment

Environmental Acting

futility of plan & design

the blame illusion

Unobvious Causation

perceptions as acts

systemness effects

System Basics


Policy Self Contradiction

power from position

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

repeated inputs can produce very different outputs cuz 1st results form new environment of
action;Hitler Czeck/Poland

blame environment I created

ex: he hates me so I do it, but I provoked him to hate me, then use result to justify my initial provoking

self fulfilling prophesy

I fear X, defensive build up that provokes X to fear me, justifying my initial fear

fatal solutions

plans and designs not = results; ex: oil spill clean up increases overall pollution

control is less powerful

total control to do incenting acts less powerful that likelihood of error, that uncertainty forces

counter effects

Titanic-safety = careless = danger, ban X = X popular = more X,

user not giver context

aid or acts given used entirely differently than planned if use context differs from what givers

incentive gaming

following incentive leads to bad behaviors: increasing measures supplants service impact;

target population evolves

target population of incentives change when incentives seen; ex: aid draws self supporters into
dependency as easier way 3

designed outcomes = inputs

mandated, directly imposed, outcomes are inputs guaranteeing unforeseen bad outcomes
later:WWIs peace causesWW2

with X without X illusion

functional substitutes for X abound so without X cases may have X by other means not seen

do A vs. B in case illusion

cannot find identical real cases so difference in results of A vs B from context or evolution differences not seen

power relativity

real & imagined alternatives by us and opponents/peers determine power/fear so generally cannot determine

motive of act indeterminate

X challenges Y because knows Y is strong or because does not know Y is strong--cannot tell

manage linkages

repetition is not repetition

form solving

we imagine our self with different situation, partner but it is not same self relating thusly to different things, =not better

Get Causally Systematic

greener grass on other side illusn

Tools for Handling System Effects Well

handle systems

interactions become experiences that change our aims, so we want what is denied us more than
before denial came

undo self contradicting


intent not result;
incentive not result
systems as limits
to knowledge

System Caused Helplessness

trapped by environment
own actions create

Policy Self Contradiction

want what denied

2 acts: for goal for side-effects

act dually, one to attain goal, one to handle side-effects of attaining goal

act in twos

acts that appeal to A and that appeal to As enemy

do virtual acts for side-effects

do actions whose only purpose is eliciting side-effects which are your wanted maineffects, slough main-effects

influence by environment

influence others by creating environments they adapt to

component compliant roles

design each system component to do its role while adjusting to help adjacent environment parts to do their roles

cleavage bridging

mobilize all usually ranked, separated, professioned things across borders to envision and
implement solutions

process transparency

manage processes till transparent to wants of customers they serve

pluralize units of competition

mobilize network of diverse types of firm/org in scale with system causation of phenomena/opportunities faced

distribute probs, causes, solutions

distribute throughout entire system problematic aspects, causes of local problems, solutions to undo causes

act against cause of causes

determine root causes generating other causes as symptoms then address the roots, distributed throughout system

distinguish system/special causes

address variations in outcome from traits inherent in systems design from transient happenstance circumstances

evolving wants & satisfaction

find wants unwanted when appear, solution not satisfactory when experienced, design for
contexts and outcomes

undo producers become customers

producers of a project tend to supplant their needs for end users of the projects product

parent orphan problems

investigate problems not fitting existing professions that fall between cracks

stop evolving requirements

find projects whose customers continually change requirements during design and stabilize as staged deliverables

counterproductive launch, staff

find way something is done undoes result or who collaborates to do it undoes result and
change way/staffing

BEING PRACTICAL 33: An Exercise in Using 256 System Effects from the Model Above
1. Mark all the system effects above (smallest boxes not categories please) that you have noticed going on in your city recently. Mark at least 50.
2. Mark all the system effects above that you have never noticed at all going on in your city.
3. List the twenty most irritating problems you face in enjoying your city or making your city attractive to global creative elites.
4. Associate each of the twenty with several of the 256 system effects above, write a sentence about how each system effect contributes to causing the problem and a sentence about
how each interacts with others you chose to cause a particular problem. You should have at least 3 system effects identified per problem and therefore a total of six sentences (3 for
how each effect affects the problem, and 3 for how the effects interact with each other in pairs).
5. Find an example of something going on now in your city that corresponds to each of the system effects you have never noticed going on in your city at all.
6. For each of your 50 answers to 1 above, write down the exact example of how that effect goes on, operates, appears in your city.

Managing Polarities, Trade-offs, Paradoxes, System Effects, and Surprises.

Politics pulls people towards linear mindsets, explanations, plans, and policies
because that is how uneducated ordinary people see the world. You give them a non-linear explanation of things and they vote you out of office because they do not understand that, they
resent people more educated than they are, and the want the world to be simpler than it is, in order to feel in control and secure. Illusions feel better than realities and they demand
illusions. Politicians are people able and willing to furnish the illusions thusly wanted by ordinary folk. However, the denial and avoidance of non-linearity in policies, politicians, and
entire population commonsense, causes huge amounts of suffering and error. Eventually the suffering overcomes the desire for illusion, at times, and drives society, and even politicians,
to viewing things in their full non-linear complexity and offering solutions that address the non-linear aspects of reality. If, by some miracle of god, entire populations, say, through
changes in the public schools, could develop a non-linear commonsense instead of a linear one, then the entire game of policy and politics could become hugely more effective, wiping
out major sources of human suffering. However, that is a dream at present. Incidentally, all people know about the non-linear nature of reality, as folk sayings in all languages divide into
two camps--those expressing the non-linear sneakiness of reality (one in the hand is worth two in the bush, let sleeping dogs lie, a stitch in time saves nine, etc.) and those expressing the
trickiness of human nature and dealings psychic (the family black sheep, have him over a barrel, ivory tower thinking, when in Rome do as the Romans do, etc.).
The voice of experience is often just this--a non-linear view of polarities, trade-offs, paradoxes, systems effects, and surprises in the world. Young people, perhaps driven by male hormones, seem too purposeful, direct, contemptuous of human nature, willing to ask others to rewrite their entire lives at the drop of a hat. Experienced people tend to not ask these things
for two reasons: it does not work, and it is not desirable (the grand designs of youth are attractive to the mind more than to lives that have to live in them). Brasilia, the designed capitol
of Brazil has become a symbol for this as are centrally-planned soviet-style economies.
Plans are locales for viewing emergent reality not things that are to be executed as specified. Plans are human injections into the world that become viewing platforms, revealing aspects
of reality planners could not imagine, predict, or handle. Plans treated as exactly what to implement into the world are often disasters, where idea fights reality rather than learning from
Outcomes are emergent not designed. You implement your designs as probes that provoke reality, mess with its myriad interacting elements, till better-than-planned results spontaneously emerge that no one planned or expected. You monitor how the system changes, trying to discern emergent results amid much clutter and system noise. Spotting emergent results
is often a more important skill than executing plans thoroughly or well.
Complexity tampering is to be identified and avoided. People ignorant of system effects, act where problems arise in systems, not at the level where myriad things interacting generate
those problems. Such acting at levels different than the causative level, where problems appear, the outcome level, is called Complexity Tampering because it increases system complexity rather than handling it well or reducing it. The opposite is acting at other levels in the system, usually smaller in scale than where problems appear, where myriad things interact to
cause the emergent problems at the larger size scale level where problems appear. Most policies act at the emergent problem level, not the causative things interacting level. Most
policies are complexity tampering, therefore, and ineffective.
Networks are lumpy not uniform, so you can see the lumps, slighting the network aspects, or you can see the links, slighting the lumps. People tend to turn lumpy networks into institutions interacting to cause things or into myriad links diffusely causing things. In reality, lumpy networks are part lumps causing and part massive linkages causing, so there is a handful
of focus points causing and a diffuse pattern of linkages causing. Treating just the lumps or just the linkages are important, usually fails.
A non-linear systems have numerous tipping points--critical values of some parameters where one more input, just like all others, changes everything, having huge disproportionate
effects. However, finding such tipping points requires special analysis and tools, not usual linear models and simplifications. Aiming interventions at tipping points allows small inputs
to have huge effects on a system; aiming inputs elsewhere than at tipping points means nearly everything you do will have minimal or no effects on the system.
Our minds leap, automatically, from problem statement to imagined solutions, without bothering to know what causes the problem. Our minds, seeing a problem here, seek a cause here,
and seeing a cause here, apply a solution here, even though in reality a problem here has causes all over the system that the problem is in, and even though a cause here can be eliminated
only when actions all over the system that the cause is in are applied. To act effectively in this world we continually have to stop automatic solutions of our selves and others, and add a
causal analysis activity. We also have to continually stop locating causes where problems appear and locating solution actions where causes appear, instead distributing both throughout
the system where the problem appears.

Finally, a new kind of engineering is needed, evolutionary engineering, the design of systems that self-consciously evolve. We have to stop our habit of designing social and psychological systems as if they were machines. Machines do not evolve on their own; machines do not notice their own evolving and interventions to change it and react creatively (or politically
or sneakily or self destructively). Evolutionary engineering has been seriously thought about and developed when dealing with natural environment systems, and we can learn much by
applying those advances to cities and city-fication. Below a small slice of such evolutionary engineering approaches is presented.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

BEING PRACTICAL 34: Managing System Effects and the Surprises They Produce
1. List ten positions held by politicians in your city today that are clearly illusions being sold to gullible general public people--that is, positions that politicians take because they are
unable or unwilling to tell truths to their constituents.
2. What campaign of two to three years duration would suffice to get the general public to accept truths for each of the ten positions listed in 1 above?
3. Give an example from your own life and from the life of your city of each of the following:
a. disasters from taking plans as exactly what to execute rather than as locations from which to view reality and adapt to it
b. plans as probes that stimulate better emergents
c. plans as probes that stimulate better emergents, but the value of the emergents is lost because no one bothers to spot and notice and recognize them, seeing only plans
d. people acting at the level of a system where problems appear, hence, failing to deal with lower level causes, so their solutions are temporary at best
e. people seeing networks as lumps so concentrating on a few points of intervention and thereby missing more diffuse network effects
f. people seeing networks as diffuse connections without lumps so interventing diffusely, thereby missing lumps in the network
g. massive inputs that, because they are not directd at tipping points, have little effect
h. slight inputs that, because they are directed at tipping points, have huge overall effects
i. minds leaping from problem to solution so, causes are not investigated or identified making solutions fail
j. minds seeing causes where problems appear, hence missing causes scattered throughout the system, so the solutions chosen fail
k. minds seeing solutions where causes appear, missing the necessity to apply solutions throughout the system to make local causes go away, hence solutions fail
l. people designing human systems the same way they design mechanical ones, so designs fail
m. people designing human systems but their designs end up failing because people evolve in attitude and behavior, so design assumed attitudes and behaviors are not there in implementation
n. people designing human systems but their design end up failing because people are self conscious and, knowing about the designs, change attitude or behavior in ways that makes
the designs fail

City-fication as Evolutionary Engineering, Designing Systems that Self Consciously Evolve.

There are so many system effects and non-linear phenomena

to handle that if handling each is considered necessary to citify, they will end up dominating the model. In truth, we can focus, and city leaders asked about non-linearitys relation to
making cities vital, attractive to global creative and professional elites, came up with around ten responses to the non-linear nature of cities and the world around and inside them, that
they considered absolutely necessary, non-optional. Together these constitute the definition of a new type of engineering, replacing mechanical style design with human ecosystem, socalled human ecology style design. Human ecology is the image of reality that informs design in evolutionary engineering. The idea that humans are an important environment for
other humans, and that humans, knowing that, deliberately and unwittingly tune their reactions to each other to reach certain admitted and certain hidden and certain unrealized goals,
makes ecosystem a central concept for managing human-containing systems, like cities. Design has to take this self conscious evolving nature of humanity into account in its aims,
processes, and viewpoints.

Some Historical Notes:

1.1866, Haeckel, first use of the word ecology in any language, by combining economy of nature with biology to produce bioecology which, in the 1893
Botanical Congress, became the word ecology. He used the economy as a metaphor for the natural environmental organization of plants and animals.
This economy of nature evolved to become the concept ecology.
2.1896, Cowles, used some concepts of ecology--successional development, climax equilibrium, symbiosis, succession in space and time, as metaphors for urban
organization and change. The society metaphor in biology and the ecology metaphor in sociology converged to become definers of the term ecology.
3.1921, Park and Burgess, first use in English of the term human ecology.
4.Park, 1926 The concern of human ecology is not simply man, but the community; not mans relation to the earth which he inhabits, but his relations to other
men. Everyone, I learned..., is now talking about the ecological aspect of everything. He defined four social interaction processes among humans:
competition, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation; two types of competition: struggle for existence in nature (unwilled symbiotic relations), struggle
for livelihood in social sphere (conscious social institutions). Human society is created by intentional competitive cooperation, he thought. He defined four
types of human social organization: ecological, economic, political, and moral.
5.Park, 1928, human ecology is a type of organization arising from the essentially social processes of competition in the struggle for existence.
6.1921, Allee extended animal social organization concepts to human social organization. Allee saw all social life as derived from natural survival struggles; the
natural processes of cooperation and competition generate society.
7.1924, McKenzie defined human ecology as a study of the spatial and temporal relations of human beings as affected by the selective, distributive, and accommodative forces of their social, natural, and moral environment. The spatial relationships of human beings are the products of competition and selection.
8.1989, Mitsch and Jorgensen, textbook on Ecological Engineering produced, teaching the design of self-emerging ecosystems.

Seven Stories Specifying the Evolutionary Engineering Core Among Other City-fication Processes. The seven stories below typify both the
design work that individual people do when they design careers and lifestyles in cities, suburbs, and countrysides, and the design work that urban planners and architects do when they
attempt facilities to support citifying peoples. They illustrate non-optional processes for handling the non-linearity in cities and the insides and environs of cities that constitute city-fication processes for non-linearity handling.

Oxymoron Systems, Systems That Produce the Opposite of What They Intend and
Desire--the Yemen Mystery
The nation of Yemen for 5000 years had never needed to import food. All the food it needed was grown in small fields on the steep sides of mountains. There was no extra food for
export but plenty of food to feed the local population. When Yemen wanted to export food to Europe like Israel, they asked the World Bank to build a dam. This dam would turn a desert
into a rich agricultural area. The World Bank agreed and built a huge dam. Three years after the dam was built, Yemen became a net food importer for the first time in 5000 years. A
project planned to increase overall food production so that Yemen could export food, actually reduced overall food production so that Yemen had to import food. How did this happen?
Why did this happen? Answers will be given somewhat later in this article. Basically, however, I can say here, that the managers of this project took responsibility for doing their plan.
They succeeded in doing their plan. But, they ignored data coming in, while they implemented their plan, that indicated that what they were doing was having exactly the opposite effect
from what they planned. Why they ignored this data is lack of systems thinking, one could say. Development projects in the 3rd world typically suffer this problem. Technocrats leave
out human reactions in planning financial, technological, and other professional details. A project I was once involved in illustrates this point. A Community Branch system was set up
by the Royal Bank of Canada to invent a form of banking profitable among the worlds poorest people. I was asked to design workshops that would be held monthly with all the customers of bank branches, wherein the customers would design new financial services, such as child savings accounts, and small business accounting training to be provided by the bank. We
did a social simulation of such a meeting using customers of Royal Bank branches in poor neighborhoods of Canada. We found an unexpected side-effect of these workshops was general
activism among customers of the bank that affected local government and social services. This political side-effect had been nowhere in our previous plans. By seeing it appear before
our eyes in a social simulation, we fundamentally adjusted our procedures to keep community relations peaceful.

What is Needed--people who can take responsibility for higher order effects of intended outcomes.
43 Evolutionary Engineering, as a city-fication process, is a formal method for designing not only systems but
the side-effects of creating such systems and the higher order unplanned effects of creating them..

Inhuman Systems, System that are Unlive-able--US Urban Housing

Urban housing in the United States has suffered through 30 years of giant buildings, nearly all of which had to be torn down, after becoming crime dominated, derelict, and abandoned.
Enormous effort and expense, after the giant housing was erected, to persuade, force, incent, and otherwise get residents to live properly in them, produced nothing. New urban housing,
not surprisingly, looks just like private homes and apartments, with small buildings, lawns, and parks. There is some emerging agreement about what was wrong. I summarize three
similar positions, quite common today, below:

planner grandiosity
incentives to build not succeed
lack of resident participation in design.
Planner grandiosity is the planners developing an imagination of their own, separate from and unchecked by the rest of the world. It is a kind of narcissism. They like an idea and therefore put it into the design, without really anticipating its effects on people who have to live their lives daily in what they design. Incentive to build, not succeed, is the way society pays
designers. They get contracts to design something. Often it is other people who get contracts to build it. The designers design wonderful things, if the builders fail to build them it is the
builders fault. The builders build things wonderfully, if, when built, the things do not work, that is the designers fault. Both can always blame each other. No one is held accountable
for the overall result. Lack of resident participation in design is using elite designers and elite builders to do things and then putting people into them at the end. The idea is that professionals have the expertise to be listened to, but ordinary people lack expertise and are not worth listening to until after things have been designed and built. The Yubari mass workshop

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

designing business ventures that I helped design and corrected in later years when 14 of the initial 16 businesses filed, demonstrates the power of resident participation in design processes. Resident participation in selecting business types and designing business procedures in these workshops resulted in much more realistic designs than previous government and
private efforts to help had produced. Another experience I had was leading ordinary design engineers in a year long problem solving effort that ended up creating Xerox Taguchi Technology Development Project. They specified not a software tool alone but changes in incentives, management, and careers that made use of the software attractive and powerful. Usual
software projects pretend that new software alone will change or improve work processes. By having the ordinary design engineers create the softwares design, social supports absolutely essential to good use of the software were included.

What is needed--people who can make the user the primary customer of a project, not the doer of the project.
44 Evolutionary Engineering, as a city-fication process, is a formal method for making final users the primary
customer of projects instead of those doing the project, in part by extending the category of doers to include users
of the project outcome.

Orphan Systems, Systems that No One Owns--the Commons Problems

Global warming is a problem. Tuna becoming an extinct species of fish is a problem. Mass media enticing children to smoke cigarettes and become violent is a problem. The problem
with these problems is no one particular nation or company or group owns them. This is called the problem of the commons--how to get someone or everyone to own problems that fall
through the cracks, that do not belong to any one group. Indeed, sometimes each individual group benefits by making the problem worse. When global warming changes agriculture,
people switch to more industrialized agriculture, adding more chemicals to the atmosphere, making global warming worse. When fishermen find fewer fish, they try harder and catch
more of the few fish remaining. That insures that there will be few or no fish for anyone in the future. Responses thus far to these types of problems have mostly included the following:

create owners
spontaneous movements of people who care.
Creating owners means creating institutions that many nations contribute to, such as the United Nations. These institutions then own problems no individual nation owns. Advertising
means that people who worry about these problems get rich people or foundations to spend money making the general public aware of these problems. Creating movements means that
people interested in these problems make speeches, form local chapters of interested people, demonstrate against bad habits and practices, and organize to change laws and business policies. Many of us have recently read about the Northeast Grand Banks fishing grounds off of Canada and the US. There was no common organization that united the fishermen of these
two countries till after all the fish their livelihoods depended on were gone. Twenty years ago I worked for an NGO called the Institute of Cultural Affairs. They had for several years
attempted rural village development of Kwang Yung Il, a poor farming village in Jeju, South Korea. However, it had failed to improve from much development effort. I sensed that the
men-women relations were key to this villages lack of interest in development, a non-linear system tipping point perhaps. I asked permission to import portable backpack mowers
from Japan to reduce 8 weeks of hands-and-knees rice harvesting by village women to 1 week of standing-up harvesting. By changing women-men relations (giving the women suddenly
7 weeks of free time to earn money part-time in nearby cities) this single tactic completely changed village development over the next 2 years. It turned women into a group wanting further development and men into a group wanting the part-time money now being earned by the women. Before no one in the village wanted their place in the status quo upset by change.
The mowers, and the free time and income they caused, created a movement of women wanting change, that, in turn, created a movement of men wanting change. Development had an
owner, the men, when they saw women having cash income for the first time in village history. Before that, the men had been stubbornly uninterested in economic development of any

What is needed--people who can create new institutions and movements, worldwide, that take ownership of commons problems.
45 Evolutionary Engineering, as a city-fication process, is a formal method for creating institutions and movements that provide ownership for orphan problems.

Case 18: 50 Cities a Year Fund Raising

CITY-FY BY FINDING WEBS OF CARE: On the way to discovering that non-profits centered around making money (a disappointment to me, naive as I was then) I got
assigned to the fund raising section of a non-profit I was working at. This involved me in visiting a different city in North America every week, having 4 days in which to raise
$4000 in cash and $4000 in pledged future funding, plus having to get free room, board, and transport by phoning families from the airport upon arrival. Charmless engineer that
I was, I slowly and painfully developed awareness of the dysfunctional social skills and life-of-serious-study styles that disconnected me from the people I visited. Even more
slowly I began to do something about that by developing poise and charm and suppressing intellectual one-up-man-ship tendencies from a lifetime of study.
One environment this work set up was diversity--of place, of person met, of culture of place and person. Another environment this work set up was vision--ordinary people were
willing to give thousands of dollars just based on a story from a stranger, so great was the power of values and wishes to improve the world in them. A third environment this work
set up was penetrating cities new to one--we had to go from zero people known to $8000 raised in four day in a city. Results of these environments working on us fund raisers
were paradoxic. There were so many interesting parts of any city, so many unique traits to it, so many avenues to any one goal, so many parts to explore that we got paralyzed with
options--stymied by strategizing. Another result was input-shutting--success depended on listening better and better not presenting better and better--we got quieter the more we
worked. A third result was penetration poise--we mastered how to map the paths of care and passion among the people and groups of a city. By spotting hot spot people and
issues, events and places, groups and angles, and following trails of what they interested themselves in and associated with, we could move along lines of passion and care till webs
of caring peope criss-crossed maps of the city and its status, social, business, and cultural structures. These webs of care that criss-crossed all dimensions of each city and bonded
them stay in our minds as what cities were all about, and what you ultimately found at the center of each city.
The City-fying Point: Finding the webs of care that criss-cross every dimension of a city and bond its parts to each other is what city-fying means for a person new to a place;
and, what the people in those webs of care are doing together defines the rest of the city-fication processes. The urban aglomeration husks that architecture, plazas, ports, utility
pipes and poles, stadiums, and the like amount to miss the core of the city entirely. They are not the place and not the context, but contributors to place and context and small ones
at that.

Missed Systems, Systems that No One Sees All of--Medical Diagnosis

As all of us get older, we see more and more problems of our world coming from the way we split our world into segments. We see companies, projects, and government ministries
repeating the segmentations of knowledge found in university departments. Indeed we see lives of people split painfully apart by repetition of these divisions. When young people go to
college, many older people tell them to specialize early. By becoming really skillful in one area, they can develop outstanding levels of skill that attract scholarships and other benefits.
By learning a lot about the whole world, however, they will develop little skill in any one area, and not qualify for nearly all scholarships, jobs, and rewards. Our world does not reward
generalists. More and more of our most important problems, however, come from the failure of specialists to solve things. Medicine is a good example. I went to the doctor with a hurt
ankle; he diagnosed it as a sprained ankle and gave me a support for it. A female friend went to the doctor with a hurt ankle; he diagnosed it as arthritis and gave her drugs. In truth, both
of us had sprained ankles--I sprained mine getting out of a car, she sprained hers stepping onto the curb of the street. But the doctors segmented the world into women who are weak,
unathletic, and who suffer degenerative diseases for no good reason and men who are strong, athletic, and who put a lot of stress on their bodies. The segmented view of the world of the
doctors--men are this, women are that--caused them to see entirely different causes and to suggest entirely different treatments. My female friend and I treated her ankle as a sprained
one, bound it with tape, and it promptly got better. In Chicago, a similar thing happened. When an acquaintance went to a rheum a to lo gist showing a hurt foot, the rheum a to lo gist
diagnosed it as arthritis. When my acquaintance showed the same hurt foot to a foot doctor, he diagnosed it as a bruised bone. If we had gone to a dentist he probably would have diagnosed it as a long toothache! Each specialty sees what his or her training helps him or her see. The Mayo Clinic, acknowledging this, created a few years ago teams of doctors from a
dozen different specialties who diagnose patients instead of single doctors. Many of us remember the explosion of the US space shuttle Challenger. Research showed that it was the
direct result of project manager professionals sharing different values than project engineers. When viewing the same data, the managers did not see danger where the engineers did see
danger. A personal experience I had several years ago illustrated the power of overcoming community and knowledge area divisions. Several thousand foreigners in Kobe, Japan spent
hours each year complaining about various aspects of living in a foreign nation, the Germans from a German perspective, the French from a French perspective, and so on. By organizing
21 nationalities into a one-day participatory town meeting, I catalyzed creation of a community center, serving all 21 nationalities, and allowing combination of their shared complaints to
reach critical mass for influencing Kobe City polity.

What is needed--people who take a non- or multi- profession view of issues.

46 Evolutionary Engineering, as a city-fication process, is a formal method for combining the knowledge of all

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other disciplines to overcome that part of particular problems caused by segmentations of our world.

Case 19: Street to SRO to Job

the homeless off the streets. Since a large portion of the homeless are mentally ill unserved by society, or drug-addicted unserved by society, a dwelling in which large numbers of them live together is less than
ideal in social compagnionship and role modeling of good behavior terms. Watching the guy next door to you go off on drugs again or talk to the dragon in his pillow does little to settle ones own mind and
behavior. Furthermore, most homeless reject most single resident occupancy dwelling they have too many rules. If you ask managers of such dwellings, most of whom are interested in them because they
wish to help homeless people, what the biggest single problem such dwelllings have is, they all respond--our residents lack a dozen fundamental disciplines needed to seek and hold any sort of job that
would give them respect, income, and a reason not to stay on drugs or in off drugs treating their mental illnesses.
A friend of mine in Chicago had won recognition for raising funds for a number of SRO dwelling for the homeless and she had a quality program that was wasting time and resources. She brought this problem
to me and I asked her what the biggest SRO problem was, from her point of view, getting the above answer about missing disciplines for jog hunting and holding. That, I told her, is what your quality program
has to tackle--it has to invent a way that merely living in your buildings instills each of the twelve missing disciplines in your occupants till more and more of them start successfully finding and holding jobs.
Why do people have all sorts of practices and programs going on but none of them address the single biggest problem that they face? Why bother to have lots of initiatives and programs if all of them avoid
the main problem one faces? Why are people this way? In situation after situation in my life I have come across this same paradox--lots of initiatives, budgets, programs none of them addressing a main problem that everyone knows of and can articulate. Why? The answer is plural, but the main part of it is this--our world splits people into narrow disciplines and trains them to do your job, so there ends up
being no one looking at the white space between boxes, jobs, roles, departments, institutions, disciplines.
The City-fying Point: Being responsible for binding the parts of minds and cities and societies city-fies them.

Moving Systems, Systems that Evolve--the High Definition Television Failure

There was a Japanese High Definition Television project in the late 1980s (National Research Council, 1995). It involved new equipment for sending out TV signals and new TVs for
hundreds of millions of people around the world to buy. Japanese led the world in TV technology and production. They invested billions of dollars in this project. By the time, in the
early 1990s, that they were ready to start selling products and making money, however, technology had changed. They had used analog technology, like our old familiar TV s have; digital technology was much better. The Japanese electronics companies lost nearly all the money that they had invested in HDTV. Why did they make this error? My executive education
directors said it was a clear example of non-systems thinking. Technologies evolve, so when you decide to use one of them for a big project you have to be able to create, test, and fully
implement your project faster than the particular technology that you use evolves. The Japanese electronics companies did not complete their HDTV project faster than broadcast technology evolved! Why did this happen? The answer is profound. Because those designing the HDTV systems were a small part of the overall global use of TV broadcasting, namely,
Japanese manufacturers, they omitted standards, values, and customer needs that others saw more clearly. In other words, because a small part of the overall global TV industry came up
with the HDTV design, that design was rejected by the overall global TV industry system. In the newspapers today there is general frustration with Japans highly regulated telecommunications industries. The time it takes to reach consensus by industry and government on what to do is so long that the decisions thus reached are already out-dated by new technical
developments. Thus Japans policy-making process is slower than technology-development processes, making technical policies poor or nearly useless. I personally experienced the
power of a larger system to implement what a small component of that system produced (Xerox, 1992). Xerox wanted all its workgroups and customers to switch to a new groupware
software platform for supporting work processes in a common fashion. Direct persuasion to switch to any such new platform would not work. Therefore, I directed my employees to first
support processes that all of Xerox was implementing and bothered by the work of. These bothersome processes were the total quality problem solving processes. When people saw how
the platform made doing those problem solving processes easier, they imagined the platform helping similarly their own ordinary work processes. They then requested modification of
the platform to support them. In this way, by marketing the platform, not as what it really was, but as a narrow but convenient role it could play in solving a larger systems problem, we
made the platform popular. I had a similar experience at General Motors (Greene, 1990). GM was introducing artificial intelligence technology. Those introducing it were highly educated Ph.Ds. Their first projects were very complicated, risky, and did not address major problems that managers worried about. I created, for EDS, a part of GM, a series of workshops
wherein ordinary GM engineers proposed fast, simple, cheap, and non-risky first artificial intelligence projects. In the afternoon of those workshops, demonstrations from technology
vendors, that matched those proposals, were shown to managers of each GM division. Millions in funding for the new technology from local divisions was thus produced. My workshops replaced intimidating views of experts with proposals by ordinary company engineers.

What is needed--people who expand the doer of a particular system to the whole system that the new system must
be a part of.
47 Evolutionary Engineering, as a city-fication process, is a formal method for designing systems that evolve
via incorporating the dynamics of the larger systems that a new one must be a part of.

Conflicted Systems, Systems Whose Design Fights Their Emergence--the Failure of Reengineering Projects in Businesses
Re-engineering is was a very prevalent business innovation some years ago. Most major companies in the industrial world are still regularly applying it. As internet and other computer
and telecommunications technologies evolve, organizations regularly revise assumptions about how to organize work and what work to do. At first re-engineering was done by elite committees, consisting of the top 50 people or so in a company. They designed new work processes for 5000 or 10,000 other employees to use. 80% of these early top-down design re-engineering projects failed. What happened was during implementation, the 5000 or 10,000 people who were asked to use the new process designs, re-did the designs. The 50 elite people on
the committee got into fights with the 5000 or 10,000 as they changed the designs. This fight between pre-planned design and emergence of new designs by those asked to do the work,
caused re-engineering failure. Now, typical re-engineering projects do not get elite committees of 50 people to do the design work. Now they find ways for thousands of employees to
do the design of their own new work systems. Initial implementations of many recent business innovations (total quality, downsizing, globalization, virtual business ventures) have
failed for the same reason--when those involved re-did the design they got into a fight with the original designers. Recently, I was asked to fix a broken re-engineering project. Famous
consultants had set of an elite committee of 50 members to redesign the work of 10,000 salesmen. After 2 years, little but fighting was accomplished. Using Managing by Events (presented at the end of this article), I with the help of many others, replaced the elite committee with large multi-day conference events wherein 500 employees at a time, organized in 20 parallel workshops, designed new work systems for they themselves to apply, using workshop procedures designed by experts.

What is needed--people who know how to get thousands of people to design systems that formerly were designed
by small committees of people.
48 Evolutionary Engineering, as a city-fication process, is a formal method for getting design work done efficiently and with excellence by thousands not dozens of people.

Diverse, Cross-functional Globalized Systems, Systems that Cannot Reach Agreement

on What Excellent, Good Performance, or Productivity Are
Many organizations have sensed how segmentations of our world hurt productivity and effectiveness. They have created teams having both genders, having members from many separate departments, having members from many different companies, and having members from several different nations. This certainly invites working across segmentations. What happens, instead, is all the diversity, segmenting, and difference bogs down the committee into ineffective squabbling. Such teams fail to reach agreement of what being excellent, good in
performance, or productive mean. An example of the power of overcoming segmentations follows. A major corporation created a team of 8 people--2 in England, 2 in New York, 2 in
San Francisco, and 2 in Japan and Taiwan, to manage a $200 million a year business. Even though small companies are supposed to reach decisions faster and with more consensus than
large companies, this company spent all their time fighting. When world-wide email was set up among them, they sent angry messages back and forth, daily. What was the problem?
The problem was they could not reach agreement on whose procedures were best for any particular task. The London people wanted to use European procedures for everything; the Japanese wanted to use Japanese procedures for everything. The above company hired my group to help them. Applying techniques called Meta-Polity and Democratic Rules of Order, we
created four workshop events, one every three months during the year. At one workshop, European procedures for doing certain tasks were designed and tried out by all members. At
another, Japanese procedures for other tasks were designed and tried out. At another, US east coast procedures. At the last, US west coast procedures. Data was collected throughout the
year on whose procedures worked well. Procedures that worked poorly were replaced with new ones in later workshop events.

What is needed--people who know how to use and combine diverse skills, attitudes, and viewpoints in a systematic way, gathering data to get beyond personal bias and opinion about what works, to get work done.
49 Evolutionary Engineering, as a city-fication process, is a formal process for creating repertoires of ways to
do work and processes of systematic testing of each item in those repertoires to see what actually works.

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A Specification of What Human Ecologists, hence, Evolutionary Engineers, Do.

The specification below pertains to people who citify their lives and

places, and to design professionals who imagine facilities for citifying peoples.

An Initial Specification of City-fications Non-Linear Management Capabilities

The above discussion introduced seven parts to such a specification:

--1.responsibility for and design of second order effects of intended actions

--2.methods for making end-users, not doers of project, the primary customer
--3.capability to create institutions and movements to own orphaned problems
--4.non-professional or multi-professional viewpoints when solving problems
--5.expansion of who is the designer and implementor to include entire systems of hundreds or thousand of people, as who designs and implements
things, instead of small elite committees or staff experts
--6.methods for supporting patterns that emerge from the interacting of many local agents so that they change plans and designs
--7.testing repertoires of diverse approaches to see what works.
There is a consistent direction of change within all the above:

--1.Time Scope Expansion--expand time scope to include later effects

--2.Customer Scope Expansion--expand incentives to make final users the primary customers of any effort
--3.Institution Scope Expansion--expand institutions to incorporate homeless problems
--4.Doer Knowledge Scope Expansion--expand doers from single professions or hand-offs among professions to fused views from many professions
--5.Doer Components Expansion--expand designer and implementor roles to include whole systems as enactors
--6.Implementation Process Expansion--expand design and implementation process to include emergent patterns from interaction of the basic units
involved in the project
--7.Diversity of Method Expansion--expand the range and number of alternative ways to do something and then reduce that range and number by systematic testing.
The message from the seven stories above, is that too few, with too narrow an education, and too selfish a set of incentives, are working on problems that many, many more should be
involved in. Most people have not been taught methods for getting hundreds of people, together for short workshop events, to do work in days that is usually done over a period of
months or years by small elite committees or groups of staff experts. There are, however, proven methods of getting hundreds to do design work that formerly was done by small staffs,
methods now made cheaper and easier to implement using the internet. More on these methods--called Managing by Events--is presented later in this article. The systems thinking that
evolutionary engineering human ecologists employ may have more than an accidental relation to the way we divide our world into professions. It may be that the entire content of systems thinking is merely the undoing of the splintering of knowledge and action by the way our world is divided into professions.
BEING PRACTICAL 35: An Exercise in Evolutionary Engineering
1. In the life of your city identify an example of each of the following, then specify a solution that would eliminate the example problem you identified:
a. people being responsible for what they plan but refusing responsibility for the second order effects of what they do
b. developers of projects gradually substituting themselves and their own requirements ignoring the actual customers of the project and their requirements
c. ownerless problems that fall between different fields or cover many fields so no on owns them and takes responsibility for them
d. professionals using the narrow views and methods of their own profession so they miss solutions needing non-professional or multi-professional views
e. a small elite group of designers doing everything and missing many requirements of success because not enough people got involved in design
f. people doing what they planned so well they argue with and fight better emergent results that they did not plan on
g. people using the one or two approaches they are trained in or know well instead of setting up a menu of various approaches and testing them all to see what works
2. In your own life find and example of a through g above; specify for each a possible solution

Professionalization as a Root Cause of Lack of Systems Thinking, the Case of Quality by Profession versus Quality by Everyone. Dr.
Deming, the guru of total quality, who launched it in Japan in the early 1950s, spoke about the workplace as a system. He invented the distribution of causes principle--one problem
appearing in one location and time has causes scattered throughout the system that the workplace is. There is a similar distribution of solutions principle--one cause, appearing at one particular place and time can only be eliminated by actions scattered throughout the work system that the cause appears at one place in. Total quality replaced quality assurance departments.
Total quality made entire managements and workforces responsible for quality rather than making quality the responsibility of just one department, the quality assurance department. By
thus de-profession-alizing the quality function, total quality achieved much more powerful results than the quality assurance profession had ever achieved. The body of knowledge was
one--quality--but a profession applying it underperformed entire management and workforces applying it, part-time. The de-profession-al treatment of that body of knowledge outperformed the professional treatment of it. This raises the question of what other bodies of knowledge might produce more powerful results when given de-professional treatment. The
seven stories, that began this section of this article, answer this question by showing in economics, politics, culture, and nearly every area of life, that excessive narrowness and specialization are causing us to fail to see, handle, and eliminate problems. We have succeeded in subdividing our areas of knowledge, creating narrow professions corresponding with each
body of knowledge, with the result that problems go unspotted, unmanaged, and unsolved. Just as total quality once again made the workplace an overall system, giving people responsibility for that overall systems impact on final customers, we need a more global kind of quality to make our world once again an overall system and give people responsibility for that
overall systems impact on the population of the planet earth. There are at least ten global movements each concerned primarily with one particular sort of quality of systems: quality of
conflict (human rights movement), quality of the earth (environment movement), quality of life (the consumer movement), and seven others. Each, if enabled by mass participation tools
as effective as those used for quality of production in the total quality movement, can empower people to handle all sorts of second order effects and reactions ignored now.
50 Evolutionary Engineers, as people who city-fy, pursue Global Quality control of system outcomes. Just as
total quality made whole workforces responsible for the production systems impact on final customers, Global
Quality makes whole communities and nations responsible for their social systems impact on the population of
the entire planet Earth.

Case 20: The Dark Corners Project

CITY-FY BY LIGHTING THE DARK: Students in a sociology course at the University of Chicago got light meters and found the 200 darkest corners of the Hyde Park neighborhood in which they
lived. They then got crime incidence maps from police and found strong correlation between darkness of corner and amount of crime. Using this data, they went one step further and projected the cost of
installling automatic infrared lights with video security cameras, and motion-detector ordinary lights in all 200 dark corners, compared to the cost of enduring the crimes such corners currently supported.
The equipment costs were covered by 2.4 years of crime costs, not including subjective things like pain and suffering. It was cheaper to light the dark than to add policement, train residents, change traffic
patterns, or increase conviiction and incarceration rates. The overall data was presented, by students, to local government authorities in Hyde Park, the police, and downtown in Chicago City Hall. The
mayor was made aware of this via Billboards on it, that the students paid for, in his own neighborhood (which included Happy Birthday Mayor statements as the billboards were put up two weeks before
and after his birthday).
The City-fying Point: Place invites city-fying activity, or decay, or crime.

Some Difficulties Specific to Designing Systems that Evolve. A part of our overall specification of the human ecologist role appears when we examine the difficulties of designing systems that evolve. Designing HDTV, as illustrated in the story above, was a disaster. But designing individual TVs today is very successful. Why this difference?
What additional factor is added in the HDTV case that makes designing it so much trickier? The missing factor is the limited channel capacity of the air. The wavelengths that signals can
be broadcast on are limited and HDTV wanted to use certain of them in an analog fashion that was more expensive than using them in a digital fashion. If the only new activity was
HDTVs this would have not been a problem. However, HDTV was being invented while major changes in cable TV, phone company business, and personal internet computing were also
going on. That meant that the analog HDTV technologys request for more wavelengths clashed with these other industries. The system that HDTV was in was just the TV industry if
you considered the mechanical and electrical parts of TVs, but if you considered all the materials that TVs use, then the airwave capacity for broadcasting signals is involved. Other
industries had claims to the airwave capacity. So, additional difficulties of designing systems that evolve include:
--1.Component Evolution--the parts or components you design with change as you design
--2.Component Competition--other systems claim all or some of the parts that you plan to use in your design
--3.Purpose Evolution--what those who will use your system want changes while you design it.

The End of Organizations--Departments and Processes are Slower Than Our Problems and Opportunities. The issue of speed is omni-present
today. There are so many people doing so many things that interactions among them generate unexpected consequences fast. No one expected the Soviet Union to disappear as quickly
as it did. No one expected new diseases and epidemics like AIDS and tuberculosis to become global menaces as fast as they did. The speed of our problems seems to be faster than the
speed of our responses. Businesses have recognized this. As cellular phones put all the people in the world in touch, business speeds up. As the internet allows instant creation of workgroups from people scattered all over the world, business speeds up. As groupware software allows automatic coordination of much more work by each person, business speeds up.

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Competitors develop new products faster. Consumers see new possibilities sooner and change what they want faster. So businesses have emphasized cycle time reduction--reducing the
time that it takes to invent and produce new products. Businesses have also switched from departmental bureaucracies as a way of structuring people at work to cross-department business processes. Recently these processes have been extended to inter-organizational processes. Business talks about boundaryless organizations. Governments and universities have
not emphasized cycle time reduction, cross-functional processes, or boundaryless operation. Therefore, the public and knowledge problems we face are responded to more slowly than
the commercial problems we face. There is a leadership problem behind this. Many governments and academics want to lead, but their old style of leading--commanding, telling others
what to do--is failing today. They want another, faster way to lead. One solution is Managing by Events, discussed at this articles end. This involves replacing departmental bureaucracies and cross-functional, cross-organizational processes with events. Events are much faster than both departments and processes. Managing by Events is using mass workshop events
wherein hundreds of people do work in a few hours or days that otherwise would take small elite staffs months or years to do.

51 Evolutionary Engineers, as people who city-fy, mobilize quick response to our fast-paced problems by creating mass workshop events (Managing by Events). Instead of leaders creating answers for others to obey, leaders
design sophisticated workshop procedures for others to use to design answers of their own. This is a new role for
leaders and more responsibility for followers. This is a faster way of responding to the problems of our time.
Some Difficulties Specific to Designing Living Systems. Living systems evolve, just as technologies do. They feed off of each other and become nutrients for
each other as technologies do. They become the conditions of success of each other, one niche creating new niches for subsequent species to thrive in, the way personal computers created niches for other technologies like video gaming. Living systems differ in their evolution from technologies in some respects. We can re-invent old technologies that are no longer
here; we cannot at present re-invent dinosaurs or species that we make extinct. That is one important difference, failure lasts longer in the case of living systems. We can experiment with
technologies to know all their behaviors; we cannot isolate living systems and understand all of their behaviors in the same way. That is another important difference. Designing an ecosystem adds additional difficulty. We take some action to improve the system and find that it has unpredicted side-effects worse than the problem we were solving. We find that some
good results that we planned for, actually end up not being good. A large lake in Peru had become polluted. A campaign to clean it up and eliminate the sources of pollution feeding
into it was begun. The result was the growth of an immense layer of floating plants that took all the oxygen and sunlight out of the water and killed every living thing in it. The good
deed of eliminating pollution had created an unplanned side-effect--making one plant dominant over the whole ecosystem.
--1.Time Dependent Goods--partial, in space or time, good actions have side-effects that make them bad overall.
--2.Combination Dependent Goods--many partial good actions, when combined, produce the opposite or contrary of what you desire.

The End of Design--Complex Adaptive Systems Cannot Be Designed In Usual Ways. Living systems typically consist of populations of many thousands or millions of individuals. In fact, living systems typically consist of many populations of different species living together in a complex web of inter-dependent relationships. The
dynamics within populations are complex; the dynamics among populations are complex. Overall events and patterns emerge from such interactions that no one designs.
The typical example is the ant colony, consisting of millions or tens of millions of individual ants. It seems to reach decisions. When the weather changes,
the ant colony will suddenly move from one place to a place a number of kilometers away. There is no President Ant that calls a Cabinet meeting of leading
ants and discusses the need for changing location. Somehow the overall decision to change location emerges from tiny changes in behavior by thousands
of the ants. Such emergent decisions or behaviors are startling when they emerge from the daily chaos that the behaviors of so many ants seem to human
So many human community decisions and patterns are not reached in an ant-like emergent way, but are commanded by actual presidents, dictators, leaders, or managers. Researchers
have asked is there a way for decisions to emerge in human communities as they emerge in other biological communities? There is a way. It is called the Social Automata Process,
presented in some detail at this articles end. Instead of leaders designing what whole communities should be and do, leaders equip individual people and groups with: certain behaviors
(through schools and adult education), certain connections with other people (abstract neighborhoods, via telecommunications, geographic, highway links), certain ways of interacting
with neighbors (though repertoires of events). By managing these, leaders adjust tune the amount of interaction among basic units till there is neither too much order nor too much
chaos. At this point, spontaneously, without anyone designing it ahead of time, patterns of great complexity and sophistication, beyond what anyone could have designed, in behavior and
communication emerge from the summed up local interactions of people and groups. This is perhaps a hint at a new way to lead that avoids the error of one leader imposing his or her
right answer on thousands of people.

52 Evolutionary Engineers, as people who city-fy, lead by equipping basic societal units--persons and groups-to interact till the edge of chaos produces spontaneous emergent pattern and behavior (the Social Cellular
Automata Process).
Some Difficulties Specific to Designing Human Systems. A further part of our overall specification of the human ecologists evolutionary engineering role
appears when we examine the difficulties of designing human systems. Designing a TV, an HDTV system, or a multi-media computer is simple compared to designing an urban neighborhood, an ecosystem, or an international conference. The parts of the TV do not have minds of their own. They do not disagree suddenly with other parts of the TV. They do not
inconsistently change opinions so that what they believe today differs from what they believed yesterday. When you put a TV together the parts do not get into arguments and angrily
walk away from each other! Designing TVs is very very simple compared to designing any human system. It is useful to be specific about some of these difficulties. Human systems,
when design of them is attempted, produce the following problem types for design work:
--1.Path Dependence--how a good design is implemented determines whether people support and sustain it
--2.Initial Condition Dependence--how people launch an effort determines whether they finish or support it when finished.
--3.Component Combination Dependence--certain human components when combined with others break apart the system
--4.Final Result Dependence--humans, once they experience the final result, can reject it in spite of having participated in envisioning, designing, and implementing it.
--5.Process Dependence--humans can tire of a system after the time and work of creating and implementing it.
--6.Expectation Dependence--achieving a new system can raise human expectations so much that they hate the improved system they just created.
BEING PRACTICAL 36: An Exercise in Handling Certain Difficulties of Design
1. Give an example of quality of outcome suffering greatly because a profession not entire leaderships or workforces took responsibility for it.
2. Give an example of one type of quality being obtained but at a cost of missing five or six other types of quality.
3. Give an example of evolution of the components of a design undermining the overall design
4. Give an example of competition among different systems for one component planned for a system undermining that system
5. Give an example of the purposes of the end users or customers of a system evolving so that by the time a design is delivered it is not longer wanted or appropriate
6. Give an example of departmental procedures or process execution being too slow, forcing use of mass workshop events to get something done in time
7. Give an example of a function and associated outcome that cannot be done by department or process because they would be too slow
8. Give an example of leaders designing procedures that workers freely apply instead of the leaders specifying exactly what each individual persons role/job is, to what effect? Did
it work well? Why or why not?
9. Give an example of a design producing good initial effects undermined by delayed later very very bad effects that emerge gradually
10. Give an example of three or four good design outcomes that individually work well, but as they each get implemented, interactions among them undermine all their good values
and make the combination of them all being implemented very bad in outcomes achieved
11. Give an example of a design being not done by an initial overall plan but instead by setting up a population of interacting intelligent agents from whose interactions a solution
gradually emerges.
12. Give an example of a system outcome failing to get support because of the path by which it was implemented and the same system outcome somewhere else succeeding because
it took a different path in being implemented
13. Give and example of a system outcome failing when one group implements it because of their specific initial conditions but succeeding when another group implements it
because they had differing initial conditions
14. Give an example of a system failing because human components planned for the system do not get along when put together.
15. Give an example of a system failing because humans who experience its outcomes find them unsatisfactory because of expectation raised by the process of developing the system.
16. Give an example of a system failing because the process of creating the system turned people off from it and its outcome
17. Give an example of a system failing because expectations were so raised during conceptualization, or development of it, that people became dissatisfied with its outcome.
18. For each of the 17 design difficulties above, give an example of how in the recent history of your city, it has occurred and hurt things.

Reflexive Systems--Designing Systems Conscious of Their Design. If we examine the above problems in designing human systems we see a common element
in them all--humans see and react to every step of the design process--the beginning (launch conditions), the middle (how change is attempted), and the end (what the final result is, relative to human expectation levels). The reflexive nature of humans makes designing human systems very tricky indeed. Consensus is much more complex and important than we realize,
I believe. Consensus means designing the reflexive responses of humans to systems, not just the systems themselves. If we design housing, but do not design the emotive, integrative,
interpretive, or decisional responses of people to that housing and to the process by which that housing was designed and implemented, then people end up hating or not using the housing. In designing human systems we have to design the artifact and the human responses to the artifact. Our techniques for designing artifacts--houses, machines, communications
media--are vastly better than our techniques for designing human responses. There is a technique called Stratified Responding (presented at the end of this article), that has successfully

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

been used to design human responses to systems, and to resolve policy and system implementation conflicts. It divides all things that people experience into what is noticed, emotive
responses to those noticings, patterns of relationship among those emoted noticings, background reminders that interpret those inter-connected emotive noticings for us, and decisions to
be or do something differently that we reach based on interpreting those connected emotive noticings (Morris, 1989). Famous policy process researchers (Schon and Rein, 1994) fifteen
years ago in a look at policy making processes advocated a version of this designing of response dimensions, that they call re-framing. This involves reaching consensus by all parties
holding stakes in a policy process about each of the five levels of experience in Stratified Responding.

53 Evolutionary Engineers, as people who city-fy, design artifacts and five layers of human responses (Stratified Responding and Re-framing) to the components of the artifacts, the process of designing the artifacts, and
the process of implementing the artifacts.
Some Difficulties Specific to Design Itself. While working with Dr. Genichi Taguchi at Xerox Corporation, I listened as he advised particular workgroups. These
were product designer groups. Each group was designing one subsystem of an overall product. Each group was required to attain a certain performance target for their subsystem. Most
groups were quite good at reaching such targets. The problem was, in their effort to reach their assigned performance target, they changed other values that were needed by the other subsystems. Arguments ensued. Each team would lose its own target if it kept particular values needed by the other subsystems. Dr. Taguchi believed the process by which design was
being conducted created this conflict and these arguments. If the groups, instead of optimizing their subsystems to attain a single point value, could optimize their designs to achieve a
region of values along a straight line, then they could adjust along that line to assist other teams in reaching their values. Dr. Taguchi recognized that the process of designing an overall
product was non-linear--you could not simply add up components each optimized to do its own job. Each component had multiple requirements of the behaviors of the other components
because the other components were the environment of any one component. Our processes of doing design work assumed design was linear--each team works independently, then when
each design attains its target value, the teams combine them. Instead, they need a non-linear process of design, optimizing around regions of value and adjusting along those regions to
allow other subsystems attain their target values. In general designing systems today involves:
--1.Components as Environment--all other components are the environment any one component operates in
--2.Mutual Optimization--only when all components achieve their own functions in such a way as to assist other components in achieving their functions does the design work.

The End of Linearity--Non-Linear System Dynamics. As mentioned earlier in this article, for several hundred years, before we had personal computers, people
simplified the relations between things. They sought how one variable changed in value linearly with another. If I changed X by 5 units, then Y changed by 5 times X or 25 units, for
example. This involved a particular way of viewing the world. If I changed one part of the world a little bit, other parts changed different amounts. If I changed that one part of the world
a little more, other parts changed more. There was continuity among changes. Of course when I changed things a lot, lots of things also changed a lot. But when changes were small and
incremental, the rules of the game stayed the same. In the real world there is the sandpile phenomenon. If a sandpile is a certain height, adding one little tiny grain of sand extra, causes
giant avalanches on all size scales. An immense change in the size and shape of the sandpile results from adding just one extra grain of sand. A world like this is tricky to live in. You
never know when your one little tiny action will be the extra grain of sand causing the whole system to change status and shape. This is non-linearity. When a little change in one variable completely changes the character of lots of other variables and the status of the whole system. For several hundred years researchers and scientists, artists and policy makers ignored
non-linearity because there was no way to calculate, predict, and manage its tricky outcomes. Now, however, we have personal computers that can handle the solution of non-linear
mathematics. One aspect of that non-linearity is fractality. The shape of the way--fires burn through wood or cloth, cities grow through geography, industries use technologies, trees
develop from seeds, species inhabit niches in ecosystems--all are fractal. We are all familiar with the smooth squares, circles, cones, and triangles of Euclidean geometry. The world we
are born into, however, has few such shapes (the moon, crystals of rock, and a few others). Most of the shapes in the world around us are irregular. It turns out they are irregular in a special way--they are fractal. That means two things--the same shape is repeated on different size scales (invariance of shape to changing the size scale of phenomena you look at), the way
veins of a leaf branch from a central vein, like leaves branch from a central twig, like twigs branch from a central branch, like branches branch from a central trunk of a tree. The other
thing that fractal means is fractional dimension (Mandelbrot, 1977). We know points are dimension zero, lines are dimension one, planes are dimension two, solids are dimension
three, and Einsteins space-time is dimension four. Fractals are dimensions like 1.333 or 2.732. They are objects systematically filled with holes, with the remaining parts of the object
filled with still smaller holes, on and on without end. Recently, people have started building models of concepts that are fractal--that repeat the same shape on different size scales. Such
fractal concept models allow people to see and use the non-linear relations among ideas. Certain special fractal concept models, ones that have been regularized in certain ways, can be
used for monitoring the non-linear results of system actions. That is called Management by Balancing; it is explained at the end of this article.
54 Evolutionary Engineers, as people who city-fy, build social, cellular, and system dynamics models of nonlinear relations among system components, and fractal conceptual models of non-linear relations among ideas
thereby predicting and managing phenomena hitherto fore missed by linear simplifications.
The Change Illusion--the Link between Personal Change and Societal and Policy Changes. Research shows that when people contemplate other
people changing they become optimistic and enthusiastic. When people contemplate themselves changing they become pessimistic and doubtful. In some of my business school teaching I had my students select 9 irritating or suboptimal personal behaviors to try to change. They wrote down each day how many times the bad behavior appeared in spite of their efforts
to erase it. In a typical class of 50 students, after ten weeks of trying to eliminate 9 behaviors each (for a total of 9 x 50 = 450) less than 6 behaviors were eliminated! That is the typical
success rate by highly educated MBAs trying for 10 weeks to eliminate bad behaviors was 6/450 = <1%! Yet these same MBAs are enthusiastic about getting hundreds of employees
who work for them to change a dozen behaviors each month or quarter! These gaps between how much people actually change and how much people want to change, between how much
people change personally and how much they expect the people around them to change, have enormous social power. They cause much of the turmoil in human history. Research also
shows (Klar et al, 1992) that the primary groups that people are in--workgroups and families usually--are highly resistant to change of most sorts. Your friends and family are the first to
oppose you in most of the changes you attempt and the last ones, there at the end, regretting any changes you did succeed in making! Research also shows that your own personality
opposes most of the changes you wish to make in yourself--personality traits are highly stable and interpret nearly any environmental encounter using old familiar categories rather than
using such encounters to change categories. The only exceptions of significance are those few people who have, as an enduring stable self-image trait, the idea that they are the kind of
person who is always continually changing. In addition, to change people you have to change the systems they are embedded in, mainly, their primary system. Ecological models of personal change (Klar et al, 1992) have examined how each of 12 common ways of changing people changes either the environments of people or what people notice in those environments.
Changing who you converse with and changing to conversing about topics new to you, either put you in a new environment or let you notice new potential good and bad things in your
existing environment (improving your attunement to environmental affordances, to use ecology terminology). Primary groups that a person is in, can be changed by putting the whole
group into new environments or into activities that change what they notice about existing environments. This ecology of personal change is absolutely essential understanding for any
person who would spend a good portion of their life proposing that other people change their lives, work, ways, or tools of living. Those who would design systems that other people live
in and interact with must master human psychology at a deep level, or fail continually, throughout their career. The primary error of systems designers of our past has been their ignorance
of, shallow models of, or de-valuing of the human reactions to what they design and how they implement it. The reflexivity of human systems defeats most World Bank, third world
development, ecological and new technology venture business projects.
55 The Evolutionary Engineer, as a person who city-fies, is able to entice people into new self-images that they
are people continually changing and capable of changing, by changing several of the environments people live in,
including the primary groups, yet Evolutionary Engineers know that there are large gaps between what change is

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likely and what change people expect.

BEING PRACTICAL 37: An Exercise in Some Further Design Difficulties
1. List ten examples of how people involved with a project as end users, customers, suppliers, supporters, funders, designers, producers etc. react as the project evolves and those
reactions change the conditions of what and why something is implemented so as to make the project fail.
2. How could you design both an output system to achieve and wanted reactions to it to also achieve--how would the design and implementation processes have to change to keep
outcome and human reactions linked positively?
3. Give an example of a system that managed well to keep a positive relationship between the outcome of the project and the human reactions to that outcome.
4. Give an example of a system that did not manager to keep a positive relationship between the outcome of the project and the human reactions to that outcome.
5. Take a project in your present city that interests you and list the following for it:
a. what you notice about it
b. how each thing you notice makes you feel
c. where does the quality of things change greatly between first noticings/feelings, second noticings/feellings, middle ones, later ones, and final ones--where are segments where
reactions change
d. what does each segment remind you of
e. what interpretation do you make of the meaning of each segment and the overall flow it is in
f. what are you less likely to do as a result of those interpretations? what are you more likely to do as a result of those interpretations/
6. Assign everyone on a group to apply the above six steps a through f to a movie or project or other thing they have experienced commonly, then compare differences in answers-why do people differ in answers to all of a through f, why is there never perfect agreement among any group of people in those aspects of any experience common to them? What
implications does this have for managing cities or making cities creative? What opportunities for those does it suggest?
7. Give an example of a system design in which the environment that other components are of one component prevent that one component from doing its assigned role.
8. Give an example of a system design in which the environment that other components are of any one component cause all the teams designing each component to argue with each
other because optimizing any one component has environment on other parts effects preventing them being optimal.
9. Give an example of a system design in which each team for each subsystem optimizes its own subsystem flexibly so it can tune its final form and function allowing the environment it makes for them to help them achieve their own goals.
10. Give an example of a fractal form in some part of reality that a system design has to operate on or handle well.
11. Give an example of a fractal form in some part of reality that causes a system design to also be fractal in its own form.
12. Give an example of a system that failed because it expected other people to change too much, or too fast, or too easily.
13. Give an example of a system that actually got a lot of people to make pretty significant changes--how did it succeed in achieving that?
14. Give an example of a system that erects a sequence of environments as it is being developed or implemented that coax people into becoming ready for changes they otherwise
would have resisted.
15. Select a project in your city that is now failing because it tries to get too many people to change too much, and suggest modifications of it that would cause it to not fail by not
suffering from that problem.

What A Theory of City Theories Tells Us about City-fying a Place

All cities are created, but only some of them are creative. Cities that are creative have liveliness in them missing in uncreative cities. That liveliness attracts the global creative class to
temporarily locate there. When such people locate in a city, they seek out the live parts, the thin red line of innovative work that keeps the city alive. That thin red line of lively work is
the city-fication process; those people seeking out that thin red line city-fication process are also doing a personal version of city-fication processing. Humans gather together in cities,
inventing new ways to be together, but always, at the same time, they invent new ways to be apart, as well, for being together is destructive without ways to be effectively apart. Note
business enterprises selling technologies have a lot of products to sell that put people together but few to sell that help people be apart, so technology, overall, hurts society by promoting
togetherness more than apartness. City-fication processes use the diversity in cities as a kind of library of diverse elements to combine creatively to attain creative city outcomes. Cityfication processes are creation processes that produce creative cities as outcomes. Part of this is local outcomes that are creative and attract the attention of the global creative class and
part of this is an inflow of the global creative class, thusly attracted. Cities are embedded in areas, regions, coasts or landmasses, and the like. It is not uncommon for a creative city to
appear embedded in layers of large areas all of which are uncreative or even anti-creative. The local creative class in those embedding areas can be attracted to one local tolerant spot,
reaching concentrated mass there, changing the destiny and identity of that spot so it is the one creative area in an otherwise bleak, anti-creative set of cultures, traditions, and policies.
People who are not in cities, camping, in the countryside, on military assignment, and elsewhere, also citify, everywhere they stop, every where they are. For having a place invites
city-fication processing almost instantly. Coffee is a must, followed by toilets, followed by food, protection from the elements, entertainment including sex, and so on.
Theories in folk thinking by ordinary people like business executives has no value. It is optional, and largely a waste. Such people are terribly wrong. They themselves are theorists,
every single day, only they are unaware of the theories governing their own behavior and choices. They feel theory-less because they are entirely uneducated, that is, unaware of all the
theories they absorbed from their environments while growing up. All people are always theorists, and, not only that, but all that we are able to see and notice and name, comes from theories we have. If we have few theories or a small set of theories rather alike, not being diverse from each other, we see little in every situation we face. If we have many theories and they
are widely different than each other, than we notice, in every situation we face, hundreds of things there that others cannot see or respond to. If those theories are partly correct, what we
notice is real and can be replicated--other visits to the same situation will reveal the same noticings, and other people in the same situation having similar theories will notice the same
things. If those theories are not correct we will fail to notice the same things when later in the same situation and other people will never notice what we notice, even when they have
similar theories. Theories determine how big a world we live in and what we notice about that world. If the theories you have are unconscious, you think there is one world and you see
it. You argue that others seeing different things there are wrong. If the theories you have are consciously held, you think there are many views of the world and you see some of them,
missing a lot of what is really there in every situation. You are necessarily modest and condemned to continual learning.
City-fication not only is stronger where people have lots of consciously held diverse theories but city-fication processes increase the consciousness of theories inside people and increase
the diversity of theories inside them.

What City-fication Processes are Suggested by Nine Prominent Social Theories. With the above delineated elemental powers of theory in mind, the below section of this article explores what nine particular theories allow us to see in cities and city-fication processes. They enable us to notice a great deal we would otherwise miss and they
guide policy making and city-fication in important ways.

Jun and Wrights Globalization Theory.



higher level


decisions to
ways of

global resources
entering local
by trade,
ads, investment,
entertainment media


fostering local

lower level

decisions to
ways of


The forces at play are global resources--corporations, investments, media, foreign government scrutiny,
United Nations mandates--increasingly visiting, joining, funding, influencing local communities and
decisions by both higher and lower level governments to change relations to handle intermestic issues.
The decision of these levels of governing to change produces decentralization experiments and fostering
local diverse experiments among local units by higher levels and it fosters creating civitas networks of
private initiative and Silicon Valley like clusters of ventures by local governing levels.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Case 21: Japan-ifying France

CITY-FY BY KEEPING ONES CULTURE ALIVE: Small and medium businesses near Place de la Concorde in Paris were suffering from inroads in their markets by Japanese competitors and could find
little to help them respond in France. They wanted someone Western and yet Eastern as well, experienced in the West enough to understand abstract Descartian French culture and experienced enough in Japanese culture to understand that. I was consulting in Paris for Thompson Electric and in dropping for lunch into neighborhood restaurants, ran into a table of local businessmen who knew my Thompson Electronics host. A conversation ensued and I was asked to make a presentation of a sort of local mini-chamber of commerce among these small businesspersons. I showed up some weeks later and did a pro forma
presentation, being careful not to present enough to delay dinner for one and all (the dinner being much much superior to my presentation). We talked and arranged quarterly all day sessions, to which 100
small businesses would be invited, for an overall attendance of about 200 persons for the day. I would preside but depend on a series of Japanese friends to lead individual sessions.
As the program progressed, quarter by quarter, we all realized, slowly, that the business persons no longer needed to learn particular Japanese techniques, and Japanese business culture and its practices. Rather,
they needed to learn how to change French culture just enough to make it competitive with all that Japanese stuff. They did not want to Japan-ify France but to use Japans excellences to inspire improvements
in their own culture.
The City-fying Point: A culture that is not improving is dying.

Giddens Delocalization Theory.



of Daily Life

self built

not following
C of Practice

Cost One:
Self Reflection
narcissistic loss
of meaning

career spaces

Cost Two:
Yearning for Missing
Single Authority

locality risk

increased risk and

fatalism with expert


What I

We have infrastructure causing diversity which in turn causes

educatedness which causes two paths of things: one, relativism which causes intimate subworlds, self built identity and
inventing not following; two, communities of practice as the
new home for careers which causes cognition career spaces to
replace geographic ones and cognitive locality risk replacing
geographic locality risk (specializations narrowness causing
inter-disciplinary problems and solutions to be missed). The
cost of the first relativism causal path is a self reflection burden each modern person bears. The cost of the second communities of practice homes causal path is yearning for
missing authority. These costs are both paradoxical for in
them humans yearn for what they just worked hard to liberate
themselves from.

Tofflers De-massification Theory.

The primary driving force is second wave society mass standard systems-media, transport, global corporations. These invade localities, bringing
diversity, something different, to each locale they invade. These invade
invade localities as diversities
speed up images & change
localities, speeding up images, thinking, and change, by the mass volumes
they easily handle. That creates two effects--diversity and change. These in
turn create four paradoxes--uniformity creating diversity, institutions and
products being simultaneously too big and too small, everyone being together
yearning for
in loneliness, and people yearning for central, stable authorities, they just
institutions &
together in
what you just
product wrong sized
creates diversity
worked hard to liberate themselves from. Those four paradoxes, in turn, create six problems. The diversity from uniformity paradox creates central conproductsappear nuclearfamily
trollers that are too uniform, missing diversity in their situations and that are
appear too
too big &
too slow
too big &
too slow responding to changes in their situations. The institutions and prodfreedom
big &
uct both too big and too small paradox creates institutions that are too big and
too small and products too big and too small. The together in loneliness paradox creates nuclear families felt to be too be and too small, simultaneously.
The yearning for what we just left paradox creates people seeking to built
new right singlular stable central authorities like what they just
with leaders:
with leaders:
worked hard to leave behind. The six problems in turn produce effects.
replace mass home work
wrong sized
too slow
child labor
Central controllers felt to be too uniform make people frustrated with leaders
offering wrong sized solutions. Central controllers felt to be too slow
responding make people frustrated with leaders acting too late. Institutions
simultaneously too big and too small make regions above current areas
appear and localities below current areas appear as new foci. Products too big and too small make custom mass production replace simple mass production. Nuclear families felt to be
both too big and too small produces extensions of nuclear families via communes, telecommuting work at home, and child labor re-uniting work and life. People liberating themselves
from rigid stable authority but yearning for that stability and authority produces fanaticism, fundamentalism, and other repetitions of the past in futuric guise.
mass societys standard systems

Fiskes Four Elemental Social Relationship Types Theory.

The Four Elemental Types of Human Relationships

categorical scale importance:
non-distinction group over
equality of
condition & treatment
ordinal scale
distinct distinction
inequality of treatment
and condition
age 3




+intervals and addition
interval scale
distinct conditions not treatments
equality of treatment
age 4



+multiplication and distribution and ratios
ratio scale
distinct conditions and treatments
inequality of treatment and condition mediated by contribution degree
age 9

This theory states that these four elemental types of social relating are a kind of grammar, by combining
them in various ways on various levels of society you get all the myriad unique social relations we all
observe and live among. What is that grammar--this theory is silent on that important point. Thus, this
theory is not a theory of how the four elemental types relate, it is only a theory that there are such types
and any relations among them must be found outside the theory. One exception to this is the theorys
postulate that sharing comes first in human psychological development, ranking next, reciprocating
third, and pricing fourth. Piagets stages in cognitive development, Kohlbergs stages in moral development, and in fact, nearly anyones stages of human development of anything also show similar stages:

a first stage of indistinct distinctions, unitaryness (you and I are the same one thing)
a second stage of distinct distinctions, extreme non-equality (you and I are extremely different)
a third stage of simplistic direct equality, you do this I do the same (you and I had better treat each
other the same)
a fourth stage of calculative equality, your doing two of this equals my doing three of that (treating
me the same as you requires recognition of how I am different than you in needs, wants, and capabilities).
This could be seen, then, as a theory that the psychological stages we go through in growing up become
types of ways of relating socially. Instead of outgrowing entirely our first ways of socially relating we
keep them for refined us in just some conditions and situations, while developing other more refined
ways of relating for other situations and conditions. Increasing differentiation is the direction of growth
among types of relating--initial types are diffuse and unitary, later types are exact and plural. How businesses relate to competitors, how regulators relate to businesses, how parents relate to children, how
children relate to comic book portraits of world leaders, and so on, all take on a four fold typology of
roughly sharing, ranking, reciprocating, or pricing. However, since this theory says nothing about how
these four elementary types are combined in any real situation, we cannot use it to predict.

Grondonas Culture of Development Theory.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

establish a set of
supporting your population
as it strives for its near
education, democracy,
partnering, technologies
that expand scope of action
of strivers, incrementally


establish a
near future
via establishing various
reliabilities of person,
law, and system

The three main entities of this theory--a near future, a population of strivers, and supporting infrastructures--are related as follows:
the near future attracts investment, effort, and rivalry from the population of strivers; the
population of strivers is drawn out of the present by the assured benefits practically reachable in the near future that is established
the supporting infrastructures gradually expand the scope of action and investment by the
population of strivers so that scope of action is matched by scope of practice and capability, so that investment available is proportional to the capability developed by the strivers
in past accomplishments.

establish a
of local initiative takers
via training, entooling,
heresy and rivalry

You have two relations--attracting the population of strivers with a near future, and
expanding their scope of action by incremental improvement in four basic infrastructures:
education, democracy, partnering, and technology.

beliefs and



failure of
automatics to
handle diverse


Greenes Diversity Management Theory.

see diversity:
within self
across time
in human condition

acquisitions of
growing up
automatic responses






This theory presents people as evolving in time with early commitments made unconsciously and encounters with
diversity challenging people to undo those earlier unconsciously made commitments. Knowing must change so that
you see commitments you are making that you were previously unaware of. Doing must change so you stop automatic reactions learned in childhood. Being in the world must change so that you balance along dimensions of value
rather than take extreme positions inherited blindly from your background, era, family, and home town. You balance
in two ways: looking along the entire dimension from extremum to extremum and choosing where to be now, and,
seeing a sequence of such positions along that dimensions that, over time, achieve balance in some other person,
stream of tactical actions, or group. As you handle balancing your unbalanced childhood-created self and proactively balance future action streams you do these on three levels: changing attention, commitments across time, and
responses to the human condition. These are the now, time, and the eternal. You un-see and un-do, balance in space
and balance across time responses to now, time, and the eternal.

seen and unseen
polarities of life

Krugmanns Order from Instability and Random Growth Theory.

Critical Value of Some
Order Parameter

Feedback that Drives Order Parameter to Critical Value From Below

Waves of Growth with One Wave Dominating Others Till Its Regularity--Frequency--Becomes the Order the System

Feedback that Drives Order Parameter to Critical Value From Above

Chain Reaction Making Global

Effects from Local Actions at Critical Value of Order Parameter

Slight Perturbation Switching System from One

Attractor Basin of Its State Space to Another: Seen
as Sudden Avalanche of Whole System Scale Change
to Order

Power Law Type of Growth at Critical Value of Order Parameter

Objects Grow

Random Distribution of
Growth Rates of Objects

Big Objects Grow Neither Faster

nor Slower than Little Objects

Structure (Ordered Pattern) that Self Emerges Without Any Basic Unit
in the System Planning, Intending, or Wanting It
In the absence of a theory of types of order (types of structure) we are left with a theory in Krugmans work of why we have some regularity rather than none. We distinctly do not have
a theory of why we have any particular form of regularity. Indeed, the issue of whether the system itself recognizes and responds to any self organizing pattern or regularity it gives
rise to, or whether that role is left to an outside-the-system observer is simply not dealt with by Krugman (though its has received years of painstaking attention from Santa Fe Institute
We have three force sets:
1) feedbacks driving a system towards its critical value of its order parameter
2) chain reactions of linked holes spaces that are equivalent to one wave dominating in growth others till its frequency becomes final system structure that is equivalent to a
slight perturbation switching a system from one attractor basin to another
3) power law growth processes at the critical value of the order parameter.
THE RESULT: order (structure, regularity) appearing that no component of the system intended, planned, or sometimes even wanted

Malones Coordination Cost Theory.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Lowering of Coordination Costs

Actor 1: pioneer

Actor 2: large firms

Response: fluid
coalitions of
ventures on the net

Response: embody
populations bidding
in internal markets

Core: guilds
Periphery: temporary job
Core: net savvy people
Periphery: welfare non-net
savvy people

Core: partnership track

Periphery: non-track employees

Actor 2: large firms

Response: form
fluid coalitions
between firms so
larger competitive
units arise

Core: competitive competence

Periphery: outsourced functions

Self-organizing management
Self-organizing management
Emergent results BUT
Emergent results BUT internal
requires great standards systems career paths jam self organizing

Self-organizing management
Emergent results BUT little reorganizing by large units

Danger: all time spent bidding

Danger: loss of standards based

leverage on external market

Welfare: need new guilds

Welfare: existing system okay

Danger: inability of outsiders

to compete reduces internal
quality, value, speed
Welfare: from govt. to firm

Emergence (self organizing) replaces design, command, & management

This theory presents an unsupported hypothesis--that organization form comes from

coordination technology sets. It distinguishes 3 sets of coordination technologies.
Size, function, and organization consequences of the 3rd coordination technology set
are presented. Size, function, and organization all indicate a split occurring as coordination costs decrease greatly--a split between core and periphery in firm and economies. Seven economy trends possibly validate this theory. This theory prefers a small
firms networked scenario of the future. Blocks to that scenario include welfare, community, mindset, and sales cost. We can get clarity by stopping the insistence of this
theory that radical new things are emerging because of PCs and the internet, that is,
because of coordination costs lowered by a technology set. Let us assume that a major
change occurs. We can expect on a purely logical basis that some new organizations
may arise based on it, that existing organizations may evolve some new ways based on
it, and possibly some new coalitions or larger groupings of organizations may arise
based on it. That is there is no reason to neglect the last two for the sake of the first
possibility. This theory as presented consistently shows a bias towards the first possibility, slighting when not ignoring the other two. This chapters view (as contrasted
with Malones) is a view from the vantage of actors, that exist, and how they react to
changes. When big changes occur, some pioneers invent new things, existing institutions modify things, and sometimes institutions use the changes to change scale or
scope by cooperating with each other in new ways. That is coordination among individuals, within existing firms, and among existing firms is affected when new infrastructures for coordination appear. So, when I present, this theorys relations among
key concepts, I must distinguish those relations as presented by the theorys authors,
and those relations as I, more dispassionately perhaps, see them. The key relations in
this theory are, simply:
reactions of pioneers to fall of coordination costs--form new style populations of competing small ventures economy
reactions of existing institutions:
1) internally embody new style of populations of competing small ventures
2) form alliances on new basis with other institutions to expand scale or scope.

Another key relation is:

coordination by means of self-organization among units.

The key results of this theory are:

split into core and periphery for single organizations and entire economy
welfare erosion by networks of small firms uninterested in it or giant keiretsu in command of it.

Careful examination of this theory shows little difference between its virtual country and network of small firms scenarios.


Audiotapes and videotapes of any show, speech, lecture, explanation, press conference, radio talk, that observers judge to have lowered the standards of human interaction in
the city towards the gutter are submitted as entries in a city-wide contest. Local city actors are then called forth to re-enact each piece of bad discourse, with comic exaggerations. All these acts are combined into a two hour local city TV show, either broadcast on local cable channels or shown in social club, company, and neighborhood events.
Viewers then vote on the worst five or so, who are, in and end of the year ceremony, awarded the Gutter of the Year Award for the Worst Discourse Standards in Our Fair City
of X.

Gladwells Tipping Point Theory.


The Tipping Point
The Critical Value of the
Systems Order Parameter


Law of the Few

System-wide avalanche

Degree of connectedness
in the system between chaos
and stasis is critical value

System Tippiness
The butterfly effect: system
sensitivity to slight disturbances or initial conditions


unconscious susceptibility to
non-verbal and immediate
situational aspects
emotions are outside-in and
certain people draw us into
their emotions and microrhythms = persuaders
slight details symbolize care
& importance we operate in
we blame human traits hence
miss situational causes

we need :
to confirm our worth
to make sense of things
to fit things into our
daily lives and purposes


two social channels:
12 in sympathy groups
150 in socially relate groups
we store memories in others
socially extending our minds
we level, sharpen, assimilate
stories we transmit

Stickyness & Context


Result: Create Your Own Social Epidemics

The key distinction here is that between increasing the connectedness in a system and
finding the connectedness already in that system. Gladwell talks only about the latter
for some reason. Perhaps because changing connectedness in large national markets
and systems is too hard and takes too long to make one rich and famous in a few years
of work. Arranging for messages to stick and for situations to induce tipping are
either very simple to do, in which case we do not need Gladwells theory or any other,
or else they are rather hard. Gladwell asserts that they are hard because people operate
with greatly wrong images of the nature of human beings. Once we specify what
humans are as the nine features listed above, how to arrange for messages to stick and
for situations to induce tipping become rather easy. It is lack of clarity about what
humans are that makes packaging messages and packaging communities, companies,
and life itself hard. Gladwells distinction between connectors, mavens, and salesmen
seems packaging rather than content. He says little about Mavens and much of what
he says indicates connectedness. Salesmen are persuasive he says, but they are also
extraordinarily connected in many if not most cases. Connectors are mavens with
people knowledge being what they are expert in, perhaps. In short, the fundamental
concepts of Gladwells theory are not these. Non-linear system dynamics connectedness in the system is the fundamental, with these as nicely packaged ways of looking
at that connectedness in social terms. We begin here to get the idea that Gladwell presents non-linear systems with their tipping points (critical values of order parameters),
their epidemics (system-wide avalanches), their sensitivity to slight disturbances or
initial condition changes (the butterfly effect). In doing that he takes as the rugged
co-evolutionary fitness landscape of such systems that he deals with, human individuals and groups having nine aspects to their nature. What, in other words, does nonlinear system handling look like when the landscape of action and result is human
nature having these nine research-confirmed aspects? This is his theory in one statement form.

Using the Nine Theories to Understand City-fication. City-fication

processes must sustain cities as creative lively locales and civilizations while all sorts
of changes take place. Theories of modernization, post-modern conditions, new and
old social capabilities, and non-linear system dynamics help to specify the lay of the
land that city-fication must take place in and achieve creation of creative cities in.

Page 45;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Below is a summary of the nine social theories presented just above, with specifications of how each informs what city-fication must be like or what it must do.

What Nine Social Theories Tell Us about How to City-fy a Place

Society Change Theories

Social Capability Theories

Non-Linear Systems Theories

Fiskes 4 Elementary Types of Social Relation


Krugmanns Order from Instability and Random Growth Theory

sharing (group over members), ranking (higher over lower), reciprocating

(treatment over condition equality), pricing (allocate to contributors not members)

competing waves of growth with 1 wave dominating becoming the unplanned

order appearing in the system; chain reaction making global effects from local
actions at critical value of order parameter till unplanned order appears in the
system; random distribution of growth rates of objects, big objects grow neither
faster nor slower than little ones at critical value of the order parameter;

56 a city-fication process: generate new and more power, generated by replacing central command with self-organizing power
development in plural centers of initiative

57 a city-fication process: specify how relative emphasis of

these four roles constitute problems and specifies re-balancing of
emphasis among them as solutions

58 a city-fication process: tune parameter values of competing

waves and chain reactions till better-than-expected results

Giddens Delocalization Theory

Grondonas Culture of Development Theory

Malones Coordination Cost Theory

educativeness of everyday life increasing relativism and practices as homes, 5

effects, 2 costs, 1 paradox: intimate subworlds, self built identity, inventing not
following; cognition career spaces, cognitive locality risk (narrowness); cost 1-self reflection load, cost 2--yearning for missing single authority; paradox-wanting what we just worked hard to get away from

establish reliable near future, population of strivers, action scope enhancing

infrastructures; reliable persons, laws, systems; via training, tooling, tolerance
of rivalry & heresy; education/democracy/partnering/technologies

technologies lowering coordination costs cause: coalitions of small ventures

into big ones on the net; vertical departments replaced by populations bidding
for work on the net; coalitions of large firms increasing overall firm size on the

59 a city-fication process: individual persons self building their

identity anew via bricolage from what their city offers from
around the world

60 a city-fication process: continual work to re-establish a culture of development (in various domain types) as new substrates,
social and technical, undo parts of past-erected cultures of development

61 a city-fication process: establish missing-till-now locality

and demos powers;

Jun and Wrights Globalization Theory

4 changes in governance: de-centralization, experimentation, civitas enlistment, venture clusters

62 a city-fication process: distribute governing functions to

mass events;
63 a city-fication process: establish insight processes among
mega-city components;

Tofflers De-massification Theory

Greenes Diversity Management Theory

Gladwells Tipping Point Theory

2 mass system effects, 4 paradoxes, six subeffects, six results; diversity invading locals, speeded up images/change; uniformity creates diversity, institutions/
products wrong size; together in loneliness, yearn for what just left; centrality
too uniform, centrality too slow, institutions both too big & too small, products
both too big & too small, nuclear family too big and small, liberation without
freedom; frustration with leaders--wrong size solutions, too slow solutions;
regions above and below localities appear, custom designs replace mass
designs, family extensions/intentions, seeking one right way though just left it

unconsciously valued contents, automatically used contents, inappropriate for

current situations; undo unconsciousness/automaticness; see diversity--within
self, across time, human condition; balance--seen/unseen, participation evolution, polarities of life

non-linear dynamics: slightnesses, epidemics, system wide avalanches, law of

the few, degree of connectedness, system tippiness, butterfly effect;
human nature dynamics: situatedness (susceptibility to non-verbal, emotions
are outside in, some people draw us into their feelings, slight details symbolize
care so must be controlled, we blame human traits miss situational causes);
structure of human cognition (confirm our worth need, make sense of things
need, fit into daily lives need); human group effects (12 in sympathy groups,
150 in acquaintance groups, we store memories in other for socially extended
minds, we level, sharpen, assimilate, stories that we transmit)

64 a city-fication processes: get operations on cities done in a

fractal manner, across plural size scales

65 a city-fication process: since the reflection load of encountering diversity is far beyond capacity of current tools, invent
new tools for fractally engaging othernesses articulated in 64
or so specific dimensions

66 a city-fication process: operate on cities through technologies of persuasion, help city democracies operate bottom up
through technologies of persuasion; and get city policies
grounded in how the human mind works;

BEING PRACTICAL 38: An Exercise in Applying Nine Social Theories to City-fication Processes
1. Select a project in your city now and for each of the nine theories above specify what that theory suggests is wrong or missing in that project and what that theory suggests would
improve that project.
2. What is your personal dream project--a project you would love to appear for your city and you would love to be involved in?
3. For your dream project, state what each of the nine social theories here would suggest should not be in the project and what each suggests would help the project succeed.
4. What does each of the above nine social theories suggest would help your city better attract the global creative elites?
5. Find nine other social theories, not saying what the above nine say, that are equally relevant to evaluating and helping projects in your city, and equally useful in guiding efforts to
attract the global creative elites to your city.

What Event Theory Tells Us about How to City-fy.

Cities are events taking place, and places holding events. There must be a certain degree of minimal eventfulness to daily life and work in any city that holds the attention and interests of its populations and visitors. Simply being there must be educative and entertaining if global creative
elites and investors of various sorts are to be attracted to locate there. This places a certain requirement on how the social dynamics and facilities of the city are laid out. The illusions
of locality and democracy and art & performance imply a huge power vacuum at the local level. City eventfulness, means sidewalks as events, lobbies as events, opening of new businesses that are unexpected in category or form, as events, people flow paths that bring unexpected people together, concerts and lectures that surprise and edify, among many others. Of
course it also means getting many solitary and community functions done in event form rather than bureaucratic department or process form. The trend, over time, is a city-fication force
of getting more and more things done in event form--massively parallel structured engagements of diverse peoples combined into single foci or goals over short intense periods of time.

67) a city-fication process--get things done in event form--massive parallel structured work by diverse peoples in short intense periods of time--that used to
be done by departments or processes, and evolution of such events into more parallel, more intense, more structured formats, using more precisely more
detailed human uniquenesses, abilities, knowledge, and interaction possibilities.
Why should this be so? What is so attractive about events? Earlier in this article I referred to the necessity of extremes in order to exist in urban accumulations. Without extremes you
simply are not noticed at all, you are off the radar of all. It is striking how evil and bad people doing evil and harmful things, end up millionaires and celebrities, as any form of attracting
a lot of attention is worth a lot more than virtue that does not attract attention, in modern societies. The cult of celebrity that sustains and generates this, ultimately, will erode civilization
itself, as continual denigration of peaceful constructive daily lives and life that the majority of people have, demoralizes millions in order to en-wealth-en a minority of celebrities. Nevertheless, events are more and more prominent in life and work in part because the same work, done by a bureau or on-going process is much less visible than when done by an event.
Another force driving us towards event forms and eventfulness of daily life and places is the power gap indicated by the three Illusions: of Locality, of Democratic Power, of Performance & Art. There is an untapped hunger for real local control of local conditions, for representatives who represent constituents not moneyed special interests, and for actual chances
for all of us to perform before local audiences and to compose arts expressing our actual needs, hopes, dreams, frustrations, and experiences. This untapped hunger turns incidental gatherings suddenly into emotive powerful events, taking us all by surprise. A kind of super-criticality of emotion is the norm in modern life in urban accumulations, making casual incidents
suddenly explode into performances, arts, local control, or actual representation of local constituents and their needs. The expansion of fundamentalisms, evagelicalisms, and hostility to
all forms of diversity (parading as values emphases) are all based on and derive all their energy from this untapped hunger in urban accumulations.
In a previous paper on event theory (Event Theory in Greene, 2005) I developed the model below of viewpoints moving society towards greater eventfulness and greater delivery of
community functions in event form. Since city-fication itself includes such a movement towards eventfulness and event form of functions, that model pertains to this articles topic.
Here I do not repeat the detailed discussion of my previous paper but rather summarize very briefly the contribution that event theory can make to city-fication theory and practice.

Viewpoints Showing Forces Moving Us Toward Event Delivery and Evolving Event Content
Managing by

Needs for & Benefits

of Events

Tools for Effective


Cultures of Change

Psychology of Being

Diverse Diversities
to Leverage




Just-in-Time Managing

Structural Cognition

Solution Culture


Impact Research

New Materials for Doing

Work Functions



Social Computation

Mind Extension

Anthropology of Technologies, Products, & Markets


Theory Power

Cognitive Technologies


Page 46;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

Viewpoints Showing Forces Moving Us Toward Event Delivery and Evolving Event Content
Managing by

Needs for & Benefits

of Events

Tools for Effective


Cultures of Change

Psychology of Being

Diverse Diversities
to Leverage




Organizational Learning

Social Simulation

Quality Globalizations


Tasks of Successful Global Assignments

New Assumptions


Social Change

Social Indexing

Social Virtuality

Viral Change


Art Purposes

Total Quality and Global




Venture Cluster

Social Neural Nets

Self Development

Social Taguchi

Dimensions of Culture

Core Processes of Fundamental Processes Architecture

Systems Effects

Social Depth

Organizational Neurosis

Social Automata

Social Process Models

Presentation by Environment

The Insight & Other Creativity Processes & Models

Cognitive Processes as
Workshop Protocols

Career Dynamics

A traditional way to deliver essential functions to a community was designating special social classes of people who monopolized the delivery of certain functions assigned to them:
leaders, managers, physicians, and so forth. This system, however, meant you had people hanging around trying to look useful much of the time, when their functions were not all that
needed. When they were needed, all too often, they were not expert at the particular function needed, so they pushed onto others the nearest matching thing that they were good at. Paradoxically this produced both too much managing and too little managing at the same time (too much leading and too little, too much healing and too little, and so forth). Just-in-Time
managing corrects these harms by delivering functions by means other than designated full time social class inventories of people, for example, by rescue squads trained in particular
functions, or events embedding in workshop procedures world best ways to do particular functions.
If events are faster more participatory ways to deliver functions, then their centrality to city-fication processes is obvious. Cities are huge growing agglomerations of people and
resources and ideas. The intensity, competition, and distraction they become makes slow, dispersed doing of something by bureau or process, invisible, forgotten, and inconsequential.
Event doing of the same function, however, can be very fast, visible, and engage huge numbers of people, for short periods of intense time, all of whom thereby become familiar with the
domain and expert procedures involved.
.Social computation is a two-way street of looking at social arrangements among humans and getting machine computers to operate that way, and, vice versa, looking at machine ways of
computing and getting humans to interact that way. This can result in seeing city parts, globally distributed as they are, interacting in machine computer-like ways, suggesting new points
and goals of intervention. This can also result in seeing forms of interaction among machine computers and ways to get parts of cities to interact that way too. City-fication processes
tend over time towards making traditional values and styles exchangeable and priced, tend to relativize past gods and sacred things, and tend to invent new ways of people interacting,
some of them inspired by how machine computers do interesting work. Social computation forms are a natural outcome of many people living together with each other mediated by high
software technologies.
Organizations learn in many ways, even if that learning is merely developing wider repertoires of possible responses to situations never actually faced, as circumstances elapse. Cities are
organizations and they learn the same ways social clubs, interest groups, hobby associations, professional societies, business corporations, and government agencies do. City-fication
processes often get cities learning again that have lost how to learn or lost the will to endure the humiliation, modesty, self change, and breaking of taboos and traditions inherent in any
substantial change for the better.
Individuals and social groups now operate at terribly low levels of social indexing, typically below 7% of acquaintance networks for needs, interests, and capabilities. This means that
people know less than 7% of the primary five needs, interests, and capabilities of the 150 or so people who know their name and whose names they know. This social indexing measure
does not favor social capital (close strong ties) or creative class (distant weak ties)--it treats each of them equally. The power and interest in social indexes is how they predict good things
like low crime rates, high life satisfaction, wide circles of influence for individual creations, quick job replacement, and high incomes. People and groups having high social index levels,
relative to the abysmal average levels found nearly everywhere in current societies, tend to be better off in numerous ways. The explanation is fairly obvious--if you know the needs,
interests, and capabilities of more of the people you are acquainted with, you can find and make useful relationships that get things done that others cannot. Social networks are notoriously lumpy, so there are connectors (Gladwells term, Gladwell 2002) who have social index levels approaching 15%, twice the overall population average. If you are close to a connector one call to them can locate a needed contact quickly that you yourself would take twice or more as long to make. City-fication relates to social indexing as a measure of success.
City-fication processes that improve social indexing levels improve cities, indeed, anything an individual does to improve social indexing levels for himself constitutes a city-fication process.
Venture clusters are take-off concentrations of innovators, research ideas, university-business linkages, angle and venture investors that mimic Silicon Valley, California. Route 128
around Boston, pulsing with MIT/Harvard ideas lost out to Silicon Valley, California due to an East Coast knowledge hoarding, people punishing culture that frowned on and punished
flows of people quickly between firms. Research showed that the take-off miracle depended on ideas finding a home and people with ideas finding a home and the best way was not a
person working many years in one firm and finding it did not fit, but a person working briefly for a dozen firms till one clicked with his or her ideas. People, ideas, technologies, funds
flowing from firm to firm quickly till they converged on homes that clicked allows take-off to start, where one niche, when successful, spawns a dozen parasitic follow-up niches,
each of which spawns a dozen of its own such niches, forcing exponential growth. City-fication processes of many sorts, artistic, social care, welfare, medical care, neighborhood character development, crime reduction, funding either require take-off, seek take-off, or dream of it. Venture clusters show that flows among possible homes till clicks occur is key. Cityfication processes, then, include some that foster such flows among such homes for finding such clicks.
Organizational neurosis is a simple fact that every talent comes from focus, which means, necessarily, other things were not during that time focussed on and hence capability in them is
poor as a consequence of what capability the talent represents. Organizations develop talents, things they are good at, and hence, necessarily, costs of having those talents, which is here
termed organizational neuroses. Every city and every organization and person in it is neurotic in this sense, by virtue of being good at some things not every thing. One of the dilemmas of city-fication is figuring out whether to deepen an existing talent, and hence its cost, its neurosis, or whether to reduce the cost of the existing talent by examining its cost and build
up capabilities not focussed on while the talent was being developed. Since visibility, to the global creative elite, other cities, the media, is a primary requirement of many forms of having an identity, existence, and attention, hence, peers and neighbors, too little talent, or even a talent not carried to certain extremes, may fail to exist in a strict, strategic, competitive
sense. Things have to be visible, to break into notice, to exist to media, global elites, and the like in most cases. Hence, people often have to invest in furthering a talent till it reaches
extremes that attract visibility and attention. Unfortunately this often means until the costs of such talents are truly huge and even larger than benefits, overall, of having the talents.
Since real cities, organizations, and individual people never develop just one talent, there is an option of selecting cleverly a repertoire of talents, each of which fixes (lessens) the costs of
the others. Such self-compensating sets of talents require real cleverness and long term implementation discipline to attain yet the paybacks are huge. City-fication processes must
include such processes.

68) a city-fication process: orthogonal development--establish a cycle of asking who we now are and what we now can do then taking action, organize all
this in social forms of computation among persons, enabled by machine computation, and by decentralized local-experience-capturing-expressing arts.

Page 47;

Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

BEING PRACTICAL 39: An Exercise in the Needs and Benefits of Events: JIT Managing, Social Computation, Org Learning, Social Indexing, Venture Clusters, Org Neurosis
1. Make a list of ten economic, ten political, ten cultural, ten social change types of events in your city in the last year.
2. Make a list of ten economic, ten political, ten cultural, ten social change types of events, other than those in 1, that you want your city to have in the next few years.
3. Make a list of ten economic, ten political, ten cultural, ten social change types of events, other than those in 1 and 2, that you want to invent in the next few years and see implemented somewhere.
4. What are the relationships between the Illusion of Locality, the Illusion of Democratic Power, and the Illusion of Art and Performance? How do they encourage each other? How
do they counteract each other? Do they all have the same origin or different origins? Which are getting bigger? Why? Which are getting smaller? Why?
5. What managing functions now done in your city in department or process form would better be done in mass workshop event form? Why? How?
6. How is the organization (relations among parts) of your city like each of the following software programming regimes:
a. a set of interacting artificial intelligence rulebases reading the system states and enacting whatever rules whose conditions are presently met
b. a set of interacting modular objects passing messages to each other that determine what behaviors each object enacts
c. a population of intelligent agents negotiating with each other what is true and what behaviors to enact
d. a cellular automaton of low level units that change behavior based on who their local neighbors are and what states those neighbors are in
7. Map the formal process among city components that now results in city directions and development. Map the informal process among them that results in that. Map how that process itself has slowly or quickly been evolving in recent years. What computation style or type do all 3 of those processes taken as one process amount to? What databases are there,
what central processing units are there, what inputs are there, what outputs are there, what feedbacks adjust execution direction? What improvement in that computation regime
could be implemented? How? Why?
8. List ten ways that organizations learn--that is, develop potentially new responses to conditions that they now do not have for the same conditions.
9. Divide your city into 20 parts (include everything, public and private, legal and illegal, big and small, economic and cultural). Which one, or more, of the ten ways organizations
learn, applies to each of those 20 parts. Suggest adding two organizational learning ways to two of those 20 parts such that the overall capability of your city to attract global creative
elites would improve the most--what two ways added to 2 parts would most improve your citys attractiveness to global creative elites? Why? How?
10. List ten people you work with and ten personal friends or acquaintances. For each list their two biggest needs, interests, and capabilities. Phone those people and ask them their
two biggest needs, interests, and capabilies, scoring how many of those you got correctly. Average the number correct over 6 across all 20 people, as your social index level for your
own workmates and acquaintances. Who has the highest social index score? Why? Who has the lowest? Why?
11. An organization all of whose members have social indexing levels above 30% and an organization all of whose members have social indexing levels below 10% would differ how
in capability, learning, power, flexibility, accomplishment, viability, attractiveness to global creative elites? Why?
12. For ideas to find homes people have to freely change companies, for people with ideas finding a home, people have to freely change companies--what cultures support idea stealing and swapping via flows of people? What cultures stomp it out? Which culture resembles your citys culture the most? How can your citys culture be improved so as to better
support the idea flows venture clusters need?
13. What are your citys talents, compared to other cities--list 20 of them. For each listed talent, what costs does you city pay for having that talent--what other abilities does it not
have because it has that particular talent? How can that situation be improved?

Structural cognition is a set of tools for expanding the scope of ideas any one ordinary mental operation can apply to. Instead of generating, searching for, ordering four or five ideas at
a time, people, using structural cognition tools, generate, search over, or order 60 to 100 ideas in the same time, with the same quality and accuracy, but with greater coverage, thoroughness, diversity, and detail. Cities gave rise to structural cognition, due to the heavy flows of information, choice, ideas, differences found in them. Over a period of eons, the cognitive list
limit--the habitual number of alternatives generated by average people when facing ordinary choices of where to eat, what to do on the weekend, and the like--expanded in cities, so that
an average of 3 alternatives, generated in 1100 a.d. gave way to an average of 3.7 500 years later and 4.2 400 years after that, using similar texts by similar institutions. The key to handling more alternative ideas at each thought and choice point is structuring lists of ideas into hierarchies of categories, allowing operations on smaller lists of category names to reduce the
work load and speed up the processing time for later processing lists under each category. City-fication processes to monitor expansion of structural cognition ability in portions and subpopulations of cities and to uplift structural cognition ability where low or missing is a key way to make overall city-life creative and attractive. High lowest common denominators of
performance in all portions of a society whether poor or not, create a buoyancy to streetlife and a commonsense judgement against harmful actions and behaviors that make crimes, drugs,
and verbal and attitudinal violence, socially denigrated throughout the society, by all classes, ethnic groups, and neighborhoods.
A persons intelligence is measured better by what questions they can answer tomorrow rather than what ones they can answer today. It is extensions of the mind, outside the body, that
make us intelligent, not just our brains, researchers have shown. The quality of our personal professional library, our personal file system, and the network of friends who perform certain
cognitive functions for us like editing or challenging our work that makes us intelligent. Cities include investments in huge such extensions of our minds--public libraries, internet cafes,
open university courseware, and so forth. Cities make all the ordinary people in them more intelligent with these tools. City-fication processes can, simply, and effectively, make their
populations more intelligent by investing in such mind extension tools or events that promote and improve them.
Social simulations are people playing the roles of single ideas, interest groups, institutions, process steps, event components or the like. You simulate a part of the world using people to
play the roles of things other than people (though some people playing the roles of people can be included). For example, Xerox had people follow single documents around companies
detailing what happened to each at all hours of the day. They documented incredible inefficiency in handling information and document contents, by doing this. Later they ran social
simulations of new document handling work systems assigning people to play the role of machines, computers, scanners, and other devices and process steps. These simulations allowed
safe inexpensive invention of superior work systems. Policy by experiment comes from this perspective. Policies are treated as experiments, optimized for finding what works and why,
rather than for reaching an immediate outcome. Many policies can be structured as social simulations, where institutions play policy-assigned roles, provisionally, gathering data on
what works and why. City-fication processes include such softening of policy processes, making them more tentative, bold, experimental, informative.
Social virtuality is turning one workgroup into 8 workgroups, multi-tasking each day or week, that is, switching from one task to another as progress can be made. Rather than focussing
on one task at a time and waiting for next steps to be ready to be executed, people switch during wait times in one primary process, to work on secondary processes, and switch back when
the primary process no longer needs waiting. There is complexity in structuring people to do 8 different jobs per week rather than 1 and up to now managers could not handle such complexity, thus, the norm of one job per person per week. However, new technologies for being together, cellular phones for example, and for coordinating information and work, document
workflow software for example, now allow greater complexity of task switching to be effortlessly and errorlessly handled. City-fication processes that fail to adapt when such new technical capabilities come along, drag their cities into the past, without consciously doing anything of the sort. By default they torpedo the hopes and dreams and ambitions of all around
Social neural nets are one particular form of social virtuality. It organizes people in layers with a perception layer, processing inputs into patterns worth responding to and others to be
ignored, a treatment layer that takes inputs from the perception layer and processes them, and an action layer that takes the results of the treatment layer and implements them as changes
in the world. Specialized units can exist across all of each layer but tightly inter-connected or organized into a host of different abstract neighborhoods. Within layer connectedness
topology can be a parameter varied as well as inter-layer connectedness, and number of layers (more than one perception, treatment, or action layer). Cities can be modeled this way as
institutions and groups organized in such layers. Policies that adjust parameters of such architectures can reveal very abstract but powerful ways to improve overall city processing and
Social automata are dealt with in detail in two other sections of this article so a brief note is all that is offerred here. Cellular automata are an extremely abstract way to model everything
in the entire universe as digital with continuous phenomena an illusion caused by noise smoothing out the discrete underlying architectures of things. All forms of individual life organization and social work organization can be modeled as large populations of intelligent agents, organized into highly abstract kinds of neighborhood, with each type of basic unit and
neighborhood trained in certain behaviors. Initial conditions are set for the entire population, then, at each time tick, the same rules are applied, again and again, iteratively, to all agents
in the population. Observers then what happens to the initial conditions as they get processed by interactions among myriad agents in the population applying the same rules of behavior
over and over again. Individual people as well as institutions can be organized into such automata of a formal experimental sort and do work with each participant assigned extremely
specific rules that is behaviors they taken when certain conditions are met or messages are received from neighboring units. These social automata can discover entirely new ways
to organize people and work that greatly outperform current social arrangements, nearly all of which leave people entirely free to do work as they see fit, based on some training and
experience. That leeway for random human judgement can gut all effectiveness from a system, found only when a social automaton version of the work with more specific behaviors
assigned is tried. Cities can be modeled as such social automata and beyond modeling, can actually organize parts of themselves as social automata with more specific behaviors
assigned to basic units organized into abstract neighborhoods of interaction. City-fication processes include such experimentation with new ways to organize people and work.

69) a city-fication process: invent tools and resources for supporting the increasing cognitiveness of why and how people get together, and the increasing
cognitiveness and affect-rich specialization of group and event: types, purposes, and processes

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BEING PRACTICAL 40: An Exercise in Tooling for Effective Events

1. In what ways is any city merely an event? a series of events? a place for events? What is there in cities other than events? What, other than events, makes cities attractive to
global creative elites?
2. How does city life and work, over time, tend to increase a persons cognitive list limit? Why?
3. How does city life and work, over time, tend to make people sensitive to the structure of meanings in messages and texts?
4. How do cities extend individual minds with other things that make people intelligent? Why?
5. How do cities extend minds with social simulations around one of what one might do?
6. How do cities tend, over time, to get people to organize people as computers organize information? Why?
7. How do people, due to city living, tend to do more than one job, for more than one company, having more than one career, at the same time, in the same week? Why?
8. How do people, due to city living, tend to function more and more like nodes in neural network computers, participating in overall social computations?
9. How do people, due to city living, begin to organize themselves in abstract arrays exchanging limited message types, like cellular automata do in computers? Why?
10. What is it about city life that makes arrangements inside peoples mind and arrangement socially among people, more and more abstract and innovative?

Many observers have noticed that societies tend to be willing to call a solution only things guaranteed to perpetuate their most serious flaws and failings. Americans, for example, with
immense inequality in funding of public schools, continually propose more initiative, innovativeness, enterprise and the like to fix their schools--they never propose getting rich neighborhoods to fund poor neighborhood schools at levels equal to their own. These social blind spots, enduring for decades and generations, in each society, come from a culture of failure
around certain problems. The entire mindset, values, methods, institutions, and ways of talking of a group prevent calling a solution anything that changes their hidden greeds and
needs that would have to be hurt if a real solution were to be tried. By characterizing all dimensions of such failure cultures, then reversing those traits, calling that, a solution culture,
then using that solution culture to devise a new way of work and product of work, history long solutions can appear. City-fication processes must include such solution culture methods
of solving, for cities die when recrudescent problems endure for generations in key social functions like education.
We are accustomed to thinking that cultures are found in various nations and ethnic groups. We are less accustomed to thinking of genders having their own cultures, of each profession,
era, family, school system, product, business practice, and technology having its own culture. We are less accustomed to this because, in part, we have lacked tools for characterizing cultures in great specific detail. Now models of culture dimensions have been developed that are comprehensive enough to distinguish all cultures yet specific enough and detailed enough
that they break each culture into 64 differences from other cultures rather than just 4 or so Hofstede dimensions, too abstract to guide practice or design. When cities characterize in such
thoroughness and detail the various cultures of peoples, institutions, professions, eras, technologies etc. in them, they create abstract dimensions as common grounds where diverse cultures different ways of doing things can be applied, compared, fused, and improved. Such specific common grounds, not belonging to any one culture, because abstract dimensions,
defuse emotionality in dealing with otherness and head off bias and prejudice about having alternatives for favored personal ways.
A movement took quality from the profession of quality assurance and gave responsibility for it to entire workforces. Developed as an idea in the US, it developed as a practice in Japan
and became the basis of major Japanese export success worldwide in the 1980s. Total quality methods, applied by entire workforces and managements, spread within companies as
movements, and among the customers and suppliers of those companies as movements, and from business to government and education as movements, and world wide as movements. It
is ironic that social movement tactics spread quality worldwide and within companies. From that initial totalization of quality responsibility from a professions role to the responsibility of entire workforces and managements, later expansions of quality have occurred, called, not totalizations but globalizations. In particular, there are ten quality-related global
movements, quality of conflict, the human rights movement, quality of life, the consumer movement, quality of the earth, the environment movement, quality of production, the total
quality movement, and others. Each uses social movement tactics to greatly expand who is responsible for one particular type of quality. By combining the primary values of each of
these ten movements and invented locally practices that mesh those values, so-called, value-meshing practices, a global kind of quality can be installed locally. City-fication processes
inevitably face all ten of these movements as local residents and organizations, with pressures to please them, because they are activist and influence voting. By, from the beginning,
inventing value-meshing local practices with each policy effort, cities can harness the powers of these global movements to further local goals.
Changing large cities is terribly hard, like dropping dyes into large lakes of ponds, concentrated efforts dissipate. One response is to attempt such huge efforts and funding that you overwhelm resistance, but budgets seldom permit this to be actually tried. An alternative response is viral growth, inventing a local configuration of ingredients that can have high impact
locally, with enough local funding and benefits and training produced that all you need for growth is generated by each local effort, so the entire effort grows like a virus, without central
supports or controls or funding. Such self-replicating local efforts are hard to design because you have to find highly imbalanced or unfair local conditions that, when released in a better
configuration, release free energy or unfair profits into more constructive channels, namely, expansion of the new, fairer local arrangements. The Grameen Bank in Bangladesh is the primary example of this approach. Many city-fication processes aspire to whole city changes of certain sorts, unlikely ever to be accomplished by central or external funding or pushes.
Viral growth, however, offers a viable way to achieve their goals without huge funding that is not likely to ever be found.
The people attracted to large city areas want to improve and change, for the most part. They do not draw near in order to stay the same. So self development is a reason people come to
cities. Cities that are alive, educate people, merely by the people being there. Quotidian environments and happenings are educative. The environment of living itself in the city is educative. This includes fostering self development goals that brought people to cities in the first place.
Social process models are a convenience, a mental tool. They show functions found in all social groups worldwide though emphasized and institutionalized differently in different places.
Individuals and cities, wanting to citify, find all that they face in any one city daunting--these is so much. Models that break it down into 64 parts, themselves organized into 16 and 4
areas, allow all sorts of ideation and contacting and work and proposing to thoroughly, comprehensively, and with detail be done. I dont know where to start goes away as a problem,
as social process models furnish 64 social processes any one of which is a good place to start, showing ordering patterns suggesting second and third etc. places to start. It is not the correctness of the models that is important but their consistency, diversity, comprehensiveness, and comprehensibility.

70) a city-fication process: entool and support with resources outward journeys that force inward journeys and vice versa, exposing the cultures that all high
performances are and the high performances that all cultures are.
BEING PRACTICAL 41: An Exercise in Cultures of Change: Solution Culture, Anthropology of Practices and Technologies, Quality Globalizations, Viral Change, Self Development, and Social Process Models
1. What are problems that your city has solved again and again over the years without really making the problem go away? List five such recurrent problems that absorb all your
citys solutions without going away.
2. What cultures of failure account for each of those five recurrent problem? What large dispersed networks of beliefs, habits, values, viewpoints, preferences, and the like sustain
each of those five problems and cause people to offer as solutions only things guaranteed to allow the problem to continue to appear?
3. What are the primary three technologies by which most of your citys functions now get done? What better technical alternatives now exist but are unused by parts of your city
involved in its main functions? What current problems of your city could be solved or reduced were faster movement into newer technologies to occur?
4. What is the culture fostered by the current three main technologies your citys functions depend on? What is the culture of newer alterantive technologies? How do thse cultures
differ? List 20 points of difference between them.
5. What are ten social movements, of global scope, represented in your city and active in it, via demonstrations, conferences, and other activities? For each of them, what type of
quality of some part of the world are they trying to improve? For each of them, what problems come from them insisting their priority should be THE priority of everyone else
everywhere else?
6. List the five biggest change projects now going on in your city. For each of those five, how is the primary value of each of the social movements listed in 5 above, missing or
involved in the project. What practice can you now invent, for each project to install, that would simultaneously embody the primary value of each of those ten movements? Invent
one practice for each project that combines the primary values of each of the ten movements.
7. What are five overall changes your city needs or wants now to make over the next ten years? What local embodiment of all that change can you now invent that, entirely with
local profits and morale it generates would grow virally to cover the entire city in a few years, without central controls or funding? Invent a local configuration of services, products,
conditions, people, that generates all the funds and morale for spreading growth, locally--for each of the five overall changes your city wants or needs.
8. What rightnesses, certainties, unchanging beliefs do parts of your city have that prevent cooperation, compromise, collaboration, joint progress? What ambiguities, ultimate limitations of human existence, ultimate limitations of what humans control, ultimate limitations on what humans can know do people in your city flee from and avoid knowing,
admitting, and avoid basing policy and plans on? What problems does this create? What problems does this make it hard to solve?
9. What parts of your city have gotten stuck at pre-adolescent thinking types, where each person is his or her own beliefs, defending them from beliefs of others, not basing personal beliefs on evidence but keeping the same beliefs decade after decade without updating them as data changes? What problems do they cause with such thinking types?
10. Examine the model of 64 social processes provided elsewhere in this article--which of those 64 processes are well funded and emphasized in your city (identify ten) and which are
not funded and under-emphasized (identify ten). What problems come from the emphasized ones? What problems come from the slighted ones?

Performance is a central important theme in cities and citylife and the city-fication processes that individual persons and policy makers do. This is because of the way performance has
been stripped in industrial societies from ordinary lives and concentrated in rich central elites, organized as commercial entertainment, art, concert, music and similar industries, out to
make money more than to enrich lifes and capture myriad local experiences. As a result hundreds of millions sit and watch instead of compose and perform. Compare this with ordinary
village life in the worlds most primitive villages, where every single person yearly has one or more performance roles in yearly festivals or religious rites. Performance in cities takes

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on another dimension of meaning--the competitive skeptical one--of performing well as judged by bosses. The tyranny of efficiency in male hierarchies in business torture people with
doubts about their performance and threats about their future performance. The assumption is that everyone is born lazy and unmotivated unless kicked by richer, more powerful
people regularly. In societies without this tradition of work as a punishment to apple eating, like Japan, where Buddhism saw perfecting the quotidian actions of work as a route to egoloss and hence, realization of the heaven already inside everyone from birth, performance at work is matter of polishing to shining perfection the details of ones assigned work role, till
the ultimate meaning of all life becomes visible there, that is, shines through. Ordinary work, faxing for example, polished till the ultimate meaning of life and the universe shines
through it, is admired widely in Japan as are the people who do their roles that way. In theatre state polities, for example Bali, society itself is a divinely specified drama one is assigned
particular roles in. What is vital is to not mess up the overall aesthetic display, with personal or individual greeds and needs. Enacting perfectly and beautifully with divine personal
inspiration ones assigned role is highly admired and rewarded. This is performance (what you competitively do) as performance a concert before and audience. Cities inevitably
plurify audiences, and invite performances before them. Cities also invite competitive performances that are efficient due to time and budget and need pressures. Performance in front
of audiences draws out styles, experiments, inventions, trends, and lifestyles. It is very creative and everyone can participate. Supporting and enhancing it starts with crime-less-ness,
allowing styles that are not ugly from the beginning due to avoiding theft and attracting crime attention. Any visit to US cities and their nearest Canadian neighboring city, shows this at
work--the styles in Canada are wonderfully more rich and richly done than equivalent US prison and street drug styles, because Canadians do not attract crime attention with what
they wear the way US citizens do, many point out.
Influence is often studied and seen as person to person but that sort of influence is a tiny and weak fraction of the overall ways that people influence each other and history. There is
deliberate influence as well as incidental, unplanned influence. Cities are filled with both, though competitive rat race pressures often produce for impression and for status influence attempts of little final value or worth. Incidental influence, like spotting someones style while passing on a sidewalk, or overhearing a remark at the adjacent table in a cafe, is powerful in cities and an important way that people learn to cross social classes and roles. It even has a name in the organizational learning research literature legitimating peripheral
participation. If cities legitimate all sorts of eavesdropping, intrusions where one does not belong, snooping on social ranks above one or social roles beyond one--people learn how
society is structured and how to move far within and beyond those structures. If slack, snooping, spying, eavesdropping, and the like are punished effectively, people stay where they are
assigned and little growth and learning takes place. Cities die when this happens.
Leadership as getting real large scale change to happen, leadership as making people feel like they are going somewhere even if they do not really go anywhere, leadership as one person
trying to look important at the cost of oppressing others around them--has hundreds of books written about it and lots of professors studying it. Apparently it is important, one might
think. However, subtract out the commercial motive--making money from books, from lectures, from consulting, from being boss of someone--and you find little actual importance to
leadership and nearly no examples of individual people leading effectively. Most leadership is emergent, group in nature, and a fluid coalition that forms and dissolves over time (Van de
Ven, 2002). Institutional research, using valid outcome data on policies, found executives and their policies had nearly no measurable effects of various types of organization effectiveness. Poland shoughed off half a century of communist oppression with such leadership; Western media, driven by their own societies neuroses to seek individual leaders to explain
any change, chose the leader nearest the airport, Lech Walensa. He was made the leader of that change, when all details made it clear no one person could have led much of it anywhere. Leadership is largely for show, people taking credit for luck and avoiding credit for bad luck. This makes real leadership in the form of individual people, truly rare--the
second mayor Daly in Chicago, for example, forcing school system change against strong interest groups that had resisted change for 50 years; Jack Welch, a Ph.D. chemist, who reframed his conglomerate as a bank, buying, fixing, selling firms while being taxed much less than actual banks. City-fication is setting up and supporting the group emergent leadership
dynamics that really lead and shutting down the ego-based male hormone up front leadership shows that distract and shut down actual leadership that cities need.
The ancient Greek polis was a place where people competed with word and deed in governing their own community, with immortality achieved by really famous words and deeds that the
community chose to repeat, tell stories about, throughout history. Most modern cities, neighborhoods, companies stomp out such places, with upper central leaders fearing the confident
lower level people they produce and the plethora of diverse ideas and demands they invent. The first thing American managers eliminated in total quality programs, from Japan, was
lower level worker mental empowerment in company-wide conferences where problem solving projects by local workers competed for prizes. No upper American managers felt comfortable celebrating the mental capabilities of lower level workers who were supposed, by US inherited fragments of European class systems, to be mental inferiors as well as social ones.
It is hard, for such social class reasons, to set up polis dynamics in cities and companies in many nations. Nevertheless, the Locality, Democratic Power, and Performance & Art Illusions, define a missing power phenomenon at the local level that leads to outbreaks, revolutions, revolts, and massive crime and dissatisfaction. Polis spaces of appearance before peers
in word and deed are a way to restore power to localities. City-fication processes include set up of such polis dynamics locally.
Taguchi optimization of designs resulted in major inventions and huge changes of business fortune in recent decades. Typically the price of a product was reduced by it to one thousandth of its pre-optimized price. Application of the same optimization principles to social systems has been done in a few places, with powerful results. Social arrangements and organization forms are just as susceptible to such optimization techniques as mechanical products and systems. Optimizing the signal to noise ratio, optimizing to find a line of reliable
values not point optimum values, and optimizing to all energy in a system to flow through the ideal intended path for such energy--these three principles revolutionize social organization
effectiveness. City-fication efforts that optimize social processes and institutional arrangements in these three ways leap beyond peers in performance, cost, quality.

Case 22: Products and People that Ride Trends

CITY-FY BY USING THE CONCENTRATED CROWD ENERGIES OF CITY LIFE : .Genichi Taguchi, the quality expert from Japan, was a personal consultant to Xerox for many years.
Xerox was one of only two or three companies in the world that fully understood his work. Bad minded US statistician competitors of Taguchi, distorted his purposes, in order to criticize his work.
Taguchi was concerned with optimizing products as they worked in reality in customer hands whereas US statisticians optimized products in labs without regard to the environment of use the products
would be used in when in consumer hands. I spoke Japanese and, in long talks with Taguchi, gradually developed an appreciation of his work. I wanted to create a software expert system that would
make it easy for engineers, even in places like the US, to appropriately use his techniques. There were already software applications on the market for Taguchi techniques but these merely automated
doing the math involved. Research on Taguchi use by Xerox engineers showed that no Xerox engineer had any trouble with doing the maths in Taguchi technique--Excell or Mathlab made that trivial.
So existing software for Taguchi was automating something engineers did not need automated. This is typical of software applications--they automate whatever it is easy (and thoughtless) to automate
rather than automating what bothers and hurts actual users and customers. This gave me my first specification--my software would context and surround such math-centered applications, automating
the setting up of them and the interpreting of their results. My application would piggy-back of sales of all of them--for each competitor product sold, from any vendor, I would sell my product.
I had developed a total quality process for specifying software applications. In this approach all features of any software application had to address specific root causes of why particular work process
steps influenced process output traits so as to displease customers. Any software feature not affecting such root causes was forbidden and eliminated as an expense-raising distraction. Since customers
wanting software typically wanted lots of features not addressing root causes of why their work caused displeasing outputs to customers of their work, my application had to automate more focussed
versions of their work than they were used to, in effect bribing them into better work by making it easier todo work the right way than the wrong way. This gave me two more specifications of my software: 1) it would address US engineers tendency to: do Taguchi too late in product development, do it to optimize away flaws customers see rather than to ompimize away free energy in designs, do it
to find one point optimum rather than to fine a linear function of optima, and do it to find optima instead of to find tuning factors that moved among several linear optima 2) it would automate correct
set up of Taguchi work making it easier for engineers to do it right than to do it wrong. The application, when produced, was a success, selling one copy for each competitor copy sold, approximately,
and automating away the US errors in applying Taguchi rather than automating maths US engineers easily could handle.
The City-fying Point: Trend riding can be opportunism--they sell so I can get known by riding on them--or it can be strategic--they lack something I can provide as a parasite riding on them.

Presentation by environment comes from realizing that words from mouths are often the least effective way to present ideas. Words from mouth are too direct in many cases. Often
more effective is erecting environments that convey your message, more indirectly, with less direct attention and pushing. If a person meets a dozen other people who show interest in
idea X, and sees while walking along the hall five posters about idea X, and reads an article about X in the newsletter, and hears a question from you about X, and gets a phone call about
X from a friend--then X is likely to seem quite interesting and important to them, compared to merely hearing you tell them it is interesting and important. City-fication processes must
act in such presentation by environment ways in cities they want to influence or help. They also must enable their residents and visitors to present via environment erecting, rather than
by direct messaging only. The ease of building and visibility of the environments that people can thusly create is a primary measure of the social indexing capability of city facilities,
events, processes, venues, leaders, policies, and institutions.

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71) a city-fication process: relax about how performance replaces all private ways of interacting, and how all private venues gradually turn into public spaces
of appearing and performing before others; go with the flow and discern how and what new private spaces are being invented to replace the ones made public

Case 23: Foreign Exposure

CITY-FY BY EXOTICIZING BACKGROUNDS: One of the many ways to be too direct is expressing things so that people easily and clearly see and understand them. This fails as a communication
strategy. Research, serious research, has been done on this and proved that easily seen and understood messages are not remembered. Messages slightly hard to see and slightly hard to understand outperform easy ones and extremely challenging ones. There is a middle value that is optimal.
Experiment 1: my staff at Xerox were attending a large technology conference in Canada, where we were unknowns and unlikely to get anyone at all to attend our presentation, so I suggested that we
all wear metallic gold shirts and blouses, under our usual business suits. Then we were to refuse to say anything about our work, making it out to be very hush-hush, and direct any inquiries to our presentation, but refuse to tell people when and where it was. This was a blend of communication packaging strategies: 1) dash of the absurd 2) envy created by witholding 3) moderate difficulty of message understanding. Over 80 people came to our presentation, on the basis of seeing gold and hearing no satisfaction info from us.
Experiment 2: 77 technology presentations at a US government new technology conference with my group utterly unfamous and unknown, so I applied all my technology techniques not to usual business examples but to analyzing Shakespeares plays, including wearing a duffy-looking floppy Falstaff hat during my presentation. The result was, as expected, the heads of research of various agencies
of governement, including parts of the US Department of State, approaching me later for business. Floppy hats and Shakespeare outperforms rational contents and logical implications.
Experiment 3: a huge European technology fair attended by tens of thousands, and my group without the budget to compete in booth area and meter high display technologies, so we split our display
space into two competing areas and groups, fighting with slides, thrown balls of brochures, painted balls, plastic bats, each side making rational points but in the style of a brawl between groups hating
each other. Hundreds watched out prestation fights while ignoring the expensive corporate displays all around us.
The City-fying Point: People see points better against unfamiliar backgrounds. Changes of context outperform changes of message contents.

BEING PRACTICAL 41: An Exercise in the Psychologies of Being Together: Performance, Influence, Leadership, Polis, Social Taguchi, Presentation by Environment
1. Where does one go in your city to see and be seen? How many such places are there in your city? What does each specialize in in terms of styles? Where do invented devices go
to see and be seen? Where do invented ideas go to see and be seen in your city?
2. What prevents you from luxurious styles of display on sidewalks of your city and neighborhood? What prevents you from shabby styles of display on sidewalks of your city and
neighborhood? Are they blocks to more important aspects of city creativity as well? Why or why not?
3. What influences has your present city had on you--list ten? What influences did your previous city have on you--list ten? Why are the influences they had different?
4. What has linving in your present city taught you to lead? Why? How? What has living in your present city taught you to not lead? Why? How?
5. What spaces, places, or times do intellectual people in your neighborhood have to display before others their inventions and talent? What spaces, places, or times do artistic peple
in your neighborhood have to display before others their inventions and talent? What spaces, etc. do scientists in your neighborhood have for display? Are more such spaces, places,
and times needed? Why or why not?
6. What are the main efforts and initiatives of your city the next two years? What energies in your city are not at all flowing in those directions? Why? What would get more overall
city energies flowing in those intended directions?
7. What messages surround you everyday and actually therefore affect your thinking and behavior? What messages you make surround others, thusly affecting them?

Research activity draws the global creative and professional elites to a city, for much of what work they do is itself research in nature or the application of research by others. However,
most research goes unread and most research is done for other scholars, not for appliers. Therefore, facilities and events that compile ideas into possible projects, changes, actions, and
the like give the added attraction of a place where ideas really influence things and a place where you constantly run into improvements based on latest ideas. There is an intangible
but real feel to such places--you sense that ideas are alive in ways that the same ideas at not alive elsewhere. Impact research is research that, from its very beginning, positions itself
between theories for theorists and theories for practitioners, ideas for thought and ideas for meeting or changing human needs. It targets ideas needing change and practices needing
change and comes up with new ideas that do both. Universities are not good at this, they are structured to precisely avoid this, but institutions around universities can lure ideas and people from universities into doing impact research instead of or alongside of ethereal research of purely academic merit. City-fication processes include a number that reposition research
and idea handling so they inform and are informed by human needs and community potentials.
Theories, as mentioned above in this article, determine how big your world is--how much of any particular situation you are capable of seeing. People with dozens of well delineated
theories in their minds can notice hundreds of phenomena in a situation that others around them, lacking such theories, simply cannot notice, see, or articulate and use. This is a real palpable difference in power. All people, as said above, are theorists, only most people never become conscious of all the theories operating inside them, because they absorbed them
unconsciously while growing up somewhere. Only when they change to greatly different cultures of nation, family, era, gender, profession, and the like do they discover, operating automatically inside them, all sorts of beliefs and habits that no longer fit. People living in cities face a chicken and egg situation--without a menu of diverse theories (and without making
fully conscious all the theories put inside of them while growing up) they cannot see most of any city situation that they face; yet, conversely, without exposure to lots of city situations
they cannot learn diverse theories and uncover theories operating inside of them, put there by their growing up experiences. A number of city-fication processes concern this chicken and
egg dilemma.

72) a city-fication process--to benefit from badly handling new situations, namely by discovering part of who you are does not work, forcing you to let go of
part of your identity, replacing it with managing alternatives to that part, rather than automatically trusting one version of that part; and, to see more in situations that others because of alternative frameworks you have for viewing it, that they lack, because they have not badly handled new situations and go
through the identity changes you have already suffered through.
People successful at global assignments, being for years in cultures foreign to them, populate all major city areas of the world, and indeed, are a large part of the global creative and professional elites, that temporarily locate in attractive city areas (and that cities compete to attract). This portion of each citys local population, brings a poise about seeing and handling
differences and diversity, missing from people born and bred locally. They greatly expand the tastes and standards brought to bear on local arts and media. They thoroughly enrich alternatives available in the city by constituting a large customer group for alternatives that would never reach commercial viability without them. They make kinky and off-the-wall businesses and arts succeed that would instantly fail without them. To succeed at setting up shop, home and office, in your city, for example, they must not be overwhelmed with hassles and
obstacles in doing the essentials of life--getting fine schools for kids, locating safe attractive homes, finding and meeting appropriate business and social resources. Key to attracting this
class and keeping them local to a specific place is interviewing the least satisfied portions of this fluid global population. Exit interviews of highly dissatisfied such people are perhaps
the single best source of policy initiatives needed for city competitiveness. You learn far more far faster and far more clearly from highly dissatisfied members of key subpopulations
than you learn from so-so or highly satisfied members. This is a total quality principle, largely unapplied in city administration. City-fication capabilities of people successful at global
assignments are, by definition, also great. These are precisely the people able to citify well anywhere they locate. On the other hand, these people tend to spot the best cities to locate at
and link up with locally robust city-fication going on there.
URBAN DREAMS, CITY-FICATION INVENTIONS : Retractable Cover All Weather Commuting Bike Path Lined with Daily Convenience Store Outlets for Home/
Office Errands
This is a two part edifice--62 kilometers of bike path, with retractable roof that covers the path during rainy or snowy weather. Half is laid out along two primary commuting
routes from suburbs to central city. The other half rises and falls in roller coaster fashion (though with gradual slopes no more than 4% grade) curving up to 30 meters above
ground and dipping down to ground level, along a waterfront, as a ribbon work of air art.

Research has found over 50 purposes in life that all arts strive to actualize in audiences, viewers, and participants. You can actually measure how many of these purposes done by arts,
are robust and healthy in a person, group, or city population overall. Then arts needed to add the missing purposes can be prescribed and delivered. Cities in general are poor at spotting
and promoting the kinky, unconventional arts that fulfill precisely the human needs missed by conventional rock and classic music dance, concerts, and music sales. Cities tend to compete in out-doing other major cities in promoting traditional arts--thereby over-fulfilling some purposes of art in lives while making it a city tradition to never fulfill a greater number of
other purposes of arts. The beginning of an intelligent art policy for individual composers, artists, consumers of art, and city leaders is a model of the purposes of all arts, with measures
of which purposes are well done by the citys current mix of arts and which are entirely un-attended-to. City-fication processes include processes of targeting arts to develop and deploy
that salve local human souls at precisely where such souls are now missed by existing arts.
As mentioned already in this article, culture meeting culture, as long as it stays on that general level, does not produce much good. You guys do things X way, we girls do things Y way
it feels like. Cultures cannot constructively interact on such large general scales. If, however, each culture is characterized in detail using an abstract model of dimensions of culture that
does not favor any one culture over another, then each such abstract dimension can become a meeting ground where As way, Bs way, Cs way, and Ds way of doing X function can be
compared, contrasted, evaluated, and one of them or more selected where it seems to fit local needs best. Dimensions of culture allow precise measurement of how much of each culture

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is actually interacting and how much is being held back, perhaps bitterly. Such measures are vital for city-fication processes that depend on interacting of diversity to produce creativity.
No, phony, or superficial interacting of diversities, produces junk not creativity.
So much of city work and life is the combining of diversities, and, there are so many different, diverse one must say, types of diversity to be thusly combined, that two things are essential.
First, abstract dimensions for measuring how much of diversity type one is actually interacting with diversity type two, and second, ways to match diversity types being well combined
now with new diversity types to later combine (so that enhancing togetherness, social capital, social indexing levels, cellular communications, and the like do not erode creativity processes by getting everything in touch with so much of everything else that homogeneity results, killing the goose that lays the golden egg). Creativity process abound. There are at least
60 different creation processes going on in any city. Policies good at promoting one of them are quite likely to be hurting essential steps of some or all of the others. Without models of
what all the types of creation processes are there, creative individuals and city leaders cannot promote any action with confidence that, overall, it promotes more creativity than it hurts.
A great portion of city-fication processes are processes of creation. Mapping how actions and change proposals affect key steps in them is essential if creativity is to be enhanced not
shut down by good ideas and creative-seeming proposals. Analysis is an essential check on enthusiasm and popularity.

73) a city-fication process: replacement of personal, preferred, dominant, or right views by balanced repertoires of diverse views, that compensate for each
others weaknesses
New social forms of intimacy-family and work-career come on the scene every two or three years. New technical means of doing family or work functions come on the scene monthly.
This means that every major city process, including city-fication processes, have to be re-engineered at regular intervals to implement their traditional functions on the new social and
technical substrates now available for doing such functions. This abstract idea that social functions are fairly stable, is helped by social process models. Keeping track of all new social
and technical means of implementing such functions, as they role out monthly and yearly is essential work. Then, at convenient intervals, existing processes, including city-fication processes, can be re-engineered, executing their functions using the new material available.
In the early 21st century, many of the new social and technical materials are called cognitive technologies. These are tools that promote new types of thought, that propel existing types
of thought beyond past practice speed and content structuring limits, and that combine types of thought not blended in the past. This means schooling, whether public elementary schools
or community colleges or universities or corporate training or retirement universities has to retool in two ways--with new social and technical materials for doing thought-as-we-know-it
and with new forms and performance levels of thought consistent with those fully applying such new tools. The means and the performance to be attained using those means, both
change together, at regular, ever-getting-smaller, intervals. Managing life and policy in a city whose ways of thinking are continually growing, being stretched, and being enabled with
new tools is not a task traditional to city management. It is, however, a core city-fication process.

74) a city-fication process--to update performance level of ordinary thought types and total types of thought possible at regular intervals as new social and
technical tools for enabling thinking become available.
All formal positions in all companies and government offices are staffed with women only on these special days, with exaggerated but interesting major policy initiatives
announced and discussed that take a feminine approach to what is usually dominated by male, competitive, status-oriented, hierarchical ways of work and framing problems.
In particular in each government agency and corporate committee products, services, and meeting/organization agenda items that women want included and emphasized are
presented and explained with transcription in every case of comments by males and others attending--all these results of the day, in every participating organization are then
yearly published to all citizens in book or internet downloadable and printable form. Each agency or company votes, at the end of the day on the feminization proposal of the
most worth and merit, which proposals get expanded treatment in the published book.

BEING PRACTICAL 42: An Exercise in Diverse Diversities to Leverage: impact research, theory power, global assignments, art purposes, dimensions of culture, insight models
of creativity
1. What is the difference between research for producing the right questions, research for inventing theory, research for testing theory, research for ascertaining the state of practice,
research for proving the efficacy or lack thereof of practice? Which of these types of research best makes a city attractive to global creative elites? (Trick question).
2. List your last five really important decisions. What theory of the world and of yourself and of the nature of career and life guided each decision? What alternatives to each decision did you rule out from the beginning, because some theory guided where you aimed? Where did those theories in you come from? Who put them there, when?
3. What makes a global assignment, of an employee of a company, successful? What are the most frequent reasons such assignments fail? What does your city have to counteract
each of those causes of global assignment failure?
4. What are the purposes of all arts--what transformations in attitude or spirit do all arts attempt to make in people? What transformations in people are only done by art?
What in your city now needs such transformations? How do you know? Does you city have enough art going on in it to effect enough of those transformations to keep
human attitudes and spirit healthy in your city? How would you measure this well?
5. What cultures are clashing or mingling in your city--list 20 such mingling culture sets (of two or more mingling cultures each)?
6. What overall insights has you city achieved in the last five years? List five. For each of them describe the alternating periods of engagement and detachment with an issue that
fostered each insight. Describe the accumulating pile of failures that, reversed, became a spec of eventual solution for each.

Existing ways of doing things, including ways of relating to others and thinking, are based on assumed worlds that, because of rapid change, no longer exist. We are always in the situation of having mastered and fully automated into unconscious operation ways of doing things based on assumed worlds that no longer exist. Five years ago, for example, X technology
and Y social form were not around, so it made sense to do Z function in W way. Now, however, I do Z function in W way, in spite of M having replace X technology, and V social form
having replaced Y. Updating assumptions about what the world is like and how functions get done and which functions are worth getting done, has to be done along with updating social
and technical materials for doing functions. This often looks like structural assumptions or social arrangements of roles or people assumptions. When cellular phones did not exist, the
concept of overtime made sense. Now, with cellular phones, overtime is normal in many occupations. The function of old style overtime, keeping track of limits to how much work
was needed for a certain level of pay (and seen loyalty to an organization), is still vital but how to execute that function has changed. In this case, new social and technical means have
made old-style overtime irrelevant and but we still need a boundary between time-greedy organizations and persons employed, for health if not other reason. What assumptions are
coming along with cellular systems that prevent the function of overtime from working well now? How can use of cellular systems be designed so the deep core function of overtime can
be re-installed? This is updating assumptions as new means for executing functions appear. City-fication processes have such assumptions needing updating.
When businesses fail, all the managers point fingers of blame at each other. When an executive is sent in to save the business, one of the first things he does is get people to stop blaming
and to do their assigned jobs perfectly. Cities have two problems--doing their agreed on processes well and doing the right processes, including city-fication processes that attract global
creative and professional elites. Total quality applies fully to both. It has an entire technology of social and statistical tools for getting workforces of any sort to execute processes of any
sort perfectly (one error per million products or less, under 6 sigma conditions). It also has a technology for determining customer requirements and projecting next step capabilities for
meeting such requirements that helps define just what processes must exist to fully attract and satisfy global creative and professional elites. Global quality moves beyond quality of production in the total quality movement to nine other global movements that are quality-related. It has tools for combining in local practices, all at once, the primary values of all ten global
quality movements: quality of production, quality of the earth, quality of life, quality of the earth, and others. Global quality tools allow single processes to meet requirements of ten different movements and allow processes to be invented, as new city-fication processes, that fulfill the values of such movements.
All organizations have a fundamental set of processes and architecture among them, that does not differ much from one organization to another. The apparent unique structures and roles
of any organization mask the essential commonality that must be met for existence of a group to continue in contemporary conditions. There is a customer chain going from marketing,
sales, service, pioneer customers, organization customers, organized customers, to individual customers. There is a supply chain going from design, to production, to module suppliers,
core technology suppliers, detail and design suppliers, to parts and service suppliers. These chains can be more or less organized and managed as chains. These chains can be more or
less owned by a central organization. These chains can be more of less stable in firm membership. For each chain there are three levels, detecting requirements, forcing realization of
requirements through complicated operations, and influencing the forces that change requirements over time. This six part architecture is common to nearly all organizations in the modern world. City-fication processes operate on all six parts of this architecture of the organizations in our world.
For any function there is always some organization or person best in the world at doing it in circumstances not so different than yours that you cannot copy a lot of what makes them succeed at doing that function. This is the benchmarking insight--collect data on how you do a function then go to those possibly best in the world at doing the same function and learn how
they do it differently, and better. As more and more functions get delivered not by fixed inventories of departments, or by long processes, but by short intense mass workshop events, the
need for procedures for doing functions for each workshop grows. Benchmarking meets event execution of functions as world best procedures are made the basis of workshop procedures done by ordinary employees. This, naturally enough, requires some, sometimes considerable, modification of the experts version of the procedures, to compensate for the lesser
practice and confidence and expertise of ordinary employees doing those procedures in a workshop. These processes of benchmarking how a function is done by those best-in-the-world
at it, and simplifying such procedures for use by mass workshop event workshop groups, are city-fication processes.

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75) accepting and budgeting for a new burden of continually updating the assumptions of how functions get done, and the social and technical materials by
which such functions are supported, as new capabilities are continuously invented world-wide; switch from problem-timing of when to act to innovationinclusion-timing of when to act
The 30 plus orthogonal disciplines are ones that sustain cross-field cross-profession work, Instead of one cosmic discipline--cognitive science, consilience, evolution in ecosystems--as
a basis of cross-discipline work, 30 distinct orthogonal, that is, cross-cutting disciplines are used. These orthogonal disciplines determine who rises to the top in the 30 or so traditional
disciplines--biology, management, law, philosophy, social work, etc. Work on total quality in dozens of different fields showed how one common set of views and methods could
improve methods of dozens of different disciplines. Work on expert systems in dozens of different fields showed that experts differed from novices in a common set of way across all
those fields. Total quality and expert systems (study of expertise) are two of the 30 plus orthogonal disciplines.
The organization form of careers and organizations in cities follows the distinct departments in universities, each producing a particular traditional discipline--biology producing biologists, physics producing physicists, law producing judges and lawyers, and so on. So disciplines orthogonal to usual departments in universities are orthogonal thereby to usual departments in careers and organizations that fill up cities. Hence, orthogonal disciplines are the major avenues of getting diverse departments within and among organizations and careers in
cities to cooperate, learn from each other, and commonly implement policies and city-fication processes. One of the most important of all city-fication processes is the one of setting up
orthogonal disciplines as neutral grounds where all traditional departments, disciplines, and careers can meet others with clarity, concreteness, and focus, not abstractness, generality, and

76) a city-fication process--to establish common ground among different disciplines and corresponding departments and careers by setting up disciplines
orthogonal to traditional ones that determine who rises to the top of traditional disciplines.
One of the most elemental of the orthogonal disciplines is educatedness. The most educated-acting people rise to the top of biology, law, business, medicine, math, and the other usual
disciplines. Educatedness is hard to see and define without first handling effectiveness, creativity, quality, handling complexity, handling system effects, career dynamics. After these
are clearly defined it becomes clearer what highly educated-acting people have, as capabilities, that less educated-acting people lack. Orthogonal disciplines--there are 54 of them in
some models (Greene ,2005)--like these, are good candidates for what essential city-fication processes must be. For city-fication processes must mesh, mix, and combine all sorts of
diverse peoples, attitudes, professions, organizations, cultures, and so forth. It is essential to establish common ground across them which ground must be solid and practical. The
orthogonal disciplines provide that and are, therefore, perhaps the best first approximation to what city-fication processes must include.

77) a city-fication process: to promote orthogonal disciplines both as ways to rise to the top of traditional disciplines and as ways to blend and cross disciplines

BEING PRACTICAL 43: An Exercise in Re-engineering: new material for doing functions, cognitive technologies, new assumptions of what work to do, total and global quality,
core processes, cognitive processes in workshop protocols
1. What fundamental processes of your city work better than in nearly any other city? What fundamental processes of your city work worse than just about any other city? Why?
2. What new social materials for doing work functions are not used by processes in your city now but could greatly improve some of them? Which ones? How?
3. What new technical materials for doing work functiions are not used by processes in your city now but could greatly improve some of them? Which ones? How?
4. What new ways of thinking and cooperating are now cheaply possible due to new cognitive technologies? List ten new cognitive technologies, and besides each one, what new
way of thinking or cooperating some part of your city needs enabled by it.
5. What entirely new purposes, types, or arrangements of work are now possible due to new social or technical materials available? List ten. For each one, describe what problem
your city now faces that could be helped or solved by it and how.
6. How does each part of your city identify what its customers are and what exactly they require of outputs that they receive? How does each part of your city identify new capabilities somewhere in the world that affect potentially how they satisfy customer requirements? How does each part of your city translate customer requirements perceived into products/services meeting them without hassles along the way of production undermining or distracting from meeting such requrements?
7. What kinds of thinking do particular parts of your city badly need to do well? List ten. For each one, identify some person or organization in the world who is world best or
nearly world best at doing that type of thinking that could be a source for protocols your city develops and uses internally to think better.
8. How has your success in your own field depended on mastering one or more orthogonal disciplines? Which orthogonal disciplines have you mastered? How did each help propel you to the top of your own field? How does such mastery help you work effectively with people in other fields?

What Interface Theories Tell Us about How to City-fy a Place.

Cities are primarily interfaces. The primacy of this comes through in every attempt to tell us that
something else is primary. To persuade us that consumption is primary, Marxists and the like, spend a lot of words explaining how all sorts of things that look different than money and
economics and consumption are really hiding their true nature. That is an indirect, and somewhat dishonest, way of describing an interface between economic driving forces and noneconomic realities. Of course, once you realize you are interfacing two self standing domains you can reverse the causality and say that cultural or social or institutional structural things
cause economic arrangements. Any overweening theories that cities are just consumption, just oppression, just control, or the like are stated by describing interfaces from one domain to
another, often with bias suggesting that one of those domains causes everything in all the other domains. Nevertheless, that such theories have to describe in detail the interface between
their preferred forces and their consequent result forces, tells us that cities are, in all theories, at least interfaces.
Words like :communication, information, interface can be so broadly used and applied that they become worthless as ideas. Absolutely everything whatsoever in a city can be seen
as an interface, for example, but only at a cost of so broadening the term that it adds no understanding or value to any sentence. If we are to avoid that, we have to be careful in how
we use the term, and to what we apply it. The usual way people do this is start with very conservative interpretations and uses and step by step add slightly less conservative ones. In
this way readers have a marked gradation scale they can use to spot exactly where interpretations, for them, go too far to be useful any longer. That is the approach I take below.
The beginning of wisdom in seeing cities as interfaces is, of course, deciding what interfaces with what, to define cities. The list below is not complete but it is a common starting point
for most individual citifying and leaders citifying. The end of each line has, in italics, a primary tool for creating interfaces among the items listed on that line. Most of those tools are
presented in this article.

media: physical, social, e-network, print, broadcast, democratized media----managing by events (translations among media rarely are timely or done unless real
oompf and visibility are brought to bear, as is done in event forms of doing functions)
professions: law, medicine, business, design, welfare----orthogonal disciplines (the 54 of these constitute two things--what makes people rise to the top of traditional disciplines and common functions shared across all traditional disciplines that become the basis of learning across fields)
cultures: ethnic, era, nations, professions, practices, technologies, organizations----culture dimensions model (other meeting other in general fails, other meeting
other in each of 64 particular dimensions of otherness, allows actual alternatives for particular functions from diverse traditions and views to be tried and learned
by others)
functions: transport, waste, utilities, schooling, legislation, participation, elections, judgement, execution----social process model (a model of functions that go on
in all societies but that take different institutional forms in each, and over time in any one, allows all functions of society to be considered in the myriad decisions
and allocations of city-fication)
regions: neighborhoods, organizations, areas, mega-cities, global mega-cities----event cascades and social movements (formal legal and political structures takes
decades to set up so real coordination among areas always takes movemental and cascading event form decades before such things turn into institutions)
ideological fractions: leftwing, rightwing, third party, green party----theory power models (the theories and biases of present interest groups and factions are a
tiny fraction of the viewpoints supported by hundreds of good theories--a model of 256 such theories, by dwarfing the priorities and exposing the blind spots of
particular factions, creates the modesty and embarrassment needed to get people beyond their favored opinions)
time-period interest groups: past protectors, present protectors, future protectors----enforced rhetoric & policy evidence norms (where leaders enforce norms of
how other leaders are allowed to speak--violate them and you are out as leader--then talk that violates the past or future too much or that ignores the present too
much in favor of protecting the past or future, can be stopped dead as a violation of how leaders are allowed, in this city, to lead)
interest groups: industry, consumer, religious, social clubs----active press investigation (the antidote to interest group distortions has always been the press, supports for it in uncovering corruption are a sign of confident honest leadership; shutting off the press is always a sign that huge things are there that need to be hidden)
human needs and capabilities: life-and-death needs, life-and-death capabilities, wish-to-have needs and capabilities, economic versus political versus cultural
versus cultural change needs and capabilities---questions of existence model (a model of the 16 primary existential anxieties that people erect symbols, religions,
personal relations, careers to hide from or dialog with allows conflicts among human needs and among needs and capabilities to be adjudicated in fair consistent
interfaces between pairs of the above, among triplets, quads, etc.: for example, interfaces between media and professions, between regions and interest groups
and professions, and so forth--not dealt with in this article but the object of much consulting to actual cities.
78) a city-fication process--to install, improve, or increase functioning of interfaces among all aspects of a city, but including working of the interface to connect and working of it to appropriately maintain apartness (so mad rushes towards connectedness do not wipe out diversity needed for creativity in the city):
including events for media interfacing, orthogonal disciplines for interfacing professions, culture dimensions for interfacing cultures, social process models
to interface functions, social movements and event cascades for interfacing regions; theory power models for interfacing ideological factions, enforced

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rhetoric norms for interfacing time-period interest groups, active press investigations to interface interest groups, existential questions model for interfacing
human needs with each other and with human capabilities.
BEING PRACTICAL 44: An Exercise in Interfacing Parts of a City
1. Which of the ten things that need interfaces listed above are largely broken and not functioning well in your city? How do you know? What evidence is there?
2. For each of those things needing interfaces, describe how you might apply the solution interfacesuggested to improve the interface between those things in your city?
3. What makes an interface work well? What traits or capabilities does it have to have? How would you measure how well an interface is working?
4. What two or more parts or aspects of your city (being careful to not consider only physical aspects) are not interfacing well at all, using your criteria in answer to 3 above?
5. What would improve the interfacing among those parts or aspects of your city? What results might that produce?
6. Who, in your city, is responsible for interfaces between each of the ten things in the interface list above?

Spaces and Speeds Alignment. Interface theories always include this. Spaces in one domain have to map naturally onto spaces in the other domain that the interface is
between. Speeds in one domain have to map naturally onto speeds in the other domain. Examples of this principle come from violations of it. Light switches on walls (Norman, 1992)
must correspond in layout to whatever they control as that is laid out in the room. We all have lived in homes for years where we enter certain rooms and always turn on the wrong light,
having to correct ourselves. A moments reflection and we realize that the layout of switches on the switch board on the wall does not map in an easy and consistent fashion to how the
things those switches control are laid out in the space of the whole room. The leftmost switch, for example, may turn on the rightmost light in the room. Therefore, users make mistakes
for years, never learning to get things right. This is a worrying example, for when interfaces are not between simple wall switches and room lights but between human needs and budget
allocations, for example, instead of wasted seconds correcting switching we get dead people or babies turned into career criminals at immense expense to society and a key factor driving
the global creative elite away from cities. Speed alignment is an exact analogue of space alignment, with spread over time corresponding to spread over space.
There is a fundamental movemental, volunteer, opportunistic element in all city-fication processes. You can neither command an area to participate in something creative nor waste
decades coaxing a recalcitrant area into decent minimal behavior. In reality, cities survive by leaving parts of themselves behind, pioneering via calling for all parts to change then working with those parts that step forward as willing to change and take risks. Later resources, bribes, inspiration, fame, and the like from the pioneering parts can be siphoned off somewhat
to pull recalcitrant parts along in the same direction or to wipe recalcitrant areas out of existence through sneaky re-development projects that are really masks for breaking up deadwood
areas not worth investing in any more. This sounds cold, cruel, meanspirited, un-liberal, and all sorts of bad things, but every manager in every business has had to do this to particular
recalcitrant employees, ones whose recalcitrance endangered all the good by dozens of nearby other employees. One of the primary criteria of what parts to include in a change and what
parts to leave behind is this spaces and speeds alignment. Where spatial and speed alignment is troublesome or sloppy, leaders decide the chaos of managing different parts at entirely
different spreads and speeds of spread of a new element is not worth the effort. They will simplify management by dropping the off tempo areas. This may or may not strike people as
morally right but it happens nonetheless--it is reality.
I cannot examine in this paper all the interface issues among all media, all professions, and so forth. Instead, here, I can give one example of how each interface dimension defines cities
as well as some important city-fication processing. Spaces and speeds alignment differs between the arts and product planning domains, for example. Though design is common to both
domains, the spaces and speeds of design differ between domains. In the arts, the part of early design called, in product planning, concept development, is revisited in a spiral fashion.
All the steps of design and prototype production are gone though once, then all over again, revising the prototype, then all over again, and so on, with progress of a sort being made in
most swings round the design functions list. In product planning and development, you get once through all the steps, with great care and a lot of analytical work done early to get
requirements, the concepts, just right. There are phase gate reviews that rigidly reject concepts not ready to meet all criteria for moving onto the next phase in the process. Instead of a
spiral again and again through all steps, you get jerks, attempts to pass one particular phase gate repeated again and again till a pass is obtained, then more jerks attempting to pass the
next phase gate, and so on. As a result, in any project combining artists and business product people, the spiral flow versus the jerk flow fight each other, often disguised as huge arguments over tiny errors or details. The artists keep wondering why the whole process cannot be gone through again, revising what each step contributes; the business product people keep
wondering what the worth of moving onto a next step is when the quality with which the present step was executed was so sloppy and poor that nothing of worth is there to be passed onto
a next step. An interface between artists and business product people together on cross-function team projects can be built out of the orthogonal disciplines. This might be, for example,
measures of the effectiveness, creativity, quality, complexity handling, and error handling of each steps work, agreed on before hand by the artists and business product people. Then
how particular processing flows moved those measures up or down could be used to suggest changes in process flow--not directed by one professions favored ways of doing things, but
directed by actual measures of output dimensions on each orthogonal disciplines scale of excellence--effective features, creative features, quality features, features that manage complexity well, features that manage error well.

79) a city-fication process: align times and spaces among diverse communities/professions/processes via launch, phase gate, conclusion-celebration, updating events that punctuate collaborating groups having differing characteristic speeds and topologies of work, and, via highly distributed and decentralized
media core facilities having concentrations of the most recent (expensive) media beyond what local individuals, groups, and firms can currently afford, and
implemented so one event can be developed simultaneously in plural media
BEING PRACTICAL 45: An Exercise in Interfaces Aligning Spaces and Speeds
1. List 20 groups or subsystems of your city that are vitally important or interesting to you.
2. Mark each of the twenty as follows:
a. which of the groups are fast paced, which are medium paced, which are slow paced--mark all 20 as one or these
b. which of the groups operate in single spaces, which operate in multiple spaces, which operate in all city spaces
c. which of the groups have to cooperate with which others of the 20 groups--mark beside each of the 20 which others of the 20 it has to cooperate with
d. for each pair of cooperating groups, what shared phase gates do they now have, do they now need in order to coordinate times and spaces together
e. for each pair of cooperating groups, what shared media facilities do they now have, do they now need in order to coordinate times and spaces together
3. Do the same analysis from 1 and 2 a thru e above, not for 20 groups interesting to you but for 20 groups vital to making your city attractive to global creativ elites.

Sense Evidency to User Goals. Users come to any system or situation with particular to dos enable and ready to go. Everything that they see and seek comes to them
framed in those contexts of what they want to do. When interfaces, instead, present actions and options to people in contexts other than what they want to do, users merely fail to see
them at all. They fail to understand what is being presented and search around for something that makes sense. Even things completely obvious in some fairly unsophisticated frame,
come as total mysteries to people working in the contexts of want-to-dos other than those things. Sense evidency of interfaces to users goals, means each sense--sight, pattern, lettering,
location, saliency, smell, taste, touch, texture, gesture, and the like--has to reflect and embody user goal contexts or it becomes not seen, not there, not responded to. Anything
transmitted by any sense channel that is not in a user-to-do context is invisible in effect.
Again, I give an example of sense evidency to user goals of a particular city interface type rather than spend chapters and pages trying to cover them all. Interfaces between physical areas
(under media above) are not primarily layout, gardening, architecture, or the like. They are primarily transmitters of user goals as users move from one physical location to another.
Take parks in financial districts. These parks are places where intense competition and ruthless abstraction among people are translated into ontological commonality and apersonal egoless reflection on ones place in the universe. Such parks have entrances, initial vistas seen from those outside or above the parks, that are not seen unless they translate user goals in
leaving financial firm work into user goals in viewing or going into the parks. Several German cities in the 1970s set up temporary long wire corridor-cages (half cylinders 75 meters
long, flush with the sidewalks into the park, and 1 meter wide along the half circumference, in which 1 meter space were thousands of tropical birds). One first entered, therefore, a space
of chaotic, colorful birdsong, and as one walked this was gradually matched by a cacophony of birdfeather colors. This functioned as a powerful interface between financial district
space and the park in its center. The power was the translation of user goals of wanting out of human-centered immediate-goal competitiveness into an aural and then visual experience
of that human excess of competitiveness and intensity of work into a competitive intensity of birdsong and birdcolor. The birdcase corridor was a transition metaphor--your human competitive intensity is like these cacophonous bird calls and this riot of bird color. This is an example of sense evidency of user goals applied to the interface between physical areas.

80) a city-fication process: implement highest common denominator renderings of the aims and nature of people as interface bridges between groups,
applying world best practice means for gathering customer requirements, regularly updated; resource local centers providing low or no cost customer
requirements gathering and global capability benchmarking means

Structural Cognition Level of Assistance. How ideas are packaged and structured differs across nearly all domains of life. This is evident in lots of jokes about husbands coming home after work inappropriately applying male competitive work frames to emotive, personal, evolving family matters. Your six year old daughter says why dont you
kiss her, daddy? applying intimate home frames to professional work circumstances inappropriately. For another more focussed example, ideas are in an efficiency of processing context in many businesses. When cross culture negotiations are started, efficient actions usually produce disasters. One cultures efficient operation is another cultures barbarian rudeness operation.
My example here is the interface between ideological fractions. Ideological fractions are groups who have, in principle, decided to stop learning and to ignore unwanted evidence of any
weaknesses in their own positions and beliefs. This is an extremely uneducated stance usual to people of little educational accomplishment. Most business persons and most political
leaders fall clearly into this category. Any ideology at all, by definition, is a fraction, a deliberate fraction of the truth. People committed to working based on a fraction of the truth are,
like Hitler, of unknowable danger and risk. Some turn out to be high minded folk, others turn out to be the biggest mass murderers in history--the problem is you never know which, any
particular ideolog you face, is. Ideologues have highly automatic unthinking reactions to every situation and thought by others they detest. Interfaces between such people are challenging to erect and maintain. Fortunately each ideolog has a particular structuring of ideas, namely, hot buttons, ideas that turn them into strong emotional rants. You can package ideas
deliberately in such frames, putting the other party into strong emotional rants, again and again, hour after hour, day after day, deliberately. Then, for experimental periods, you can avoid
all such hot buttons and be as mild and reasonable as anyone could ever hope for. Then, without warning you are back pushing the hot buttons in obvious ways, making the other party

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rant and rave. You do this again and again, off and on, till the other party begins, slowly at first, to tire of the ranting, and to notice that you are in control. You use their hot buttons to
turn them into emotional messes. Cigarette smokers biologically crave a smoke every 17 minutes on average, neurophysiology of addiction research tells us. You can be with smokers
and remind them, every 17 minutes, by asking them arent you feeling a bit edgy now, isnt there something you would like to do outside now? This is mean but an effective demonstration of how a drug addition is what they are finally wrapped up in, a suicidal (to themselves) and murderous (to family and people nearby) addiction. The structuring of behavior of
such an addict is very much like the structuring of ideas of the average ideolog.
In other words, ideologues structure ideas into good ones and very bad evil ones. The latter are hot buttons that push them into emotionally expensive rantings. Knowing this you can
use this structuring of ideas against them, to demonstrate to them your utter control over their emotional state. By their rigid reactions to ideas they have given you complete control over
the emotional state of their life. Similarly, ideologues have some trauma, deep past disappointment in someone or something, that cut them off forever from a category of ideas, the ones
they now consider evil and rant about. You can talk casually and biographically with them until they tell you the history of their ideas and thinking, revealing the disappointment trauma
that rigidified their minds. You can then use the detailed feelings of that trauma of disappointment to characterize the enemy ideas whenever introducing them--remember some people
are so arrogant that, as a superior social class in their own mind, they look down on others and propose policies to help the poor bastards. You can repeat this formula whenever introducing the enemy ideas, gradually training the ideolog to hate the people not the ideas they use. Interfaces between ideologues then have to assist two structurings of thought--the
enemy-friend division of ideas that gives outsiders emotional control over the ideolog, and the disappointment trauma that transferred hatred from a person/situation to a set of ideas held
by that person/situation. If the interface uses the enemy ideas of each side (say two opposing ideologies are meeting) in unannounced demonstrations to show how each side has given
control over their emotions to outsiders, and if the interface formulaically prefaces enemy ideas with reminders of the people encountered badly who made each side hate a set of ideas,
then, in a matter of days, both sides can be beyond their hatred of sets of ideas, and instead, hating particular people in their past. This is a example of an interface assisting how ideas are

81) a city-fication process: structure supports not for pro- and con- or left and right, or any polar two groups or views but only for a half dozen or dozen differing views, speakers, and/or options; deliberately expand the cognitive list limit of ideas submitted to or supported by public and private resources
BEING PRACTICAL 46: An Exercise in Sense Evidency of User Goals and Assistance for Structural Cognition
1. What are the 20 most important and vital components of your city (do not get overly physical about this)--list them?
2. Evaluate each for the degree of sense evidency to goals that it exhibits by answering the following:
a. what are the primary two goals of each component, at present
b. for any location where the component is, what tells anyone present there, that these two are the goals of that component?
c. which goals for which components are unmistakably visible--no one can miss them in the location
d. which goals for which components are mistakably visible--it is possible without effort to miss the goals at that location
e. which goals for which components are invisible--it is hard to detect that the component has these goals in any of its locations.
3. Evaluate the support for structuring cognition by each of the 20 components you listed in 1 above by answering the following questions:
a. what are the primary two types of thought that go on in each of the 20 components?
b. what simple tools are used in that component to allow those types of thought to be applied to dozens or hundreds of ideas instead of just to 3 to 10 idea?
c. what component thought types have no such tools for thought types are applied to just a few ideas at a time?

Counters for Misleading Measures and Evidency. Particular interfaces make particular aspects of things salient and measure particular things well and other things
badly, and some things not at all. Good interfaces, then, design what they will emphasize and measure carefully so as to build bridges among the domains being connected by the interface. Also particular parts of the world make some things salient and slight others, measuring some things well, others badly, and others, not at all. Good interfaces then, take these distortions from parts of the world into account in their connecting of domains.
Interfaces between time-period interest groups bring up the issue of misleading measures and evidency. Future costs of present actions are talked about, put up on drawings and charts,
but they have no vocal, present constituency. The people whose fates will be determined by them may not be even born yet (or may now be children, out of the discussion). People who
labored in the past, mightily, to erect some particular part of a culture or of civilization itself, no longer are live to explain how hard to do, how precious, how fragile their work was, nor
can they explain how difficult it will be to replace it, if it is allowed to fall into disrepair. The best parts of the present may have been erected with great difficulty by the sacrifice of millions in the past, but present generations may take them lightly, and lose interest in maintaining them seriously in good repair. The best parts of the future may casually be ignored by
present generations consumed with present needs of they themselves. A specific kind of selfishness in humans comes from their inability to feel the fate of those dead or not yet born.
Therefore, present decisions, made rationally today, may, simply by not feeling past and future precedents and consequences, ruin the future, while tinkering with present felt needs. Furthermore, we often have good measures for immediate effects and no measures for long term effects. Quite often humans take some actions in the present that have non-linear slightly
delayed consequences. A few months or years later when those consequences appear, other people have been promoted into the relevant roles with no memory of the initial actions. The
consequences are therefore seen as a unique outside-intrusion, not as consequences of past human actions. In this way people constantly act surprised by and irresponsible for direct
results of their own past decisions. Consequences are seen as erupting unpredictable fate, not predictable consequences of past human initiatives. Pension systems are a good example
of misleading measures--bankrupt now in essence though looking alright, since in the present we use misleading measures of their content. Pension systems today lack valid interfaces to
those getting payments from them (they get much more than they paid in, money taken from younger people) and to those paying in (they are paying into a bankrupt system that will pay
them little or much less than ordinary certificates of deposit at banks pay). A pension system with a valid interface reports cost/benefits in and cost/benefits out and makes evident intergenerational fund transfers now going on or in the future reversed. Such valid measures make the benefits clear as the inter-generational theft that they are and make the payments
clear as the money down the toilet that they are.

Exercise Case 4:

Your city government has instituted a CyberServices center that citizens can use from home to access approximately 120 city services from 20 different city departments (paying bills, getting certificates, making appointments for assessments, lodging complaints, etc.). You have been
appointed first overall director of this CyberServices department, but you are given a tiny staff of 2 expert computer software/hardware maintenance persons, two computer technical support persons, and 1 general secretary. The software was developed by an outside vendor and is technically flawless but there are performance problems at certain times of the day, and many of the forms on line have poor or too curt explanations of
how to fill them in, requiring constant referral to experts in local departments.
a. What functions must you do well your first year in this role? why? b. How will customers measure your success? c. How will management
measure your success? d. What functions need city-fying first? why? how? e. What functions need city-fying second? why? how? f. What
sequence of 8 city-fication processes must you install your first year? where? why? to what result?

City-fying City CyberServices

WARNING: this question

requires a brain to answer.

An interface between present generation needs and decisions and the consequences of those on future generations soon to be born might include role playing exercises by decision makers, with half of a legislature playing the role of current institutions 50 years hence when consequences appear. It might include economic, political, cultural, social change simulations
and data projections of various likely scenarios of consequences. It might include present harms experienced that are the results of actions 50 years ago, by previous leaders. It might
be emotionally disturbing present demonstrations about future consequences on the way, with such real present emotions from demonstration conditions standing in for emotions future
people will feel when facing consequences. It might include all of these presented by 3rd party think tanks or by responsible mentally-capable media reporters. In all these interface
components--role plays, simulations, data projections, likely scenarios, analysis of past causes of present harms, demonstration emotion effects as stand ins for future emotions--whether
presented by legislators, leaders, media, or think tanks, the feeling heft of the consequences has to be acted. It cannot be fully felt and real, because the future is not here yet. There is
no way to replicate in the here and now the full emotive force of future circumstances. This lack of emotional evidency of future consequences makes all known interfaces between
present needs and future consequences asymmetric. Added to this is a measure imbalance. We have oodles of measures of present needs, from plural institutions, datasets, and media
reports. We can interview and interactively elaborate such measures. We cannot do any of this with future situation measures. They have not taken place yet. This measure asymmetry distorts interfaces between present needs and future consequences.
How do we counter the emotive unreality of felt future consequences? How do we counter the lack of interactivity in measures of future consequences? Both of these require emotional
detachment from present feelings, situations, needs, and circumstances. Leaders capable of emotional detachment--a trans-era viewpoint, an historic scale of thought--are what counters
such unreality and lack of interactivity. The character of leaders and norms, imposed by leaders and constituents on leaders, for the rhetoric of leadership thought and discussion, are how
such emotional detachment capabilities get instilled into leaders and maintained in them. People forget the connection between such leader character and leader rhetoric character and
ability of present peoples to represent to themselves responsibly the consequences of present actions on those yet unborn. Without detached leaders of wide scope of view, the world uses
the present to bribe itself away from preparing its future, with disaster always the result. Part of the justification of succumbing to this is messianic visionaries who sacrifice entire presents for the sake of imagined second comings, apocalypses, or some other kinky vision. Such groups by over-selling futures encourage people to over-sell the present. On the other
hand, the environmental movement by semi-violent demonstrations tries to create in the present emotive reactions that simulate world fate when things like global warming have

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drowned a dozen nations, and made a fifth of the states in the United States unlivable due to massive regular storms. The environment movement has always been schizo--it demonstrated about present pollutions yet demonstrated to represent slow but dangerous trends inherent in the whole assumption of industrial development. It tried to represent both present and
future harms, and in doing so, exhibited a bit of the detached leadership style being discussed here.

82) a city-fication process: richly support a massive comedy composition and performance machinery using ruthlessly ridicule, satire, clowning, role play,
and sarcasm to undermine pomposity, corruption, bias, narrow-mindedness, intolerance in leaders, interest groups, and public discussants; undermine bigotry of view and intolerant rightnesses via scathing exposure to massive comedy machineries and performances
BEING PRACTICAL 47: An Exercise in Countering Misleading Measures and Evidency of Conditions
1. What is the difference between bribery and the way politicians currently compose new laws so as to benefit segments of the population enough to support them? What is the
difference between benefits from a law that are not bribery and benefits from it that are btibery? Why has bribing populations into supporting particular politicians and laws become
such a big part of politics? What alternative to bribery is there that is practical in our societies to gain support for laws and politicians?
2. What is the current interface on your nations national pension systems? What are inputs called? What are outputs called? What is the name given to what happens to the inputs
before they become outputs? How are these names misleading? How are these names honest and direct?. Who chose these names and why?
3. What would honest names for the inputs to your nations pension systems look like? for the outputs? for the uses of inputs till paid out as outputs? Why are those names not
politically acceptable? politically viable?
4. Why do populations demand to be lied to by their leaders? Why would a population prefer being lied to to being told the truth to? Why do populations elect politicians who lie
more than they elect politicians who tell truths? What can be done about this, practically?
5. Did your nations national pension systems ever use acdurate names for inputs, for outputs, for what happens to inputs till they become outputs? Why or why not?
6. What other systems of your city now have misleading names, misleading measures of success, misleading measures of cost--list five examples for each. Why do these 15 example systems mislead?

Translations Across Media. Physical cities intersect cybercities which intersect social network cities which intersect print media reporting on cities, and so on. The city
co-exists in plural media form. These versions of any city can get quite separate from each other, so that everything one reads in the media is depressing, negative, and critical yet the
city wins prizes, grows, and becomes a world benchmark at the same time. There is a tendency for each medium to get dominated by the rudest least courteous members, who drive out
all others from participating. Thus, tabloid newspapers tend to drive out news, and bigot radio tends to drive out dialog radio. Italian cyberdemocracy on the internet failed rapidly as
only the loudest, most bigoted participated, and at every increase of their participation they drove balanced mild people away in droves, leaving in the end, bigots berating other bigots,
till no one participated at all (zero to death of system within 3 years). Pandering to people works by increasing initial sales, till all media are perfect reflections of the worst character of
entire populations of buyers, at which point no one any longer needs media at all, since they merely perfectly represent what everyone already thinks and does. Pandering increases sales
till it extinguishes the medium entirely, a just but costly result.
The primary interface across media is events. Cyberevents lead to physical meetings, conferences--physical events--get reported on in newspapers, broadcast TV programs--sequences
of events--get laughed at in social networks, and so on. Interfaces among media, if event based, create echo-events--the conference becoming a book, a TV documentary, a seminar, a
follow up institution or program. Each event has to translate from its input medium to its own medium. These translations, if done well, take into consideration the different hot and
cool characters of each medium. TV is a cool medium, punishing showy people and loud talk; conferences and concerts are hot media, rewarding showy and loud people. Presidents
and prime ministers have lost elections because their stump speech style, when shown on TV, produced entirely different audience reactions.

83) a city-fication process: fund other media forms of any one media event

Counter Neuroses. Each medium, profession, culture, function, region, ideology, time-period group, interest group, human need, human capability has talents, things it is
good at, and, because these talents were developed by focus of sorts, each talent has a corresponding, though larger, cost, all sorts of other capabilities not developed in the course of
developing the one talent. These costs of having a particular talent are called neuroses. We all quickly get into the habit of talking about out talent but never mentioning its costs.
Eventually we forget entirely that each of our talents has costs. Each medium, profession, culture, etc. is neurotic in this aspect--the talents of each have associated costs. TV is an
inherently cool medium, for example, so it has a hard time attracting attention. This has driven programming more and more extreme, just to keep present audiences, lowering culture
and behavior standards throughout the industrial and now developing world. Speech-making, by contrast, is inherently a hot medium, and this drives speech content toward considered
moderate opinion, save when audiences are already entirely lost to TV effects and TV-generated expectations. Radio, being speech based, is capable of presenting subtle argument and
evidence that TV has long ago dropped, for example.
All this means that whenever you interface between city aspects, you are interfacing between neurotic things, things unaware of the costs that accompany their talents. Interfaces have to
counter the neuroses of the domain they bridge. For while domain A is proud of its talent X and unaware of the costs of X, namely M and N, domain B is not proud of domain As talent
and sees more or less immediately and directly the rather sizeable costs of As talent X, that is, M and N. So you have one side proud of its talent and unaware of the costs, and the other
domain easily seeing both the talent and its costs, and hence, very much less impressed by the talent itself (the overall cost benefit ratio for them is much less, because they include costs
that the holder of the talent has dropped from conscious awareness). One domain, having a talent, expects a good interface will directly translate their talent. However the other
domain will not be at all satisfied with this because they want not only the talent translated but compensation for the large costs of that talent, unadmitted to by the domain having the talent.
Interpreters, interpreting for leaders already pretty good at the other persons language, have this problem. If they translate only word meaning, without shifting wording to account for
differences of frame, they offend and ruin negotiations. If they modify word meaning to account for differences in frame, they can be observed undermining what their own leaders said.
Yet such undermining is necessary because it takes into account the other leaders greater perception of the costs of the talents of the first leader.

84) a city-fication process: establish norms and incentives for reporting remark contents, plus the favored frameworks that select and value those remark
contents, plus the frameworks deliberately not chosen that imply different value to the remarks, plus the neurotic cost of the favored frameworks and what
the remark contents propose, that is unadmitted by the sayers and supporters of the remarks
BEING PRACTICAL 48: An Exercise in Countering Distorting Media Subworlds and Various Neuroses
1. Have you ever been involved in an event and been interviewed by media representatives about it then read or seen later in the media a report fundamentally distorting what you
said? Have you observed this going on in any people or situation around you? Have you ever observed or experienced the opposite, namely, an event and statements about it
completely accurately reported by media representatives? Why or why not?
2. What forces in the media drive them to distort all that they seek? all that they ask? all that they report? What is it about good media and good reporting that produce systematic bias and distortion? Why have media evolved this way?
3. History shows that media as part of governments cannot be trusted in any way--they lie horribly as in the Soviet Union. History shows that media as private commercial enterprises cannot be trusted in any way--they lie horribly as in the West as present. If government control and private enterprise control are both ruled out, what form of media control
is viable as a way to get something better than lies and distortions out of them? Why?
4. In your own work, how many media does your works end result appear in? What is the interaface between that result form and other media? What price do you or your
employers pay for your results not interfacing with particular media? What benefits would accrue if your results were to interface better to more media?
5. List your ten best abilities, of any sort. For each one, identify what you are very bad at as a result of having that talent.
6. List your citys ten best features, of any sort. For each one, identify what your city is very bad at as a result of having that feature.

Interfaces are the Lubricant. City-fication processes actually use and get diverse aspects of cities to interact. Some creative cities indexes measure not just the diverity
of groups in the city but the degree to which they interact versus stay segregated. Interfaces are how and where diversities interact. Cities have to fund and maintain and upgrade interfaces robustly enough that combinations among diversities occur, leading to city creativity. The global creative class readily sense a city where diversities interact distinguishing it from
cities where diversities are there, fallow, unused, and going their separate ways: you dont step on my turf, I wont step on your turf.

What We Have Learned Thus Far about City-fying Places

The diagram below summarizes the city-fication processes presented thus far, in the form of a fractal concept model of 64 smallest level items, organized in 16 groups of 4 each, and 4
groups of 16 each. 84 city-fication processes have been presented thus far, so the diagram below was made by compressing some of them (to get 84 items reduced to 64) and it reorganized them by grouping processes by similarity (so the groups of 4 and 16 in the diagram below add new information from such rearranging of the order of items).
When people city-fy they make a place appeal to themselves and other people, they create opportunity at that place, they grow value in that place and make it possible for others to grow
values of a different sort there, and they smooth over the operation of the place, reducing the hassle costs of being there. These are true for city-fying camping grounds, space stations,
new company offices, or Moscow. Making a place appealing to self and others involves hosting events, making the place and merely being in the place educative, making merely being
in a place develop power, and maintaining the quality of the place and life in it. It is the events, educativity, power development, and quality of a place that make it attractive to global
creative and professional elites. Creating opportunity in a place involves inventing ways of doing things there, making marginal things viable there, developing creativity there, and
offering non-linear solutions to the non-linear problems that arise there. It is invention of ways, developing margins and creativity, and non-linearity of solving work that creates opportunity in a place. Growing value in a place involves making aspects of the place accelerate personal growth, developing facilities and tools in a place for handling cultures, balancing
dimensions in a place, and managing dimensions and their contents in a place. It is accelerating personal growth, handling cultures, balancing and managing dimensions of a place that
grow value there. Operating a place smoothly involves attracting attention, resources, and good people to the place; detecting, developing, and combining diverse forms of diversity in a

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place, applying operations fractally on all size scales of a place, and tuning and lubricating interactions on all size scales and dimensions and among all diversities of a place. It is attracting resources to a place, combing the diversities in a place, operating on all size scales of a place, and tuning and lubricating the interactions of a place that allow it to operate smoothly.
There are some non-obvious points latent in what has just been written above about city-fying. Note that smooth operation of a place requires, in this model, attracting global creative
elites to the place. That is because diversity, exposed and interacting with other diversities, soon becomes less diverse (typically in two generations or about 40 years, the grandchildren
of immigrants grow up foreign to their grandparentss cultures). Diversity has to be continuously renewed in order to exist. Corporations, for example, stupidly, in knowledge management programs, buy expensive cellular communications and computer systems connecting everyone all the time to everyone else--thinking this helps knowledge management. It helps
distribute knowledge but it kills knowledge invention. It wipes out diversity in about 20 years, eradicating every last vestige of creativity and every last new idea in the organization.
Such systems by fostering more connection leave no dark quiet out of the way spaces for new ideas to develop in and become strong enough for public examination, challenge, and budget battles. For another example, management is nearly synonymous with value growth--leadership that does not grow value for others gets quickly thrown out (what enables modern
CEOs to rip off billions from corporations is the great number of other people they create value for--they make a lot of people around them rich so no one complains all that much when
the CEO rewards himself extravagantly; it is CEOs who fail to grow value for others yet extravagantly reward themselves that reveal a busted system). These are but two examples of
many such important points latent in the diagram. Complete exposition will have to wait for another article specifically on this model alone.
When global creative elites choose where to locate themselves for work, play, or living, they want exciting events, they want an environment that educates them, they want a place that
makes them more powerful, and they want a certain quality of life, work, and play to be daily and year in year out possible there. Events are the most elemental component of city-fying
a place. We city-fy by turning a series of events into a place. Camp grounds near K2 and Everest are like this--the life and death events that transpire there have gradually turned them
into mini-towns with all sorts of unthinkable (to recreational campers) facilities. We city-fy by turning places into series of events. It could be the union of two non-descript rivers or a
good place to see a sunset. An insurance salesperson from Illinois took a two week vacation in Peru once and fell in love with a mountain he saw there. He repeated vacations there till
he saved up enough to buy the mountain and erect a couple of cabins on it, one for him and one or two to rent out. This grew in a few years to a resort hotel, which grew to other mountains and other hotels, and eventually into great wealth. Places grow into series of events in this way. We city-fy when we turn sidewalks and lobbies of buildings into show places,
ongoing displays of style and uniqueness. When the pure function of a place evolves into public exhibition, personal style competition, and strutting your stuff before others, city-fication is going on. We city-fy when we deploy the functions of governing a place to events among the people at the place. City-fying a place involves deploying self governing functions
to all who are there via events that do the function--dispute resolution events, registration of ownership and changes in it events, compensation for accidents and injuries events, allocating
scarce resources events, mobilizing people for emergencies events and so on.

Case 24: De-Professionalizing Politics

CITY-FY BY DEPLOYING LEADERSHIP FUNCTIONS: Political campaigns are general run by a handful of professional campaign staff who direct precinct workers in what to do when. Such direct
command does not work well when applied to such volunteer workforces. Furthermore, direct command simply does not have the cognitive capabilities to coordinate hundreds of diverse centers of initiative in
a campaign, so it reduces the number of centers of initiative, and thereby the amount of initiative overall, to fit the cognitive limits of a handful of staff. Breaking free of leadership styles optimized for the cognitive limits of a commanding few, to get leadership styles optimized for getting good results is a frontier in social materials for doing work functions in the early 21st century.
The issue is professional running of campaigns by a few versus non-professional running of campaigns by precinct volunteers themselves. Political campaigns are won on five landscapes: getting the opposition to nominate an unviable candidate (or one who will explode during the campaign), getting the machinery of voting biased enough to cut off certain voter segments from access to voting (Bush campaign tactics in the US), getting fodder for media tendencies to follow sex and intrigue rather than news, and debate and other impression management encoun ters during campaigns, and finally, building word-of-mouth
and neighbor-to-neighbor networks to bypass parties and media. The first four of these are best handled secretly by elite campaign professionals. The last is best handled by volunteer armies, not commanded
by staff professionals, but self organizing in fluid ways in response to the ups and downs of the campaign as a whole. However, traditional politics and politicians have lacked tools for non-command many-centers-of-initiative self-organizing of volunteer armies in campaign. Moreover, the need for secrecy and staff professionals for the first four has always spilled over onto their running the fifth area as well--an error
I believe. I thought of modifying quality circles to make political circles and sought out candidates in the 1984 and 1986 US Congressional elections, finding candidates and personally organizing a 100 campaign circles for each, the circles following standard problem identification and solving procedures, implementing 64 standard campaign movement building functions, and coordinating their initiatives and
inventions using 6 different types of mass workshop event, the procedures of which came from some of the worlds campaign geniuses. The results were clear--large increases in pro-candidate vote margins and
amounts; much more enthusiasm among precinct volunteers; and greater professional style and conduct of campaigns as coordination by event produced more actual leadership functions delivered when and
where needed than depending on elite small staffs of professionals had accomplished.
The City-fying Point: Deploying functions from elite small central professional staffs to large masses of people via expert-protocol mass workshop events, allows better processes and results. Ultimately it is
leading and managing itself that gets deployed from special social classes to events as ways to deliver managing functions.

We city-fy by letting the hard knocks of life and public lectures toughen people, the former by exposing them to unadmitted failings of human nature and the latter by exposing people to
higher standards of thought or behavior than they ever dreamed of before from parts of society they were never in contact with before. We city-fy by invention, deployment, and use of
entire professions dedicated to helping certain people in specific ways. We city-fy when we switch from professions of building or taking to professions of giving. We city-fy by capturing some of the contents of idea waves and action movements for local embodiment. By localizing idea wave or action movement contents, we globalize our locales and localize our globalities. We city-fy by expanding the boundaries crossed by particular occupations and occasions, and by installing new occupations and occasions specifically designed to cross certain
boundaries and blend entities across those boundaries. Rough encounters, higher standards, helping professions, localized idea and action waves, and boundary crossing--all these make
places educative, that is, they city-fy the places.
We city-fy by overcoming the illusions of locality, democratic power, and performance and art. When we acknowledge how a particular locality is non-locally controlled, how a particular democratic vote does not satisfy our need or ability for influence, how central rich elites have condemned us to daily sitting instead of daily performing, we city-fy. The mere recognition of these illusions as illusions, not truth, city-fies us and wherever we are. We city-fy when we set up fractal hierarchies of spaces of appearing, so that families can perform, and
neighborhoods can perform, and wards can perform, and entire cities can perform, and so forth. These hierarchies allow small talents to get spotted and grow into big ones. They allow
famous talents to localize in regions of particular need. We city-fy when we liberate ourselves from our pasts or present circumstances, combine with other thusly liberated ones to
invent the utterly new, and draw attention from observing others who learn from our example how to set out on their liberation journeys. When we develop power from nothing by making and keeping promises with others determined with us to not repeat the past and not install versions of past things, we city-fy. When we compete for existing power arrangements, or
struggle for promotions in bureaucracies, we do not city-fy. When we direct our own efforts or redirect the efforts of others towards whistle points in systems, we city-fy. Investing in
those few sensitive locales where slight inputs have vast outcomes is something city-fied people learn to do that impresses and mystifies non-city-fied people. Acknowledging illusions
for what they are, setting up fractal hierarchies of personal performance display, combining with liberated ones to invent the utterly new, and focussing efforts at societal whistle points
are how power gets developed in some place or other. They city-fy places.
We city-fy when we acknowledge realities--greed, sex, sin, struggle for increasing what is mine, seeking fame and fortune, using fraud to get ahead, needing someone to love, and needing social supports. Acknowledging realities is tough because we are tempted to seek only our ideals, leaving dirty old reality behind. However, whenever laws, persons, relationships
have tried this--Prohibition of alcohol in the 1930s in the US for example--huge permanent increases in organized crime or like ills have appeared. Denying reality in favor of pure ideals, ruins life instead of helping it. We city-fy a place when we find routes for greed, sex, sin, selfishness to exist without ruining others. By settling for mitigating and circumscribing
their harms, we and society benefit, we city-fy. Injecting sex into situations neurotically focussed without it, for example, works in business where more subtle techniques for improvement fail. Similarly situations can be saved by injections of selfishness at times. We city-fy when we raise standards of parenting, educating next generations, and raise the standards of
those we are willing to call and act with as peers. Continual upgrading of standards for such things is a city-fying process. We city-fy when we change rewards and punishments from
hurtful basis to an educative basis. Winners who must therefore teach others and losers who therefore must learn from others illustrate educative basis of rewarding and punishing.
Canadian prisons with personal computers in every cell and weekly training for all inmates hugely outperform US prisons with the hurt basis of the latter (coming from righteousness
taught by intolerant religions). We city-fy places when we make rewards and punishments educative. We city-fy when we execute processes in a total quality manner that grows into
executing them in a global quality manner. City-fication in factories and industry did not begin till total quality undid the barbarian use of people as if they were parts of machines,
invented in European class systems and imported into America by colonist barons and dukes. The total quality movement simply city-fied work by identifying the process nature of it
and asking managing to be defined by its effects on processes rather than its impressive monkey-like people hierarchies of promotion and demotion. By pointing the organization outward to see its customers as kings not its CEOs as kings, this movement city-fied workplaces, turning places of work into places of work not places of status competition. Processes
were merely what status hierarchies looked like when the status games were removed and made secondary. That revealed the process nature of work. Revealing the process nature of
work is city-fying, therefore. Admitting reality, raising standards for parenting, educating, and what peers you choose, making rewards and punishments educative, and revealing processes underneath status games at work are how you produce quality in a place that attracts global creative elites to it.
To city-fy a place is to turn it into opportunity. Turning a physical place into opportunity involves a number of things. It requires inventing ways to do things in that place. It involves
developing interesting marginalities there. It requires developing creativity there. It involves non-linear solutions for the problems there. To city-fy a place you have to invent ways of
getting things done there. This begins with changing the ratio of outputs you get per input into your life. Schooling sets this ratio very low, with nearly no outputs for all the inputs we
get in life. City-fying a place requires unschooling us in this way, resetting out ratio of outputs per input so that you produce far more each day than you input in reading, listening, and
the like. City-fying involves inventing new ways to be together in a place and, inventing new ways to be apart there. Note a balance must be maintained between these two. Massive
cellular and computer technology investments for better connectivity is not city-fying in this sense, because it invents new ways to be together but not new ways to be apart (nothing technical prevents the latter but assumptions and inertia cause it). Since new technologies are a continuous flow, always appearing, and since new social arrangements also continuously
appear, ways to be together and apart can constantly be re-invented, using new technology and social approaches. City-fying then is constant revising of ways to be together and ways to
be apart as successive new social and technical means appear. City-fying is finding ways to find new ways. This recursive idea is vitally important. Every basecamp and space station
that humans inhabit involves not just inventing ways to do things but inventing ways to invent ways. We reflect on our ability to invent. We invent not just isolated single new ways to
do something but entire platforms and technologies with myriad application directions. City-fying is inventing inventing, inventing way to invent ways. Changing the number of outputs per input in a place, inventing new ways to be together and apart there and revising those ways regularly, and inventing ways to invent new ways--these things turn a place into an

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To city-fy a place is to develop marginalia, margins, marginals there. Marginals are things that are not central, that are peripheral, that are off target, not mainstream, deviant, untoward,
abstruse, eccentric. Developing these city-fies a place. The idea is to make marginal people, lives, styles, things viable enough to hang around enough to experiment enough to gather
attention enough to perhaps turn into something wonderful. By allowing non-central things to proliferate and hang around, eventually a home run big innovation will appear. Conversely, by cleaning up too well, keeping too neat, forbidding all disorder and deviance--being too Germanic in a word (for those who have ever visited the German parts of Switzerland
after visiting the Italian parts, this will resonate). This involves creating markets for the preparatory little creations that creators do in order to make their major creative works possible.
People or cities city-fy when they create such markets. Developing marginalia also involves creating a self chance infrastructure, for careers, so that people can fail once or twice or
more yet still get up and find the resources to try again. This involves making marginal lines of work, marginal ways of living, marginal styles and genres viable, that is, able to gather
enough resources to live and keep creating. Developing marginalia involves expanding the multipliers of society, those mechanisms that turn one creation into millions of products and
replicas (publishing, broadcasting, venture funding etc.), in a fractal way so that searching for good inputs takes place at very small local scales, middle area scales, and large scales.
Developing margins happens when subcreations are marketable, when careers allow for recovery from multiple mistakes, when marginal lifestyles are financially above-starvation-level,
and when multipliers search for inputs on all size scales of society not just among the rich and already famous.
To city-fy a place is to develop creativity there, to make is a center of creation. City-fying involves making a place creative. That starts with inventing interfaces between people,
between people and institutions, between people and media, between media and institutions, between any of the above and the secular divine, and so on. Interfaces are like genetic combination, exchanges of code between entities, allowing new combinations that code new behaviors and capabilities to develop. City-fying involves mapping all the types of creating that
there are and assessing how all aspects of your personal environment and any organizations or places environment supports each of those types. Most organizations today carefully
assess how their environment supports creativity in general as if there were only one creative process, one way of creating, and one type of creativity in the world. City-fying a place
involves setting up an inter-city, inter-parts-of-city, inter-population insight process. The entire city is itself is the result of a huge, long term insight process, and all the developments
and new features of a city are also the results of large scale long term insight processes going on among particular elements in or around the city. This is so much the case that the flavor
and style of having insights is very central to the flavor and style of being a city. City-fying also involves raising and promoting the development of experimental populations--these are
whole populations each member of which is a separate try, a separate way, a separate combination of traits, towards some solution. Cities are places that farm that raise experiments
as crops. They harvest experiments to get creations. Cities are experiment farms. Inventing interfaces, assessing supports for all the types of creativity that there are, setting up intercity and inter-population insight processes, and farming experiments city-fy a place, by developing creativity there.
We city-fy when we offer non-linear solutions to problems. This involves turning failure cultures into solution cultures, by reversing the traits of failure cultures and using that new
solution culture to invent new ways of work and products of work. This involves building social indexes so that people know more of the needs, interests, and abilities of the people
around them, via certain types of events, network information flows, and relationship building. You city-fy when you set up viral growth regimes (one form of which is micro-institution
development). This involves configuring a local set of factors so that both financial resources and morale and human capability for growth of that configuration is produced as profit
from each properly configured local set of factors--the set up of the local institution, on its own, grows exponentially, with central headquarters or government funding or prodding. You
city-fy when you lead via social automata leadership regimes. This involves not command and control but setting people up into automaton arrangements of populations of basic unit
types with distinct abstract neighborhoods empowered with particular behaviors they take, then inputting some initial conditions and tuning interactions among units till better-thanplanned results emerge. When instead of offering these non-linear forms of solution we offer traditional linear solutions, we erode and decay cities into urban accumulative messes.
Only when non-linear solutions are offerred are forces set into play that can grow solving automatically beyond our own initial launch efforts so it reaches the scale of the many non-linear causes of our problems. To have non-linear problem generators that you face while defending yourself and your city with merely linear responses, is to look solutional while actually
undermining all with every solution you offer. Turning failure cultures into solution ones, increasing social index levels, setting up viral growth regimes, and leading via social automata leadership tuning of interacting populations--amounts to non-linear solutions facing our non-linear problem generators--which equals city-fying a place.
Getting value to grow in a place involves setting up personal growth in that place, handling culture in that place, balancing dimensions, and managing that place (so that value grows). To
city-fy a place involves getting value to grow in these ways. The first of these, getting personal growth in a place, involves inventing high performance daily living cultures, making
wheres educative to be in, demystifying self and others, and mastering the human machineries and peculiarities of persuasion. To city-fy is to invent high performance cultures of daily
living in a place. These are local cultures, informed by global competitors and alternatives via touring or benchmarking, that automate locally-invented effective actions till done with
fabulous speed and quickness-of-switching with other actions. Think championship basketball team with terrific ball handling and intuitive shot sharing--one guy faking a lay-up
while passing the ball to a rim 3-point shooter, all in an instant. Local cultures of high performance are infused with and backed up by global capabilities, searched through when deciding what local actions to do. To city-fy is the make wheres educative so that just being somewhere educates the people there. Wheres become educative when they become diversity and
personal inventiveness showplaces, displays of local ingenuity, invention, competition, style, and taste developments. To city-fy is also to demystify self and others--to retract powers
given to others over us, automatically, while growing up some particular time and place. Societies sell themselves to us, to help get us to pay taxes if nothing else, and they distort reality,
selling us their reality as the only reality. They sell themselves while doing this and become deluded, becoming unable to see reality because they have been affected by their own years
of distorting truths. You city-fy when you undo what these propaganda machines did to you via school systems, articles placed in prominent newspapers, and the like. You city-fy when
you take back the truth from institutions and persons too willing to distort it to serve themselves. You also city-fy when you master the machineries of persuading humans. Humans
have particular mental facilities, doors to affect, doors to image, doors to opinion, doors to procedure. By learning what those doors are and how they open, you can craft messages,
behaviors, and packages around them that change others. To city-fy is to influence others in various ways but ultimately so that they help the city creative. Inventing high performance
local cultures, making wheres educative, demystifying self and others, and mastering the machineries of persuading humans city-fy a place by making value grow there.
Handling culture is an inevitable part of city-fying a place. It begins with spaces and events designed to get certain dimensions of cultures to interact. Without breaking cultures down
into specific dimensions, you never see them. Othernesses unmapped are unseen and unreacted to. They fail to be there. Once capability of seeing cultures, via specific dimensions has
been set up, you city-fy further by plurifying the cultures found. You seek out more diverse cultures that are wider departures from what is comfortable or sensible to you. Seeking out
more diverse, more other cultures is a trademark for city-fication all over the world. Mixing cultures in monumental whole society projects is a third aspects to city-fying by handling
cultures. When all have to work together, suffer deadline rushes together, give way to allow other components to attain needed functioning, and the like, a new cross-culture culture
emerges. Separate cultures blend into a new invented hybrid culture among them based on shared crisis and experience. You city-fy a place when you develop tools and practice using
them to manage emotion. What challenges us in handling cultures is automatic strong emotional reactions to things other than we are used to. Learning to edit and direct, lessen and
articulate, stop and redirect our own such automatic emotional reactions is the skill of diplomacy par excellence and an essential process of city-fying a place. City-fied places are places
where people edit and handle their own emotions with diplomatic restraint. That is why the abusive father or husband, the bully child, offend city-life so deeply. They un-city-fy places.
Breaking othernesses into specific dimensions and setting up spaces for those dimensions of otherness to interact, seeking out more diverse diversities, unifying diversities in whole society monumental projects, and practicing emotion self management all city-fy a place.
These are mass workshop events, that rotate among city districts, wherein 400 people working in 60 parallel workgroups propose really bad policies, for public authorities, private investors, and private citizens to invest in, invent, or continue. Prizes are awarded for the worst policies invented and winners go on to end of year whole city Bad Policy
Invention Conventions where an overall winner is chosen. Judges not only select bad policies but evaluate exhaustively what is wrong with each policy. Judges include local
neighborhood experts as well as world class experts in the city, but no celebrities or media personalities or anchorpersons are allowed. The idea is an arena in which local talent can appear without the same old media and celebrity names driving out participation by millions of ordinary citizens. This convention, obviously, aims to loosen up a city,
celebrate its fun aspects, and at the same time make serious criticism of actual policies publicly available, thinly disguised as some groups bad policy proposal.

Value grows in places where people balance the dimensions of life carefully. Balance is, after all, a kind of poise--being between extremes. The opposite of balance, un-city-fies places.
Though artists and others in cities discover and explore extremes, it is investigation and exploration, not dwelling rigidly on extremes. It is the barbarian who sits on an extreme as
right and tries to impose his views on others as righter than their views. Balance starts with keeping learning and educating in proportion. Learning/teaching are transfers of information, educating is transfer of responsibility. When too much of the former occurs with too little of the latter, then information becomes selfish, violent, rude, and useless. Without
encompassing responsibility, information is harmful or useless. We city-fy a place when we balance locality with globality there. City-fying is injecting global alternatives and opportunities into the local and injecting local uniquenesses into the global, to keep it from being bland and homogeneous. We city-fy a place also when we balance city types--the monument,
the polis, the monastery, the guild, the enterprise, the cluster, the resort, the global museum/doorway. We city-fy when we balance elemental social roles, evolving from sharing to ranking to reciprocating to pricing. City-fying sets up this evolution direction so that things that start out as inviolable sacred entities end up priced and traded in markets. This is not a loss
on a net basis though it involves loss of child-like trust of authorities and mystified entities in our lives. Where learning is matched with educating, where the global informs the local and
vice versa, where elemental types of city are rotated among, and where elemental social roles are evolved through, city-fying goes on.
Value grows when we manage. This is not to say when we have managers. Having a special social class of people as a way to deliver managing functions to organizations is probably
a historically limited and fairly ineffective to get such functioning. Better alternatives have long been around and are gradually penetrating the more conservative and risk-averse parts
of society like business and government agencies. Value grows when the managing function that is needed in the amount of it needed is delivered at the time it is needed, probably not
by having a permanent inventory of managers around but more likely by having events wherein people perform managing functions on themselves or rescue squads of people come
together only when and where some particular managing function is needed. We city-fy when we manage by building social movements to elicit volunteers for pioneering changes in
direction with demonstration projects after receiving special training and tools. We city-fy when we manage by events, that is, by holding mass workshop events in which dozens of different workshop groups, working in parallel, do functions in days that otherwise would take specialist staffs months or years to complete. We city-fy when we manage by balancing-using abstract formal models of dynamics to assess over-emphasized ones and under-emphasized ones and revise emphasis for more balance. We city-fy when we manage the visibility
of things--by packages that make things being done highly visible and impactful for others, that draw audiences around efforts. Building movements to launch changes, speeding up
work by doing it in mass workshop events instead of in processes or departments, balancing abstract dimensions, and packaging for visibility of efforts all city-fy places.
Smooth operation of cities involves continual inflows of important resources, including creative people and organizations. It involves detecting, developing, and combining diversity. It
involves operating most functions fractally, applying operations to all size scales of society not one or a few. It involves tuning and lubricating populations of interacting intelligent
agents from the interactions of which creative results emerge, rather than being designed and planned. Cities operate smoothly when inflows are adequate, diversity actually interacts
instead of sitting across fences gazing at each other, when operations are applied fractally, and when interactions are tuned and lubricated till emergent results appear. Attracting key
resources city-fies a place. This involves attracting the global creative elites to a place, setting up reliable near futures to attract investment, setting up an entire culture of development
and keeping it working, and detoxifying urban accumulations of the toxins well known within them. Attracting the global creative class can be as simple as Prof. Floridas three Ts:

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

technology, talent, tolerance, but in reality it involves a good deal more--exciting street life, renewal of diversity as familiarity turns the diverse into the familiar, violating boundaries
from time to time so chaos of procedure beings people out of routines and automatic pilot unconscious operating, and a host of others. Setting up reliable near futures involves setting up
emotional reliability, financial reliability, legal reliability, safety reliability, and some others. If I know the rules of the game and know those rules are not going to change radically in the
near future, I can invest. City-fying involves setting up and keeping in operation a culture of development in a place. This includes infrastructures that expand the scope of local actions,
a population of strivers, reliable near futures for attracting investment, and training, tools, and tolerance for risk, rivalry, and heresy. We city-fy a place when we detoxify urbanity there-by institutional mentoring of one institution by another, by educative prisons and punishments, by school to work transition procedures so learning gets connected to money, by the rich
mentoring with poor, by enforcing minimal decency, by creating a constituency concerned about future consequences of present actions, by feminizing local policies to undo for show
bias of male policy-making, by locality empowered and freed from larger-scale controls. Attracting the global creative elites, making the near future reliable, setting up cultures of development in a place, and detoxifying known ills of urbanity--sick nuclear families, uninformative uneducative schools, and so on--city-fies any place.

Exercise Case 5:

Important forces in Manhattan have begun support for fifth floor streets between buildings all over the city. The idea is to open floors now low
in the income they rent for to street traffic, that is uninterrupted by cars, offers great views, work as all weather conduits, and relieves pressure and
traffic on elevators to first floor and basement lobbies. So many buildings in downtown Manhattan have more than five stories that virtually all
buildings there could be inter-connected by a second fifth floor layer of covered pedestrian streets. Moreover the entire system could be build
incrementally over a period of decades, with minimal disruption to people and organizations.
1. What city-fication processes would this project when implemented give rise to? where? among whom? to what effect?
2. What city-fication processes would have to be instituted or strengthened to make this project a reality? why? to what effect? in what order?
why that order?

City-fying Manhattan Walks

WARNING: this question

requires a brain to answer.

Smooth operation requires detecting, developing, and combining diverse forms of diversity. Orthogonal disciplines form the basis of working across departments, across organizations,
across cultures, and across traditional fields and professions. You city-fy when you lubricate encounter with diversity via mastering the orthogonal disciplines. Theory power makes
using assumed frameworks socially embarrassing and beneath the norms of a place. It substitutes diverse menus of possible frameworks, all or many of which get explored. Evidence
based policy and lifestyles replaces opinion as the basis of action with evidence, which as it changes from yearly publishings, results in actions and lifestyles changing yearly to keep up
with changing evidence of what works. Existential question discussions test all inherited answers and background-learned routines and values against how well they handle the basic
anxieties of existing. Orthogonal disciplines--educatedness, effectiveness, creativity, error handling, system effects handling, complexity handling, quality, expertise, and 48 others-determine who rises to the top of traditional disciplines like physics, math, law, medicine, business. They, as an entire set, for the basis of effective operating across fields, departments,
organizations, or cultures. Attempts in the past to make one field become the basis of that failed--cognitive science, consilience, anthropology, general systems theory. No one field can
specify with enough detail and discipline what to translate from one field to another. A whole host of fields orthogonal to traditional ones is needed. When we master orthogonal disciplines and apply them to places, we city-fy those places. Theory power is imposing on a community a rhetorical standard--you cannot use assumed frameworks in a speech or policy
without ridicule, and you cannot use any one framework for a position or idea without ridicule--you have to have a whole repertoire of frameworks many of which you apply to any one
idea or speech or policy. When we apply theory power to a place, using a menu of diverse theories to see aspects of it not visible from any one viewpoint, we city-fy that place. Evidence-based policy and lifestyles evolves as city-life and its built in diversities erode personal backgrounds and certainties. In the place of it is right and true because I grew up believing it we have it is right and true because recent publishings testing it against alternatives have found it works better than they do, but future research may undermine it so I will
temporarily act as if it is truth. You can tell the evidence-based person by what they eat from breakfast--they either eat something tradition from Jewish tradition or English tradition or
the like or they eat an eclectic combination of unlikely things borrowed from the New England Journal of Medicine, the New York Times Tuesday Health sections, and Italian cooks of
the world recommendations, or the like. We city-fy when we base our behavior at a place on evidence not personal opinion or unconscious background habits. We city-fy also when we
discuss existential questions and make inherited answers and traditional beliefs address them, measuring carefully how well they handle each fundamental anxiety of human existence.
By testing inherited ideas and habits against the fundamentals of all human existing, we reveal flaws, biases, weaknesses, male hormone warrior god remnants and like partialities and
distortions of the human condition, masquerading as certainties, Gods word, and so on. When we apply orthogonal disciplines to cross field boundaries, ridicule single frameworks
and assumed ones, based behavior in a place on evidence not opinion, and test inherited answers against the fundamental anxieties of living we city-fy a place.
Smooth operation requires applying operations fractally to many size scales of a community from thoughts inside single minds, to behaviors of a person, to relationships among people,
to small groups, to groups of groups, that is, organizations, to interacting organizations. We city-fy a place when we smoothen its operation via applying operations fractally. This
involves fractal idea and influence flows, inter-scale merit recognition and promotion, achieving non-linear growth take-off via niches spawning new niches, and fractally scaling multipliers so neighborhood performances or publishings compete for whole city performing and publishing and then for many-city performing and publishing. City-fying by fractalizing
idea and influence flows involves getting elites to mingle with all social levels of a community and getting the lowest classes in wealth and education to mingle with upper classes. Such
mingling, especially when it is informal on social occasions, provides rich tapestries of admiration, inspiration, and compassion across the separations of a society, binding it into fellow
feeling and co-responsibility. When different classes refuse to meet socially, a civilization is well on its way to death. We city-fy a place when we scale up merit recognizing and promoting from the smallest family and neighborhood levels to ward and whole city and whole society levels. Making paths from local to national recognition by creating spaces of appearing and competing on each size scale of a place, city-fies it. Non-linear growth take-off is the style of city life--the trendiness, the passion, the successive waves of enthusiasm of cities.
We achieve it via niches that spawn more niche possibilities--the way personal computers created niches for printers, modems, monitors, and a host of other technologies. When we set
up such ecologies of chain reaction we city-fy a place. All societies have multipliers that take single creations and spread them all over a society. When those multipliers be they publishing, venture funding, broadcasting, net blogging, or whatever, express and operate themselves fractally at all size scales of a place, city-fication occurs. Fractalizing ideation and
influence, merit recognizing and promoting, non-linear growth, and multiplier functioning we city-fy.
Smooth operation comes also from tuning and lubricating the myriad interactions of the myriad things in a place. When we tune and lubricate such interactions till better-than-planned
results emerge, we city-fy a place. A touchstone of cities is this indirectness of management, this using of plans as probes to produce self emerging better things than planned. We
achieve this four ways. Setting up idea, proposal, and needs ecosystems of entities competing for attention and investment, judges by competing sets of authorities and evaluators, we
city-fy a place. When, instead, unitary agreeing authorities preside over a regular, orderly process of proposing, cities die. When we tune the interactions of competing idea waves
and chain reactions of ideas, we city-fy. When we lubricate social processes via interfaces, tolerance, social capital, slack, educated people, minimal standards of interaction decency that
are enforced, we city-fy. When we invent new ways to sustain civilization we city-fy. Smooth operation requires competing authorities, tuning idea wave interactions and chain reactions, lubricating social processes, and inventing ways to sustain civilizations. When, instead, unitary authorities, unitary ideas, and single social processes dominate, civilizations die.
The invention of ideas that sustain civilizations is needed every 20 years, generation by generation. Each generation has to renew things in order for civilization to endure. Civilization
is frozen and maintained dies instantly. Civilization is not one fixed state of affairs or set of values, but an immense constellation of evolving contents--when that evolving stops or when
unitary contents are deemed right or eternal then civilization dies. To city-fy is to maintain plural authorities, plural idea waves, plural idea chain reactions, plural social processes
competing enough to keep civilization cooking.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered


INVENTIONS interfaces, tolerance,
social capital, slack,
educatedness: then tune
TUNE & till you reach
LUBRICATE some goal

critical mass
tactics, symbolic leader
cohort shifts

set up plural,
diverse, competing authorities
and funders

deliver different
functions by


multiply on all ecologic chain
size scales &
strata: publish,
perform, FRACTAL

use abstract
model, lessen

sharing, ranking,
reciprocating, pricing


monument, polis, monastery,
guild, enterprise, cluster,
resort, global dorrway


deliver functions exchanges & weavings,
by successive
viable marginal employ,
mass workshop mixing part-timing at
VALUE diverse firm types

use globality intrusions to
make actual local power;
use locality projection to
globe to make actual global
power that is local to local


undo city lies,
testing how efficacious inMANAGEMENT
exaggerators, impression
herited/invented answers
management, status traps,
are, publically,
media atttention
among diverse
self build yr ID
failure, solutions,
tools for detecting
accelerates personlity
nations, families, professions,
& characterizing frames, CITY-FICATION
development till sacred
developments, designs
differences per
dimension shared menus
things become exchangeable
across professions
MATA development
PUNISHMENTS use problem
LEADwinners must
ERSHIP self replicating
generators to
educate; losers locate tipping POWER DEVELOPMENT tune interactions configurations
till results
QUALITY study & points,
NON-LINEAR of local
SOLUTIONS inventions
sin, sex,
person to
parents, locality
find solutions of interests,
mine, fame, education,
democratic power,
person, person to instn. CREATIVITY
fortune, fraud,
performance/art, where local people invent
person to media, media MODELS IN
their own arts/media/stories specify failure by events, nets, to instn., all to secular
someone to love,
countering mass media
cultures, reverse
social supports
OPPOR- divine, etc.
industry stories/arts
into solution
culture specs
plurify quotidian OCCUPATIONS/ MOVEMENTS
invite highly
update ways as
structured local audience, show, OCCASIONS
new technical &
involve- EVENTS display
INVENT social means
PUBLIC LECTURES self & other,
receive & give,


institutional mentoring, REFOUND CULTURE
educative prisons, school OF DEVELOPMENT
to work transitions, rich scope expanding
mentoring poor, enforced
minimal decency, conse- infrastructures,
population of strivers,
quences constituency,
reliable near
feminine policy,
future: training,
tools, tolerance
for heresy/rivalry
legally, safety-ly reliable

BEING PRACTICAL 49: An Exercise in Using the Above Model of 64 City-fication Processes
For each of the above 64 city-fication processes determine the following:
1. What would you measure to determine whether the process exists in your city?
2. What would you measure to determine how big, vast, strong, or influential the process was in your city?
3. What would you measure to determine how effective, well operating, healthy the process was in your city?
Considering your own city in comparison with one of the great cities of the world with which you are familiar--NYC, Berlin, Tokyo, Amsterdam, Stockholm, Paris, answer the
4. Which of the 64 processes in the model are missing entirely from your city? from the great city you chose?
5. Which of the 64 processes in the model are strong and healthy in your city? in the great city you chose?
6. Which of the 64 processes in the model are growing rapidly in your city? in the great city you chose?
7 Which of the 64 processes in the model are shrinking rapidly in your city? in the great city you chose?
8. What problems of your city are caused by missing city-fication processes? What problems in the great city you chose are caused by mssing city-fication processes?
9. Take one missing process in your city and give a 20 point practical plan for how to install that missing process so it stays around for decades.

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered



demon- deify demonstrate











con- ideas world appeal eschato- lation
global- trarian
local bravery
resist historic leave
normalityjudge-& return
to it

tell stories


deep base


stop responses



serving all
not self:

& argue



about evidence

creative works







reflect/ flaws







BEING PRACTICAL 50: An Exercise in Using 64 Dimensions of Influence

1. Which of the 64 forms of influence do you personally use well and often? Which do you use hardly ever or badly? Why?
2. Which of the 64 forms of influence dominate in your city? Who uses them? Who gets influenced by them? Why? To what effect?
3. List the ten major current problems your city faces. For each answer the following:
a. Which form of influence by whom would most help lessen the problem?
b. Which form of infleunce by whom most contributes to causing the problem?
c. Which form of influence by whom is currently most moving the city towards solving the problem?
d. Which form of influence by whom is currently most preventing anyone moving towards solving the problem in your city?
4. Make a matrix having all 64 influence forms as both rows and columns. Then consider each pair, love versus negotiation, distinguishing versus rebalancing, of influence forms:
a. Which form is strongest in each pair? How do you know? Do you know? How would you prove which is strongest? Are any of the 64 stronger? Why or why not?
b. Whcih form is strongest in you personally at present? In your city at present? Why?

What Influence Theories Tell Us about How to City-fy a Place.

Certain Buddhists hold, philosophically, that all things influence all things. This might literally be
true but it is not interesting and useful on the human scale because though my shoe string influences the moon Titan of the planet Jupiter, there is nothing whatsoever I can measure in my
lifetime that will reveal the type or size of that influence or when in the subsequent history of the universe, it will, as an effect, take place. Cities are certainly places of mutual influence.
Influence, in this regard, resembles power. If one dictator exercises power as a monopoly, the total amount of power being exercised in that society is greatly reduced. Though one person exercising it may look powerful that is only an illusion of everyone else lacking power hence having only one display to notice. In healthy societies everyone is exercising powers
so the same large acts by one person are lost in the shuffle and noise of everyone elses work. Similarly, if only one person in a society monopolizes influence it looks impressive via illusion, the illusion of there being no competitor influences going on. If the society is healthy, however, the same one person influence show, will hardly be noticeable amid the bang and
clutter of everyone elses influencing. Since power, in the context of citylife, is always exercised via other people (save a small fraction of, say, physical power in sawing wood alone in
your backyard), that is, via influence, the role of influence in city-fication processes is virtually the same as the role of power. However, there is a nuance in the word influence that
rules out people having power but not realizing that they have it or for some other reason as well not exercising it. Influence is like this too, you can have it but not realize or exercise it,
but it is slightly less like this than power is. It is a bit more of a stretch to say someone has influence over someone but never realizes it or exercises it. It is a bit more natural to say this
about power--he has power that he does not realize or exercise.
The literatures on influence, persuasion, communication, argument, rhetoric, leadership, advertising, propaganda, information ecologies, and like matters tend to over-emphasize face-toface influence, in part because that is easy to run experiments on, and in part, because egoistic business and political leaders pride themselves on being personally influential over people
around them. Leadership literatures, in particular, seem to drift away from things less immediate, less tangible, less short term, than a man in a room trying to get another man in the
room to do something that other man does not really want to do. Whenever research on leadership got really good data on organizational outcomes of leading, little final effect of leading
was found (Cameron, 1083) or it was found that making people feel like they were going somewhere without really getting them going somewhere was the main effect (March, 1978).
Cities and civilizations, however, do decline, fall into disaster, and sometimes ultimately disappear. All the civilizations except those around today did disappear, afterall. It is dramatic
when millions of cooperating people sustain momentum for hundreds of years that suddenly evaporates, leaving their part of the world with greatly reduced lifestyles, incomes, and cooperative undertakings for hundreds of years thereafter. This is the giant palaces and irrigation works discovered under the jungles of subsistence farmers phenomena--the ancestors of
those very farmers built the giant palaces and irrigation works, with the final result that subsistence farming was their legacy for hundreds of years. What keeps cities and civilizations
from such declines, disasters, and disappearances? By definition, this article, maintains that there are certain non-optional processes, called city-fication processes that play this role.
Just exactly what processes are these?--this article tries to initially answer that question.
One answer is frustrating but quite possibly true--there is nothing anyone did to kill particular civilizations, just as there is nothing anyone did to cause the Great Depression of the 1930s.
Non-linear systems dynamics models of economies found that similar inputs into such systems sometimes produced very unusual outcomes--like whole system disaster and disappear-

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Copyright 2004 by Richard Tabor Greene, All Rights Reserved, US Government Registered

An Idea & Event


Creative City
Theory & Practice

Finding, Attracting, Enabling, Developing, & Getting Out-of-the-Way of the People Who Invent Civilizations


Richard Tabor Greene