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Joyce and the Jews

Author(s): Ira Bruce Nadel


Source: Modern Judaism, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Oct., 1986), pp. 301-310
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1396219
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Ira Bruce Nadel

JOYCE AND THE JEWS


An essay with a topic as broad as "Joyce and the Jews" might best begin
by announcing what it is not. It does not propose to review the Jewish
element in Joyce's writing which has frequently and thoroughly been
studied by others. Titles such as "The Zion Motif in Ulysses,"or "James
Joyce, The Jews and Ulysses,"or The Jewishnessof Mr. Bloom-a short
monograph by the biographer of Mozart, Wolfgang Hildesheimer-fill
columns of Joyce bibliographies.' It will, by contrast, examine and explore the persistent and long-standing personal relationships Joyce established with Jews throughout Europe.
Whether in Dublin, Zurich, Trieste or Paris, Joyce maintained
friendships and acquaintances with Jewish writers, businessmen, artists
and intellectuals. In no city where he lived did Joyce fail to establish a
circle of Jewish friends. Why, and what can we learn from these friendships? What do they reveal about the sources for Joyce's presentation of
Judaism, about his personality and about his difficulty in establishing a
European persona while unable to lose his Irish identity? Correspondingly, what attracted these Jews to Joyce and in what ways was their
loyalty and interaction with him reciprocated? One would, furthermore,
like to know more about Joyce's response to Zionism and his practical
efforts in helping some sixteen Jewish refugees between 1938 and 1941.
This essay is an attempt to answer several of these questions.
The centrality, continuity and permanence of the friendships Joyce
made with Jews help to explain the foundations of the Jewish themes
and Jewish details in his fiction. As Richard Ellmann in his biography
and Louis Hyman in his history The Jews of Ireland have suggested, the
contact of Joyce with individuals like Italo Svevo (Ettore Schmitz) or
William and Henry Sinclair, Jewish twins with whom Joyce discussed the
possibility of starting a weekly Dublin newspaper, influenced his conception of Jewish character in Ulysses.But the consistency and intensity of
Joyce's contact with Jews wherever he lived are cause to revise Ellmann's
ambivalent reference to Joyce's "old curiosity about the Jewish nature."2
Joyce's attachment to Jews, his understanding of their culture and his
implicit identity with their condition suggests a stronger and deeper
association defined by his constant personal, cultural and even sexual
involvement with Jews. It is important to note, for example, that the
301

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Ira Bruce Nadel

premise, if not catalyst, of two of Joyce's proposed extra-marital love


affairs-with Amalia Popper in Trieste and Marthe Fleischmann in
Zurich-was that he believed each woman to be Jewish (Popper, of
course, was.).
The affinity between Joyce and the Jews has its roots in their exilic
isolation. In November 1906, for example, Joyce, the "semi-semitic serendipitist" (FW 191.2-3), noted with satisfaction in a letter from Rome to his
brother Stanislaus his reading of Guglielmo Ferrero's La Europagiovane
(1897). In voluntary exile from Ireland and temporary exile from Trieste,
Joyce highlighted two topics of special interest in Ferrero's work: emigrants and their prototypes, Jews. Ferrero, son-in-law of the Italian Jewish
anthropologist and psychologist Cesare Lombroso, provided a threetiered schema for emigrants: plasmativa, those emigrants who conquer
and impose their own language on a new society; the adhesive, those who
form a group with national traditions within the new country; and the
diffusive, immigrants who assimilate into the new world. The Jew,
however, does not belong to any of these groups.
Nonetheless, Ferrero devotes sixty-three pages, the entire last chapter,
to Jews, entitling the section "The Confrontation between Two Races and
Two Ideals: Antisemitism." The section actually deals with the characteristics of Jews, summarizing their general condition as an exiled nation,
although in an antisemitic tone: they are an "extraordinary race, deprived of fatherland, scattered and persecuted, which has always, obstinately, believed that it possessed the secret of the redemption of
mankind. .. ." Unexpectedly, Ferrero then praises the intuitiveness,
imagination, idealism and "passion for moral criticism" of the Jews,
qualities Joyce admired. An interview with the Danish Jewish critic Georg
Brandes, whom Joyce respected, also forms part of the concluding chapter
which ends with a section on antisemitism ancient and modern. Joyce
read La Europagiovane at the very time he was planning his short story
"Ulysses"-first mentioned in the 1906 letter from Rome-and a reference
to the story occurs in a sentence of a letter immediately preceding a
passage on Ferrero. In all likelihood, the characteristics of Bloom take
their cue from Ferrero's descriptions of Jewish life just as Joyce may have
discovered in his reading of Ferrero's book confirmation of the social
marginality he shared with Jews.3
The matter of race for Joyce was a complex but not controversial
topic. He rejected the idea Disraeli expressed in Tancredthat "all is race;
there is no other truth" (Book 2, Ch. 14) and rebuked all concepts of
racial purity. His proof of their inadequacy was Ireland. The history of
Ireland repeatedly emphasized its mixed racial heritage which Joyce summarizes in a passage from Finnegans Wake: "It is the same told of all.
Many. Miscegenations on miscegenations" (18.19-20). HCE, the fatherfigure of the Wake,embodies this by his inability to protect the purity of

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his seed. "Paternity",as Stephen earlier tells his fellow students in Ulysses,
"may be a legal fiction" (U, p. 207). Bloom's origin epitomizes racial
mixture since his Hungarian Orthodox Jewish father converts to Protestantism in Ireland and marries a half-Jewish Irish woman. Bloom is
furthermore racially and religiously confused: born of a partially Jewish
mother, Bloom grows up nominally a Protestant who marries a Catholic
but thinks of himself largely as an Irishman, although the community
considers him a Jew.
Joyce himself was attracted to races ostensibly pure such as the Greeks
and Jews but which he-and they-recognized to be mixed. Multiple
migrations, a possible source for inter-marriage and religious conversion,
haunt both groups, as well as Joyce's major fiction which incorporates
the experiences of Phoenicians, Semites, Greeks, Slavs, Norsemen and
Celts. And the Jews, as Stephen remarks, "are of all races the most given
to inter-marriage"(U, p. 205). The melange of Irish history is symptomatic
of a universal condition as Shem in the Wakeunderstands when he describes the "Europasianised Afferyank" world (191.4). Charles Vallancey,
an eighteenth century Irish mythologist whom Joyce read before he left
Dublin in 1904, emphasized this very mixture of Irish blood in his theory
that the Irish were of Phoenician origin. In a 1907 lecture on Ireland
given in Trieste, Joyce cited Vallancey's theories, especially the oriental
origin of Gaelic and its identity with the language of the Phoenicians.
Like Victor Berard who transformed the Greeks into Semites in his 1902
study LesPhenicienset L'Odyssee(a work Joyce read), Vallancey makes the
Irish Semitic. Furthermore, Douglas Hyde in A LiteraryHistory of Ireland
(1899), a work Joyce read, outlined the Hebrew genealogy of Breogan,
founder of the modern Irish race. He also reported that the Irish may
have in fact originated in an Israelite tribe that wandered from Scythai
across Europe through Spain to Ireland.4 For Joyce, this information
only intensified his emotional and psychological affinity with Jews.
It was Joyce's Jewish friends, however, not his study of the religion
or culture, that provided the principal sources of his understanding of
Judaism. Although his Trieste library contained copies of Theodore
Herzl's Der Judenstaat(1918), S. Funk's Die Entstehungdes Talmuds(1910)
and H. Sacher's collection, Zionism and the Jewish Future (1916), it was
primarily Joyce's association with such Jews as Italo Svevo, Ottocaro
Weiss and Paul Leon, to name only three, who provided Joyce with his
Talmud-both its Mishna, its compilation of oral law, and Gemara, its
Aramaic commentary.
Joyce's identification with the isolated but strong, persecuted but resilient family life of Jews intensified his affinity with them. To Frank
Budgen he remarked that Jews are "better husbands than we are, better
fathers and better sons."' Although he admitted that Jews at times irritated
him (perhaps he had in mind Samuel Roth who published pirated sections

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Ira Bruce Nadel

of Ulyssesin the US), Joyce could admiringly declare that "'a Jew is both
king and priest in his own family.' "5Paradoxically, however, the Jewish
friends of Joyce were often assimilated and non-practicing which reflected the modern situation of the Jews according to a book Joyce read
between 1915-1916: Maurice Fishberg's The Jews:A Study of Race and Environment(1911). Published in a series edited by Havelock Ellis, TheJews
uses anthropology, demography and sociology to argue that there are no
racial differences between Jews and Christians. Nonetheless, there is a
purposeful isolation among Jews which intrigued Joyce. And in a parallel
with Ulysses,Fishberg criticizes the arid land of Palestine anticipating
Bloom's later critique of the barrenness in the "Calypso" episode of
the novel.
Exiled and alone, the Jew nonetheless still sought to maintain a
cultural and ethnic identity without sacrificing his role in the larger
society, whether it might be Triestine, Swiss or French. But as Fishberg
argued, assimilation was inevitable as relaxation of the authoritative
rules of orthodox Judaism coincided with a less strenuous exclusion of
Jews formerly enforced by the alliance between the church and state in
Europe. But the predicament of Bloom, of seeking to be Irish but unable
to renounce his Jewishness, mirrors the situation of Joyce. Although he
practiced the daily customs of Italy, Switzerland and France, speaking
Triestine Italian, "Ziiricher Deutsche," and Parisian French, Joyce's
identity remained Irish. And although he was anti-clerical, he never lost
his fascination with the Church.6
Demonstrating the dilemma of the semi-assimilated Jew and disenfranchised Irishman are Italo Svevo, Ottocaro Weiss and Paul Leon,
three of Joyce's closest friends. Although none of them considered themselves orthodox, they did not and, in fact, could not deny their Jewish
heritage. Svevo, whose first publication was an essay on anti-semitism in
Shakespeare ("Shylock," 1880) was once refused a job because he was a
Jew and although-or because-he joked about his Jewishness in his
letters, his identity remained a burden for him. Despite his being baptized
a year following his marriage to a non-Jew, Svevo could not renounce his
Jewish past. Weiss, who was similarly non-practicing, was, nonetheless,
conscious of the Zionist movement, discussing it often with Joyce in
Zurich during their friendship. And in February 1919 it was Weiss who
questioned Joyce on the use of the Menorah that the Irishman borrowed
from Rudolph Goldschmidt for his assignation with Marthe Fleischmann
whom Joyce thought to be Jewish. Paul Leon, "deeply religious in a
Christian sense," according to his wife, and who read the Gospels daily,
similarly and tragically could not hide his Jewishness. Irreverent in his
affection for Joyce, Leon was also critical of the practices of Judaism.7 But
his presence in occupied Paris in August 1941, partly to see his son
graduate and partly to save what he could from Joyce's apartment, led to

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his arrest by the Gestapo, imprisonment in the Drancy and Compiegne


detention camps and subsequent death in Silesia (4 April 1942). Like an
Irishman, a Jew could never hide his identity.
The origin of Joyce's openness to, and affinity with, Jews may have
been stimulated by his early exposure to the Irish/Jewish parallels emphasized by the eighteenth century mythologist Charles Vallancey, whom
Joyce had cited in his 1907 Trieste lecture, and by John F. Taylor who in
1901 compared the Egyptian rule of the Hebrews to the Irish domination
by the English. However, Joyce remained skeptical about the possibility
of a Jewish state; to Weiss he once jocularly remarked "'that's all very
well, but believe me, a warship with a captain named Kanalgitter and his
aide named Captain Afterduft would be the funniest thing the old
Mediterranean has ever seen."' Nevertheless, Joyce insisted on parallels
between the Irish and the Jews, explaining to Carlo Linati in 1920 that
Ulysseswas "'the epic of two races (Israel-Ireland). . . ."' And in 1921,
when the young Dublic critic A.J. Leventhal visited him, Joyce prophetically concluded their meeting by singing in Hebrew what is now
the national anthem of Israel, "Hatikvah,"which Bloom falteringly begins
to sing to Stephen in the "Ithaca"episode.8
A closer examination of Joyce's friendships with Svevo, Weiss and
Leon, however, reveals the complexity of his attachment to Jews at the
same time as it explains the sources of his understanding of Judaism.
Despite the Jewish attributes of family commitment, social concern and
culture identity in the face of exile, Svevo, Weiss and Leon were criticized
if not castigated by Joyce. Svevo's accidental death by a car in 1928
prompted Joyce to remark to Harriet Weaver that "somehow in the case
of Jews I always suspect suicide though there was no reason in this case...
unless his health had taken a very bad turn." This view echoes Fishberg's
notion that assimilated Jews faced with reversals were susceptible to selfdestruction.9 Ottocaro Weiss was similarly outcast. Brother of Italy's first
psychoanalyst (Edoardo Weiss), Ottocaro Weiss and Joyce became friends
in Zurich in 1915, attending operas and concerts together. Their long
talks provided Joyce with sources for parts of the "Sirens" and "Cyclops"
episodes of Ulysses.Yet, in October 1919, Joyce accused Weiss of betrayal
because John D. Rockefeller's daughter, Mrs. Harold McCormick, cancelled his monthly stipend. Joyce reasoned that his refusal to be analyzed
by Jung, Mrs. McCormick's analyst and an acquaintance of Weiss', led
to Weiss' recommending that the subsidy be ended. The friendship with
Weiss was never renewed.
Paul Leon, not withstanding Joyce's fulsome tribute to him in Herbert
Gorman's 1939 biography of Joyce, was treated no differently. An exile
from Russia, as Weiss was exiled from Trieste and Svevo from his Hungarian-German past, Leon, for all his commitment to Joyce, encountered
frequent obstructions and criticism. Leon's sympathy for Helen Fleisch-

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man, Joyce's Jewish daughter-in-law, for example, temporarily cooled


their friendship; his forgetting proofs of Finnegans Wakein a Paris taxi
upset Joyce, although their surprising return by the cab driver two hours
later restored their affable relationship. Like Svevo and Weiss, Leon was
for Joyce a cosmopolitan associate with a varied background, an understanding of language and a willingess to accept the experimental. He was
also devoted to Joyce, writing letters, negotiating contracts, checking
sources and reading proof.
From his prison camp in 1941, Leon wrote to his wife that "'there are
five things I want to do. First of all to revise Ulysseswith Beckett, then
write my memoirs on Joyce."'1 The "Eurasian Knight," the phrase Joyce
inscribed in his presentation copy of FinnegansWaketo Leon, summarizes
not only his appreciation of Leon's help but the way Joyce perceived the
Jew as an amalgam of cultures and languages much like himself. Joyce's
friendships with Svevo, Weiss and Leon- like that with Charlotte Sauermann, Georges Borach, Daniel Brody, or Ludwig Lewishon- transcend
their practice of Judaism but not their mythic and cultural identity as
Jews. The essential point is that these friendships were not exceptions
but part of a lifetime involvement of Joyce with Jews. It should be no
surprise, then, to learn of Joyce's opposition to anti-semitism.
Although criticized for his unwillingness to speak openly against
Hitler, Joyce privately objected to the Nazis and their anti-semitic actions. In the autumn of 1940, after the promulgation of anti-semitic laws
in German occupied France, Joyce told Maria Jolas that anti-semitism
was "'one of the easiest and oldest prejudices to prove."' To Jacques
Mercanton Joyce lamented the condition of Jews in Germany and was
indignant to hear that Hebrew first names were prohibited, "'first names
that all of us bear"' he added. Although he replied to Samuel Beckett's
complaint over Nazi persecution of the Jews by saying that there had
been similar persecutions before, Joyce explained to a student who criticized his treatment of Jews in Ulyssesthat "'I have written with the greatest
sympathy about the Jews.'"' And as early as 1938, Joyce had begun to
help a number of Jews escape from Austria and Germany. In a letter
dated 5 October 1938, Joyce thanks Dr. Daniel Brody, director of RheinVerlag publishers, for the trouble he went to for Edmund Brauchbar, a
Swiss-Jewish businessman, in presumably aiding his escape. In the same
paragraph Joyce writes "I have had a more or less favorable reply from
Dublin and think I can place two more of his Abrahamesque family
there"- ironically bettering Mr. Deasy in Ulysseswho tells Stephen that
Ireland had never persecuted the Jews "because she never let them
in ..."2

The first and perhaps best known of the refugees Joyce aided was the
Austrian-Jewish novelist, Hermann Broch, who was arrested and imprisoned in Alt-Ausse from 13-31March 1938, subsequent to the Anschluss.

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Upon his release, Broch went to Vienna where he frantically sought an


exit visa while under constant threat of deportation to a concentration
camp. His mother in fact died in Theresienstadt.
Joyce and Broch never met, although they both had their work
published by Rhein-Verlag under the direction of Dr. Daniel Brody
(who took over in 1929). As early as 1930 Broch, at Brody's request,
considered contributing an essay on Joyce to a proposed Festschriftwith
additional pieces by Doblin and others; Broch in turn offered to write an
introductory volume on Joyce and modern literature for a proposed
German edition of Joyce's work (which Brody never published). Joyce
had read Broch's essay "JamesJoyce and the Present" (JamesJoyce und die
Gegenwart),originally delivered as a lecture on 22 April 1932 at the VolkshochshuleOttakring in Vienna. Brody sent the lecture to Joyce in honour
of Joyce's fiftieth birthday. Additionally, on the basis of the talk, Broch
was considered as a possible author for a movie treatment of Ulysses.
In 1936 the lecture appeared as a 36 page booklet. For several years
Broch promoted parallels between his work, notably Die Schlafwandler
(1931/32) and Joyce's, as his letters to Daniel Brody document. As early
as June 1930 Broch emphasized similarities between Ulyssesand his noveltrilogy on the decline of German middle-class society.13 In 1931 Broch
wrote to Willa Muir, one of his English translators, that if he had read
Ulyssesbefore he wrote his trilogy "'it would have remained unwrittenfor I see in Ulyssesa perfect realization of everything which it is possible
to express in a novel.... I am convinced that literature, insofar as it remains an expression of modern life, will come more and more under the
Joycean influence."' In his 1932 lecture Broch declared that the only
name in literature worthy to be placed next to Picasso's in art was that
of Joyce.'4
Initially, Joyce did not want to be involved with Broch's effort to
escape from Vienna. He rebuffed Anna Herzog, an emigre friend of
Broch's in Paris who sought his aid on the advice of Paul Schrekker,
because he thought she was a journalist. After hearing her plea, Joyce
recommended she contact his friend, the French-Jewish poet and critic,
Benjamin Cremieux (who with Valery Larbaud translated Joyce's friend
Svevo's Confessionsof Zeno into French). Assurances from Joyce that a
visa would be forthcoming from the French were, however, misleading
as Broch found out when he was finally allowed into the French Consulate
in Vienna to find that no visas were available. Joyce, upon learning this,
then took up the matter with almost monomanical determination according to Herzog.'5 He pestered the French Foreign Ministry to issue
the document and also wrote to Sydney Schiff (the English novelist
Stephen Hudson who later translated Proust and earlier received an
inscribed copy of Ulysses) in England. On Bloomsday 1938 Joyce triumphantly wrote to Brody from Paris that the night before "my friend in

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the French F.O. rang up to say that permission for H. Broch to enter
France had been telegraphed to the French C.G. in Vienna." Joyce added
in the same letter that "I am trying to get two other people into America
and I hope I shall succeed."'6 This victory was short-lived, however.
When Broch learned in Vienna on 28 June 1938 that the visa was ready,
he was told that it could not be issued because the politics of the new
French government under Daladier severely restricted the entry of
German refugees.
Efforts to obtain an English visa in Vienna at this time were similarly
luckless, although events in England were reaching a climax. On 17 May
1938 Edwin Muir had spoken to Schiff about securing Broch's freedom
and managed to obtain support from Aldous Huxley and Herbert Read,
as well as a guarantee of Broch's residence in England from Brody. The
sudden failure to secure a French visa made an English visa imperative.
Finally secured, it was mistakenly forwarded from Vienna to Broch care
of Anna Herzog in Paris. The visa ultimately reached Broch in Vienna
on 20 July 1938. Efforts to obtain a Swiss transport visa, as well as an
American and Danish visa, the former with support from Thomas Mann
and Einstein, were either delayed or unobtainable. Learning by accident
that a seat was available on a KLM flight to London, via Rotterdam,
Broch bought a ticket and left Vienna on the morning of 28 July 1938.
During the nervous six and a half hour journey, he composed a poem
entitled "Nun da ich schweb im Atherboot... ." and with twenty marks
in his pocket he arrived in England where for a short time he remained
with Schiff in London before joining Edwin and Willa Muir in Scotland
for two months. Then, with his application for an American visa approved, Broch gained entry to the United States for an initial four month
period; on the 9th of October 1938 his odyssey ended with his arrival in
New York.
Joyce's efforts with Broch and others demonstrate his commitment to
Jewish friends and acquaintances. In view of his identification with Jews,
however, his own denial of an entry visa to Switzerland in September 1940 on the grounds that he was Jewish remains an ironic footnote to
his actions. (Joyce's suspiciousness of the "world without" [Ulysses]found
earlier confirmation when he was mistaken for a spy by the English
Consul in Zurich because he refused to write propaganda for the English.)
That Edmund Brauchbar, safe in New York and aiding Jewish refugees,
should provide almost half of the surety required by the Swiss for the
entry visa is an additional irony to the decision originally taken by
the Swiss.
What Joyce sensed in the life of the Jews and what he himself enacted
is epitomized in a conversation he had in October 1918 while walking in
Zurich with Georges Borach. Objecting to political conformity, Joyce
told Borach that "'the Talmud says at one point, 'We Jews are like the

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olive: we give our best when we are being crushed, when we are collapsing under the burden of our foliage.' "'Material victory is the death
of spiritual predominance,"' Joyce added.17 Suffering from his own increasingly poor health, the anguish of his daughter's institutionalization
and his own perpetual quest for a home, Joyce found, in the personal life
of his Jewish friends and the mythic life of their Jewish experience, confirmation of his own trials and a sign, perhaps, of his own future survival.
UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

NOTES
1. See Edmund L. Epstein, "Joyce and Judaism," Morton P. Levitt, "The
Humanity of Bloom, The Jewishness of Joyce," and Marilyn Reizbaum, "The
Jewish Connection, Cont'd.," The SeventhofJoyce (ed.) Bernard Benstock (Bloomington, 1982), pp. 219-38; Leo Shapiro, "The Zion Motif in Ulysses,JewishFrontier
Anthology,1945-67(New York, 1967), pp. 315-21; Daniel Mark Fogel, "JamesJoyce,
The Jews and Ulysses,"James Joyce Quarterly(hereafter JJQ) Vol. XVI, No. 4
(Summer 1979), pp. 498-501;Wolfgang Hildesheimer, TheJewishnessof Mr. Bloom
(Frankfurt, 1984).There is also Leslie Fielder's "Joyce and Jewish Consciousness,"
Scripsi,Vol. 1, No. 2 (November 1982), pp. 21-26.
2. Richard Ellmann, JamesJoyce, New and Revised Edition (New York, 1982),
pp. 272, 373-4. All further references are to this edition; Louis Hyman, "Dublin
Communal Leaders 1860-1900,"The Jews of Ireland (Shannon, 1972), pp. 148-49;
Ellmann, Joyce, p. 463.
3. On Ferrero's three-tiered structure and connections with Bloom see Susan
L. Humphrey, "Ferrero Etc.: James Joyce's Debt to Guglielmo Ferrero," JJQ,
Vol. 16,'No. 3 (Spring 1979), pp. 239-51 and Giorgio Melchiori, "The Genesis of
Ulysses,"Joycein Rome (ed.) Giorgio Melchiori (Rome, 1984),p. 44. Melchiori also
draws attention to the similarity in appearance between Joyce and Ferrero on
p. 42. Passages from Ferrero's La Europa giovane (Milan, 1898) translated by
Melchiori, p. 44 and Humphrey, p. 247. On "Ulysses" and Ferrero see Joyce, The
Lettersof JamesJoyce (ed.) Richard Ellmann (New York, 1966), Vol. II, p. 190.
4. James Joyce, "Ireland, Island of Saints and Sages" (1907), The CriticalWritings
of James Joyce (ed.) Ellsworth Mason and Richard Ellmann (New York, 1959),
p. 156. In the same essay Joyce criticizes another work by Ferrero, Grandezzae
Decadenzadi Roma (5 vols., 1902-07), p. 155; Douglas Hyde, A LiteraryHistory of
Ireland (London, 1899), pp. 45-7.
5. Joyce in Frank Budgen, "JamesJoyce," JamesJoyce, Two Decadesof Criticism
(ed.) Seon Givens (New York, 1948), p. 23; Ellmann, JamesJoyce, p. 373.
6. Maurice Fishberg, The Jews: A Study of Race and Environment (London,
1911), pp. 537-38, 552-53. For Joyce's reading of Fishberg see Daniel Mark Fogel,
"James Joyce, The Jews and Ulysses,JJQ, Vol. XVI (Summer, 1979), pp. 498-501
and Ellmann,Joyce, p. 395; on Joyce and the Church see Ellmann, p. 30.
Stephen's summary of Hamlet's actions seems to encapsulate the wanderings

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of Joyce and the Jews: "He returns after a life of absence to that spot of earth
where he was born, where he has always been, man and boy, a silent witness and
there, his journey of life ended, he plants his mulberry tree in the earth. Then he
dies. The motion is ended." (Ulysses[New York, 1961], p. 213.)
7. See Lucie Noel, James Joyce and Paul Leon, The Story of a Friendship(New
York, 1950), pp. 55-56. Noel implies Leon would have become a Catholic had he
not been "prompted by a feeling of 'dignity' preventing him from doing so."
"This is frequent in many Jews believing in Christianity" she adds (p. 56). In 1918
when Leon left Russia, she records, he carried in one pocket The New Testament
in Greek and in the other Guillaume Bede's Evangiles(p. 56).
8. Richard Ellmann, The Consciousnessof Joyce (New York, 1977), pp. 34-36;
Joyce in Ellmann, Joyce, p. 396; Joyce to Linati in Ellmann, Joyce, p. 521; Joyce
and Leventhal, ibid., p. 513; James Joyce, Ulysses(New York, 1961), p. 689.
9. James Joyce, Selected Letters of James Joyce (ed.) Richard Ellmann (New
York, 1975), p. 337; Fishberg, TheJews, pp. 353-55.
10. James Joyce, The LettersofJamesJoyce (ed.) Richard Ellmann (New York,
1966), Vol. III, p. 455 note; all further references are to this edition; Noel, Joyce
and Leon, p. 46. Leon quoted, p. 48.
11. Joyce to Jolas in Ellmann, Joyce, p. 709. Joyce to Mercanton in Jacques
Mercanton, "The Hours of James Joyce," Portraitof theArtistin Exile (ed.) Willard
Potts (Seattle, 1979), p. 218; Joyce to Beckett in Ellmann, Joyce, p. 709.
12. Joyce, Letters,Vol. III, p. 432; Ulysses,p. 36.
13. On Broch's possible 1930 essay for the proposed edition of Joyce, see Paul
Michael Lutzeler, Hermann Broch, Eine Biographie (Frankfurt, 1985), p. 137; on
Broch preparing a movie treatment of Ulysses,see Ernestine Schlant, Hermann
Broch (Boston, 1978), p. 72. For parallels between Broch's work and Joyce's see
Broch's letters to Daniel Brody #12, 14, 17, 20, 39, 42, (24 June 1930 to 5 October
1930) in Hermann Broch/Daniel Brody: Briefwechsel,1930-1951(ed.) Bertold Hack
and Marietta Kleiss (Frankfurt, 1972).
14. Broch in Breon Mitchell, JamesJoyce and the GermanNovel 1922-1933
(Athens
[Ohio], 1976), pp. 154, 103.
15. Anna Herzog writing in 1971 quoted in Paul Michael Lutzeler, Hermann
Broch,Eine Biographie,p. 228. Additional details about Broch's escape are taken
from Liitzeler's account, pp. 228-32.
16. Joyce, Letters,111:424.
17. On Joyce and the English Consul of Zurich see Mercanton, "The Hours of
Joyce," Portraitof the Artist in Exile, p. 245. Joyce to Borach see Georges Borach,
"Conversations with James Joyce," Portraitof the Artistin Exile, p. 71.

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