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Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association

Nationalist Politics and the Dynamics of State and Civil Society in the Habsburg Monarchy,
1867-1914
Author(s): Gary B. Cohen
Source: Central European History, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Jun., 2007), pp. 241-278
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Conference Group for Central European History of
the American Historical Association
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Central European History 40 (2007), 241-278.
Copyright (? Conference Group forCentral European History of theAmerican
Historical Association
DOI:

10.1017/S0008938907000532

Printed in the USA

NationalistPoliticsand theDynamicsofState
andCivil Society in theHabsburg
Monarchy,
1867- 1914
Gary B. Cohen

H

ISTORIANS
have conventionally depicted theHabsburg Monarchy as the
largestmodern European imperial polity to disappear from themap
because of its inability to accommodate

the national aspirations of its
It is the locus classicus for the failure of an old-fashioned dynastic
empire to develop among its subjects a broader civic identity and loyalty to
the state to counter the rise of nationalist demands for self-government. For
laterhistorians aswell asmany contemporary observers of the frequent internal

peoples.

crises after the 1890s, thiswas already a failed state even beforeWorld War I
brought on the tragic denouement. In thisperspective themonarchy's partici
pation in thewar was not a purely exogenous factor that led eventually to the
polity's demise. Most scholars have agreed that themonarchy's entry into the
war came largely because of its need to preserve its status as a Great Power,
defend itsposition in theBalkans, and counter the challenges of itsown nation
alist political movements, some of them allied with political forces beyond the
borders.1 Older western European and North American histories also tended
to view nationalist politics inHabsburg central Europe, in contrast towestern
European experience, as an intolerant and ultimately anti-democratic force
thathelped doom hopes forparliamentary democracy both under themonarchy
and in the post-1918 successor states.2
^ee, for example, A. J.P. Taylor, The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918
(London: Hamish Hamilton,
Solomon Wank, "Some
1948; reprinted, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 230-33;
on the Habsburg Empire and Its Legacy in the Nationalities Question," Austrian
Reflections
History Yearbook 28 (1997): 140-41; Samuel R. Williamson, Jr.,Austria-Hungary and theOrigins of

theFirst World War (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991); and Steven B?lier, A Concise History of
Austria (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 182-85.
Arguments for the special character of nationalism in Europe east of the Elbe date back to the
scholarly generation ofHans Kohn and his Idea ofNationalism, A Study in itsOrigins and Background,
1st ed. (New York: Macmillan,
1944). The long-term influence of thisdistinction is still apparent in
works from theCold-War era, such asHugh Seton-Watson, Nationalism and Communism (New York:
and Peter F. Sugar, "External and Domestic Roots of Eastern Euro
Praeger, 1964), pp. 3-8,11?20;
inNationalism inEastern Europe, ed. P. F. Sugar and Ivo J. Lederer (Seattle: Uni
pean Nationalism,"
versity ofWashington Press, 1969), 46-54. The notion of strong regional and national distinctions in
European nationalist ideologies and their relationship to democratic development still resonates in

241

GARY B. COHEN

242
There

ismuch

truth,of course, in the conventional wisdom

regarding the

political decline of the Habsburg Monarchy during the late nineteenth
century and itsultimate demise. Still, such a reading embodies some longstand
ingmisunderstandings and contradictions about the relationship between the
Habsburg state and the internal nationalistmovements and about how popular
loyalties and political lifeactually developed there.Put simply,a polity thatper
mitted and inmany ways abetted the flowering of vigorous nationalist political
movements, an abundance of political parties and interestgroups, and amulti
farious and assertivepolitical press could not have been so immobile or paralytic
that only war and revolution could satisfypopular aspirations for self-rule.As
will be discussed in this essay, recent scholarship offers a much more dynamic
picture of theHabsburg state and public administration, even in the era of the
most intense national political conflicts.
For theirpart, the nationalist and other popular political forces in theHabs
burgMonarchy during the late nineteenth centurywere hardly irresistibleforces
demanding a self-government that could be realized only by dissolving the
empire.3 Indeed, the great majority of the political parties and organizations
up untilWorld War I contended for greater empowerment within a reformed
multinational Habsburg state, not for independence. Even the most radical
Czech nationalists, for example, theNational Social Party and the State-Right
Radical Party, combined a rhetoric thatchallenged the legitimacy of centralized
Habsburg rulewith a practical politics of electing representatives to legislative
bodies and trying towin concrete reforms and partisan advantage.4 The open
attacks on Habsburg rule and the Catholic Church by Georg von Schonerer's
Pan-German movement

and its calls for uniting Austria's German-speaking

sophisticated recent works such as Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to
Modernity (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 1-26; Eric J.Hobsbawm, Nations andNationalism since 1780:
Programme,Myth, Reality, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), chapter 4,
101-30; and Dennison Rusinow, "Ethnic Politics in theHabsburg Monarchy and Successor States:
Three 'Answers' to theNational Question,"
inNationalism and Empire: The Habsburg Monarchy and
theSoviet Union, ed. Richard L. Rudolph
and David F. Good (New York: St.Martin's Press, 1992),
243-56. For an analysis of the historiographical connection between nationalism and backwardness
in eastern Europe, seeMaria Todorova, "The Trap of Backwardness: Modernity, Temporality, and
the Study of Eastern European Nationalism," Slavic Review 64 (2005): 140-64. On the connections
drawn by scholarsmore generally between nationalism andmodernism or, alternatively,backwardness,
see Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism andModernism (London and New York:
1998).
Roudedge,
A. J. P. Taylor made the confrontation of the seemingly unreformable monarchy with the
irresistible forces of modern nationalism the basis of his The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918.
See
David Hackett Fischer, Historians' Fallacies (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), 35, on Taylor's fre
quent indulgence, as in this case, ofwhat Fischer calls the "fallacy of contradictory questions."
radical nationalist parties, see Bruce M. Garver, The Young Czech Party,
4On the Czech
1874-1901
and theEmergence of aMulti-Party System (New Haven and London: Yale University
Press, 1978), 295-304, 306-08; and T. Mills Kelly, "Taking It to the Streets: Czech National
ists in 1908," Austrian History Yearbook 29 (1998), pt 1: 93-112.

Social

1991)." Central European History 20 (1989): 11. zur Slowakei im europ?ischen "Nationale oder Transnationale Geschichte? Die Historiographie For examples of nationalist narratives of varying shades Kontext." in Staging thePast: The Politics ofCommemoration inHabsburg Central Europe. Bruce F. Andrew G. Ritter von Sch?nerer and Austrian Pan-Germanism (Berkeley: University of California Press. and for Slovak historiography in Peter Haslinger. 112-152. and social democratic parties. political parties. Ethnicity. Kornblume und Kaiseradler: Die deutschfreiheitlichen 1882-1918 1993). Oldenbourg. Much of the earlier historical writing was strongly influenced by deeply entrenched central European nationalist narratives that saw the development of the nationalist political causes as the core issue in late nineteenth-century popular politics and as simply counterposed to the absolutist traditions and institutionsof theHabsburg dynastic state. Whiteside.7 In this view the political history On the Pan-German movement and other radical German nationalist formations in imperial Parteien Alt?sterreichs Austria. 2001). New studies have appeared on the evolution of popular politics. of East See the critiques of the nationalist narratives in Jeremy King. Germany. of nationalist political demands and the conflicts both among the competing national groups and between them and the state before 1914. Boyer observed that. and Mitteleuropa. and stripes. see Lothar H?belt.growing popular political action. ed. historians had done little to analyze the relation ship of the administrative state to civil society there compared with recent writing on Imperial Germany. 1962).despite all the researchon nationalist politics in theHabsburg Monarchy and the accom panying cultural developments. andWhiteside. 1975)." Bohemia 44 (2003): 326-41. "Some Reflections on the Problem of Austria. Wingfield (W Lafay ette. to a minuscule following after 1900.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 243 population with Germany condemned thatmovement.5 Much more successful in winning popular support were nationalist. social Catholic. see the syntheses on nineteenth-century Czech and Slovak history in Oldrich Riha . In the late 1980s theAmerican scholar JohnW. and the very reach and limits of nationalist politics within themonarchy. the practical functions. JohnW Boyer. Austrian National Socialism before 1918 (The Hague: M. 1848 to thePresent. and changing While much has been written about the radicalization governmental structures. in fact. and representative institutions and on the broader institutional and legal development of the Habsburg state. IN: Purdue University Press. scholars have only made a limited start in explaining in broad structural terms the political and social context. "The Nationalization Central Europe: Ethnicism.Maria Bucur and Nancy M. and Beyond.6 Since then a body of new research on themon archy has developed thatdemonstrates how nationalist politics developed within the context of an evolving civil society and changing government structures. agrarian. (Vienna and Munich: Verlag f?r Geschichte und Politik and R. Nonetheless. historians have not been successful in developing cogent broader accounts of the relationship between society and the state to depict the dynamic and indeed symbiotic pro cesses of developing civil society. Pauley. Nijhoff. which accepted the continuation of themonarchy and itsbasic territorialinteg ritywhile calling for significant reformsof one kind or another. From Prejudice to Persecution: A History ofAustrian Anti-Semitism (Chapel Hill: The Socialism of Fools: Georg University of North Carolina Press.

in fact. 1979). and JosefM?hlberger. 1977).which. That civil society involved widening segments of the general population during the last decades beforeWorld War I. Speller. Slovakia: Nation at theCrossroads of Central Europe (New York: R. Those nationalist narratives stillhave an important influence.. In varying degrees. Emil Franzel.. eine volkst?mlicheDarstellung.244 GARY B. A. 1971). This essaywill offer a conceptual framework for debate and furtherresearch by sketching the general development after the 1860s of public lifeand popular politics. PNW. Kirschbaum. In contrast to those views. History of Slovakia: The Strugglefor Survival. was an evolving modern civil society where nationalist loyalties found expression alongside strong class and interest group allegiances as well as continuing loyalties to the state. History ofHungary (New York: Praeger. . and Julius Mesaros. Czechoslovakia: A Short (Prague: Academia. although freerandmore highly articulated in theAustrian half of themonarchy than in the Hungarian. 1941). this essaywill argue that we can best understand the development of the nationalist political formations and their conflictswith other interests in society and the state as embedded within the broader development of civil society and bound up with changes in the Habsburg state itself. Zwei V?lker inB?hmen. II: 1848-1918] 1969). on Poland. Aleksander Gieysztor et al. N. on Slovakia. the societally based political forces. (Warsaw: Polish Scientific Publishers. 1976). 2nd ed. and it developed. Beitrag zu einer nationalen. 2005). God's Playground: A History ofPoland. found ways to participate in policy making and aspects of state administration at various levels of government. A History of Poland. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 9th ed. COHEN of the period was the storyof the heroic struggleof the national movements typically the struggleof each national movement viewed largely in isolation-to develop against the powerful opposition of the state and other nationalities and to triumph ultimately in 1918 with the creation of independent national states. and Jozef Lettrich. societal demands. 2 vols. Poland in the Twentieth Century (New York: Columbia University Press. 1959). Bradley. II: 1848-1918 [Outline of Czechoslovak History. K. McKay. 2nd ed. 1977). Stanislav J. 1970). 1955). its laws. SudetendeutscheGeschichte. 1973). Twentieth-century kia: The Meanings of Its History (New York: Columbia University Press. Praeger. John F. Pfehled ceskoslenskychd?jin. and Denis Sinor. and on Hungary. and from a Sudeten German perspective. 1982 ). (New York: Colum bia University Press. JosefKorbel.particularly among historians in centralEurope. including those espousing nationalist ideologies. (Augsburg: A Kraft. (New York: D. Dziewanowski. Norman Davies. and administration. and Oscar Halecki. expanded 4th ed. Kirschbaum. Domokos Kosary. A History of Hungary (Cleveland and New York: Benjamin Franklin Bibliophile Society. History of Modern Slovakia (New York: F. eds. to at least some extent. again more so in the Austrian half than inHungary. History ofPoland. 1960). M. historischen und geistesgeschichtlichenStrukturanalyse (Munich: Bogen-Verlag. in close connection with evolving governmental and administrative struc tures thathad to provide a growing arrayof public services for amodern society and findways to accommodate. Czechoslova History (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. rather than simply opposed to that supposedly rigiddynastic structure. JosephM.

J. Cohen and Andrew Arato. MA: MIT Press.nationalist politics. ithas amore public.8Much recent writing has tended to appropriate the concept of civil society as an essential component of modern democracies and to envision the development of a vigorous civil society as typicallyleading to the creation or bolstering of democratic modes of government. Los Angeles.or the family. Primarily because of this fact.contended foradvantage and power largelywithin thegoverning institutionsof the state itself Between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. the old empires of central and eastern Europe each saw the emergence of civil society. Democracy and Civil Society (London and New York: Verso. Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge. newspapers and journals. though. 1988). 1974). politics. Repr?sentation. the emergingmodern political forcesduring the middle and latenineteenth century. Karl Vocelka. Nancy Bermeo and Philip Nord On concepts of civil society. Civil society may draw upon social connections that originate in thework place. and Thomas Winkelbauer. see R. During decades beforeWorld War the last I.a process thatwas not predestined to lead to stable democratic governments in those lands during the interwarera.but asPhilip Nord has argued.more extravagantly nationalist accounts portrayed as a "prison of nations. and salons.thataddresses issuesof public affairs." in Civil Society beforeDemocracy: Lessons from Nineteenth-century (Lanham. MD: Rowman & Littlefield. popular civic action. In the circum stances of the nineteenth century. 1550-1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1526?1918 (Berkeley. including thenationalist interests.9 The Habsburgs' 8Philip Nord. the Austrian Habsburgs knitted together a mosaic of central European territories. Civil society is a highly varied phenomenon inmodern societies. and London: University of California Press. ed. "Introduction.. among other freepopular phenomena. Robert A. and ordered character. Government and theBeginnings of PoliticalMovements in theMid-Nineteenth Century The conventional nationalist historical narratives have typically depicted the development of the national political movements in theHabsburg Monarchy as independent of and opposed to the state.with that. A History of theHabsburg Empire. 1992). and Jean L. voluntary associations. meaning the sphere of individual and group discourse and action. and political parties. 2 vols. xiv. 2001). (Vienna: Ueberreuter.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 245 The concept of "civil society" isused here in a broad but non-teleological sense. Evans. St?ndefreiheitund F?rstenmacht. The Making of theHabsburg Monarchy. 2003). On the rise of the Habsburg Monarchy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Kann. Glanz und Untergang der h?fischen Welt. and governance. collective. it included public assemblies." Yet itwas theHabsburg state thatmade possible the growth of political space and institutionalvenues for the development of amodern civil society and.L?nder und Untertanen desHauses Habsburgs im konfessionalleZeitalter. social and political move ments. formally inde pendent of the state. 2000). 1979). a polity thatolder. each of which had its own traditions of law and government institutions. W . see also John Keane. ed. cafes. Europe. Reform und Reaktion in habsburgischenVielv?lkerstaat (Vienna: Ueberreuter.

Timothy C. second ed.11This nascent public life provided the early nationalist 10On the development of Habsburg absolutism. for example. Enlightened reformsduring the late eighteenth century weakened absolutist the diets of the various crown lands and Hungary's county assemblies. Joseph II (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. Croatia. Krueger.By the late 1830s and 1840s. 1848-1948 15-47. 1993). W Blanning. bridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism. 122-132. as repressive abso lutistgovernment graduallywaned. 11-164. Agnew.GARY B. Rita A. 1961). Stephen escaped much of the centralizing effortsfromVienna. Political Radicalism inLate Imperial Vienna: Origins of theChristian Social Movement. "Cultural Currents and Political Choices: Roma nian Intellectuals in the Banat to 1848. 1848?1914 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Franz A. encouraging the beginnings of industrialization. the authority of the absolutist sovereign grew over time at the expense of the diets and the county congregations." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (2001): 25-45. and Zsuzsanna T?r?k. COHEN 246 centralization effortsfrom the seventeenth century onward combined theAlpine and Bohemian crown lands and eventually what had been southern Poland under a strong imperial authority centered inVienna. M. 1994). 2006). and the crown authorities also began to rationalize and modernize administration. Pieter M. see Derek Beales. "Mediating Progress in the Provinces: Central Authority. Purdue University Press. 2002). the landed nobility in each historic crown land continued to enjoy important privileges grounded in surviving older laws and institutions. law. 2000). Local Elites. NJ: Princeton University Press. though. Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: A Local (Princeton. and National Identity in theAustrian Empire. 1996). ?sterreich in derZeit Kaiser Leopolds I. The rev. Rohrer. Jeremy King. and Agrarian Societies in Bohemia Robert Nemes. 1848-1897 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1968). 1-10. urbanization. 18?56." Austrian History Yearbook 35 (2004): 49-80. Stephen Sz?chenyi and theAwakening (Princeton. though. Social Experience. 33-106. Joseph II (London and New York: Longman. 1987)." Austrian History Yearbook 36 (2005): 65-93. and Transylvania. Alex Drace-Francis. Glanz und Untergang. Cohen. 1618-1815. . The Once and Future Budapest (DeKalb. IL: Northern Illinois University Press. public education. 1791-1841 JohnW Boyer. Exclusive Revolutionaries: Liberal Politics. During thenineteenth century economic development. Szabo. too. (Cam Ingrao. Judson. 2005). absolutist Habsburg state. themiddle and lower classes in various parts of themonarchy began to develop voluntary associations aswell as literaryand journalistic activity. (W Lafayette. 4th ed. passim. In Hungary. 1861-1914. IN: Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague. George Barany. and the growth of the state itselfsparked the development ofmodern middle-class and eventually working-class society and with that the firstinitiatives toward con structingmodern civil society. Oswald Redlich. "Associations and Civil Society inReform-Era Hungary. Nemes. see in English. 1994) . The Habsburg Monarchy. (Vienna: R. Weltmacht des Barock. History of Bohemian Politics. 1981). NJ: Princeton University Press. andWinkelbauer. Hugh L." Austrian History Yearbook 36 (2005): 94-120. Vocelka.10 After 1526 theAustrian Habsburg sovereignswere also kings of Hungary. Gary B. St?ndefreiheitund F?rstenmacht. passim. On the beginnings of associational life and civil society in the early and mid-nineteenth century. but the lands of the crown of St. and Moravia. "The Friends of Progress: Learned Societies and the Public Sphere in the Transylvanian Reform Era. J. ofHungarian Nationalism. Origins of theCzech National Renascence (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Even with the rise of a centralized.Charles W 2nd ed. 1753?80 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. and economic regulation. passim.

In the 1840s that emerging civil society produced demands for liberal and eventually also radical democratic reforms of government. Kann. Bohemian. and association. L'udovit Holotik. Der ?sterreichisch-ungarische 1971). basing themselves on systems of limited suffrage and local associational networks and habits of social deference. ed. Emperor Francis Joseph (ruled 1848-1916) had to bow to renewed demands from segments of the great landowners and the urban middle classes for constitutional government and freedom of speech. (Graz and Cologne: 1964).NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 247 intellectuals and professionalswith platforms to begin tomobilize supporters. On theAustro-H?ngarian compromise of 1867 and the constitutional arrangements in the two halves of themonarchy. After military defeat in northern Italy and near state bankruptcy at the end of the 1850s. 1967). and it gave voice to the demands to liberalize government. A. Civil society. 2nd ed. Der ?sterreichisch-ungarischeAusgleich von 1867. and Gerald Stourzh.. Francis Joseph in the famous 1867 compromise sanctioned two constitutions..While ary effortsof 1848-49 the revolution to liberalize government largely failed. the Habsburg imperial authoritieswere forced to confirm the final emancipation of the peas antry. domi nated the representative bodies. and Adriatic crown lands gathered together under a separate parliament and cabinet of ministers inVienna. one for the Kingdom of Hungary. in turn. defined primarily on the basis of language. After several years of constitutional improvisation and the Austro-Prussian War. waltung ?sterreichs 1848-1918 1985). . and the second for the Alpine. in Budapest. Vor geschichte and Wirkungen (Vienna: Herold. at firstmostly in cities and larger towns. Das Nationalit?tenproblem derHabsburgermonarchie. greatly stimulated the furtherdevelopment of civil society. the urban middle and lower middle classeswere joined by segments of the landed nobilitywho also wanted liberal economic reforms to aid furtheragricultural and industrial development and constitutional changes toweaken the central bureaucracy. including Transylvania and Croatia. similar to those common in the German states and France. Robert Ausgleich 1867 (Bratislava: Verlag der Slowakischen Akademie derWissenschaften. At firstduring the 1860s. Both halves of themonarchy soon approved legislation to grant civil equality to the formerlydisadvantaged religious minorities and recognized at least formally the equal linguistic and cultural rights of citizens of all major nationalities. including nationalist groups.12 Representative institutions and a vibrant civic life of political parties and interestgroups enjoyed strong development throughout theHabsburg Monar chy during the half century after 1867. renovate state administration. The constitutional reforms after 1860. and then in the late 1850s liberalize eco nomic regulations in general. with a centralized parliament and cabinet Carpathian.. press. In several crown lands. 2 vols. Die GleichberechtigungderNationalit?ten in der Verfassungund Ver (Vienna: Verlag der ?sterreichischen Akademie derWissenschaften. see Peter Berger. parties of notables. B?hlau. ed. already showed signs of reinvigoration in the late 1850s.

the Czech historian Miroslav of the nationalist political movements. based largely in urban social networks of voluntary associations led by members of the pro fessional and entrepreneurialmiddle classes. which resided largely inmore slowly develop ing and still stronglyagrarian regions. Cesky casopis historicky103 (2005): 354-81. Acta Universitatis Carolinae Philosopohica 24 (Prague: Universita Karlova. I: The Nations of Northern and Eastern Europe] (Prague: Universita Karlova. COHEN 248 The firstnationalist political formations emerged in various crown lands as parties of local and regional notables committed in themain to the cause of constitutional reform. 1-39. and Romanian-speaking populations. Koncept a d?lc? vysledky vyzkumu" [Communal Self-Government and Local Elites in the Bohemian Lands. Political Radicalism. [Czech Society. Social Preconditions ofNational Revival inEurope: A Comparative Analysis of the Social Composition of Patriotic Groups among the Smaller European Nations (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. 1848-1918]. 69?116.14 Czech.curial electoral system. Gerald Sprengnagel. 41-56.Slovene national interests. I. 15?48.13 Conventional nationalist historical narratives saw littleneed for comparisons between the rise of theirown nationalistmovements and others. Exclusive Revolutionaries. but also drawing on alliances with parts of the local landowning elites. and Hroch. See Hroch. 123-83. Slovak-.GARY B. "Nationale Kultur und die Selbsterschaf 1848-1864. 1850-1918: Sketch and Partial Results]. Ukrainian-. Am Beispiel der Stadt Prost?jov inM?hren. inNineteenth-century Prague. King. Cohen. The Slovene-. and Italian nationalist political activity in theAustrian halfof theHabsburg Monarchy initiallytook the form of classic central European liberal nationalistmovements. Lukas Fasora. 14Robert A. and Italian-speaking populations." "B?hmische Skizzen: Reflections on Social Space and Nationhood Nationalities Papers 30 (2002): 335-50. 1982). 1968) [English transi. It should not be forgotten.The liberalparties of notables in theAustrian half of themonarchy established strong foundations at the local and regional levels by taking advantage of the considerable autonomy granted to communal councils and the provincial diets. N?rody severn? a vychodni Evropy [The Revival Nations. that even with a limited suffrageand a stratified. German-. 1971). "Socialni a profesni struktura brn?nsk? Cesky casopis historicky102 (2004): 796?827. developed nationalist political formations somewhat later than the Czech-. Cesk? spolecnost 1848-1918 schriftf?rGeschichtswissenschaften10 (1999): 260-91. Hroch was unique in central Europe in drawing systematic comparisons of the national revivals and the nationalist political movements. (Prague: Svoboda. 1851-1904]. particularly inDas Nationalit?tenproblem derHabsburgermonarchie. Lukas Fasora and Pavel Kladiva. German. Obrozem of Small European malych evropskych n?rod?. Kann. but he did not attempt any structural analysis or comparison In the next generation. Judson.. The national movements in the economically less developed regions had more predominantly lower middle-class and peasant farmer constituencies with larger leadership roles for local clergy and schoolteachers. komunaln? reprezentace v letech 1851-1904" [Social and Professional Structure of the Brno Com munal Representatives. Ale?a Simunkov?. Die Vork?mpferder nationalen Bewegung bei den et Historia Monographia kleinen V?lkern Europas. 1985].was unique among North American and Austrian historians of the monarchy of his generation in examining all the national movements together. alreadywon amajority See Boyer. ." ?sterreicische Zeit fung des B?rgertums. Budweisers. though. and Otto Urban. "Obecni samo spr?va a lok?ln? elity v ceskych zemich 1850?1918. but such com parisons can help us understand better the dynamics of each movement's devel opment and what was specific to each.for instance. Politics ofEthnic Survival.

Die V?lker des 15SeeJanko Pleterski. and Judson. During themiddle thirdof thenineteenth century.16The governmental auton omy thatFrancis Joseph granted toHungary in 1867 and de facto toGalicia as empowered conservative and moderate nationalist landowning.17Urban petty bourgeoisie. see Sugar and Lederer. peasant farmers. that civil society extended well beyond the limits of the enfranchised electorate.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 249 in theCarniolan diet in 1867. In the 1840s and then increasingly after 1860. though often with a more conservative. . the stronggrip on theGalician diet of Polish landowners and lateralso Polish urbanmiddle-class interestslong blocked the political advance of theRuthenian nationalist interests.Magyar. than small and Romanian nationalists from electing more Ruthenian. On the rise of mass politics out of the older parties of notables. passim. overviews of the formation of all the nationalist For generally sound English-language movements. the Sabor. ed. During the late 1860s and 1870s German liberals in theAustrian crown lands andMagyar liberal nationalists in theKingdom ofHungary both used systemsof limited suffrageand gerrymandering of the parliamentary voting districts to bolster the strengthof their propertied and educated constituents and protect theirown partisan interests. III. picking up in society where the parties of notables left off. became committed to constitutional reforms. 193-266. 1. continuing urbanization. who gradually became more prominent in Polish. bureaucratic. pt. Exclusive Revolutionaries. see Boyer. Political Radicalism. Magyar-. With the advance of free capitalist agriculture and industryafter the 1850s. and entrepreneurs. Itmust be remembered. Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch (Vienna: Verlag der ?sterreichischen Akademie derWissenschaften. "Die Slowenen. the agreement worked out between theHungarian government and the Croatian diet in 1868.." inDie Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. 807. numbers of representativeseach at any one time throughout the dualist era. increasing numbers of the petty bourgeoisie and working classes participated in aspects of civil society. Reiches. federalistbent. the lessernobility played a strong role as founders and carriers of nationalist politics among the Polish-. often initiallyusing many of the same basic organizational methods while attacking the elitist liberal and conservative partieswith harsh populist rhetoric.The limited suffrage systems forHungary's county congregations and parliament prevented Slovak. well after the mid-1860s The Nagodba. and Croatian nation alist politics during the last decades of the century. eds. 1980). Mass political movements flowered after themid-1880s. though. the reforming nationalist nobility was joined by growing numbers of urban-based professionals. while recognizing the incorporation of Croatia in a now more unitaryHungarian state. These nationalists. public and private officials.15 In contrast. and Croatian-speaking populations within the monarchy. nominally reserved significant autonomous powers to that diet. and the growth of public education. and professional interestsin each of those territories. Nationalism inEastern Europe. too.

336-56. Hoensch. 1804-1914. ?sterreichische Geschichte. and government services.comparable to contemporary liberal legislation On the development ofmass politics in the two halves of themonarchy. (Vienna: Ueberreuter. 257-309. mass political formations. J?rg K.To the end of the monarchy. 1867-1986 (London and New York: Longman. It preserved considerable authority for the crown and for the central bureaucracy in each half of the realm along with elaborate privileges for various elite groups and historic institutions such as the Catholic Church and the diets of each crown land. Ervin Paml?nyi. and Late Viennese Liberalism: A Commentary from 1905. ?sterreichische Geschichte. Article 13 of the con stitutional laws adopted inDecember 1867 for theAustrian half included a full listingof individual civil rights. including social demo crats. The Politics ofBackward (Vienna: Ueberreuter. Geschichte Ungarns (Budapest: Corvina. Christian socials. Nonetheless. 1994). COHEN industrial labor. the county congregations and theparliament retained strictlylimited suffragesystemsup to 1918. B?rgerliche Emanzipation und Staatsverfall in derHabsburgermonarchie and Ernst Hanisch. NJ: Princeton University Press. 1825-1945 (Princeton.18 The governmental system that developed in the Habsburg Monarchy after the 1860s was verymuch a hybrid. Marriage. . Andrew C. Janos. ?sterreichische Gesellschaftsgeschichte im 20. JohnW Boyer has termed the arrangements for the Austrian half of the monarchy a "mixed constitutional-bureaucratic political system.250 GARY B. Eine Chance f?r Mitteleuropa. Suffrage reform for the Austrian crown lands in 1882 gave voting rights to wider segments of the lower middle classes. 486-523. the electoral systems formost of the provincial diets and communal councils in theAustrian crown lands remained restricted and stratified. but political freedomswere not absolute. Helmut Rumpier. eds. agrarians.InHungary. policies. however. ed. 1990).19 There is no denying the development of a vigorous political press and highly diverse public political action throughout themonarchy during thehalf century after the 1860s. JohnW Boyer. Der lange Schatten des Staates. 149-89. Martin's. surviving even the emperor's threat in 1906 to initiate a law establishing universal male suffragefor the lower house of parliament. The Habsburg Monarchy from Enlightenment toEclipse (New York: St.. 2001). and equal male suffrage. 1971). 1982). Another reform in 1897 added a new group of deputies to the Austrian chamber of deputies elected by universal male suffrage.After 1907." Journal ofModern History 50 (1978): 73. 424?79. 267-91. direct. 1997). 1890?1990. 209-41. A History ofHungary (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana Univer sity Press. and Peter 1988). A History ofModern Hungary. Sugar and P?ter Han?k. thewhole chamber of deputies was elected by universal. and eventually also farm laborerswere attracted to the mass political movements. see the overviews for the Austrian half by Robin Okey. "Freud. Yet the system also guaranteed a wide sphere of individual civil liberties and permitted increasing engagement of societal interests in public debate and agitation for the creation of new laws. ness inHungary.. Jahrhundert and forHungary. 549-60." and this applies in general terms to Hungary as well. and various non-Magyar nationalist parties arose inHungary aswell after the late 1880s.

"Ungarns Verwaltung.The Hungarian state structure." inDie Habsburgermonarchie. ed. though. 538-662. in fact. 69-237. 1848-1918. 402-04." and for theAustrian half of themonarchy. in Cisleitha . 569-571. pt.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 251 elsewhere in Europe. the basing of civil rights in the powers and obligations of the state allowed formore far-reaching regulation and restrictionof individual rights than in theAustrian crown lands. and George Barany. L'aszlo Peter. restricted. 1848?1918. L?szlo P?ter. 1975). On restrictions of civil liberties after 1867. and some of the most radical nationalist groups.. and other scholars have argued that civil rights in Hungary were based not so much in private or penal law but in the sovereign legal au thorityof the state itself. like that in theAustrian crown lands. and at times prohibited anarchist. 2000). Libel and sedition laws hemmed in thepress. On Austrian constitutional and legal development.23 By late December 1888. II. Helmut Rumpier ?sterreichischen Akademie derWissenschaften. and thepress. and both theAustrian and Hungarian admin istrationsharassed. 1. see the syntheses byWerner Ogris. Brauneder. as Peter views it. Wandruszka inDie Habsburgermonarchie.The development of civil rightsneeds more systematichistorical research. followed the principles of a Rechtsstaat after the late eighteenth century. 1848-1918. Die Geschichte Ungarns. but in contrast to the Austrian half.21Although government in Hungary. theAustrian government inJune 1886 had thepar liament pass repressivemeasures against "anarchist agitation. Ver Rechtsentwicklung and Peter Urbanitsch waltung und Rechtswesen. inDie Habsburgermonarchie. George Barany. association. ed." inDie Habsburgermonarchie.20 The constitutional laws adopted inHungary after 1867 rested on the model of the 1848 reform legislation. "Die Verfassungsentwicklung inUngarn. and of governmental regulation assembly inboth Austria andHungary and thepractices and interventionwhen officials felt threatened by subversive forces. "Die Rechtsentwicklung 417-18. general terms. Austrian social democrats were able to convene inHainfeld the foundingmeeting of theAustrian Social Democratic Workers Party." II. 438-40. ed. 1848-1918. pt. 1848-1918. Ogris."modeled afterGer many's anti-socialist laws. ed. they defined civil rights in broad.association. VII.government limited freedom of assembly. 417-18. 372-78. Barany. nien.The Hungarian government similarlyrestrictedsocialist activity in the late 1870s and 1880s.but therewas a clear tensionbetween a broad public and official recognition of theprinciplesof freedom of the press. arresting leaders and banning meetings and publications. 23See Paml?nyi. In both halves of themonarchy after1867. revolutionary 22 socialist. "Ungarns Verwaltung: VII.was based on autocratic legal presumptions thatpostulated an overriding responsibil ity to assure law and order through sustained surveillance of society. and Urbanitsch. In late 1889 and 1890 Hungarian socialistsworked to transformthe small General Workers' Party of Hungary into theHungarian Social Democratic Party and convened itsfirstcongress in earlyDecember 1890. see forHungary. 1848-1918. Adam Wandruszka (Vienna: Verlag der ?ster and Wilhelm reichischen Akademie "Die der Wissenschaften. To combat the social democratic movement.Wandruszka and Urbanitsch." Verfassungsentwicklung in ?sterreich and Peter Urbanitsch (Vienna: Verlag der Verfassung und Parlamentarismus. ed.l. "Die inCisleithanien. 1848-1918.

"Die Verfassungsentwicklung 487-92. and assembly and widely respected guarantees of legal process. COHEN Overall. the police authorities in both halves of themonarchy at the end of the century operated within the frameworkof settledpublic law and regulations. for instance. P?ter. the press. The Austrian and Hungarian interior ministries could also invoke emergency powers to deal with civil unrest and natural disasters. The government typicallydealt with On the legal basis for declaring a state of emergency." ?sterreich 1848-1918. 431-33. 4 vols.. in "Die Verfassungsentwicklung inUngarn. Ludwig Spiegel. Urban..D. Bruce M. For the most part.24 Such occasions arose. (Vienna. "Ausnahmszustand. Spiklenci protijeho velicenstvu: historie tzv. The Young Czech Party.2nd ed. inUngarn.25 By European standardsof the era. and forHungary. see Karen Johnson Freeze. theAustrian govern ment made no further efforts to outlaw opposition political forces outright.252 GARY B. engaging in criminal action. Ernst Mischler and and Brauneder. spiknutiOmladiny v Cech?ch [Conspirators against His Majesty: A History of the So-Called Omladina Conspiracy in Bohemia] (Brno: Barrister & Principal. Short of creating civil unrest. they typicallydid so under the cover of law and established ordinances and with judicial due process. for example.while theHungarian government generally treatedmore harshlywhat itviewed as subversive groups." 190. theAustrian government proved to be fairlytolerantof awide spec trumof political activity. association. Jiri Pernes. they faced loud condemnation in newspapers and legislative chambers. theAustrian and Hungarian governments imposed restrictionson civil When rights and combated groups that they considered threatening to law and order. but therewere similar controls inmuch of Germany. diss. or threatening the discipline of the military and police forces." in ?sterreichisches Staatsw?rterbuch. rev. Garver. 178-189. see for theAustrian crown lands. 1905). . Given the determination of the rulingMagyar nationalist forces after the early 1870s to create aMagyar nation-state inHungary.particularly after the early 1890s. Cesk? spolecnost 1848-1918. the various mass-based parties were free to develop opposition politics. during this era. Both theAustrian and Hun garian state bureaucracies reserved broad powers of surveillance by requiring registrationof voluntary associations and having police agents attend political meetings. in theOmladina conspiracy trials in Prague during the early 1890s. authorities there tended to be more openly repressive toward nationalist political activity among the non Magyar groups thanwas theAustrian officialdom. ed." 373-81. 1992). Columbia University. but one should not exaggerate their number. Popular expectations about guarantees of justice were sufficientlyhigh by the 1880s and 1890s that blatant governmental abuse of the judicial system was an infrequent and loudly protested phenomenon. theAustrian half of theHabsburg Monar chy after the 1860s enjoyed broad freedom of speech. 6On the Omladina trials. When state officialsdid pervert justice as they did. "Die Verfassungsentwicklung in JosefUlbrich. P?ter. "The Young Progressives: The Czech Student Movement" (Ph.26 After relaxing the anti-socialistmeasures in the late 1880s. 1974). 1: 370-73.

257-58. 383-85. Janko Pleterski. harass. 68-78. 1951). and trying to strengthen their opponents but also at times by negotiating and offeringconcessions. "The Southern Slav Question. ed. Barbara and burg Monarchy. responded to the risingagitation for reform in Croatia by a new Serb-Croat coalition with repeated dissolutions of the Sabor and rule by decree. propagandizing against them. The Haps (Cambridge.May. though. All thiswas done. and Hugh and Chris topher Seton-Watson. Sued for libel. The failureof some of theHungarian government's cruder effortsto control the political situation in Croatia between 1907 and 1913 shows that the resis tance of civil society and the judicial system limited how far the government's executive authority reached. in which he claimed a conspiracy of Serb and Croat politicians in Croatia with the Serbian govern ment. and the convicted defendants were ultimately exonerated by a higher court. In the meantime.however. and even parliament itselfin order tomaintain thepo litical statusquo. popular political agitation. 1977). 1867-1914 Charles Jelavich. W. the Austrian historian Heinrich Friedjung published an article inVienna's Neue Freie Presse inMarch 1909. under the cover of laws and ministerial decrees. 1981). Hungary's central government exercisedmuch greater power to restrictindi vidual liberties and political opposition than did itsAustrian counterpart.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 253 opposition groups. The Making of aNew Europe: R. including radical nationalists and the social democrats." in The Last Years ofAustria-Hungary :A Multi-National Experiment inEarly Twentieth-CenturyEurope. . both the j'oint foreign ministry and the Hungarian 27On the Zagreb trial and the Friedjung affair see the brief treatments inArthur J. the tough-minded governor appointed by theWekerle ministry in 1908. rev. and Hungarian law offered fewermechanisms for legal recourse. the authority of the county congregations. For most of the era after1867 theHungarian interiorministry and the administrative officials it sent to the counties used their authority to restrain. Mark Cornwall. and the Hungarian government generally recognized political and legal limits to themeasures itused against political opposition. The Zagreb trial. Baron Pavao Rauch. by political means. The government mounted a mass trial in Zagreb in 1909 of some fiftySerbs and Croats on trumped-up charges of a trea sonous conspiracy to join Bosnia and Croatia with theKingdom of Serbia. and occasionally jail leaders of the non-Magyar nationalist formations and of the radical lower-class movements that they found most obnoxious. The Hungarian government authorities tended toview nationalist opponents toMagyar national interests as opposition to theHungarian state itselfand invoked ever tighter restrictionson political expression. (Exeter: University of Exeter Press. soon backfired: newspapers throughout themonarchy and abroad denounced the shoddy evidence and obvious breaches of justice. apparently based on docu ments from the Austro-Hungarian foreign ministry. Seton-Watson and theLast Years ofAustria Hungary (London: Methuen. 131. MA: Harvard University Press. Friedjung had to admit the fraudulence of some of his 27 assertions. 2002). The Establishment of theBalkan National States. 1804-1920 (Seattle and London: University ofWashington Press. Now. ed.

497-98. Ernst Carl Hellbling (Berlin: Dunker & Humblot." Die Habsburgermonarchie. and the press. Despite the fed eralist claims of many conservative noblemen and Czech. constitutional approach in Croatia. Festschrift f?r Ernst C Hellbling zum 80. the consti tutional reformsof the 1860s gave theAustrian propertied elements. Begr?ndung und zu Entwicklungsm?glichkeiten ?sterreichs Rechtsleben inGeschichte und Gegenwart.254 GARY B. pt.Broader segments of thepopulation.28 Rising Popular Political Engagement and theGrowth of theNational Movements The emperor and appointed government officials retainedmuch authority in domestic as well as foreign affairs. however. albeit uneven empowerment of various segments of society. .29 ministries The twoparliaments had substantial legislative authority. and the county assemblies in Hungary gave a direct voice in lawmaking and the formation of public policy to thosewho enjoyed voting rights. and interest groups and the state officials' growing responsiveness to them resulted in a gradual. 314-15. 2. The two parliaments. John W Boyer has argued that the German liberal reformers of the 1860s did much more to liberalize the state structure in theAustrian half of themonarchy than older historicalwriting typicallyrecognized. and Theo ?linger. 1848-1918. 196-97. Istv?n Tisza: The Liberal Vision and Conservative Statecraftof aMagyar Nationalist (Boulder and New York: East European Monographs/Columbia University Press. Vermes. ultimate authority still resided with the crown and the central foreachhalfof themonarchy." Austrian History Yearbook 25 (1994): 32?34.but representativegovern ment and popular political engagement advanced significantlyin both halves of themonarchy after the 1860s." inAus hung. he saw the necessity of amore conciliatory. "Zur Entste des ?sterreichischen F?deralismus. demonstrations. 1981). made their views and interestsknown throughmeetings. in 1848-1918. but after IstvanTisza became speaker of theHungarian parliament in May 1912 and thenprime minister inJune 1913. The development of representative institutions. in Central Europe around 1900: A 29See JohnW Boyer. "Die Verwaltung imK?nigreich Kroatien-Slawonien. particularly the privileged German Burgertumand the great landowners. along with the state bureaucracy much increased power at the cost of the emperor. ed. and Gabor VII. Polish. The Hungarian government again suspended theSabor in 1911 and 1912 and tried to ruleCroatia with royalcom nissioners. In Boyer's reading. ed. COHEN government faced public disgust for the apparently crude attempts to discredit and repress dissident politicians in Croatia. 1985). Rumpier and Urbanitsch.political parties.and theHungarian ruling elites stubbornly resistedany realmoves toward a democratic suffrage. lobbying. "Religion and Political Development View from Vienna. Geburtstag. the elected communal councils and provincial diets in theAustrian lands. but the Austrian and Hungarian ministries conducted See Hodimir Sirotkovic. and Croatian nationalists.

Hanisch. conservative and liberal nationalist political forces. Successive Hungarian governments worked to take autonomous powers away from the counties and to impose on them administrators appointed by the interior ministry." 476-503.b?rokratischer Obrigkeitsstaat) and a liberal state of law (Rechtsstaat).Restricted voting rightsand gerrymandered districtshelped to assure theHungarian Liberal Party a safemajority in the parliament from themid-1870s through the 1890s. In Hungary theMagyar propertied and bureaucratic elites' resistance to suf frage reform and determined government efforts to centralize state adminis tration impeded the penetration of societal interests into policy making during thewhole dualist era. based largely in propertied and educated social elements." 73. 94. endorsed where needed by the sovereign. 209-10. Austrian historian Ernst Hanisch describes the state as at once "a dynastic. Politics ofBackwardness. ?sterreichischeGeschichte.The Hungarian state still relied heavily on the counties' administrative personnel to execute government policies. In the Austrian half of the monarchy the role and influence of societal interests in public policy making grew substantially during the last decades of the century. On the tung. see Barany. but the Old parties carved out important positions in during the 1870s and 1880s as did Slovene liberal and Catholic nationalist forces in Carniola after the late 1860s." 409-46. "Ungarns Verwal and P?ter. see Janos. numbers ofministerial and county officials. and Late Viennese Liberalism. On the centralization of domestic administration in Hungary. but the government could not silence the rising voices of society. . 537-40. bureaucratic. Representatives of the propertied and educated found avenues into government decision making and administration thanks to the considerable autonomy vis-a-vis the central state authorities granted to the municipal and communal councils by the Stadion law of 1849 and the Reichsgemeindegesetzof 1862 and to the provincial diets and their executive committees by the various constitutional reforms of the 1860s. authoritarian state" (dynastischer. and in the chamber of deputies of the Austrian parliament.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 255 much governmental business by means of ministerial decrees and ordinances.31 ^oyer. "Freud. 1890?1990. and theLiberal Partyministers carefullymanaged legislativebusiness. in the provincial diets and their executive committees. "Die Verfassungsentwicklung inUngarn.30 In the Austrian crown lands between the 1860s and the 1890s. In many ways. theKingdom of Hungary functioned more like a constitutional monarchy with a unitary administration and strong cabinet based on a parliamentarymajority than did theAustrian half. The German liberals in the Alpine and Bohemian lands and the conservative Polish forces in Galicia began with considerable Czech and Young Czech Bohemia and Moravia advantages in the 1860s. established bastions of power and influence in communal councils. Marriage. and the numbers of the latter in the late nineteenth century considerably exceeded the ministerial employees.

2003). the growing responsibilitiesof the auto nomous communal and provincial administrationswere causing serious friction between the elected communal councils and provincial diets on the one hand and theAustrian ministerial authorities on the other. Margarete Grandner. "Die Verfassungsentwicklung 204-05.und Staatsdruckerei." inDie Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. u. Education andMiddle-Class Society in Imperial Austria (W Lafayette. 1995). ranging fromprimary education. 270-305. Ernest von Koerber und das Verfassungs 1973). and local police to roads. 48-113."and Jiri "Die Lokalverwaltung in Cisleithanien.Ministerial officialscom plained frequentlyabout the extent of communal and provincial autonomy. see Alfred Ableitinger." Giustino. On provincial and local government in theAustrian lands during the late nineteenth century. 1848-1918. In theAustrian crown landsmany of those new public serviceswere the responsibilityof the elected members of the provincial diets and of the communal councils. 55-126. the responsibilitiesof theAustrian and Hungarian central governments grew steadily. Hof. 1996). passim." Cathleen King. 205-06. II. passim. and various government officesand agencies. In theAustrian crown lands. see Ernst C. sanitation. Klabouch. 1966). however. and Fredrik Lindstr?m. Jahrhundert. Budweisers. November 1912 (Vienna: K. passim. 8-9. "Ernest von Koerber and problem imJahre 1900 (Vienna: B?hlau. On Koerber's ideas for reform. 34 On the growing responsibilities of theAustrian communal and crown land governments and the rising engagement of societally based political and social groups in their affairs. Boyer. as examples. IN: Purdue University Press. "Die Landesverwaltung inCisleithanien. Staatsm?nner und Politiker (Vienna: Verlag furGeschichte und Politik. Kaiserhaus. Tearing Down Prague's Jewish Town: Ghetto Clearance and theLegacy ofMiddle Class Ethnic Politics around 1900 (Boulder and New York: East European Monographs/Columbia in des Gesundheitswesens University Press. was hardly immune to increasing pressures during the last decades of the century from political movements and interestgroups based in society. K.GARY B.32 By around 1900. elected local representatives. "Regelungen im 19. 161. Hellbling. and Gary B. public utilities. ?sterreich Europe. Brauneder.Vigorous public debate regarding those services demonstrated that theywere the subject of considerable public interest. Erich Graf Kielmansegg.33 In a famous study published in 1904. Culture and Political Crisis inVienna: Christian Socialism inPower. and industrial and housing regulation. . see JohnW Boyer. Austrian minister-president Ernest von Koerber called in vain for the reduction of the authority of the communal bodies. Indeed. 1913). 1897-1918 (Chicago and London: inCentral University of Chicago Press. working within regulatory schemes established by the ministries in Vienna or by the provincial governors responsible to the interiorministry. and Enqu?te derKommission zur F?rderung der Ver waltungsreformveranstaltetin derZeit vom 21. highways. See. "Religion and Political Development in ?sterreich 31-36. Cohen. Oktober bis 9. 5-6. thematuring of an industrialmarket economy and advancing urbani With zation after the 1880s. the public services pro vided bymunicipalities and the individual lands also grew at a rapid pace. public health. COHEN 256 Hungarian government at all levels. ed. recent research on theAustrian crown lands has shown that after the 1880s public administration at all levels became subject to complex political negotiation involving competing local political organizations and interest groups." Wiener Zeitschrift zur Geschichte derNeuzeit 4 (2004): 79-99. 190-269. passim. Wandruszka and Urbanitsch.

Yale University.'" Journal ofWomen's History 3. passim. Austria. and Hans Peter Hye.. Culture and Political Crisis. Education andMiddle-Class Society. 1848?1938 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. no. 1972). "Freud. 1898-1914. 119-26. Modernity and Crises of Identity:Culture and Society in Fin-de-Si?cle Vienna (New York: Continuum. in Czech Culture. Education andMiddle-Class Society. "Becoming a 'Great City': Metropolitan Imaginations and Apprehensions Austrian History Yearbook 33 (2002): 105-130. the Austrian state bureaucracy had to compromise inmatters of domestic policy with representa tives of political parties and interest groups. NJ: Princeton University Press. journals. 4 Prague-Berlin: The Hidden Geography of Czech Modernism. Jacques Le Rider. but the theAustrian State Idea: A Reinterpretation of theKoerber Plan (1900-1904). or Both? Czech Radical Nationalism Woman Question. "Feminism. "The Young Progres and the sives". The Coasts Vienna. Increasingly.35Even in policy areaswhere theAustrian ministries continued to have broad authority. 1993). and newspapers presented a rich flowering of political and social criticism of all stripes in all themajor languages of the Austrian crown lands. 154-63. "Dynastic Conserva tism and Poetic Violence in Fin-de-Si?cle Cracow: The Habsburg Matrix of Polish Modernism." Nationalities Papers 30 (2002): 537-52. Boyer. always of vital interest to nationalist politicians. "Prague Slavic Review 59.The Austrian Ministry of Religion and Instruction." Austrian History Year book 35 (2004): 143-184. including nationalist parties and interestgroups among many others. "Conservative Social Politics in Austria. Prague Territories:National Conflict and Cultural Innovation in Franz Kafka's Fin de Si?cle (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Freeze. in Cracow's Popular Press. See Boyer. 36For soundings in these rich and varied debates.67-75. such as public education and social welfare. offered many instances of this. Spector." .36Nationalist politicians and organi zations were deeply engaged inmost of these debates." 72-102. Derek Sayer. 1880-1890. 1996)." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (1996): 77-107." American Historical Review 106 (2003): 735-764. 95-126. and Nathaniel D. no. 1998).NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 257 Inmany areas of domestic policy after the 1880s the pressures of civil society pushed up stronglyfrombelow while ministerial officials tried tomaintain what they could of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century traditions of powerful top-down state administration. Katherine David-Fox. but theywere only part of a broader trendof increasing impingement by civil society on thework of government. seeWilliam Johnston. tried repeatedly to restrict the growth of Gymnasium and Realschule enrollments and to limit the founding of new secondary schools. and Late Viennese Liberalism. Pragmatism. LarryWolff. Cohen. Cohen. the officials after the late 1880s often had to bow to pressures from societal interestsand the autonomous provincial and communal councils and to accept innovations demanded by popular interestgroups and political parties. Scott of Bohemia: A Czech History (Princeton. 1998). T. 2000). Katherine Feminists and Nationalism in the Late Habsburg Monarchy: "Czech 'The First in David. 1890-1900" (Ph." "The 1890s Generation: Modernism and National Identity (2000): 735-760. Das politische System in derHabsburgermonarchie (Prague: Karolinum. The Austrian Mind: An Intellectual and Social History. 2 (1991): 26-45. 1900-1914. At the end of the century books. Wood. Marriage. 160-77.D. Katherine David-Fox. Public education. for instance. diss. Margarete Grandner. Mills Kelly.

and Helmut Engelbrecht. and Vermes. 180-84. and. the Hungarian cabinet worked steadily through the last decades of the century to impose tight central control over Croatia by appointing strong-willed governors. took advantage of their broad freedom of action to exercise strong central control over domestic affairs. In the last fifteenyears beforeWorld War I. "Die Verfassungsentwicklung inUngarn. 86?88. . and only Croatia continued to have its own diet in Zagreb. professionals.258 GARY B.38 The Hungarian cabinet gained even greater power over the parliament in the 1890s and again after 1912 as the reorganized Liberal Party forces. "Die Verwaltung 1848-1918. See P?ter." and P?ter. forced theHungar ian government to make at least some concessions on social and economic See Cohen. dominated by native propertied elements. theHungarian government was willing to use more openly repressivemeasures against dissident nationalist groups and lower-class radical movements. Geschichte des ?sterreichischen Bildungswesens. but afteraround 1900 the pressure for change from societal interests was so great that theministry had to grant one concession after another on women's education and other issues. the urban lower-middle classes. Sirotkovic. 396. both urban and rural. 30. passing much legislation forCroatia in theHungarian parliament.and laboring groups. "Ungarns Verwaltung. COHEN provincial diets and communal councils could simply start new secondary schools at theirown expense." 351-52. 108-26.39 The increasing centralization of authority over Hungary and Croatia in the Hungarian ministries limited opportunities for any broad range of societal inter ests to participate directly in policy deliberations and governance compared to Austria. as alreadymentioned.37 InHungary. Nonetheless. Education andMiddle-Class Society. repeatedly suspending the Sabor. Band 4. im K?nigreich Kroatien und Slawonien 386. see Barany. and they found ways to exert increasing pressure on the government. providing therebypolitical trophies fornationalist interestswhile they hoped to get ministerial funding later. Tran sylvaniawas fullyamalgamated into theKingdom of Hungary. imposed tighter controls over legislative procedures. now led by Istvan Tisza. the rising demands mass-based of disaffected landowners. manipulating the Sabor. 1986). typicallybased on carefully cultivatedmajorities in the Budapest parliament. Von 1848 bis zum Ende derMonarchie (Vienna: ?sterreichischer Bundesverlag. Throughout the era after the 1870s." 472?77. "Die Verfassungsentwicklung inUngarn. the cabinets. Nonetheless." 379. 479?98. Istv?n Tisza. On theHungarian government's control of Croatia.Ministerial officials long resisted the granting of equal opportunities towomen in secondary and higher education and the introduction of new curricular options for the state gymnasia.The Liberal Party prime ministers vested great powers in a growing ministerial bureaucracy and system aticallyweakened the traditional authority of the county congregations. peasant farmers. a growing range of interestgroups and political movements arose in Hungary as well after the late 1880s.

Janos.. it seems better to speak of the increasing penetration of public interests into some areas of government decision making. but one cannot argue that any far-reaching democratization of government occurred in either half of the realm. . 1983).42 The growth of civil society and the gradually increasing responsiveness of government agencies to the public in theHabsburg Monarchy at the end of the nineteenth century surely represented rising democratizing pressures and tendencies. By 1900 nationalist political parties and their affiliated social. representativegovernment in the Habsburg Monarchy opened up considerable space for thedevelopment of a range ofpopular politicalmovements.43Outright democratization would require clear moves toward popular control over government action on allmajor public issues. and academic circles was every bit as varied and vigorous in Hungary around 1900 as in theAustrian crown lands. 1998). and On the political calculus of the ruling elements inHungary in the late nineteenth century. 167-189. "Transformations in the City Politics of Budapest. including thenationalist formationsamong them. 379-498. 1994). NJ: Princeton University Press. Munich. see the overview inZsuzsa L. 1983). Nagy. their growing implicationin the functioning of parts of the state administration." Austrian History Yearbook 33 (2002): 149-62. 1873-1941. The Garden and the Workshop: Essays on theCultural History ofVienna and Budapest (Princeton.. 284-88. The growth of civil society and constitutional. "The Modernist as Primitive: The Cultural Role of Endre Ady in Fin-de-Si?cle Hungary. economic. counties. Ungarn in derDonaumonarchie. 195-239. ed. The Hungarian government officials could neither stifle nor ignore the criticism voiced by radical democratic. Thomas Bender and Carl E. A History ofHungary. the press. The Politics ofBackwardness. or cities administered and which attracted growing popular political interest. Schorske (New York: Russell Sage Transformation. Mary Gluck. The Young Luk?cs (Chapel Hill.. 1890-1990. 35-54. On various aspects of the social and political debates inHungary. too. 43See the comments inHanisch. The Politics ofBackwardness.40Hungary. social demo cratic. includingmore parliamentary oversight of central execu tive authority and broader voting rights for all themajor representativebodies. Die Geschichte Ungarns. Foundation. 28-29. Probleme der b?rgerlichen Umgestaltung einesVielv?lkerstaates and Budapest: Verlag f?rGeschichte und Politik. 63-97.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 259 questions and to adopt social reforms even while it frequently crushed strikes and demonstrations and stepped up measures toMagyarize theminority nation alities. NC: University ofNorth Carolina Press. than actually arose before 1918. P?ter Han?k. Christian social. 1870-1930." in Budapest and New York: Studies inMetropolitan ed. eds. 110-134. and minority nationalist groups. passim. see Lee Congdon.which theministries. and perhaps an advancing cohabitationof public interestgroups and political parties with the state bureaucracy-with all these tendencies significantlystronger in theAustrian half of themonarchy than in theHungarian. 84-170. 209-12. ?sterreichische Geschichte. and Sugar et al. Peter Han?k. saw a rapid growth of new public services at the end of the century. On developments in the city of Budapest. (Vienna. see Janos. Rather thanmaking any excessive claims for democratization as such.41Public debate about political and social issues in voluntary associations. Paml?nyi.

for some. Jahrhunderts. and Democracy and M?tropoles. Forests. 127-148. passim. Patricia Yeager 1848-1900. and Piotr J.particularly in rural areas inhabitants saw the nationalist political struggles of the larger cities as remote to their livesand disruptive to established customs of social interaction.The nationalist activists' pioneering cultural initiatives and effortsfor economic improvement between the 1820s and early 1840s and their political agitation in the crisis years of the 1840s and again after the late 1850s gradually built up bodies of fol lowerswho accepted the nationalist arguments that their respective languages or." inAllemands. ed. had devel oped national loyaltiesand chosen sides in the nationality contests. Tara Zahra.nationalist leaders in centralEurope had to admit thatnational identities were not transmitteduniversallyby birthwhen theycomplained about partsof the population that remained nationally "indifferent"or "amphibious. Nancy in Cisleithania." . Budweisers. Juden und Tschechen in Prag. (Ann Arbor: University ofMichigan Judson. 1996). 2000). and Colonial Fantasy at theMargins of theHabsburg Monarchy.determined their life chances. "Frontiers. Signs: The Czech National Revival 1995). 2003). Stones: Mapping in The Geography of Identity. Porter." "Nationalizing Rural Landscapes M." The English Historical Review 109 (1994): 914-51. Maurice God?.Markus Reisenleitner. Judson. "Nationale Utraquisten Ende des 19.Nationalist activistsconstructed historical narratives that postulated that their respective nationalities had always been who present in their home regions with shared identities based on distinct group culture. Lidov? noviny. Robert am in B?hmen. ed. Daniel Segal and Richard Handler. Macura. 82-153. the Geography of a German 85-99. Jacques Le Rider. see Vladimir Macura. Pieter M.ed. ed." Germanization. "The Struggle on the Czech-German Language Border. 2nd expanded ed. Press. 1998). and Nation and History: Polish Historians from theEnlightenment to theSecond World War. Wingfield (New York: Berghahn Books. 382-406. Znamenx zrodu. ed. Brian A. National Ascription. When Nationalism Began to Hate: ImaginingModern Politics inNineteenth-Century Poland (New York: Oxford University Press. or perhaps even polylingual. COHEN cultural groups had acquired strong support and influence in all parts of themon archy. "Reclaiming Children for theNation: in the Bohemian Lands. Islands. Cesk? n?rodn? obrozen?jako kulturn? typ [Birth as a Cultural Type]. 2001). The Coasts ofBohemia. et Fran?oise Mayer (Montpellier: Universit? Paul-Val?ry-Montpellier III.By then largepartsof thepopulation.260 GARY B. On the continuing ambiguity and mutability of national loyalties in parts of the popu lation.Wr?bel Press. "Frontier Germans: The Inven um tion of the Sprachgrenze. Judson. although by no means all." in "Nations. Nationality." bilingual (or "utraquist" in theBohemian Lands). "Inventing Germans: Class. 1890-1924. Juifs et Tch?ques ? Prague?Deutsche. Derek Sayer.44 where For examples of recent treatments of the creation of nationalist historical narratives as part of the (Prague: development of national ideologies. 1880-1914. Cesky sen [The Czech Dream] Nakl. (Prague: H & H. a combination of language. and Cornelia Szabo-Knotik (Vienna: Turia + Kant. ed. Susan Ingram. King. and provided the basis forgroup action to shape their future. and local rootedness. 1880-1940." Identity in the Habsburg Monarchy." in Kulturelle Praktiken und die Ausbildung von Imagined Communities 1900. nationalist activistsstruggled towin the loyaltyof popular elements that often spoke several languages and were ambivalent about ethnic and national affiliations. Peter Brock. 2006). Colonies. To the end of themonarchy and into the interwarperiod. 1996). Yet throughout the nineteenth century. 1900-1945. family descent. John D (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Stanley. Social Analysis 33 (1993): 47-67. and territoryof birth defined theywere in society. religion. Zur Problematik 'nationaler Zwischenstellungen' Luft. in Creating theOther. Judson. seeMark Cornwall.

and many religious institutions remained nationally neutral for years or even decades thereafter." Austrian History Yearbook 22 (1991): 21-34. 264. have historians and social scientists gone beyond studying the political and intellectual processes of building nationalist movements and begun to address systematicallypopular national identification and the popular imagining of national communities in central and east-central Europe change." alization.47 Those legal commitments and the autonomy of communal and Central European History 37 (2004): 501-543. special interestgroups.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 261 As long ago as 1948. and Modernity History Yearbook 29 (1998): 19-35.." 112-152. see Stourzh.J. Emil Brix. though. Taylor warned that in centralEurope simply speaking a particular language or a dialect thereof did not necessarily 45 entail a conscious loyalty to a particular larger ethnic or national grouping. Nationalist campaigning forgroup cultural and political rights. 1880 bis 1910 (Vienna: B?hlau. Numerous voluntary associations and political organizations divided sharplyalong lhnesof nationality inmany of the crown lands soon after the inau guration of constitutional rule in the 1860s. 6?11. craft and labor organizations. diss. 2005)." Austrian Rethinking Nation. and the introduction of census questions on mother tongue or language of everyday use were among themany changes in public life after the middle of the nineteenth century that gave the general populace the occasion to choose sides and eventually created pressure to affirmnational loyalties. The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918. and cultural founding of local and regional nationalist organizations. the development of electoral politics. Die Sprachenstatistik in den zisleithanischen Volksz?hlungen. "The Nationalization Ethnicity. Culture. King. although not any formal political rightsof nationalities as collective entities. and Karl F. Die Gleich berechtigungderNationalit?ten. and Beyond. Germanization. Judson. 45Taylor. Sprachenrecht und Sprachgerechtigkeit im . and Zahra.The consti tutional laws for theAustrian half of themonarchy from the late 1860s recog nized the cultural rights of individual citizens. See the critiques of the historiographical traditions on nationalism and national identity in of East Central Europe: Ethnicism. thehistorianA. Only in the last twenty-fiveyears. and Democracy (Ph. Uni versity ofMichigan. Pieter M. "Beyond the Bourgeoisie: in Nineteenth-Century Central Europe. particularly 189-200. central and east-central Europe in King. 1982). '"Whether Race or Conviction Should be the Standard': National Identity and Liberal Politics in 19th-century Austria. including their language and nationality. Bahm.D.including edu cation and other public services in native languages. Budweisers. P.46 The as complex processes of political. Hannelore B?rger. social. and government conces sions to those demands led gradually to dividing much of public life in the monarchy on linguistic lines and eventually politically articulated national lines. Die Umgangssprachen inAlt?sterreich zwischen Agitation und Assimilation. "Your Child Belongs to theNation: Nation in the Bohemian Lands. Ann Arbor. although some charities. 1900-1945. the opening of schools or classeswith alterna tive languages of instruction. On the rights of the nationalities in theAustrian half of themonarchy.

passim. however. By the last years before 1914. secondary schools teaching in the language of each national group wherever it could claim sufficient numbers of residents. Over time theministerial bureaucracy required that increasing numbers of subjects in non-Magyar schools be taught inMagyar and granted or withheld state subsidies in order tomake Magyar the language of instruction in the vast majority of Hungary's primary and secondary schools. a Czech technical college after 1868 and a Czech university after 1882. German-speakers continued up I to enjoy disproportionate advantages in enrollments and in the numbers of institutions that used German as the language of instruction. indealingswith thegovernment. but after1871 the universitiesof Cracow and Lemberg/Lwow/L'viv taughtpri toWorld War marily in Polish. and to requireMagyar as a subject in the higher formsof all elementary schools and in all secondary schools. Band 4. Italian-. theHungarian cabinets from themid-1870s onward worked tomake Magyar the language of all importantgovernment ser vices. like its Austrian counterpart. the Slovene-. and Serbo-Croatian-speaking populations in theAustrian crown lands all had exten sive systemsof public primary schools and were able to complete at least the lower formsof secondary education in theirown languages. In Austrian secondary and higher education. Kann. On the development of Austrian education. The Hungarian authorities shut down Slovak gymnasia in late 1874 and the Slovak nationalist educational society. somewhat more slowly. but it guaranteed the rightsof individuals to use their own languages in elementary and secondary education. Geschichte des ?sterreichischen See the brief discussion inRobert A.48 InHungary thegovernment policies ofMagyarization and repressivemeasures against non-Magyar nationalist politics impeded but could not stop the develop ment of nationally divided public life and distinct national communities in the public sphere. and in reli gious affairs. in addition to German-language institutions. Engelbrecht. Ukrainian-. 362. Education andMiddle-Class Society. seventy-eightpercent of theprimary schools and ninety percent of the sec ondary schools inHungary (not including Croatia) used Magyar as the primary der Akademie ?sterreichischenUnterrichtswesen 1867-1918 (Vienna: Verlag der ?sterreichischen Wissenschaften. and Bildungswesens. The ostensibly liberalHungarian nationality law of 1868. By the firstdecades of the twentieth century. A History of theHabsburg Empire.49In practice. and Kann. 1995). to demand competence inMagyar for all public school teachers. COHEN provincial governments in Austria made it possible to develop full systems of public primary schools and.Matice slovenskain late the pretext that theywere propagating "unpatriotic" and Pan-Slavist 1875-on ideas. although they did not get universities or technical colleges teaching in their respective languages under themonarchy. Das Nationalit?tenproblem derHabsburgermonarchie. see Cohen. . typically at least twentypercent of the local population.did not recognize national groups as collective political enti ties.262 GARY B. Prague had.

There was certainly less penetration of public policy making from society at large in Hungary than in theAustrian half of themonarchy. and urban population growth. a state understood as aMagyar nation-state: "Since patriotism is inconceivable without a common language. even showed some favor to Serbian nationalist groups there in order to play them off against Croatian nationalists.. The Politics ofBackwardness. small farmers. At that time no gymnasium inHungary used Slovak or Ukrainian as its language of instruction. for instance.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 263 language of instruction. Relations between theHun garian government and Serbian nationalist groups in the 1880s and 1890s were less confrontational than thosewith the Slovak and Romanian groups.. all universities and technical colleges inHungary proper used Magyar as the language of instruction."52 The centralized state administration under theHungarian ministries and the limited suffrage for the Budapest parliament and the county congregations meant that the non-Magyar nationalities and the lower classes in general had littledirect role inHungary's government and public administration.50In 1906-7. A. Advancing literacy in whatever language. . (New York: Macmillan. Hungary had 205 accredited gymnasia and Realschulen. A major impediment for the Hungarian authorities in tryingtoMagyarize Romanians and Serbs was that theyconld not easily establish Statistics quoted in Janos. of which 189 used Magyar as the language of instruction. our taskmust be to create one . K'aroly Khuen-Hedervary. 724. sixRomanian. and the governor of Croatia in themid-1880s. particularlywhen IstvanTisza came to power.urban lower-middle classes.with the harshest repressive measures. 1790-1918 1969).The Hungarian authorities com bated the Slovak nationalist groups. 126. Macartney.What we expect from them isnot only that they speak the Magyar vernacular but that they start to feel likeMagyars themselves. throughout theHungarian half of themonarchy from the 1890s onward. 127. 5 Statistics quoted inC. 1910.The Hungar ian government shut down many Romanian nationalist organizations and news papers inTransylvania during the 1880s and 1890s butmoderated its stance after 1900. all encouraged by the government's own policies. and urban and rural laborers of all nationalities increasingly found their own political voices. and during the lastyears beforeWorld War I therewere only small numbers of deputies at any one time representing the non-Magyar nationalistmovements in the lower house of the parliament. one Italian. eight German. 52JozsefSandor. quoted in Janos. and one mixed Magyar and Romanian. The Politics ofBackwardness. but Slovak nationalistpolitical activitycontinued to grow.51During the era after1867. Nonetheless. helped drive forward the development of civil society. The Habsburg Empire. economic development.Spokesmen for the Hungarian Liberal Party justified theirMagyarization policies simply in terms of the requirements for good citizenship and loyalty to the state.

mostly fromTran sylvania. 1." inDie Habsburgermonarchie 1848. The Slovak People's Party soon managed to elect four deputies to the parliament. There were fifteenRomanian deputies of all political stripes in 1905.With the Austrian parliament and several of the diets frequentlydeadlocked. won parliamentary seats in small numbers throughout the era after the 1860s. forcing repeated dissolutions or suspensions of provincial diets and the two parliaments. See the overview of the composition of theHungarian parliament inAdalbert Toth. See Vermes. Schichtung im ungarischen Reichstag ed. and they even organized a "congress of nationalities" in Budapest in 1895. Mass Politics and Nationalist Radicalism in theEra of Crises Conventional views of theHabsburg Monarchy during the last twenty years I have focused on growing domestic political crises in both beforeWorld War theAustrian and Hungarian halves. including the otherwise authoritarian Istvan Tisza. theministers and provincial governors relied increasinglyon rule by executive decree.54 Relations between the non-Magyar nationalist parties and theHun garian central government remainedmuch more contentious than those between the nationalist parties and theAustrian government during the last two decades before 1914. pt. Despite the barriers of restricted suffrageand gerrymandered districts. In this perspective. The parliament also regularly included smaller numbers of Serbian deputies. VII.GARY B. Rumpier and Urbanitsch. but therewere at least some opportunities forpolitical negotiation inHungary aswell.deputies from the non-Magyar nationalities sat in theHungarian parliament throughout the dualist era.ledmost prominently by theCatholic priestAndrej Hlinka and allied with the clerical People's Party in Hungary. 1061-1105. . five in 1910.Romanian nationalists. some in theMagyar political establishment. The largestcontingent was ethnic Germans.1918. despite the limited suffragesystem. although many of these supported pro-government parties. increasingly recognized that thenon-Magyar nationalistmovements were not going to disappear and thatnegotiation and some conciliatorymeasures were prudent. In theAustrian half after 1897. In 1901 the Slovak People's Party organized formally. both halves of the monarchy became increasingly ungovernable.53Despite thecontinuing policies ofMagyarization spon sored by allHungarian cabinets in the lastdecades beforeWorld War I.when they did not boycott elections. 196-210. COHEN 264 Magyar leadership over the Serbian and Romanian churches as they did in the Catholic and Lutheran churches in the heavily Slovak-speaking regions. In the 1880s and 1890s grassrootscultural and political organizations grew sub stantiallyamong all the non-Magyar nationality groups inHungary and Croatia. "Die soziale 1848 bis 1918. Istv?n Tisza. caused by the lack of stablemajorities in the two parliaments and the radicalization of nationalist demands encouraged by mass politics.

NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 265 the emperor frequently appointed cabinets composed of experts and career bureaucratswith few parliamentary leaders. the government and moderate party leaders failed to resolve the most intense national conflict. thatbetween Czechs and Germans inBohemia. it did so again in 1912 and imposed dictatorial control under the gover nor appointed from Budapest. heretofore one of the Austrian crown lands. In 1908 the Budapest government suspended the Sabor. but he also supported negotiations and modest conciliatory measures toward some Croatian and Romanian political groups. and most of theminister-presidents had to manage without stable parliamentary majorities. the government enacted a new education law in 1907 that called for as the language of instruction in all primary schools that served the other nationalities. however. the son of Kalman Tisza. now he asserted the government's authority over society with new restrictive regulations on civil rights. . Tisza moderated the government's tactics in 1913. returned Magyar as prime minister. and clerical and a coalition of opposition Magyar the coalition challenged the emperor politicians gained a majority.55 Tisza upheld the central government's longstanding policies of Magyariza tion.To placate Magyar nation alists. who had built the Liberal Partymachine back in the late 1870s and 1880s. Fearing Pan-Slav and pro Russian tendencies among the Ruthenians in northeastern Hungary. Despite repeated attempts. and worked out a new understanding with moderate Croatian deputies to reconvene theSabor and restore thenormal Croatian administration on terms acceptable to theHungarian cabinet. Istv'anTisza. it then passed various minor social reforms.. 194-95. After the coalition agreed to a compromise with the emperor and formed a new cabinet. conservatives. In June 1913. As speaker of the parliament during theprevious year. leading his own Party of National Work. he had taken toughmeasures against oppo sition filibustering. the Tisza government responded to a wave of conversions from theGreek Catholic Church toEastern Orthodoxy by ordering the arrestof nearly two hundred and the trialof fifty-eighton charges of sedition. In 1905-06 Hungary entered its deepest political crisis of the pre-war era when the declining Hungarian Liberal Party lost control of the parliament nationalists. When regarding control of the common Austro-Hungarian army. An emerging coalition of Croat and Serb politicians asserted the autonomy of Croatia from Hungary and called for the union of Croatia with Dalmatia. Francis Joseph responded by appointing his own prime minister above the parties and propos ing to introduce a bill for universal male suffragefor the parliament. The Hungarian govern ment had reacted stronglyafter1905 to the joint effortsof Croat and Serb poli ticians in Croatia to resistMagyarization effortsfromBudapest. 55Ibid.

that development. one places the domestic political crises after themid-1890s into the context of theongoing structural transformationof popular politics and gov ernment. the increasing fragmentation of Hungarian politics after the late 1890s and the loss of hegemony by the Hungarian Liberal Party resulted from a broad structural transformationsimilar to that in theAustrian crown lands. shopkeepers. and theHungarian noble landowners and officialdom were much more successful in resisting expansion of the suffrageand major social reforms.one could easily conclude that thegrowing discord of the political parties and.marching under flagsof class interestor a com bination of economic and national or social Catholic interests. craftsmen. mass politics inHungarian popular culture and everyday life around 1900.however. colliding with each other and with the constitutional arrange ments anchored in the seemingly immutableAustro-Hungarian compromise. and London: Johns Hopkins for a vivid description of University Press andWoodrow Wilson Center Press.57 56See Taylor. The growing conflicts and political instabilitywere not simply the resultof nationalist feeling acting as an independent factor but more the product of the transfor mation of civil society and political life. for a classic statement of this interpre tation of themonarchy's political development in the last decades. If the revival of bureaucratic absolutism was the only remaining alternative to this growing chaos.of which the radicalization of national politics was only one of many results. COHEN With Count Karl Stiirgkh serving asAustrian minister-president after1910 and relyingheavily on rule by decree and IstvanTisza using authoritarianmethods to control theHungarian parliament and limitcivil rights. .56 If. according to many conventional historical accounts. Freifeld.266 GARY B. national. 57See Hoensch. and ideological lines. The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918. the landowners and urban middle-class notables who had con trolled the old Honoratiorenparteienfound themselves increasingly challenged by insurgentmovements of peasant farmers. In Hungary mass-based politics developed a littlemore slowly than in theAustrian half of themonarchy. 1848-1914 (Washington. passim. the nationalist for mations was making it impossible to govern either half of themonarchy by con stitutionalmethods. 2000).The middle and upper-class interests formerly represented by the parties of notables were increasingly fragmented along socioeconomic. 68?73.white-collar employees. Baltimore. See Alice M.Throughout theAlpine and Bohemian lands after themid-1880s and inmost of the other Austrian crown lands after the early 1890s.Nationalism and the Crowd in theLiberal Hungary. A History ofModern Hungary. 281-306. The nationalist parties appeared tobecome evermore radical in theirdemands. above all. and they faced strengthening opposition from groups representing petty bourgeois and laboring interests.Nonetheless. leftlittlehope at all for the futureof theHabsburg polity. and wage laborers. one draws a differentunderstanding of the changing relationsbetween society and the state and the nature of nationalist politics in this period. for a brief summary of the development of mass-based political movements inHungary around 1900.

for instance. social Catholics. Vyvoj politickych stran na Morave v letech 1848?1914 Associations toModern Political Parties: The Development of Political Parties inMoravia. passim. "Taking It to the Streets. The mass-based formations presented theirown populist notions of community to replace those of the national liberals and clerical conservatives. The Czech National Socials. Kornblume und Kaiseradler. Whiteside.most notably in the union between the rural clerical elements from theAlpine provinces and Karl Lueger's Vienna based Christian Social Party. agrarians. and the agrarian and social democratic parties. Czech. but after1900 they tended tomerge forces. multiple new mass-based parties challenged the old deferential politics of great landowners. or themore radical Polish nationalist and peasant parties thatcontested the Polish conservatives' power inGalicia.and the urban middle class of property and education. who contended with the liberal and clerical forces for voter support. In general. and Ruthenian competition with the conservative Polish forces in Galicia.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 267 In both halves of themonarchy afteraround 1890. Catholic or secular agrarianism. passim. see H?belt. or social democracy. 1996). the Czech National Democrats Socials and State-Right Radicals. such as Georg von Sch6nerer's Pan-Germans and their offshoots.many initiallyopposed populist social Catholicism. and compete with radical nationalists. Polish. agrarian.deployed their radical nationalist offensives more often to combat other Czech parties in order to win Czech popular support than to fight the German interests in Bohemia and Moravia. Od [From spolk? k modern?mpolitickym stran?m. or Croat. andjif? Malir. On Polish nationalist. Many in the older conservative and liberal formations tried to survive by embracing the most compatible elements of one or another new popular ideology. passim. and social democrats forvotes fromwithin theirown language groups. passim. andWhiteside. In fact. see Keely Stauter-Halsted. The Socialism ofFools. The same was true for many of the German nationalists in Bohemia and the lands. capture new support. The growth of the radical nationalist parties. urgedmaximalist nationalist goals in order to counter the appeals of the liberal nationalists.Magyar. InAustria's older conservative clerical circles. the radical nationalists typically focused more on competing with rival parties within their own national camps than in combating their so-called national enemies. The Nation in the Village: The Genesis ofPeasant National Identity inAustrian Poland. National liberal parties such as the Young Czech Party and the German Liberal Party in theBohemian and Alpine crown lands shifted to amore aggres sive integralnationalism to tryto retainold constituencies. the divisions grew so Alpine On radical Czech nationalism. On the German radical nationalists' competition with the German liberals and progressives. see Kelly. urban social Catholicism. typically represented populist revolts against the elitism of the old conservative or liberal nationalists. conservative clerical interests. for instance." 93-112.whether itwas a secular radical nationalism and anti-Semitism. whether German.58 In Carniola. and the Polish National in Galicia. the radical nationalists. Austrian National Socialism before 1918. 1848 1914] (Brno: Filozofick? fakultaMagarykovy university v Brne. 1848?1914 (Ithaca and New York: Cornell .

" and King. district and provincial school boards. the accounts by Judson. the officialdom of the provincial executive committees. From Prejudice toPersecution. the provincial diets and executive committees. seats in the parliament. The Politics of Inclusion and Exclusion: Jews andNationalism inHungary (New York: Holmes & Meier. (Cambridge. 2001). The Rise ofPolitical Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria." Rumpler and Urbanitsch.268 GARY B. Pulzer. 226-28. J. COHEN deep between the Slovene Catholic interestsand the Slovene national liberals.but after the late 1890s itwas hard forany nationality in themonarchy to find political unity around a common national interest for any significant length of time. Pauley. VII. "Taking It to the Streets. MA: Harvard University Press. and the Slovene Catholic forces responded with obstructionist tactics and calls for electoral reform directed against both the Slovene and German liberals.The new. 1988). Socialism inGalicia: The sity ofWashington Press.In theAustrian crown lands. and Vera Ranki. 216-42. 2. The Lands ofPartitionedPoland. Antisemitism inAustria (Leiden: Proefschrift-Leiden. 1966). the heated political contests after 1890 between Czech and German nationalists in the Bohemian lands. Kelly. but not all. 80-147. 64-75. See. between German and Slovene University Press. That Slovene-German liberal coalition was renewed afterelections in 1901. Mass politics challenged and ultimately dissolved many. often included an anti-Semitic dimension. pt.mass-based groups offeredcom peting notions of community. civic identity. passim.Wandycz. 1795-1918 (Seattle and London: Univer and John-Paul Himka. ed. . of course. Budweisers. Daniel Unowsky. 59See Andrej Rahten." 93-112. see Peter On anti-Semitism in theHabsburg Monarchy G. MA: Harvard University Press. At the grass roots. rev. In the process. that the Slovene liberals formed a coalition with German liberals in 1896 to run the diet. Piotr S.61 On the surface. Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860?1890) (Cambridge. the conflicting popular interestscompeted for control of local govern ment. for example. 60-94. 1983). one can easily see how the growing competition of themass-based parties and interestgroups for popular support led directly to the radicalization of political demands and rhetoric. 1999). 1848-1916 (W Lafayette. 1974).and loyalty.60 The parties of the non-Magyar nationalities inHungary may have been less finelydifferentiatedthan those of theGermans or Slavic nation alities in theAustrian half. in the last decades beforeWorld War I. 288-95. 2005). IN: Purdue University Press. 152-79. particularly where members of the larger "enemy" nationalities were few in number and where Jews could be attacked as supporters of the existing liberal constitutional and legal order and as allies of hated German or Hungarian liberals or Polish conservatives. "Nationalizing Rural Landscapes. 1755-65. inDie Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. pp. The Pomp and Politics ofPatriotism: Impe rialCelebrations inHabsburg Austria. ed. political discourse and partisan demands were radicalized on all sides. of thepre viously negotiated relationships between the older parties of notables and the government bureaucracy. 127-148.59The radical populist appeals to national community at the turn of the century.Dirk van Arkel. of course. and. "Der Krainer Landtag.

most of the political parties and interest groups. 4-6. 144-45. 263. 11-13. 180-99. On the tactics used by the Austrian minister ?sterreichische Geschichte. 175-85. Typically. although the picture is clearer in thewestern language literature for theAustrian half than forHungary.both the deputies and theministerial officials learned to deal with the frequent interruptions in legislative business and used the periods during filibusters and adjournments for vigorous. 132-38. multi-sided negotiations about actions to be taken by the bureaucrats or the parliament and dietswhen they reconvened. 167-68. Kaiserhaus." Center for Austrian Studies Working Paper. The obstruction of proceedings obliged the governors to suspend diet sessions occasionally in Upper Austria and repeatedly in Bohemia or to call long recesses in Styria. see thememoirs of Robert Ehrhart. the governors 62Lothar H?belt. Staatsm?nner und Politiker. and Romanian nationalists inHungary and Croatia increasinglycaused public confrontations and political breakdowns in local governments and parlia mentary chambers. as H6belt has argued about Austrian political life. Itwas not easy to recast the patterns of negotiation developed during the era of parties of notables to deal with mass politics. between Polish and Ruthenian or Ukrainian nationalist parties inGalicia. Kornblume und Kaiseradler. and H?belt. Im Dienste des alten ?sterreichs (Vienna: Bergland. though. 230-31. While political wrangling in a number of theAustrian crown lands led to periodic boycotts or obstruction of represent ative bodies by one group or another. "Parliamentary Politics in a Multinational Setting: Late Imperial Austria. 410-11. in fact. 13. 56-57. but mechanisms of negotiation were developed and utilized at all levels in both theAustrian and Hungarian halves of themonarchy. the radical nationalists' extreme demands and obstructionist tactics in the Austrian parliament often representedgestures to demonstrate to theirown con stituents that theywere doing at least something on behalf of the national cause. 356. Croatian. presidents to deal with radical deputies in the parliament. Serbian. radical nationalists launched initia tives in the legislative bodies in direct connection with effortsto rallypopular support within theirown national populations.62 It is important then to recognize thatwhile the development ofmass politics and the rise of the various radicalmovements increased political conflict. Recent historical research has begun to recover and clarify those processes of continuing negotiation and governance. 1992). though. 44-45. See also Hanisch.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 269 nationalists in southern Styria and Carniola. 1890?1990. 1958). Time and again. or among Magyars and Slovak. . 305-14. 92-6 (Minneapolis: Center for Austrian Studies. As Lothar H6belt has pointed out. The outrageous scenes in theAustrian chamber of deputies and occasionally also in theHungarian parliament or various diets in theAustrian crown lands earned much public contempt for parliamentary politics. Nonetheless. the work of stateadministration and government continued as did also complex pro cesses of political negotiation among nearly all the contending interests and between them and the state. 248-90. 302 51-52. and Kielmansegg. found ways towork with each other and with the state officials to at least some extent.

270 GARY B. Geschichte.63 The boycotts and obstruction of various provincial diets and the two parlia ments attractedmuch public criticism at the time." The decrees had force only between parliamentary sessions. 1890-1990. for example. The Austrian minister president used similar tacticswhen obstruction led to suspending parliament and temporary rule by decree. see also Hanisch. in fact. 167-68.hold negotiations among all the parties.68 See the overviews of the development of the two parliaments and the individual diets of the crown lands in Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. and historians have used these episodes to demonstrate the failingsof parliamentary development in themon archy. For many observers then and since. "Stirring Times inAustria. however. theywere usually ratified. 305-14. 248-90. and Ehrhart. 67Ibid. but a range of political interestsused parliamentary boycotts and obstruction as tools. the scenes in the chamber of deputies epitomized the increasinglydysfunctional character of thewhole polit ical system in the Austrian half of the monarchy.These episodes. the practice of parliamentary obstruction inAustria. parts 1 VII. COHEN took these actions to allow time for cooling off. ?sterreichische 305-14. must be viewed in context. .230-31." Harper's New Monthly Magazine 96 (March 1898): 530-40. See. they did so to achieve practical political goals. the government had to submit to it all the emergencymeasures. Im Dienste. and. and the minister-president was under pressure to summon the parliament again after each crisis subsided. 167-68. and that iswhat often happened. and prepare for new sessions or elections.65 After 1911 theAustrian minister-president resorted frequently to dissolving parliament and governing by emergency decrees. where repeated episodes of disorder and sustained obstruction made it the subject of great opprobrium. Kornblume undKaiseradler.64 The premier example was theAustrian parliament after1897. Not just radicals. 302-13.. a member of theminister-presi dent's staffhad to draft both an interpellation for a radical Czech nationalist deputy and theministerial response to it as part of an agreement to stop obstruc tion in the chamber. even with radical nationalist deputies.66 The government looked to make deals wherever it could. 248-90. and Urbanitsch. In most cases theywanted to return to normal legislative business as soon as theywon suitable concessions and rewards. article 14 in theAustrian constitutional laws was really a "round-trip ticket for the consti tution. but as a contemporary journalist put it. ed. see H?belt.67 Lothar Hobelt has pointed out that the government's emergency decrees often broke stalemates in theVienna parliament and typically led to negotiations and often eventually to some productive legislativework. 66Ehrhart. Rumpler and 2. 302-13. Kornblume und Kaiseradler. 180-99. Typically. On at least one occasion. the famous journalistic account of the turmoil at the end of 1897 byMark Twain. 144-45.When theReichsrat reconvened. 68H?belt. On 180-99. Im Dienste.

In protest. 172-74." 207-14. Stourzh. Horst Glassl. afterCzech-German con tention and German nationalist obstruction had paralyzed theBohemian diet formonths. 288-290. 213-40. Estates. Jan Galandauer. 550-51. theAustrian cabinet under Count Stiirgkh had the emperor issue the so-called Annapatente. Ot?zka cesko-n?meck?v pfedvecer velk? v?lky [The Czech-German Question on the Eve of the Great War].70 Czech and German nationalist politicians alike loudly condemned the Annapatente. Das Nationalit?tenproblem derHabsburgermonarchie. Jahrhundert (Munich: C. Borovy.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 271 The suspension of theBohemian diet by imperial decree in 1913 illustrates well the dynamics of obstruction by nationalist politicians and the responses available to theAustrian government. Privately.72 On theAnnapatente. Kornblume und Kaiser and H?belt. 1934). and Gerald Stourzh. See Kann. see J?rgHoensch.With these extraordinary decrees the central govern ment dissolved the diet and the provincial executive committee and put an administrative committee in charge of the provincial government. ed. Agreements were reached governing the representation of competing national interests in the provincial diet and administration ofMoravia in 1905. 405. Cesk? spolecnost 1848-1918. "Husuv n?rod amost Frantiska Fer dinanda" [The Nation ofHus and the Francis Ferdinand Bridge]. 231. 1992): 675-90. Ludwig Karl Adamovich ed. Der m?hrische . 1. coup d'?tat?. H. "Parliamentary Politics in aMultinational Setting. adler. and Galicia in 1914." 13. forcing itssuspension. on Moravia. 1995). Festschrift f?r Ludwig and Bernd-Christian Funk (Vienna and New York: Adamovich. Die GleichberechtigungderNationalit?ten.69 Perhaps itwas no surprise that thenew special administrativecommittee took on many officialsfrom the staffof the provincial executive committee. 331-35. but negotiations in other locales achieved modest successes before World War I. Vzpom?nky a portrety [Recollections and Portraits] (Prague: F. vol. as Hobelt and others have shown. Beck. "Verfassungsbruch B?hmen. H?belt. H?belt. Bukovina in 1910. See Anton?n Kl?stersky. Zden?k K?rn?k im K?nigreich Springer-Verlag. "Bohemia 1913?A Consensual Urban. though. In fact. Lothar H?belt. Czech and German nationalist interestsalso worked out a compromise in early 1914 for the city of Budejovice (Budweis) in southern Bohemia. Ein unbekanntes Kapitel zur Geschichte des richterlichen Pr?fungsrechts im alten ?sterreich. who carried on much of their old work. Karel Kazbunda. they expressed relief that the central government had temporarily resolved the fiscalparalysis of theBohemian administration. Historie a vojenstv?44 (1995): 3-20. 1987).71 The Czech and German nationalist interestsand theAustrian government failed to find any compromise in Bohemia." Parliaments. Geschichte B?hmens von der slavischenLandnahme bis ins20. 2000): 207-14. In July 1913. "Bohemia 1913.Count Stiirgkh and his aides had con ferred intensivelywith nearly all the leading politicians in Bohemia before invoking the imperial decrees. and Representation 20 (Nov. Czech nationalists then blocked legislative business in theAustrian chamber of deputies." in Staatsrechtund Staatwissenschaften inZeiten desWandels. 199-200. In the end he felt constrained to suspend the diet and the provincial executive committee by themounting fiscal crisis and impending collapse of public services inBohemia caused by the diet's inaction. (Prague: Univerzita Karlova.making itpossible to assure public services.

79-93. John Paul Himka. John Leslie. ed. 554-55. and Taylor. This latter provision created significant difficulties. the decision to distinguish voters for the added new voting groups based on the "language of everyday use" (Umgangs sprache)as reported in the last census permitted greater freedom of choice for those who were ambivalent or indifferentabout nationality.Voters for this curia had to be registered as Czechs or Germans by nationality and would vote for separate listsof candidates. Das Nationalit?tenproblem derHabsburgermonarchie. Ruthenians. 137-47." 300?01. JohnMicgiel (New York: Columbia University Press. and Zahra. and Josef Leidenfrost (Graz: Styria." 501-543.of course. ." 74Kann. 113-44. ed." Austrian History Yearbook 34 Gasp? The Compromise on Bukovina. "Diaspora Nationalism's Pyrrhic Victory: The Controversy Regarding theElectoral Reform of 1909 inBukovina. "Reclaiming Children. since it provided for national voting groups of Romanians. On the other hand.74 The parties to the agreements believed that they represented siguificantprogress in resolving the nationality disputes. 1.272 GARY B. Rudolph and Good. while or "Last Last Best Chance and Geschichte 1804? Kelly. 200?01. Gasp?. emphasize what theMoravian compromise or all such agreements demonstrated was actually possible. Germans. stresshow little of the larger conflicts they could resolve. and on Budejovice. "Nationality Problems in theHabsburg Monarchy and the Soviet Union: The Perspective ofHistory and the Soviet Union. ?sterreichische 1914. 1-16. The agreement forBukovina generally followed theMoravian model but was more complex. The agreements demonstrated that at least conservative and moderate nationalist politicians in Ausgleich (Munich: Fides-Verlagsgesellschaft. for those who might be ambiguous about nationality or wanted to cross over in choosing schools. COHEN On the one hand. Emil Brix. to be divided nationally between Czechs and Germans and elected by universal male suffrage. Gerald Stourzh zum 60. the Moravian agreement did add a new curia of deputies to the diet. not put into effect because of the outbreak ofWorld War I. and T. 1996). and Al?n Rachamimov. King. the compromises for the three crown lands earned sharp criti cism frommany democratic mass-based parties for preserving the privileged representation of landed and urban elites in the diets. and Poles along with arrangements to distinguish Jewish from non Jewish voters. The Moravian agreement also provided thatpublic schools therewere to be administered by separateCzech and German provincial and local school boards and thatchildren must attend schools with language of instruction according to theirnationality. See Zahra. May. 331-35. 231. 340. The Habsburg Monarchy 1809?1918. "Last Best Chance or Last of 1905 and Czech Politics inMoravia. 1967). Hapsburg Monarchy." in State andNation Building inEast Central Europe: Contemporary Perspectives." inNationalism and Empire. Zur ?sterrei (2003): 279-303. vol. "Your Child Belongs to theNation. although itwas uncer tain what the compromises portended in the longer term. "Der Ausgleich in Bukovina von 1910. Mills Kelly. Budweisers. In the case of the Galician compromise. Geburtstag." Ordnung. vor dem Ersten chischen Nationalit?tenpolitik in Geschichte zwischen Freiheit und Weltkrieg. Thomas Fr?schl. 199-200. on Galicia.73 Historians who have been concerned with the question ofwhether themon archy'snationality problem could be solved have divided in assessing these com promises. ed. Rumpier. 1991).

applying merely to certain territories. The Austrian Electoral Reform of 1907 (New York: Columbia University Press. cited in Stourzh. 989. ed.76 The compromises forMoravia and Budejovice. ed. Jenks. Budweisers.and theychanged law. amid all the domestic turmoil during the last decade before World War I. they also had significant structural flaws with regard to how individuals' nationality was defined.and politi cal practice only in limited. these stepswere only partial. 2nd exp. for instance. To the extent that the compromises all established separate cadastres of voters defined by nationality (or by language of everyday use in Galicia) who were then to vote for candidates of theirown nationality. prime min isterscarefully tried to stage-manage the parliament and elections for it. Die ?sterrei chische Verfassungsgesetzemit Erl?uterungen. 76King. For itspart. of course. 1911). whether they were representatives of the non-dominant nationalities or opposition Stourzh.They repeatedly used authoritarian measures against political opponents." 501-543.and how individualsmight be able to change theirnational registration.within limits. (Vienna: Manz. The compromises themselves tended to recognize national loyalties alongside broader allegiances to the Habsburg state. and Zahra. seeWilliam A. theybroke fundamentallywith theAustrian constitutional principles of 1867 which did not recognize collective rights to political representation for the nationalities as such. leftlegacies of con siderable political and legal debate to the firstCzechoslovak Republic. 145-47. equivocal ways.75 This trend suggests that. In the short run. 1950). in the direction of government of each nationality by officials and institutionsof itsown in a sort of "national autonomy. The various national compromises and the effortsin the 1907 suffragereform tomake voting districts for theAustrian chamber of deputies as uninational as possible pointed. state institutions.From the era ofKalman Tisza in the late 1870s and 1880s to thatof Istv'anTisza in the lastyears beforeWorld War I. 200.. itwas able to change some institutionsand regulations tomeet current political needs and to accept at least a partial formalpartitioning of the political and constitutional spheres on national lines. in fact.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 273 the respective territoriescould reach limited understandings on critical issues in collaboration with the government. where the officially registered nationality might limit some civic and legal rights." . and Edmund Bernatzik. the basic relationship between nationalist politics and the state in theAustrian half of themonarchy may have been entering a new phase of development. Die GleichberechtigungderNationalit?ten. "Reclaiming Children. On the Austrian electoral reform of 1907.77 Developments inHungary during the lastdecade before 1914 did not include any important agreements among contending national interestsor reveal any capacity of the state to change institutionsand laws significantlyto accommodate non-Magyar nationalist interests. to theNation. the state showed that. "Your Child Belongs See Zahra." as the Austrian constitutional scholar Edmund Bernatzik termed it.but as JeremyKing has commented.

offered opposition groups modest concessions and tried to engage some of themore tractable in negotiations and other political processes that the govern ment expected to control. eds. sup ported thegrowth of nationalist political causes. Tisza. but the nationalist formations. At the same time. Die Geschichte Ungarns. the government must take positive. Tisza pursued his own Sammlungspo litik. particularly in the hands of radicals. While showing both Magyar and non-Magyar opponents a strong hand. and he offerednegotiations toRomanian nationalists in Transylvania. destructive side. the evolution of civil society.nationalist politics in central Europe beforeWorld War I.274 GARY B. confrontational tacticsused by his immediate predecessors to control theCroa tian political situation. Hoensch. 135-49. like most Hungarian prime ministers after the 1890s. On see Vermes. 466-79. Paml?nyi.. In his determined. To be sure. self-righteous perspective. A History ofModern Hungary.78 One Structural Model-or Two? The evolution of constitutional.which theHabsburg statepermitted and abetted. though. representativegovernment in theAustrian and Hungarian halves of themonarchy and the growth of a wide spectrum of po liticalparties and interestgroups demonstrates a broad process ofmodern politi cal development during the half century beforeWorld War I.. toughen the press and libel laws. . and Sugar et al. Istv?n Tisza and Hungarian politics in 1912-14.With thiscame a gradually increasing penetration of policy making and state administration by societal interestsin theAustrian half and growing pressures to broaden societal participation inHungary's government aswell. 67-76. he pulled back from theheavy-handed. forward-looking steps to defend the interests of the ruling classes. Istv'anTisza and his allies from the old Liberal Party ranks responded with new steps to tighten central government authority over parlia ment and society along with modest social reformsand other limited gestures to mollify lower-class and non-Magyar nationalist opposition. Istv?n Tisza. 160-210. like their clerical. COHEN Magyar interests. Tisza recognized that the government now faced stronger and more diverse challenges than before from a society thatwas demanding evermore loudly a democratic and pluralistic political system.. Throughout themonarchy. he pushed through parliament legis lation to provide for far-reaching emergency powers during wartime. 284-91. Once IstvanTisza was prime minister.After the deep crisis provoked in 1905-06 by the opposition Magyar coalition. ed. had its violent. Tisza's cabinet put through a token suffragereform in 1913 thatexpanded the electorate only minimally.hoping to reunite in support of a strengthened central government all the Magyar propertied and educated classes along with some moderate and conser vative non-Magyar interestsaswell. and tighten con trolson associations and public assemblies. A History ofHungary. narrow citizens' rights to jury trials.

stillneed to be cognizant of their lingering influence. In this regard. In particular.80 Compared to theAustrian half. On the 1912 law on emergency powers inwartime. if anything. Boyer went on to argue that thenationality conflict inAustria functioned not merely as a "destructive. one could only be even more pessimistic in early 1914 about the short.more volatile than those in theAustrian half.79By now many historians have distanced themselves from the traditionalnationalist historical narratives. see Maureen Healy. the rise of Bela Kun's communist republic. Still. centrifugalprocess" but also asan "emancipatory. xii. the complex relationship of the nationalist political formations to the Habsburg state. par ticularlyin centralEurope. JohnW Boyer wisely pointed out more than a decade ago that politicized nationality in imperial Austria functioned "within the context of a dynastic state system" [emphasis in the original] as a factor among the various developments that fueled a popular revolt against the traditionsof state absolut ism and elitist liberalpolitics. as well as subjects.both inmonographic research and in broader syntheses. "Die Verfassungsentwicklung inUngarn.and medium-range outlook for Hungary's internal political situation than forAustria's.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 275 agrarian.but scholars." of their political futures. growing polit icalmobilization of the non-Magyar nationalities and the petty-bourgeois and working-class masses after the late 1880s and 1890s created ever strongerpublic debate and demands for democratization." 487-92. Boyer. Culture and Political Crisis. The unwillingness of Hungary's conservative political forces to accept any significant compromise with democratizing forces and their tendency to demonize opposition before World War I. 2004). For an example of the fresh insights that can be achieved by carefully examining popular political loyalties and the relationship of populace to the state in the context of changing civil society. the governmental system in Hungary was much more resistant to popular penetration and to the empowerment of the non-dominant nationalities and the lower classes in general. and how the nationalist formations functioned within the framework of the state and succeeded in enhancing their own political influence during the last three decades before 1914. historians stillneed to explore more fully.making all the bourgeois ethnic and national groups "agents. helped sow the seeds for the failure of the broad democratic coalition led byMihaly Karolyi at the end of thewar. Vienna and theFall of theHabsburg Empire: Total War and Everyday Life inWorld War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. also served in fundamentalways to empower their constituencies. their context in an evolving civil society. The intransigence of theHungarian ruling elements and their tendency to strengthencentral government authority in the face of challenges made the domestic conflictsmore intractable and the confrontations between government and opposition. thepost-1867 centripetal process"that helpedtotransform state. and the right-wing counter-revolution that followed. . see P?ter. of course. and socialist rivals.

82 After the 1890s court officials often feared the possible disruption of such occasions by protesters.. see Pernes. The Limits ofLoyalty. "Pride in Production: The Jubilee Exhibition of 1891 and Economic Competition Between and Germans in Bohemia.81 As Daniel Unowsky. passim. "Pluralist Myth. see Ernst Bruckm?ller. 2004). Milan Hlav?cka and Frantisek Kol?r. Freifeld. Before theoutbreak ofWorld War I. (1991): 380-411." Austrian Czechs History Yearbook 34 (2003): 145-172." 101-42. national loyalties continued to coexist until well intoWorld War Iwith strong allegiances to the laws and institutions of the Habsburg state. ed. Unowsky. They looked for democratic reform and the development of self-government under theHabsburg Monarchy. would assure security and other practical benefits of being part of a large state in centralEurope. were working actively toward that end. and other scholars have shown. See also the treatment of officially sanctioned Polish nationalist celebrations inGalicia in Patrice M. Dynastic Patriotism. Throughout the realm after the 1860s. 25-74. See Unowsky. imperial celebrations and local visits by the emperor and other members of the imperial house were occasions both for central state authorities to seek popular affirmation of loyalty to the state and the dynasty and for local and regional political forces to demonstrate their own influence through participation in the public cer emonies.& exp." Bohemia 32 und Politik in Lothar H?belt. though. On the issue of loyalty to the dynasty. Bucur andWingfield. The Pomp and Politics ofPatriotism. 266-78." Austrian History Yearbook 24 (1993): 114-15. the public showed great respect and affection forEmperor Francis Joseph as the embodi they feltgenuinely attached. "Ausgleich und Ausstellung?Wirtschaft B?hmen um 1890. Dabrowski. The Limits of Loyalty: Imperial Celebrations and theDynamics of State Patriotism in theLate Habsburg Monarchy (forthcoming. itwas not surprising then that few nationalist politicians within themonarchy expected it to disappear from themap any time soon or. eds. eds. ment of a state towhich Peter Urbanitsch. 75-111. New York: Berghahn Books. For most of the general population. ed. Urbanitsch. COHEN It cannot be emphasized enough. 276-98. Shaping ofModern Poland . 2007). Spiklenci proti jeho velicenstvu. "Patriotic Celebrations in Late-Nineteenth. and Cole and Unowsky. as theCzech historian Frantisek Palacky had famously recognized in 1848.276 GARY B. that the greatmajority of nation alist politicians and organizations throughout themonarchy during the dualist era were eager to work within the framework of the Habsburg state. "PluralistMyth and Nationalist Re alities: The Dynastic Myth of theHabsburg Monarchy?A Futile Exercise in the Creation of Iden tity?"Austrian History Yearbook 35 (2004): 101-142. 200-36. Laurence Cole. Bucur andWing field. '"Our gratitude has no limit': Polish Nationalism.5-6.." in Staging thePast. apart from small fringe groups such as theSerbian radicals in the recentlyannexed Bosnia. Nation ?ster reich. "Tschechen." in Staging thePast. Catherine Albrecht. see Peter Urbanitsch.and Early-Twentieth-Century Tirol.but typically these events proceeded peacefully. and the 1880 Imperial Inspection Tour of Galicia. rev.. (Vienna: B?hlau. For a somewhat more traditional perspective on loyalties to the dynasty and theHabsburg statemore generally. 2nd ed. Nationalism and theCrowd. 178-208. On the response of local politicians and populace to imperial visits in 1996). Pomp and Politics. Deutsche und die Jubil?umsaustellung 1891. which. various parts of themonarchy.Kulturelles Bewu?tsein und gesellschaftlich-politische Prozesse. and Laurence Cole and Daniel Unowsky." Bohemia 29 (1988): 141-47. Nancy Wingfield. Commemorations and the (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Daniel Unowsky. "Statues of Emperor Joseph II as Sites of German Identity.

Along with the intensepolitical conflictsofthe lastdecades beforeWorld War I. and persistent in theAustrian Republic. . It also left a strong legacy in law and public administration. a gradually In varying degrees.NATIONALIST POLITICS AND THE DYNAMICS OF STATE 277 and local and regional political forces competed to use the occasions for their own purposes. of course. interestgroups. and Slovenes compared to theirnew compatriots fromSerbia. Hungary. in Hungary for the non Magyar nationalist groups and the new mass-based political formations. This was much harder. and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Poles of Galicia took with them into the new Polish Republic the great advantages of a fullydeveloped system of state-supported Polish-language education up to university level. Slovenes and Croats similarlyenjoyed considerable advantages in educational and social development in thenew Kingdom of the Serbs. nationalist parties and organizations of all the non-dominant national ities in theAustrian half ultimately advanced their intereststhrough thisprocess. In many ways. the state also accommodated increasing penetration of societal interests into policy making. something lacking in the formerRussian and Prussian zones. theHabsburg Monarchy lefta powerful legacy to all the successor states in the instrumentalitiesof civil society. and political parties. By 1914 therewas a broad and significantdevelopment throughout theHabs burgMonarchy of civil society and popular engagement in political debate and action. The modernization of theHabsburg state over the long nineteenth century led to the development of modern laws. with the development of parliamentary institutionsand. the population in many parts of the realm became so deeply invested in the legal systems and which public services thatmany were happy to continue significant elements of them after 1918. and Czechoslovakia. This was consistentwith thewell-established determination of most political groups inAustrian society to compete for influence and control over parts of the state and to try to use its symbols for their own political advantage. Still. aswell as a large Polish-speaking educated professional class. Croats. it confronted political elites and aHungarian governmental system that resistedmuch more determinedly any opening to broader segments of society. in theAustrian half.Montenegro. political tensions and confrontations grew more intense in Hungary after 1900 than in theAustrian half because. most of themworked vigorously where they could to use the local and parlia mentary elections and whatever other political space was available to voice their own interestsand goals. regulations.most obvious.With suffragereformsfor theVienna parliament and some of theprovin cial diets and the growth of autonomous communal and provincial adminis tration in theAustrian crown lands. the public accepted as legitimate and as theirs. while popular political engagement was growing rapidly. of autonomous communal and provincial government. for better or worse. Indeed. perhaps strongest. and public services.

Der Untergang des ?sterreichischen Rechtsraums. Milan R. the doughty Czech nationalistwho served asminister of finance in the firstCzechoslovak government in 1918-19.84 UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA. Schriftenreihe des ?sterreichischen (Munich: S?dosteuropa-Instituts. Masaryk." Austrian History Yearbook 29. Oldenbourg. demonstrated the strongattachmentsofmany Czechs to the legal and administrative systemsdevel oped under themonarchy when he draftedmuch of Czechoslovakia's firstgeneral law. 1918. See George Barany. 1 (1998): 195-248. COHEN 278 Alois Rasin. Tomas G. Ostund 4 vol. 1973). D?jiny prvn? republiky [History of the First Republic] (Prague: Karolinum. R. Edvard Benes.83 Rasin. The second paragraph declared simply that "all previous provincial and imperial laws and regulations remain for the time being in effect. ?sterreichs Recht ausserhalb?sterreichs. TWIN CITIES Alois Ras?n quoted in Vera Olivov?. pt. but they considered much of the state administration devel oped under themonarchy as not simply the instrumentalitiesof the emperor or the old Austrian and Hungarian governments. . but theirown. for example. and Helmut Slapnicka. Vavro Srobar."Rasin later explained candidly this insistence on continuity: "The basic purpose of this law was to prevent any anarchic situation fromdeveloping so thatour whole state adminis tration (cela nase sprava)would remain and continue on October 29 as if there had been no revolution at all" ("jako by revoluce viubec nebylo"). issuedwith the declaration of independence on October 28. 2000). 67.GARY B. and the otherswho joined in founding Czechoslovakia were all committed Czech and Slovak nationalists. "Political Culture in the Lands of the Former Habsburg Empire: Author itarian and Parliamentary Traditions. Stefanik.