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Archaologisches Institut
Universitat Heidelberg
69117 Heidelberg
It is a matter of controversial discussion whether, after the Philistines in Iron Age I,
a second wave ofpeople from the Aegean-Greeks-arrived on the Levantine coast in
the Iron Age IIB-C period. Greek presence at that time has been assumed for a series
of settlements. A systematic investigation of these settlements in regard to criteria for
foreign presence-as imported religion and cult, burial customs, settlement layout,
architecture, and kitchen-does not provide convincing evidence for resident Greek
civilians in the Levant before the second half of the seventh century B.C. when Greek
merchants apparently lived in some of the harbor cities. More clearly, textual, iconographic, and archaeological evidence discussed in this paper indicates the presence of
Greek mercenaries from the eighth century B.c. on. These mercenaries were not common men but members of the elite driven out of their homeland. On their return, they
transferredforeign ideas and concepts and thus were mediators in the continuing Oriental influx to Greece.

studied in a seminal work the Aegean backgroundof
Philistines (Dothan 1982),2 she demonstrated
with the results of her excavations at Tel Miqnewas a great honor for me to be in Jerusalem Ekron that the Philistines settling in Iron Age I in
in January 1999 as the first Annual Trude Do- Canaan were people from the Aegean who had arthan Lecturer of the Dorot Foundation. It ap- rived via Cyprus (Dothan 1995).3
pears well fitting to dedicate this paper, one of the
Emigrants usually transfer to the new homeland
two lectures held in Jerusalem, to Trude Dothan, their religion and cult, their burial customs, their
since the connections between the littoral of the Le- eating and drinking manners, as well as technovant and the Aegean have always been one of her logical features as, for instance, loomweights (cf.
main fields of interest, and it was she who Hagg and Marinatos 1984: 221). As to the burial
demonstratedthat the Philistines who arrived in the customs of the Philistines, as yet we have no direct
southern Levant soon after 1200 B.C.and carved out information since no early cemeteries have been exa major piece of territoryfor themselves in southern cavated in the Philistine cities of Ashkelon, Ashdod,
Canaan at the expense of the Canaanites were the and Ekron (Singer 1994: 302). A Philistine identifirst "Greeks" settling in the Orient.1 After having fication of Cemeteries 500 and 900 at Tell-FarCah
(S.), the chamber tombs of which are of Aegean
* This article is the revised version of a lecture deliv- origin according to Waldbaum (1966),4 is doubtful



ered at the Albright Institute of Archaeological Research
in Jerusalem in March 1999, when the author was the
first Trude Dothan Lecturer in Ancient Near Eastern
Studies. This series, which also includes lectures at AlQuds and Hebrew Universities, was sponsored by the
Albright Institute and endowed by the Dorot Foundation.
1See the recent summary by Stager (1995: 342-48,

fig. 2).

2A revised, expanded,and updatedtranslationof a
workpublishedin 1967 in Hebrew.On the historyof researchon the Philistinesand earlierattemptsto link the
PhilistineswiththeMycenaeancivilizationof theAegean,
see DothanandDothan1992:29-55.
3See also Stager1995:336-40; Niemeier1998:47-49.
4Cf. also Dothan1982:29-33, 260-68.



because the site is situated outside of Philistia proper and less than 10% of the pottery from the graves
is Philistine (McClellan 1979; Brug 1985: 70-73;
Singer 1994: 303). Moreover, some scholars see the
chambertombs of Tell el-FarCah(S.) as belonging to
a long local tradition (Loffreda 1968; Stiebing 1970;
Vanschoonwinkel 1999: 87-89).
However, there are certain indicators that people
from the Aegean were present in Early Iron Age I in
Canaan. These include terracottafigurines of ritual
function and Mycenaean tradition (Dothan 1995:
48, 50, fig. 3:12),5 hearths that were not common
before in Canaan but in the Mycenaean palaces and
shrines (Dothan 1992: 96; 1995: 42-45; 1998: 15558), kitchen ware of Mycenaean types (Dothan
1995: 46-47, fig. 3.7:10, 15-17; 1998: 154, fig. 5:
15-17; Killebrew 1998: 397, figs. 7, 10:13-14, 12:
14-15), the introduction of pork and beef into the
diet (Hesse 1986: 17-27; Dothan 1998: 154; Killebrew 1998: 397), and Mycenaean-type loomweights
(Dothan 1995: 46-47).6 Vanschoonwinkel (1999),
who argues that the Philistines were not of Aegean
origin but Canaanite people, ignores importantevidence such as the Mycenaean-type kitchen ware and
loomweights and changes in the diet in the first
phase of Philistine settlement. Ventris's decipherment of the Mycenaean Linear B script used for
administrative purposes in the Late Bronze Age
Aegean demonstratedthat it had been used to write
an early form of the Greek language (Ventris and
Chadwick 1956; Chadwick 1958). Thus we may
term the Philistines "Greeks,"7although non-Greekspeaking groups, such as "Minoans"from Crete, may
have been among them.8 After becoming firmly
established in their Pentapolis, the Philistines began
first to compete with the Israelite tribes and later
with the kingdoms of Saul, David, and Solomon for
political and cultural hegemony over the region.
From the middle of the 12th century B.c. on, their


pottery and other items of their material culture
show signs of acculturation. Around the mid-tenth
century, Philistia deterioratedinto a minor political
entity and rapidly lost its distinct cultural character,
although the Philistines' sense of ethnic identity
remained secure for several more centuries; in the
Bible Philistia was defined through the Iron Age by
geopolitical and cultural boundaries and was viewed
by the Israelites as a separate region (Dothan 1982:
13-16, 160-91, 251; B. Mazar 1992: 34-41; Gitin
1998a). Although the royal dedicatory inscription
from the seventh centuryB.C.Temple Complex 650 at
Tel Miqne-Ekron is written in a language close to
Phoenician,the name of the dedicatingking, Ahish, is
non-West Semitic and PerhapsGreek in origin (Gitin,
Dothan, and Naveh 1997; Gitin 1998a: 173-74).




It is a matter of controversial discussion whether
a second wave of Greeks arrived on the Levantine
coast in the Iron Age IIB-C period. In the late
1930s, when Greek Geometric and Archaic pottery
was found for the first time in the Levant in large
quantities in the excavations conducted by Woolley
at Al Mina on the mouth of the Orontes (Robertson
1940; Woolley 1953: 165-81), the place was regarded as an essentially Greek site which "has been
proved by excavation to have been no less important
a project than that of the earliest western colonies"
(Boardman 1957: 24-25) and in which "there is
nothing to differentiate the place from one of the
many colonies in Italy or Sicily or on the Black Sea
coast" (Dunbabin 1957: 25). This supposed Greek
colony was believed to have formed the chief point
of contact between Greece and the Near East.9
Later, when more Greek pottery was found at other
Levantine sites, the presence of Greek residents was
assumed for further Iron Age settlements, from
north to south (fig. 1): Ras el-Bassit (Riis 1982: 252;
5See also Dothan1982:234-49; A. Mazar1988:259Courbin 1990: 508; Haider 1996: 63), Ras Ibn Hani
60, fig. 2; Stager1995:346. Fortheroleof terracottafigurines in Mycenaeancult, see Ginel 1998: 448-49 with (Riis 1982: 251-52), Tall Sukas (Riis 1970: 126-29,
158-59; 1979: 32; 1982: 246-51; Haider 1996: 64references.
6See also Stager 1991: 36-37, 43 n. 12; 1995: 346; 65), Tabbat al-Hammam (Riis 1982: 251; Haider
1996: 69), Tel Kabri (Niemeier 1994; 1995),10 and
DothanandPorath1993:fig. 24:3-5, pl. 39.
almostno scriptis preservedfromthe
timeof earlyPhilistinesettlementwiththepossibleexceptionof a stampsealfromAshdodwithrathercrypticsigns:
9See the summariesby Graham(1986: 51-53) and
DothanandDothan1992: 153, pl. 10.
Waldbaum(1997: 1-4, with references).
8Onthe prehelleniclanguage(s)of Cretethatprobably
l?The finalpublicationof the Kabriexcavationsis in
survivedinto the historicperiod,see Duhoux1998.

the house design and Greek pottery and where it occurs in the East. 1993: 586.impositions over the charredruins of earlier Canaanries B. can vary according to the 1988: 620. at Tell Rachidieh homeland. but interior fursign of Greeks living there (R. Redford strength of the cultural tradition of the "colonists" 1992: 444-45. foreign communities maintain their native religion. Braun 1982a: 7-9). Thus in kelon. Moreover.26). however.Ashdod. Riis 1982: 23738). the occurrence of Greek decorated pottery. Branigan's "settlement colony" corresponds to the Greek term apoikia: a settlement founded in a foreign country and populated by people resettled there from their homeland. the summaryby Stager(1995: 345-48) for Ashby no means averse to the use of imported Greek pottery" (Coldstream and Bikai 1988: 43). Akurgal 1966. 1982: 243-44. and religious and burial practices of a characterforMezad Hashavyahu (Naveh 1962b: 97-99. 1991: 212-14. This element forms a distinctive social grouping within the settlement's society. in native tombs at diet is-if possible-very similar to that in the Khalde near Beirut (Saidah 1971). Braun 1982a: 9). also recently in this periodical (Waldbaum 1997). A equipment. and of the indigenous inhabitants (Branigan 1981: scholars thought that the Orientals had no taste for 26-27. the finds of im. Levantine sites for which the presence of Greek being strongly reminiscent of the architecture and artifacts of the homeland (or imported from there). 161-62. Whereas the Philistine settlements in Canaan unas a votive in a local shrine at Hama (Riis 1970: 153-54. is a ratherpoor indicator of the presence of Greeks in the East (Papadopoulos 1997: 195-97. The characteristics of a settlement colony or apoikia will be a distinctively foreign material culture: architecture and artifacts Fig. Greek often including their own funerary traditions. Jeffery 1976: 63). it is a construction is essentially native. . Often. by contrast. residentshas been assumed. Cook 1959: 122.doubtedly were settlement colonies forming urban ported Greek pottery of the tenth to seventh centu.C. n. Coldstream and ite places. Usually. For Branigan's "governed colony.11 today no scholar would identify a Greek Bikai 1988: 35-43. Austin 1970: 53. no pre-Hellenistic Greek examples exist. Cross 1962: 42. 1. Branigan's "community colony" corresponds to the Greek term enoikismos: settlements in which a more or less significant element of the population is comprised of immigrants from a foreign place. 205. Strange 1966: 136. Scholars have distinguished different types of colonies. M. nishings reflect the origins of the occupiers." a settlement that has a foreign administration or government imposed upon it by force. Wenning 1989. and at not only in the food debris but also in the culinary Hama (Coldstream 1977: 95. 1970: 129. and these preferences should be reflected near Tyre (Doumet and Kawkabani 1995). at Tyre (Nitsche 1987. 251-52. such as those discussed by Branigan of the Minoans (Branigan 1981) and by Berard and Riis of the Greeks (Berard 1960: 13-15. Their pottery has been found. Haider 1996: 75).andEkron. Riis 1969: 436. 1977: eign to that of the new homeland (Branigan 1981: 863. Waldbaum 1997: 5-6) and therefore has been questioned. Haider 1996: 60-62) have demonstrated that "the metropolitan Phoenicians were llCf. 1984: 49-51). sometimes but not always reflected in their spatial distribution. For a long time. even in larger quantities. The characteristics of community colonies or 39. 1. Riis 1982: 251: Weippert enoikismoi.2001 ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT 13 the absence of other criteria. They conduct their business in their nabig Attic kraterof the late ninth century was offered tive language.

and Cypriot pottery (Courbin 1986: 190-93.see Wilson 1997 who has "thatthe emporionbecameincreasinglyfordemonstrated malised-a clearlydistinguishedentity. No Greek kitchen ware is mentioned in the preliminary reports. no. 12Asto the termemporion. 10. but dated by Boardman as earlier. whether Greeks were present from the very beginning of the settlement (Boardman 1980: 40. 198. 189-91). only one grave dated aroundca. There is a lengthier Greek owner inscription on a vase of the late fifth century B. 1982: 245-46. Boardman 1982a: 758. 153)."(Greco 1994: 15). . a graffito probably representingthe remains of a proper name on the wall fragment of a skyphos from the seventh-century Levels VI-VII.(Graham 1986: 57). and whether the Greek residents played a more (Boardman 1990) or less important role (Coldstream 1977: 93.14 WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER settlement colony or apoikia of the Iron IIB-C period in the Levant. ca. (Woolley 1938: 16. 66-68. 1993: passim. No Greek kitchen ware is known. of which three have been published. (Beazley 1955: 205-6. 1999. being possibly not a less formal foundation than Cumae (Wilson 1997: 205).C. 770 B. Braun 1982a: 9. It does not form unequivocal proof of the use of the Greek language at Al Mina in such an early period since it could have been inscribed before it reached the coast of Syria. 20). and Pithekoussai from the very beginning was a much larger-scale phenomenon than an emporion (Greco 1994. Greek pottery: 30-32. Kearsley sees Al Mina as a port of trade in which different nations were active. 750 B. Haider 1996: 67).C. 1990: 506-7.thatpriorto this an emporionwas any settlementinvolved in commercial activity" (Wilson 1997: 205). and some Aramaic (Bron and Lemaire 1983).C.(du Plat Taylor 1959: 91. contained Greek pottery. 1982a: 758. 1999). There are several Greek graffiti.C. The settlement layout and the house architectureof Levels 8-6 are not of Greek but of local character(Riis 1970: 159. Of the criteria mentioned above in connection with the intrusive Philistines. however. One of Woolley's arguments for the presence of resident Greek merchants at Al Mina was that the inscriptions he found were Greek (Woolley 1938: 15). 1990. only scrappy walls giving no intelligible plans were found (Boardman 1999: 141). no evidence for Greek religious ritual and cult is known. 825-800 B. to Naukratisand to Pithekoussai on Ischia. (Boardman 1999: 145. Graham 1986: 5556). d'Agostino 1994. Kearsley (1999: 116-31) interpretsthe foundation Level 10/9 of Al Mina as an encampmentof Greek mercenaries but cannot offer evidence other than the almost exclusively Greek character of the decorated pottery. Popham 1994: 26). Moreover. Graham1986. or ca.separatefromthe polis-in the courseof the Classicalperiod. Kearsley 1989: 145. 67. At Ras el-Bassit. Unfortunately. according to P. fig. 127-31) or only in the later seventh century B. Courbin of local production (Courbin 1986: 194. 1995: 67-69. disagreement whether Al Mina was founded in ca. From Level 8 on. however. only one published Greek inscription earlier than the fifth century B. Gjerstad 1974: 122. Boardman (1999: 155) compares Al Mina. interpreted by him as a Greek port of trade.. There is. Of the other Levantine sites with the supposed presence of resident Greeks. no tombs of the pre-Persian periods have been excavated at Al Mina and no evidence for Greek ritual and cult was found. to the Late Geometric period (Boardman 1982a. The earliest one is on the fragment of a Late Geometric skyphos. Ras Ibn Hani and Tabbat al-Hammam have to be excluded since as yet they have failed to produce evidence for even one of the criteria discussed above. There is. 5.C. The single preserved letter. and being a polis "within the limits and peculiarities characterizing this concept in the eighth century B. Phoenician. recent research has tended to emphasize the Cypriot element at Al Mina at the expense of the Greek (Jones 1986: 694-96. In Level 10/9. Kearsley 1999: 116-18. however.C. BASOR 322 Beside the high proportion of Greek decorated wares (Boardman 1999: 150-51). all the rest contained local. Al Mina is now mostly seen as a Phoenician or Aramaic town in which a certain number of Greeks at some time formed a community colony or enoikismos. Coldstream 1989: 94).C. 201. Bonatz 1993: 129-30). In a recent very interesting hypothesis. among the intramural and extramural cremation tombs.12 having an agriculturalhinterland. From the settlement.much of the plain pottery found in the Al Mina excavations was not kept (Boardman 1999: 144). Haider 1996. Snodgrass 1994: 4). Riis 1982: 241). 600 B. the evidence for actual Greek presence at Al Mina is rather meager. Naukratis is. 1999: 112-15. Waldbaum 1997: 11). fig. Braun 1982a: 9. Only a few of the architectural remains have as yet been published. but most of the graffiti on other contemporaryGreek vases are Phoenician.C. a very special and unique case (Sullivan 1996: 177.

all kitchen ware is Phoenician (Riis 1982: 258). very approximate (Graham 1986: 57). 1982: 240-41. Evidence for Greek religious customs and cult patternis lacking.The architecture of Tel Kabri does not show Greek features. This date is. Wenning 1989: 175-76). An earlier casemate fortificationwall in TelKabri. and for the Persianperiod. the roof tiles are not conclusively associated with the graves in question (Waldbaum 1997: 11). 53d. Up to 18 fragments of Greek cooking pots 15Cf. A small rectangularbuilding in the eastern sector constructed in the course of the seventh century B.17 No writing was found. 246-49. 5.-see Pastor1990:xxIx-xxxI. figs. 11).C. which started before press. At Tel Kabri. 600 B. According to the statement of the excavator. De Vries 1977. fig. and evidence for Greek religious customs and cult patterns is missing. There is no evidence for Greek religious customs and cult patterns.Wenning1991:207-8. 31. Waldbaum 1997: 7-8.C. Only that on the fragment of a Phoenician torpedo jar (Courbin 1986: 199. 620.Gjerstad1948: 19-22. At Mezad Hashavyahu-as at Kabrithe casemate construction is of Levantine tradition (Weippert 1988. is datedto theninth centuryB. 1982: 249-50). Herzog 1992: 269-70. 15 (Bonatz 1993: 131-34) and also more closely resembles the plans of Cypriote chapels with two or three inner rooms than those of Greek temples (Boardman 1972: 216). is the Greek feature of the use of clay roof tiles certain (Riis 1970: 68-69.1) was almost certainly inscribed at Ras el-Bassit. fig. Two roof tile fragmentsinterpretedas evidence for the involvement of a Greek architect or a Hellenized local builder are not conclusively associated with the building of the first phase (Riis 1970: 52. 58) could have been incised before the cup reached Ras el-Bassit. At Tall Sukas.16 The fragments of six Greek cooking pots (chytrai) have been uncovered and-like the Greek cooking pots found earlier at Mezad Hashavyahu (see infra)-are interpreted as evidence of Greek presence (Niemeier 1990: xxxvI. have Semitic graffiti (Ploug 1973: 54. 84-85). However. fig. Naveh 1987:fig. Ploug 1973: 90. the longitudinal and tripartite plan of the enlarged building of the second phase follows old and local traditions 13Cf.14 None of the graves with roof tiles and grave goods is earlier than the sixth century B. 2. 13. has been identified as a Greek temple (Riis 1969: 446. 1982: 240). 1994: *33.C. 1970: 44-59. the Greek drinking sets found in the tombs of the cemetery at the Southern Harbor and the covering of some of the tombs with roof tiles have been interpreted as evidence of Greek burial customs (Riis 1979: 31-32.C. including some in local fabric.C. fig. on p.carry Greek graffiti.C. and was tentatively dated by the letter forms to ca. That on the base of an Ionian cup (Courbin 1978: fig.15 The house architectureis of local tradition (Lund 1986: 189-92. A spindle whorl in local clay of a Greek type in use from the eighth to the sixth century B.AreaE. Bonatz 1993: 125-26). however.2001 ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT however. Moreover. 1. Apparently no Greek kitchen ware occurs. The seventh-century casemate construction of the fortification wall in Area A is of Levantine tradition (Lehmannl994: 20*-22*. 19f-g). 1991: 11*-15* fig. Lehmann1994:*19. There are also Phoenician inscriptions from Ras el-Bassit (Courbin 1978: 58). 1990: 508. represent an unequivocal indicator of Greek presence. 570 B. Tombs were not excavated either at Mezad Hashavyahu. 14Luke(1992) has suggestedthatGreekdrinkingvessels were importedto satisfy local demandsrelatingto Near Easternfeasting and drinkingcustoms. bears the Greek owner's graffito of a woman named Pesaphore (Riis 1970: 158. 22:4. The presence of Greek drinking vessels does not. 87. it cannot safely be accepted as a Greek temple (Boardman 1972: 215). 48. 58). fig.13 Two graffiti transcribing Ionian personal names are to be dated to ca. pl.C.(Riis 1970: 86) or after the middle of the sixth century B. Several vases of the first half of the sixth century B.C. 3:1. (Boardman 1972: 216).C. 12. Only in the second phase. Since we know very little about contemporary small shrines in the larger cities of Phoenicia (Coldstream 1975: 156) and since the building was placed over a pre-Greek cult hearth and is associated with a Semitic-type High Place. (Riis 1965: 59-61). 19:10). fig. no tombs of the period in question were excavated. 424. however. It was found in a level that cannot be dated earlier than the third century B. 17Theotherfragmentsareillustratedin the finalpublicationof the Kabriexcavations. 1982: 240-41. tombs and evidence for Greek cults have not been found. however. pl. . Haider 1996: 64). others. no. 600 B. fig. 16Cf. is not necessarily a Greek (H)eta but can also be a Phoenician Het.Cf.Coldstream1982:fig.C.

5:12-14). there is no evidence at all that Greeks at Tel Kabri could have distributed Greek pottery farther inland. Oppenheim 1969: 285-86). Tel Batash/Timnah is situated a little way inland and up the Sorek Valley from Mezad Hashavyahu.C. 4:1-2. 79-80. but among them may have been mercenaries employed by the states against which the Assyrian expansion was directed. This may explain the occurrence of numerous fragments of Greek cooking pots. 12F:1. pl. Although the possibility that Mezad Hashavyahu was a Greek trading colony has been considered (Naveh 1962b: 98. North Syria. . 1993b: 259. 62-63. 3. no evidence for a special reputation of the Greek kitchen in the Levant. In the Assyrian sources of the eighth century B. is mentioned in connection with conflicts between the Assyrians and Ashdod in 711 B. 1991: 213-14. Like Mezad Hashavyahu. figs. the fortress character of settlement and its situation next to the sea but without a harborand off from existing cities point against this hypothesis (Wenning 1989: 176). Strange 1966: 138-39. Beside a few Greek sherds from the late seventh to the beginning of the sixth century B.C. and Mexico in well-equipped contemporarykitchens in the United States-that "ancient pottery that developed a reputationfor having desirable properties or imparting a special flavor to food might equally have been in demand among the cognoscenti. Instead. However. differ from all the other Levantine sites with finds of Greek pottery as yet discussed. Strange 1966: 138-39. 1977: 863. W. They represent not harbor sites but relatively small fortifications. and she thinks-in analogy to the imported cooking wares from Scandinavia. The fragments of Greek cooking pots have been interpreted as evidence for Greek presence on the site (Naveh 1962b: 97. The Kabri fortress probably was a strongholdat the southeasternborder of the kingdom against the highlands of Galilee. 1996b: 66-68). Area E. 53.too (see infra). during this period formed part of the kingdom of Tyre (Gal 1990).C. according to her. Haider 1988: 204-6. Recently. Weinberg 1969: 94. Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 31-32. Wenning 1989. (Luckenbill 1927: ??30. Kearsley 1999: 11922). when the Assyrian kings were extending their power westward to the MediterraneanSea. even inland. Bettalli 1995: 65)." There is. on the shoulder of a jar. Cross 1962: 42. and Cilicia.Moreover. Niemeier 1994: *34-*35) and accepted by P. to Palestine. The northernpart of the Acco plain. no one has suggested the presence of actual Greeks-as well as at Ashkelon. Achzib (Prausnitz and Mazar 1993). Waldbaum (1997: 8 with n. 1962a). Phoenicia. GREEK MERCENARIES TEXTUAL IN THE ORIENT: EVIDENCE There are several records about Greek warriors and mercenaries of the Archaic period active in the Levant. among the opponents of the Assyrians in these campaigns. and on a four-shekel stone weight are written in Hebrew (Naveh 1960.. Through its history. There is no exact information about their role. Weippert 1988: 620). Haider (1996: 71). Galling 1977: 137.16 WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER have been found (Naveh 1962b: fig.from Stratum I at Tel Dan (Pakman 1992: fig. Waldbaumhas considered the possibility of a mercantile side to Mezad Hashavyahubeing responsible for the distribution of Greek pottery at Tel Batash and Tel MiqneEkron (Waldbaum 1994: 60). however. the one or two Batash cooking vessels could have been broughtby visitors from Mezad Hashavyahu. there may have been some Greek presence at Tel Batash/Timnah. In Assyrian documents of Sargon II. but no Greek graffiti. 6:7-8. is situated off from the next harbor city. 1993: 586."probably a soldier in the guard of King Azuri of Ashdod. The inscriptions on several ostraca. Mezad Hashavyahu and Tel Kabri. of men from the Mediterraneannamed "Ionians"-a term generally used for Greeks (Braun 1982a: 1).C. Ashkelon was a major commercial seaport (Stager 1993. these characteristics support the interpretation of Mezad Hashavyahu as a military fortress (Naveh 1962b: 98-99. Area E. I think that the Greek pottery at Tel Miqne-Ekronmore probably came from the harborcity of Ashkelon. Wenning 1989: 171-73. Braun 1982a: 21-22. we find mention (Braun 1982a: 14-21. 16) is skeptical and points to the finds of one or two Greek cooking vessels at Tel Batash (ancient Timnah) (Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 31)-where. as already argued in the preliminary reports (Kempinski and Niemeier 1993a: 184. France. Reich 1989: fig. Possibly they were owned by Greek seafarers and merchants living seasonally or permanently at Ashkelon.Therefore. 1991: 212). the land Cabul of the Bible. 1996: 75-76. and the beginning of the seventh century B. Austin 1970: 16 BASOR 322 with n. a man named "Yamani. the fortress of Tel Kabri. 8-9). 1 on p.

179). Boardman 1980: 95-97. possibly a regular Assyrian gentilic meaning "the Ionian. Helck 1975.18 Thus the Yamani of Ashdod was not necessarily a Greek. 288. Haider 1996: 92-93. The best-known Greek mercenaries of the Archaic period in the eastern Mediterraneanare those active in Egypt. Sullivan 1996: 184). Polyainos's Strategica (VII. Huxley 1966: 52-53. Braun 1982b: 35-37. ?360. Kammerzell 1993: 110-11.). .3) of the middle of the second century A. the Assyrian vassal king of Sais (Kitchen 1973: 400. it is told that when Psammetichus overcame Tementhes (= Tantamani)19 in a battle at Memphis. with some probability. Cook 1937: 231-32.and since the lyric poet Archilochos of Paros (Fragment40D) already by about the middle of the seventh century B. and Athribis (Kitchen 1973: 393 n. the Carian Pigres was his advisor and he had many Carianmercenaries (Kammerzell 1993: 114-15). Memphis. 1978: 175. Necho I. Yamani is. was invested with the territories of Sais.that of the Pigres mentioned by Polyainos (Masson and Yoyotte 1956: pl. 9. Since the Carians were the mercenaries par excellence in the Mediterranean. however." and Yamani has been interpretedas a possible Greek condottiere or mercenary (Olmstead 1923: 218." since similar names occur among the contemporaryAssyrians from Nineveh. to help him fight against his rivals. The Assyrian sources also indicate the presence of Carian and Ionian mercenaries in Egypt. Boardman 1980: 114-15. Gyles 1959: 20-21. Sullivan 1996: 182). J. The introduction of coinage in Lydia in the last quarterof the 19SeeHelck 1975. it appears possible that Greeks were also among the Carian mercenaries mentioned by Polyainos (Haider 1996: 93).. in a much later source. 1931: 663. had been beaten and probably killed in battle by king Tantamani of Kush (Spalinger 1974: 323. Aly 1950). Jeffery 1976: 211. M. 69).who had come ratheraccidentally during raids to the Nile Delta. Haider 1988: 164-74. After Psammetichus'sfather. Haider 1988: 158). Psammetichus escaped to his overlord Ashurbanipal and returnedwithin the same year with a victorious Assyrian army and. Thissen 1977: 898-99. The Lydian expansion had brought almost all of western Anatolia-with the exception of some Ionian harbor cities but including Caria-under the rule of Gyges and his successors (Roebuck 1959: 50-53. M. and it was only throughthe conjectures of the Greek historiography that Psammetichus replaced the Assyrians as the main opponent of Tantamani(Freedy and Redford 1970: 476-77 with n.2) report that Psammetichus I (664-610 B.C. Ray 1982: 190. Pigres is indeed a personal name existing only in Caria and Lycia (Sundwall 1913: 179-80. Kammerzell 1993: 145-48. used "mercenary"and "Carian" as synonyms (Haider 1988: 174. Bengtson 1937: 150-51). because he is alternatively named "Yadna" = the Cypriot (Olmstead 1923: 218. some scholars have thought that he came from Cyprus. employed Carian and Ionian warriors.12-67. and they certainly were not Greeks (Tadmor 1958: 80 n. Kienitz 1953: 57. recent investigations concede a high degree of historical reliability to it (Haider 1988: 178-82). Haider 1988: 158. Bettalli 1995: 54-61. Herodotus (II. and the use of the name "Yamani" proves no more than that Greeks were at that time familiar in the Levant (Braun 1982a: 16-17). Rollig 1971: 644. Kammerzell 1993: 109). that Psammetichus I first came to power as an Assyrian vassal king (Spalinger 1976: 138). Mazzarino 1947: 121-23. these Carians served in the Assyrian army. Smith 1929: 58. 217.c. 883. There is evidence that at that time Lydia had large contingents of Ionian and Carian mercenaries (Haider 1988: 174. reportedly he later settled them in Stratopeda (camps) in the eastern Delta on the Pelusiac branch of the Nile (R.(Kees 1919.C. Spalinger 1973: 97. and a grave stele from Memphis in Brussels is. 1976: 133. Cook 1962: 64-65). Kammerzell 1993: 111-14. Haider 1988: 159-60.D. Bettalli 1995: 75-82). 165. 128. However. No Carian or Greek mercenaries are mentioned in the Assyrian 18Contra. Haider 1988: 174). Hall 1929: 277. after the defeat of Tantamani. 17 sources about the reconquest of Egypt.2001 ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT The name Yamani has been thought to mean "Ionian. Sullivan 1996: 185-87). If the battle mentioned by Polyainos happened in 664 B. Spalinger 1976: 137-38. The annals of Ashurbanipalreportthat King Gyges of Lydia sent troops to Egypt to support Psammetichus (Spalinger 1976: 134-36.see Haider1996:81-82 withn. Kammerzell 1993: 111-12. the first pharaoh of the 26th (Saite) Dynasty. Sullivan 1996: 182).66. Herodotus does not mention. however. Although the value of this text as a historical source was for a long time controversial. Spalinger 1974: 323. 95-102. Haider 1988: 18182). 174. Elayi and Cavigneaux 1979: 5963). 43-44. 682.152-54) and Diodorus (1.

and Gyges's death. ??15051. with the gold-bound ivory heft of the sword with which fighting for the Babylonians who dwell in houses of bricks four hands long. Haider 1996: 102-13). you performed a mighty deed and saved them all from grievous troubles by slaying a warrior who wanted but one palm's breadth of five royal cubits of stature. Wenning 1991: 214-15).C." The juxtaposition of the names of Ashkelon and Babylon in another fragment (Edmonds 1958: 404. Lwd.. 330). "as thou didst deliver me from the difficult situation caused by the troops of Asiatics. Lwd has been almost unanimously identified with Lydia (Simons 1959: 56-57. For the presence of Greek mercenaries in the Babylonian army. ?198. Hamilton 1990: 336. Aharoni 1981: 35-37. Bettalli 1995: 61-63. Y. Haider 1996: 71). Momigliano 1980: 91). Gyges's troops may well be identical with the Carians and Ionians of Herodotus'sreport(Bettalli 1995: 58). numerous ostraca with Hebrew inscriptions of the time just before the destruction of the fortress by the Babylonians around 600 B. Kammerzell 1993: 112-14). Braun 1982a: 22.C. Zimmerli 1967: 373. probably connected with Cyprus or Eastern Greece: QRSY (Kerosite) (Y. (Spalinger 1978.C. Haider 1988: 170-71. Zadok 1985: 213. Greeks.C. Fragment 134) has suggested the conjecture that Antimenidas took part in the capture of Ash20Translation:Edmonds 1958: 403-4. In the Judaean border fortress Arad in the northernNegev. Haider 1996: 93-94. Inscription 18. evidence is found in the poem of Alcaeus of Mytilene in which he welcomes back his brother Antimenidas. Zimmerli 1967: 375. As to Libya. Redford 1992: 443-44).(Page 1955: 223-24. There is some debate about when Gyges sent troops to Egypt. the Kittim mercenaries of the Arad ostraca probably were Greeks (Braun 1982a: 22. The quick spreading of coinage in the Greek world indicates that among this group of people were also Greeks (Murray 1980: 223-26). This description follows a Phoenician model (Maisler 1952: 83-84. (Quinn 1961. ?149. and Pwt (Ezek 27. Bettalli 1995: 49-50. Haider 1988: 166-69) or in the first years of Psammetichus's reign. as the detailed description of the forces and trade of Tyre in Ezekiel 27 indicates.. Weippert 1988: 617. 32-34).C. Braun 1982b: 49-52.11). Ruger 1961.C. Other scholars have thought that Antimenidas participated in one of the campaigns against the kingdom of Judahbetween 601 and 586 B. 75-76. Another ostracon of this group mentions a different ethnic title. " (Schafer 1904: 155-58. Westermann 1986: 114. Smend 1989: 164-66.were found in the archive of the commander Eliashib (M.21 and Pwt with Libya (Simons 1959: 56. Since the Jews associated Kittim (originally Kition in Cyprus) with Yawan = Ionia/Greece (Braun 1982a: 3). Among them were men from Prs. Syrians and others . enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy and sometimes caused problems for their Egyptian officers. The possible presence of Greek mercenaries in the Assyrian army has been mentioned above. the mercenaries. Aharoni 1993: 82-84).C. Greek mercenaries also served in the Near East. Greek mercenaries were also employed by the kingdom of Judah. Syrians. Boardman 1980: 52. Haider 1996: 71). the date of which has been recently corrected from 652 to between 645 and 643/2 B. Fragment 133. The foreign mercenaries. Mercenaries from different countries were employed by Tyre.18 WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER seventh century B. (Roebuck 1959: 295-96. (Spalinger 1976: 143. who had fought for the Babylonians. . between Psammetichus'sattainingthe autocracyin 656 B. beside the Ionians and Carians. Boardman 1980: 101-2) has been explained by the necessity to pay out regular sums to large bodies of people. Garfinkel 1988: 29-30. Greek mercenaries continued to serve during the entire 26th Dynasty in the Egyptian army (Boardman 1980: 115-17. in standard amounts. between 664 and 657 B. BASOR 322 kelon by the Babylonians in 604 B. (Katzenstein 1973: 328. 240) and refers to the situation before the beginning of the siege of Tyre by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II. Stager 1996a: 61*). dated between 603 (Wiseman 1985: 28) and 585 B. Many personal names with the theophoric element-yahu demonstrate that the garrison consisted predominantly of Judaeans. Aharoni 1981: 12-13 and passim).C. The role of Greek mercenaries in Lydia has already been mentioned. Haider (1996: 71) thinks that the term Pwt may indicate here the ethnic group which at that time 21Doubting only Westermann 1986: 118. On a statue dedicated to the cataract gods. interpretedto indicate mercenaries (Albright 1969: 568-69. a commander of mercenary troops at Elephantine on the southern frontier reports about a rebellion and says. but ten ostraca mention KTYM (Kittim).20 "You have come from the ends of the earth dear Antimenidas. Hamilton 1990: 344-45. and other Asiatics. Zadok 1985: 252. Diakonoff 1992: 174.

Simons (1959: 72-73. GREEK MERCENARIES IN THE ORIENT: ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPRESENTATIONAL AND EVIDENCE As to the archaeological evidence for the presence of Greek mercenaries in the Near East. Haider accepts the reading Prs but connects it with Para. 99 p. 20. .22 Together with the greave.C.C. 29). The connection with Persia suggested by J. The term Prs has always been enigmatic. 630/620560/550 B. 2. It is tempting to connect these finds with the 22See also Kunze 1956: 48-50. Diakonoff (1992: 177-81) suggests a different interpretationof Pwt. ?193) is problematic for linguistic (Haider 1996: 71-72) and historical reasons (Diakonoff 1992: 174 with n. arrowheadsand the bones of horses and men were found in the West Gate of the Inner Town. courtesy of the BritishMuseum. Therefore Diakonoff thinks that Prs is wrong and should be read Trs = Asian Thrace. designated in the Neo-Babylonian sources as Putu-Iaman= "Libya of the Ionians" or "Ionian Libya" (Edel 1978: 1516).London). reading it as Pot and regarding this as a Phoenician renderingof the Greek Pontos = sea. 19) knows Ionians only as trading partners importing slaves and bronze vessels to Tyre. decorated with concentric animal friezes and a Gorgon head in the center (fig. 25a..2001 19 ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT Fig. fig.13. ArchaicGreekbronzegreave foundat Carchemish(Woolley1921: pi. 3).) and a bronze shield of the second half of the seventh century B. Kunze's "hocharchaische Stufe" (ca. 2) of E.) (Kunze 1991: 24-40. Although Ezekiel (27. indicating that the mercenaries from Pot were island Greeks. Carian and Greek mercenaries most probably were in the pay of Tyre. was economically and politically the most important one in Libya: the Greeks in Cyrenaica. Boardman1980: 51. the name of one of the leading tribes of Caria. there are only two Archaic Greek weapons known. both found at Carchemish: a bronze greave (fig.

.?C1 ?C --.see Bossertet al.. However.. it appears more likely that the helmets are of Anatolian and/or Assyrian origin (Stier 1950: 214-18. and Braun (1982b: 49) believes that the two Greek weapons make it certain that Greek mercenaries fought in the battle of Carchemish in 605 B."I*? \i)t. 1950:62.. Boardman (1980: 51. :? -???: -???.C. 1950: pl. The burnt House D suffered a warlike destruction. as indicated by the finds of Egyptian objects of art. 32a).???r. probably the seat of a dignitary of the city with close contacts to Egypt.. in which Necho was defeated by NebuchadnezzarII of Babylon and abandonedthe Egyptian intervention in Syria.. the warriors wearing conical crested helmets representedon a bas-relief at Karatepe in Cilicia (ca.. Borchhardt 1972: 102-3. and the shield (Woolley 1921: 125. *.?: .? -??J.j qr? ?t7 *? ? C tr . ?-?? .i ???-???-?. courtesyof the BritishMuseum. evidenced by the finds of hundreds of arrowheads.- / BASOR 322 *.' ...London). 49 bottom row.r'???*'?? *.?t . '' ?I.C..*... 4. i' o ai.r?*LI.:... 21b-c. p *. ?:-...C. figs. right) could be identified as Greek mercenaries.j:::::t?-. 27. r '3.83.j c?? L?2 -r :ii-. 24. a sword.. 730 B.-? I c :? r f ? t: fii :LI I'\ I ). t " . ArchaicGreekbronzeshield foundat Carchemish(Woolley1921: pi.. 1 "5? . ?? /*. numerous javelin heads..:j t .at Til Barsip (Thureau-Danginand Dunand 1936: 50. ?? r ?1`2.. 22a. If this were true.."'... As to artistic representationsof Greek mercenaries in the Near East.20 WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER ?? : -?i. i?-- 1II ?5 T ?X?/ ?i %. .--?I?r* ?. pl..i: 4r rr ??-?\.... 43-46.: . 1a. -??- ?. Snodgrass 23Forthe date.J ri. 3..C./ P ?. 22b._.) (Bossert et al.. Borchhardt 1972: pl. Q II _.2)23 and on a wall painting of the eighth century B. "'~'"""L *I f-j.. it '.?-*" .i r' F? Itl I: fi" Fig... pls... but they may also come from an earlier siege (Woolley 1921: 79).C.. pls... ?.. 115) has supposed that the shield was owned by a Greek mercenary in the pay of Necho. The shield was found in the unusual well-built House D of the Outer Town.1 t*?. -. *v' i . clay seal impressions with the cartouche of Necho II. 16.rcv L I/:"?' ?... Bettalli 1995: 65).... : Z?*k . conquest of Carchemish by Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon in 605 B. t??. Kunze (1930: 156-57 n.1??$= ??'*''*. ???? ic?i .-?iI .' .. The seal impressions of Necho provide evidence that House D was destroyed in 605 B. 1958: 118-25) claimed the conical crested helmets as original Greek types. and a bronze ring with its bezel in the form of the cartouche of Psammetichus I (Woolley 1921: 121-29..??- . ... ..

Cypro-Phoeniciansilver bowl from Amathus (Barnett1977: fig. Snodgrass (1964: 12-13) as early Corinthian ones. Markoe 1985: 51-52).C. tion of Tell Defeneh/Daphnae with the Stratopeda . "Ionic" helmets. Almost all scholars have identified Daphnae with the site of Tell De24Onthis bowl. POSTS OF GREEK MERCENARIES IN THE ORIENT Is there archaeological evidence for the presence of Greek mercenaries at those sites where they were based according to the records? This question is difficult to answer. probably the work of an immigrantoriental workshop (Boardman 1980: 57). delicately incised with their blazons. These are undoubtedly East Greek hoplites (Myres 1933: 35-36. feneh. The equaMarkoe1985:51-52. fig. 4. fig. The identification of Herodotus's Stratopeda has long been debated by scholars who repeatedly collated two passages of Herodotus.C. 3. Barnett 1977:164-69. from Amathus (fig. Barnett 1977: 166). On the relief of a bronze belt of the late eighth century B. 61). pls.C. 172-74 Cy4. 48:2.24The attackersare horsemen and archers with dresses and helmets of Assyrian type. round shields. On a splendid Cypro-Phoenician silver bowl of the late eighth century to the first quarterof the seventh century B. and-next to the righthand tower-there are four hoplites wearing kilts.London). 3. Borchhardt 1972: 101-2. Boardman1980:50. "That there are similarly armed men among the defenders is in accord with their mercenary habit" (Myres 1933: 36). on pp.2001 ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT 21 Fig. chariot warriors are attacked by archers. see Myres1933withpls.fig. 1964: 11-14. and each wielding a spear above his head. 1-3. 248-49. a citadel under strong enemy attack is represented. 19. courtesy of the BritishMuseum. 4). M. there is no doubt that the Amathus bowl reflects warlike events in the Near East around 700 B. Bettalli 1995: 44-45). that on the Stratopeda(2. The helmets of the archershave been identified by A.30). pls. excavated by Petrie (1888: 47-96). Whether the scene representedis a mythological (Barett 1977: 168-69) or a real one (Myres 1933: 37. from Fortetsa near Knossos in Crete (Boardman 1980: 73. in which Greek hoplites were involved.154) and that on Pelusiac Daphnae (2. The chariot warriorsare wearing helmets of oriental type. where-as he reportswithout specifically mentioning Greek mercenaries-guards were stationed by Psammetichus I against the Arabs and the Syrians (Bettalli 1995: 63-64).

26East Greek transport amphorae. The military character of the fortress of Tell Defeneh is clear. Therefore. 19:9.C. 39). as suggested by Haider (1996: 7525Lehmann1994:*23-*26.25 we have at both sites imports of decorated East Greek pottery. 8:1-4). 26MezadHashavyahu:Naveh 1962b:figs. in press. In Sinai. Greek mercenaries may have been stationed. however. Only some Greek pottery fragments of the seventh century B. and imitations of East Greek pottery locally produced in Nile clay including cups (Oren 1984: 27. 23:1. 1993: 1392-93). 40-44. 46. and Jewish mercenaries (Oren 1984: 35-38). 42). later than the reign of Psammetichus I. andin the finalpublication of the Kabriexcavations. This new burial custom was possibly introduced to the eastern Delta by Greeks serving in the fortress (Oren 1984: 30). as mentioned above. 19:2-7. 52-53. however. some imported East Greek cups (Oren 1984: 20. at Mezad Hashavyahu. been rejected by a series of scholars (R. among them a considerable number of arrowheads (Petrie 1888: pl.. Daphnae have. which is mentioned in Jer 44. Boardman 1980: 13334).e. 1994:*31-*33. or near." is likely to be interchangeable with the Greek Stratopeda. As the excavator.C. on p.. M.see the finalpublicationof the Kabriexcavations. Cook 1954: 5-13. and Corinthiantypes. as well as some Athenian amphorae (Oren 1984: 24-27. the Greek cooking pots at both sites and lamps at Mezad Hashavyahu provide evidence for the actual presence of Greeks. figs. on the edge of the Delta Plain. well comparable to Migdol: They are fortified strongholds (although much smaller than Migdol). of Chian.whichis in press. a cemetery with cremation burials in "Egyptianjars topped with lids and accompanied by Greek amphoras as burial gifts" was found (Oren 1984: 30. were based. figs. but the Kittim mercenaries may have been in transit (Braun 1982a: 22). fig. Tel Kabri:Niemeier1990:xxxIv-xxxv. Grace 1971: 68-69. 23:2.6. As to Mezad Hashavyahu and Tel Kabri. figs. Samian. 22:12. amphoraeof Lesbian and Samian types. 52-53). together with Tahpanhes and Noph as garrisons with Jewish soldiers who served in Egyptian border fortresses (Oren 1984: 30-35. 22:1-6. Beside painted East Greek and Attic pottery. As to the fortified settlement of Tel Batash/Timnah Stratum II in which. The presence of weapons is reported. More examplesare publishedin the final publicationof the Kabriexcavations. and Ezek 29. there are no written records about the presence of Greek mercenaries. there are Greek lamps (Naveh 1962b: fig." "fort. 1 on p. Some 500 m east of the fortress. i. there are Samian. erected in the late seventh century B. How and Wells 1964: 175. 4-6) is unknown. as well as a BASOR 322 cooking pot (Oren 1984: 27)." or "camp. 7-10. Oren. A local Greek pottery workshop of the sixth century B.C. Cooking pots and lamps alien to the area in which they were found certainly were not merchandise. 32-38. figs. M. and Athenian trade amphorae (Boehlau 1898: 144. Lesbian. 53. Boardman 1980: 133. argues.22 WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER (Petrie 1888: 48) and similar proposals. Niemeier 1994: *33. and Archaic East Greek ceramics (Oren 1984: 1328).C. the fragments of one or two Greek cooking pots were also found.4. Oren 1984: 38). meaning "tower. Formorepotteryandsome corrections. Phoenician. figs. M. fig. moreover. 10-11. the Israeli North Sinai Expedition has investigated an extensive fortress of 200 by 200 m similar in type to that at Tell Defeneh/Daphnae. the Semitic name Migdol. 23:5-6. .10. 27MezadHashavyahu:Naveh 1962b: fig. As to the Greek pottery. Cook 1954: 32. most of the Greek pottery is of the sixth century B.27and Greek cooking pots (see above).Unfortunately. 4. Both are. and identified with Migdol. Stratopeda as a suburb of.e. 32-41. or an appendage to. 22:3. 1993: figs. the ancient names of which we do not know with certainty. Lesbian. 6:1-5. and Migdol and Stratopeda may be one and the same place (Oren 1984: 38). 1392). have been found at Tell Defeneh. at MezadHashavyahuthe proportionbetweenthe Greek and the abundantlocal pottery(Naveh 1962b: press. fig. At Arad no Greek finds were made. Cook 1937. Austin 1970: 20 with n. We do not know where the Greek mercenaries in the pay of Babylonia. Phoenician and Palestinian late Iron Age vessels. The fortress of Migdol apparently accommodated Greek. Tel Kabri:Niemeier 1990: xxxv. (R. Boardman 1980: 134).C. pls. i. E. No Greek kitchen ware is known from Tell Defeneh. fig. 30. Tell Defeneh produced decorated East Greek situlae (R. there were large quantities of imported complete and fragmentary Greek trade amphoraeof the late seventh to the second half of the sixth century B. and while the local ceramics at Tel Kabri and probably also at Mezad Hashavyahu form the great majority of the pottery ensemble. 51). among them Alcaeus's brother Antimenidas. The pottery from Migdol falls into three distinctive categories: local Egyptian pottery of the Saite period. Boardman 1956: 62).

The dates proposed for the fall of Tel Miqne-Ekron are in the same year (Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 37-38).C. originally thought that the Greeks who settled the fortress were mercenaries of Psammetichus I. that it was conquered by Josiah of Judah a few years before 609 B. Naveh. one year later in 603 B. six test pits dug within the fortress area "showed the same picture: a floor. Austin 1970: 16 with n. 1991: 21314) convincing suggestion. 1980: 51). Area E. 3. or a little later is the occurrence of a North Ionian Late Wild Goat Style fragment (Wenning 1989: 185-86. Later. Boardman (1964: 75. Haider 1996: 111-12). 68-69. In that case. and Bettalli (1995: 65) have suggested that the Greeks of Mezad Hashavyahu were Necho's mercenaries who were dislodged by the Babylonians in 605/ 23 604 B. to November/ December 604 B. 10A). Wenning's main argument for his date of ca. that of the Phoenician stronghold of Tel Kabri. and Zedekiah would have been put in charge of the supply of the fortress. (Naveh 1962b: 99). 600 B. There is indeed no evidence for two different phases of occupation: Only in one room (4) was an architectural change distinguished (Naveh 1962b: 93). pl. and below it. we should not expect to find Greek domestic pottery in greater quantities. 1. and this can have other reasons than a change in occupation (Wenning 1989: 178). Like the end of Mezad Hashavyahu and the destruction of Tel Batash/Timnah Stratum II (Mazar and Kelm 1993: 155-57).C. Mezad Hashavyahu was erected by King Jehoiakim during the brief period of Judahite autonomy from Babylonian rule in 600598 B. as the Amathus bowl (fig. Stager 1996a: 72* with n. As to Mezad Hashavyahu. Naveh corrected himself and now sees only one phase of occupation (Naveh 1977: 863). 4) also illustrates.. 600-590 B. however. In the exports of Ionian pottery. According to the Babylonian Chronicle in the British Museum.c.28 This complicated scenario has been criticized by scholars who. Except in Egypt (Bettalli 1995: 26. 6-7 = Naveh 1962b: fig. (Malamat 1979: 208. 108-9. Gitin 28Naveh'soriginalscenariois still followedby Haider 1997: 98-99). it probably was replaced by a local one. Moreover. 10:1. either the natural kurkar bedrock or the sand fill used in leveling the area. Kyrieleis 1996: 109). Strange 1966: 136-39. According to his most recent statement. No structural changes were distinguished in the fortress. (1988:204-6. Cook and Dupont 1998: 56). The Hebrew ostraca demonstrate.C.2001 ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT 76). the North Ionian Late Wild Goat Style started to replace the South Ionian Middle Wild Goat II Style by ca. in garrisons with Greek soldiers. 1 on p. They certainly formed only relatively small groups within the Near Eastern armies (Bettalli 1995: 104). . the conquest of Ashkelon is firmly dated to the month of Kislev in the first year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II. the excavator. and was abandoned when Nebuchadnezzar II attacked Judaea in 598 B. less probable possibility. and that it was abandoned when the Egyptian army of Necho II advanced along the coast in 609 B. Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 37). (Wiseman 1956: 28.C. in 601/600 or even after 595 B. As a second. the Greek mercenaries did not form large units of common men but were single members of the elite (Bettalli 1995: 26.however. Lloyd (1975: 21). is probably connected with Nebuchadnezzar II. (Schaus 1986: 291. because of the coexistence of Ionian and Judaean finds and the absence of Egyptian finds and of destruction levels.) and was able to retain its former territories on the mainland (Katzenstein 1973: 294-97). The Greek pottery was found in dumps as well as in contexts of both occupation phases assumed by Naveh (Wenning 1989: 178-79). All the evidence found indicates that it was only in existence for a short period" (Naveh 1993: 586). have suggested that Mezad Hashavyahu was from the very beginning a Judahite fortress with Ionian mercenaries in Josiah's pay (Cross 1962: 42.C. Mezad Hashavyahu would have been a Babylonian stronghold. 1996b: 58. According to Wenning's (1989: 182-92.e. figs. 77 with n. 597-588 B.C.C.C..C. The Ionian mercenaries at Tel Kabri most probably were in the pay of Tyre (see above) which benefited from the dissolution of the mighty Assyrian empire during Ashurbanipal'slast years of reign (he died in 627 B. that Mezad Hashavyahuwas under Judahitecontrol.C. 53). The Greek pottery from Tel Kabri shows a close relationship to that from the destruction levels at the end of the Iron Age II phase at Ashkelon and Tel Miqne-Ekron (Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 27-33) which has been convincingly attributed by the excavators to the Babylonian invasions led by NebuchadnezzarII. when the chronicle ends (Na'aman 1992: 41-44). Wenning (1989: 192-93) sees that Mezad Hashavyahubelongs in the time of Zedekiah. When a Greek cooking pot got broken.c. 1996:75-76). i. Warriorsmust be mobile and will not bring too many personal belongings with them.

1981 Arad Inscriptions. see Seibert1979:20-22. Aharoni. on p. Egypt.C.30 or had pursued a search for an alternative way of aristocratic life centered on Homeric values like courage.C. and glory (Bettalli 1995: 26.C.C.cepts to their homeland (Burkert 1992: 25. 82-87 in The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. Stein-Holkeskamp 1989: 81-84). Sullivan 1996: 189-90).the mapStager1996b:fig. 30Forthe case of Antimenidasmentionedabove. 1966 Orient und Okzident:Die Geburt der griechischen Kunst.ed. Akurgal. . mediators in gods (Boardman 1980: 118-33. 1993 Arad:The IsraeliteCitadels. E AlbrightInstituteof ArchaeologicalResearch. probably was destroyed when the Babylonians conquered the Phoenician mainland before Nebuchadnezzar'slong siege of Tyre which started in 603 or 585 B. CONCLUSION honor. Gitin for the honorableinvitationto be the firstAnnual andthe Al-QudsUniversityfor theirhospitality. REFERENCES Aharoni. and Ashkelon. 2) has recently argued.C. along with other from at least 620 B. 1996: 109-10) and thus became. TrudeDothanlecturer..3rd ed. Braun 1982b: 37. More clearly. Not infrequently they may have fought against each other as members of different armies as illustrated on the Amathus bowl (fig. and healers. F 1969 PalestinianInscriptions. were in the pay of the differentpowers present in the seventh century Levant (Assyria. and made a profitable living amid the rise and fall of empires. Albright. E. Ras el-Bassit. Area E. (Wiseman 1985: 21-41). Tall Sukas. Stein-Holkeskamp 1989:82-83. since according to the text of Jeremiah 27 describing a meeting in Jerusalem in 594 B. Judah.Pp. onward. Stem.Pp. I agree with Gitin that the most convincing date is 604 B.C. 58. Kyrieleis ing. 1. 108-9). There is no site comparable to Naukratiswhich. typical phenomena of the crises of the early Greek polis (Seibert 1979: 7-26.29 other destruction dates are also possible. E. textual and archaeological evidence points to the presence of another group of Greeks: mercenaries who first arrived in the eighth century B. became a Greek trad. or economic problems. W.24 WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER BASOR 322 As Gitin (1998b: 276 n.C.Jerusalem:Israel Exploration Society. Since there was a series of Babylonian campaigns along the Phoenician coast at the end of the seventh and in the first two decades of the sixth century B. when the Babylonians destroyed Ashkelon and Philistia apparently came totally under their control. Babylonia. (see above). Vol. and Tyre). At that time Greek merchants (and their families-see the Pesaphore loomweight from Tall Sukas) may have lived in some of the harbor cities such as Al Mina. at which a rebellion against Babylonia is planned without the presence of representatives from Philistia. 4). Baden-Baden: Holle. the W. it is improbable that the Babylonian destruction of Ekron happened after 595 well as the HebrewUniversity. Pritchard. the second half of the seventh century B.. some Greek presence in the Levant do not antedate ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the Dorot Foundationand S. at that time the Philistines may no longer have posed a threat to Babylonia. 568-69 in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. craftsmen. J. seers. exile following staseis (conflicts between aristocratic families). Y. Convincing signs of 1992: passim). B. Princeton:PrincetonUniversity. The Phoenician fortification of Tel Kabri. New York: Simon & Schuster. On The evidence for Greek presence in the Iron their return they transferredforeign ideas and conAge IIB-C period in the Levant is not overwhelm. They were members of the elite who had been driven out of their native country by war. elements such as itinerant Oriental mering city with temples dedicated to different Greek chants. 29Cf. M.the continuing Oriental influx to Greece (Burkert 43.

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