Professional Documents
Culture Documents
August, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
self-sufficient and even have a good income. Obviously with police and
Govt. support they even can extort even from those whom they donot
apprehend transporting cattle. RSS-BJP have devised this plan to make
these 'Gaubhakt' cadres self-sufficent.
This cow vigilantism conforms to a longstanding project of Hindu
communal groups. It has twin objective consolidating Hindus against
projected cow slaughterers i.e. Muslims and also dalits who skin dead
cows for hide. In the frenzy created over the cow issue, even the latter are
targeted for disrespecting cows, dead or live. The cow was one of the main
issues on which communal strife in India was orchestrated in 1920s, which
was then dubbed as the cow music issue, the latter signifying the insistence
of Hindu communal groups on playing music before the mosques at all
times, particularly at the time of Namaz. The cow issue has been repeatedly
resurrected by the communal forces to divert the people from the real issues
facing them besides augmenting the strength of communal forces. While a
peasant may call the cow gau mata for the myriad types of support
extended to his and his familys maintenance, these communal forces use
this mata to attack others. Peasants have traditionally been worshipping
many things, including cows, which have played an important role in the
past in the life of the community, but without having any qualms about
trading in cows, calves or bullocks and even wearing shoes made from the
leather from the hide of milch and draught animals. One should obviously
recall worshipping of agricultural implements and samples of crops like
sugarcane also in the villages of UP during Goverdhan. This recognition of
the role of cow and its progeny for the community had been catapulted by
the communal forces into an entirely regressive and anti-people agenda to
suit their interests and those of their colonial masters in pre-1947 period.
Interestingly, the issue, like that of Babri Masjid, had come to the fore in
the period when British were trying to divide the people of the country on
religious lines to extend their colonial rule in India by fomenting trouble
between Hindus and Muslims. In fact a number of studies have pointed out
that divisive and communal utilization by Hindu communal groups of several
issues started only with the advent of British colonial rulers in India who
sought to divide the people of this country in the interests of their colonial
rule.
It is worthwhile to note that Vajpayee led NDA Govt. had tasked a
Gandhian, Shri Dharam Pal, to prepare a paper on the history of cow
slaughter in India. Shri Dharam Pal summarized his study in a book titled
August, 2016
The British Origin of Cow Slaughter in India. On the cover of this book
was published a letter by Queen Victoria to the then Viceroy of India, Lord
Lansdowne, dated December 8, 1893. In the letter Queen Victoria wrote,
Though the Mohammedans cow killing is made the pretext of the agitation,
it is in fact targeted against us, who kill far more cows for our Army, etc.
than the Mohammedans. This was on an agitation against cow killing which
continued from 1880 to 1894. But the communal groups never targeted the
British rulers on the issue.
The use of the cow was not only meant to target Muslims but also to
mobilize the peasantry of the country on a divisive platform. Peasantry in
India was groaning under the yoke of colonial exploitation and feudal
oppression. But the communal groups, sponsored as they were by the
colonial masters and patronized by feudal lords and princes, could not and
did not take up those issues affecting the peasantry. Many of these groups
were linked to important leaders of the Congress as well. However they
needed these peasant masses for their power games and hence mobilized
them on communally divisive issue. There have not been any reports nor
reflections of this issue prior to advent of colonial rulers in India. But this
aspect of the history is conveniently ignored.
Even today the cow slaughter issue is being taken up with zest when
the Indian agriculture and even land owning peasantry is facing deep crisis.
The share of agriculture in the national product has gone down much in
excess to the proportion of the people dependent for their livelihood on
agriculture. This is a result of the anti-peasant policies being pursued by
the successive Govts. of the big capitalists and big landlords. The lot of
the rural people has worsened over the decades relatively and in some
cases even absolutely. This distress is being reflected by the rising
agitations of the landowning peasantry in a number of states- Patels in
Gujarat, Jats in Haryana, Marathas in Maharashtra and Kapus in Andhra
Pradesh etc. These social groups are up in arms for reservation to secure
Govt. jobs as the agricultural income has not kept pace or has declined
due to rise in the prices of agricultural inputs and prices of agricultural
produce not keeping pace with it while the imperialist promoted agricultural
model has demanded ever increasing investment in the form of fertilizers,
pesticides, seeds, water etc. This has resulted in rising indebtedness of
the peasantry on the one hand and decline in the fertility of the soil and the
poisoning of land and underground water on the other. While addressing
these questions is not on the agenda of the Govt., they are seeking to
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NEW DEMOCRACY
divert these peasant masses into the abyss of communal mobilization by
throwing up issues like cow slaughter. The present phase of focusing on
cow slaughter is definitely linked to the growing unrest among the peasant
masses. RSS-BJP is trying to mobilize those communities which are rising
in unrest e.g. Patels in Gujarat, Jats in Haryana etc. to divert them from
agitation and for engaging their youth in these activities.
Hindutva is essentially upper caste chauvinism. It tries to rally all Hindus
against religious minorities particularly Muslims. It also tries to target dalits
and other oppressed castes. It disrupts the unity of the oppressed so
essential for their struggle against oppression and exploitation, it atomizes
this opposition. For Hindutva forces, cow issue has also two facets. While
live cows are wielded as weapons against Muslims, the dead are used to
terrorize Dalits. The cow is only a pretext, the real issue is suppression of
religious minorities and oppressed castes, the real issue is propagation of
the domination of upper castes. The mayhem unleashed against Muslims
and Dalits since RSS-BJP came to power bears ample testimony to their
designs. They target minorities particularly Muslims to demarcate Hindu
identity and they target Dalits to impose the old Hindu code on them. These
attacks are two sides of the same coin of upper caste chauvinism.
Attacks on Dalits have increased since the advent of the RSS-BJP
Govt. While caste oppression is a reality in India irrespective of the ruling
class party in power, with RSS-BJP in power, the upper caste groups feel
further emboldened to attack Dalits. After 2014, the year RSS-BJP came
to power, there has been a 40% increase in crimes against Dalits. According
to National Commission for Scheduled Castes, in 2015 there has been
higher rate of crimes against scheduled castes. The highest increase has
been in RSS-BJP ruled states- Gujarat, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan. Among
the states where such crimes increased sharply, Gujarat was on the top
where 6,655 cases were reported. Rajasthan reported 8,028 cases while
Chhattisgarh reported 3,008 cases. Crimes against Dalits continue to be
high in the states of UP and Bihar with UP recording 8,946 cases and Bihar
7,141 cases. This data has been reported by the National Crime Records
Bureau (NCRB). From this it is clear that while crimes against Dalits are
reported from all the states (different ruling class parties are ruling in the
various states) the number has risen sharply in BJP ruled states since the
advent of RSS-BJP Govt. at the Centre. Crimes recorded against Scheduled
castes (NCRB) increased from 39,408 in 2013 to 47,064 in 2014.
August, 2016
Corporate media had sold the Gujarat model to the people of the country
before 2014 elections. This propaganda was baseless even then on every
count. What really stands out for Gujarat is the suppression and crimes
against Dalits. According to a report in BBC, though Dalits living in Gujarat
are only 2.3% of the total Dalits in the country, crimes against Dalits are
many times over (roughly 16% of the total crimes recorded against Dalits).
Between 1990 to 2015, the period in which mostly BJP and that too,
Narendra Modi Govt., was in power, 536 Dalits were murdered and 750
Dalit women were raped in Gujarat. Conviction rate in this state in the
crimes against Dalits has been merely 4%. This did not find any mention in
the corporate product Gujarat Model but is giving rise to a sharp uprise of
Dalits across Gujarat.
Not only in increased crimes against Dalits in Gujarat under the watch
of Narendra Modi and BJP, the discrimination against Dalits is reflected in
many other spheres as well. Till 2015, 64,000 vacancies for Dalits in various
Govt. jobs in this state had not been filled. BJP Govt. has also done nothing
to give possession to Dalits over the land earmarked for them. In 1996,
250 villages were surveyed in Surendranagar district. According to this
Survey, a total of 6000 acres were set aside for Dalits in these villages but
they were not given possession and landlords held the land. Throughout
the country, Dalits did not get possession of the lands allotted to them. At
many places they were not even informed. In a case in Punjab, Dalits
came to know of such an allotment done in 1975, only four years back.
When they approached the authorities, they were told that the allotment
has become outdated! For them, millennia old caste code is not outdated
but allotment of a few decades back has become outdated. The struggle of
Dalits in Punjab for their share of panchayat land is spreading. In Gujarat
too, Dalit organizations are raising the demand for land which remains one
of the main aspects of eliminating caste in the country.
This is no accident. Narendra Modi and RSS-BJP believe in a strict
caste code for Dalits. Modi had written in Karmyog in 2007 that the work
of cleaning toilets must have been a strong spiritual experience for the
Valimiki community. By the same token, Modi might have seen a strong
spiritual experience for Dalits in disposing off dead cattle and even in being
subject to beating and extortion by RSS-BJP hoodlums. Only a trainee in
the RSS school of caste arrogance and social ignorance, could so defend
caste based professions and term the same as a spiritual experience.
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NEW DEMOCRACY
However, Dalits are fed up with this kind of spiritual experience and want
to give it up. Dalits, particularly their educated youth, are not willing to
tolerate any more this age old suppression, discrimination and violence.
They are declaring that they would not henceforth dispose off dead cattle
and are demanding land for their own sustenance. As several of them spell
out, their parents and older generations have suffered caste ignominy, but
they are not willing to suffer it any longer. They are rebelling across the
country and it is a welcome rebellion. A growing section of educated young
Dalits are questioning the very paradigm of ruling class policies and they
are willing to stand up and be counted for their convictions. Students of IIT
Chennai and Hyderabad Central University raised the issues concerning
the whole society. They do not just want to get crumbs for themselves but
are setting out to fight for a just and egalitarian society.
In perpetuating caste oppression, different wings of the state have lent
a helping hand. Judiciary too has not been far behind. Its repeated acquittal
of the culprits of violence and crimes against Dalits have emboldened the
upper caste chauvinists who see that no price has to be paid for such
crimes. This is where social reality trumps the formal legal equality. No
social conscience, leave alone national conscience, demands that these
criminals be brought to book. Tsunduru, Laxmanpur Bathe, Khairlanji, the
examples are numerous but the malady singular i.e. domination of different
wings of the state by the upper castes. Their meritocracy is deeply offended
by reservation for oppressed but is comfortable with allotment for money.
After all they alone have it!
It is quite obvious that this sinister design of RSS-BJP is being supported
by the police and administrative machinery. It is there in those states also
where RSS-BJP is not in power which only shows the deep communalization
of the state machinery which is tolerated and used by different ruling
class parties and not objected to by any of them. Since the days of colonial
rule over the country, communal violence and rioting has been encouraged
by police and administration and the same continues. It is quite obvious
from the Partition Papers dealing with documents relating to partition of
India, how the colonial rulers helped in drowning the struggle of the people
of this country in a blood bath of innocent people. They try to show these
incidents as a madness overtaking the people to hide their own leading
role in these violent attacks. There has been no attempt to fix the
responsibility of preventing attacks against minorities and oppressed castes
on the shoulders of police and administration who enjoy so much power in
August, 2016
this country. Every attempt in this regard has been frustrated by the ruling
class parties. Similarly, there is no provision to penalize the administrators
who violate the constitutional norms against Scheduled Castes in different
institutions. It only shows that all this is done with the connivance and
approval of the ruling class parties.
Worse still, with the help of corporate media they are projecting all their
idiosyncrasies as nationalism. How have Manu Smriti, Durga and the like
become symbols of nationalism? Those questioning these and myths being
projected as historical facts are being branded as anti-nationals. All the
myths and fables of Aryan conquest over the native tribes are being shown
as the symbols of national advance and national pride. For them caste
system is not degradation but a very laudable contribution by Hindu society
to social progress. It is this framework which is so assiduously preserved
by upper caste chauvinists monopolizing power and discourse. It is this
framework which needs to be questioned and demolished for social
regeneration and progress.
The increased attacks on Muslims and Dalits by cow vigilante groups
are part of the sinister design of the RSS-BJP and part of their Hindutva
project. With the help of the state machinery and aided by the corporate
media, they are diverting the attention of the people from the real causes
of their poverty, misery and destitution. Their campaign based on cow
protection is a calculated attack on the oppressed sections of society and
their tool for extortion. Is there any RSS campaign against malnutrition,
hunger, begging or different forms of human degradation? While their policies
are leading to greater privation and worse conditions for the broad masses,
they are bound to intensify their conspiracies against the people. But the
people are resisting and rising against these attacks. They are often able
to beat back these attacks. But the need is to demolish this whole framework
which is degrading to the large sections of the people and which is opposed
to the interests of the overwhelming majority of the people. For this,
revolutionaries should come forward to unite the people in class struggle
and also build struggles against this unequitous society. Attacks against
the minorities and oppressed castes must be resisted and defeated by
mobilizing the people into struggle. Those behind the present campaign in
the name of opposing cow slaughter should be opposed and defeated.
August, 2016
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fatalities. These have been used to permanently scar the Kashmiris; 600
pellet injuries to 125 bullet injuries, of these over a 100 youth blinded by
pellets. Doctors in the SMHS Hospital in Srinagar have asserted that all
the injuries are to the face and top portions of the body i.e. not designed to
deter. Insha, the first to lose eyesight after being hit by pellets fired by
security forces, is 14 years of age. Many opinions are there that the pellets
actually used were not rubber coated and were irregular in shape in order to
cause major damage, but this can be verified from the pellets extracted in
the hospitals. More and more armed forces have been flown into Kashmir.
As the days advanced, three day total press censorship even of the
mainstream daily press, was imposed. All mobile telephone services were
cut except post paid BSNL services without internet facilities. However,
communication between the people of Kashmir and the rulers of India
including even the two ruling class parties of Kashmir - PDP and NC - who
rule the state on the strength of the Army in turns, have been cut for a long
time. Modi Govt. calls on Kashmiri parents to restrain their children, but
not for restraint by the armed forces and also does not restrain communal
propaganda. While mainstream press carries reports of how Amaranth yatris
were rescued by Kashmiris after their bus had an accident and escorted to
safety, TV channels are airing eyewitness accounts of pilgrims being forced
to raise pro Pakistan slogans. Journalists are holding up posters in the
Valley saying Journalism is not a crime. Where there is no news, rumours
will flourish. The Kashmiri youth is on the streets in thousands, facing
pellets and the mighty Indian Army with stones - not even the Govts.
concerned are disputing that it is common people who are in the fight.
Kashmir has been successfully pushed over the edge once again.
Despite the mandate of an unboycotted Assembly election to keep the
BJP out of power, there is a BJP-PDP Govt. in the state in the backdrop of
a RSS BJP Govt. with its established position on Article 370, in the Centre.
Within months of the former, a policy is in place to build sequestered colonies
for Pandits in the Valley, instead of facilitating their return to their own
homes. A decision is announced to acquire land in South Kashmir to build
Sainik Colonies to settle the families of armed forces, all non Kashmiris.
Kashmir was on the streets in 2008 against land acquisition for building
permanent structure for Amarnath Yatris. As it is the Army is the biggest
land owner in Kashmir and its behavior is also of an occupation Army.
Communal conspiracies to change the demography of the State, which
have been on since 1947, are the background to the deepseated insecurity
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and fear regarding these land acquisitions: anyway, land in Kashmir cannot
be owned by non Kashmiris. The Sainik Colonies are to be built in South
Kashmir, the area of work of both PDP and National Conference; it is hardly
surprising that South Kashmir is out on the streets in July 2016. A senior
Army officer gave lie to the story of Wanis being a chance encounter
(Hindu, July 2016) by stating that preparation had been made in North
Kashmir to contain the fallout; South Kashmir was the surprise, though it
quite obviously should not have been.
Clear cut changes in the level of protests have been there since the
advent of the new state Govt. Now when the armed forces go for encounters
with a small number of militants holed up in a house, people of the local
area gather in massive numbers and stone the Army, rising slogans to
chase it away. Angry Kashmiris protested when two dead youth were brought
to an abandoned house and encountered (there is trophy money to earn)
there was intervention by the High Court in this instance. This must also
be seen in the backdrop of reports since past two years of Kashmiri youth
again taking to militancy in large numbers. The total lack of any move to
engage with the Kashmiri issue of right to self determination politically,
along with continual army occupation in escalating numbers are the reasons.
When the movement is at a lull, Indian ruling classes congratulate
themselves on successful suppression; when there is an upsurge they
resort to brutal repression and communalization while their fringe talks of
autonomy. In the current agitation, it is from South Kashmir that new
forms are erupting, with youth storming police stations in thousands,
primarily with stones, entering paramilitary camps, and on 17 th July
reportedly an Army Camp. In places police stations have been set on fire.
The response is with pellets and bullets with the Army being forced to even
apologize for one death. No one in the Govt. has yet pointed out that
deterrence does not mean aiming at the upper part of the body.
Indias ruling polity and establishment are in denial. They see Pakistan
in engineering each protest; that synchronized protests are breaking out
in South Kashmir shows organization by Pakistan. They are asserting
that Kashmir is an inalienable part of India, while pouring in more armed
forces in an area where there is one armed personnel for every 15 citizens;
thus they sound more like real estate agents. The stark evidences of an
ever further alienating people, of the anger and alienation of the youth which
stare out of TV screens and press reports evoke no concern, of course no
August, 2016
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advantage of a tribal invasion into Kashmir from Pakistan, the Indian Army
moved into the state as the King signed a conditional Instrument of
Accession (central legislation on only three subjects) which was accepted
by the Governor General with the written condition that the fate of J&K
would be decided based on the will of the people, after the war (For details
see New Democracy 2015 December issue). Much of this is recorded in
the White Paper on J&K issued by the Govt. Of India in 1948 from New
Delhi. Sheikh Abdullahs willingness to be part of a secular country played
an important role in making this arrangement acceptable to the people of
J&K. This first Indo-Pak war ended in 1948 after the UN settlement signed
by Govts. of both countries promising to hold a referendum to decide the
fate of the dismembered state, which would allow the people to choose
between India and Pakistan.
This referendum enshrines the plebiscite of the Instrument of Accession,
has not yet been held and this is one way to allow the people of J&K the
right to self determination.
Many events have transpired, which have muddled this situation on
many counts. The first is the jailing of Sheikh Abdullah following dismissal
of his Govt. by the Central Govt. and his replacement with a puppet govt.
with its farcical 'endorsement' of the accession, the repeated Army propped
puppet govts. of Congress and later NC under Farooq Abdullah, the blatant
rigging of elections and the rule of the Army which propelled the turn to
arms since 1990, have all progressively alienated the people of especially
the Kashmir Valley from Indian state. This period could have been used to
win the people. Secondly, there is a definitive growth of an opinion for an
independent J&K, and this does not fall within the option offered by the
British plan for partition or by the 1948 UN Agreement. This demand was,
in the 1980s and 1990s, popularly represented by the JKLF (Jammu and
Kashmir Liberation Front). The forces which are in dominance since, do
seriously represent the longing for self determination but have a socially
regressive agenda. They view their movement as an unfinished agenda of
the communal partition of India which, as already stated, had dismembered
states and nationalities to serve the agenda of British colonialism and Indias
ruling classes. Third, communal conspiracies have left their marks; in
Jammu where not only demographic changes were affected but where growth
of Hindutva outlook has flourished and in Kashmir where the movement for
self determination played into the hands of Indias rulers by not opposing
August, 2016
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14
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leaders of the Kashmiri movement come forward and facilitate return of the
Kashmiri Pandits to their own districts and homes which is their right as
Kashmiris. Many Pandits, in a welcome move, have expressed dissent
with the move of the GOI for separate colonies. The Indian rulers esp. the
RSS Modi Govt must be stopped from sequestering the Pandits to further
communal conspiracies in the Valley. People of India must be mobilized
against the provocative Sainik Colonies proposed to be set up in Kashmir
Valley.
It is important to take note of the fact that as the people of the Valley
are coming out in massive numbers repeatedly against Army brutalities,
as the Armys brutalities are on the rise due to the outpouring of anger from
the people, as people of India are themselves experiencing brutal repression
on just struggles, more sections in India are acknowledging army excesses
in Kashmir and willing to speak out against them and support the restoration
of democratic rights in Kashmir. A section are also willing to take a relook
at commonly propagated distorted and communalized historical facts to
understand what really happened. Womens organizations in Delhi had jointly
demanded repeal of AFSPA before the Verma Commission though this
was not the position of the ruling class Left parties. All these are welcome
developments and must be taken forward. It is also necessary that common
people of India, whose democratic rights are always under threat, should
speak for the rights of the people of J & K and NE, in order that their fight
for their own be both genuine and justified.
The struggle of the people of Kashmir is for self determination. This is
also the demand enshrined in the Instrument of Accession of J&K signed
by King Hari Singh. The ruling classes of India and the State have
succeeded in propagating it as restricted to a demand of the people of the
Valley and in communalizing the perception of this demand. Parliamentary
left parties are also confined to stating the question as only for restoration
of democratic rights. So too the CPI (ML) Liberation even through support
to the right of self determination of the people of J&K was a part of the
programme of CPI (ML) even at the time of its formation. Thus, along with
supporting the struggle for restoration of full democratic rights in Kashmir,
there must be exhaustive propaganda of the historical facts, of events as
they really happened, so that the communalized, cooked up and distorted
versions as well as all the organized hate propaganda which passes as
patriotism can be exposed. This will help to mobilize the people of India
August, 2016
15
Supr
eme Cour
ves F
or Some
Supreme
Courtt Mo
Mov
For
Accounta
bility Under AFSP
A
Accountability
AFSPA
The evidence collected so painstakingly is doubtless both gruesome
and undeniable. The struggles of civil rights activists countrywide as well
as the pressure of democratic movements and peoples growing
restlessness with the obvious violence of state forces have also had some
effect. Thus it is that while earlier Supreme Court judgements did not
intervene much in the total flouting of laws by armed forces under cover of
AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act), the Supreme Court Bench of
Justices Madan B. Lokur and U.U. Lalit made some observations on 8th
July 2016. Though not focusing on the growing demand for repealing
AFSPA, the observations discuss its legal boundaries.
The case under consideration was of 1528 fake encounters in Manipur
in a decade upto 2012. A petition had been filed for a SIT (Special
Investigation Team) into these by hundreds of families of victims in Manipur
under the banner of Extra Judicial Execution Victims Families Association.
Of the cases mentioned, 62 were earlier investigated by the NHRC (which
had concluded that half of the cases were fake encounters) and by a Court
appointed Panel headed by former Supreme Court Judge, Justice Santosh
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Hegde. The Supreme Court Bench has now ordered the processing of the
rest of the cases and a presentation of the data of the 62 cases so that it
can decide which agency is to investigate them. But despite the massive
number of cases as well as the devastating evidence, the Bench did not
question the need for a law such as AFSPA. The AFSPA, enacted in 1958,
has its origin in a colonial law made by the British to crush the Quit India
Movement.
In their observations, the judges have not accepted the Central govt.s
contention that Manipur faced an unconventional war-like situation. The
Bench held that the area is internally disturbed and the people living there
are citizens.
The observations of the Judges extend to several questions that are
repeatedly raised by Central govts. over the years, irrespective of the ruling
class party or formation in power, whenever the issue of lawlessness of
the armed forces in AFSPA areas arises. They were also evidently raised
in response to this petition. Thus the Judges have turned down the Central
Govt.s position that every armed person in the disturbed areas breaking
prohibitory orders runs the risk of being considered an enemy. Not only
can such a person not be branded as an enemy or an active member of a
banned or unlawful organization, before a person is branded as a militant
or terrorist or insurgent, there must be commission or some semblance of
violent, overt act. Further, even if the enquiry proves that the victim was
an enemy, there must be a probe whether the force used by the armed
forces was excessive or retaliatory .killing an enemy is not the only
available solution. The Court has also observed, There is a qualitative
difference between the use of force in an operation and use of such deadly
force that is akin to using a sledgehammer to kill a fly. However, in all
these utterances, the Bench has paid inadequate heed to the evidence
placed before it, even though it has commented on it, noting that the petition
says that arms are placed in the hands of dead victims to justify encounter
claims. The armed forces will definitely make up proofs of the culpability
of victims as well as for the quantum of force used from the side of the
state. The basic reason is not being addressed, i.e. the states own viewpoint
that movements of nationalities for the right of self determination and for
which the reasons are rooted in the history of the country, need to be
crushed by brute force. It is this basic notion that the Bench has refrained
from addressing, bypassing it by simply stating that the AFSPA area in
August, 2016
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from amongst retired IPS officers and judges, do little to inspire faith that
they would act as defenders of constitutional rights.
Revolutionary and democratic forces and people of Manipur, other parts
of North East and of J&K have long been struggling for repeal of AFSPA.
There is also the struggle of Irom Sharmila who had been on indefinite fast
till AFSPA is repealed and whose message was answered by repeated jail
terms. There are thousands of disappeared persons in J&K as a result of
this law. Women of J&K and North East have faced the entire spectrum of
sexual violence at the hands of armed forces repeatedly and relentlessly
due to the immunity from accountability. The experience of mass gang
rape at Kunan Poshpora by 19 Rashtriya Rifles in 1991 and brutalization
and murder of Manorama in 2004 by 17 Rashtriya Rifles personnel are only
some among the worst. The atrocities under AFSPA pushed Anupam Lumb,
the organization of Manipuri mothers, to demonstrate naked before the
Army Headquarters in the state. Several children have been encountered
by the armed forces both in North East and in Kashmir as part of their
bravery against an enemy.
It is only the total brutality of the armed forces in AFSPA areas as well
as the pressure of movements that made Justice Verma, who had upheld
AFSPA when he was Supreme Court Chief Justice, be party to the
recommendation of the three member Verma Commission post 16
December 2012 that AFSPA be amended. Only a democratic mass
movement can force repeal of AFSPA even while judiciary is forced to
give concessions on defacto amendments in order to justify continuation
of such a law. The observations of this Bench of the Supreme Court are
said to be in accordance with a 1950 judgement of the Court in the case of
the Naga movement. Pressure of the armed forces on the successive
Govts. is such that not one provision of AFSPA will be repealed without
struggle.
August, 2016
19
The British people in the 23rd June 2016 referendum have voted to leave
European Union (EU). It is a reflection of deepening economic crisis in the
imperialist countries and growing disenchantment of the people in developed
capitalist countries with political establishment. Response of the Govts. of
developed capitalist countries to the explosion of financial economic crisis
in 2008 has only increased the gulf between rich and poor. Govts. have
rescued the corporate while the burden of the crisis has been placed on the
shoulders of the common people whose conditions have deteriorated since
then. While profligacy of the rich has been rewarded austerity has been
imposed on the common people. In a number of European countries
unemployment is high and even in the countries like UK where it is not so,
the new jobs created are low paid and casual or part-time in nature. On the
other hand there has been cut is social security and there is increasing
privatization of health services and education putting a lot of strain on the
common people. College fees have skyrocketed. Loan burden on the people
has increased sharply. World financial economic crisis continues though
its effects vary in different countries. It has made the world economy and
economy of imperialist countries very unstable.
In this context, people are rising in the capitalist countries against
established parties of the ruling bourgeoisie whose notorious two party
system works like tweedledum and tweedledee. In Britain too, the explosion
of anger against the political establishment was palpable. The Leave vote
gained majority while the leadership of both main parties, Conservative
and Labour, had campaigned for remaining in EU. While the leadership of
the campaign to leave EU consisted mainly of the Conservative Party and
the section that left it to form UK Independence Party, nearly half of the
labour voters are also estimated to have voted to leave EU despite Labour
Party leadership pitching for remaining in EU. Campaign to leave EU painted
horrific picture of migrants flooding UK, Remain campaign banked on their
propaganda of adverse effect of Brexit on British economy. Regarding
migrants, while refugees from the countries which have been victims of
imperialist aggression have dominated the propaganda, the real concern
has been migrants from East European countries which have become
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members of the EU. While British bourgeois rulers have all the sympathy
with these countries but only to the extent that they oppose Russia, any
way this sympathy does not extend to welcoming them home.
In brief, the vote can be taken to be a manifestation of the anger of the
people against the political establishment. Sanders campaign in USA has
also been fed by a similar anger. More importantly, peoples rejection of
established parties is quite obvious in Spain, Italy and several other
European countries. And this is so despite Syriza of Greece which had
won elections on the platform of not compromising on bailout package,
betraying its election pledge to surrender before the troika of IMF, EU and
European Central Bank. Peoples anger is real. However, this anger has
yet not reached the stage of discarding this decadent system. It is
concentrated on charting a new course within this system. But the
established ruling class parties are wedded to implementing neoliberal
economic policies and hence this anger is mainly directed against neoliberal
economic policies.
The ongoing crisis and resultant anger of the people has undermined
Social Democracy in European countries which has been an instrument of
class peace between capitalists and workers. On the one hand peoples
struggles have burst forth against the impact of the Govt. policies on their
lives, and on the other rightist forces of the ruling classes have been
strengthened. Neo-nazi, anti-immigrant groups have become strong in a
number of European countries. Ruling bourgeois parties have not been
confronting these gangs, rather they are implementing policies against
immigrant workers and refugees in the name of keeping these neo-nazi
groups in check. This only shows that these gangs are linked to ruling
bourgeois parties and draw their sustenance from them.
While British Prime Minister Cameron had promised to hold this
referendum to prevent split in conservative voters in the last elections, it
became a channel of expression of anger and despair of the people. Now
some of the ruling class politicians are criticizing the very decision to hold
the referendum saying people should have no say in such vital decisions,
their choice should be strictly regulated. Earlier, the ruling politicians of
Europe had refused to respect the verdict of the people of Greece.
While impact of the Brexit on economy of the UK will unfold over the
years, the impact in two spheres may unfold in the short term. Scotland
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Understanding the
Significance of May 16th
Circular
Amit Chakraborty
This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution (GPCR). On 16th May 1966 GPCR was initiated by the Communist
Party Of China (CPC) under the leadership of Com. Mao Ze Dong.
Fifty years back GPCR spread revolutionary waves across the world.
GPCR in China organized an all out struggle against the Capitalist roaders
in the Party and State. During GPCR CPC pursued a socialist development
strategy characterized by cooperative and state (public) ownership and
control of the means of production, planned wealth distribution and resource
allocation, struggle for elimination of economic and political inequalities
and class privileges. GPCR strived for the dominance of the interest of the
immediate producers at the workplace and of working people in all spheres
of society including control over politics and ideology. GPCR was an
alternative path for revolutionary reconstruction of society rejecting
Khruschevs phoney communism. May 16th Circular marked the beginning
of that glorious revolution.
In GPCR, CPC conducted a revolutionary experiment to bring about a
socialist transformation of both the social structure and upliftment of
consciousness of its people. Unfortunately Com. Mao led Cultural Revolution
(GPCR) which not long ago was widely praised as an innovative and
revitalizing socialist alternative for Chinas development and also seen as
a revolutionary model worldwide at present, is described by the present
CPC leadership as a ten year disaster that was responsible for a political
and economic catastrophe suffered by the party and the country.
After the Communist victory in 1949 and with the successful socialist
transformation of China in the early 1950s, few people in the Communist
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Mao firmly believed that motivation derives from consciousness, which
in turn comes from social practice. Motivation is the source of moral strength,
such as dedication, devotion, determination. Consciousness and motivation
reinforce each other and can be transformed into material force through
mans labour.
Mao s slogan of Put Politics in command politicized the question of
economic development. The idea was not to challenge the concept of
economic development but to use politics to maximize the mobility of human
resources and the efficiency of all social forces for the development of the
economy. The aim of mobilization of the GPCR was to revolutionize
peoples ideology and as a consequence to achieve greater, faster, better
and more economical results in all fields.
In this backdrop we should review May 16th circular. This famous
circular was circulated To all regional bureaus of the Central Committee,
all provincial, municipal and autonomous regional party committees, all
departments and commissions under the Central Committee, all leading
party members groups and party committees in government departments
and peoples organizations, and the General Political Department of the
PLA. Opponents of cultural revolution argue that in GPCR Com. Mao
bypassed the Party and put his individual line into practice. If you go
through the May 16th Circular and its endorsement by the Central Committee
in the August meeting and in the Plenum of the same year you will find that
the allegation is utterly false. The GPCR and May 16th circular were part
and parcel of the democratic tradition of proletarian organization.
In this circular the Central Committee decided to revoke the Outline
Report on the Current Academic Discussion made by the Group of Five in
Charge of the Cultural Revolution which was approved for distribution on
12 February 1966. The circular concluded that the outline report by the socalled Group of Five was fundamentally wrong. The Central Committee
and Comrade Mao Tse-tung, at the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth
Central Committee of the Party in 1962, formulated the guiding principles
on the question of classes and class struggle in socialist society. The
February report was counter to the line of that meeting.
Many times questions are raised that GPCR and related struggles are
related to establishing Com. Mao s personality cult and defeating his
opponents. It is true that Cultural revolution and May 16th circular was
aimed at Liu Shao Chis line. But what was that line? It was an anti Marxist
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the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the
mental outlook of the whole of society.
Nowadays, while evaluating the experience of socialist construction in
China and Russia, it is frequently mentioned that the communist party
leadership tried to replace class rule of proletariat by rule of communist
parties, but if we look at the CC resolution on May 16th Circular it declares :
In the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the only method is for the
masses to liberate themselves, and any method of doing things in their
stead must not be used. Com. Mao and CPC were well aware of the problem
and tried their best to fight it out.
When CPC began the counter-offensive against the wild attacks of the
bourgeoisie, the authors of the February 1966 document raised the slogan:
Everyone is equal before the truth. This is a bourgeois slogan which
completely negates the class nature of truth. This slogan was used to
protect the bourgeoisie and oppose the proletariat, oppose Marxism-Leninism
and Mao Tse-tung Thought. May 16th Circular exposed the myth of equality
and showed there can be no other type of relation, such as a so called
relation of equality, or of peaceful coexistence between exploiting and
exploited classes, or of kindness or magnanimity. CC of CPC, while
defending May 16th Circular, taught us: Trust the masses, rely on them
and respect their initiative. Cast out fear. Dont be afraid of disturbances.
This reliance on masses not on administration and bureaucrats was the
spirit of Cultural Revolution.
May 16th Circular teaches us to Firmly Apply the Class Line of the
Party.
Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? For all revolutions this is a
question of the first importance and likewise it was a question of first
importance for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Opponents of
Cultural Revolution state that in the name of class line debates were resolved
by coercion. The reality is just its opposite. CC of CPC instructed: The
method to be used in debates is to present the facts, reason things out,
and persuade through reasoning. Any method of forcing a minority holding
different views to submit is impermissible. They said: The minority should
be protected, because sometimes the truth is with the minority. Even if the
minority is wrong, they should still be allowed to argue their case and reserve
their views.
They categorically mentioned When there is a debate, it should be
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revolutionary masses after full discussion, and the elections should be
held after the masses have discussed the lists over and over again.This
was the great heritage of proletarian democracy which the GPCR aimed at.
In the struggle of the proletariat against the old ideas, culture, customs
and habits left over by all the exploiting classes the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution took up the task of transforming the old educational
system, old principles and methods of teaching as the most crucial task.
Most if not all of these schools were dominated by bourgeois intellectuals.
Students from workers' and peasants' families were negligible. That anti
people policy of admission and examination in education was completely
changed. May 16th Circular cleared all the obstacles against that initiative.
Education combined with productive labour and serving people was its aim
so that those receiving an education develop morally, intellectually and
physically and become workers with socialist consciousness and culture.
To revolutionize peoples ideology and as a consequence to achieve
greater, faster, better economic results in all fields of work, the masses
were fully aroused and proper arrangements were made. Special care was
taken of those scientists and scientific and technical personnel who had
made contributions. Towards them the policy of unity, criticism, unity
was pursued. The policy to carry on both the Cultural Revolution and
production without one hampering the other, while guaranteeing high quality
in all our work was the policy of May 16th circular. Therefore the idea of
counterposing the Great Cultural Revolution to the development of production
which the present CPC leadership is carrying out is incorrect. Several
scholars including William Hinton, Mobo Gao, Dongping Han have published
their works on GPCR where they have shown the immense success in
production during GPCR and exposed the Dengist school of falsification.
This May 16th Circular was sent, together with the erroneous document
issued by the Group of Five Committee on 12 February 1966, down to the
level of all party committees and they were asked to discuss which one is
wrong and which is correct. Party committees at all levels were instructed
that they should be pupils before they become teachers and they should
try to avoid being one-sided or narrow minded.
These democratic methods were followed at the time of implementing
the 16th May Circular of GPCR.
The CPC leadership again and again warned the people by saying: Those
representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the party, the
government, the army, and various cultural circles are a bunch of counterAugust, 2016
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"I have always believed that the real history is made by ordinary people.
I constantly come across the reappearance, in various forms, of folklore,
ballads, myths and legends, carried by ordinary people across
generations. ... The reason and inspiration for my writing are those people
who are exploited and used, and yet do not accept defeat. For me, the
endless source of ingredients for writing is in these amazingly noble,
suffering human beings. Why should I look for my raw material elsewhere,
once I have started knowing them? Sometimes it seems to me that my
writing is really their doing. said Mahasweta Devi regarding her own writings.
This is really the essence of all her writings.
Starting from the Story of Etoa Munda written for children to
AranyerAdhikar, HajarChurasir Ma, Bashal Tudu, Droupadi, Rudali
and many other works of fiction, all the characters of Mahasweta Devis
novels and short stories are oppressed people, mostly oppressed tribals of
the Chhotanagpur plateau who fight relentlessly to end this oppression by
privileged ruling classes and by the state. Her characters never succumb
to the existing oppressive social structure and for this reason, her writings
never make the readers pessimistic and cynical, rather they rouse their
anger against the existing social order, against class, caste, gender
oppression and inspire them to fight for changing that order.
Very naturally, she did not keep herself silent regarding the glorious
peoples movement of the twentieth century, the Naxalbari peasant uprising
and the armed peasant movements led by the communist revolutionaries
in its aftermath. HajarChurashir Ma, Droupadi etc. are examples of
excellent writings, narrating the time of Spring Thunder over India.
This eminent peoples writer took her last breath on 28th July, 2016. At
the time of her death, she was ninety. Though it is a natural death due to
old age, yet it is a great loss to her readers, to the revolutionary intelligentsia,
to the tribal people, to the oppressed toiling masses of India.
Mahashweta Devi was born into a communist family. Her father was
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purposes (New Democracy, 2014; Gill, 2001). The struggle of Dalits for
staking their right over this land started in the year 2014 and at the present
moment their major demands in this respect are:
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Caste oppression :
August, 2016
Though mentioned last this was the immediate reason that necessitated
our visit in first place. The present struggle of Dalit peasantry threatens to
upturn the social and economic status quo in the villages, and hence has
attracted the first response that the establishment is capable of i.e.
unleashing repression.
General features of the struggle
Some of the common features of the overall struggle that the team
noticed and which the people in different villages themselves highlighted
are as follows:
Initiative of progressive Students
An important feature of the ongoing land struggle in the district is that
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this struggle was launched on the initiative taken by former leaders of
students and youth belonging to the Punjab Students Union (PSU) and
Naujawan Bharat Sabha (NBS), some of whom have had long standing
commitment to revolutionary movement.
The inaugural struggle of the ongoing movement was led by Com.
Gurmukh Mann, former leader of PSU (Punjab Students Union), when the
Dalit peasants in Sekha village (now in Barnala district, but was part of
Sangrur district in 2014) forcibly captured seven acres of Panchayat land
for collective farming in 2014.
Participation of the Women
A particularly noticeable feature of this struggle has been an equal and
militant participation of Dalit women who have borne disproportionate brunt
of police brutalities. Our team had reached Sangrur late in the night of May
27. We were told by the comrades of ZPSC that that day itself around 23
Dalit men of Janeri village were picked up by the police while they were
sitting on a dharna on the Panchayat land. The women of the village also
got into the police vehicle, insisting that they also be arrested along with
their men folk. The police had to forcibly evict them from the vehicle.
The new found confidence and pride in their struggle exuded among the
women in all the three villages that the team visited.
The spirit of the struggle
A noteworthy aspect that the team noticed in different villages of the
struggle is the united endeavours of Dalits of these villagers. One important
reason for this is that it is not possible for these families to counter the
current onslaught on their movement by the administration and the landlords
individually and hence the need for unity.
The allotted land in all the villages is managed by a committee elected
by the Dalit families. The collective nature of land utilization to various
extents is decided by the leaders of the ZPSC is more attuned to the
needs of the struggle. It depended on the quantity of land available for
utilization and the understanding of Dalits participating in the struggle.
Role of Political Parties
Protesting Dalits peasants in different villages informed that none of
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charge for more than half an hour on the protesters including old men,
women and children. Villagers also alleged that the police opened fire in
the air and on their tractor to scare them.
District Collector Arsh Deep Singh Thind said that ZPSC is a group
of people who have been provoking the peasants in different villages
to commit violent acts. He justified the arrests in the name of
maintaining the rule of law .
ZPSC had earlier forced the government to auction the land meant for
Dalits at half the rate at which it is auctioned to non-Dalits. However, this
price still comes to around Rs 23,000 to Rs 25, 000 an acre which still
poses difficulties for the Dalit families. Earlier this year the district
administration allowed leasing of thirty acres of Panchayat land in Jhaneri
village of Sangrur for a gaushala (cowshed) at the rate of Rs 7,000 an
acre and that too for a thirty years period. ZPSC is now demanding that
land be leased to them also on same terms. The villagers argued If the
land can be given for animals at Rs 7,000, then why can it not be given
to us at the same rate? We are after all living human beings.
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government, but said that the rules did not permit the same for these Dalit
peasants. He had no answer what rules permitted this for cattle while the
marginalized peasants are being denied the same.
The case of Kheri village; a travesty of social justice
In Kheri village we went straight to a plot of around three to four acres
of land a little distance from the village. We sew that the villagers had
pitched their tents on the land; were running a community kitchen on the
spot all signs that they had launched Occupy Homestead Land movement
in earnest and seem to have dug in their heels for a long haul.
In Kheri village, which also lies in Sangrur district, the issues are two
fold that of agricultural land meant for dalits and the issue of possession
of homestead land allotted to eighty five families as far back as 1976.
Since the Panchayat land for Dalits is even less over here, the dominant
issue is of getting possession of the homestead land. Until four years back
these eighty five families of the village did not even know that homestead
land had been allotted in their name by the Government in 1976. Of these
85 families, 56 approached the ZPSC for help.
The affected villagers in Kheri told that the government records, as of
date, continue to show this land in their name. After occupying the land,
they had gone and met the District Collector to ask him to facilitate the
possession of the land officially. On being shown the current status of this
land in official records, he is reported to have told them to keep sitting on
the land. However, due to subsequent lobbying by the landlords of the
village with political leaders, especially the local Akali Dal MLA, Prakash
Chand Garg, the district administration is now insisting that they vacate
the illegal occupation of the land.
The District Collector Mr Thind asserted that when these villagers have
themselves gone to the court, they should at least wait for the courts
judgment. On being asked whether the people can be expected to respect
the legal process when the law enforcing agencies had kept silent for all
these years over their not getting possession of land endowed to them as
far back as 1976; Mr Thinds reply was that he could not be held responsible
for something that happened far back in time.
Caste oppression
The significance of this struggle from the standpoint of fighting caste
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in rural areas, and fifty seven villages out of the total 12,168 inhabited
villages in the State are 100% SC villages. These demographics underline
the significance of ensuring the well being of SC population for overall
uplift of the Punjabi society.
That all false cases filed against the protesting dalit peasants in
different villages of the district be withdrawn by the government forthwith
and all arbitrary arrests that are being carried out should be stopped
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The Dalit families in Kheri village who had been allotted land for
homesteads should be given possession of the same without further ado
and law should be implemented in the spirit of justice rather than selectively
to maintain the benefits of the dominant sections in the village.
The Nazool Lands (Transfer) Rules, 1956, Punjab, define Nazool lands
as land situated beyond two miles of the Municipal limits, which has
escheated to the State Government and has not already been
appropriated by the State Government for any purpose; or it is such
other land as the State Government may make available for being
transferred under these rules (Govt. of Punjab, 1956). In the state of
Punjab much of the Nazool land comprises of the remainder of land
belonging to Muslims who migrated to Pakistan at the time of partition,
after a part of this land was given to the Hindu and Sikh families that
migrated from Pakistani Punjab to the state. Provided this land has not
been appropriated by the state government for any other public purpose,
it is meant to be leased to the scheduled castes and other backward
castes for cultivation. Some part of the Nazool land also comprises of
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land that came to governments account in cases where there was no
heir to the land.
2
The village Panchayat (village council) has certain land under its
jurisdiction that is earmarked for use for purposes directed at the welfare
of the people of the village. The Punjab Village Common Lands
Regulation Act, 1961 has a provision that out of the total cultivable
land available with the Village Panchayat and which is proposed to be
leased, thirty percent, ten percent and ten percent, respectively shall
be reserved for giving on lease by auction, to members of the Scheduled
Caste; Backward Classes; and dependants of defense personnel killed
in any war after the independence of India." (Government of Punjab,
1961) However, the practice has been to reserve 33 percent of the land
for Dalits while no land has ever been reserved for Backward Classes
or dependents of defense personnel.
At the present moment the practice is that the opening price set for
the auctioning of the land earmarked for Dalits is half of the price at
which the Panchayat land not meant for Dalits is auctioned; and that
every year there should be at least ten percent increase in the opening
price. However, recently the Sangrur district administration leased thirty
acres of Panchayati land for the purpose of opening a gaushala in
Jhaneri village at the rate of Rs 7,000 per acre for a period of thirty
years; whereas the minimum price at which land was leased to dalits in
the district last year was Rs 23,000 an acre.
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Turkey had opened its borders for the flow of fighters, arms and supplies
into Syria with whom it shared a long border. It threw away the mask of
zero problem with neighbours and good relations with Assad to join the
move to overthrow the Syrian Govt. Coming of Muslim Brotherhood to power
in Egypt for a brief period after the Arab Spring boosted them to claim
Turkey as a model for democratic Arab countries. In those heady days,
Erdogan and his allies dreamt of a neo-Ottaman hegemony of the MiddleEast. Relations with Iran which had been smoothly developing till then
were also downgraded. To position themselves as champions of Arabs,
Turkeys Muslim Brotherhood leaders made a great show of their concern
for Gaza leading even to deterioration of their longstanding relations with
Israel. In brief, Turkey was positioning itself as the local policeman for
western imperialism. However, the contradictions within US led camp came
to fore with the strong opposition from Saudi led Gulf monarchies (barring
Qatar) to MB rule in Egypt. MB is hostile to these Gulf monarchies and
thousands of its activists are in jail in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf emirates.
MBs Morsi was overthrown in a military coup. Western imperialist powers
which were trying to come to terms with MB, soon accepted the military
rule giving a rude shock to MB rulers of Turkey where too, military coup
had been common.
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important factor started growing in the conflict which seriously affected
Turkey. Kurds living in northern Syria bordering Turkey and Iraq started
asserting their rights over their area. This area was any way detached from
the areas controlled by Assad Govt. Kurds of Northern Syria (Rojava) waged
a heroic resistance against Islamist groups for control over the area. Their
successful resistance against Islamic State in Kobane galvanized Kurds
in the entire region. Kurds made a significant advance towards realizing
their national aspirations which have long been suppressed by the states
in the region. Largest number of Kurds live in South Eastern Turkey and
Turkish Govt. has since long been suppressing their national rights including
their language and culture. Rising strength of Kurds in Syria particularly
their relations with Workers Party of Kurdistan (PKK) seriously alarmed
Erdogan and other leaders. On the other hand, US imperialism has been
collaborating with some sections of Syrian Kurds in its drive to oppose
Islamic State which brought it in conflict with Turkish Govt. which chided
USA for hobnobbing with Kurdish terrorists. Turkish authorities realized
that the Syrian adventure had been a costly affair for them. They tore away
the earlier agreement with PKK and launched military operations against
Kurds in Turkey which have created war like situation in Southeastern
Turkey.
In the period since Arab Spring, the pro-US forces and jihadi groups
had gained in strength in Turkey. They operated freely here with the approval
of the Govt. But the Syrian situation and renewed fight with Kurds increased
internal turmoil. Adverse situation in Syria and rise of Kurd forces was
leaving Erdogan led MB Govt. with no option but to follow US footsteps
and be part of the US-Israeli designs in the area including a controlled rise
of Kurd forces which were aligned with US imperialism. Rulers of Turkey,
rather than utilizing US and other western imperialist powers in their game
of carving out larger area of influence in the region, were being sucked up
in the US-Israeli designs which were not to the liking of the rulers of Turkey.
Turkey was asked to fight Islamic State and tolerate rule of Kurds in Syria
bordering Turkey. Erdogan led MB felt squeezed in this tight embrace and
started openly criticizing US and western imperialist powers.
This led to escalation of conflict between Erdogan led MB and followers
of Fethullah Gulen, Islamic preacher based in Pennsylvania in USA. The
two had earlier cooperated closely in fighting secular Army establishment
in Turkey. Followers of Gullen with the support of Erdogan Admn. had
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associates. This US led framework included Kurd forces in Syria which are
an anathema to Erdogan and MB. Souring of relations between Turkey and
USA had been going on for some time. There has been growing perception
in Turkey that western powers want Turkey to do their dirty work but not to
include Turkey into European Union.
The coup went into action on the evening of July 15, 2016. Army units
came out into the streets of Ankara and Istanbul. Air force planes bombarded
the Parliament building. 16 air force planes flew from NATO base at Increlik.
Erdogan was taken hostage. However, the Army command and police took
speedy action and a major part of Army and police took a stand against the
coup. Erdogan could speak on TV calling on people to come into the streets
against the coup. Lack of participation of the main command of the Army
made its failure a common perception. From the conduct of the coup it is
apparent that it was ill-planned or might have been forced at a time when
preparations for the same were not yet completed. From what has emerged
after the coup, it was quite a serious but premature attempt by certain
forces to take over power. It is quite possible that the coup was preponed
due to some leaks about its preparation. It is being said that the coup was
to be timed prior to a meeting of the Military Council in August, in which a
number of Gullen supporters were tipped to be demoted and new officers
were set to be promoted. However the hand of the coup plotters was forced
due to this information being leaked to the Army and police authorities.
According to Fars News Agency of Iran, it was the Russian intelligence
which tipped off the Turkish authorities of the impending coup. This piece
of information, not confirmed by other sources however, is lent credence
by the reactions to the coup attempt.
What is interesting is the reaction of different powers to the coup attempt.
Western powers including US Admn. waited for the coup to fail to mouth
their opposition to the coup and support for democratic institutions. Even
Gulf monarchies including Saudi Arabia waited for the outcome before giving
their reaction i.e. condemning the coup. On the other hand, Iran came out
openly against the coup even while the same was in progress. Russia also
reacted adversely to the coup at an earlier time. This pattern of reaction
showed that coup plotters were favourably disposed to the western powers
and were viewed with suspicion by Iran and Russia. In Turkey the opposition
parties condemned the coup and lent no support to the coup plotters. After
the coup Erdogan Admn. went into overdrive to cleanse the Army, police,
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have opposed the coup by the Gullen network and are participating in purging
the state agencies of the followers of Gullen.
Since the failed coup, Erdogan and AKP Govt. have made certain moves.
In the foreign policy arena, Turkey has apparently tried to normalize relations
with Russia. The two air force pilots who had shot down the Russian air
force plane have been arrested among the participants in the coup. Through
this Erdogan Admn. has sought to emphasize that the shooting down of
the Russian plane was the handiwork of the forces of the Gullen network in
the Air Force. Turkey has also opposed stationing of US naval vessels in
the Black Sea to counter the Russian fleet, though earlier they had demanded
it to prevent Black Sea from becoming what they used to call a Russian
Lake. Improving relations with Iran may be another area of thrust of postcoup Erdogan Admn. However, it is yet to be seen whether the present
moves of Erdogan Admn. are to pressurize the US and its western allies to
deliver Gullen for trial in Turkey and placate Turkey Govt. in other ways or
a real move away from the western alliance. While the answer to this question
may yet be in the making depending on a number of factors, this much is
clear that this would not be business as usual with US and other western
imperialist powers. The disquiet which these relations were facing over
some period past is going to develop into marked change in relation within
the alliance.
This development coming after Brexit, has put a lot of strain on the
western alliance. Exit of Britain from the EU has severely dented US
influence in Europe. Britain has been its bridgehead for influencing Europe.
After Brexit, US has been strenuously emphasizing that it would not make
any difference to the military alliance of NATO. Howsoever US may strain,
Brexit will cast its shadow over the US influence in Europe. US attempts to
pit new Europe, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe which came
out of the Soviet orbit, against the old Europe, mainly Franco-German
alliance, will definitely suffer a setback because these countries of Central
and Eastern Europe would need and remain under the umbrella of the
European Union which provides outlet for their trade and their workforce as
well as is the supplier of capital goods. Recent NATO summit in Poland
could not hide its disquiet. With waning of US influence in Europe, US
fears that European powers may not become willing partner in its game of
pushing NATO to the east and combating Russia. These powers may adopt
a softer line towards Russia whom US Admn. is increasingly perceiving as
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after the failed coup, but this may not be a reality. The opposition parties
had come out against the coup including pro-Kurd HDP. The overall peoples
anger against the coup may handicap Erdogan who had sought to
increasingly marginalize other opposition parties. Erdogan has called an
all party meeting against the coup attempt and has permitted opposition
parties to hold rallies after several years. However, Erdogan and AKP are
trying to keep pro-Kurd HDP from this emerging scenario. The increasing
economic difficulties at home will also undercut influence of Erdogan and
AKP. High growth rate over the last decade and more have been crucial in
cementing control of AKP in the social and political life of Turkey. The
deteriorating economy may compel AKP to come to terms with other parties
at least for the time being, particularly in the aftermath of the failed coup
when it would seek to tighten its control over different wings of the state,
particularly armed forces.
The coup attempt was in a way the continuation of politics by other
means. It was an attempt by the Gullen network, with overt or covert support
from US imperialism, to overthrow Erdogan and AKP from power. They too
would have tried to whip up anti-Kurd hysteria as the documents allegedly
seized from the dumps of coup plotters indicate.
Over-extended US imperialism is finding it difficult to placate all its
allies with their different interests in the region. Rise of Islamic State and
its increasing reach in western imperialist countries has further complicated
the situation for US imperialism which has to cooperate with Iran and Russia
in the fight against IS while pursuing its basic agenda of diluting and
eventually eliminating Russian influence from the region. These apparently
contradictory steps are confusing their allies and alienating their supporters.
But US imperialism cannot help the situation.
Rulers of Turkey did not grasp the emerging complexity and jumped
into the cauldron. They have been badly burnt in the process. The failed
coup is not the last in the unfolding turmoil in the region. But the development
shows the limits of the capacity of the largest imperialist power, the US, in
shaping the events in the region and in the world at large.
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A note on Dr
basahe
b
Dr.. Ba
Babasahe
basaheb
Ambedkar
Pravin Nadkar
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar died more than fifty years ago yet his 'spectre'
continues to haunt the Indian social and political scene. His body rests
permanently at Chaitya Bhoomi in Mumbai but his ideas refuse to die.
More and more people are attracted to his ideas about social discrimination
and his single minded dedication to social equality. He has emerged as a
key iconic figure for the unity of majority of downtrodden castes across
India. As vote bank politics has become a panacea for success in electoral
politics in India, it has become all the more important for the parliamentary
parties to idolize him and claim his legacy. People are still at the stage of
iconic worshipping of this great social visionary but are largely ignorant
about his theoretical postulates and political moorings. Different political
parties highlight those legacies of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar which are
suitable for their own political practice. At the same time a new generation
of radical and critical social thinkers is also genuinely attracted towards
his bold and rational critique of Hindu conservatism. The Rohit Vemula
episode in Telangana has clearly demonstrated the powerful influence of
his ideas among the progressive students across caste lines.
Among the Indian Communists, there have been different assessments
about the significance of Babasahebs role in history. While appreciating
his zeal for social reforms, the Marxists differed with his strategy of giving
preference to constitutional Bourgeois Democracy against the concept of
Dictatorship of the Proletariat. They stressed upon the urgency of
developing the class struggle first. Babasaheb on the other hand, was of
the opinion that since castes represented not merely the division of labour
but division amongst labourers themselves, the goal of class unity could
not be achieved without giving priority to the caste struggle. Dr. Babasaheb
had thus come to a firm conclusion that the Marxist insistence on class
struggle was unsuitable in Indian conditions. He also termed the left in
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India as being blind to the caste oppression. In a way, Babasaheb had
correctly emphasized the urgency of the caste struggle (struggle for
elimination of the caste system). It is not possible to raise the feeling of
class unity among the downtrodden without addressing the caste question,
which poses itself as a stumbling block for their unity, at the outset. Caste
discrimination and oppression in India has been a powerful weapon in the
hands of the Indian elite for exploitation of the large sections of the labouring
class. As such, dealing with the struggle against caste demands immediate
programmatic attention.
In his famous theoretical work 'Annihilation of Caste' Dr. Babasaheb
says, The economic reform contemplated by the socialists can not come
about unless there is a resulting in the seizure of power. That seizure of
power must be by the proletariat. The first question I ask is : will the
proletariat of India combine to bring about this revolution ? What will move
men to such an action? It seems to me that other things being equal the
only thing that will move one man to take such an action is the feeling that
other men with whom he is acting are actuated by the feeling of equality
and fraternity and above all, of justice. Men will not join in a revolution for
equalization of property unless they know that after the revolution is
achieved, they will be treated equal and that there will be no discrimination
of caste and creed. The assurance of a socialist leading the revolution
that he does not believe in caste, I am sure, will not suffice. The assurance
must be the assurance proceeding from much deeper foundation, namely
the mental attitude of the compatriots towards one another in their spirit of
personal equality and fraternity. The Communists do not agree with the
idea of postponing the class struggle for the sake of prior reforming of the
mental attitudes. Communists believe that the feeling of unity and the mental
attitude of equality is formed in the process of participation in the class
struggle. The class struggle awakens the consciousness of the workers
in terms of their common socio-economic interests and the necessity of
political unity influencing their mental attitude towards each other positively.
Any way, the communists are also for the abolition of the caste system.
It is very important to note that there is no need to counterpose the two
tasks of struggle against caste and class struggle. It is necessary to gain
an insight into the operational aspects of Brahmanism and its pernicious
influence on Indian society from the works of Dr Babasaheb. It is necessary
to take inspiration from Dr. Babasaheb to launch a powerful mass movement
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into separate camps. The organizations of the upper castes supported by
the ruling classes are the enemies of the working masses in the caste
struggle. As such when it comes to approach regarding caste struggle with
the ruling classes, it should be of no unity and only struggle. In this case
the nature of caste contradictions is antagonistic. It is thus necessary to
make the distinction between the two. Another important thing to note is
that the caste struggle should not be seen as merely a struggle between
different castes but as a struggle of all castes for the elimination of caste
system as a whole.
Historically, it is obvious that Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar and the Indian
communists were not on the same page regarding the approach to the
caste struggle or about the political route to be followed for the goal of an
egalitarian society, common to both. The colossal contribution of Babasaheb
and his leading role in fighting the caste system is obvious and historically
undeniable. However the sincerity of the communists and their commitment
to rejecting the caste structure of the Indian society is undeniable and
needs to be recognized. Whether it is the famous Telangana armed struggle
where a number of Scheduled Castes, O.B.C. communities and Adivasis
got an opportunity to elevate their economic and social status through
struggles, number of the Adivasi struggles carried out all over India by the
Communists to protect tribal rights, their trade union struggles benefitting
the Dalit workers constituting a large section of the Indian working population,
Naxalbari struggle where poor peasantry and landless labour were identified
as the leader of the movement in the rural areas - all these movements are
indications of the engagement of the communists with the Dalit population
in an effort for their better livelihood and social status. The communists
however did not focus sufficiently on a distinct social struggle for abolition
of caste system to the advantage of the class struggle. Given the new
democratic stage of the revolution in India, it would have helped to secure
support of various sections among the four class alliance from the stand
point of abolition of the caste system.
The assurance of establishing a just society was drafted in the Indian
Constitution by Dr. Babasaheb but he had expressed doubts over the
implementation of the same. His statement during the third reading session
of the Constitution says that "On the 26th January 1950, we are going to
enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in
social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be
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under the consideration of distrust towards the local elite seeking to claim
political power under the Congress leadership and his expectations from
the Colonial Government about implementation of social reforms. As a
Labour leader and as the Labour Member of the Viceroys Executive Council
between 1942 and 1946, in 1943 he brought the Indian Trade Unions
(Amendment) Bill for Compulsory recognition of trade unions. The workers
did not have the right to a recognized Union before that. It was a step
ahead in labour reforms, as before that workers could register the trade
unions but could not get the right to recognition. For this act of joining the
Union Government he was seen as giving precedence to the social agenda
over the political. Many social reformists during that period had taken such
a path. He stood for promoting industrialization and mechanization of
agriculture. It is not a very well known fact that Dr. Babasaheb wanted
State Socialism as the character of the Government in the proposed
Constitution of India. Even though he embraced and preached Buddhism
as a way of life towards his end, he often favorably compared Marx with
Buddha. His observed that the goal for both was the same but they differed
in the way to achieve the same.
He was a humanitarian and his heroes were Kabir, Jyotiba Phule and
Periyar. His motto was emancipation of Dalits and Hindus from the clutches
of Brahmanism. He never hid his views to suit his political career. He was
a principled man and he resigned from the Nehru Government's cabinet
when the Government refused to back the Hindu Code Bill proposed by
him. He left Congress when he realized that Congress was compromising
the interests of the oppressed castes for wooing conservative Hindus who
had a strong political clout in society. He moved the Bill for Abolition of
Mahar Watan without bothering about the political consequences of his
action on account of the backward consciousness of the Mahar community
in those days. He described Mahar Watan as a charter of social slavery of
Mahars in which untouchables were dependent on patronization by the upper
castes for their livelihood and food, water etc. He differed vehemently with
Gandhi on many issues publicly without compromising and stood firm on
his principled positions without indulging in opportunism. While evolving
his own theory of caste he explored the need of both social and economic
strategy for the emancipation of dalits. He did not shy away from addressing
the economic aspect of caste relations in the name of rejecting it as
economic determinism. It is said that as his political moves were not aimed
at opportunist self promotion, despite his tremendous contribution in
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searching for a societal alternative. This is accompanied by politicization
among the masses. The main tendency is still the progressive change of
mood that started in 2015, even if the countermeasures of the ruling powers
have influenced the political climate noticeably.
The social polarization undermines the mass basis of the grand coalition
of CDU/CSU and SPD and their long proven system of the petty-bourgeois
mode of thinking. In some polls the SPD has already dropped to less than
the historical mark of 20%. In a survey of May, more than two-thirds of the
population declared that Angela Merkel for years the most popular among
German politicians should not be Chancellor anymore after the next federal
elections.
We have to be vigilant towards the fascist and racist tendencies.
However, we should not be taken in by the theory of a shift to the right,
which seeks to make the population responsible for the governments shift
to the right.
At the same time, we advocate a progressive refugee policy here in
Germany. We suggested to build a House of Solidarity in the recreation
facility in Truckenthal. We want to take up mainly Syrian-Kurdish refugees
there. They shall get the opportunity to continue to advance their
achievements of democratic self-administration and, if they wish, return to
their own country later. In the meantime hundreds of volunteers have helped
in the House of Solidarity and have collected and contributed many
hundreds of thousands in donations. The music festival at Whitsun, which
was supported by MLPD and Rebell, was consciously organized as a benefit
event for the House of Solidarity.
The progressive culture of the festival combined with the rebellious,
anti-fascist spirit and the struggle for democratic rights and freedoms of
the refugees. The whole festival with its 1,600 participants was pervaded
by a revolutionary and internationalist atmosphere.
1 August 2016
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