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Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 97/1, 2004: II. Abteilung

Das Werk von Schmitt bertrifft alle lteren Arbeiten ber Synesios, auch die sehr kritisch
behandelten von Roques, an Gelehrsamkeit. Eine Unzahl von prosopographischen, philologischen, chronologischen, administrativen und biographischen Details wird minutis und extensiv
traktiert. Zahlreiche Einzelfragen finden Lsungen, zumal in den 13 Anhngen. Die Zentralthese
aber berzeugt nicht. Die Kontinuitt im Leben des Kyreners wird entschieden unterschtzt. In
gesundem Selbstbewutsein werden, ausgehend vom Dion, alle anderen Indizien stromlinienfrmig auf die angebliche Bekehrung zur unpolitischen Philosophie (691) im Sptjahr 405 hin
interpretiert, die den Lebenslauf des Synesios radikal verndert htten (712). Synesios hat
auch nach 405 soziale Verantwortung bernommen und sich als Schler der Hypatia auch vor
405 als Philosoph gesehen, allerdings bis zur berstrzten Rckkehr aus der Hauptstadt in der
Annahme einer platonischen Vereinbarkeit von Weisheit und Staatskunst. Abgesehen von der
abwegigen Bekehrung (auch vom Autor mitunter in Gnsefchen gesetzt) enthlt das Buch
eine enorme Flle von Erkenntnissen. Es bildet eine optimale Vorarbeit fr einen Kommentar.
Alexander Demandt

Charalampos P. Symeonides, H ellhnik glvssik epdrash sto ssthma kyrvn onomtvn

thw Palaioslabikw kai idiatera thw Boylgarikw [Dhmosiemata toy Kntroy Episthmonikqn Ereynqn, 32.] Nicosia, Science Research Centre 2001. 183 p.
Studies focusing exclusively on the impact of the Greek language on Old Slavonic and, specifically, Bulgarian, come few and far between, and the subject still offers much uncharted territory for contemporary philological and linguistic research. Given this state of affairs, this study
by Charalampos Symeonides is a welcome and important contribution to the field. In essence,
it continues the authors longstanding research interest in the mutual interaction of Greek and
Bulgarian, and seeks to present the results of his investigations into the consequences of this
interaction on the noun systems of Old Church Slavonic and Bulgarian investigations that to
date have appeared only in scattered articles.
The author rightly points out that the study of Greek proper nouns appearing as direct or indirect borrowings in Old Church Slavonic and in modern Bulgarian is a fascinating subject for
linguists (pp. 1112), since in various instances it reveals the direct dependence of the noun
system of Bulgarian on the corresponding Byzantine and modern Greek systems, not only because of the shared social conditions of these two Balkan peoples in the Middle Ages and the
Ottoman period, but also because of the strong religious and cultural ties linking the two languages through the centuries to the present day. In his introduction, Symeonides presents an
overview of the general bibliography relating to the field. Before examining the extensive material in question, however, the author presents a section on grammar in which the suffixes used
in Bulgarian noun formation are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the Slavic suffixes derived,
according to the author, from Greek (ki, kos, n, jn, etc.), and phenomena such as diminutives with contraction and shift of accent.
The chapters go on to deal with a broad range of issues concerning the influence of Greek on
Bulgarian proper nouns. These issues are organized into groups around two key focal points:
a) obvious and unequivocal Greek influences on the Bulgarian proper noun system, including
one-stem and compound loanwords, Greek proper names borrowed wholesale, ancient Greek
names, and false etymology;
b) concurrent and related phenomena in Greek and Bulgarian vis--vis the selection of nouns
of varying semantic fields, a process in which the influence of Greek is not always obvious and
cannot be substantiated with absolute certainty, including names that express a wish for long
and healthy life, names of abandoned children that are linked with abandonment, adoption and
the trafficking of babies, names for the protection of unbaptized children, names deriving from
flowers, trees and plants, birds and animals, minerals and jewels, names based on the time or
season of birth, names related to feasts, ethnic and geographical names or epithets associated
with the Virgin Mary, church terminology, and physical and other human characteristics, terms
of relationship, social rank and titles.
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Ch.P. Symeonides, H ellhnik glvssik epdrasi ... bespr. von E. Mineva


For reference, the book closes with useful and easy-to-consult tables of names and terms in
Greek, Slavic, Latin and other languages.
Admirably, Symeonides attempts to provide answers to long-standing problems regarding the
origin of various Slavic names, and proposes cogent solutions, some remarkably original and
insightful. For instance, in his treatment of Bulgarian names ending in n, jn, n (p. 19),
such as Iljn, Kjurn and Angeln*, he conjectures very convincingly that they are in fact derived
from Greek names with the same suffixes indicating the member of a particular parish. In other
words, the name Iljn corresponds to Hlianw (i.e. a priest/parishioner of the church of Profitis Ilias), Kjurn, Kirn, Kerna and so forth derive from Kyrianw (i.e. a priest/parishioner
of the church of the Anastasis tou Kyriou), and Angeln indicates someone belonging to the parish of the church of the Angelon. The author also detects behind the name Jsen, fem. Jsenka
(p. 87), the Greek name of Saint Jason, which by false etymology was confused with the Bulgarian adjective jsen, clear or the tree jsen, ash. There are, however, a number of cases
where the authors interpretation does not fully persuade. For instance, he attempts to link the
origin of the names Zdan (the awaited one, p. 70) and Po@k (cf. po@kam to wait, p. 42)
with the ecclesiastical term Messiah. Given the fact that in Bulgarian this term is in essence
not translated, but instead imported wholesale as Mesija, these names perhaps more properly
belong in the category of baptismal names that express at least in the case of Zdan the joy
of the parents in at last having a child (as the name is masculine, it may reflect the joy of the
parents in having a boy) or, in the case of the name Po@k, their hope that the child will not be
born prematurely and its life thus endangered, particularly if this was something that had already
afflicted the family. The derivation of the name Harizn (fem. Harizna) passive participle
meaning granted as a gift from the Byzantine verse ka tow n mnmasin zvn xarismenow (p. 42), is also open to discussion. While the verb harizvam (to give, to lend) is indeed a
loanword from Greek, the derivation of the name should rather be associated with the practice
of exposing unwanted infants. The name Jordn, fem. Jordnka, belongs to the class of baptismal names derived from geographical denominations (p. 85), though it could also well belong
to the class of proper nouns associated with important feasts in the Church calendar, since there
is little doubt that the occasion of its appearance was the Feast of the Holy Theophany celebrating the baptism of Christ by John the Baptist in the River Jordan. Although Symeonides does
not share the view that the name Zlatozivka (p. 50) derives from a conflation of the names Zlata
and Zivka, it was nonetheless a common practice for a child to be given a name that combined
the names of both grandfathers or both grandmothers, on the mothers as well as on the fathers
side, since according to Bulgarian as well as Greek custom the child is invariably named after
its grandparents, depending on gender. In this case, the mothers mother may have had the name
Zlata, and the fathers mother the name Zivka, thereby giving the granddaughter the compound
name of Zlatozivka. Again, while the common noun orel, meaning eagle does indeed produce
the name Orlo (p. 59), the more widely used form of the name is in fact Orln. An interesting
conjecture, though not substantiated, is that the name Bno (derived from the titular ban, meaning lord, local ruler) derives from the Greek adverb pnv, kat \ nnv, and not (as has usually been assumed) from the Mongolo-Turkish bajan meaning rich, prosperous (p. 78).
The author does not always note the sources on the basis of which it is possible to date the
appearance of particular names. For instance, it is stated that the name Stfan appears in the 10 th
century, or that the name Zivo appears in the 16 th century, but there is no reference to the specific data or sources that have led the author to this conclusion. It would also have been useful
if the author had outlined the principles on which divisions in the history of the language are
made: terms such as Old Church Slavonic and late (modern) Bulgarian are taken on faith,
although linguists in fact disagree as to their precise scope and application. What is more, the
reader would have been greatly assisted if at the beginning of the book there were a table indi-

I have not made any changes in the spelling of the original.

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Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 97/1, 2004: II. Abteilung

cating the precise correspondence of Cyrillic letters and the Latin letters used for their transliteration. Lastly, a few minor inaccuracies in the translation of the Bulgarian can be noted: basta
(p. 75) means father rather than man, bistr (p. 85) means clear, lucid rather than fast,
and troj is not the ordinal third (p. 50), but corresponds to the root in trojka, triad.
These very minor oversights do nothing to reduce the value of this study by Professor Symeonides. Indeed, it is an essential treatment of a subject that has hitherto received little scholarly
attention: philologists and linguists interested in the historical links between Old Slavonic, Bulgarian and Greek will find it an invaluable source of reference.
Evelina Mineva

Nicole Thierry, La Cappadoce de lantiquit au moyen ge. [Bibliothque de lantiquit

tardive, 4.] Turnhout, Brepols 2002. 412 p. Avec 285 ill n/b et 222 ill. en coul.
Il devient difficile de rendre compte des livres ou mme des articles publis ces dernires annes sur la Cappadoce, du moins si on tient faire un compte-rendu qui ne soit pas simplement
un rsum sommairement comment du livre et impliquant, au contraire, une prise de position
personnelle sur les problmes dbattus. En effet, sur la plupart des questions encore disputes
sur les glises byzantines de Cappadoce, on constate des prises de positions tranches et contradictoires, souvent dailleurs appuyes sur des arguments qui paraissent intressants et ne peuvent pas tre carts facilement, mais qui, si lon regarde de prs, ne prennent pas en compte
toutes les donnes possibles et ne suffisent pas dmontrer que les opinions contraires sont errones. Peut-tre dailleurs, faudra-t-il un jour admettre que la nature de la documentation ne
permet pas, dans certains cas, de dpasser lintime conviction des uns et des autres, mais, pour
linstant, la rflexion doit continuer se dvelopper. Cette rflexion ne peut qutre facilite par
les livres parus ces dernires annes sur la Cappadoce qui permettent la fois leurs auteurs
de dvelopper de manire plus systmatique leurs points de vue et de retrouver plus facilement
une bibliographie largement disperse en attendant que les instruments de travail lectroniques
soient autant au point dans les tudes byzantines que dans des domaines voisins.
On ne peut donc que saluer la parution dun livre de Madame Nicole Thierry qui, comme elle
le rappelle dans son avant-propos, a consacr pendant quarante ans beaucoup de temps ltude
de lAsie Mineure, mais de manire privilgie la Cappadoce, activit qui sest traduite par
des articles dont le nombre dpasse celui de ses annes de voyage, sans compter les monographies consacres des groupes dglises cappadociennes. Cette activit dexploration a permis
N. Thierry de sortir du cadre habituel des glises rupestres si bien quelle peut nous prsenter
un tableau de la Cappadoce antique qui sera utile beaucoup. Sa description gographique, mlant notations recueillies dans les voyages et sources, montre une rgion aux limites politiques
fluctuantes, mais plus vaste que celle qui est familire aux historiens de la peinture byzantine.
Ce chapitre est suivi par quelques chapitres sur la Cappadoce antique o une large place est faite aux monnaies et aux monuments (voir en particulier le chapitre sur les tombeaux rupestres,
p. 3946). On sait lauteur particulirement intress par le paganisme en Cappadoce quelle
montre donc travers les monuments. Cet intrt se comprend facilement, pour ceux qui connaissent dj son uvre, par son souci dexpliquer des traits particuliers de la pit chrtienne
en Cappadoce par la continuit avec un trfonds ancien. Plus que lauteur, jviterais un emploi
trop frquent de ladjectif oriental pour qualifier un certain nombre de phnomnes religieux
quon ne trouve pas seulement en Orient. Les piges de lemploi des mots Orient et oriental ont souvent t dnoncs ces dernires annes par des historiens et des anthropologues et
il est bon de se les rappeler, mme si habitude et pente naturelle du langage font que ces mots
surgissent facilement sous la plume. La partie sur lAntiquit se termine par un tableau rapide
de la christianisation de la Cappadoce o sont mis en valeur le rle jou par Csare/Kayseri et
limportance des relations avec lArmnie.
Mais la part la plus importante du livre est videmment consacre la Cappadoce mdivale.
Un bref rappel de lhistoire de la Cappadoce mdivale (p. 7276) est suivi de deux chapitres
bienvenus sur larchitecture religieuse et sur la sculpture architecturale qui ont t beaucoup
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