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The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia

Peoples Army (Spanish: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de ColombiaEjrcito del Pueblo, FARC
EP and FARC) is a guerrilla movement[10] involved in
the continuing Colombian armed conict since 1964. It
has been known to employ a variety of military tactics[11] in addition to more unconventional methods,
including terrorism.[12][13][14][15] The FARC-EP, which
formed during the Cold War period as a Marxist-Leninist
peasant force, promotes a political line of agrarianism
and anti-imperialism. The operations of the FARCEP
were funded by kidnap and ransom; illegal mining;[16]
extortion and/or taxation of various forms of economic
activity; and the taxation, production, and distribution of
illegal drugs.[17][18] The United Nations has estimated that
12% of all killings of civilians in Colombian conict have
been committed by FARC and ELN guerrillas, and the
rest, 88%, by government forces and paramilitaries.[19]

ments of Colombia, the United States, Canada, Chile,

New Zealand, and the European Union; whereas the governments of Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador, and
Nicaragua do not. In 2008, Venezuelan President Hugo
Chvez recognized the FARCEP as a proper army.
President Chvez also asked the Colombian government
and their allies to recognize the FARC as a belligerent
force, arguing that such political recognition would oblige
the FARC to forgo kidnapping and terrorism as methods of civil war and to abide by the Geneva Convention.
Juan Manuel Santos, the current President of Colombia, has followed a middle path by recognizing in 2011
that there is an armed conict in Colombia although
his predecessor, Alvaro Uribe, strongly disagreed.[24] In
2012, FARC announced they would no longer participate
in kidnappings for ransom and released the last ten soldiers and police ocers they kept as prisoners, but it has
kept silent about the status of hundreds of civilians still
and continued kidnapping soldiers
The strength of the FARCEP forces is indeterminate; reported as hostages,
February 2008, millions of Colomin 2007, the FARC said they were an armed force of
the FARC.[27][28][29]
18,000 men and women; in 2010, the Colombian military calculated that FARC forces consisted of approx- In 2012, the FARC made 239 attacks on the energy inimately 13,800 members, 50 percent of whom were frastructure. However, the FARC have shown signs of faarmed guerrilla combatants; and, in 2011, the Presi- tigue. As of 2014, the FARC are not seeking to engage in
dent of Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos, said that FARC outright combat with the army, instead concentrating on
EP forces comprised fewer than 10,000 members. In small-scale ambushes against isolated army units. Mean2013 it was reported that 26,648 FARC and ELN mem- while, since 2008, the FARC have opted to attack pobers had decided to demobilize since 2002.[20] Accord- lice patrols with home-made mortars, sniper ries, and
ing to a report from Human Rights Watch, approximately explosives, as they are not considered strong enough to
2030% of the recruits are minors, most of whom are engage police units directly. This follows the trend of
forced to join the FARC.[21] The greatest concentrations the 1990s during the strengthening of Colombian governof FARC forces are in the southeastern, northern and ment forces.[30]
southwestern regions of Colombias 500,000 square kilo- In June 2016, the FARC signed a ceasere accord
meters (190,000 sq mi) of jungle, in the plains at the with the President of Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos in
base of the Andean mountain chain and in northwestern Havana. Although a nal peace agreement will require a
Colombia.[22] However, the FARC and the ELN (National referendum, this accord has been seen as a historic step
Liberation Army of Colombia) lost control of much of to ending the war that has gone on for fty years.[31]
the territory, especially in urban areas, forcing them to
relocate to remote areas in the jungle and the mountains In August 25, 2016, the Colombian president, Juan
Manuel Santos, announced that four years of negotiation
has secured a peace deal with FARC and that a national
In 1964, the FARCEP were established as the military plebiscite would take place on 2 October.[32]
wing of the Colombian Communist Party (Partido Comunista Colombiano, PCC), after the Colombian military attacked rural communist enclaves in the aftermath
of The Violence (La Violencia, ca. 194858). The 1 History
FARC are a violent non-state actor (VNSA) whose formal recognition as legitimate belligerent forces is disputed by some organizations. As such, the FARC has Main article: History of the Revolutionary Armed
been classied as a terrorist organization by the govern- Forces of Colombia
Further information: Colombian conict and Plan



La Violencia and the National Front

Main articles: La Violencia and History of Colombia

The National Front regime (19581974)
There is more repression of individual freedom here,
than in any country we've been to; the police patrol the
streets, carrying ries, and demand your papers every few
minutes... the atmosphere, here, is tense, and it seems a
revolution may be brewing. The countryside is in open
revolt, and the army is powerless to suppress it.


farms and migrated to the cities, where they became part

of the industrial labor pool. In 1961, the dispossession
of farmland had produced 40,000 landless families and
by 1969 their numbers amounted to 400,000 throughout
Colombia.[40][41][42] By 1970, the latifundio type of industrial farm (more than 50 hectares in area) occupied
more than 77 per cent of arable land in the country.[43][44]
The AED policy increased the concentration of land ownership among cattle ranchers and urban industrialists,
whose businesses expanded their prots as a result of reductions in the cost of labor wages after the inux of thousands of displaced peasants into the cities.[45] During this
period, most rural workers lacked basic medical care and
malnutrition was almost universal, which increased the
rates of preventable disease and infant mortality.[46]

Diary of Ernesto Che Guevara, July 6, 1952[33]

In 1948, in the aftermath of the assassination of the
populist politician Jorge Elicer Gaitn, there occurred
a decade of large-scale political violence throughout
Colombia, which was a Conservative Liberal civil war
that killed more than 200,000 people. In Colombian history and culture, the killings are known as La Violencia
(The Violence, 194858); most of the people killed were
peasants and laborers in rural Colombia.[34] In 1957
1958, the political leadership of the Liberal Party and
the Conservative Party agreed to establish a bipartisan
political system known as the National Front (Frente Nacional, 195874). The Liberal and the Conservative parties agreed to alternate in the exercise of government
power by presenting a joint National Front candidate to
each election and restricting the participation of other political movements. The pact was ratied as a constitutional amendment by a national plebiscite on 1 December
1957 and was supported by the Roman Catholic Church
as well as Colombias business leaders. The initial powersharing agreement was eective until 1974; nonetheless,
with modications, the LiberalConservative bipartisan
system lasted until 1990.[35][36] The sixteen-year extension of the bipartisan power-sharing agreement permitted the Liberal and Conservative lites to consolidate
their socioeconomic control of Colombian society, and
to strengthen the military to suppress political reform
and radical politics proposing alternative forms of government for Colombia.[37][38][39]
During the 1960s, the Colombian government eected
a policy of Accelerated Economic Development (AED),
the agribusiness plan of Lauchlin Currie, a Canadianborn U.S.economist who owned ranching land in Colombia. The plan promoted industrial farming that would
produce great yields of agricultural and animal products
for world-wide exportation, while the Colombian government would provide subsidies to large-scale private
farms. The AED policy came at the expense of the
small-scale family farms that only yielded food supplies
for local consumption. Based on a legalistic interpretation of what constituted ecient use of the land,
thousands of peasants were forcefully evicted from their

1.2 PCC and self-defense communities

Main article: Marquetalia Republic
Communists were active throughout rural and urban
Colombia in the period immediately following World
War I.[47] The Colombian Communist Party (Partido Comunista Colombiano, PCC) was formally accredited by
the Comintern in 1930. The PCC began establishing
peasant leagues in rural areas and popular fronts in
urban areas, calling for improved living and working conditions, education, and rights for the working class. These
groups began networking together to present a defensive front against the state-supported violence of large
landholders.[48][49] Members organized strikes, protests,
seizures of land, and organized communist-controlled
self-defense communities in southern Colombia that
were able to resist state military forces, while providing for the subsistence needs of the populace.[49] Many
of the PCCs attempts at organizing peasants were met
with violent repression by the Colombian government
and the landowning class.[45] U.S. military intelligence
estimated that in 1962, the size of the PCC had grown
to 8,000 to 10,000 active members, and an additional
28,000 supporters.[50]
In 1961, a guerrilla leader and long-time PCC organizer
named Manuel Marulanda Vlez declared an independent Republic of Marquetalia. The Lleras government
attempted unsuccessfully to attack the communities to
drive out the guerrillas, due to fears that a Cuban-style
revolutionary situation might develop. After the failed
attacks, several army outposts were set up in the area.[51]

1.3 Plan Lazo

In October 1959, the United States sent a Special Survey Team composed of counterinsurgency experts to investigate Colombias internal security situation. Among
other policy recommendations the US team advised that
in order to shield the interests of both Colombian and US


Uribe Agreement and Union Patritica

authorities against 'interventionist' charges any special aid

given for internal security was to be sterile and covert in
nature. [50] In February 1962, three years after the 1959
US Special Survey Team, a Fort Bragg top-level U.S.
Special Warfare team headed by Special Warfare Center commander General William P. Yarborough, visited
Colombia for a second survey.[52]

this conference that FARC added the initials EP, for

"Ejrcito del Pueblo" or Peoples Army, to the organizations name.[61][62]

In a secret supplement to his report to the Joint Chiefs

of Sta, Yarborough encouraged the creation and deployment of a US-backed force to commit "paramilitary,
sabotage and/or terrorist activities against known communist proponents.[53][54][55]

In the early 1980s, President Belisario Betancur began

discussing the possibility of peace talks with the guerrillas. Ultimately this resulted in the 1984 La Uribe Agreement, which called for a cease-re, which ended up lasting from 1984 to 1987.[63]

The new counter-insurgency policy was instituted as Plan

Lazo in 1962 and called for both military operations
and civic action programs in violent areas. Following Yarboroughs recommendations, the Colombian military recruited civilians into civil defense groups which
worked alongside the military in its counter-insurgency
campaign, as well as in civilian intelligence networks to
gather information on guerrilla activity.[50][55][56] Doug
Stokes argues that it was not until the early part of the
1980s that the Colombian government attempted to move
away from the counterinsurgency strategy represented by
Plan Lazo and Yarboroughs 1962 recommendations.[57]

In 1985, members of the FARC-EP, along with a large

number of other leftist and communist groups, formed a
political party known as the Union Patritica (Patriotic
Union, UP). The UP sought political reforms (known
as Apertura Democratica) such as constitutional reform,
more democratic local elections, political decentralization, and ending the domination of Colombian politics by
the Liberal and Conservative parties. They also pursued
socioeconomic reforms such land redistribution, greater
health and education spending, the nationalization of foreign businesses, Colombian banks, and transportation,
and greater public access to mass media. While many
members of the UP were involved with the FARC-EP,
the large majority of them were not and came from a
wide variety of backgrounds such as labor unions and
socialist parties such as the PCC.[64] In the cities, the
FARC-EP began integrating itself with the UP and forming Juntas Patriticas (or solidarity cells) small groups
of people associated with labor unions, student activist
groups, and peasant leagues, who traveled into the barrios discussing social problems, building support for the
UP, and determining the sociopolitical stance of the urban peasantry.[63][65]


Uribe Agreement and Union Patritica

The Colombian government began attacking many of the

communist groups in the early 1960s, attempting to reassimilate the territories under the control of the national government. FARC was formed in 1964 by Manuel
Marulanda Vlez and other PCC members, after a military attack on the community of Marquetalia. 16,000
Colombian troops attacked the community, which only
had 48 armed ghters. Marulanda and 47 others fought
against government forces at Marquetalia, and then escaped into the mountains along with the other ghters.
These 48 men formed the core of FARC, which later grew
The UP performed better in elections than any other leftin size to hundreds of ghters.[58][59][60]
ist party in Colombias history. In 1986, UP candidates
won 350 local council seats, 23 deputy positions in de1.4 Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the partmental assemblies, 9 seats in the House, and 6 seats
in the Senate. The 1986 Presidential candidate, Jaime
Pardo Leal, won 4.6% of the national vote.[63][65][66]
Main article: Seventh Guerrilla Conference of the Since 1986, thousands of members of the UP and other
leftist parties were murdered (estimates range from 4,000
In 1982, FARC-EP held its Seventh Guerrilla Conference, which called for a major shift in FARCs strategy.
FARC had historically been doing most of its ghting in
rural areas, and was limited to small-scale confrontations
with Colombian military forces. By 1982, increased income from the coca boom allowed them to expand into
an irregular army, which would then stage large-scale attacks on Colombian troops. They also began sending
ghters to Vietnam and the Soviet Union for advanced
military training. They also planned to move closer to
middle-sized cities, as opposed to only remote rural areas, and closer to areas rich in natural resources, in order
to create a strong economic infrastructure. It was also at

to 6,000). In 1987, the President of the UP, Jaime Pardo,

was murdered. In 1989 a single large landholder had over
400 UP members murdered. Over 70% of all Colombian
presidential candidates in 1990and 100% of those from
center-left partieswere assassinated.[64][65][67][68]

1.6 19901998
During this period, the Colombian government continued its negotiations with the FARC-EP and other armed
groups, some of which were successful. Some of the
groups which demobilized at this time include the EPL,
the ERP, the Quintn Lame Armed Movement, and the

Towards the end of 1990, the army, with no advance
warning and while negotiations were still ongoing with
the group, attacked a compound known as Casa Verde,
which housed the National Secretariat of the FARC-EP.
The Colombian government argued that the attack was
caused by the FARC-EPs lack of commitment to the process, since the organization was continuing its criminal
During this year on 10 August senior leader Jacobo Arenas, an ideological leader and founder of FARC-EP, died.
On 3 June 1991, dialogue resumed between the Simn
Bolvar Guerrilla Coordinating Board and the government on neutral territory in Caracas, Venezuela and
Tlaxcala, Mexico.[69] However, the war did not stop, and
armed attacks by both sides continued. The negotiation
process was broken o in 1993 after no agreement was
reached. The Coordinating Board disappeared not long
after that time, and guerrilla groups continued their activities independently.


Taliban. In his thesis, Labrousse asserts that the FARCEP leadership, like that of the Taliban, explicitly bans the
use of drugs by its membership and within the local population, but vigorously advocates for legalization of drug
tracking as a tool to nance its military objectives. In
both cases, the insurgency groups manage to garner signicant political support of farmers who serve to benet
from the illicit drug trade, prompting grassroots mobilization, political activism, and agitation to demand legalization by the government.[73]

1.7 Andrs Pastranas presidency (1998


In March 1999 members of a local FARC contingent

killed 3 USA-based indigenous rights activists, who were
working with the U'Wa people to build a school for
U'Wa children, and were ghting against encroachment
of U'Wa territory by multinational oil corporations. The
killings were questioned by many and condemned by
many others, and led the United States to increase presBefore the break o of dialogue, a letter written by a
sure on the Pastrana administration to crack down on
group of Colombian intellectuals (among whom were
FARC guerrillas.[74]
Nobel laureate Gabriel Garca Mrquez) to the Simn
Bolvar Guerrilla Coordinating Board was released denouncing the approach taken by the FARC-EP and the 1.7.1 19982002 peace process
dire consequences that it was having for the country.[70]
In the early 1990s, the FARC-EP had between 7,000 and
10,000 ghters, organized into 70 fronts spread throughout the country. From 1996 to 1998 they inicted a series of strikes on the Colombian Army, including a threeday oensive in Mit (Vaups department), taking a large
number of soldiers prisoner.
On 23 September 1994, the FARC kidnapped American
agricultural scientist Thomas Hargrove and held him captive for 11 months. After his release, Hargrove wrote a
book about his ordeal which inspired the 2000 lm Proof
of Life starring Meg Ryan and Russell Crowe.
Over this period in Colombia, the cultivation of different drugs expanded and there were widespread coca
farmers marches. These marches brought to a halt several major arteries in southern Colombia. Government
ocials said that FARC-EP had forced the protesters
to participate.[71][72] According to social anthropologist
Mara Clemencia Ramrez, the relationship between the
guerrillas and the marches was ambivalent: FARC-EP
promoted the 1996 protests as part of their participatory
democracy policies yet also exercised authoritarianism,
which led to tensions and negotiations with peasant
leaders, but the cocalero movement brought proposals
on behalf of the coca growers and defended its own
French sociologist Alain Labrousse, who has conducted
extensive research on the illicit narcotics industry in Latin
America and Central Asia, has noted similarities in the
reliance on the drug trade by both the FARC-EP and the

FARC guerrillas marching in formation during the Caguan peace

talks (19982002)

Main article: 19992002 FARC-EP-Government peace

With the hope of negotiating a peace settlement, on
7 November 1998, President Andrs Pastrana granted
FARC-EP a 42,000 km2 (16,200 sq mi) safe haven meant
to serve as a condence building measure, centered on the
San Vicente del Cagun settlement.
After a series of high-prole guerrilla actions, including
the hijacking of an aircraft, the attack on several small
towns and cities, the arrest of the Irish Colombia Three
(see below) and the alleged training of FARC-EP militants in bomb making by them, and the kidnapping of


lvaro Uribes Presidency (20022010)

several political gures, Pastrana ended the peace talks

on 21 February 2002 and ordered the armed forces to
start retaking the FARC-EP controlled zone, beginning
at midnight. A 48-hour respite that had been previously
agreed to with the rebel group was not respected as the
government argued that it had already been granted during an earlier crisis in January, when most of the more
prominent FARC-EP commanders had apparently left
the demilitarized zone.[75] Shortly after the end of talks,
the FARC-EP kidnapped Oxygen Green Party presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, who was traveling in
Colombian territory. Betancourt was rescued by the
Colombian government on 2 July 2008 (see Operation
Jaque below).


done with Sinn Fin or the IRA over the threes return
to Ireland adding that the Irish government would consider any request from the Colombian authorities for their
extradition.[79] Colombian vice-president Francisco Santos Caldern did not rule out allowing them to serve their
sentences in Ireland.

1.8 lvaro Uribes Presidency (20022010)

1.8.1 20022005 period

The Colombia Three case

On 24 April 2002, the U.S. House of Representatives

Committee on International Relations published the ndings of its investigation into IRA activities in Colombia. Their report alleged a longstanding connection between the IRA and FARC-EP, mentioned at least 15 IRA
members who had been traveling in and out of Colombia
since 1998, and estimated that the IRA had received at
least $2 million in drug proceeds for training FARC-EP
members.[76] The IRA/FARC-EP connection was rst
made public on 11 August 2001, following the arrest in
Bogot of two IRA explosives and urban warfare experts
and of a representative of Sinn Fin who was known to
be stationed in Cuba. Jim Monaghan, Martin McCauley
and Niall Connolly (known as the Colombia Three), were
arrested in Colombia in August 2001 and were accused
of teaching bomb-making methods to FARC-EP.[77]
On 15 February 2002, the Colombia Three were charged
with training FARC-EP members in bomb-making in
Colombia. The Colombian authorities had received satellite footage, probably supplied by the CIA, of the men
with FARC-EP in an isolated jungle area, where they are
thought to have spent the last ve weeks. They could
have spent up to 20 years in jail if the allegations were

President lvaro Uribe intensied military operations against the

FARC-EP, seeking to defeat them.

For most of the period between 2002 and 2005, the

FARC-EP was believed to be in a strategic withdrawal
due to the increasing military and police actions of new
president lvaro Uribe, which led to the capture or desertion of many ghters and medium-level commanders.
Uribe ran for oce on an anti-FARC-EP platform and
was determined to defeat FARC-EP in a bid to create
condence in the country. Uribes own father had
been killed by FARC-EP in an attempted kidnapping in

During October 2001, a key witness in the case against

the three Irish republicans disappeared. This came as
Sinn Fin President Gerry Adams admitted one of the
men was the partys representative in Cuba. The missing
witness, a former police inspector, said he had seen Mr
McCauley with FARC-EP members in 1998. Without
his testimony, legal sources said the chances of convictIn 2002 and 2003, FARC broke up ten large ranches in
ing the three men were reduced.
Meta, an eastern Colombian province, and distributed the
They were eventually found guilty of traveling on false land to local subsistence farmers.[81]
passports in June 2004 but were acquitted of training
FARC-EP members. That decision was reversed after During the rst two years of the Uribe administration,
an appeal by the Attorney General of Colombia and they several FARC-EP fronts, most notably in Cundinamarca
were sentenced to 17-year terms.[79] However, they van- and Antioquia, were broken by the governments military
ished in December 2004 while on bail and returned to operations.
Ireland.[79] Tnaiste Mary Harney said no deal had been On 5 May 2003, the FARC assassinated the governor


of Antioquia, Guillermo Gaviria Correa, his advisor for

peace, former defense minister Gilberto Echeverri Meja,
and 8 soldiers. The FARC had kidnapped Mr. Gaviria
and Mr. Echeverri a year earlier, when the 2 men were
leading a march for peace from Medelln to Caicedo in

Blocks (the FARC-EPs strongest) and that of the military

operations being carried out by the Uribe administration.

In early February 2005, a series of small-scale actions by

the FARC-EP around the southwestern departments of
Colombia, resulted in an estimated 40 casualties. The
FARC-EP, in response to government military operations in the south and in the southeast, would now be displacing its military center of gravity towards the Nario,
Putumayo and Cauca departments.[84]

United States, but stated that the measure could be revoked if the FARC-EP released all political hostages and
military captives in its possession before 30 December.
The FARC-EP rejected the demand.

They requested security guarantees both for the displacement of their negotiators and that of the guerrillas that
would be freed, which are specically stated to number
as many as 500 or more, and ask the Catholic Church
On 13 July 2004, the oce of the United Nations' High to coordinate the participation of the United Nations and
Commissioner for Human Rights publicly condemned the other countries in the process.
group, proving that FARC-EP violated article 17 of the The FARC-EP also mention in the communique that
additional Protocol II of the Geneva Convention and in- Simn Trinidad's extradition, would be a serious obternational humanitarian law, as a result of the 10 July stacle to reaching a prisoner exchange agreement with
massacre of seven peasants and the subsequent displace- the government.[89] On 17 December 2004, the Colomment of eighty individuals in San Carlos, Antioquia.[83]
bian government authorized Trinidads extradition to the

1.8.3 Partial captive releases and escapes during

2006 and 2007
1.8.2 Possibility of prisoner exchange with the government
On 25 March 2006, after a public announcement made
weeks earlier, the FARC-EP released two captured poSee also: Humanitarian exchange
licemen at La Dorada, Putumayo. The release took place
The FARC-EP originally said that they would only re- some 335 miles (539 km) southwest of Bogot, near the
Ecuadorean border. The Red Cross said the two were release the police and military members they held captive
(whom they considered to be prisoners of war) through leased in good health. Military operations in the area and
prevented the release from occurring one
exchanges with the government for imprisoned FARC- bad weather had
EP members.[85] During the duration of the DMZ negotiations, a small humanitarian exchange took place.[86]
The group demanded a demilitarized zone including two
towns (Florida and Pradera) in the strategic region of
Valle del Cauca, where much of the current military action against them has taken place; this region is also an
important way of transporting drugs to the Pacic coast.
This demand was rejected by the Colombian government based on previous experience during the 2002 peace

In a separate series of events, civilian hostage and German citizen Lothar Hintze was released by FARC-EP on
4 April 2006, after ve years in captivity. Hintze had
been kidnapped for extortion purposes, and his wife had
paid three ransom payments without any result.

One prisoner, Julian Ernesto Guevara Castro, a police ofcer, died of tuberculosis on 28 January 2006. He was
a captain and was captured on 1 November 1998.[91][92]
On 29 March 2009, the FARC-EP announced that they
would give Guevaras remains to his mother. The FARC
On 2 December 2004, the government announced the
pardon of 23 FARC-EP prisoners, to encourage a recip- handed over Guevaras remains on 1 April 2010.
rocal move. The prisoners to be released were all of low Another civilian hostage, Fernando Arajo, later named
rank and had promised not to rejoin the armed struggle. Minister of Foreign Relations and formerly Development
In November 2004, the FARC-EP had rejected a pro- Minister, escaped his captors on 31 December 2006.
posal to hand over 59 of its captives in exchange for 50 Arajo had to walk through the jungle for ve days before
guerrillas imprisoned by the government.[87]
being found by troops in the hamlet of San Agustin, 350
In a communique dated 28 November but released pub- miles (560 km) north of Bogot. He was kidnapped on
licly on 3 December, the FARC-EP declared that they 5 December 2000 while jogging in the Caribbean coastal
He was reunited with his family on 5
were no longer insisting on the demilitarization of San city of Cartagena.
Vicente del Cagun and Cartagena del Chair as a precondition for the negotiation of the prisoner exchange,
but instead that of Florida and Pradera in the Valle
department.[88] They state that this area would lie outside
the area of inuence of both their Southern and Eastern

Another prisoner, Jhon Frank Pinchao, a police ocer,

escaped his captors on 28 April 2007 after nine years in
captivity. He was reunited with his family on 15 May


lvaro Uribes Presidency (20022010)

2007 death of 11 hostage deputies

a Bogot foster home for more than two years under a different name, was hers. She reclaimed her son.[99] Asked
about her opinion of the FARC-EP as group, Rojas called
Main article: Valle del Cauca Deputies hostage crisis
it a criminal organization, condemning its kidnappings
as a total violation of human dignity and saying some
On 28 June 2007, the FARC-EP reported the death of
captive police and soldiers are constantly chained.[99]
11 out of 12 provincial deputies from the Valle del Cauca
Department whom the guerrillas had kidnapped in 2002.
The guerrillas claimed that the deputies had been killed February 2008 liberations On 31 January 2008, the
by crossre during an attack by an unidentied mili- FARC-EP announced that they would release civilian
tary group. The Colombian government stated that gov- hostages Luis Eladio Perez Bonilla, Gloria Polanco, and
ernment forces had not made any rescue attempts and Orlando Beltran Cuellar to Venezuelan President Hugo
that the FARC-EP executed the hostages. FARC did Chvez as a humanitarian gesture. On 27 February
not report any other casualties on either side and delayed 2008, the three hostages and Jorge Eduardo Gechem Turmonths before permitting the Red Cross to recover the bay (who was added to the list due to his poor health)
remains. According to the government, the guerrillas de- were released by FARC-EP. With the authorization of
layed turning over the corpses to let decomposition hide the Colombian government and the participation of the
evidence of how they died. The Red Cross reported that International Red Cross, a Venezuelan helicopter transthe corpses had been washed and their clothing changed ported them to Caracas from San Jose del Guaviare.[100]
before burial, hiding evidence of how they were killed. The FARC-EP had called its planned release of the
The Red Cross also reported that the deputies had been hostages a gesture of recognition for the mediation efkilled by multiple close-range shots, many of them in the forts of Chvez, who had called on the international comback of the victims, and even two by shots to the head.[95] munity to recognize the rebels as belligerents a month
Colombian President lvaro Uribe, who had
In February 2009, Sigifredo Lpez, the only deputy who prior.
survived and was later released by FARC, accused the tense relations with Chavez, thanked the socialist leader
group of killing the 11 captives and denied that any mili- and called for the release of all hostages. He said Colomtary rescue attempt had taken place. According to Lpez, bia was still in a ght against terrorist actions but was
the unexpected arrival of another guerrilla unit resulted in open to reconciliation.
confusion and paranoia, leading the rebels to kill the rest
of the Valle deputies. He survived after previously being punished for insubordination and was held in chains
nearby but separated from the rest of the group.[96]


Major developments during 2008

Clara Rojas and Consuelo Gonzlez liberation On

10 January 2008, former vice presidential candidate Clara Rojas and former congresswoman Consuelo
Gonzlez were freed after nearly six years in captivity.[97]
In a Venezuela-brokered deal, a helicopter ew deep into
Colombia to pick up both hostages. The women were escorted out of the jungle by armed guerrillas to a clearing
where they were picked up by Venezuelan helicopters that
bore International Red Cross insignias.[98] In a statement
published on a pro-rebel Web site, the FARC-EP said the
unilateral release demonstrated the groups willingness to
engage the Colombian government in talks over the release of as many as 800 people who are still being held.[98]
In a televised speech, Colombias U.S.-allied president,
lvaro Uribe, thanked Chavez for his eorts.

Banner of the February 2008 anti-FARC rallies with slogans

in several languages (from left: Spanish, English, Dutch, and

Anti-FARC rallies On 4 February 2008, several rallies were held in Colombia and in other locations around
the world, criticizing FARC-EP and demanding the liberation of hundreds of hostages. The protests were originally organized through the popular social networking site
Facebook and were also supported by local Colombian
media outlets as well as the Colombian government. ParDuring the period she was held kidnapped in the jungle in ticipation estimates vary from the hundreds of thousands
of people in Colombia and thousands
2004, Clara Rojas gave birth to her son by Caesarean. At to several millions
8 months old, the baby was removed from the area and
Rojas didn't hear of the boy again until 31 December, Kiraz Janicke of leftist Venezuela News, Views and
when she heard Colombian President lvaro Uribe say Analysis website criticized the rallies, claiming that
on the radio that the child was no longer with her captors. right-wing paramilitary leaders featured prominently
DNA tests later conrmed the boy, who had been living in in their organization and arguing that workers were also

pressured to attend the gatherings. According to her, the
purpose of the protests was to promote "Uribes policy
of perpetuating Colombias decades-long civil war.[58]
Shortly before the rallies took place thirteen demobilized
AUC paramilitary leaders, including Salvatore Mancuso,
had expressed their support of the protest through a communique. However, this move was rejected by organizer
Carlos Andrs Santiago, who stated that such an endorsement was harmful and criticized the AUCs actions.[107]


provided intelligence that allowed the Colombian military to locate the FARC-EP commander and ordnance
used in the attack.[117][118][119]

It has been considered the biggest blow against FARC-EP

in its more than four decades of existence.[113][120] This
event was quickly followed by the death of Ivan Rios, another member of FARC-EPs seven-man Secretariat, less
than a week later, by the hand of his own bodyguard. It
came as a result of heavy Colombian military pressure
On 20 July 2008, a subsequent set of rallies against and a reward oer of up to $5 million from the ColomFARC included thousands of Colombians in Bogot bian government.[121][122]
and hundreds of thousands throughout the rest of the
Death of Manuel Marulanda Vlez Manuel MaruDeath of Ral Reyes Main articles: 2008 Andean landa Vlez died on 26 March 2008 after a heart attack. His death would be kept a secret, until Colomdiplomatic crisis and Targeted killing
On 1 March 2008, the Colombian military attacked a bian magazine, Revista Semana, published an interview
with Colombian defense minister Juan Manuel Santos
on 24 May 2008 in which Santos mentions the death
of Manuel Marulanda Vlez. The news was conrmed
by FARC-EP commander 'Timochenko' on pan-Latin
American television station teleSUR on 25 May 2008.
'Timochenko' announced the new commander in chief is
'Alfonso Cano'[123] After speculations in several national
and international media about the 'softening up' of the
FARC and the announcement of Colombian President
lvaro Uribe that several FARC leaders were ready to
surrender and free their captives, the secretariat of the
FARC sent out a communiqu emphasizing the death of
their founder would not change their approach towards
the captives or the humanitarian agreement.[124][125]

Hugo Chvezs call to disarm On 11 January 2008

during the annual State of the Nation in the Venezuelan
National Assembly, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez
referred to the FARC as a real army that occupies territory in Colombia, they're not terrorists [...] They have a
political goal and we have to recognize that.[126]

Ral Reyes

FARC-EP camp inside Ecuador's territory as part of a

targeted killing directed at Ral Reyes. The attack killed
over 20 people, about 17 of whom were members of the
FARC-EP.[110][111] Reyes, found among the dead along
with at least 16 of his fellow guerrillas, was known as
FARC-EPs international spokesman and hostage release
negotiator. He was considered to be FARC-EPs secondin-command.[112]
This incident led to a breakdown in diplomatic relations between Ecuador and Colombia, and between
Venezuela and Colombia.[113][114] Ecuador condemned
the attack.[115][116] The incident also resulted in diplomatic strains between the United States and Ecuador, following revelations that the Central Intelligence Agency

However, on 13 January 2008, Chavez retracted his previous statement and stated his disapproval of the FARCEP strategy of armed struggle and kidnapping, saying I
don't agree with kidnapping and I don't agree with armed
struggle.[127] President Hugo Chvez has repeatedly expressed his disapproval of the practice of kidnapping stating on 14 April that, If I were a guerrilla, I wouldn't
have the need to hold a woman, a man who aren't soldiers...Free the civilians who don't have anything to do
with the war. I don't agree with that..[128] On 7 March at
the Cumbre de Rio, Chavez stated again that the FARCEP should lay down their arms Look at what has happened and is happening in Latin America, reect on this
(FARC-EP), we are done with war... enough with all this
death.[129] On 8 June Chavez repeated his call for a political solution and an end to the war, The guerrilla war
is history...At this moment in Latin America, an armed
guerrilla movement is out of place.[130]


lvaro Uribes Presidency (20022010)

Operation Jaque Main article: Operation Jaque

On 2 July 2008, under a Colombian military operation
called Operation Jaque, the FARC-EP was tricked by
the Colombian Government into releasing 15 captives
to Colombian Intelligence agents disguised as journalists and international aid workers in a helicopter rescue. Military intelligence agents inltrated the guerrilla ranks and led the local commander in charge of the
captives, Gerardo Aguilar Ramrez, alias Cesar, to believe they were going to take them by helicopter to Alfonso Cano, the guerrillas supreme leader. The rescued
included ngrid Betancourt (former presidential Candidate), U.S. military contractors Marc Gonsalves, Thomas
Howes, and Keith Stansell, as well as eleven Colombian
police ocers and soldiers. The commander, Cesar and
one other rebel were taken into custody by agents without incident after boarding the helicopter.[131] On 4 July,
some observers questioned whether or not this was an intercepted captive release made to look like a rescue.[132]
In a 5 July communique, FARC itself blamed rebels Cesar and Enrique for the escape of the captives and acknowledged the event as a setback but reiterated their
willingness to reach future humanitarian agreements.[133]

guerrilla guards who had decided to desert. The two men
hiked through the rain forest for three days and nights until they encountered an army patrol.[136] Speaking from a
clinic in the western city of Cali, Mr Lizcano said that
when soldiers saw him screaming from across a jungle
river, they thought he was drunk and ignored him. Only
when he lifted the FARC-EP rebels Galil assault rie did
the soldiers begin to understand that he was escaping from
the FARC-EP rebels. They jumped into the river, and
then I started to shout, 'I'm Lizcano'", he said.[136]

Other late 2008 developments Soon after the liberation of this prominent political hostage, the Vice President of Colombia Francisco Santos Caldern called Latin
Americas biggest guerrilla group a "paper tiger" with
little control of the nations territory, adding that they
have really been diminished to the point where we can
say they are a minimal threat to Colombian security,
and that After six years of going after them, reducing their income and promoting reinsertion of most of
their members, they look like a paper tiger. However,
he warned against any kind of premature triumphalism,
because crushing the rebels will take time. The 500,000
square kilometers (190,000 sq mi) of jungle in Colombia
makes it hard to track them down to ght.[137]

Immediately after the captive rescue, Colombian military forces cornered the rest of FARC-EPs 1st Front, the
unit which had held the captives. Colombian forces did
not wish to attack the 1st Front but instead oered them 1.8.6 February 2009 liberations
amnesty if they surrender.[134]
Colombias Program for Humanitarian Attention for the On 21 December 2008, The FARC-EP announced that
Demobilized announced in August 2008 that 339 mem- they would release civilian hostages Alan Jara, Sigifredo
bers of Colombias rebel groups surrendered and handed Lpez, three low-ranking police ocers and a lowto Senator Piedad Crdoba as a humaniin their weapons in July, including 282 guerrillas from the ranking soldier[138]
On 1 February 2009, the FARC-EP
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia.
proceeded with the release of the four security force
members, Juan Fernando Galicio Uribe, Jos Walter
Lozano Guarnizo, Alexis Torres Zapata and William
scar Tulio Lizcano Freed scar Tulio Lizcano, a Giovanni Domnguez Castro. All of them were captured
Colombian Conservative Party congressman, was kid- in 2007. Jara (kidnapped in 2001) was released on 3
napped 5 August 2000. On Sunday, 26 October 2008, the February and Lpez (kidnapped in 2002) was released
ex-congressman escaped from FARC-EP rebels. Tulio on 5 February.
Lizcano was a hostage for over 8 years, and escaped with
a FARC-EP rebel he convinced to travel with him. They
evaded pursuit for three days as they trekked through 1.8.7 Release of Swedish hostage
mountains and jungles, encountering the military in the
western coastal region of Colombia. Tulio Lizcano is the On 17 March 2009, The FARC-EP released Swedish
rst hostage to escape since the successful military res- hostage Erik Roland Larsson. Larsson, paralyzed in half
cue of Ingrid Betancourt, and the longest held political his body, was handed over to detectives in a rugged rehostage by the organization. He became the 22nd Colom- gion of the northern state of Crdoba. Larsson was kidbian political hostage to gain freedom during 2008.
napped from his ranch in Tierralta, not far from where
During his nal days in captivity, Lizcano told Santos,
they had nothing to eat but wild palm hearts and sugar
cane. With the military tightening the noose, a FARC-EP
rebel turned himself in and provided Colombian authorities with Lizcanos exact location in the northwest state
of Choco. As police and army troops prepared to launch
a rescue operation, Lizcano escaped alongside one of his

he was freed, on 16 May 2007, along with his Colombian

girlfriend, Diana Patricia Pena while paying workers. She
escaped that same month following a gun battle between
her captors and police. Larsson suered a stroke while
in captivity. The FARC-EP had sought a $5 million ransom. One of Larssons sons said that the ransom was not


December 2009 hostage killing

On 22 December 2009, the body of Luis Francisco Cullar, the Governor of Caquet, was discovered, a day after he had been kidnapped from his house in Florencia,
Caquet. Ocials said the abduction and execution had
been carried by the FARC. According to ocials, he had
been killed soon after the abduction. The kidnappers cut
the governors throat as they evaded security forces. In a
statement broadcast on radio, the acting governor, Patricia Vega, said, I no longer have any doubts that FARC
has done it again. The FARC claimed responsibility for
Cullars kidnapping and murder in January 2010. The
group said that they kidnapped him in order to put him
on trial for corruption and blamed his death on an attempt to rescue him by force.[140][141]

March 2010 liberations


bat between January and September 2010. An additional

1,382 government soldiers or policemen were wounded
during the same period, with the report estimating that
the total number of casualties could reach 2,500 by the
end of the year.[145] Nuevo Arco Iris head Len Valencia
considered that FARC guerrillas have reacted to a series
of successful military blows against them by splitting up
their forces into smaller groups and intensifying the offensive use of anti-personnel land mines, leading to what
he called a further degradation of the conict. Valencia also added that both coca crops and the drug trade
have doubled in areas with FARC-EP presence. Researcher Claudia Lpez considered that the Colombian
government is winning the strategic and aerial side of the
war but not the infantry front, where both the FARC-EP
and ELN continue to maintain an oensive capacity.[146]
Military oensives carried out under former President
Alvaro Uribe and President Juan Manuel Santos have
been able to reduce the number of FARC combattants to
7,000, which is much lower than the 20,000 combattants
FARC employed in the early 2000s. This military oensive has also been able to reduce FARC territorial control
and push guerillas to more remote and sparsely populated
regions, often close to territorial or internal borders.[147]

On 16 April 2009, The FARC-EP announced that they

would release Army Corporal Pablo Emilio Moncayo
Cabrera to Piedad Crdoba as a humanitarian gesture.
Moncayo was kidnapped on 21 December 1997. On 28
June 2009, the FARC announced that they would release
Professional Soldier Josue Daniel Calvo Sanchez. Calvo
was kidnapped on 20 April 2009. Calvo was released 1.9.1 2010 death of Mono Jojoy
on 28 March 2010. Moncayo was released on 30 March
Colombian authorities announced the death of Vctor
Julio Surez Rojas, also known as Mono Jojoy, on 23
September 2010. President Juan Manuel Santos stated
1.8.10 Operation Chameleon
that the FARC commander was killed in an operation that
began in the early hours of 21 September in the departOn 13 June 2010, Colombian troops rescued Police
ment of Meta, 200 miles (320 km) south of the capital
Colonel Luis Herlindo Mendieta Ovalle, Police Captain
Bogot.[148] According to Santos, he was the impersonEnrique Murillo Sanchez and Army Sergeant Arbey Delation of terror and a symbol of violence.[149] After this
gado Argote, after being kidnapped for twelve years.
event, the FARC-EP released a statement saying that deArgote was kidnapped on 3 August 1998. Ovalle and
feating the group would not bring peace to Colombia and
Sanchez were kidnapped on 1 November 1998. On 14
called for a negotiated solution, not surrender, to the soJune, Police Lieutenant William Donato Gomez was also
cial and political conict.[150]
rescued. He was also kidnapped on 3 August 1998.[142]


Juan Manuel Santoss presidency

President Juan Manuel Santos began his term with a

suspected FARC bomb-blast in Bogot.[143] This followed the resolution of the 2010 ColombiaVenezuela
diplomatic crisis which erupted over outgoing President
lvaro Uribe's allegations of active Venezuelan support
for FARC.
In early September 2010, FARC-EP attacks in the
Nario Department and Putumayo Department in southern Colombia killed some fty policemen and soldiers in
hit-and-run assaults.[144]
According to a December report by the Corporacin
Nuevo Arco Iris NGO, 473 FARC-EP guerrillas and 357
members of the Colombian security forces died in com-

1.9.2 January through October 2011

See also: List of attacks attributed to FARC
In January 2011 Juan Manuel Santos admitted that
FARC-EP had killed 460 government soldiers and
wounded over 2,000 in 2010.[151] In April 2011 the
Colombian congress issued a statement saying that FARC
has a 'strong presence' in roughly one third of the
municipalities in Colombia, while their attacks have
increased.[152] Overall FARC operations, including attacks against security forces as well as kidnappings and
the use of land mines, have increased every year since
2005.[153] In the rst 6 months of 2011 the FARC carried out an estimated 1,115 actions, which constitutes a
10% increase over the same period in 2010.[154]


Peace talks and end of the armed conict

By early 2011 Colombian authorities and news media reported that the FARC and the clandestine sister groups
have partly shifted strategy from guerrilla warfare to 'a
war of militias, meaning that they are increasingly operating in civilian clothes while hiding amongst sympathizers in the civilian population.[155] In early January
2011 the Colombian army said that the FARC has some
18,000 members, with 9,000 of those forming part of
the militias.[156] The army says it has 'identied' at least
1,400 such militia members in the FARC strongholds of
Valle del Cauca and Cauca in 2011.[157] In June 2011
Colombian chief of sta Edgar Cely claimed that the
FARC wants to 'urbanize their actions,[158] which could
partly explain the increased guerrilla activity in Medelln and particularly Cali.[159][160][161][162][163] Jeremy McDermott, co-director of Insight Crime, estimates that
FARC may have some 30,000 'part-time ghters in 2011,
consisting of both armed and unarmed civilian supporters
making up the rebel militia network, instead of full-time
ghters wearing uniforms.[155][164]

on the way back, which led to a shootout.[169] Relatives
of the captives, former victims and civil society groups
blamed both the government and FARC for the outcome,
questioning the operation as well as criticizing military
2012 release of last political hostages On 26 February 2012, the FARC announced that they would release
their remaining ten political hostages.[171] The hostages
were released on 2 April 2012.[172] The president of
Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos, said that this incident was
not enough, and asked the FARC to release the civilian
hostages they possess.[173]
Release of Chinese hostages On 22 November 2012,
the FARC released four Chinese oil workers. The
hostages were working for the Emerald Energy oil company, a British-based subsidiary of Chinas Sinochem
Group, when they were kidnapped on 8 June 2011. Their
Colombian driver was also kidnapped, but released several hours later. Authorities identied the freed men
as Tang Guofu, Zhao Hongwei, Jian Mingfu, and Jiang

According to Corporacin Nuevo Arco Iris, FARC-EP

killed 429 members of the Colombian governments security forces between January and October 2011. During this same period, the rebel group lost 316 of its own
members. The year 2011 saw over 2,000 incidents of
FARC activity, which was the highest gure recorded
since 1998. The NGO has stated that while most of these 1.10 Peace talks and end of the armed conict
incidents remain defensive in nature and are not like the
large oensives from years past, FARC actions have been
growing since 2005, and the rebel group is currently car- 1.10.1 20122014 peace talks
rying out intense operations against small and mediumSantos announced on 27 August 2012 that the Colombian
sized Colombian military units in vulnerable areas.[165]
government has engaged in exploratory talks with FARC
in order to seek an end to the conict:[176]
Death of Alfonso Cano Colombian troops killed
FARC leader Alfonso Cano in a reght on 4 NovemExploratory conversations have been held
ber 2011.[166] The 6th Front of the FARC, which was
with the FARC to nd an end to the conict. I
in charge of Canos security at the time of his death, rewant to make very clear to Colombians that the
taliated by killing two policemen in Suarez and Jambal
approaches that have been carried out and the
some 24 hours after the death of Cano.[167]
ones that will happen in the future will be carried out within the framework based on these
principles: We are going to learn from the misDeath of captives in Operation Jupiter On 26
takes made in the past so that they are not reNovember 2011, the FARC killed Police Captain Edgar
peated. Second, any process must lead to the
Yesid Duarte Valero, Police Lieutenant Elkin Hernndez
end of the conict, not making it longer. Third,
Rivas, Army Corporal Libio Jos Martnez Estrada, and
operations and military presence will be mainPolice Intendant lvaro Moreno after government troops
tained across the entire national territory
approached the guerrilla camp where they were held. Police Sergeant Luis Alberto Erazo Maya managed to es- He also said that he would learn from the mistakes of precape his captors and was later rescued.[168]
vious leaders, who failed to secure a lasting ceasere with
The Colombian military had information indicating that
there could be captives in the area and initiated Operation
Jupiter in October 2011, using a 56 men Special Forces
unit to carry out surveillance for preparing a future rescue mission that would involve additional troops and air
support. According to the Colombian military, this same
unit remained in the area for 43 days and did not nd the
captives until they accidentally ran into the FARC camp

FARC, though the military would still continue operations throughout Colombia while talks continued.[177] An
unnamed Colombian intelligence source said Santos has
assured FARC that no one would be extradited to stand
trial in another country.[178] Al Jazeera reported that the
initiative began after Santos met with Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and asked him to mediate. Former
President Uribe has criticized Santos for seeking peace

at any cost and rejected the idea of holding talks.[179]
Telesur reported that FARC and the Colombian government had signed a preliminary agreement in Havana the
same day. The rst round of the talks will take place
in Oslo on 5 October and then return to Havana[180] for
approximately six months of talks before culminating in
Colombia.[181] However, Santos later ruled out a ceasere
pending the talks in Oslo and reiterated that oensive operations against FARC would continue.[182]
ELN leader Nicols Rodrguez Bautista, otherwise
known as Gabino, added that his group was interested in
joining the talks too: Well we are open, its exactly our
proposal, to seek room for open dialogue without conditions and start to discuss the nations biggest problems.
But the government has said no! Santos says he has the
keys to peace in his pocket, but I think he has lost them
because there seems to be no possibility of a serious dialogue, we remain holding out for that.[176]
Colombias RCN Radio reported on 29 September[183]
that a preliminary draft of the proposals[184] indicated
that a resolution would involve answering FARCs historic grievances including rural development and agrarian reform; democracy development via an enhancement
of the number of registered political parties; security and
compensation for the victims of the conict. In this regards, the Colombian government has already passed a
series of laws that entail compensation for the victims
and a return of land to the displaced. FARC also indicated a willingness to give up their arms. Former M19
member Antonio Navarro Wol said: If the government
wants a serious peace plan they will have to take control of
the coca leaf plantations that are currently owned by the
FARC because if not another criminal group will take
over it.[181] Santos later told Al Jazeera that peace was
possible if there was goodwill on both sides.[185] Santos told the General debate of the sixty-seventh session of
the United Nations General Assembly on 26 September,
that Venezuela and Chile were also helping in the discussion along with Cuba and Norway.[186][187]


Shortly after lifting the ceasere, FARC conducted attacks on a coal transport railway, which derailed 17 wagons and forced a suspension of operations[191] and assaulted Milan, a town in the southern Caquet, killing
at least seven government soldiers and injuring ve
Santos has been far more responsive to threats against social leaders than his predecessors. He has also been decisive in combatting the New Illegal Armed Groups that
emerged as a result of the paramilitary process, especially
in ghting threats and violence against human rights defenders and social leaders. During Santos presidency,
private security and proclaimed self-defense movements
have also lost their legitimacy.[147]
On 27 May 2013, it was announced that one of the most
contentious issues had been resolved. Land reform and
compensation was tackled with promises to compensate
those who had lost land.[193] This is the rst time the government and FARC have reached an agreement on a substantive issue in four dierent negotiating attempts over
30 years. The peace process then moved on to the issue of
political participation, during which FARC insisted on
its demand for an elected Constituent Assembly to rewrite
Colombias constitution. This demand has been forcefully rejected by Colombias lead government negotiator,
Humberto de la Calle.[194]
On 1 July 2013, FARC and the second-largest guerrilla
group in Colombia, ELN, announced that they would
be working together to nd a political solution to the
social and armed conict. The details of this partnership, however, are far from clear; Washington Oce
on Latin America's Adam Isacson explains that two issues central to peace accords with ELNresource policy
and kidnappingare currently o the table in the talks
in Havana with FARC, and the addition of these topics may complicate and slow down an already sluggish

On 6 November 2013 the Colombian government and

FARC announced that they had come to an agreement
Peace talks were formally started on 18 October in a hotel regarding the participation of political opposition and
30 miles north of the Norwegian capital Oslo with a joint- would begin discussing their next issue, the illicit drug
press conference by both delegations.[188] The represen- trade.[196]
tatives of the government, led by Humberto de la Calle
and the FARC, led by Ivn Mrquez, said the so-called On 23 January 2014 Juan Fernando Cristo, the Presisecond phase of the peace process will be inaugurated in dent of the Senate of Colombia, proposed a second Plan
Oslo on 15 November, after which the delegations will go Colombia during a conference on the Colombian peace
Cristo stated that this
to Cuba to work on the negotiation of the peace accord, process in Washington, D.C.
which will ultimately lead to a permanent agreement and new plan should be for the victims and should redirect
ceasere. The Colombian government has also stated that the resources from the original Plan Colombia towards
they expect that a post-Chavez government will continue supporting a post-conict Colombia.
to support the peace process. In late 2012, FARC de- On May 16, 2014, the Colombian government and
clared a two-month unilateral cease-re and said that they the FARC rebels agreed to work together against drug
would be open to extending it as a bilateral truce after- tracking, added to the development of these peace
wards during the rest of the negotiations. The Colombian talks.[198][199]
government refused to agree to a bilateral cease-re, alleging violations of the truce by FARC.[189][190]


Under the aegis of Art of Living Foundation tracking his eort at brokering seminal peace deal between Colombian government and FARC guerillas.[204]

On June 28, 2015, humanitarian and spiritual leader Sri

Sri Ravi Shankar, on his three-day-visit to Cuba, had sev1.10.3 Ceasere and Peace with the Colombian goveral rounds of discussions with the FARC members in
an exercise of condence-building in the peace process,
which had many hurdles from the past three years.
On June 23, 2016 a ceasere accord was signed between
FARC has requested Ravi Shankar to actively participate the FARC Guerilla Army and the Colombian Governin the peace process. He said, In this conict, everyone ment, in Havana, Cuba. Leaders of several Latin Amershould be considered as victims. And inside every culprit, ican countries which contributed to the deal, including
there is a victim crying for help.
Cuba and Venezuela, were present. A nal peace accord
After many discussions, the FARC nally agreed to em- will require referendum to be approved.
brace the Gandhian principle of non-violence. Commander Ivan Marquez declared in the press conference that
they would adopt it. The FARC agreed that hatred had
derailed the peace process. Marquez said, We will work
for peace and justice for all the people of Colombia. [200]

Under the accord, the Colombian government will support massive investment for rural development and facilitate the FARCs reincarnation as a legal political party.
FARC promised to help eradicate illegal drug crops, remove landmines in the areas of conict, and oer repaRavi Shankar insisted that time delay would be counter- rations to victims. FARC leaders can avoid prosecution
productive as people were losing faith. He urged both by acts of reparation to victims and other community
sides to hasten the process and not to be stuck in small work.
The FARC has agreed to speed up the process and give
some surprise breakthrough for peace building in the
coming days.
Ivan Marquez, Pablo Catatumbo and his whole group
thanked Sri Sri for his patience, understanding and wisdom. One of the members, Commander Pastor Alope,
remarked that spiritual wisdom had been missing, and
was very much needed.
Ravi Shankar declared that his foundation, The Art of
Living, would continue to do trauma relief programs
for victims and bring the much-needed healing touch to
On May 22, 2015, FARC announced it would be ending
the unilateral ceasere and agreed to follow the Gandhian
principle of non-violence. Ravi Shankar, who has played
a role in brokering a peace deal between the Colombian
government and left guerrilla organization FARC, has
asked the former to understand that the ceasere would
take some time to come into eect.

2 Role of FARC in the areas it controls

Relations between the FARC-EP and local populations
vary greatly depending on the history and specic characteristics of each region. In rural areas where the guerrillas have maintained a continuous presence for several
decades, there are often organic links between the FARC
and peasant communities. Such ties include shared generational membership and historical struggles dating back
to the period of La Violencia. These areas have traditionally been located in the departments of Caquet, Meta,
Guaviare and Putumayo, and - to a lesser extent - portions of Huila, Tolima and Nario.[207] Within remote locations under FARC control and where the national government is generally absent, the group can function as a
revolutionary vanguard and institutes its de facto rule of
law by carrying out activities that aim to combat corruption and reduce small-scale crime.[208]

It is vital for the President of Colombia and the military

commanders of Colombia to understand that it would take
up to July 20 for the ceasere to take hold. This is because
some of the guerrillas are unreachable in the jungle, and
it will take a couple of weeks for them to realize that a
ceasere has been declared and that the FARC leadership
is now pursuing non-violent and peaceful means., Sri Sri

The FARC has also been able to provide limited social

services in these regions, such as health care and education, including building minor infrastructure works in the
form of rural roads.[209][210] Peasants who have grown up
in areas under historical FARC control may become accustomed to accepting them as the local authority.[211]
The guerrillas also attempt to keep the peace between
peasants and drug trackers in addition to regulating
On 8 July 2015, FARC announced a unilateral ceasere, other aspects of daily life and economics.[62][208][209]
which began on 20 July 2015.[202][203]
In other rural regions of the country, where a FARC presOn 30 September 2015, Ravi Shankar alleged that
Vatican-backed Norway headed by Pope Francis, which
was also part of a four nation pack (including Cuba, Chile
and Venezuela) acting as guarantors in the talks is side-

ence has only been established within the past twenty

years and primarily remains military in nature, there is
often a level of distrust between FARC rebels and the local peasant communities, which lack historical ties to the



group. Civilians in these locations also tend to get caught

in the middle of the conict between FARC and its government or paramilitary opponents. In the populated urban areas where the Colombian state has maintained a
solid historical presence, some FARC sympathies may
exist in the poorest neighborhoods and among certain
progressive sectors of the middle class, but most city inhabitants tend to view the guerrillas as one of Colombias
main problems.[207]
By the end of 2010, FARC-EP inuence was signicantly reduced in the regions where it had only carried
out a recent military-focused expansion during the 1980s
and 1990s, in part due to the failure to establish close
social ties with local populations. Government oensives eradicated much of the visible guerrilla presence
in northern and central Colombia as well as in Guaina,
Vaups and Amazonas, limiting FARC to clandestine
operations. Similar military setbacks and retreats occurred even within its traditional strongholds, forcing the
FARC to move towards the most remote areas, but there
the guerrillas did appear to maintain popular support
among the peasants that had developed organic links to
the insurgency.[212]


FARC receives most of its fundingwhich has been estimated to average some $300 million per yearfrom taxation of the illegal drug trade and other activities, ransom kidnappings, bank robberies, and extortion of large
landholders, multinational corporations, and agribusiness. From taxation of illegal drugs and other economic
activity,[210] FARC has been estimated to receive approximately 60 to 100 million dollars per year.[62][208]


Means of nancing

The guerillass main means of nancing is through the

drug trade which includes both direct and indirect participation; taxation, administration or control of areas of
production and tracking. A large but often dicult to
estimate portion of funding comes from the taxation of
businesses and even local farmers, often lumped in with
or dened by its opponents as extortion.[211]

Drug trade

Main article: Illegal drug trade in Colombia

FARC-EP was not initially involved in direct drug cultivation, tracking, or trans-shipment prior to or during
the 1980s. Instead, it maintained a system of taxation
on the production that took place in the territories that
they controlled, in exchange for protecting the growers

and establishing law and order in these regions by implementing its own rules and regulations.[213][214][215] During the 1990s, FARC expanded its operations, in some
areas, to include tracking and production, which has
provided a signicant portion of its funding.[216] Rightwing paramilitary groups also receive a large portion
of their income from drug tracking and production
A 1992 Central Intelligence Agency report acknowledged that the FARC had become increasingly involved
in drugs through their 'taxing' of the trade in areas under their geographical control and that in some cases the
insurgents protected tracking infrastructure to further
fund their insurgency,[217] but also described the relationship between the FARC and the drug trackers as
one characterized by both cooperation and friction and
concluded that we do not believe that the drug industry
[in Colombia] would be substantially disrupted in the short
term by attacks against guerrillas. Indeed, many trackers would probably welcome, and even assist, increased
operations against insurgents. [218]
In 1994, the DEA came to three similar conclusions.
First, that any connections between drug tracking organizations and Colombian insurgents were ad hoc 'alliances of convenience'".[219] Second, that the independent involvement of insurgents in Colombias domestic
drug productions, transportation, and distribution is limited ... there is no evidence that the national leadership of
either the FARC or the ELN has directed, as a matter of
policy, that their respective organizations directly engage in
independent illicit drug production, transportation, or distribution. [219] Third, the report determined that the DEA
has no evidence that the FARC or ELN have been involved
in the transportation, distribution, or marketing of illegal drugs in the United States. Furthermore it is doubtful
that either insurgent group could develop the international
transportation and logistics infrastructure necessary to establish independent drug distribution in the United States
or Europe DEA believes that the insurgents never will be
major players in Colombias drug trade. [219]
FARC has called for crop substitution programs that
would allow coca farmers to nd alternative means of income and subsistence. In 1999, FARC worked with a
United Nations alternative development project to enable
the transition from coca production to sustainable food
production. On its own, the group has also implemented
agrarian reform programs in Putumayo.[214][215][220][221]
In those FARC-EP controlled territories that do produce
coca, it is generally grown by peasants on small plots;
in paramilitary or government controlled areas, coca is
generally grown on large plantations.[222] The FARCEP generally makes sure that peasant coca growers receive a much larger share of prots than the paramilitaries would give them,[208][215][223] and demands that
trackers pay a decent wage to their workers.[208] When
growers in a FARC-controlled area are caught selling


Means of nancing

coca to non-FARC brokers, they are generally forced

to leave the region, but when growers are caught selling to FARC in paramilitary-controlled areas, they are
generally killed.[223] Lower prices paid for raw coca in
paramilitary-controlled areas lead to signicantly larger
prots for the drug processing and tracking organizations, which means that they generally prefer that
paramilitaries control an area rather than FARC.[223]
In 2000, FARC Spokesman Simon Trinidad said that
taxes on drug laboratories represented an important part
of the organizations income, although he didn't say how
much it was. He defended this funding source, arguing
that drug trade was endemic in Colombia because it had
pervaded many sectors of its economy.[224]

3.1.2 Kidnappings
Main article: Kidnappings in Colombia
The FARC-EP has carried out both ransom and politically motivated kidnappings in Colombia and has been
responsible for the majority of such kidnappings carried
out in the country.[233][234][235]
The guerrillas initially targeted the families of drug trafckers, the wealthy upper-class and foreigners but the
group later expanded its kidnapping and extortion operations to include the middle-class.[233][234][236]
During the 1984 peace negotiations, FARC pledged to
stop kidnapping and condemned the practice. However,
hostage-taking by FARC increased in the years following
this declaration. In a 1997 interview, FARC-EP Commander Alfonso Cano argued that some guerrilla units
continued to do so for political and economic reasons
in spite of the prohibition issued by the leadership.[237]

After the 21 April 2001 capture of Brazilian drug lord

Luiz Fernando da Costa (aka Fernandinho Beira-Mar)
in Colombia, Colombian and Brazilian authorities accused him of cooperating with FARC-EP through the
exchange of weapons for cocaine. They also claimed
that he received armed protection from the guerrilla
In 2000, the FARC-EP issued a directive called Law
002 which demanded a tax from all individuals and
In Monday, 18 March 2002 the Attorney General of the
corporations with assets worth at least $1 million USD,
United States John Ashcroft indicted leaders of the FARC
warning that those who failed to pay would be detained
after an 18-month investigation into their narcotics trafby the group.[233][236] In 2001, FARC Commander Simn
cking. Tomas Molina Caracas, the commander of the
Trinidad claimed that the FARC-EP does not engage in
FARCs 16th Front, led the 16th Fronts drug-tracking
kidnapping but instead retains [individuals] in order to
activities together with Carlos Bolas and a rebel known
obtain resources needed for our struggle. Commander
as Oscar El Negro. Between 1994 and 2001, Molina and
Trinidad said he did not know how many people had been
other 16th Front members controlled Barranco Minas,
taken by FARC or how much money was collected by the
where they collected cocaine from other FARC fronts to
organization in exchange for their freedom.[233] In addisell it to international drug trackers for payment in curtion, FARC spokesperson Joaqun Gmez stated that the
rency, weapons and equipment.[228][229]
payment demanded was a tax which many people paid
On 22 March 2006 the Attorney General Alberto Gonza- voluntarily, with kidnapping undertaken because those
les announced the indictment of fty leaders of FARC for who have the resources must pay their share.[238]
exporting more than $25 billion worth of cocaine to the
In 2002, Amnesty International sent a letter to FARCUnited States and other countries. Several of the FARC
EP Commander Manuel Marulanda condemning kidnapleaders appeared on the Justice Departments Consoliping and hostage-taking as well as rejecting the threats
dated Priority Organization target list, which identies
directed at municipal or judicial ocials and their famithe most dangerous international drug tracking orgalies, arguing that they are civilians who are protected by
nizations. Recognizing the increased prots, the FARC
international humanitarian law as long as they do not parmoved to become directly involved in the manufacture
ticipate in hostilities.[239]
and distribution of cocaine by setting the price paid for
cocaine paste and transporting it to jungle laboratories According to Amnesty International, the number of kidunder FARC control. The charged FARC leaders or- nappings has decreased in recent years but the human
dered that Colombian farmers who sold paste to non- rights organization estimates that FARC and ELN guer[235]
FARC buyers would be murdered and that U.S. fumiga- rillas continue to be behind hundreds of cases.
2008, press reports estimated that about 700 hostages
tion planes should be shot down.[230][231]
continued to be held captive by FARC.[240][241][242] AcOn 11 October 2012 Jamal Yousef, aka Talal Hascording to the Fundacin Pas Libre anti-kidnapping
san Ghantou, a native of Lebanon, was sentenced to
NGO, an estimated total of 6,778 people were kidnapped
12 years in prison for conspiring to provide militaryby FARC between 1997 and 2007.[243] In 2009, the
grade weapons to the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias
states anti-kidnapping agency Fondelibertad reviewed
de Colombia (the FARC), in exchange for over a ton of
3,307 ocially unsettled cases and removed those that
cocaine. Yousef pleaded guilty in May 2012 to one count
had already been resolved or for which there was inof providing material support to the FARC.[232]
sucient information. The agency concluded that 125
hostages remained in captivity nationwide of whom 66
were being held by the FARC-EP.[244] The governments



revised gures were considered absurdly low by Fundacin Pas Libre, which has argued that its own archives
suggest an estimated 1,617 people taken hostage between
2000 and 2008 remain in the hands of their captors, including hundreds seized by FARC.[244] FARC claimed at
the time that it was holding nine people for ransom in
addition to hostages kept for a prisoner exchange.[244]
In 2008, Venezuelan President Hugo Chvez expressed his disagreement with FARC-EPs resorting to
kidnappings.[245][246] Former President Fidel Castro of
Cuba also criticized the use of hostage-taking by the guerrillas as objectively cruel and suggested that the group
free all of its prisoners and hostages.[247]
In February 2012, FARC announced that it would release
ten members of the security forces, who it described as
political prisoners, representing the last such captives in
its custody. It further announced the repeal of Law 002,
bringing to an end its support for the practice of kidnapping for ransom.[248][249] However, it was not clear from
the FARC statement what would happen to the civilians
it still held in captivity.[250] Colombian president Juan
Manuel Santos used Twitter to welcome the move as a
necessary, if insucient, step in the right direction.[251]

Human rights concerns

Commissioner for Human Rights mentioned that, during

2004, FARC-EP continued to commit grave breaches
[of human rights] such as murders of protected persons,
torture and hostage-taking, which aected many civilians, including men, women, returnees, boys and girls,
and ethnic groups.[252]

4.1 Child soldiers

FARC-EP, the ELN and right-wing paramilitaries all
train teens as soldiers and informants. Human Rights
Watch estimates that the FARC-EP has the majority of
child combatants in Colombia, and that approximately
one quarter of its guerrillas are under 18.[253][254] Forcible
recruitment of children, by either side, is rare in Colombia. They join for a variety of reasons including poverty,
lack of educational opportunities, avoiding dangerous
work in coca processing, escaping from domestic violence, oers of money (mostly from paramilitaries, who
pay their soldiers).[253] Human Rights Watch has noted
that once integrated into the FARC-EP, children are typically barred from leaving.[255]
FARC-EP Commander Simn Trinidad has stated that
FARC does not allow the enlistment of people under
15 years of age, arguing that this is in accordance with
Article 38 of the United Nations Convention on the
Rights of the Child.[256] He has argued that the alternatives for many children in Colombia are worse, including prostitution and exploitative work in mines and coca
production.[256][257] Amnesty International has rejected
the validity of such a position in international law.[239]

In June 2000, FARC-EP Commander Carlos Antonio

Lozada told Human Rights Watch that the minimum recruitment age of fteen years was set in 1996 but admitted that this norm was not enforced until recently.
Terrorist attack Lozada said, however, that it had become an obligatory
by the FARC with a car bomb at the headquarters of standard after Commander Jorge Briceo's statements
on the matter in April 2000.[258] A 2001 Human Rights
Caracol Radio, the attack left 43 people injured.
Watch report considered FARC-EPs refusal to admit
children under fteen years old into their forces to be encouraging but added that there is little evidence that this
rule is being strictly applied and called on the group to
demobilize all existing child soldiers and cease this practice in the future.[255]
In 2003, Human Rights Watch reported that FARC-EP
shows no leniency to children because of their age, as2012 car bombing signing minors the same duties as adults and sometimes
requiring them to participate in executions or witness
targeting the former minister Fernando Londoo.
FARC has been accused of committing violations of human rights by numerous groups, including Human Rights 4.2 Extrajudicial executions
Watch, Amnesty International, the United Nations as well
as by the Colombian, U.S. and European Union govern- FARC has consistently carried out attacks against
civilians specically targeting suspected supporters of
A February 2005 report from the United Nations High paramilitary groups, political adversaries, journalists, lo-


Violence against indigenous people


cal leaders, and members of certain indigenous groups

since at least as early as 1994.[259] From 1994 to 1997
the region of Urab in Antioquia department was the site
of FARC attacks against civilians.[259] FARC has also
executed civilians for failing to pay war taxes to their

and 2001, FARC was responsible for 27 assassinations,

15 threats, and 14 other abuses of indigenous people in
Antioquia Department.[74] In March 1999 members of
a local FARC contingent killed 3 indigenous rights activists, who were working with the U'Wa people to build
a school for U'Wa children, and were ghting against enIn 2001, Human Rights Watch (HRW) denounced croachment of U'Wa territory by multinational oil corpothat the FARC-EP had abducted and executed civil- rations. The killings were almost universally condemned,
and seriously harmed public perceptions of FARC.[74]
ians accused of supporting paramilitary groups in the
demilitarized zone and elsewhere, without providing any Members of indigenous groups have demanded the relegal defense mechanisms to the suspects and generally moval of military bases set up by the Colombian governrefusing to give any information to relatives of the vic- ment and guerrilla encampments established by FARC in
tims. The human rights NGO directly investigated three their territories, claiming that both the Colombian Nasuch cases and received additional information about over tional Army and the FARC should respect indigenous autwenty possible executions during a visit to the zone.[260] tonomy and international humanitarian law.[265][266][267]
According to HRW, those extrajudicial executions would According to the National Indigenous Organization of
qualify as forced disappearances if they had been carried Colombia (ONIC), 80.000 members of indigenous comlands since
out by agents of the government or on its behalf, but nev- munities have been displaced from their native
ertheless remained "blatant violations of the FARC-EPs
obligations under international humanitarian law and in
particular key provisions of article 4 of Protocol II, which
protects against violence to the life, physical, and mental to the indigenous. Our territories are self-governed and
we demand our autonomy. During the year 2011, ftywell-being of persons, torture, and ill-treatment."[260]
six indigenous people have been killed.[269] The United
The Colombian human rights organization CINEP re- Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
ported that FARC-EP killed an estimated total of 496 has indicated that no military activities may be carry out
civilians during 2000.[260]
within indigenous territories without rst undertaking an
eective consultation with indigenous representatives
and authorities from the communities involved.[267][270]


Use of gas cylinder mortars and landThe Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC) ismines
sued a statement concerning the release of two hostages

taken by FARC in 2011: Compared to past statements

The FARC-EP has employed a type of improvised
made by the national government, it is important to remortars made from gas canisters (or cylinders), when
iterate that the presence of armed groups in our terrilaunching attacks.
tories is a fact that has been imposed by force of arms,
According to Human Rights Watch, the FARC-EP has against which our communities and their leaders have rekilled civilians not involved in the conict through the use mained in peaceful resistance. The CRIC also indicated
of gas cylinder mortars[261] and its use of landmines.[262] that neither the Colombian government nor the mediaHuman Rights Watch considers that the FARC-EPs tors and armed groups involved consulted with the incontinued use of gas cylinder mortars shows this armed digenous people and their authorities about the hostage
groups agrant disregard for lives of civilians...gas cylin- release, raising concerns about the application of national
der bombs are impossible to aim with accuracy and, as a and international law guaranteeing their autonomy, selfresult, frequently strike civilian objects and cause avoid- determination and self-government. The indigenous organization also demanded the immediate end of all vioable civilian casualties.[263]
lence and conict within indigenous territories and called
According to the ICBL Landmine and Cluster Muni- for a negotiated solution to the war.[271]
tions Monitor, FARC is probably the most prolic current user of antipersonnel mines among rebel groups any- Ocial Colombian government statistics show that murwhere in the world. Furthermore, FARC use child sol- ders of indigenous people between January and May 2011
have increased 38% compared to the same timeframe in
diers to carry and deploy antipersonnel mines.[264]
2010.[272] Colombia is home to nearly 1 million indigenous people, divided into around 100 dierent ethnicities. The Colombian Constitutional Court has warned
4.4 Violence against indigenous people
that 35 of those groups are in danger of dying out.[273] The
FARC has sometimes threatened or assassinated indige- Permanent Assembly for the Defense of Life and Terrinous Colombian leaders for attempting to prevent FARC torial Control has stated that the armed conict is not
two areas, it is a problem of all the
incursions into their territory and resisting the forcible re- only part of one or [274]
cruitment by FARC of indigenous youth. Between 1986




Sexual abuse and forced abortions

According to Amnesty International it has been reported that young female recruits have been sexually
abused by veteran guerrilla soldiers and in several cases
pregnancies were aborted against their will by FARC

Organization and structure

See also: Military structure of the FARC-EP

Central High Command composed of a vemember Secretariat (one of them being the
Commander-in-Chief) and two supplements. Coordinates the activities of the individual blocks, and
determines overall strategy of FARC-EP.[283]
Estado Mayor Central 25 members, who also coordinate activities of blocks[285]
Block 5+ Fronts, with each block corresponding
to one of Colombias geographical regions: south,
central, east, west, Middle Magdalena, Caribbean,
and Cesar.[285]

Front 1+ Columns. Within each Front, there are

FARC-EP remains the largest and oldest insurgent group
combat, support, and infrastructure elements.
in the Americas. According to the Colombian government, FARC-EP had an estimated 6,0008,000 mem Column 2+ Companies
bers in 2008, down from 16,000 in 2001, having lost
much of their ghting force since President lvaro Uribe
Company 2+ Guerrillas
took oce in 2002.[279] Political analyst and former guer Guerrilla 2 Squads
rilla Len Valencia has estimated that FARCs numbers have been reduced to around 11,000 from their
Squad +/- 12 combatants
18,000 peak but cautions against considering the group
a defeated force.
In 2007, FARC-EP Commander
Ral Reyes claimed that their force consisted of 18,000 The FARC-EP secretariat was led by Alfonso Cano and
six others after the death of Manuel Marulanda (Pedro
The largest concentrations of FARC-EP guerrillas are lo- Antonio Marn), also known as Tirojo, or Sureshot
cated throughout the southeastern parts of Colombias in 2008. The international spokesman of the organiza500,000 square kilometers (190,000 sq mi) of jungle and tion was represented by "Raul Reyes", who was killed in a
Colombian army raid against a guerrilla camp in Ecuador
in the plains at the base of the Andean mountains.[282]
on 1 March 2008.[113] Cano was killed in a military opFARCs organized hierarchically into military units as eration on 4 November 2011.[286]
FARC-EP remains open to a negotiated solution to the
nations conict through dialogue with a exible government that agrees to certain conditions, such as the
demilitarization of certain areas, cessation of paramilitary and government violence against rural peasants, social reforms to reduce poverty and inequality, and the release of all jailed (and extradited) FARC-EP rebels.[287] It
claims that until these conditions surface, the armed revolutionary struggle will remain necessary to ght against
Colombias elites. The FARC-EP says it will continue its
armed struggle because it perceives the current Colombian government as an enemy because of historical politically motivated violence against its members and supporters including members of the Patriotic Union, a FARCEP-created political party.[288]

6 See also
Eastern Bloc of the FARC-EP
Terrorism in Colombia
Alfonso Cano, former FARC Commander-in-Chief, was killed
by Colombian military forces on 4 November 2011

Terrorism in Ecuador
List of political hostages held by FARC



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[2] FARC have 'drug tracking networks in Brazil
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[5] Colombias peace talks: To the edge and back again.
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[13] "Terrorism After the Cold War: Trends and Challenges
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[18] Guerrilla miners. The Economist. 27 January 2011.
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[52] Livingstone, Grace (2004). Inside Colombia: Drugs,
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[53] Visit to Colombia, South America, by a Team from Special Warfare Center, Fort Bragg, North Carolina, Headquarters, U.S. Army Special Warfare School, 26 February
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[57] Stokes, Doug (2005). Americas Other War: Terrorizing
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8 Further reading

[272] Observatorio Derechos Humanos (DDHH) y Derecho Internacional Humanitario (DIH). Retrieved on 2012-10-14.
[273] FARC Accused of Killing Columbian Indigenous Tribe
Leaders. Hispanically Speaking News. Retrieved on
[274] Archived 5 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine.
[275] Document - Colombia: Scarred bodies, hidden crimes":
Sexual Violence against women in the armed conict |
Amnesty International. Retrieved on 201210-14.

8.1 Books
James J. Brittain (2 February 2010). Revolutionary Social Change in Colombia: The Origin and Direction of the FARC-EP. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-07453-2875-1.
David Bushnell (1993). The Making of Modern
Colombia, A Nation in Spite of Itself. University of
California Press. ISBN 0-520-08289-3.

[276] Fighting Mad. Foreign Aairs (2012-06-01). Retrieved

on 2012-10-14.

Aviva Chomsky; Francisco Ramrez Cuellar (2005).

The Prots of Extermination: How U.S. Corporate
Power is Destroying Colombia. Common Courage
Press. ISBN 1-56751-322-0.

[277] FP: Why Women Turn to the FARC and How the
FARC Turns on Them. Americas Forum. Retrieved on

Steven Dudley (January 2004). Walking Ghosts:

Murder and Guerrilla Politics in Colombia. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-93303-X.

Robin Kirk (January 2003). More Terrible than
Death: Massacres, Drugs, and Americas War in
Colombia. PublicAairs. ISBN 1-58648-104-5.
Russ Kick, ed. (2009). You are still being lied to:
the remixed disinformation guide to media distortion,
historical whitewashes and cultural myths. Constellation. pp. 160163. ISBN 978-1-934708-07-1.
Kline, H. F., Colombia: Democracy Under Assault,
Harper Collins, 1995, ISBN 0-8133-1071-7
Garry M. Leech (2002). Killing Peace: Colombias
Conict and the Failure of U.S. Intervention. Information Network of the Americas (INOTA). ISBN
Maullin, Richard L., The Fall of Dumar Aljure, a
Colombian Guerrilla and Bandit. The Rand Corporation, 1968
Osterling, Jorge P., Democracy in Colombia: Clientelist Politics and Guerrilla Warfare, Transaction
Publishers, 1989, ISBN 0-88738-229-0
Bert Ruiz (1 October 2001). The Colombian Civil
War. McFarland & Company. ISBN 0-7864-10841.
Frank Saord; Marco Palacios (1 July 2001).
Colombia: Fragmented Land, Divided Society. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504617-X.
Schmid, Alex Peter, and Crelinsten, Ronald D.,
Western Responses to Terrorism. Routledge, 1993,
ISBN 0-7146-4090-5

9 External links
Overview of Colombian-FARC Peace Process (English)
FARC Ocial Website (Spanish)
Ocial website of the peace delegation of FARC
Second FARC Ocial Website (Spanish)
FARC prole, Colombia Reports
Colombia Action Network
Colombia Solidarity Campaign
Evolution of the Colombian Civil War by Paul
Wolf (collection of declassied U.S. government
documents online)
The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
(FARC) and the Illicit Drug Trade, Ricardo Vargas
Meza, Transnational Institute (TNI), June 1999
Interview with Alfonso Lopez Caballero, The Alligator, 2 February 2009
Garry Leech (27 August 2007). Life in a FARC
Camp. Colombia Journal.
Who are the victims? - The aftermath of violence in
Colombia (Former combatants in Colombias internal armed conict spent two years painting their
experiences. They face dicult decisions about
what to remember, what to forget and how to forgive)

The Suicide of Colombia, Foreign Policy Research 9.1 Movies

Institute, 7 September 1998
Little Voices (Pequeas Voces) - An animated
movie about the vision of children in the war in
Rebeca Toledo, Teresa Gutierrez, Sara Flounders
and Andy McInerney, eds. (2003). War in Colombia: Made in U.S.A. ISBN 0-9656916-9-1.
Dominic Streatfeild (2002). Cocaine: An Unauthorised Biography. Virgin Books. ISBN 978-0-75350627-1.



Petras, James (30 December 2000 5 January

2001). Geopolitics of Plan Colombia. Economic
and Political Weekly. 35 (52/53): 46174623.
JSTOR 4410105.
Cirlig, Carmen-Cristina. Colombia: new momentum for peace?" (PDF). Library Brieng. Library of
the European Parliament. Retrieved 15 July 2013.

9.2 News
FARC news archive, Colombia Reports

9.3 Government/NGO reports

Human Rights Watch Humanitarian Law and its
Application to the Conduct of the FARC-EP
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Colombia 2005 Report (Spanish and English)





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