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Atatrk as Founder of a State

Author(s): Dankwart A. Rustow


Source: Daedalus, Vol. 97, No. 3, Philosophers and Kings: Studies in Leadership (Summer, 1968),
pp. 793-828
Published by: The MIT Press on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sciences
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20023842
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DANKWART

Atatiirk

A.

RUSTOW

as Founder

of a State

state
"Kemal Atat?jrk was born in Sal?nica in 1881." This opening
ment of the conventional
Turkish biography
sounds as innocuous as
it is anachronistic
and misleading.
In fact, the boy born in Sal?nica
in 1881 was named Mustafa.
Twelve
years later, a teacher nick
so as to tell him apart from the other Mustafas
named him Kemal
in the class. Only
in 1934, a decade
after his founding
of the
Turkish Republic
and four years before his death, did the Turkish
on him the honorific surname Atatiirk, or "Father
legislature bestow
Turk." The statement,
central ques
therefore, begs the biographer's
man
tions: How
into
and how
the boy Mustafa
the
Kemal,
grew
Kemal came to be Atatiirk.
scientist may well wish to consider role before actor
The political
in turn: First, how did vast numbers
and raise three questions
a new father
of Turks come to feel so orphaned
that they accepted
was it Mustafa
Kemal
who
became
leader of
Second,
why
figure?
the nationalist movement
of 1919 and, in due course, founder of the
and pater patriae? And third, in what ways might another
Republic
in these roles have differed
man's performance
from his? In the
third
of
this
and
anal
question, political
investigation
biographical
childish endowment
and Kemai's
(How did Mustafa's
yses converge.
as ruled
mature
influence
the destiny
character
of Turkey
by
own
that
Yet by their
of the available
nature, and also
Atatiirk?)
can be answered
with
sources, the first two of these questions
assurance than the third
greater
Charisma

and Organization

in the transition
role that Kemal played
from Ottoman
one
is
to
Turkish Republic
that, with aWeberian
term, has
Empire
often been called charismatic. All legitimate authority, Max Weber
The

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DAEDALUS
or char
asserts, is in varying proportions
traditional,
rational-legal,
from
ismatic. Men
interest, or from
habit,
obey willingly?from
to Weber,
to a person. A charismatic
devotion
leader, according
is out of the ordinary
is one who
in the eyes of his followers
for their benefit.
human range and is capable of working miracles
leaves
is legitimate?he
does not suggest that all authority
Weber
can
he is, of course, aware that legitimacy
aside coercion?and
and
or be forfeited.
tradition
But wherever
dissolve
political

rational legality fail, his hypothesis implies that if legitimacy is in

to that extent
then charisma must
to be maintained,
degree
in detail how a claim to
the void. Weber
does not explain
seem that the ability to
It would
charisma arises or is substantiated.
is the
in the absence of apparent power
results
produce powerful
common warrant
for charismatic
true political miracle,
the most
inWeber's
view
it may arise, such legitimacy
legitimacy. However
it must be forever reasserted by new mir
remains shaky because
as
less miraculous
tend to become
acles?and
miracles
they multi
can be remedied
This
defect
charisma,
only by "routinizing"
ply.
au
Charismatic
it with
bureaucracy.
notably by supplementing
secure
can become
other forms of
toward
by shifting
thority
some

fill

legitimacy.1
as a
is based only in part on personal qualities?such
Charisma
active
and
of wide
aloofness
of
combination
energy,
sensitivity,
manner.
a link of expectation,
It is, above all, a relationship,
that
is said to be in the eye of the
ties leader and followers. As beauty
to
so
said
reside in the perceptions
charisma
be
of
beholder,
may
of
those under its spell. The political
therefore,
charisma,
analysis
must begin not with
but with the vacuum
the leader's personality,
that he fills. Just as in physics a vacuum requires a vessel to contain
vacuum
absence
is not the mere
of leadership,
it, so a political
rather
the
of these
but
default
institutions, or legitimate
authority,
are intensely felt to be needed. Hence,
at a time when
they
typical
situations are those of a sudden collapse of established
charismatic
a
threat to the welfare
of a human
authority or
profound but vague
a
is
crisis
form
of
Charismatic
group.
leadership
leadership.
inWorld War I created such
The defeat of the Ottoman Empire
a crisis situation. The six-hundred-year-old
state, after four cen
had suffered a
and two of intermittent
turies of victory
defeat,
Its decimated
in control
blow.
troops remained
crushing military
na
The
the prewar
non-Turkish
of barely half
territory.
major
Greeks?had
seceded before the war
Armenians,
tionalities?Arabs,

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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


or were

and French forces controlled


turning openly hostile. British
in the south, the
the capital and major ports and rail junctions;
on one pretext or another advancing
The
Allies were
gradually.
in
in
Anatolia
of
the
idea"
Greek
of
pursuit
troops
"great
landing
a
raised the specter of total dis
of resurrecting
Empire
Byzantine
state.
memberment
of what remained of the Ottoman
and the Habsburgs
had
of the Romanovs
just
Empires
in slightly
worse
in
and
the
that
of
Hohenzollerns
slightly
collapsed
It was a wonder
that Sultan Meh
better circumstances
of defeat.
to
to
his
throne
for four more
med Vahideddin
cling
managed
his
there could
the
breakdown
of
Of
years.
authority,
government's
to
build
be little doubt. Nor did the Allied
powers
up any
try
too
structure of legitimacy. Their leaders at Paris were
alternative
on
on
on
the
divided on Germany,
and
Russia,
Austria-Hungary,
over
to
sort
out
their
(When
they
League
disagreements
Turkey.
re
in the spring of 1920, Turkish
to do so, at San Remo
began
sistance already had a head start of more than a year. ) In Istanbul
the Allied
too much by coercion
and Anatolia,
forces proceeded
to allow any sense of a new order to
and piecemeal
interference
The

grow up.
In this confused
situation, a single act of defiance against Sultan
a
individual might
or Allies by some prominent
easily establish
as one of the few victorious
claim to charismatic
Kemal,
authority.
in the demobilized
individual,
army, was such a prominent
generals
career
launched his political
and in the spring of 1919 he publicly
two
and
the
Sultan
For
the
British.
months
defying
by disobeying
he had toured the
after his arrival as army inspector in Anatolia,
or
on
had
tested
the political
horseback
automobile,
by
country
At
laid
and
British
the
made
contacts,
insistence,
plans.
temper,
tried to secure his return to Istanbul, but
Sultan s War Ministry
and at length resigned
from the army some
Kemal procrastinated
a
order of dismissal could reach him. The
hours before
peremptory
as Kemal's
Istanbul had designated
officer whom
military
replace
to
take
the
his orders, and
ment continued
governor who was to
his
redoubled
have arrested him resigned his post. Kemal himself
in Eastern Anatolia
and eluded two ambushes?
activities
political
one laid by a British intelligence
officer and the second by one of
of Kemal's
was
The
the Sultan's governors.
impotence
antagonists
plain.
Two

at Erzurum
a
and Sivas, appointed
congresses,
as
a
headed by Kemal, which
acted
Committee,"

nationalist

"Representative

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DAEDALUS

in all but name. Under


such pressure from
government
provisional
the provinces,
the Sultan selected a
nationalist
cabinet
moderately
which
called for general elections. The new House
of Representa
tives unanimously
the Kemalist program of independence
endorsed
line of 1918. When
the British tried in March
within
the armistice
1920 to retrieve the situation by establishing
full control in Istanbul
the Sultan to send troops against
and encouraging
the Anatolian
to An
"rebels," Kemal was ready. He called a National
Assembly
the ragtag army that the Sultan sent against him,
kara, defeated
and quelled a series of loyalist risings throughout Central Anatolia.
internal success. By 1921,
followed
upon
Diplomatic
recognition
were
in
left
the field. In September
of that year,
only the Greeks
a few miles west
advance
Kemal
of
turned back their military
was
master
Ankara. A year later, his government
of
undisputed
Istanbul as well as Anatolia.
the three years of their War of Independence,
the
Throughout
co
lack
from
the
and
nationalists
benefited
of
purpose
greatly
Ana
If Sultan's condemnation,
ordination
among their antagonists.
tolian risings, Greek
invasion, and British support had all come at
once, their cause would have been hopeless. Even if the three main
Anatolian
they might have changed
risings had been simultaneous,
attained
their full aims of
the outcome.2 As it was, the nationalists
which during World
and
territorial
integrity.
Turkey,
independence
or Austria, became
than Germany
the
I had been far weaker
War
one of the Central Powers to obtain a negotiated
peace. Three
only
after its signature, Kemal proclaimed his Republic.
months
This much of Kemal's story well fits the charismatic hypothesis:
the personal
initiative, the narrow escapes, the mounting
successes,
the widening
leading to the chance to rebuild
popular support?all
the attitudes
of an entire people.
and to remold
the institutions
one
"is
the
force in
"Charisma,"
says Weber,
great revolutionary
to tradition."3
bound
epochs
remained
diffident
about the per
But Kemal himself
notably
in Anatolia,
his
his
Before
basis
of
charismatic
sonal,
power.
landing
in Istanbul, all
in consultations
to
he had spent six months
designed
civil war, and charisma.
avoid a course likely to lead to rebellion,
as
as
he delayed
In Anatolia,
flagrant disobedience
long
possible
the
the
of recon
Sultan, kept open
and, having disobeyed
possibility
in that direction. At
overtures
several positive
and made
ciliation
a
reluctant
and a
Kemal
therefore,
most,
proved
revolutionary
charismatic.
cautious
very
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


toWeber,
The charismatic
scoffs at fixed rules,
leader, according
scorns
sneers at
predictable
steady income, and generally
regularity.
the very opposite
of a
On any of these counts,
too, Kemal was
a
charismatic
figure. All his adult life he drew
regular (if modest)
government

salary.

His

instinct,

moreover,

was

to

solve

any

and

all

at
One organization,
the War Ministry
problems by organization.
and Kemal had taken a personal
Istanbul, had sent him to Anatolia,
On arrival, he
hand in the staff work
that prepared
his mission.
contact with another set of organizations?groupings
of
established
and members
of the defunct Union
and Progress
local notables
were
to the slogans of "Defense of
Party who
rallying
Rights" and
Kemal most clearly
"Rejection of Annexation." What
distinguished
from other public figures of the period was his most uncharismatic
a
more intensive effort at
trait: He envisaged
organiza
larger and
tion. One is tempted to call him an organization man thrown into
a charismatic
situation.
details
These
founders
among charismatic
suggest distinction
of new states in the twentieth
leaders like Su
century?between
to back them up
karno and Nkrumah, who had little organization
and felt constrained
by what little they had, and others like Atatiirk
a
and Nehru, who
inherited or were able to reconstruct
far-flung
network.
The
of
the
variant
is ob
second
greater stability
political
is
in
neat
this
vious. Nowhere
there the
model, however,
sequence,
of charisma first and routinization
afterwards.
by Weber,
envisaged
Even while
their reputations were at their most charismatic, Nehru
in
their organizations.
and Atatiirk were fully absorbed
perfecting
as or even before charisma became mani
Routinization
proceeded
fest
rather than another come
to still the
does one person
Why
of
his
In
in 1919,
"charismatic
contemporaries?4
hunger"
Turkey
some
and
of
the
default
ambition
circumstances,
persons,
positive
three concurrent
lines of explanation.
of others provide
The cir
cumstances were defeat and occupation, widespread
desire for na
and hence a need for a combination
tional resistance,
of military
sus
The
and political
Sultan?morbidly
leadership.
shy, irascible,
in political
and
collab
lacking
picious,
experience?defaulted
by
the enemy. The three most prestigious
in
orating with
generals,
by leading the country into defeat
cluding Enver Pasha, defaulted
were Ottomans
and then fleeing abroad. Other leading
of
generals
or
Arab
and
hesitated
to
take
the
Albanian, Kurdish,
descent,
they
lead in what was likely to become a specifically Turkish movement
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DAEDALUS
resistance. Kemal was one of the three
highest-ranking
to stay behind.
of
Turkish nationality
generals
thirty-seven
Only
such rank. At
years of age (in 1918), he was the youngest
holding
any rate, he was the first to seek the task of nationalist
leadership.5
In the soldierly politics of the
decade, he had been on
preceding
the periphery
of the ruling Union-and-Progress
circle; his career
thus illustrates Karl Deutsch's
in a new
that
hypothesis
leadership
come
movement
to
of political
is
outer
from
the
integration
likely
most of the insiders or the innermost of the outsiders.6 He also had
of national

developed marked political ambitions.


is no simple prescription
There probably
for training someone
as a leader for a future time of crisis, let alone as
prospective
are as little
state. Deeper
founder of a new
qualities
personal
as
are to
to deliberate
amenable
social planning
precise analy
they
sis
next best
a
social
science.
The
the
methods
of
by
thing to such
a
an
re
to
for
would
be
elite
appear
prescription
plan
educating
sponsive to the tasks of the future?a
plan that allows for natural
the rest of the elite furnishes
the leader, while
selection to provide
a
of the polit
the necessary
Such
support.
regeneration
organized
ical elite had been one of the prime concerns of Ottoman
policy for
1919. The contrast between
this late
several generations
before
is instructive. The Puritans
Ottoman
elite and the English Puritans
were men outside the established
order trained in a new ideology;
Kemal and his associates had
radical
revolutionaries.7
became
they
been trained in a new, Western-style
curriculum, but they had been
in preparation
trained at state expense
offices in
for the highest
a
state.
into
and
Thrown
situation,
army
revolutionary
they became
The same process of elite recruitment
revolutionaries.
conservative
for the greater political stability of
accounts in large measure
Turkey
successor
states in the Balkans and in
in contrast to the Ottoman
the Middle
inherited roughly nine
East, for the Turkish Republic
elite trained for an Empire
far larger in area
tenths of the political
and population.8

Force, Right, and Foreign Policy


resistance
the period of national
and the War
of
on a few basic convictions
Kemal's
actions
rested
Independence,
to
circumstances
with
that he applied
great flexibility.
shifting
is
Force
is
he
but
believed,
absolute,
required to make Right
Justice,
state had a right to independent
in this world. A Turkish
prevail
Throughout

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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


the Turks had to muster
the
but to assert that right,
existence;
In the world
and leadership.
of
necessary
energy, determination,
to inde
the only claims
the early-twentieth
century, moreover,
were those on behalf of a nation.
likely to be honored
pendence
and training Kemal was a man of action, not
By temperament
an abstract
on his actions and had a
thinker. But he reflected
so
that these tenets can be readily
superb gift of articulation,
from his speeches
and other statements.
documented
"There cer
a
is
is
and
that
the world
above
Force.
Except
Right
tainly
Right,
must be persuaded
that the nation knows its rights and is prepared
to defend and retain them." A people which has exercised dominion
so he never tired of
for more than six centuries,
telling the defeated
a
not
Ottoman
will
become
subjects,
willingly
colony. He also
warned
his listeners that "today the nations of the whole world
one
national
his
recognize
sovereignty:
only
sovereignty." Hence
"basic goal" was "that the Turkish nation should five in
and
dignity
honor. This goal could be achieved
of com
only by the possession
plete independence."
Several principles
derive from Kemal's central tenet. Rights can
asserted only through one's own force, not vicariously
be effectively
someone
else's. World War
I had made Britain
the pre
through
in
the
Middle
and
leaders
of
almost
East,
power
every
ponderant
set their hopes on winning
British support: Sharif Hu
nationality
and other Zionists, Veni
sayn and the Arab nationalists, Weizmann
the
zelos with his Panhellenic
plans,
signers of the Anglo-Persian
and
several
Kurdish
and Caucasian
of
In
factions.
1919,
treaty
a similar
Istanbul many of the Sultan's ministers
adopted
Anglophile
more
course
in hopes of winning
lenient peace
terms at Paris,
on the contrary,
saw in the British
the most dangerous
Kemal,
and assumed
that only British war-weariness
and Tur
antagonists
kish resistance could soften or deflect their enmity. In his
Six-Day
reserves some of his most
Speech he
scathing language for a group
in 1919 that styled itself the Society of Friends
in Istanbul
of the
He
the plan of an American
mandate
similarly rejected
English.
favored by the "Society of Wilsonian
But since this
Principles."
some
faction
included
of
his
closest
pro-American
supporters,
Kemal's language about Wilson was a shade more charitable.
Kemal was well aware of the use of treaties in defining rights.
To claim rights in the abstract, however, without
regard to legal
or present force, may make you a
precedent
good humanitarian?a
a distinct tone of
word that from Kemal's
In
lips carries
contempt.
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DAEDALUS
the real world,
such abstract claims are idle and foolish, and Kemal
saw inWilson
an
example of just such sentimental
folly. "I confess
that I also tried to define the national border somewhat
according
to the humanitarian
of Wilson's
Kemal
later
purposes
principles,"
clear at once: On the basis of these
stated. "But let me make
I defended
humanitarian
which
Turkish
boundaries
principles,
laid
and
had
defended
down.
he did
Poor
Wilson,
bayonets
already
are not defended
not understand
that lines which
the
bayonet,
by
on any other
cannot be defended
by force, by honor and dignity,
principle." On another occasion, he expressed his realistic appraisal
of force even more bluntly:
"Before reorganizing
I had to
Anatolia,
was
its
it
whether
he
open
conquer
referring to
people"?leaving
or to his
in
1920
his suppression
of the Anatolian
risings
expulsion
of the Greek armies.
central tenet, moreover,
works both ways. Force must
Kemal's
back Right, but no rights must be claimed beyond what force can
hold; and it was this type of realistic, even pessimistic,
appraisal of
the situation that had repeatedly put him at odds with his superiors
a readiness to fit ends
self-limitation,
during World War I. Realistic
to Turkish
state
remains one of his lasting contributions
to means,
it no doubt provided
the most compelling
craft. In his own mind,
to national government.
justification for the transition from imperial
and
Kemal's belief about right as the end, force as the means,
them led him to insist on a neat
the necessary proportion between
and military
affairs. As a young officer,
separation between political
to be sure, he had ( like most of his contemporaries
) taken an active
that prepared
the Young Turk revolution
part in the conspiracies
that followed. As early as 1909,
of 1908 and in the factionalism
that officers should be prohibited
from
he had proposed
however,
and for the next nine years he had fully con
activity,
partisan
He reasserted
the same prin
centrated on his military
assignments.
even more emphatically
when he himself had taken over the
ciple
of Independence:
of the War
direction
"Commanders,
political
the duties and requirements
out
and
of
of
while
carrying
thinking
influence
the army, must take care not to let political considerations
their judgment. They must not forget that there are other officials
it is to think of the political
whose
aspect. A soldiers duty
duty
cannot be performed with talk and politicking."9
reflected
convictions
shall see more
Kemal's
(as we
closely)
as
as
character:
well
the legalism and
social,
national,
personal
the training and experience
of Ottoman
of the
militarism
culture,
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


and the concern
elite of his generation,
Ottoman military-political
in his personal makeup.
about authority and the streak of violence
Enver
and
other contemporaries.
But he differed
from
sharply
with
and
Enver confounded
rhetoric
strategic calculation
political
of
whereas
to
dreams
with
defeat
compensatory
glory,
responded
in preparing
Kemal coordinated
for retrench
strategy and politics
ment. A Turkish
has
knew
leaders
who
both
closely
journalist
surmised that Enver, after a battle such as Kemal had won on the
it
have
and independence
thrown away victory
Sakarya, would
off to the conquest of Syria or Macedonia.
self by marching
was his un
A final implication
of Kemal's political
thinking
over domestic
to
commitment
the
of
primacy
questioning
foreign
a tenet so obvious
to him that it can be
policy. This represented
than his words. During
the
better documented
from his deeds
War of Independence,
he postponed
all internal differences
for the
the country. In the face of the Greek attack, he
sake of defending
a rebel
his
loyalty to the Sultan who had declared him
protested
motive
Later
the immediate
the
and an outlaw.
for declaring
Sultanate abolished was his concern to prevent the Western
powers
to the Peace Conference
from inviting a rival Istanbul delegation
a
was
at Lausanne.
after
the
peace
signed did he proclaim
Only
a new constitution,
frame
and
abolish
the
Republic,
Caliphate.
his most explicit
justification of the nation-state
Characteristically,
refers to the concept of sovereignty
(in a passage already quoted)
accepted
recognition.

in the

Communication,

international

Dictatorship,

community

and

to

its customs

of

and Democracy

were more variable,


KemaFs domestic
policies
partly because
to foreign affairs, and
subordinate
remained
partly because
they
ones have a
tend to recur whereas
domestic
international problems
better chance of staying solved while policy moves on to new tasks.
can be
The War
of Independence,
Three periods
distinguished.
rallied all available
when Kemal broadly
forces; a second period
he
consolidated
his
when
and a
(1923-27),
forcibly
dictatorship;
it.
exercised
To
a
he
call
the
Kemalist
when
third,
leniently
regime
as Lord Kinross does at times in his
is
"democracy,''
biography,
even for the first
after
period.10 Kemal's political moves
misleading
the armistice give a better indication of his own attitudes: He first
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DAEDALUS
to enter the cabinet
and
in the palace
attempts
through contacts
in
audiences with
the Sultan; he then uses parliamentary
lobbying
a vain
a
to
down
he
collaborationist
next,
attempt
ministry;
bring
a press
his role in the defense
of
wages
campaign
publicizing
in
1915
the
literate
he
of
the
audience
among
Gallipoli
capital;
a coup d?tat;
entertains passing
and finally he decides
thoughts of
to
in the provinces.
and civilian resistance
bring together military
are clear. The soldier turned politician
starts from
The priorities
in a widening
the traditional, autocratic center of power and moves
spiral outward toward the people.
In Anatolia,
to find uses for
Kemal was
support that
popular
were
in part opportunistic
To convince
and in part genuine.
his
in
movement
that
Istanbul
and
the
London
nationalist
antagonists
could not be quelled, he set out "to make
the world hear the na
tion's voice
in robust tones." A secret circular
from Ankara,
for
an un
a
to
"hurricane
of
forestall
unloosed
example,
telegrams"
in Istanbul.
In only three days, as many
favorable cabinet change
as 217 of these were
House
the
received
of Representatives
by
in
its
minutes.
them
How many more
which
alone,
duly reprinted
over the months we do
the British Embassy may have received
not know, since its chief
stuffed
officer, the Dragoman,
political
into what he aptly called the
them uncounted,
and perhaps unread,
the Istanbul war minister
"vox populi
sack."11 At one time, when
of
the
such
Kemal replied
about
floods
of
messages,
inquired
origin
an air of
were
an ex
with
innocence
that
these
great
"entirely
concern
and
from
of
the
the
bosom
of
pression
emanating
grief
the

nation."

effects of the vox populi, Kemal


the megaphone
more public
in
statements
used
his
the idiom of
naturally
enough
in
West
the
and, for a decade
popular government
long customary
or so, f amiliar to the Turkish elite as well. In Anatolia he
published
a newspaper
and then National
first called National Will
Sover
Aside

from

eignty (IradeA Milliye, Hakimiyet-i Milliye),

and he signed his

on behalf of a
Yet no formal
Committee.''
"Representative
one
were
no
its
knew
that
who
of
held,
group
quite
meetings
members were supposed to be, and Kemal acted as its sole spokes
man?so
Kemal himself
that, in fact, the committee
represented
and his conception of the country's good.
At other times the search for wider
in earnest.
support was
a
to
the
did his
of
Kemal
supreme danger
country,
During
period
and populists, Unionists who had survived
best to rally monarchists
circulars

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Atatiirk

as Founder

of a State

and anti-Unionists
returning from exile, West
and social con
Bolshevik
clerics,
sympathizers
to sharpen his own tactical
servatives. Meanwhile,
judgment, he
a
with
of
commanders,
military
telegrams
kept
steady exchange
of Rights Societies
administrative
officials, and chairmen of Defense
in all parts of his zone of control?^informing
them of over-all
news from their areas, and at
for
developments,
political
asking
times explicitly
"I was
about his next moves.
inviting suggestions
to
Kemal
"of
faced with
the necessity,"
later,
explained
piecing
care and
and
all
the
the
with
private
greatest
sensitivity
gether
to gauge the real trend and to ar
public opinions and sentiments,
... So as to secure the
rive at a feasible decision.
of a
application
was
to
view
it
ascertain
of
the
also
decision
very important
point
at Ankara
and
of the army." The cables received
from colonels
true
embodied
the
officers
Anatolia
district
representa
throughout
tive process of the early Kemalist movement.
Kemal's tactical secret was not, as his Six-Day Speech seems to
but a sheer inexhaustible
resourceful
foresight,
imply, infallible
than he came up
ness.12 No sooner had one plan run into difficulty
the obstacle. When
another
that bypassed
with
op
unexpected
he
stood
offered,
ready to seize them. The long-range
portunities
was fixed, but to reach it Kemal was
tacking
goal of independence
with every changing wind.
it came to setting up a new institution, Kemal deliberately
When
terms that would
his
veil its novelty
and preserve
used vague
a
but
freedom of action: not a provisional
government,
"Representa
that was to be "the nation's agency for communica
tive Committee"
in the
tion"; not a "constituent
(this, his correspondents
assembly"
rouse
twin
of
would
the
specters
dictatorship
provinces warned,
but an "as
and revolution?that
is, of Jacobinism and Bolshevism),
soon be
with
this
extraordinary
powers." Although
sembly
body
came known as the Grand National
no one for the next
Assembly,
or a
it was an Ottoman
several years officially
specified whether
name it was assembled.
in whose
The very term
Turkish nation
since to the educated
townsman
millet was conveniently
ambiguous
it already meant
"nation" in the Western
to the
sense, whereas
it still suggested
illiterate peasant
is,
"religious community"?that
Islam.
was a
for communicationw
term. An American
fitting
"Agency
Sivas
exclaimed:
"I have never
the
journalist visiting
Congress
.
. . Within
half an hour,
heard of more efficient communications.
their party's debacle
ernizers and Muslim

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DAEDALUS
. . .
Samsun, Trebizond,
Erzinjan,
Diyarbeldr,
Angora,
Malatya,
Kharput, Konya, and Brusa were all in communication."13
On important occasions, Kemal would be
directly at the side of the
several
in telegraphic
hours
operator,
telegraph
spending
dialogue
with a single respondent.
"How did you win this war?" a journalist
asked in 1922; "with the telegraph wires," Kemal
a
replied with
smile. Kemal's
in
was
on
these
based
receiv
leadership
early years
on
information,
ing and imparting
consulting with associates who
formed a network over the country, on harmonizing
and concerting
the actions of the most diverse regions, social groups, and individ
uals. It was a virtuoso performance
of leadership by conciliation,
communication.
by connection,
by
can indicate a two-way or one-way flow of
But communication
wires
The
that
Kemal
had been
power.
kept humming
strung
decades before by Abdiilhamid
the better to control his governors
and his competing
networks of informers. Kemal's
second period of
domestic politics brought many changes, some of them quite
abrupt.
He still responded
to events and was still ready to shift
plans. But
he kept his own counsel much more
than before,
and even his
Erzurum,

oldest
tailed

friends

found

consultations,

him evasive.
Instead of taking time for de
on into some
he would now egg the Assembly
and then announce his own plan?with
all the

impasse
procedural
the magic
solution.
trappings of surprise?as
for
his
choice
of
still was eager
By
given tasks, Kemal
personnel
to disarm possible
In
he
had
included
in his
1920-21,
opposition.
a maximum
in Ankara
cabinet
of high civil servants and anti
so as to compensate
Unionists
for the Unionist
antecedents
and the
movement.
of
his
the
Sultan
ap
military
(Conversely,
backing
in Istanbul a large proportion
to his cabinets
of military
pointed
in the Assembly's
One of the key speakers
on
debate
officers.)
was Abdurrahman
a Republic
one-time
?eref,
adopting
imperial
the many
deputies who
Among
jointly sponsored
historiographer.
or ?eriat min
and the
the bills to abolish the Caliphate
religious
were
a former
listed
first.14
Muslim
clerics
And
the
istry,
Young
over the trial of ex
from Macedonia
Turk conspirator
presided
in 1926. Clearly,
to have the ancien
Kemal
Unionists
preferred
own undertakers
its
and
its own
pronounce
r?gime
provide
obituaries.
had once been
Even
aside from this macabre
touch, what
on one side or accommodation
on the other
solicitude
genuine
and sycophancy.
now smacked
of MachiaveUianism
The era of
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


intentions was followed by a new
issues and of veiled
postponed
era of the showdown,
the fait accompli, and the dropped mask.15
are not difficult
to un
The reasons for these abrupt changes
cover. With
in
of the
felt
relieved
Kemal's
followers
victory
sight,
to
of
and
national
pressure
postpone
emergency
proved unwilling
their differences.
to vent
Some took the occasion
long-smoldering
Kemal
against Kemal and his current group of ministers.
grudges
in his struggle and vindicated
in his predictions
himself, victorious
on support,
and his crucial
less in
felt
less
gambles,
dependent
most
clined to compromise.
be
when
friends
And
old
just
might
conscious
of past debts of gratitude, Kemal proved eager to assert
freedom of action.
his long-fettered
In dealing with
Kemal now was not
followers,
obstreperous
above using threats or force. A lengthy committee
debate on the
of the Sultanate
he cut short by jumping on a table.
abolition
Sultanate meant dominion,
he shouted, and it was not attained by
but
the committee might
niceties,
pettyfogging
by power. Whatever
outcome
the
be
the
that some "heads
would
report,
same?except
might be cut off." He did not have to carry out his threat just then.
a few conspicuous
Yet over the next
few years,
prosecutions
subdued the noisy and restless Istanbul press. An emergency
decree
in 1925 closed the
some old
which
Progressive
Republican
Party,
own
associates
in opposition
to Kemal's
of 1919-20 had formed
score
A
and
ex-Union
of
Republican
People's Party.
ex-Progressives
a
in 1926, following
ists were
executed
life,
plot against Kemal's
a few of them had had any prior
of the
though only
knowledge
the Kur
plot. The charges that the Progressive
Party had abetted
dish rising of 1925 were even flimsier.
friend since their childhood
Kemal's
and
Ah Fuat Cebesoy,
was to write in 1957 that he
later a founder of the Progressive
Party,
have admin
then as in the 1920's that "the Gazi would
believed
an
better
istered the revolutionary
program
impartial
by remaining
head of state. But perhaps," he generously
adds, "I may be mis
from the start, with equal sincerity,
others believed
taken." Many
in Kemal's days was not ready for democracy,
that
that Turkey
was
sooner or later bound
to
any organized
opposition
endanger
in any case, was unwill
itself. Kemal,
secularism and the Republic
to wield
the experiment.
Rather, he was prepared
ing to tolerate
a
if
to
and,
necessary,
party dictatorship
personal power through
or ambitious
with
their
make his more headstrong
pay
opponents
lives.

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DAEDALUS
Readers of a generation
of a Hitler
inured to the mass murders
in
of a Stalin?and
to those following
Sukarno's
overthrow
at once be reminded
Indonesia?should
that in an average
day
those regimes killed off more victims than the Kemalist
regime did
in all its two decades.
is hard to
the exact arithmetic
Although
it
is
for
clear
that
their
lives
those
lost
who
establish,
political
reasons in
in the twenties
several
and thirties numbered
Turkey
at
a
we
in
most
if
the
few
hundred
include
dozen,
(or,
risings
in 1920 and in Kurdistan
Nor
Anatolia
in 1925, a few thousand).
and

did

the
the regime create any sizable number
of exiles?again
are of the
a few hundred.
number hardly exceeded
Proportions
essence
it must be
in politics, and in
judging Kemal's performance,
borne in mind
transformations
times few political
that in modern
of such
cost in
at such modest
have been accomplished
magnitude
Uves.

in his use of violence,


but the
restrained
Not only was Kemal
violent
interlude
ended after a few years. His one-party
regime
was
after about 1927 by full respect for parliamentary
tempered
the opposition
and exe
and
suppressed
Having
legal procedures.
to
more
a
be more
he
serious
afford
his
could
cuted
few of
rivals,
No longer could a deputy with impunity
lenient and broad-minded.
as
in the very lobby of the Assembly,
dead
shoot his colleague
a
score
of
in
1923.
could
No longer
Assembly members,
happened
tried
be summarily
of their parliamentary
immunity,
regardless
as in 1926. In the internal deliberations
of the
and sentenced
issues could be debated
group, major
People's Party parliamentary
even on the Assembly
members
dissident
could
and
floor
freely,
cases of
votes
fear
of
cast occasional
without
nay
reprisal. Flagrant
were
impeachment
proceedings
corruption
prosecuted?including
were
a cabinet minister. A number of potential malcontents
against
or
to Warsaw,
sent into honorable
exile as ambassadors
Tirana,
the
which
other minor
opponents
capitals. The few determined
extreme
in the 1930's?Communists,
had
still
clericalists,
regime
to draw prison sentences
and Kurdish
tribal leaders?were
likely
or terms of forced residence away from their homes. Elections were
and Kemal himself was re
held on a regular four-year
schedule,
new Assembly.
Most
each
elected President
per
importantly,
by
of the War of Independence
enforced a
the
after
Kemal
days
haps,
a
and civilian
affairs?as
between
clear separation
only
military
can.16
victorious general turned politician
In launching his political career, it was noted, Kemal had begun
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


from
the top with his connections
with
the Sultan, and then, as
successive
worked
his way down to the small-town
plans failed,
was not all
level. But his
for years
by default. Having
populism
a
commanded
raised
troops
comprehensive
system of conscrip
by
tion and
now on a mission
of national
he
self-defense,
embarking
on a com
knew that the success of his
would
enterprise
depend
bination
of resolute
from the top and broad
support
leadership
from
to remain Kemal's
the common masses.
This was
political
his career?that
of an elitist out to awaken a
position
throughout
his thinking already appear
two
These
of
popular response.
poles
in
to
the
he
notables
the
of Ankara when first
gave
clearly
speech
on
was
in
one of his most
that
1919.
It
late
setting eyes
city
and several passages,
significant
speeches,
including his justifica
tion of national
have
been
sovereignty,
quoted. A longer
already
at
manner
not
of
this
will
illustrate
Kemal's
excerpt
point
only
as
but
a
also
far
in
translation
his
(so
can)
thought,
style
speaking
extemporaneously.
If a nation does not become concerned about its existence and its
rights
with its entire strength, with all its
spiritual and material powers, if a
nation

does

not

rely

on

its

own

strength

to

secure

its

existence

and

in

then it cannot be rescued from


dependence,
becoming this person's or
that person's puppet. Our national life, our
history, and our system of
in the last epoch are a perfect demonstration
administration
of this.
Therefore, within our organization the principle has been adopted that
the national forces are supreme and that the national will is
paramount.
Today the nations of the whole world recognize only one sovereignty:
national sovereignty. If we now look at the other details of the
organiza
tion?we
and
begin our work from the village and the neighborhood
from the people of the neighborhood,
that is, from the individual. If
the individuals do not do their own thinking, the masses can be led in an
arbitrary direction, can be led by anyone in good directions or in bad
directions. To be able to save himself, every individual must become
personally concerned with his destiny. A structure that in this way rises
from below to the top, from the foundation to the roof, will
surely be
there is need at the beginning of any undertaking to
sturdy. Nonetheless,
go not from below upward, but from above downward.
If the former could be done, all mankind
could achieve their hearts'
desire. But since no practical and concrete way of
doing this has yet
been found, certain initiators are providing guidance in
giving to nations
the directions that they need to be given. In this way,
organization can
be built from above downward.
In my travels in the interior of our
country, I have been extremely gratified to observe that our national
organization, which naturally began in this same way, has reached down
to its true point of origin, to the individual, and that from there the real
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DAEDALUS

structuring
any degree

has
upward
of
perfection

also
has

begun.
been

we
Nevertheless,
attained.
Therefore,

cannot
it must

assert
be

that
con

sidered a national and patriotic duty that we should make great efforts
to attain the goal of a structuring from below upward.17

especially

Authority and Ambivalence


Kemal's
adult personality
revealed
several distinct
facets, one
career
suc
his
until
1918
and
three
others
army
during the
during
were distinguished
cessive phases
that
of his political
leadership
earlier. The first of these phases was that of the War of Independ
a time when Kemal succeeded
ence (1918-23),
in coming to terms
with his ambivalence
about authority. The second phase
(1923-27)
was that of consolidation
of his dictatorship,
when Kemal was able
to relate the personal experience
of his youth to the cultural situa
tion of Turkey as a whole. The third phase
included the
(1927-38)
last decade
the country's unchallenged
he was
of his life, when
so
the resources of his personality,
ruler, but when
sharply focused
to
blur
and
decline.
earlier, began
in
To many of his classmates
school and to his fellow
military
morose
taciturn.
Kemal
and
In the years of
officers,
appeared
a
he
World War
in
seemed
often
malcontent
who
I,
querulous
entire
drift
of
the
of
and
disapproved
creasingly
military
political
events and who
to participate
therefore
refused
and withdrew
into himself. The measure
of this withdrawal
is provided
by the
one of the ablest and most
Ottoman
of
gen
spectacle
energetic
at the
to accept any
of the war
erals refusing
(1917-18)
height
command and instead, at the age of thirty-six, taking several months
a
the Crown
to accompany
Prince
to Germany
and to undergo
cure at Karlsbad.
medical
But from his arrival in Anatolia
and for the next
eight years
first
and
the
second
is,
(that
during
periods of his political
career),
a
Kemal developed
gift of persuasive
speech that was to become
the principal
tool of his new trade?addressing
small groups of
and
crowds.
Not surpris
assemblies,
notables,
congresses,
popular
were
works
his
all
rather
than
major
published
ingly,
spoken,
of the period from 1914 to 1919,
the memoirs
written:
in
composed
the form of lengthy interviews with two journalists in his entourage;
delivered
before
the 1927
the Six-Day
of the
Speech,
Congress
and
over
his
and
delivered
the
Addresses,
Speeches
People's Party;
outside
the
National
inside
and
both
be
years
Assembly
(mainly
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


tween 1919 and 1925), and collected
by the Institute
posthumously
of the History of the Turkish Revolution.
one may well
In
for the man behind
the politician,
searching
take one's clue from three episodes
that are featured more prom
events. Not
than any comparable
inently in those three oral works
one
each
to
the
relates
of
just
episode
surprisingly,
periods
closely
at length in
outlined. His reaction to the armistice of 1918, described
the 1926 memoirs,
of the first phase,
constituted
the beginning
as de
and his response
to the reinforced
of
Istanbul,
occupation
its climax.
scribed in great detail in the Six-Day Speech, constituted
a recurrent
was
theme during his
of women
The emancipation
tours
in
the
in
second
Anatolia
1923-25,
period. And
during
speaking
the
the
marks
the
of
itself
turning
point
delivery
Six-Day
Speech
to the third or final phase.
At the time of the armistice, Kemal was
in command
of the
in
his
and
memoirs
detail
and
full
docu
with
front,
Syrian
justify
mentation
orders
the tenacious
he
the
up
put
opposition
against
received from Istanbul for evacuation
of the strategic port of Alex
andretta.
It was his inability to impose his interpretation
of the
the
the rights and duties of defeated
Turkey?on
to
in
him
Istanbul
that
resign
again
political
prompted
leadership
or Berlin,
his military
this time not to go off to Karlsbad
command,
in on Istanbul and to tackle the
situation head
but to move
political
armistice?of

on. The months that followed (November 1918 to April 1919)


but rather a constructive
"moratorium"
withdrawal,
he pondered
the basic
and explored
of his
strategies
the
chosen
he
Anatolian
that
strategy
newly
career?including
eventually
adopted, with its risks to himself, the dynasty, and those
who might be caught in the struggle between
the two. His grad
to reduce these risks. It took him months
ualism was designed
to
make his decision
the army in
(with his resignation from
public
more years for that decision
to be fully and
July 1919) and four
as President
his
election
confirmed
of the
dramatically
(through

were

not a mere

in which

Republic).
Kemars

transition

But

retiirning

to politics and from silence to


from soldiering
his
into
central
the open
ambivalence
toward au
speech brought
statement
Force
and
earlier
The
about
implies
Right quoted
thority.
is an un
To trace it back into Kemal's childhood
this ambivalence.
scientist's
limited competence
that a political
renders
dertaking
sources
on
his early life make
difficult and the scanty
impossible.18
before

to the

significance

of

the armistice

of

1918
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DAEDALUS
it is appropriate
for Kemal's
life and thought,
to document
that
from his mature years.
ambivalence
That Force should have been a major theme in Kemal's thinking,
about foreign affairs, is not surprising. He was a military
particularly
man and later a
his forma
leader in wartime.
Throughout
political
tive and most active years?indeed
until he himself established
the
Republic?foreign
dangers loomed large for the Turkish state, which
was at war from the time Kemal was
thirty until he was forty-two.
this
his
Against
deep feeling about Right and Law
background,
more
all
is a Right, and
the
"There certainly
becomes
meaningful.
Kemal
is
above
Force."
his
career,
respected
Right
Throughout
outward forms of legality. This was, of course, a national as well as
a
the
As rulers over a far-flung Empire,
characteristic.
personal
to
and
Ottomans
had for centuries
called
formulate
been
upon
the law that Serbs, Greeks, Arabs, and many others might
uphold
it is difficult to know to what extent Kemal
defy. Hence
cheerfully
it could rally fellow Turks to him or because
upheld legality because
to
own
of his
because he could not bring himself
conscience,
apply
a
cause.
than
in
force other
righteous
these dual origins of his attitude
Whatever
(which Kemal had
in its applica
little need to distinguish),
there is a clear difference
tion to others and to himself?and
it is here that his ambivalence
about law, power, and authority becomes manifest.
In dealing with
he
feel
the
full
lets
them
the
law. In shaping
of
subordinates,
rigor
to
to superiors, he is inclined
his own actions and his relations
stretch the law without
actually
Several of these elements

it.19
breaking
are blended
in his

account

of

the

abortive plot of 1916 led by Captain Yakub Cemil, designed (if

we may believe Kemal's


later account)
to bring Kemal,
the victor
in
and the youngest
the
of GallipoU
Ottoman
army, to
general
sneers
at
Kemal
the
Unionist
rulers
of
the
power.
day for their
in proceeding
and hesitancy
to the execution
cowardice
of the
Had
the
Kemal
he
would
have
succeeded,
plot
culprit.
explains,
not
the
of
from
sullied
such
hands;
accepted
gift
power?though
one of his first acts of state would
have been to have had Cemil
for treason.
hanged
In considering
his own actions, he is at once more
lenient and
more
inventive. His mission
to Anatolia,
in fact, may be more
than military,
but he has taken care to insert in his in
political
a number
structions
that can be stretched
of elastic clauses
to
as
so
the
off
his
situation.
takes
uniform
he
Nor,
just a
legalize
long
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


few hours before the dismissal notice can reach him from Istanbul,
does he feel that he is guilty of insubordination.
of
The Defense
in
be
the
Sultan's
fact,
may,
Rights Society
authority,
supplanting
but first it duly registers with
the local emissaries
of Imperial
authority.
Kemal's
assertion of the armistice
line of 1918 as the national
the personal
frontier brings together
and the national
experience
were
and intertwines
the strands of Kemal's political
thinking that
earlier considered
and
force,
nationhood,
law;
separately?right,
as an
and politics. Kemal did not define the boundary
diplomacy,
ethnic or linguistic
line. In his early statements, he was careful to
areas with an "Ottoman Muslim
so as to include
speak of
majority"
Kurds as well as Turks. For the nation within
that line, he claimed
no common
no Rousseauian
no
primordial
history,
general will,
no
and
six
Wilsonian
hundred
plebiscite,
Hegelian
Volksgeist?only
tradition of rule. Seff-determination
and other
years of a common
serve as convenient
"humanitarian"
arguments might
talking points.
In its essence, however,
it was a military
line, a fine that Ottoman
even
in the extremity
Turks had defended
of defeat and, in the
It was a
crucial Syrian sector, under Kemal's personal
command.
of Moudros,
and all Allied
by the armistice
legal line recognized
so many breaches
it were
encroachments
of international
beyond
under
law. It was a political
line, because the nationalist movement
ends to means, had based its political
Kemal's leadership, measuring
program on that line, had staked its honor on that claim, and had
that claim with the bayonet.
redeemed
frontiers was a task that gave
To found a new state on military
even in his later role as
full scope to Kemal's
soldierly virtues,
a
same constructive
is evident in his execution
blend
The
politician.
of the over-all plan. His resourcefulness,
his careful exploration
of
sense
on
of
and
his
keen
his
reliance
alternatives,
timing,
surprise
of the precepts
that
may be seen as so many political
applications
and Ottoman
he had learned from his Prussian
instructors at the
staff college.20
military
the armistice bore direcdy on the themes of Force and
Whereas
the antisentimental
it
realist,
may seem curious that Kemal,
Right,
should dwell in his Six-Day Speech at such length on the reinforced
in terms of
of Istanbul on March
16, 1920. Materially,
occupation
move
situation very little. Allied
the
affected
that
bayonets,
troops
in Istanbul since the end of 1918 and had con
had been stationed
in the conduct
of the Sultan's gpvernment.
interfered
In
tinually
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DiEDALUS
in control:
in
It was not the British
Kemal
remained
nor the Sultan?with
his hastily assembled
"Disciplinary
and "Muhammadan
later in the year chal
Forces"?who
the Greeks
hold on the hinterland,
but rather
lenged Kemal's
inland
Izmir.
from
moving
in the Six-Day Speech
Still the emphasis
is quite accurate,
for
the British by their move drastically
?ie
relations
between
changed
the Sultan and Kemal. By arresting nationalist
in the very
deputies
of
and
the
Ottoman
parliament
by occupying
building
telegraph
offices throughout
the capital,
the British cut Kemal off from any
further means
of pressuring
the Sultan and his government.
By
to
Sultan
Kemal
and raise troops against him,
outlaw
the
getting
for the time being,
between
any reconciliation
they forestalled,
on his
Kemal had repeatedly
Istanbul and Anatolia?which
sought
own terms over the months.
The Sultan, of course, might
have
come around: After Kemal's
over the Greeks
in 1920-21,
victory
was
with
the Istanbul
government
only too ready to negotiate
After
of monarchical
Ankara
the re-establishment
1908,
normalcy.
to
control
and Re?ad had conceded
Sultans Abd?lhamid
political
should their brother Vahideddin
the Young Turks; why
or, if he
in the line of succession
the next prince
have
proved unwilling,
done less for Kemal after 1922?
Anatolia,
Istanbul
Forces"

the trump
the British had given Kemal
But in the meantime
the Sultan to a showdown?
card that would allow him to challenge
did not become
the full extent of the challenge
apparent
although
declared
to the ?eyhulislam's
until later. In response
fetva, which
secured a fetva from leading
him an outlaw and a rebel, Kemal
the Sultan a captive of the infidel
clerics in Anatolia
pronouncing
from their duty of obedience.
Muslims
hence
enemy,
releasing
had cut the legal
The British
(in the view espoused by Kemal)
the one of the
and the Sultan, absolving
himself
bond between
crime of tyranny and the other of the crime of rebellion. They had
more
circumstances
in his reach?under
but
dangerous,
put power
than the Yakub Cemil plot of
and promising
also more honorable
1916. In 1916 and 1919, Kemal's ambition had gone no further than
the prime ministership.
of war or perhaps
the ministry
a far more
a sudden
there appeared
thrilling vision:
exercise
full
the Sultan himself,
be able to supplant
and yet suffer no torments of guilt for having destroyed
the spring and summer of
ing legal order. Throughout
to the Sultan and his
sure, Kemal protested his devotion

Now all of
He would
sovereignty,
the exist
1920, to be
determina

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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


tion to liberate him from captivity.
But by 1922 that notion had
retro
been quietly abandoned.
Still, the abolition of the Sultanate
it
active to 1920 was no mere
for
became
Kemal,
legal sophistry;
ac
the final act relieving
his old ambivalence
about authority,
to
his
his
for
desire
power
commodating
overweaning
deep-seated
respect

for law, and reconciling

Force

and Right

Culture and Personality


this reconciliation,
Kemal's program of Westerniza
Following
even as he con
tion by decree proceeded
during the second period
ab
solidated his dictatorship:
for
(1922-23),
Republic
Monarchy
and religious
olition of Caliphate
the Hat Law
schools
(1924),
of turban and fez ( 1925), the shift from the
the wearing
outlawing
era (1925)
to the Christian
to Latin
Muslim
and from Arabic
the adoption
letters
of the Swiss civil and Italian penal
(1928),
codes (1926), and the abrogation
of the constitutional
clause mak
state
the
Islam
(1928).
religion
ing
these eventful years, Kemal's
tactical
instinct con
Throughout
tinued to be unerring. By announcing
his reforms piecemeal
and
a few weeks,
of
each
them
within
he
forestalled
forcing
through
and instilled a sense of momentum
of opposition
any crystallization
in his followers. As earlier in his
institutions, he
shaping of political
was
the
His
aim
chose
not
labels.
this
time
to disguise
carefully
was no need for this now that he was
in unchal
novelty?there
to spare national
sensibilities. He spoke of the
lenged control?but
not the Christian,
not the
of the Turkish,
calendar;
international,
Swiss, civil code; of the Turkish, not the Latin, alphabet; of civilized,
not European,
dress.
Few of these reforms were original with Kemal. Except
for the
form of government,
each one had been advocated
in
republican
the decade of political
after 1908; some had
change and debate
era of Otto
in the earlier,
solid antecedents
nineteenth-century,
man reform. Almost
of Kemal's program was sketched
the whole
in a utopia
that Abdullah
(entitled A Very Wakeful
Cevdet,
Sleep)
most

consistent Westernizer
among Young Turk writers, had pub
in 1912.21 But Cevdet's
voice had been
one in a con
only
of
babble
and
Ottomanism,
Westernism,
Turkism,
Pan-Islam,
fusing
out only this
Kemal picked
whereas
single clear theme. Among
the several types of successful
leader, the state founder,
political
new
creates
forms.
The need
for a new
political
by definition,
lished

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DAEDALUS
arises from an overloading
of the old
political
circuitry typically
channels
of communication.
it comes to substantive meas
When
less
than of clarification,
ures, his task is less one of innovation
one of
new
out
than
the
old
of
ones;
messages
composing
sorting
it is one of selection, of rerouting, and of establishing
priorities.
The criticism
sometimes
leveled at Kemal's
reforms?that
they
dealt with
trivia such as
surface
letters, and family
headgear,
not stand up under closer examination.
names?does
it is
Kemal,
matters
than
about
cultural
about
true, cared far more
deeply
as these are
social and economic
in
defined
problems
commonly
a
a
consists
of
set
world
and
But
culture
of
post-Marxian
symbols,
in the context of his time and place these externals had profound
Eastern
the millennia,
Middle
symbolic meaning.
Throughout
a
communi
had
been
mosaic
of
society
language groups, religious
ties, and social classes. The distinctions
among these had always
been clearly visible
in contrasting
forms of dress; thus, social be
on first encounter
and at a glance. To
havior could be adjusted
a different
set of clothes,
therefore, did imply profound
prescribe
an ostentatious
break with
social changes. The Hat Law meant
head to
to
his
the
faithful
touch
covered
Islam, which
required
in his daily prayers.22 The alphabet
the ground
change produced
from most
of
its intended
effect by cutting off later generations
fez (adapted
of
the
The
abolition
their pre-1928
literary heritage.
a century earlier from a current Venetian
fashion as a brimless
between Muslim
turban and Christian
hat)
implied
compromise
a death sentence on the bastard Levantine
culture that pervaded
in the nineteenth
and
Istanbul
Sal?nica)
(and Kemal's
century
into the twentieth.
well
Kemal
like Cairo and Damascus
cities
that "there is no second
Cevdet
evidently
agreed with Abdullah
and it must
civilization means European
civilization:
civilization,
be imported with both its roses and its thorns."23
had bedeviled
Ottoman
issue of Westernization
The
politics
since 1774 and 1839. It had begun as a problem of military
defense,
but it had grown in due course into an issue of cultural transforma
of national
tion and at length posed sharply the question
identity.
in the Wax
the
and
national
solved the military
questions
Having
that Kemal
should turn next to a
it was natural
of Independence,
And
Kemal's
solution of the cultural problem.
background
equipped
to the
to apply intimate personal
well
him peculiarly
experience
issues.
resolution of these broader public
like most of the leading figures of the Young Turk generation,

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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


a native of the European
with
Kemal was
part of the Empire,
its mixed
and
Turkish, Christian, Muslim,
Slav, Greek, Albanian,
to the
and Jewish population.
those leaders, he belonged
Among
at
risen from humble
His
that
had
father
had
origins.
minority
one time been in the lowest rank of the customs service and later
an
a modest
in the lumber trade. His mother was
made
living
woman
of peasant
stock and, after the father's death,
uneducated
married a Turkish-Macedonian
farmer.
Yet in his attitudes he differed
from his contempor
markedly
aries. Enver, for example, was the son of a small official in Istanbul
and later showed
relish for the life of high Ottoman
evident
successes
which
his
society
political
opened up for him; his marriage
to one of the Sultan's nieces marks
the pinnacle
of his career as a
The
associates
whom
Kemal
rallied
around him
parvenu.
political
came from
in 1919, on the other hand,
in Anatolia
good
mostly
families: Ali Fuat Cebesoy was the son and grandson of a pasha;
Rauf Orbay's father had been an admiral and senator; and K?zim
a
to be far
officer. All of them tended
Karabekir's,
gendarmerie
more
in their political
in
tactics and more
cautious
conservative
attitude contrasted with both Envers
their aims. Kemal's
and that
He
to
of his own upper-class
it
found
hard
conceal
companions.
or his contempt
his impatience
court etiquette
with
for social
often deliberately
shocked his associates
his
climbers. He
with
intellectual
for
debate
instead
of
with
passion
polite conversation,
to blunt threats, with his love
his abrupt shifts from conciliation
for Western
dress, music, and dance, and with his somewhat vulgar
tastes in drinking and wenching.
become
when
Kemal's
understandable
his social
predilections
are considered
In
and geographic
Sal?nica
background
together.
two distinct upper classes:
in his youth, there were
the Ottoman
officials, who
spent their days in the office and their
government
in the all-male
of the coffeehouse,
and the
company
evenings
led a
Greek merchant
class, among whom both men and women
social life. Like Enver and others
freer, noisier, and more visible
of modest
origins, Kemal may have been impressed with a style of
he had not been born; but the social
life to which
social
high
not Ottoman.
It is no coincidence,
forms he admired were European,
were
and nationalism
re
then, that the issues of Westernization
came from a
leader who
of
mixed
solved by a Turkish
region
and European
Ottoman
in close
where
culture were
nationality
for that leader was
that the social question
contact?or
primarily
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DAEDALUS
one of cultural transformation
rather than of economic
reallocation.
Kemal's
humble Macedonian
served him as a sort of
origins
to unhinge
cultural
Archimedean
the Ottoman
point from which
as well as
political tradition.
are
in the literature on
Several hypotheses
clearly
leadership
of
It has often been noted
relevant
here.
that the originators
or
areas
come
from border
nationalist
spend
ideologies
typically
some of their formative years abroad. Because
of this Fremdheits
not to
for them becomes
erlebnis,24 national
something
identity
to
be taken quietly
be consciously
for granted,
but rather
(and
ex
sometimes
asserted. European
chosen and vocally
painfully)
contempor
amples abound, and Kemal and his Macedonian-Turkish
oriented Turkish nationalists
aries, as well as the more ideologically
from the Tsarist Europe, fit the pattern closely.
On a
plane, Harold Lasswell
psychological
long ago suggested
that the politician
"displaces private affects upon public objects."25
And Erik Erikson more recently has said of Luther
that he set out
not
"to solve for all what he could
solve for himself alone."26 There
an un
is a
difference
of emphasis:
Lasswell
suggests
significant
intrusion
a
warranted
of psychopathology
into politics,
Erikson
of
creative blending
the personal
and the political. The difference
leaders like Hitler or Wilson
may well coincide with that between
after
and their
themselves
successes,
who,
spectacular
destroy
work, and those like Luther or Gandhi whose works endure.
Of all of Kemal's Westernizing
the emancipation
of
reforms,
women
carries a double distinction:
It was not formally embodied
in any law,27 and yet some of Kemal's most
of
speeches
eloquent
this period deal with this theme: To keep women
is to
secluded
waste
one half of Turkey's most precious
resource. Even
to do
as wives
their
women
and
of
mothers
future
citizens,
jobs
properly
a nation of modern men
must be educated.
and women
Only as
can
take
its
in
the
modern
world.
Turkey
rightful place
Accustomed
all his life to giving orders to men,
and later to
in
laying down the law for them, Kemal preferred,
dealing with
to rely on the persuasive
the problem of women,
power of speech.
The mid-twenties,
of course, were
the time when Kemal,
having
to show for what purposes
he meant
to use it,
gained power, had
and perhaps
reveal
the deeper motives
from which
he
thereby
on female eman
had originally
craved power. Since his speeches
are so
it seems
among those on Westernization,
cipation
prominent
women
that
his
about
and
their
to men
relation
likely
feelings
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


to

the most
the political
Lord Kinross's
in every
accurate
to date of
sifting
it is to
of women,

point
Kemal

link between
Kemal
intimate
and
the man
leader.
account
of Kemal's
life may not be
personal
the most
careful
detail, but it does represent
On
the
the evidence
available.
subject
readily
the twin
be commended
for avoiding
especially

temptations of prudery and salaciousness.28


After his father's death, Kemal grew up for some years as the
in a house that he shared with his mother
and younger
only male
sister. The
and son remained
mother
relations between
stormy
a man of
to become
till the end. Z?beyde wished Kemal
religion,
career. When
but he insisted on a military
the mother
remarried,
as a lover of another man
in his
"Mustafa was
young
jealous
dis
life." Years later, Z?beyde
with
mother's
reciprocated
hearty
come
an
to
share
attractive
cousin
had
of
who
Fikriye,
approval
in Ankara. To the end, Z?beyde
scolded Tittle
house
Kemal's
as if he were a
Mustafa"
schoolboy.
to the Christian women
As an adolescent,
Kemal
felt attracted
in Sofia, he
in Sal?nica; as a young military
attach?
took
eagerly
and the tango. Both he and his
ballroom
lessons in the waltz
fell in love with Bulgarian
friend the ambassador
girls; yet to
one
of
the
father
rather
their discreet
"I
would
inquiries,
replied:
cut off my head than have my daughter marry a Turk." Most of
or Westernized
women
relations with Western
remained
Kemal's
from
and
I
he
Sofia
War
carried
World
casual?although
during
in Turkish occasionally
on an intimate correspondence
interspersed
officer. Kinross
with French with the Christian widow
of a Muslim
a man without
was
to
love in his nature"
judges that "Kemal
a
an
as
source
women
save
"meant little
of distraction,
whom
to his masculine
and a stimulus
outlet for his appetites,
vanity.
once what
he admired most
in a woman,
Asked
he
qualities
"
women
Kemal
his
life
chose
'Availability.'
"throughout
replied,
their feelings. But he could not
who took the initiative in showing
bear to be loved too much."
died early in 1923 in Izmir, reconquered
three months
Z?beyde
earlier by her son's armies. Kemal had just started off from Ankara
on his first postwar
tour, and he kept to his schedule,
speaking
Izmir
twelve
only
days later. Three days after pronouncing
reaching
an
a short speech at her grave, he married
L?ufe,
intelligent,
woman
of
Turkish
Westernized,
good
strong-willed
family. Z?beyde,
before her death, had for once approved of her son's choice. Kemal
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DAEDALUS
now

a veil,
in showing
took pride
off his young wife without
in
at
her
take
debates
the
dinner
and
table,
part
hearing
having
at parades.
her ride with him on horseback
tried to
But L?tife
control his drinking,
he flirted with
grew fiercely
jealous when
and took
others, on occasion made him feel her social superiority,
as his mother had.
to
in
much
him
public,
scolding
it is fair to conclude,
In his attitude
toward women,
Kemal
was
an ambivalence
as that toward male
as
in
deep
caught
one
uneducated,
authority. At
pole stood his mother?domineering,
a
the
Around
revolved
secluded.
other
quick pro
traditionally
cession of Westernized
and "avail
educated,
women?intelligent,
able." Yet Lasswell's
of private feelings displaced
upon
hypothesis
none
too
Kemal's
of such
task was
fits
objects
closely.
public
that he could ill afford the luxury of displaced
affects,
magnitude
of being at odds with himself. He drank and indulged his appetite
as war and
for mistresses
left him the time?indeed
only
politics
his nervous
he required
whenever
these distractions
precisely
were not
on what
were more
to
serious
him
energies
employed
since
he caused much
the
those occasions,
tasks. On
gossip,
were his favorite settings for
table
and
ballroom
the
letting
banquet
women
in showing
their feelings." Otherwise,
"take the initiative
in
most
of his affects remained
under firm control, both
public
and in private.
a
in the
His marriage,
by contrast, was rather
displacement
as
as
much
"He had married
for sociological
direction.
opposite
an
a
to
set
for personal reasons"29?that
is,
example of Westernized,
the sexes. Yet the marriage,
between
relationship
emancipated
Kinross concludes, was marked
by "the failure of two headstrong
natures to come to terms with the give-and-take
Oriental
problems
of a Western
relationship." After two years, Kemal divorced L?tife
in the traditional fashion.
unilaterally
transcended
the Lasswellian
model
Even
of
though Kemal
he fell short of the Eriksonian
ideal,
psychopathology,
political
about traditional
for he clearly did not resolve his ambivalence
women
for himself.
of
and Westernized
Still, the official policy
soon
after
that
instituted
his
he
divorce
female
emancipation
a more
similar
(or forestalling)
promising way of resolving
proved
of Turkish men.
for future generations
of
ambivalence
feelings
of affection
combined
In his later years, Kemal
private
feelings
as his
female
of
with
by adopting
principles
equality
public
women
and
their
several
young
sponsoring
intelligent
daughters
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


in Turkey
education
and abroad. One became
another
in the formulation
served as his assistant

an aviatrix,
and
of his historical

speculations,
Testament

and Decline

The delivery
of the Six-Day Speech
itself marks
the last per
a
in
was
sonal toning
revealed
oral
Kemal's
It
works.
point
grand
account of his political
in
since
his
in
arrival
Anatolia
performance
on the
the main
laid
he
when
1919, with
early years
emphasis
the basis for the new state. It was
supported by numerous verbatim
documents
that interlard the narrative
and fill a bulky appendix.
In perusing
the Six-Day Speech,
the reader should not forget that
a statesman
it was an account
rendered
in office. Kemal
is
by
silent on a number of topics that would
have been embarrassing,
notably his relations with the Young Turks in exile (several leading

Young Turks had been executed in 1926) and with the Bolsheviks
in 1923). He avoids the entire
had been outlawed
(Communism
come
of
his
to
to
in Istanbul
the
under
topic
power
attempts
Sultan by beginning
his account with May
1919 and goes into
little detail on later moves
toward reconciliation
with the Ottoman
the
He
to
understates
he compromised
which
dynasty.
degree
the plan of an American
mandate.
with
the work,
Throughout
Kemal
to project
tends
his later quarrels with
old
moreover,
associates
back into an earlier period.
(for example, Rauf Orbay)
For all these minor
is likely to remain
faults, the Six-Day Speech
source on his
the single major
it has set a high
and
leadership,
standard of factual detail for later Turkish memoir writers.
The
a
testament
is reinforced
the
impression of
political
peroration
by
to the future
is addressed
which
youth of Turkey.
Significantly,
it is a repetition
of the calamities
of 1918 and 1919 of which
he
warns
a
future generations:
col
defeat,
occupation,
government
the enemy,
and a desperate
need
for national
laborating with
resistance.

the Six-Day Speech was a


As a performance,
tour-de
unique
force. For three months Kemal had exhausted
relays of secretaries
in assembling
his materials
and polishing
after passage.
passage
it (to a captive audience
he delivered
When
to the
of delegates
of
his
Second National
he
at
remained
Congress
People's Party),
little respite for an average of six hours a
the rostrum with
day.
It was not exactly his speech to end all speeches; yet
during his

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DiEDALUS
as an
so
long
remaining eleven years he rarely spoke in public for
feat of oratory, he
hour at a time. And soon after his marathon
to abolish
in which
the Six-Day
the alphabet
Speech
proceeded
in the very
had been
and
to
initiate
drastic
composed
changes
his political
that he had used so superbly
throughout
language
leadership.
the so-called National History Thesis,
and
mistresses,
Drinking,
as Pure
the invention
of a somewhat
known
language
arbitrary
were
to occupy much
Turkish?these
of his time until, by about

1937, his health began to decline. (At Gallipoli in 1915 and on

to such ailments
in 1921, he had refused
the Sakarya
to attend
as malaria or a broken rib; the
time
when
he allowed
only previous
to preoccupy
in 1917-18, when
his health
he saw the
him was
state and no chance
imminent
for him
collapse of the Turkish
to save it.30)
the basis of a mixture
Thesis?on
The National
of
History
fiction?asserted
that
all
civilized
(almost
Indo-Europeans
peoples,
were
descended
and other Semites)
Arabs
human
Turks, who had originated
speech and
the
of
kind of tendentious
history,
rewriting
half-truth,

and

Sumerians,
Hittites,
in fact, except
the
Asian
from Central
It was the
writing.
kind of search for
of many
characteristic
remote
and glorious
antecedents,
early
the standard
It also followed
rule for that search:
nationalisms.
or persons who
in the world
Find
at large
the historic peoples
can
to
and
widest
whom
the
claim a
command
you
respect
today
or
than your political
national
closer connection
rivals.
antagonists
the Arabs as associated with
that excluded
For Kemal,
Islam, the
truth,

as ancestors
of Sultan Vahideddin,
and the Byzantines
Ottomans
idea."
The
as precursors
Sumerians
of Venizelos"
and Hit
"great
on the other hand, had the advantage
of
such
tites,
focusing
historic dreams not on Russian Central Asia, but on solid Anatolian
homeground.31
serves its purpose
This type of historical
romanticism,
however,
in arousing a national consciousness
among intellectuals which pol
iticians can then convert into the institutions of a territorial nation
of Fichte
and Mazzini,
to the generation
state: It is appropriate
not of Bismarck: and Cavour. Among Turkish poets, such patriotic
in the
themes can be traced from Namik Kemal
and nationalist
at the time of the Balkan Wars.
But when
187(fs to Ziya G?kalp
some years
later rallied his countrymen
to a
Kemal
Mustafa
desperate

defense,

when

he

battled

the Greeks,

proclaimed

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the

Atatiirk as Founder of a State


its cultural and legal life, nothing had
and Westernized
Republic,
or
than Central Asian
been further from his mind
inscriptions
It is this reverse timing that marks Atat?rk's
artifacts.
Sumerian
as an aimless pastime.
historical speculations
was directed
Kemal's
reform
against those Arabic and
language
and grammar
that sharply sepa
Persian elements
of vocabulary
from the peasant's
rated the ornate rhetoric of educated Ottomans
culled from medieval
Central Asian
plain speech. Yet the words
texts or even more freely invented were often less comprehensible
than those long naturalized
from Arabic.
to peasant or townsman
coterie
of
Kemal's
their
methods,
assembly-line
By
arbitrary,
philological

rather retarded
the continuing
process of
Once again, the timing was out of phase.32
set a
of Latin
the adoption
letters, Atatiirk
new idiom. It
a pang of
the
mastering
gives
an
orator delivering
Turkey's most
eloquent

autodidacts

linguistic purification.
Just as he had in
personal example of
sadness to think of
in this self-imposed
and causing
the
entire speech
non-language
so
to
detailed
that
the
newspapers
glossaries
public might
publish
learn its content.33
crisis of 1937-38 brought out a strong flicker
The Alexandretta
of Kemal's old self. Once again he could launch into his favorite
could review troops poised
sphere of foreign policy. Once again he
to the locale of
for action. Once again he could apply his mind
in
his
his
of
rebirth
the major
from soldier
career,
turning point
into politician
in the days after the armistice.
the
By naming
he even managed
to connect
border district Hatay, or Hittite-land,
it with his latest hobby. But Kemal had saved Turkey's
independ
ence more
and the incorporation
than fifteen years before,
of
on his life's work.
blemish
removed
but a minor
Alexandretta
on November
Even before the annexation was completed,
11, 1938,
Kemal died of cirrhosis at the age of fifty-seven.

Innovation,

Tradition,

and Achievement

between
In chemistry
the energy
there is a distinction
that
a
maintains
and
which
in
that
about
compound;
similarly,
brings
the founder of a state are different
talents
from
of
the
politics
one. Kemal's
lies in
those of the ruler of an established
greatness
as defender
his triple accomplishment
of his country, creator of
the Republic,
himself
and radical Westernizer.
Having
acquitted
three
he
has
said of
became
these
of
tasks,
(as Hegel
superbly
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DAEDALUS
"world-historical

individuals"

who

have

attained

their goal)

a mere

husk.34

in the two middle periods from 1919 to 1927, his personality


on the task he had set for himself. He had
fully focused
on the
of
staked his ambition
of personal
power
preservation
course
War
of
the
Inde
The
of
his
for
country.
independence
dec
of the previous
his political
vindicated
pessimism
pendence
ade, renewed his faith in his own powers, resolved his ambivalence
a Turk. But
in being
his pride
and rekindled
toward authority,
for Turkey were not isolated
power for Kemal and independence
After a century and a half of double-dealing
ends in themselves.
to
the Turks had for once used Force
at the hands of Europe,
of
assert Right and thus swept away a long accumulated
legacy
on both sides. By
the Sultan
ill will and resentment
(or
deposing
in the last
action
him deposed
better yet, declaring
European
by
scene of the old nefarious
Kemal had also liberated
interplay),
tradition.
and Muslim
of Ottoman
the Turks
from the weight
now be able to Westernize
would
Future
Turkish
generations
a
a sense of shame or duress. And as Turkey
became
without
adolescents
future Turkish
nation,
Westernized,
forward-moving
as Muslim
no
and
backward
while
be
would
despised
longer
a
After
sat veiled
behind
latticed windows.
their womenfolk
Yet

was

more of half-hearted Westernization,


Kemal found that
century or
he
the job in its
full
could
power
attempt
personal
by assuming
in
to
all
Turks what
solve for
could try
young Kemal
entirety,
not
himself
alone.
for
have solved
Sal?nica could
revolution
and cultural
Still, his national
important
preserved
links to the past. Indeed, the speed and scope of the transformation
in leadership
and in political
were
facilitated
through continuity
were members
in
and his collaborators
Kemal
method.35
good
an
answer
was
his
and
the
of
Ottoman
elite,
performance
standing
to the Sultans
that a stream of memorials
to the nagging question
can
this state
How
had asked since the late-eighteenth
century:
and symbols
solution employed methods
be saved? His particular
that harked back to the most glorious Ottoman
period. Like the
roles
of
victorious
the
three
battle
he
combined
early Sultans,
founder of a state, and sponsor of a large-scale
field commander,
a
His policy
thus provides
establishment.36
educational
striking
has called "reinforcing
dualism"?
instance of what Robert Ward
and symbols to speed up modern
the use of traditional techniques
ization itself .37
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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


source of
this continuity was an incalculable
strength
Although
and Westernization,
tasks of state-founding
immediate
for Kemal's
in the longer run?a weakness
it also implied a weakness
apparent
and
economic
slowness
in the relative
of Turkey's
development
the
rulers
from
her
still
educated
in the wide
that
separates
gulf
or
masses. Kemal
in
interest
social
little
indeed
displayed
peasant
as these terms have come to be understood
since
economic
change
For him,
Revolutions.
and anticolonial
the Mexican,
Russian,
were
a
class
differences
and
of
economic
improvement
bridging
and
international
of national
solidarity
practical
requirements
stature, rather than deeply felt needs of human
justice and dignity.
to inequalities
in his speeches
of property.
is no reference
There
as to the Ottomans,
the
remained
education
To the Kemalists
chief tool of social change, and even in this field the achievements
of his reign remained modest.
in Kemal's
nation
and implications
Yet there are statements
and
transcend
that
the
alist and secularist
purely political
thought
the ideals of popular
cultural scope of his reforms. He proclaimed
masses
and fashioned
and of civic participation
by the
sovereignty
in the decade
and party institutions
that would
the parliamentary
such aspirations more meaningful
after his death begin to make
In a culture that for centuries had been deeply steeped in religion,
one of his most widely
the
"Science,
sayings proclaimed:
quoted
in life." His party, though led by officers, government
truest
guide
officials, and provincial notables, was called the Republican
People's
"common people." And
the key word halk denoting
Party, with
its slogan inkil?p?ilik, which may be translated with
equal inac
the desire for
curacy as "reformism" or "revolutionism,"
implied
for radical
whether
constant
forward momentum,
change
by
or violent means.
peaceful
with
consistent
Kemal's
that this
It was
entirely
thought
momentum
should carry Turkey beyond his own accomplishments.
that his efforts at political
Kemal himself, as we saw, acknowledged
as
the
succeed
would
from
top
fully
only
they reached
organization
a
into
structure
and
the
evoked
echo there.
social
responsive
deep
to the
has been pushed downward
As organization
village and the
to competitive
level as a result of the transition
individual
party
it is the long neglected
social and
since the late-forties,
politics
items that have come to the top of the
economic
agenda.
some of the directions
earlier formulated
have be
Inevitably
come subject to re-examination,
and some of the previous
achieve
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DAEDALUS

ments

have

been
In the politically
endangered.
supercharged
as the secularization
of
the
such
Kemalist
1960's,
atmosphere
goals
of education,
the withdrawal
of the military
and an
from politics,
a
combined
with
firm
orienta
cultural
independent
foreign policy
tion to the West must he
reasserted. They must
also
vigorously
new
be boldly
with
for
social
supplemented
policies
justice and
on
a
Above
all,
rapid economic
development
stage
political
crowded
and noisy as never before,
new
must
be
techniques
to accommodate
devised
demands
and to conciliate
conflict
The
difficulties

of the fifties and sixties and those yet to come thus


represent part of the deferred cost of Kemal's gradualist revolution.
the broadening
to embrace
of the elite movement
Nevertheless,
the entire citizenry
is now well
under way,
and it will be an
The final
part of the total process of modernization.
indispensable
heirs of the ideology of modernization
that in two centuries
fil
from Sultans and vezirs
tered down
to schoolteachers
and lieu
tenants will be a
and politically
conscious
lower class.
socially
at that point will
the
that
Kemal
Only
upward"
"structuring
anticipated be ready to start
said of the founder of a commonwealth
Rousseau
that he must
be able "to toil in one century and to reap in another."38 Ataturk's
in
the Turkish
state in a national
and
accomplishment
rebuilding
secure
as the Turkish masses
will
in
modern
be
image
proportion
of the future will claim as their own his full inheritance.39

References
1. I have

this

elaborated

full

are

references

of Weber's

interpretation

of Nations

my book, A World

(Washington,

concept

of

und Gesellschaft

3. Max Weber, Wirtschaft


his

Theory

Parsons

(New

cf.

of

Social

York,

and

1947),

For

details

articles,

on

"The

the

Sultan

Army

and

Politics, Vol. 11, No. 4


"Enwer

Pasha,"

Encyclopaedia

and
the

of a Nation

(4th ed.; T?bingen,

Economic

Organization,

1956),

tr. Hender

p. 363.

4. Erik H. Erikson, Young Man Luther


5.

in

given.

2. Cf. [Patrick Balfour] Lord Kinross, Atatiirk: The Rebirth


(London, 1964), p. 238.
p. 214;
son and

charisma

1967), pp. 148-69, where

(New York, 1958), p. 16.

the Ottoman
Founding

of

of 1914-19,
generals
the Turkish
Republic,"

see my
World

(July, 1959), pp. 513-53; "Djemal Pasha" and


of Islam

(rev.

ed.).

824

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Atatiirk as Founder of a State


6. Karl W.

7. On

et al., Political
p. 88.

Deutsch
1957),

(Princeton,
the

see Michael

Puritans,

The

Walzer,

in

policy

Ottoman

late

the

Saints:

the

of

(Cambridge, 1965); on educa

Study in the Origins of Radical Politics


tional

Revolution

Area

Atlantic

the North

and

Community

Bernard

Empire,

The

Lewis,

Emerg

ence of Modem Turkey (London, 1961), pp. 175 ?


8.

Cf.

E. Ward

R.

and D.

Rustow

A.

in Ja

Modernization

Political

(eds.),

pan and Turkey (Princeton, 1964), p. 388.


the decisive phase of the War

9. During

he

the

in 1921-22,

of Independence,

that time,
By
military
personally
on which
he had
concentrated
the task of political
however,
organization
so that he could
far enough
had proceeded
for nearly
three years
largely
to others.
the war,
of political
affairs
After
the management
leave

Kemal

assumed

returned

choose

to his

between

political
or

political

command.

supreme

tasks,
military

and

in

1924

his

forced

to

associates

careers.

Kinross
Elsewhere,
of a Nation,
p. 221.
a dic
on Atat?rk's
"His was
judgment
politics:
a
on democratic
and
constitutional
based
forms, within
legal
tatorship
that
which
he scrupulously
observed"
framework
(p. 438)?scrupulously,
1927.
is, from about

10. Kinross,

The

Atat?rh

a more

gp/es

Rebirth

balanced

11. Sir Andrew Ryan, The Last of the Dragomans


12.

In

the

viewed

Kemal
suggests
Six-Day
Speech,
"as a chain of logical propositions."

that

(London, 1951), p. 226.

his

performance
Vol.
Nutuk,

Atatiirk,

should

be

1 (Ankara,

1934), p. 11.
13.

more

"Never

efficient

Louis

communications":

of

Browne,

the

Chicago

a
Daily News, quoted in Kinross, Atatiirk: The Rebirth of Nation, p. 193.
inclusion

The

too much

little

for which

of Mosul,
credit;

it had

been

I have
under

put
British

an

ellipsis,

occupation

gives Kemal
since Novem

1918.

ber

14. Cf. my

article,

"Politics

and

Islam

in Turkey,

1920-1955,"

Islam

and

the

ed. Richard N. Frye (The Hague, 1957), p. 73.

West,

15. Cf. Kinross, Atat?rh The Rebirth of a Nation, pp. 237, 240.
in controlled
in 1930
all
illustrates
opposition
experiment
a democratic
the mildness
to operate
of his
system,
inability
to the future
it made
establishment
of
and the contribution
dictatorship,
in
F. Weiker,
'The Free
of 1930
See Walter
Party
Turkey,"
democracy.
Princeton
of Politics,
Ph. D. Dissertation,
( 1962 ).
University
Dept.

16. Kemal's

at once

brief

his

in Nutuk,
Vol.
is reprinted
3, pp. 258 f., and Atat?rk'?n
S?y
speech
2 (Ankara,
the date
is
Vol.
lev ve Deme?leri,
1945-54),
pp. 11 f., where
as 28 December
instead of 1919.
1920,
given
erroneously

17. The

18.

For
flatly

example,
that his

of

the

father

four
died

leading
biographies,
was
Mustafa
when

the
seven,

least

reliable

the most

states

authorita

825

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D DALUS
a seven-year
date.
specific
father
and son

tive

Kemal
one

later.

years

to
five
(ages
is known
little
to one

back

goes

his

Considering

to speculate
is tempted
about
effects
are, of course, no addition

from
19.

range
What

gives
no

give
tween

his

Similarly,

Six-Day

two

the

to our

two

other

be

relationship
reminiscences

passing
ambivalence

profound
that relationship;

by

to

authority,
causes
inferred

but

knowledge.
or

omits

often

Speech

or

the

and

twelve),
about

inconvenient

certain

blurs

parts of the truth without actually telling a falsehood. See below.


20. I am indebted for this observation to Halil Inalcik.
21.

Cevdet's

is summarized

utopia

in Lewis,

The

of Modern

Emergence

Turkey,

p. 231.
22.

Pious

of
Turks,
of obeying

found

all

among

the

have

course,
both

Caesar.

Western

authorized

to

continued
and

God

forms

The

and
pray,
Anatolian

of

headdress,

been

have

ways

peasant
prefers,
the visored
cap

which at prayer time can easily be turned back to front


23. Cevdet in Ictihad, No. 89 (Istanbul,
The Emergence ofModern Turkey, p. 231.
24.

Cf.

Karl

W.

Nationalism

Deutsch,

1913),

as quoted

Social

Communication

and

by Lewis,

York, 1953), p. 85; Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism


1948), pp. 5-6.
25. Harold D.

Erik H.

Erikson,

27. Whereas

the
rather

posed
On

Young
turban

were

ordinances

28.

and Politics

Psychopathology

1930),

(Chicago,

75-76.

pp.
26.

Lasswell,

(New

(New York,

Man
and

directed

fez were

and

women,

outlawed
the

against

than prescribed

Kemal

p. 67.

Luther,

legal
see

equality

Swiss

between

the

Atat?rh

Kinross,

the Hat

by
The

veil.

The

local
Law,
only
civil
code
presup

sexes.

Rebirth

of

a Nation,

pp. 10, 295 (Z?beyde); p. 12 (Sal?nica); p. 64 (Sofia); pp. 60 f., 97 ff.


(correspondence with widow); p. 164 ("Without love in his nature");
p. 259 (Fikriye, "availability"); p. 391 ("chose women who took the
initiative"); pp. 367 f., 390 f. (L?tife); p. 423 ("two headstrong natures,"
divorce); p. 421 ("sociological reasons"); pp. 471 f. (adopted daughters).
29.

One

motives
whether
also may
have
political
as well.
in this respect
the marriage
failed
assertion
in
Karabeldr's
that Kemal
General

wonders

their
played
Few
readers

and whether
credited

1923

had

part,
have
of

plans

making himself Sultan and Caliph. (K?zim Karabeldr, Istikl?l Harbimiz


[Istanbul, 1960], pp. 978, 1058, 1065, 1067, 1137.) If monarchy was on
his mind
character.

at
But

all,

secular

whether

religious
an heir,
thus
and it may
quired
between
ried
the
interval
during

1922)

would

monarchy
or
be

seem

to have

secular,
monarchy
no coincidence
that

abolition

and proclamation of the Republic

of

the

been

would
Kemal

Sultanate

more

in
re

have
was

mar

(November

(October 1923). Again,

826

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

there

Atatiirk as Founder of a State


no more
in the literature
for ex
than hints
of Kemal's
(see,
sterility
3
Vol.
Tek
Adam:
Sevket
Kemal,
Mustafa
Siireyya
ample,
Aydemir,
the consequence
of an
[2d ed.;
Istanbul,
1966],
f.), presumably
pp. 485
case of
If indeed
the
ill-cured
he was
(see next note).
sterile,
gonorrhea
he him
the time when
of his marriage
have been
may well
early months
are

out

found

self

resolved

his

about
more

unless

condition.

The

sources

reliable

question
available.

become

cannot

obviously

be

30. Kemal had suffered from malaria at Gallipoli (Kinross, Atat?rh The
Rebirth of a Nation, pp. 87, 91, 94), and a broken rib at the Sakarya
case

A
(p. 274).
treated
and
ailment

kidney

in his early years


gonorrhea
later complications
(p. 113),
He
also
suffered
113,
166).

of

caused
(pp.

had

been

inadequately
a recurrent

including
from chronic

constipa

tion (p. 261), and once had a bout with ear trouble (p. 144). In 1923
he had a heart attack, followed several years later by another (pp. 262,
475).
31.

The

Lewis,
ticism

p. 315. On
Turkey,
cf. Rustow,
World

of Modern
Emergence
nationalist
generally,

of

early

roman

historical
of Nations,

pp.

40-47.
32.

a more

For

favorable

view

of KemaFs

see Uriel

reform,

language

Heyd,

Language Reform in Turkey (Jerusalem, 1954).

33. See Oriente Moderno, Vol. 14, No. 11 (November, 1934), p. 522,
34.

"Sie

wenn

sind,

sie
nicht

zum
nicht
Genuss
hatten,
ruhigen
sie
Was
ist eben
ihre
sind,
gl?cklich
geworden.
ihre Leidenschaft
hat den
ihrer Natur,
ihres
Umfang
ihr Ziel

?bergegangen,
Tat
diese
gewesen;
Charakters
ausgemacht.

erreicht

Ist

der

Zweck

erreicht,

so

sie

gleichen

leeren

H?lsen, die abfallen." Einleitung in die Philosophie der Weltgeschichte,


2,

I am

d.

Erikson,
35.

Man

Young

It has

for

indebted

been

this

Luther,

characteristic

O.

Hirschman.

II,

See

also

of Turkey's

of political
de
gradualist
pattern
more
at times when
changed
drastically
institutions
little
and
1908-18
(for example,
political
change
since
its
and
that
were
institutions
recast
1950),
political
extensively
when
the
of
the elite
remained
(in
1919-25)
composition
essentially
Cf. Rustow,
Political
Culture
and Political
eds.
unchanged.
Development,
velopment

that

its

elite
political
underwent

Ludan W. Pye and Sidney Verba


36.

to Albert

quotation
p. 260.

Two

symbolic
between

link

acts

of

the Ankara

Kemalism

and

sembly

manifest
made
government
earliest
Ottoman
tradition.

the

over
the Greeks
victory
conferred
Kemal
upon

cisive

on
the

pellation

that the Turkish-Muslim

Ottoman

state

with

in

Greek-Christian

the

thirteenth
enemies

just as Sultan Mehmed

(Princeton, 1965), pp. 197 f.

the
title

this
After

organic
the de

in 1921,
the National
Sakarya
or Victor?the
of Gazi,
very

frontier warriors who

had
century
on
the same

II (reg. 1451-81),

to establish
his famous
bul, proceeded
palace
in November
ernment
a decree
1928 adopted

in

earned

ap

founded
their

the

encounter

battlefields.

Bithynian

As

And

after the conquest of Istan


school,

so

concerning

the Ankara
the

gov

"Organiza

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

MEDALTJS
tion

of

document
member

a National

School."

Article

of

that

Turkish
that
citizen,
"every
provided
of this organization";
4 appointed
Article

remarkable
man
and
that

concise

and

is a

woman,

"the

of

headmaster

the National School is the President of the Republic His Excellency


Gazi Mustafa Kemal." See Gotthard J?schke and Erich Pritsch, Die
T?rkei seit dem Weltkriege
(Berlin, 1929); also inWelt des Islams, Vol.
131 f. (It was
10, pp.
Gazi
could be seen, chalk

37. Ward
445ff.
38.

I am

Rousseau,

indebted

Tal?t

Halman,
and
Meservey,
with
tion

time

in hand,

of

the

fuller

for

critical

Social,

comments

Halil

Gotthard
Inalcik,
for research
assistance

references

in the memorial

University

Contrat

Faculty

to the Turkish
volume
of Political

Book
on

an

the

in Japan and Turkey, pp.


2, Chapter
earlier

7.

version

Bernard
J?schke,
to Sabri Sayari. An
sources, will
appear

for Yavuz

soon

and

change,
alphabet
his citizen-pupils.
instructing

and Rustow, Political Modernization

Jean-Jacques

39.

the

Abadan

planned

of

this

to
essay
and Sabra

Lewis,
expanded
in Turkish
by

the

version,
transla
Ankara

Science.

828

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