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Introduction: A Rome of One's Own: Reflections on Cultural Geography and Identity in

the Lands of Rum
Author(s): Cemal Kafadar
Source: Muqarnas, Vol. 24, History and Ideology: Architectural Heritage of the "Lands of
Rum" (2007), pp. 7-25
Published by: Brill
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Accessed: 28-09-2016 16:44 UTC
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When writing of the Ottoman forces vanquished near
Ankara in 1402 by his patron, Timur, the chronicler
Nizamuddin ?ami mentions the Efrenc (Frankish, Eu
rochristian?), presumably implying the forces under
the command of the Serbian king, an Ottoman vassal,
but reserves most of his disparaging remarks for the
Rumiyan, that is, Turkish-Muslim soldiers serving Sul
tan Bayezid. To add injury to insult, he cannot resist
the temptation to cite the second verse of the sura al
Ricm (Qur'an 30), "The Romans [i.e., the Byzantines]

twentieth century, under the influences of cultural rel

ativism and political correctness, such discourses may

have been shunned or pushed beneath the surface,
but both the underlying categories and the means of
analysis remain intact.
As for Turkish scholarship itself, it developed un
der the paradox-ridden circumstances of the late Ot
toman Empire and after its demise, but even then in
the hands of those who grew up with the legacy of

those circumstances. On the one hand, there was a

have been conquered."1 This is harsh but not par project to articulate their archaic empire to the mod
ticularly creative. Many learned and presumably some ern imperialist world order as an empire among em
not-so-learned Muslims of Asia Minor knew the verse pires that, statesmen and intellectuals hoped, would
well, as did others in the rest of the Muslim world,
survive against all odds and refurbish itself with the
but saw nothing wrong with identifying themselves as techniques and technologies of modernity for proper
recognition in the civilized world. On the other hand,
Rumis, or people of the lands of Rum.
Today, the Battle of Ankara is remembered primar there was an anti-imperialist current, not always in op
ily as a confrontation between Ottoman Turks and position to the first project but ensconced within its
Central Asian Turks, in narratives that tend to erase all
frustrations and the recognition of what the European
other layers of identity and their historical transforma
powers "really thought" of Turks. The latter attitude
tions in favor of a linear story of Turks moving from would grow strong in the context of the First World
Inner Asia to the Middle East, building, and of course War and especially after the invasion of the Greek
destroying, state after state. In Orientalist scholarship armies into Asia Minor in 1919. It would also be ac
and its current offshoots, the Turks, even after being companied by defensive and fanciful theories about
rooted in the Middle East and the Balkans for a mil Turks civilizing the world, in response to historical
lennium, remain latecomers, marginal at some levels theses aimed at robbing those "nomadic and Asiatic"
to the essence of Islamic Middle Eastern civilization, people of any legitimacy in maintaining political con
and certainly to the Greco-Roman Mediterranean tra trol over (western) Anatolia, Thrace, and Istanbul.
dition, even if they are recognized for their military,
The truth is not always somewhere in the middle.
political, and, perhaps, administrative skills and ac I cannot simply say that the two approaches schemat
complishments. They may have protected the Islamic ically presented above are both wrong or misguided,
Middle East from going under during the destabiliz
and that we should find the middle ground and be
ing incursions of the Crusades and the Mongols, or happy. They cozily share an unproblematized concep
they may have created successful polities by being re tualization of Middle Eastern and Balkan history (of
ceptive of Byzantine institutions and traditions, but ul world history, for that matter) in terms of both es
timately they were not wielders of culture (other than,
sences and ethno-national collective agents (Turks,
perhaps, the culture of yoghurt), and their high art Arabs, Greeks, Germans, etc.)?a conceptualization
and literature were but an imitation of Arab, Persian, still dominant in history writing in general, no mat
and Byzantine precedents. Since the latter part of the ter how fashionable it is to crack jokes about trendy

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we have Seljuk Turkish Anatolia. that we are not always well served by the term "Seljuk (or pre-Ottoman) Anatolia" for the whole pe riod between 1071 and 1300. the Turks naturally get to be the Kalender (Jelebi revolt (1526). because the implied conception of history and identity can be shared between nationalist and. as they were understanding.and state-based history. followed by "the Beylik period" or. and adding that there were many who emigrated from the urban centers of Central Asia respect to Iberia. It might be useful for this purpose Modern Turkish historical consciousness generally to adopt the term tava'if (short for tava'if al-muluk). achieved to peoples who were suffering from chaos or tyranny. then. the empire of the Ottoman Turks. or quirks are often explained as boundaries of the empire of Basil II (d.jstor. unity?provides the backbone of the historical inevitable telos of Manzikert. or a pragmatism that narratives. or that the steppe tradition al waning set of "party kings" (los reyes de taifas or sim lowed Turks to be much more tolerant than other ply taifas in Spanish) rather than of a single polity are recognized as having constituted the framework with minimal bloodshed. From my point of view. In my reckoning. colonialist discourses and in fact derives its plistically brought together under that rubric.118. or that their conquests. many modern Turkish hab its. Even that would conventionalize the term "Seljuk Anatolia" if "state" remains a significant category of historical from 1071 to 1300. and Turks pour into Asia Minor.8 CEMAL KAFADAR postmodern intellectuals. or those who embrace (the illusion around 1300. instigated during the descendants of Inner Asian nomads and warriors. had extended the Ottoman realm to that diagonal line in the east that more or less overlapped with the At a more popular level. worse. after historicizing and differentiating types of political organization that are often too sim called in their own time and for many centuries there This content downloaded from 152. qualifying or reversing some of which was used in late medieval Arabic sources with the attached values." It is clear that the Ottomans had al observed avatars of "shamanism" in all sorts of "un ready emerged supreme in that setting before the end orthodox" practices among Turkish Muslims. It is only an obsession with state as one of the twin protagonists of Republic. the Seljuks of Rum. needs to be characterized and militarism. to use the ur-vocabulary of century. the annexation translated as state building. in neat order. again with variants among Turks and others. and reference for all sorts of cultural analyses. nationism is sup acy two or three decades after Timur. say. brought order and justice of the narrative. say.2 kinds of Muslims. still write history through national identities within the orbit of the rising Ottoman state. So long as contin is also conventional to move straight into a narrative of "Ottoman Anatolia" at the turn of the fourteenth uous ethnic-national units and their cultures (Volks geist defined by Stamm. even worse. From the teleological perspective of "the emergence of modern Turkey. and with national unity under a single state? through moments of real or presumed. takes that story to heart. the cul tural space and configuration that we are studying are not subsumed by state control and state patronage. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. One might quibble with the temporal boundaries of What others might see as militarism can equally be this periodization and end it with. principal of?) the downfall of nation-states in an age of global ity) period" is recognized but almost always located ization.10 on Wed. "Ottoman Anatolia" imme diately after the demise of the Seljuks. standard us age in referring to a period of more than two centu very power partly from that double imbrication. at least for the purposes of cultural and social history. It is also clear. It might thus be useful to re fer not merely to nationalism but to "nationism" as a broader problem. by now. but always de Anadolu Turk birligi (Anatolian Turkish unity)?as the sirable. the period of four and this discourse) are taken as the main analytical units a half centuries between Manzikert (1071) and the of historical study. 1025) and survivals of nomadic customs. a "beylik (emirate. charming faults. where the fortunes of a waxing and and Khurasan as well. which in turn provide points of departure lives comfortably with nation. and that is a matter of of the Karaman lands in 1473-74. and Ottoman incorporation of the Dulkadirid lands. of the fourteenth century and reasserted this suprem In narratives of this long . Thereafter. just as academics have had consolidated unitary rule over the former "Byz antine Anatolia. The term "Seljuk Anatolia" is. in its own right. plemented by statism. State formation by Turks?conceptualized history. it as primary analytical categories. the their culture reflects those twin essences: nomadism last remaining principality. Many ries before the beginning of the story of the Ottomans non-nationalists. and the Turkish however. when Mehmed II deep pride in the long national history of the Turks." it can be described as a funnel-vision statism: Manzikert happens (according to Seljuk designs).24.

now adopting of the Great Seljuks of Iran. since there were parts of limited over time to the eastern Roman lands. terms like "Turco-Mus lim Anatolia" or "Turkish-speaking Muslims" are inele gant when compared to "Seljuk Anatolia" or "Turks. a more historicized perspective on the dizzyingly complex realities of the lands that we study.3 In ally considered to be the Ottoman core lands. in a context that clearly signaled to the oligarchic elites of the late Seljuk era and to leaders of the Turcoman tribes that the political future of the peninsula might the nationist and statist paradigms and to develop. the word "Turchia" appears on a Latin map as a caption on Asia Minor. rather than of all Anatolia. 1192-96. 1205-11).6 A historicized approach cannot. It is also worth applying some caution in using the term "Turkish Anatolia.jstor. some students of late period between 1192 and 1205 can be deemed an in medieval (tavd'if-era. were necessarily Turkish in a strict ethnic sense. Ibn Bibi. The practice of naming Rum Seljuk princes ever. As early as the late twelfth century.118. how of Rum. of ten in rivalry and sometimes in direct confrontation with the Seljuks. A similar us age can be located in Arabic sources. the Mamluk sultan of Egypt and Syria. whose account of Anatolia in of rulership in the age of Kihc Arslan II (r. to remain the lesser one.5 whose usage but now stretched by Turkish speakers to re imperial vision could not coexist with the Swiss-cheese fer to the zone that they inhabited and in large part configuration of the lands of Rum and called for a also governed. ruled over a relatively unified Turco-Muslim Anatolia for only a few decades during that period.) Anatolian and Ottoman stud terregnum. In considering the vicissitudes of Seljuk rule. Arslan." embraced the maintained power. marched all the way into Kayseri. In his thoughtful introduction." tural as well as a physical space (the lands of Rome. Ibn Bibi justifies his start ing point by saying that he is uncertain of how to organize the earlier materials. it The word "Rum" or diydr-i Rum for defining a cul is appropriate to speak of "Turco-Muslim Anatolia. and the Seljuks' power was on the wane ies have been trying to move beyond a critique of after 1243.. This approach is driven by a search for a new historical be redesigned without much Seljuk input. Compet geography and cultural history of identity in south itive principalities emerged under the leadership of western Asia and southeastern Europe (after a .e. Admittedly.24. and Danishmend. 1155-92). i. particularly the Danishmendids. which also witnessed the demise ish-speaking Muslims of the peninsula. At any rate. the peninsula outside Muslim control until the Beylik Byzantium) was adopted from earlier Arabo-Persian period or even until the reign of Mehmed II.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 9 after." because not all Anatolian Mus lims. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. without assuming the fixity and transparency of categories like "Turkish" or "Islamic" in designating and analyzing cultural processes. chieftain or lord) from both the realm of the Ottoman empire) in the late medi Seljuk elite and Turcoman backgrounds and included eval and early modern periods: hence the focus on Rum and Rumi. The Seljuks themselves seem to have been conscious of their graduation to a higher level book of Ibn Battuta.7 one under a certain Osman Beg. since he finds them confusing in their apportioning of the roles of con queror and sovereign among the Seljuks and mighty emirs like Mengiicek. or to forge out of that critique. Ilkha nid-Mongol rule in Asia Minor turned more direct in 1277. who wrote the only history of the Seljuks of Rum that might be considered an im perial chronicle. the Anatolian branch was bound word "Turkiye" for their country. for instance.10 on Wed. were in control for several generations after Manzikert. begs (modern Turkish bey.4 So long as the latter wholesale the self-designation "Turk. Turks and others who moved westward homogenization of sovereignty in what were eventu during and after the eleventh century adopted and This content downloaded from 152. only a year after Baybars. the Based on such considerations. dynasties founded by those emirs. the 1330s introduces the region as barr al-Turkiyya al who eliminated the Danishmendids in 1177 and es maruf bi-bilad al-Rum (the Turkish land known as the tablished a semblance of political unity in the lands lands of Rum). these qualifications should not in any way detract from the profound association that emerged over time between the historical setting and the Turkish identity scrutinized here. Even after Krhr." but historical accuracy sometimes does not warrant such shortcuts. Artuk. a harbin ger of future European-language usages such as "Ot toman Turkey" or "European and Asiatic Turkey" all the way into the early twentieth century. starts his book with the reign of Gi yaseddin Keyhusrev (r. rulers or subjects. as in the travel much of the territory designated as Seljuk Anatolia by modern scholarly convention. overlook the fact that it is only in the aftermath after the heroes of ancient Persian imperial epics be of the First World War that the predominantly Turk gan during his reign. when Mongol armies defeated them.

nor does the word appear in Manaqib al-drifin. to a worldly pragmatism of the non-Muslims of those lands. 955). and his burial site outside the lack of enforcement of certain sharica principles the city walls. compiled by a certain Ebu'1-Hayr-i Rumi according to a regional habitus among the Muslims of in 1474 on the basis of oral narratives presumably cir the lands of Rum..118. Ibn cArabi himself was century in an Arabic work by the polymath al-Mascudi shocked to see certain practices in Rum. many of whom spent some part of Muslims. ety and faith. waiting for him in a cave. Mevlana Celaleddin-i Rumi (d.24. This is currency among some of those people and moved not to say that there are no regional dialects of pi seamlessly into old Anatolian Turkish. measure supplemented and filtered by the Turkish en Kalenderism and some other antinomian movements that flourished in the lands of Rum in the late medi counter with an earlier Arab (and other peoples') re eval era originated in Iran. bless ings and tactics from a legendary Arab warrior of the happened in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries earlier Islamic-Byzantine frontier operations. or that it might not be worth speaking predates 1071: it is mentioned as early as in the tenth of an Islam of the lands of . a Maghribi who fought with the Turcomans against the Mongols in lived in Seljuk Konya for several years and inspired the late thirteenth century. and the representatives of ception of the heritage of the lands of Rum. In the cific historical configurations?of belief and practice Saltukname. It is only with such awareness that we historical consciousness of the Rumis themselves did may deal with regional dialects or inflections?spe not operate in the same manner. Persians. "Istanbul. however. and only then moves on to his own adven tures of conquest deeper in the lands of Rum. however. in a dream. and they occasionally converse in Arabic. Saltuk retrieves Seyyid Bat tal Gazi's long-idle weapons and horse. who was sent by the Abbasid caliph Nasir li Din Allah in 1221 to initiate neo-Anatolian Muslims to go back to Yazid b. There were other com their lives in Anatolia or settled there. and Jews. linguistic. who were apparently distinguishable culating for generations.10 CEMAL KAFADAR reworked many geographical names in the eastern Roman lands on the basis of what had already been "Islamized" and used by Arabs. as he is invoked today sim ply as "Rumi" by millions of modern readers around the world.8 Words like "Rum" and "Rumi" were in common and neo-Muslim Anatolians into the futuwwa. 1240. 1273) is the best-known example. the Turk his intellectual legacy. of speaking used with respect to. or Kurds. and religious in Anatolia. perhaps at first by outsiders but eventually also by insiders. who are reported to have call the likes of Ibn cArabi (d." too. modern histories tend to erase these movements in Rum received a good part of their that filter and prefer to present the whole post-Manzi intellectual sustenance and some of their membership kert story in terms of a direct encounter between through continued migration from and communica "Turkish settlers" and "autochtonous" others. in Turkey and elsewhere. particularly (d.jstor. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. the Rumi variant of ish encounter with Hellenic Asia Minor was in some futuwwa (ahilik) is unthinkable without Suhrawardi. owe a good deal to associates) settled in Asia Minor." It came to be adopted by. were developed or inspired to a large degree by Arab it cannot be subsumed even under the neat trinity of and Persian Sufis. Ibn Battuta the theosophical school of Sadruddin-i Konevi) or observed that the lineage of the Sons of Germiyan Shahab al-Din Abu Hafs cOmar al-Suhrawardi (1145 (based in Kutahya.12 This should not pects of what the city of Constantine would become make us overlook the fact that versions of Rumi Su after 1453 had been prepared before Turks (and their fism. it is clear that some significant as with respect to non-Muslims there.9 Also bearing in mind the legends concern ing Abu Ayyub al-Ansari. the main source on the life of the poet. or of a Turkish Is lam as it eventually took shape. primarily. identities they encountered would be impossible here. compiled be This content downloaded from 152. One might re munities. They also borrowed or "corrupted" many usages of about a Turkish Islam?tending toward modernity and democracy in its essence. In short. There is no evidence that he called himself thus. primarily the less rigid ones. northwest Anatolia) was alleged 1234). As they are written.10 All this must be borne in mind in dealing with the current vogue. Christians. Vari ous Arab companions accompany him in his exploits. Likewise. To take full account Turkish states and certain lenient features of Sufism of the complexity of ethnic. such as Yezidis. etc. The tion with Iran. As in the case of many loan words. some Muslims of that geogra phy. in the 1330s.10 on Wed. Those very features themselves. of course11?with respect to relaxed attitudes among Turks toward ritual ob servance and. Follow to the word "Rumi. Mucawiya. something new starts his adventures after receiving. we encounter a hero who in that manner as of the thirteenth century. or ing his oneiric instructions.

118. in part. with the same associations. "Rumis" regularly appear as the Christian The Rumi identity was differentiated but not nec enemies of "Muslims. but he was called Mevlana-i Rum (our master [who is] of [the lands of eastern] Rome) in Hamdullah al-Mustawfi's Persian history.10 on Wed. a merchant uncouth tribal or peasant populations. see below) of no such distinc the ambiguities and ambivalences. among the Rumis. Moreover. mand much more attention than they have hitherto Moreover. ruffians.16 In the Danismendname. the Ottoman literati (and presumably their also resonated with a social class distinction and had audiences) were aware that. scholars.13 While he is known as Rumi in most of the world . when some sources written by Anatolian Mus "Turk(s)" to refer to themselves when they are quot lims continued to use "Rumi" to refer to Byzantine ing or paraphrasing Byzantine and European charac or ex-Byzantine Christians. In a chronicle of the early sixteenth century.20 Genealogies of the attachment to tribal ways and cultural codes. in their own conception 1320-21?)." a usage that primar highlighting a sense of "we" as defined. rustic.14 It was also used regularly to denote the joratively."17 It is not so much a matter of essarily detached from its Turkish counterpart. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. and devas tation of the universe is confined to Turks."15 "Rumi vs. man elites and Rumi urbanites called their language upon the emergence of new forms of stratification in "Turkish" and knew well that it was related to other the late medieval era: those who spoke Turkish (pref kinds of Turkish spoken and written by "Turks" else erably a refined kind of Turkish. even more broadly." in other words. and maleddin Ebu Bekr bin EbiVAla el-Rumi. completed in Iran in 1330. a prominent Sufi intellectual of the seven of their history and identity. it was also used for men and women (for been given. dition of the Oghuz Turks. imply after 1207?where the author writes of a certain Ce ing Turkish-speaking country bumpkins. institutions. and mystics. Tarikh-i guzida. the Greek Orthodox) of the former Byzantine realms. the heirs of the heritage of the lands of Rum prefer to refer to him as Mevlana. Ottoman writers inserted teenth century writes that emre is a laudatory title "in the formation of the polity into a narrative of Seljuk Turkish. since the conven tion. education. and perhaps con is striking that Ottoman sources often use the word fusion. since identity with enthusiasm: This content downloaded from 152. where Mevlana most general and eloquent account of the usage with Celaltiddin is reported to have said that Rumi ser respect to a collectivity is given by Gelibolulu Mus vants should be preferred if one wanted to build and tafa Ali (1541-1600). "cultivation of the world belongs to Rumis. The religious identity in Manaqib al-arifin. who undoubtedly embraced that Turkish workmen if one wanted to demolish.24."18 In time. the Otto collective identity of a particular segment of society. since they know of several other Rumis. Whether or not it was then tagged onto the name of one of the most respected poets of the lands of Rum. and dedicated to Giyaseddin Keyhusrev soon simplistic. sometimes merely descriptively. In his House of Osman proudly linked them to the tribal tra commentary on one of the poems of Yunus Emre (d. its historical uses de the nisba has been used since the thirteenth century by and for a large number of poets. seven of eight relevant occurrences of the likely based on an original composition of the mid word are instances of such ventriloquism.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 1 1 tween 1318 and 1353. "Rum" designated the Greeks (or sometimes. It connotations similar to "bourgeois vs. In fact. the earliest usage I have been able to lo tional scholarly view that "Turk" was a term of den cate thus far is in Rawandi's chronicle?again written igration in late medieval and Ottoman usage is too in Iran." There was a period of transition. like the word atabeg among the Turks or lala and post-Seljuk Turkish (etrdk) political communities.19 Such usage was indeed common. ters. no matter what they pre ferred to call themselves. but at times pe chronicler. The kin ship between the two words obviously did not make anyone squirm. by ily had associations of ethnicity-not-transcended and the western Turkish language. Mutercim Asim's eighteenth-century translation ily as their mother tongue) and acquired their social and elaboration of a Persian dictionary occasionally identity within or in some proximity to urban settings. Turk. a finer distinction emerged between "Rumi" and the other meaning of "Rum". It should suffice here to observe some of an instance of rumiyya. others called them Turks. for written in the first half of the fifteenth century but instance. As for the word "Turk" itself. Still. but not necessar where. etrdk (Turks) often designated Turcoman news of Keyhusrev's conquests and generosity to the tribes.21 thirteenth. and cultural pref posed to the Turkish spoken in Iran or in Turkistan. points to usages in bizim Turki (our Turkish) as op professions.jstor. erences?as opposed to "Turks. when applied to persons or communities. In its Arabi who came from Asia Minor to Hamadan and brought cized plural. rather than lands.

some older and once more distin guished. Such usage was merely a legacy of the process whereby Turkish-speaking conquerors and settlers.jstor. veled is used only for non-Muslims and ular part of the official language used in documents ibn only for Muslims. tax-status. Still. Apart from this. namely a growing number of warriors people who. there were several different pigeonholes into which they could be placed. Vari ous place names. Some distinctions." but a non-Muslim would "perish".24 As for the members of society. Among its notables from the House of Osman. most of the inhabitants of siveness of the first generations of begs. because it was able to erase or marginalize other narra that was standard. who are who belong to [the ruling apparatus shaped around not [generically] separate from those tribes of Turks the House of] Osman) into the corporate identity of and Tatars. based on assumed inequalities be tives of conquest and settlement. tax register. The means for doing so were ever refined by increasingly sophisticated bureaucratic cadres. 1520-66) and tongue in cheek. like a princely pearl.118. are not so easy to explain. the genealogy is traced to a filthy . The Ottoman enterprise was suc Muslims and non-Muslims appear regularly. Again in the court records.22 Some might be tempted to romanticize this avowal of hybridity. but it is not devoid of its own manner of pride. are singled out for their piety. Before that. There were no identity cards or fingerprints. tion. which makes its appearance in written sources was large and filled with liquid. it can be said that "Rumi" is a and ?eyhulislam Ebussuud Efendi (d. evidently considered the Ottomans to be up starts: in both the Bazm u Razm and the pro-Karamanid chronicle of ?ikari. of course. had "Rum" in them. and scholar-bureaucrats. etc. just as they are distinguished in the origins of their state. There was no unanimity on this issue at two different species of fruitbearing tree mingled and first. where thousands of were ready to manipulate or engineer identities and collective memories. From the sixteenth cen (designating Ottoman lands to the west of Istanbul)." "Rumi" was not a signifier forged by or for a state. the sons of Osman are called bi asil (without [a worthy] origin)." no land uments were rather sloppy in naming each person's father and his or her residential neighborhood. Somewhat anachronistically the judicial reforms of Sultan Suleyman (r.10 on Wed. found it useful to mark some regions or cities in terms of their lo cation in Roman lands: Erzurum (short for Erzen er Rum). but all of them were strictly lo calized and frozen. Along the way.24. or court document would use it as ning around the mid-sixteenth century. Cadastral surveys of the fifteenth century. it was able there are few whose lineage does not go back to a con to forge a prestigious lineage for what became the dy vert to Islam.23 Their rivals among the competitive lot of emirs with their own principalities. The earliest surviving court doc to denote "Ottoman lands. It is as if nastic family. probably after an operational category. Diyar-i Rum. a Muslim cessful in turning itself into an imperial state in part would "pass away. for in stance. but subjects had to be somehow identified and differentiated into func tional categories when they appeared or were counted in front of authorities. and these appeared This content downloaded from 152. cleanliness. is accepted by an overwhelming majority of our sources after the late fifteenth century. was not itself a reg tury onward. as used by the state and the public. or Rumeli in the 1430s. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. but the Kayi lineage from the legendary Oghuz mated. Ali's for mulation is striking because of the different concep tualization of identity when compared to the modern obsession with purity of origin and linear narratives of ancestry. Over time?rather gradually over centuries?there is an un mistakable trend in official documents toward improv ing the scribal means of making distinctions among subjects of different sorts.either on their father's or their mother's side..12 CEMAL KAFADAR Those varied peoples and different types of Rumis living ers. it was not even a part of the official discursive grid of the Ottoman administration. even a touch of chauvinism. either in physical beauty or in spiritual wisdom.are a select community and pure. the province of Rum (former Danishmendid lands in central and east-central Anatolia). or the lands of Rum. according to religious affiliation.. The best qualities of the progenitors were then mani fested and gave distinction." As for "Rumi. every in category shaped by the civil society. and the fruit of this union Khan. how of accomplishments that were once attributed to oth ever. dividual was also identified by these bits of informa This is important because premodern states. or chieftains. too. pleasing a political elite. Rum are of confused ethnic origins. begin survey.. with leaves and fruit. as they moved westwards. it was able to turn "Osmanh" (those in the glorious days of the Ottoman dynasty.. are likely to use veled as well as ibn (or bin) for a Muslim as "son of so-and-so. competing memories tween Islam and other faiths. Unlike "Osmanh. 1574). The misty beginnings of that corporate identity can be found in the tribal inclu and faith.

In the introduc tion.24. The formation and and the like: igdis. or the lands of the Golden Horde. while there were some movements of Turk words that appear and disappear to designate min ish populations from the north?the Kipchak Steppe ute differences of faith. they also carried the Arab lands. Sufis. articulation of tribal bodies that accounted for much manav. by Turks but also by are abundant from the fourteenth century onwards. potur. "misspellings" for non ers in the migrations and conquests also needs to be Muslim names also became standard if those names taken into account. fluidities for what they were. when the city markers into their ledgers. however. language. not just re denigration. many Chris There was even a word that might be worth rein tians simply stayed put because they preferred to or troducing for circumstances when "Do you speak this had to. tian subjects of former Byzantine lands. language?" is not a simple yes-or-no question. and between Turkish invaders and those who were already another one was introduced. if not earlier.118. gitak. torbes. Muslims were always sdkin ( . scribes. the sultan is praised for his dominion extending "from the gate of Erzincan to the gate of Hungary. the second reference there were also other Turks. for instance. locality. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. and artisans from Central Asia. which displayed a much 'Abdullah of Isfahan. that distinction became standard usage. (A similar comment can be made about of that mobility included members of different eth sexual identities. and were hardly mere ethnic categories. etc. Again in the eigh gional dialects. the tanner" and "Mahmud son of ventions had their own logic. While conquests in many instances immediate sociological and moral associations (per led to outward migration by or dislocation of Chris haps a bit like the still unfortunate word "gypsy"). but a differentiation. consistently. In 1429. and to a badly constructed sentence uttered or written by someone who spoke a language badly. The sad institution of slavery was another significant factor in the demographic changes in Rum. In the eighteenth century at the can be subsumed under encounters and exchanges latest." This content downloaded from 152. Most of the Turks came from It is hardly possible to follow the bewildering array of the east. two of them with the names of the deceased: One should not confuse this administrative predi lection with social convention. but the word also has connotations of being peace identity and diversity must be understood in light of ful) of a neighborhood. non-Muslims sometimes mut the fact that things were much more complex than emekkin (established). ethnicity. with a correct sin for rious artifact in this regard.jstor. and some moved from Byzantine-held territo ries to Turkish-held ones.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 13 The loose and linguistically creative attitude to only over time. leading for a while to the would use mesfurfe] (the foregoing)?not necessarily a coexistence of different kinds of Turkish. Iran. gacal. as defined by various preferences. brief conquest of Nicaea (1081-96) by words."27 The sources for the lands of more freewheeling attitude to identity. ing by Muslims in the lands of Rum after 1071 is a cu would be spelled. which simply means "very difficult" or "complicated" in modern Turkish. once referred to those who spoke a language badly. Byzantines. Four of these tombstones have writing on them. There are good reasons for was captured by the Crusaders and turned over to the calling the Ottoman state an early modern one. Qetrefil. it seems. turkopouloi.25 In other from the first. This must have been an important part of life in the plural environments of premodern empires. if a non-Muslim were involved. what we would like now to think of as ethnonyms nic communities that joined the Turks. Ottoman bureaucrats and scribes were devel the forces moving in with the Seljuk prince Suleyman oping ever more refined means of making distinc bin Kutalmi? survive because they were used as slabs tions. by way of la Rum. Ahmed. tonics. from the Andalusian experience) stantly replenished thereafter. for which there is a scandalously long list of words. willingly or through coercion. The earliest extant piece of writ could be shared with Muslims: Ishak.10 on Wed. many other emigrants. were destined from the outset to con beling or denigrating others through a rich reper found modern scholars and resist their comfortable toire of slurs and stereotypes but also by recognizing conventions. by way of inscribing ever more improved identity to buttress the fortifications after 1096.) In fact.26 The role of non-Turks as co-wayfar teenth century. There were also migrating scholars. A second (or further) there ("indigenous" or "autochtonous" populations). Murad II was presented a treatise on the medical prop erties of stones. Some Arabic tombstones a Muslim but an incorrect sad for a Jew. Macaronic texts (also The areas held by Turco-Muslim warriors were con known as aljamiado. inant element among those who emigrated westward. reference to a Muslim involved in a case would men Even though Oghuz Turks clearly constituted the dom tion him or her as mezkurfe] (the above-mentioned). Social con "a believer. and perfumes.

After warning as captives. a Venetian merchant. he raises bers. until now. Poles. It takes a particularly perceptive student of things Ottoman like Jakab Nagy de Harsany. Wallachians. Those who are born Muslim have different customs than those who have converted from Christianity. identifying his son with a Greek title and name: "chir Jacob fiuol de Chogia Ise. Hungarians. Albanians. Czechs. the Turcomans and the Persians did not mix freely. Tatars. Dutch. and so. at any rate?as much as belonging to larger categories such as Osmanli or Muslim or Rumi. and many others. among sponds: "us. the uneducated theirs. Above all. a Transylvanian water. Some Turkish communities ev idently adopted Christianity within the Greek or Ar menian Orthodox church. the reconfigurations of identity must have been determined by religious conversions.29 but they do not seem to have mattered?over the long run. and their progeny his European readers that they should not heed the join the rank of the faithful until the day of resurrec reductionism in so many travelers' accounts that speak . he must know the character of all [these] people (natio). Moldavians.32 From the beginning of the eighteenth cen tury onwards."28 There may be an exaggeration in the num of an essential Turkish this and Turkish that. Rus. Bulgarians.) To pres to those in Iran."33 The history of the lands of Rum clearly of fers us images very different from oil and water and perhaps parallels the history of South Asia in the same period?a setting of mixture and exchange that in cluded much more than two actors (Turks and Greeks. and similar pro cesses. but there is no hesitation about including the the question.10 on Wed. Croatians. we are given an eye-opening detail. Muslims of that geography were Turks. mer Byzantine lands through the encounters of one Vladimir Minorsky. Jews. bringing with them tales and proverbs and skills and crafts and styles and?not to let the nasty aspects of it out of our minds?experi ences of violence and suffering. Persians. French. Georgians. The account book of Giacomo Badoer. Abkhazians. the circumstances and processes of Turkish settlement in the lands of Rum need to be compared times to "Choza Isse turco" as one of hundreds of peo ple with whom he had transactions in Constantinople in the 1430s. were Bosnian Muslims to some of their neighbors. Muscovites. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. they are not overtly stated in our written sources (but there is room for some imaginative research here). Cossacks. even if of medieval Iran." In a generation or two. on one of those occasions. or Turcomans and Persians) and called for new terms of identity. was the need for denigration of converts: Nasche un greco. una gens in the Latin] but con sists of all sorts of people of the world? Germans. another realm where substantial ent the post-1071 cultural transformations in the for Turcophone populations settled in the medieval era. huge numbers of Chris tians in the lands of Rum moved into the fold of Is lam." but to the Europeans. people of the frontiers develop different customs than those who are born in the central lands of the empire. tendentiously asserts.30 (Thus also. those become Muslim. adaptability. If only to highlight differences and regional spe cificities. a modern historian side with another is simply not going to work. Serbs. everyone learns both good and bad things from Christians and [other] neighbors. Kurds. such as Rumi. nasche un turco (When a Greek is born. for instance. Ethnic backgrounds were not always obliterated among the slaves/servants of the Sublime Porte. we need to recognize that millions of people changed sides and homelands.118. but this process remains marginal compared to the massive conversions in the other direction. as far as we know now.24. and thereby into Turk-ness. Italians. evidently. Circassians. Greeks. English. for instance.31 Renegadism may have been common among the cor sairs. Over time. "What is the Turkish character?" and re converts and their progeny among the faithful. Armenians. to look at and female infidels are taken from the abode of war Ottoman society in its full complexity. if there were memories among those later generations of the unhappy circum stances that initiated the process. It was apparently used to disparage Greeks by indicating that they could easily "turn Turk"?a compound verb once readily encountered in English tales of renegades and corsairs. both the proverb and the verb seem to have lost their relevance and thus their currency. This content downloaded from 152." Cho gia Ise (Hoca or Koca Isa) may or may not have called himself "turco. refers a few [millet in the Turkish text. "Like oil and we focus on receptivity. the edu cated have their way. Indians. most of which seem to have taken place independent of coercive mechanisms. a Turk is born) is a saying recorded among the corsairs in the seventeenth century. And even if we prefer to speak in terms of sides.14 CEMAL KAFADAR wherein "every year more or less fifty thousand male humanist of the mid-seventeenth century. Whoever wishes to speak of the Ottoman character (Osmanlinm tabiati). since it is not one nation mer slaves could blend into Rumi society without any stigma. descendants of those for This is a most difficult question. Arabs.

This is clearer in the case of competitive cultural discourse. he has arrived from the Eastern lands. . has elegance and politesse of the cAcems. boasted of being the setting of the original story. the 1469-70?). who is defended by an other biographer: "We need to be fair: he did a good job. Farhad and Shirin. Whether in Persian or in Turkish. "the poets of Rum.jstor. it was not received as a story of "some other people": Amasya. The area around Diyarbakir. "Rumi. Rum was a cultural space inhabited by a community that shared a literary language. some say he is a Rumi". Someone from Diyarbakir is in cluded among the poets of Rum but at the same time identified as being "from the Eastern lands" (diyar-i ?ark). for instance. and others) spoke about the poets of the lands of Rum. but his grandfather's wwk was al-Misri (the Egyptian). for instance. in a nutshell. having served as a judge for many years in Aleppo. "Rumi" is most often paired with "cAcem" (primarily "Persian. like other cAcems. one of the few women to appear among the poets of Rum. One of these biographical dictionaries of "the poets of Rum" was in fact written by an cAcem. was used in large measure to designate a novel social and cultural con stellation." The word "Turk" is of a different order of things. cisve. we read that he "is cAcem.. yet another is "a Turcoman. rarely but some This content downloaded from 152.24. namely in descriptive or analytical discourse: "The poetry of so-and-so lacks Rumi qualities. it included a few Armenian poets who used that language (Mesihi of Diyarbakir. which he or she would consider his or her own. And even if one wrote only in Turkish. he became like a Rumi (Rumi gibi olup). Mihri Hatun (d. is described by another poet of her time as a "poetess of gracious sense. Rum." The word shirin (gracious) here skillfully alludes to the female protagonist of the medieval Persian romance. to some degree. and the intelli gence and attractiveness of the Rumis. it comes closer to the style of the cAcem. he conforms in his style of poetry to the sive (inflec tion) of verse in the Turkish manner and to the isve (gesture. and his own was al-Rumi al-Izniki (the Roman the Nicaean. for instance. acquired "the grace and generosity of the Arabs. it was almost obligatory to write one's own poetry collection not only in Turkish but also in Persian and/or Arabic. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about.10 on Wed. after 1512). He does not deny [the qualities of] Rum and Ru mis." neither of which should be understood as simply eth nic categories. his emigrating father's was al-Misri al-Rumi. say. tarz.).118. In Ottoman usage." All of them neverthe less find a place in books on. He came to Rum as an envoy."34 The biographical dictionaries of poets (or schol ars. is the story of somebody for whom a word like "Rumi" would have had to be coined if it did not already exist. not the Ottoman Empire. is embedded in it. married someone in Istanbul. when one wishes to speak of the ac complishments of Rumi poets. ethnicity. coquettishness) of the poets of Rum. he was a "Turkish poet and mystic. A certain Haleti. undoubtedly with social and cultural associations. Having spent most of his time in this land. Mihri Hatun's hometown. Turkish. or venture a com mentary on an important work of Arabic or Persian literature (say. for instance). Another poet is "from the Eastern lands. the Qasida al-Burda or Sacdi's Gulistdn). The limits of Rumi-ness were delineated.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 15 Let us consider the case of E?refoglu Rumi (d." Of another poet. Many conversations and disputes of his. and Diyarbakir. The binary of "Rumi" is not necessarily " ." since "Rumi" identifies not only social or geographic background but also style and character (itslub. have been committed to memory. For the truly ambitious. and distinguished them from the cAcem and Arab poets.His father E?ref left Egypt as a young man and settled in Iznik. On the other hand." but those who spoke and wrote in "Eastern Turkish" might also be categorized among "the poets of cAcem"). He has [also] written Turkish poetry. calligraphers. E?refoglu indeed wrote some of the most admired lyrical Sufi poetry in Turkish." Here. in the vein of Yunus Emre. manner of flirtation. by linguistic and geographic criteria." in its new meaning. and settled there. as having "surpassed" those of cAcem poets. a certain cAhdi. if you will). The Rumi-cAcem binary is also used in a non-competitive vein. plays a lim inal role as a frontier."35 A good Rumi intellectual or artist may have boasted that the Rumis had outdone the cAcems and Arabs but would never doubt the need to be steeped in Arabic and Persian classics and compete with contempora neous exemplars in those traditions." One of our poets is "from an area close to the Iranian frontier." even though we currently focus on "Rumi" in order to question the facile application of a linear and ahis torical Turkishness to the past. well known among the Rumis and subject to a few Turkish renderings. for instance. etc. Having lived in the lands of Rum for quite some time. making use of the same discourse as most of the poets of Rum. and sometimes both "cAcem" and "cArab. namely the identity of those from a variety of backgrounds but with a shared disposition toward a certain style of expression in the arts as well as quo tidian life. According to a short entry in the Encyclo paedia of Islam.

"41 Thereafter. or perhaps Istan were tired of their lengthy campaign into Arab lands bul. 1221?): "I passed through the That city was the capital of the lands of Rum [rendered "grecs" by the French translator]." "Frengistan. the word "Anadolu" (Ana Another sixteenth-century Arabic source was appar tolia) hardly ever appears in the "folk poetry" that ently more cognizant of the usage. Still. 1762). Syria] and fell upon empire. calligraphy. to a lesser seems to have slowly fallen out of favor in the eigh but significant extent. and India and are even attested in Indonesia." The Arabic source that relates this incident of a place name. and Pir Sultan Abdal." even after the so convincing that the caravan going from Damascus incorporation of the latter into the Ottoman Empire. many non-Turkish Middle East teenth century. as "Turks"?a preference manifested since the word was still used to generate new coinages. Roman. writes of the would turn to a rich set of allusions deriving from the lands of Rum as being "all the way over there" (ta Persian and Arabic classics.16 CEMAL KAFADAR times even called Rumice (in the Rumi manner). A Bolognese sailor who was in South Asia part of their own heritage.42 lived in Mecca for a few . ably because of the preponderance of Rumis. in his ern or Balkan languages (Greek and Arabic.39 It the late medieval era in both European and. the Ottoman soldiers inside the fort. in the sense of go The designations "Rum" and "Rumi" were also com mon in Iran. it appears regularly in both the that city now call themselves "Rum" [again rendered somewhat rarefied writings of the poets of Rum and the hugely popular art of the likes of Yunus Emre. long predating Turkish na tionalism. a woman went to the While "cAcem" constituted the most common binary authorities in Istanbul in 1544 and complained of the of "Rumi" in Ottoman cultural discourse. the word "Rum" could carry an identifies her as a Rumi woman (imraa rumiyya)." The Moroccan ambassador to Istanbul in currency somewhat longer. but that is pre today is considered the "echt-Anadolu" poetry of Turk cisely why it baffled a modern scholar. 1534) and ad 'Greek. for the wholesale designation of the Otto teenth centuries." and "cAcem" (or "cAcemistan"). while it ob age by Turcophone Muslim Anatolian communities viously confused him a bit: to designate their turf is already attested in a poem by Ahmed Fakih (d.40 tomans and their educated urban Turcophone sub As the designation of a physical and cultural geog jects for calling themselves not "Turks" but "Osmanh" raphy "the lands of Rum. Nevres-i Kadim (d. and the seat of the lands of Rum and Sham [i.. A certain Ismacil-i Rumi (d. Central Asia. indicating that Empire. to Mecca that year "brought word that coffee was for as well as from the "lands of cAcem..' as the original reads. In a quatrain at the modern scholar writes: "It is hardly likely that a "grecs" by the translator] and prefer that origin to their own." In the capacity bidden. After having ish bards. often filtered through those classics. would have lived in dressed to Sultan Selim I. is called khatt rumi tributed to ?eyhulislam Ibn Kemal (d. states man and contributor to the flourishing Chagatai liter ing back home: What have we left to do in the Arab realm? Long have we stayed in Aleppo and Sham: This content downloaded from 152. and emotive content of cultural affinity. The beginnings of the us 1589 was at least aware of this dissonance..38 The quasi-amnesia in modern scholarship regard The heyday of "Rumi" as a socially and culturally ing the once-abundant usage of "Rumi" is deeply meaningful category spans the thirteenth to seven rooted in the preference. Among them." or simply "Rum.10 on Wed." enjoyed or "Rumi. Ka racaoglan. the city of caesars. who here means a Turk from Anatolia. for in history of a Safavid assault on Erevan in 1731. Bayram Khan (1504?-61). in juxtaposition with ["l'ecriture grecque"]. one ature in India in the sixteenth century. and of Turcophone Muslims of the Ottoman was thereafter known as the Rumiyye.. 1643) founded a branch of the Kadiri order of dervishes that mans.e. which Rumis considered diyar-i Rum)."37 and yearning to return to Rum. as well as from a whole with the Portuguese in the first decade of that century body of Hellenistic. The Muslims who live in Arabia. as geograph use of coffee in the holy city (only a decade before ical designations the "lands of Rum" were regularly coffee conquered Istanbul itself). too.jstor. She must have been differentiated from the "Arab lands.118. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. writes stance). the scholar is alleged to Mecca.24.e. Such a designation remained standard despite of the cAcems as planning to massacre the "Rumis"? the countervailing preference among those very Ot i. too.36 place names like "Sham. and late antique concepts relates that Diu was called "Divobandirrumi.It is therefore best to assume that 'rumiya' have expressed the sentiments of the soldiery." presum and figures. In fact.

however.24. Abdullah refers to "Aleppo and Aintab. rendering services to different rulers in northern India. a biographical dictionary of the "distinguished dead" of that city?re fers to Rum on a few occasions with rhyming formulae of obvious emotional attachment: diyar-i Rum-i cennet rusum (paradise-like lands of Rum) or diyar-i cennet sidr-i Rum (paradise-signaling lands of Rum). writ ten after a disastrous naval expedition in the Indian Ocean and his return journey. the country of Rum (vilayet-i Rum) or Hindustan. In this geographical scheme. the whole Arab province beyond Malatya. the boundaries were vague. he starts to write poems that pepper the text in Chagatai Turkish. or zone of transition. who was and is one of the most revered poets of Ottoman and Azeri Turkish literature. The very first poem in Chagatai ends with a prayer that God grant him success in his "jour ney back to the patria (vatan seferi).45 With or without cultural associations.43 A 1649 vefeyatname of Bursa?namely."47 Firdevsi-i Rumi (d. the poor soul" and boasted of generations of ser vice by his family members at the arsenal in Istanbul.48 In interpreting Selim I's commission to rebuild the shrine of Ibn cArabi outside Damascus upon his conquest of the "Arab lands. includ ing Humayun and Akbar. the significant (and. Arab lands often start in Syria (Sham). How could it.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 1 7 People are all living in pleasure and charm. again." He returns to composing poems "in the manner of Rum (Rum tarzi uzere)" only when he comes close to the Safavid-Otto man boundary. he that "Rum" implied something more limited than Anatolia. the lands north of Mosul. could Rum in Ottoman administrative division). for in stance: the early-sixteenth-century chronicle of Yusuf b. vague) boundary was not between Syria and Rum but rather between Baghdad and Rum. his beloved home city. and turning down offers of mighty posts.When people speak of Alexander points. But if one means the lands under the the movement of armies or individuals." But where. the "lands of Rum." referred to the region one en tered coming west from the lands of cAcem or north from the Arab lands. Let us go [back] then to the lands of Rum.jstor. the misfortunes of the navy. Hind does not amount Somewhere to the west or north of any of those to one-tenth of it.."46 In general. They could be conceived to extend as far north as Malatya.10 on Wed. one means Rum the downtrodden of Karbala. Turkey to the east of the straits. a Turcoman of Iraq. It is also regularly in This content downloaded from 152. In the meantime. avoiding palace coups and bandit-infested roads. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. a Shica to boot.. he tells us that the "yearning for the patria (vatan arzusi)" never left his heart. demonstrating his always superior poetic skills at every opportunity. which since having ruled over the seven climes. which constitutes the line between Rum and Sham. In more prosaic and de strictly speaking. rule of the Padishah-i Rum. but there is a grey area." expressions of affection for the lands of Rum are encountered in admiral Seydi Ali Reis's immensely popular account of his adventures in diyar-i Hind. is ject of the grandest of countries? When Humayun asked him a tricky question as to which country was bigger." or simply "Rum. He felt he had found used almost universally to cover all of the lands of safety (selamei) when he reached Ottoman Baghdad. and the shipwreck that took him to Gujarat." even if he did not necessarily have a political project in mind. An impossibly precise bound ary is sometimes given by sources that take the politi cal boundaries of a particular moment or very specific geographic points to heart: a chronicle written for the Akkoyunlu in the 1470s refers to a site called "Karabel. the province of Sivas (called scriptive fashion. after 1512)." we need to consider as the audience of this grand ges ture of patronage not only the sedentary Arab popu lations of Syria but also those very tribes of different and sometimes confused identity." He knew well. suffered the fate of had boldly answered: "If. been translated as "Anatolia. historically speaking? Today. on the other hand. too.44 Perhaps the most striking. referred in the 1490s to "Turk Hi (the province/land of Turks) all the way down to Jerusalem. then Hindu function as the entry to Rum in chronicles depicting stan is bigger. Soon after the section on Gujarat. where Turcoman tribes mixed freely with Arab and Kurdish tribes of northern Mesopotamia. when he knew that he was a sub but he quickly headed from there to diyar-i Rum. that is. that must be like the early twentiety century has almost mechanically the rule of Padishah-i Rum.118. by Rum. Having described him self in the introduction as uKatibi-i [his penname] Rumi. For Fuzuli. There he begins to negotiate his way back home. the word is the whole Ottoman Empire. He considered himself to be out of touch with the patronage networks of the lands of Rum. one crossed into the lands of Rum. exactly. many of whom were potential targets of Safavid propaganda and their kind of Sufism. while he. as if to accentuate his sense of exile (gurbet).org/terms . where many a lesser poet flour ished. even precociously "patrio tic. the captain runs through his expedition to the ocean.

" offering a new take or Iraq. Dimitrios Katartzis. and "Greeks. the Hellenic and the Roman. minus the cosmopolitan corruption and money of Istanbul (and perhaps also "infidel Izmir"). he holds to be one. and as such the designation has the same Towards the end of the eighteenth century. many and Salonica." the soil. but as on the time-honored Khurasan-to-Rum axis that pre one crossed the straits of the Bosphorus or the Darda vails in late medieval and early modern hagiographies nelles eastward. the same diagonal line." the brief vitae of Haci Bektas." In other Greek intellectuals were feeling embarrassed about words. to imply "the deep country. namely north from Syria. later. If one ever wanted chronicle of Ahmed Vasif Efendi. The empires of Basil II and Mehmed II. covering two of Anadolu" (in juxtaposition with the same office held in Rumelia). In terms of physical geography. for in cized form of the Greek word Anatoli (east). It is ironic that.52 three judgeships. In 1787. "the shores of Anadolu" (Anadolu sevahili) had been com monly used since the late medieval era for the north thousand and more years between them. which is an range. In the same source is another striking usage: other way. wrote: as in "the province of Anadolu" (the central and cen tral-western parts of Asia Minor). to consider deep geographic structures a la Braudel. with the same attendant vagueness about its of Independence in the 1820s and thereafter. the nineteenth century primarily in terms of physical geography. those of Anatolia. Yeni?ehir." but at first only in a perception of Romaioi identity as defining a whole the sense of physical geography. respectively. count of the annihilation of the Janissaries in 1826 Rum. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about."51 It must have something to do with fourteenth century. another writer. their observations were based on ing semantic field of "Anatolia. Veli mentions his migra Traveling westward from Iran or northward from Syria tion "from Khurasan to Anatolia. eval and early modern sources can indeed be identi the word "Rum" had acquired a new political mean fied most of the time with the current delineation of ing that would only intensify during the Greek War Anatolia. "Anadolu" acquired a broader usage: coming the eastern edges of the Taurus Mountains. An ac boundaries. but only those to the east or the south. independence started to of "Rum" as a geographical designation was likewise feel uncomfortable with the Byzantino-Ottoman asso gradually abandoned. many of whom The same Haleti who was mentioned above had held are said to have hailed from Khurasan. sian political plot to establish an independent Rum more or less.10 on Wed. written in the 1780s. of saintly figures of the lands of Rum. lighthouse. The Balkans. one entered not Rum but Anadolu.18 CEMAL KAFADAR voked in a metaphorical fashion. of the grand cities in Rum. included Asia Minor. but they differ one from the other in fortune and constitution and religion and customs This content downloaded from 152. too. of Rumelia vs. etc. at around the same time. had been stance. simply because the latter descends from the former. the Hellenic. one would walk into the lands of Rum. Anadolu. after all.118. the lands of Rum as a cultural zone had two the Greeks' self-designation of Romaioi and exerting parts in Ottoman usage: what is now Anatolia and what their energy and influence to replace it by "Hellenes" used to be Rumelia. in other words. how vagueness beyond the diagonal line from Trabzon to ever.24. in analyzing the ideas of used for centuries in frozen institutional terminology. But "Anatolia" was used even as late as ern shoreline of the peninsula. the Turki variety of institutions and attitudes. uses "Rum" only twice in the traditional sense of "Asia one would also need to take into account a botanical Minor" and on two other occasions to refer to a Rus frontier that natural scientists have discovered along.49 devleti (Greek state) and to appoint a Russian noble In that sense. by Turks in partic ular. but one might enter Anadolu.50 In other words. the usage of "Rum" in our late medi man as the Greek king (Rum krali) . If one crossed the straits eastward. to be replaced by the broaden ciations of the word." When those intellectuals of the Greek Beginning in the late eighteenth century this usage enlightenment and. one now did not necessarily enter the uncannily overlapping eastern boundaries of the the lands of Rum. the soiled but true essence of . "in Gelibolu. or Anato castigates the "heretical" soldiers for having been too lia. The inhabitants of Istanbul had been accustomed for centuries to think of many aspects and landmarks of their city in terms of a playful bipartite division: the castle. Ottoman lands west of the Mar this new sensitivity that "Anatolia" acquires a broader mara Sea were called Rum Hi (Rumelia).jstor. or "the treasurer Two ethni. but the Ottoman usage had more than the south cozy with the Greek rebels during the "sedition of western Asian peninsula in mind. of saying "the lands of Rum. one crossed into Anatolia. the wicked Rum infidels (kefere-i fecere-i Rum) in the were included in Rum as cultural space after the late year 1820-21.

and contrasts what he observes to be their the Armenians are here no more.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 19 and language and conduct.). until the end of the Balkan Wars in 1912-13. the For "Anadolu" to acquire regular usage with deep heartland of the new country of Turkey." Blut met Boden and acquired Lage. whether Turcophone or Hel and Byzantine cultures. Namik Kemal. to begin with. Otto long list of "Anadolulu" philosophers. new ways of speaking about "Our people.59 The entry on "Rum" in the celebrated Turkish diction Those lines were written in Istanbul in the 1870s ary of ?emseddin Sami. "It constitutes the most important part of the Ottoman realm in our day."57 Ottoman Anatolia.." it has proven relatively facile for na tionalists everywhere to argue.. he writes. have been around for a long time. Greek Orthodox community. and painters from ancient and Byzantine history in Egypt in 1787. to serve as a source of inspira trajectory of the usage in the late nineteenth century. and Muslim refugees from Ru melia and the Caucasus were moved to Anadolu. for instance. how do we re-cog backwardness in education and learning to the ad nize our homeland? This content downloaded from 152.." namely. "the Rums of Anatolia" or "Anatolians" (Anadolu Rumlari and Anadolulular. and all Indo-Europeans if one goes back enough in time) indeed moved around until they struck the felicitous bond with "our patria. but most peo ples must reckon with the fact that their forebears (the Germans." Under "Anadolu" he would write.10 on Wed. or.24. when the empire had lost nearly all its lands in Europe. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about.54 Seyyid Muhammed Nuru'l-CArabi. too. rendered "Osmanh" a broader category than it had been earlier. utensils. of the Turcophone ity" (accompanied by the requisite military action). the Aztecs. who invented pa fied as having hailed from Anadolu. however. and perhaps the most original conceptual ization is found in a novel published in 1871-72 by as well as a superior civilization and political stabil Evangelinos Misailidis (1820-90). interchangeably). the Seljuks and the Ottomans Obviously. one needs joined others learning to think of themselves as Turks. No matter what he thought of a Greek state and a "The government of the Ottoman Empire" is no obsta cle. ing network of schools and print cultures."60 sula in the early twentieth century would render Misa ilidis quaint. po man soldiers who fought valiantly against some rebels ets. sealed the for practical purposes. perhaps since the misty beginnings of his tory?but where? Some consider themselves to have been "at home" since time immemorial. and the appli cation of this new notion of Ottoman-ness in a widen New histories had to be written about "our people" and "our homeland. the Turks. Toward the end of the century Turkishness. even in their clothing and vancement in these respects of the Greeks of Greece." as is said of the Europeans in North America. One could now write about Osmanh sairleri (Ottoman poets). was sent in 1829 vived. Competing designs on the penin to wait until the turn of the twentieth century. where they cultural resonance among the Ottomans.58 cestors share it with others? They were tolerant. more definitively.55 . the Slavs. There were. scientists. this name belongs only to the new Greek people. and a few occa triotic poetry in the Ottoman/Turkish tradition. Palamas. he has in mind the Greek Orthodox pop forgot they were Turks and fell for Persian and Arab ulations of Asia Minor.According to us.jstor. a as examples of past achievements that need to be re prominent nineteenth-century mystic. Before that. which he obviously considers as natural readers would recognize the word in its old sense. It is both a popular and Now that the destined embrace between "our peo a scholarly convention to speak of this community as ple" and "our patria" is complete (Why did our an Karamanli. who are identi Even as late as 1874. published in 1900.61 They may have walked into "vast empty lands. and many others.56 extensions of an Anatolian cultural geography. was embraced by a small but influ ential group of intellectuals. His proud list includes Hippocrates. Ahmed Vasif Efendi took some pride in ourselves into the new age. however. Moreover. casually drop "Rum" in a couplet and assume that his and Cyprus. (?) to "the lands of Rum" by his sheikh in Cairo. now that the Greeks and lenophone.. Strabon. tion for educational reform in a community rooted in however: "People of Central Asia in our day apply this name to Anatolia."53 "Rum" did not just keel over and disappear. would sional figures from areas such as Antioch." He then proceeds to a the "dilaveran (bravehearts) of Rum. should establish new schools and do our best to pull Greek king. Damascus. but Misailidis himself objects to this and tells us that he would like to be called Anatolian. All of his Anatolians were forced to leave for Greece as refugees.118. or they may have come with "offerings of love and fraternity Anatolia. experimentation with a pan Ottoman identity for the sake of creating a modern sense of citizenship in the late empire.

118. minority rights..? Had Turks passed by the northern side of the ever one thinks of his line. was of "this land" and "ours.20 CEMAL KAFADAR Remzi Oguz Ank." There were yet other approaches that developed in the context of compet ing irredentisms in the post-Ottoman political space. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. or its recognition today." not "theirs. and its critique of nationalism. but the topic is ultimately as demanding as a broad intellectual history of republican Turkey. in their conception as well as their continued reception. The novelist Kemal Tahir's Anatolia was a land where Turks built a kerim devlet (munificent state) in the form of the Ottoman Em pire. undermining nation based conceptualizations and narratives can also serve Once a people and a geography labor for centuries to mutually shape each other. among other things. it simply wishes to deem certain parts of the world and certain peoples so utterly steeped in ancient ha treds and incomprehensible disputes that they must be taught better. as was the case with British colo nial administrators and is now true of the neo-cons of the United States. To return to the lands of Rum. hypocritical discourses (on human rights. who knows in what religion and in what place neo-nationalist writers. articulating them with some turns into homeland. etc. including a Turkish one. found nothing worthy in Christian or. Who among them had the purpose of establish me as deeply worrisome. We tend to forget that nationalisms did and do appeal to millions of people because they A different understanding of Anatolia was devel provide. however. the avowal of an identity de riving from the physical and cultural geography of eastern Rome among members of Ottoman society.or ethnos-based narratives as such. Necip Fazil Kisakurek's Buyuk Dogu (The Great East) paradigm.62 tional histories. but only after introducing a sharp distinction between "this land of ours" and Greece. or the lines of different Caspian. That is how. For different reasons. a sense of dignity and oped by the "Blue" school of thought that embraced the pre-Islamic past of the peninsula. democracy. for instance. the appropriation of "Roman-ness" by Turcophone Muslims in the late medieval and Ottoman era." provides one of the best examples of the obsession with the question that loomed large in the minds of many early repub lican intellectuals: deal with the fact that those stories inform political ar guments at least implicitly sustained by historical nar ratives? When a celebrated and controversial poet like Ismet Ozel. of today? proclaimed age of globalization.. women's rights. asserts that "this soil awaited the Turks. I am afraid that. for instance. say. The questions themselves keep multiply ing in our own time: how does one write about the cultures of the lands of former Yugoslavia? Where is Macedonia? To come back to Anatolia: What is a Turk? a Kurd? How should we tell their stories and a pillar of sovereignty. elaborated in his influen tial journal of the same name.63 It has turned into a postmodern sport to take while all other people before the Turks either were shots?often cheap shots?at nationalisms and na too dispersed to unify the land or merely exploited it. the reasons for the departure from those fertile ground? Much as their preoccupation with na tional essence and their exclusivist discourse strike countries.). none of which. especially. now seems difficult to recognize for many in the Turkish This content downloaded from 152. with his influential explorations of "how geography turns into patria. Homeros. Nor was it to draw glamour or political baraka from Roman-ness. of the people who established the United . mere land new forms of imperialism. the Oghuz Turks made Anatolia their own after 1071. The political dis course of this age of globalization. according to Ank." he is sketching a historical narrative and advancing a political argument about Turks and Ana How misty is the initial birth of nations? Which peo tolia that is not irrelevant to our concerns here. in my opinion. more important. is to be disdained or undermined. why does it find such tries of origin. One cannot escape the fact that all these readings of cultural geography came with their own political twists. has not grown out of a problemati zation of nation.jstor. the nineteenth-century Brit ish elite's claims and attachment to the heritage of Rome: what was being appropriated was not the im age of Rome but the soil that the Rumis inhabited and some of the continuous cultural traditions and dispo sitions. the state.10 on Wed.24. including its most renowned writers and artists. What ple has freely chosen its patria? How big is the role of chance. Various other "Anatolias" could be treated here. and in response to the new era of colonialism. Jewish survivals and survi vors. is not comparable to. it would be best not to have any traces of them in the new Turkish state. where does their fury come we would now be? Imagine the difference of the coun from? And. in a self ing the country.

The term has already been applied by Halil Edhem (Eldem ied in the notion of Rumi-ness. even more compli cated. First of all. 11. stall's monumental Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches too.65 Identity has always been a political resource ("di vide and rule" is partly based on that fact). the two are not the same. The Dan ishmendids were not modest in this regard." in Encyclopaedia of lam. Ibn Bibi. "They say their goal is the acquisition of knowledge. El-Evdmiru VAla 'iyyefi 'l-umuri 'l-ald 'iyye. with many lesser emirs enjoying short-lived power o their own in small but not insignificant regions." or as an attempt to rein sert the "Turks-as-Romans" into European identity. Chingisids) and of themselves primarily as warriors of Islam however. Farldun (Feridun) is the ancestor of bot This content downloaded from 152. eastern?version. 1987).v. Adnan Sadik Erzi (Ankara. Self-knowledge. "Kaykhusraw I. we can benefit from deeper excavation of and the soldiers of Rum. there is no Rome of one's own. Harvard University It would be sheer romanticism to present this exer cise as an attempt to recycle "Rumi" as a panacea to the excesses of nationalism. 1996). 1926). "A Note on the Terms Rum and Anatolia in Seljuk and Early Ottoman Times. 307.54 History Department. 1:29 The actual circumstances were. 1957). a child of the lands of Rum who thanks to his education in Egypt grew into a highly accomplished scholar and Sufi and developed a Utopian vision and a huge following among diverse sorts of Rumis. were emerging with a new take on the Roman past. and has thus imposed its stamp in history. in fact. but all their knowledge is for power and status (cdh ve riyaset)." Ultimately. among others.118. their attach Although Ottoman architecture may have borrowed from ment to Rumi/Romaioi identity during the course of Byzantine architecture. as I am advised to do by Baudrillard. unless one remains in a position to design and propagate Tevaij ul-Muluk (Istanbul. just as new hegemonic powers tions of] architecture. New Edition (henceforth EI2) (Leiden." Deltio Kentrou Mikrasiatikon Spoudon 5 (1984-85. for dif ferent reasons and toward different ends. Nizam al-Din Shami. 1987): 99. the Iranian-Tura nian distinction is much more porous than is implied by modern ethno-national conceptualizations of cultural patr mony. To the transla was that those who eventually learned (preferred?) to tion is amended a footnote: call themselves Turks and Greeks abandoned. The Shdhndma. and in a more restricted . ed. to a "Warholian Anato lia" of this era. 4. is the "real" Rome.. Zafername. of course. s. Turkish trans. which constitutes the font of names for Rum Seljuk ruler after this point.v. In the epic. 1950-2004). it has produced works in accord with an original style in full conformity with Turkish-Islamic taste and as an autonomous [tradition of] architecture. including the Shdhndma. religious. not the lesser? the Anatolian. facsimile ed tion. while Ottoman architecture has been influenced by other [tradi the eighteenth century. publ. Bedreddin wrote.10 on Wed. in an earlier publication. "Danishmend. only to be executed in 1416 by the Ottoman state? About the culema-i zahir (scholars of the exoteric aspects of religio-legal learning) of his time. i.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 21 nation-state. either: there was an adolescent prince of that dynasty in 1177 named Afridun: Irene Melikoff." in EI2. 3. even if the Viennese historian's tion. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. premodern conceptualizations of identity as embod 2. is indeed the "Persian epic par excellence. or elaboration of cultural identities. Sawides.24. Necati Luga our rethinking of history writing through essential (Ankara. but how can I forget in this context Sheikh Bedred din. namely to western Anatolia in better understand the vicissitudes of selfhood in the the post-Seljuk period: Garbi Anadolu'da Selcuklulann Varisleri: plural environments that we study. In 1. Thus it the Taj Mahal to Ottoman architects. The Ottoman sources write of Timur' forces as Tatar (making the important association with th ized national.e. als see Alexios G. and state-based categories. That is why I referred. One is always (published between 1827 and 1835) finds a reference forced to rethink and redesign one's own conception in the original work to Ottoman art as "the art of of self according to others within and outside the "na Rum" unpalatable. a mechanical alternative NOTES to "Turkish" or "Ottoman. and the Turk ish translation by Miirsel Oztiirk. 2 vols. I may for get Foucault. as modern scholars often characterize it. where many an aspiring warrior enjoyed fif teen days to fifteen years of glory. s. That. (Ankara. A translator of Joseph von Hammer-Purg one's own identity free of history. but the ever more refined forms of production of knowledge about identities is now fed directly into the strategic calculus of security assets and security risks. and not only because many Turkish rulers were patrons of Persian and Persianate litera ture. but the relation ship of medieval Turkish rulers to the epic material is not as predatory as it might seem. is implicated in relations of power. for mation." under historical circumstances shaped by asym intention is merely to attribute the glorious dome of metries of power or seduction of/by others. That excavation would need to be followed by more intensive micro geographical studies of exchange and reception. Franz Taeschner.

Istanbul. "Anadolu Selcuklu Tarihinin Yerli Kaynaklan. Chronography. Turkle?mesi ve islamla?masi. 1853-58). Turkiye Diyanet Vakfi Islam Ansiklopedisi.v.. Cited in Halil Inalcik. "Arap-Islam Kaynaklannda Istan bul. Casim Avci. the Yezidis are historically Kurdish-speaking and generally considered Kurds: see John S. and Saddam Hussein's Iraq categorized them as Arabs because of the presumed link with the Umayyad dynasty through Yazid (85). the realm of the Lascarids who ruled parts of western Asia Minor from their base in Nicaea until 1261. n.22 CEMAL KAFADAR the Iranians and the Turanians. Kopriilii. "Anadolu: Anadolu'nun 5. Armenian nationalism has claimed them as a proto-Armenian community that experi enced a linguistic conversion (13). Germiyanogullan Tarihi: 1300-1429 ography. Survival among the Kurds: A History of the Yezidis (London and New York. 2000). 1990). ed. Melek Tavus'un Halki Yezidiler (Istanbul. from whom descended the Iranians and the Tura tive article by Ahmet Ya?ar Ocak in Turk Diyanet Vakfi Islam nians. the opera dealt with the story of the two sons of the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley. Yuzyil). "Tn the Image of Rum': Ottoman Architec tural Patronage in Sixteenth-Century Aleppo and Damascus. 2 vols. Elvan Altan Ergut. ed. 10-23. 1974). Ibn Battuta." in the forthcoming Musee du Louvre exhibi tion catalogue Purs decors ? Arts de I Islam dans les collections des Arts Decoratifs.24. Moreover. there was also a process of Kurdification. and Tiilay Artan." in Istanbul Universitesi 550. 1993). of the Turkic Peoples in the Shahnameh and the Greco-Ro is mentioned in Bar Hebraeus. Yil Uluslararasi Bizans ve Os manh Sempozyumu (XV. they are of late evidently attempt ing to disassociate themselves from such a linkage: Sabiha Banu Yalkut. In any case. "L'idee de decor dans les regimes de visual ite islamiques. Mucawiya might well be pop etymol ogy. 2004). Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul." Mascudi's rendering. has thus led some modern scholars to deem the Germiya 1986). 85 eventually assumes the Iranian throne. Guest. is slightly different and closer to the Greek original rendering of eis-ten-polin. even if it is related by the traveler as a disparaging remark by their resentful neighbors. R. Defre mery and B." Akademik Arastirmalar Dergisi 8 (2006): 15-26. with respect to the chapter on Anatolia in particular. ing an objection that he is "sprung from the race of Afrasi 8. 1950-88). "Questions of Ottoman Identity and Architectural History. or simply slander by their Muslim neighbors who thus linked a "bizarre" faith with one of the disliked characters of early Islamic history. 1932). The association of Yezidism with Yazid b. Menzel in the orig inal Encyclopaedia of Islam): see Islam Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul. Kai Khusraw Belgin Turan Ozkaya (London and New York. (Paris. Ibn Battuta Seyahat namesi (2 vols. My initial perplexity with the "Rumi" identity is buried in a long footnote in my first academic article. Yiizyil of those tribal confederations with a straightforward ethnic marker comfortably recognized by modern readers.v. for instance. 4 vols. 7.-17. Kai Khusraw (Key husrev) is born to Siyavush and a daughter of Afrasiyab." 9. 2004). trans. in larda Rum/Rumi Aidiyet velmgeleri (Istanbul. 99-111.10 on Wed. "Challenging the Past: Sinan and the Competitive Discourse of Early Modern Islamic Architecture. see 193.v. As it often happens. Voyages (3 vols." in Rethinking Architectural History. ed. 86. but not without fac 109. as argued by Ihsan Sureyya Sirma (who expanded an article by Th. and some Byzantine-held towns even thereafter. ed. Also see the informa Faridun. Dana Arnold. "Yezidiler. 1971). Yezidism is indeed the origi nal faith of the Kurds. jan. 2:255ff. and ter the Iranian prince takes refuge in Turan. the Rum Seljuks' Yezidi governor of Harput. The defeat and execution by the Mongols of Sharaf al-Din yab. Performed in 1934 during the shah's sojourn in Ankara. 1:425. The actual circumstances may indeed have been so complex as not to allow for a designation of some the regions traditionally inhabited by the Yezidis (now north ern Iraq and southeastern Turkey). has published Bir Osmanh Kimligi: 14. Qig dem Kafesgioglu. Ibn Battuta's reference to Yezid as the ancestor of the Sons of Germiyan. Remy Labrousse (Paris. "Istanbul: Turk devri. "Le Sultan de Rum. Sanguinetti. Note. More recently. Architectural historians have lately dis played a sensitivity to related issues: see Giilru Necipoglu. for instance.118." Ocak has no qualms about characterizing the Yezidis as sapik (deviant). and trans. This content downloaded from . (Oxford. the empire of Trebizond. Sumer Atasoy (Istanbul. Sait Aykut." Cited and analyzed in ?ener Akturk. In his dissertation (Princeton University. See." (Ankara. Cornell Fleischer also touched upon the significance of Rumi identity. W. Paul Bed man Sources." An nuaire de I'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientates et Slaves 6 (1938): 361-390. 8. 2006). Budge. F." in Raiyyet Rusumu: Essays Presented to Halil Inalcik. s. Stanbulin." Muqarnas 10 (1993): 169-80. 6." Belleten 27 (1943): 455. "Representations Muhammad. Voyages d'Ibn Battutah. according to Yalkut. one eventually discovers that some earlier scholar has already made pertinent observations: see M. 1980). A. On It was the unusual combination of this heritage and the spirit of the new age that led Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to commis the dynamics of Islamization and Turkification in late me dieval Asia Minor the monumental work of Speros Vryonis sion an opera to be composed by a European-trained Turkish is essential reading: The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia musician when Riza Shah Pahlavi was due to visit the Repub Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through lic of Turkey. For some pri mordialist Kurdish nationalists. and the tiny but commer cially significant autonomous zones of the Genoese in Foga and Samsun. scholar of Ottoman adventures in the southern seas and indefatigable critic of the textbook versions of Turkish national histori nids Kurds and occasioned a rebuttal by a Turkish historian: see Mustafa Cretin Varhk. Salih Ozbaran. the useful notes in the reedition of the French text by Ste phane Yerasimos. C. Ethnic and linguistic transformations could be drawn-out. and in the Turkish translation by A. complex processes and did not always tend towards Turkification. s. s.jstor. 2007). While. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. 30-31 Mayis 2003. but it was accepted by the Yezidis for centuries. 1988-). "A Death in Venice: Anatolian Muslim Merchants Trading in the Sereni ssima. Jour nal of Turkish Studies 10 (1986): 191-218. af Muqarnas 16 (1999): 70-95.. which consti tutes the basis of his Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Otto man Empire: The Historian Mustafa Ali (1541-1600) (Princeton. 2001). Also see Paul Wittek. E. ed. brief control enjoyed by some Latin warriors after 1204 in some towns. idem. Paris.

the roles are reversed. See. In Mevlana Celaleddin's rendering of the same parable. Chinese and Rum (Greek? Byzantine?) painters compete to determine who will execute the superior painting on two facing walls. Golpinarh rightly insists that ethnonyms were deployed allegorically and metaphor ically in classical Islamic literatures. bi?-behdr. "Ismail Hakki Bursevi ?erhi. the "beautiful beloved. Atabegis a construct made of two older Turkish words. 1985). and this word. the Byzantine": Rumi's World: The Life and Work of the Great Sufi Poet (Boston. Rdhat-us-Sudur ve Ayet-us-Surur. for instance. Internet distribution: policy peacewatch@washingtoninstitute. 2:461-62. Selcuk Veziri Sahib Ata ile Ogullannin Hay at ve Eserleri (Istanbul. Tahsin Yazici. which have led some mod ern Turkish writers to claim him not only as a Turk but even as a Turkish nationalist. 2005). 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. 2 vols. U998). 82/83) and once to define a garb (238/239). and some of them contain a variety of uses of the word "Tiirk(ler)" in a neu tral or boastful manner. as argued by Hakan Erdem. Eng. Ibn cArabi's letter is recorded in Kerimiiddin Mahmud-i Ak sarayi. ca. related by al-Ghazali (d. but it clearly included a certain Kaluyan and an cAynu'd-devle. Sulayman al-Rawandi. 121. Ours Once More: Folklore. F. East and West: The Life.. MA. while around his shrine grew one of the most popular cults of post-Manzikert Anatolia. Romaioi was a common form of self-designation among the Greeks during the Byzantine and Ottoman eras. see Abdiilbaki Golpinarh. who are often designated ehl-i Islam (the people of Islam) or gdziler (warriors for the faith). 1992)." both of them as adjectives. 2:180. 15.10 on Wed. Turkmens (Turcomans) are mentioned as mezheb siiz (without a proper sectarian affiliation) among the forces of Uzun Hasan. 234/235. Ahmed Ate?. Mutercim Asim Efendi. which operated on the basis of a staple set of images and their well-recognized con textual associations by readers. the unabashedly presentist political uses of this argument in Seyfi Ta?han and Heath Lowry. 2002).org/terms .jstor. 136/137. 11." in Mustafa Tatci. Dunyada Turk Imgesi (Istanbul. Mevldna Celdleddin. Necati Demir (Cambridge. 2000). 13-26. In a famous para ble. 1997). Muhammad b. at this point. ed. Efdal Sevincli (Izmir. Kaluyan is also known as an accom plished architect. Ferit and M. 1961). 18. 2005). 2:721: imdrat-i cdlam makhsus ast bi Rumiydn va kharabi-i jahdn maqsur-ast bi-Turkdn. Mandkib al-cdrifin. Uzluk (Istanbul. 66-67. cAli b. 126/127. 172/173. 11. "U. or soldier): Ibn Bibi. ed. while the Chinese merely display their artistry. "From Christian Roman Emperors to the Glorious Greek Ances tors. as Bizans Sbylenceleriyle Osmanh Tarihi. There are only two other occurrences of the word "Turk. once to designate a person (Turk Rustem. The comparison is made by Serpil Bagci. (Ankara. Teaching and Poetry of Jaldl al-Din Rumi (Oxford. Rumiler iceru tolup muslumdnlan helak ey lediler (The Rumis rushed in and decimated the Muslims): Ddnismend-ndme. 146/147. the Akkoyunlu ruler. 10. 250/251." in Ozlem Kumrular. Miirsel Oztiirk and Derya Ors (Ankara. 1982). 12. 16-19. It remains true that not all our sources are so consistent. at the same time. "Gercegin Saklandigi Yer: Ayna. 'Abdullah.. 143... See. and the Making of Modern Greece (Austin. next to unpleasant ones. Turkish trans." Byzantium and the Modern Greek Identity. there. 7 and passim. 20. canki and heftdn. 2 vols. or rather Ortho dox Turk: see M. 1998). 206-7. In fact. Mevlana Celaleddin (Istanbul. 17. 102/103. while Rum artists labor to produce a magnifi cent piece of art. see Alexis Politis. see the translation of this work by Miirsel Oztiirk (Ankara. Turkish trans.24. We may not be able." Policy Watch #661 (Sept. it is the Rumis who turn out to be wiser and decide to polish. the two dimensions could be blended: the "Turk" was "cruel" and hence. catalogue of an exhibition of the same title held at the Topkapi Palace Museum in 1998-99 (Istanbul. N. For an eth nographic analysis of the usage among modern Greeks see Michael Herzfeld. 1200). 13. ed. Turkish trans. Osman Turan (Ankara. Furuzanfar. Seyyid Battal Gazi himself was revered as a saintly figure among the Turkish Muslims of the lands of Rum. According to the auth ors. "Turk" had both neg ative and positive connotations. "Osmanh Kaynaklarmdan Yansiyan Turk imaj(lar)i. to tell with precision which communi ties Mevlana Celaleddin's milieu had in mind when speaking of Rumis. 1959). ed. Yunus Emre ?erhleri (Istanbul. 14. This content downloaded from 152. 663. (Ankara." in Sultanlann Aynalan.v. 1111) and Nizami (d. including both the example given above and more positive ones. For a consideration of the uses of "Turk" by Mevlana for instance. 21. David Ricks and Paul Magdalino (Aldershot. Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Tdrih-i Al-i 'Osman. Bernard Lewis.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 23 10. Mesut. For an in stance of turki-i kadim (ancient Turkish). On the basis of an allu sion in the Divan-i Shams-i Tabrizi. Cited in B. publ. 2000). s. his father was a powerful casnigir (taster or cupbearer in royal service) named Turkeri (Turkish man. On 180/181.118. If the earlier sections of Yusuf b.Ala'iyye.S. man or soldier of Rum). ed. 16. Franklin Lewis suggests that the title may have been used in Rumi's lifetime: Rumi.v. ed. Past and Present. El-Evdmiru'l. while lata is a loanword from Per sian. 1944). Shams al-Din Ahmad al-Aflaki.-Turk ish Interests: Convergence and Divergence. 2000). Annemarie Schim mel has a point but is ultimately imprecise when she trans lates Mawlana Rumi as "Our Master. For some striking ex amples of critical reflections on Romaioi identity by Greek in tellectuals in the eighteenth century. the only other instance is in reference to "Turks" among the rebels who gathered around Sheikh Bedreddin. and as enemies of the Ottomans. The Emergence of Modern Tur key (Oxford. a member of the Seljuk cavalry bore the curious name Rumeri (literally. ed. The early republican authors of a work on Seljuk architecture refer to a controversy concerning the Greek or Armenian identity of the famous artist and decide that he must have been Mekhitarist Greek. Burhdn-i Kati. See. 1997). the Chinese merely polish their wall for a perfect reflection and thus triumph. 19. since a mirror reflec tion is a superior rendering of reality by virtue of its point ing to the ideal beauty beyond the phenomenal world. 1957). has had its own curious historical adventures ex tending into the modern era of nationalism. 1934). s. Rumi obviously preferred the art of the Rumis. Musameret ul-Ahbar. indicating the cultural preferences of the two groups mentioned here. for instance. 1-14. In the 1260s. 264-66. 254/255 (facing pages of facsimile and Latin-letter transcrip tion). too. 327-29. ed." 20. both of whom are identified as "Rumi paint ers" by Aflaki (1:552). 2002): Special Forum Report. Yusuf b. Arabs lack these qualities. Ideology. For a Turkish rendering.

10 on Wed. or early Ottoman history. 58-64. for Portuguese sources." Turk Dili Arastirmalan Yilhgi-Belleten (1973-74): 59-157. Translated and cited in Fleischer. John of non-ventriloquial uses are in passages that deal with pre Woods. 30. 40. which is noteworthy for a ghazal with "Rum" as its refrain (144). flatterhaft." 37. Latifi. Muhammed b. Sehi. are noted in Ozbaran. Jahr hundert: Untersuchungen an den Transkriptionstexten von Jakab Nagy de Harsdny. This folksy poem is not included in the scholar's own collection of his poetry. Gyorgy Hazai (The Hague and Paris. Turkisch Arabisch-Persisches Handwbrterbuch (Leipzig. folksy spelling "Urum.. including one in Southeast Asia. 254. Arabistanhga dusdum." F." Belleten 7(1943): 219-313. ed. Bayram Han'in Turkce Divani. n. Hiiseyin Akkaya (Istan bul. Kunt. since the poem refers to "Ingiliz. another one (182) addresses the beloved and depicts loving hearts as "pilgrims who came to the fron tier of Rum that is your beauty.v. It also should be noted that many of Edebiyat Arastirma ve Ele?tirisi (Izmir. in the new collection of Karacaoglan's poetry by Saim Sakaoglu: Karacaoglan (Ankara. inter alia. Barbara Flemming. 281 and 269 respectively. 1973. ed. Urum'i vu ?am'i gecdum. 69. All examples in this paragraph are cited in Tolasa." 44. treulos. Muhammad al-Tamghrutl. ed.. Zenker. 2005). Confederation. Fransiz." 36. Empire (Chicago. 48. unbestandig. Metin Sozen and Necdet Sakaoglu (Istanbul. 2004). Das Osmanisch-Turkische im XVII." appear in two ofYunus Emre's better-known poems: see Yunus Emre Di vani: Tenkitli Metin.jstor. 25." International Jour nal of Middle East Studies 5 (1974): 233-39. Tuhfe-i Murddi.. Fuad Kopriilii. 2005). Ramazan Muslu. 42. 23. Redemption and French Identity in the 17th. 38. A?ik Qelebi Tezkirelerine gore 16. 73. intended to draw attention to those unparalleled documents. like 22. ?ikari. and set of photographs." I am preparing a new edition. "1343 Tarihli Bir Eski Anadolu Turkcesi Metni ve Turk Dili Tarihinde Olga-bolga Sorunu. is widely ac tered such counterexamples. The Aydinogullan at the time of Izmiroglu Ciineyd apparently called the Ottomans "rabbits" and themselves "wolves": see Nihat Azamat. Mahmud-i ?irvani. 1973). "Dhimmis in the Muslim Court: Documenting Justice in Ot toman Damascus 1775-1869" (PhD diss. Harun Tolasa. There is only one mention of Anadolu. For a full discussion of relevant names in Badoer's account book see Kafadar. fois. Nevres-i Kadim. "Ahmed Fakih ve ?iirleri Uzerine Bir inceleme. 1928). Nejdet Ertug. 113. is "fickle. Sehi." Turcica 17 (1985): 43-112. 2003). this poem is likely to have been composed by a nineteenth-century imitator of Kara caoglan. Bureaucrat and Intellectual. See 162-64 of the text. 'All b." Journal of Ottoman Studies 7-8 (1988): 123-37. 26. 1996). 43. ''rumi-huy oder rum-mesreb von griechischem Charakter. Moskof. 38 and 147. "Osmanh Imparatorlugunun Etnik Men?ei Meseleleri. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about. 156-57 and photographic reproductions. ?inasi Tekin. 32." 193. Mefail Hiz This content downloaded from 152. 1589-1591. M. adds a footnote: "Understand: they prefer to be considered Greeks more than they would wish to be taken for Turks. a Greek": A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary (Delhi. we might have encoun 33. 1999). 1998). The translator. 1976). En-Nafhat el-Miskiya fi-s-Si farat et-Tourkiya: Relation d'une ambassade marocaine en turquie. see Halil Sahillioglu. them are in passages where an Ottoman/Turkish character 35. 9. Anonim Tevarih-i Al-i Osman (Istanbul. "Ethnic-Regional {Cins) Solidarity in the Seven teenth-Century Ottoman Establishment. 391ff. 29. 556. 39. Stanford Univer sity. For the dynamics of slave and post-manumission experiences in a specific setting. for instance. 1992). 1866). cAziz b. Cited by Mustafa Demirel in the introduction to his criti cal edition of Lbn-i Kemal. 24. Ozbaran provides a detailed account of modern schol arly literature that tends to conflate Rumis with Turks. Bir Osmanh Kimligi.and 18th-Century Mediterranean" (PhD diss." Turk Kulturu Incelemeleri 10 (2004): 131. Mustafa Tatci (Istanbul. where links to Oghuz and Inner Asian traditions (the "Turkish past" of the Ottomans) are of 34. 1892). This assessment. ed. 1929). "Political Genealogies in the Sixteenth Century. For a compound word with negative connotations see tematic survey of different sources in order to understand Miitercim Asim Efendi. Alaman"?a list of European nationalities that could hardly have been put together before that era. Kilisli Muallim Rifat (Istanbul. rumikhuy. Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna is cited in Kafadar. There needs to be a more sys 13-14. Many other instances of the usage in Asian sources. Ardashlr Astarabadi. 28. 89-98. ed. 1996). "Anatolian Muslim Merchants. 1991). since most of Erdem's instances cepted and cited in later scholarship: see." in Aetos: Studies in Honor of Cyril Mango. 111b? 112a. Bazm u Razm. Baldirzade Selisi ?eyh Mehmed. yuzyil] (Istanbul. For the proverb see Gillian Weiss. is speaking to non-Ottomans. Exhaustively documented and analyzed in Najwa al-Qattan. s. explained as "a fickle person who has a capricious of transmission with respect to the relevant vocabulary. Foss modestly presents this important finding "as a prelimi nary note. 23. trans. 2005). 27. nature. yy. which were taken in collaboration with Dr. ed. "Byzantine Responses to Turkish Attack: Some Sites of Asia Minor. ed. Osmanh Toplumunda Tasavvuf [18. Mus tafa Argun?ah (Ankara. 1983). "Back from Barbary: Cap tivity. Also see Julius T. 34. 41. which may be worth revisiting. M. ed. Steingass's rendering. a French officer in North Africa. 2005). Miinewer Tekcan (Istan bul. Ravza-i Evliya. Burhan-i Kati: rumi-huy (of Rumi dis and contextualize the preferences of authors or the routes position). Latifi. to whom I am grateful for his generous ness with his time and fort-climbing companionship. Henry de Castries (Paris. 382. "Anatolian Muslim Merchants.24. for instance.da particular relevance. see 78-88.118." 194. or Greeks: see Bir Osmanh Kimligi. Ihor Sevcenko and Irmgard Hutter (Stuttgart and Leipzig. ed. 43. xxx. ed. pub. "Slaves in the Social and Economic Life of Bursa in the Late-15th and Early-16th Centuries. Karamanndme. translation." but not "Anadolu. Clive Foss. Tarihce-i Nevres. 31. Ralph Hattox. Cited in Isken der Pala. Ana tolian . Harvard University. Coffee and Coffeehouses: The Origins of a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East (Seattle. Divan (Istanbul. 2004). The Aqquyunlu: Clan. "Rum" and its alter native. orig.24 CEMAL KAFADAR 'Abdullah's chronicle had survived.

1931). The same source refers (40) to the they had no women with them. 1978). a controversy arose as to whether it should be con sidered "the first novel in Turkish.. in the same volume. 2001). 1986). Robert Anhegger and Vedat Giinyol always remain at the level of an animal. When his 1871-72 novel was printed in Latin-letter transcription in 1986.. Necati Lugal and Faruk Siimer (Ankara. 'Abdullah. Temel Kesjsoglu (Istanbul. Mehdsinu'l-Asdr ve Hakdikul-Ahbdr.. Miimin Qevik and Erol Kihc (Istanbul. s. for instance. Melamilik ve Melamiler (Istanbul." We should also note that this is an Arabic source. 55..10 on Wed. Peter Mackridge. ed. 76. which took the former as its model. 41. 721.Their way of living is always military. ed. They came as soldiers and conquerors and never Kalemiyle Yeniceri Ocagi'nin Kaldinlisi. Kutb-ndme. s." New Left Review 34 (July-Aug. . . Evangelinos Misailidis.v." 7. Namik Kemal'in ?airligi ve Butun ?iirleri (Ankara. Seydi Ali Reis.. ." The case of Misailidis is a reminder that further study of conceptualizations of Anadolu among Greeks and Armenians should be added to 48. "Byzantium and the Greek Language Question in the Nineteenth Century... . first in Izmir and then in Istan bul." in Islam An siklopedisi. 1943). Abu Bakr Tihrani. Golpinarh. See Onder Goggiin. as Golpinarh would have it. Kdmus-i Turki (Istanbul. . 57. 28 Sep 2016 16:44:22 UTC All use subject to http://about.. See.. one knows. Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall. and the trajectory of the word "Rum/Rumi" may be somewhat different in the dif ferent languages used in our relevant sources. Miirsel Oztiirk (Ankara. 2002). a binary of Rus and Rum is not so easy to imagine from the Ottoman point of view. and place: held by Josef Strzygowski to be the key determinants of art. Gulzdr-i Futiihat: Bir Gbrgu Taniginin country.. ed. 54. It is a burden placed upon us by civilization to make them return to where they came from. "Cografyadan Vatana" (first publ. 19. 281. 1990). L Olgun and L Parmaksi zoglu (Ankara.If you scratch the polish on the surface. from various sources published between 1917 and 1920. "From Christian Roman Emperors.CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY AND IDENTITY IN THE LANDS OF RUM 25 h and Murat Yurtsever (Bursa..v. ed.The primitive Turk will "ulema of Anatolia" in a sweeping manner when speaking of the scholars' declaration of jihad against the invading Rus sian armies.. "?emseddin Sami.. in which she brilliantly analyzes exchanges revolving around the dragon-slaying hero of Christians and Muslims in the re gion of the Arab-Byzantine frontier. 11-17.jstor. Stephane Yerasimos has garnered exquisite examples. han (Istanbul. (Istanbul. 2000).History has shown us that Turks do not have a faculty for intelligence.. This content downloaded from 152. 53.118. 397.When Turks came to Asia Minor. 56. Mehmet Kiremet (An kara. 23. 2005): 115-31. 257. based on an earlier Ottoman Turkish translation by Mehmed Ata Bey.They have left their real home in Inner Asia and prepared the demise of the eastern Roman Empire. 1999). his last work." Gesta 43." Yerasimos. Roughly. Remzi Oguz Ank. 46.. Turkler: Dogu ve Bati. 49. From 1849. 62. of the Kultiirel Bir Farkhhga Isaret Edebilir Mi?" Kebikec 17 (2004): 117-37. 65. "since the lands of Rum imply Anatolia.. Kitdb-i Diydrbakriyya. 357.. idem. in idem. 51... they learned nothing that would enable them to administer a Mucteba Ilgurel (Istanbul. 2 (2004): 151-64. 1983). soil." He had already expanded the nine-line en try on Anatolia in Bouillet's Dictionnaire universel d'histoire et de geographie to eleven pages in his own encyclopedic work of history and geography. Politis. Ahmed Vasif Efendi. Ahmed Vasif Efendi. blood. we are mostly concerned with the uses of the word in Turkish." in idem. Suavi Aydin.Do Turks have the capacity to establish a national identity?. 47. 269. discourse that rendered this task an emergency: "As every 50. Mehmet Ali Bey became anything else. . Cografyadan Vatana (Ankara. the alter native title to his film America. The promise of such an approach is borne out in Oya Panca roglu's article "The Itinerant Dragon-Slayer: Forging Paths of Image and Identity in Anatolia. 76. also see.. While there. 10 vols... 725. Ey vakif-i her mekani Rum'un / Bir adi da Van mi Erzurum'un. 5:575. 64. 44. trans. ed. 1999). Tdfih-i Al-i cOsman. See Omer Faruk Akiin. "Rum" and "Anadolu. Firdevsi-i Rumi. Seyreyle Dunyayi (Tema?a-i Dunya ve Cefakar-u Cefakes). Turks came from Mongolia. Europas Machtkunst im Rahmen des Erdkreises (Vienna. "Against Human Rights.. Ibid. 723. the cultural legacy of which played a formative role in the later adventures of the people of the lands of Rum. ed. 59.We cannot speak of the existence of a Turkish people.Turks are merely numbers. ?irvanh Fatih Efendi. The rise to prominence of "Anadolu" may also have something to do with the emergence of the Russians as the major challenger of the Ottoman Empire and patrons of its Rum Orthodox populations." 50. Mir'atu'l-memdlik. Kitab-i Diyarbekriyye.It is undeniable that Turks hate commerce. I am reminded of Elia Kazan's The Anatolian Smile.24. Yusuf b. Mehdsinu'l-Asdr. 40-49. a growing list of related research items. sooner or later. Turkish trans. 1942). Theirs is neither a country nor a nation. ed. 234-35. Misailidis published a periodical called Anadoli. which he also used as the name of his publishing house. I am not sure that the disciple went astray by going to Serres (now in Greek Macedonia). you will encounter a Tatar. America.. Turkish trans. 61. 81. Slavoj 2izek. 52. "Anadolu Diyagonali: Ekolojik Kesinti Tarihsel 60. 2001). 58. 1980). 1962). Buyuk Osmanh Tarihi. . Islam ve Laiklik. "Ne Mutlu Turk'iim Diyene. 45. the full phrase is hitta-i Anadolu (the land of Ana tolia) . 1900). Here. ?emseddin Sami.