Strasbourg, 5 April 2000

EG/SEM/VIO (99) 21

SEMINAR

MEN AND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

Palais de l'Europe Strasbourg 7-8 October 1999

PROCEEDINGS

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THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE Founded in 1949, the Council of Europe is an international organisation with a European vocation, which at present has 41 European member States, all of which are pluralist parliamentary democracies1 (this figure includes the 15 member States of the European Union). It is the European continent's largest intergovernmental and parliamentary forum. Its seat is in Strasbourg (France).

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The objectives of the Council of Europe are: to work for the closer union of the more than 800 million women and men of Europe; to safeguard and develop democracy and human rights; to undertake co-operation in the broadest sense between the member States in the fields of human rights (including the media), education, culture, social questions, health, youth, local and regional authorities, environment and legal affairs.

The consideration of equality between women and men, seen as a fundamental human rights, is the responsibility of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG). The experts who form the Committee are entrusted with the task of stimulating action at the national level, as well as within the Council of Europe, to achieve effective equality between women and men. To this end, the CDEG carries out analyses, studies and evaluations, defines strategies and political measures, and, where necessary, frames the appropriate legal instruments.

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Albania, Andorra, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Moldova, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russian Federation, San Marino, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, "The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia", Turkey, Ukraine, United Kingdom

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Contents
Introduction ........................................................................................................................5

Opening address by Mr Pierre-Henri IMBERT, Director of Human Rights...................................6 Introduction by Ms Caroline MECHIN (France), Chair of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG) .................................................................................................9 "METHODOLOGICAL AND ETHICAL ISSUES" Comparing methodologies used to study violence against women by Ms Sylvia WALBY, University of Leeds, United Kingdom....................................................11 Representations of intimate male violence in the United States and Poland by Ms Renate, University of Maine, USA and Ms Anna KWIATKOWSKA, University of Bialystok, Poland ....................................................23 Gendering research on men's violence to known women by Ms Jalna HANMER, Leeds Metropolitan University, United Kingdom and Mr Jeff HEARN, Tampere University, Finland and Manchester University, United Kingdom................................32 "VIOLENCE IN THE FORMATION OF GENDERED MALE IDENTITIES" Explaining the inclination to use violence by Ms Carol HAGEMANN-WHITE and Ms Christiane MICUS, University of Osnabrück, Germany..........................................................................................................................................41 Explanations for male violence, psychoanalysis, feminist theory and the new men's movement by Ms Ursula MÜLLER, University of Bielefeld, Germany................................................... 54 Growing up in the proximity of violence: Teenagers' stories of violence in the home by Ms Katarina WEINEHALL, University of Umeå, Sweden ................................................ 64 Teenage boys as violent actors in today's Romanian communities by Ms Anca DUMITRESCU and Ms Elena PENTELEICIUC, University of Bucharest, Romania ................................................................................................................................... 73 Socio-Economic Roots for Cases of Male Violence against Women in Russia by Ms Vera GRACHEVA, Russian Federation ....................................................................... 77 "TRANSITIONS IN ADULTHOOD AND MEN'S VIOLENCE" The contribution of the military and military discourse to the construction of masculinity in society by Ms Uta KLEIN, University of Münster, Germany.............................................................. 81 Men's violence against women and children in situations of armed conflict by Ms Dubrovka KOCIJAN HERCIGONJA, Zagreb, Croatia ............................................... 89

4 The approach of the World Health Organisation Regional Office for Europe to the issue of gender-based violence (abstract) by Ms Kirsten Staehr JOHANSEN, WHO-EURO, Denmark ............................................... 101 Older men and elder abuse by Ms Bridget PENHALE, University of Hull, United Kingdom ......................................... 103 "CROSS-CUTTING THEMES: IMPLEMENTATION" MEDIA DEBATES, COSTS OF VIOLENCE,

Male violence: the economic costs by Mr Alberto GODENZI and Ms Carrie YODANIS, University of Fribourg, Switzerland 117 But where are the men? Central State public policies to combat violence against women in post-authoritarian Spain (1975-1999) by Ms Celia VALIENTE, University of Madrid, Spain ........................................................ 129 Police methods to counteract violence against women by Ms Helene GÖRTZEN, Stockholm County Police Authority, Sweden ........................... 142 Assumptions and implications: Notes on Greenlander men "in transition" by Mr Bo WAGNER SØRENSEN, University of Copenhagen, Denmark ........................... 145 Conclusions of the Seminar presented by the General Rapporteur Ms Renate KLEIN, University of Maine, USA ..................................................................... 153 Recommendations of the Seminar.......................................................................................... 159 Appendix I: Appendix II: Programme ................................................................................................... 163 List of participants........................................................................................ 167

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Introduction
For some years now, when it comes to analysing and combating violence against women, the focus has been increasingly placed on the abuser, the violent man. As a result of this, centres providing treatment or therapy for violent men have been set up in some countries. This policy has, in turn, led to a reflection on the causes and mechanisms of male violence – what leads some men to exercise violence, whereas others never use violence in their relations with women. However, research on male violence is still in its early stages, and those who work on this issue have few opportunities to exchange views in a European setting. It is, however, extremely important, in order to develop appropriate policy and intervention responses, that the results of any such research are made known to practitioners and that researchers can compare experiences and build networks. The direct and indirect consequences of male violence both in terms of health problems and in terms of cost to society have been ignored for too long. Just as violence against women and children has gradually ceased to be a taboo and become part of a public discussion, the searchlight should now be turned on male violence as a social and cultural problem, and not an issue of a special and deviant group of men. The Council of Europe has, for many years, worked towards the protection of women and girls against violence. A Plan of Action for combating this violence has been prepared, and the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG) is currently preparing a draft recommendation on this issue. The Committee already initiated reflection on the question of male violence during the Seminar "Promoting Equality: a common issue for men and women" (Strasbourg, 17-18 June 1997). At the 4th European Ministerial Conference on Equality between Women and Men (Istanbul, 13-14 November 1997), the Ministers adopted a Declaration on equality between women and men as a fundamental criterion of democracy. In the strategies appended to the Declaration, the Ministers invite Governments to “promote research on relationships between men and on the ways in which they perceive their masculine identity” and “reduce and aim to eliminate men's violence against women by initiating education ensuring respect of the other person and as concerns violent men, by supporting practical and therapeutic initiatives.” The Seminar on men's violence against women was intended as a further step towards the implementation of the Istanbul Declaration and a further attempt at combating violence against women which is one of the main obstacles to the achievement of equality between women and men. In view of recent events in Europe at the time of the Seminar, special attention was given to the question of men's violence against women and children in situations of armed conflict.

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Opening speech
by Pierre-Henri IMBERT, Director of Human Rights
Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a particular pleasure for me to welcome you to this seminar. You are here to discuss a very important theme, that of violence against women and children. Such violence is a huge impediment to equality between women and men. It is both an outcome and a sign of inequality, while at the same time perpetuating it. You will ask who commits violence, a question which is still too rarely addressed. Some months ago, at a Forum held in Bucharest by the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men, I remember saying that, as one of the priority measures aimed at eradicating such violence, I considered it essential to examine the reasons for it, to study its context and analyse its mechanisms - not only to talk about the symptoms of violence, but to give no less consideration to its causes. That is exactly what you will be doing here. The results of your work will, I am sure, prove extremely useful to the Steering Committee for Equality and to the whole of the Directorate of Human Rights. This seminar is part of the activities to combat violence against women that we have been pursuing for over ten years; Mrs Caroline Méchin, who chairs the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men, will tell you about those activities later on. To ensure that we pursue our policy in a clear-sighted, effective manner, we need the knowledge and experience of researchers and also of those who have to deal with the perpetrators and victims of violence in their day-to-day work. That is why we wished to bring you together at this seminar, which is intended as a forum for the exchange of ideas and for dialogue, in keeping with the spirit of the Council of Europe. Who commits violence? This question was broached two years ago at another seminar here at the Council of Europe, which some of you attended. Today and tomorrow you will delve more deeply into the subject. You are going to discuss research methodology, the formation of male identities, the different ways in which males construct and preserve their masculinity, and violence against women in armed conflicts. You will study the links between masculinity and violence against women, which is - we have to admit - an enduring characteristic of our societies. This seminar is part of the Council of Europe's efforts to bring violence "out of the private sphere and cease to regard it as one of the inevitables of the female condition", as a Swiss study on dominance and violence within couples so aptly says. Before you settle down to work, may I give you some of my own thoughts on the theme which brings us together today and on its links with the protection and promotion of human rights. One of the cornerstones of human rights is the fundamental idea that all human beings, women and men, are of equal worth and enjoy equal dignity. It is this idea which must shape the approach to the problem you are about to discuss. Slowly - very slowly - belief that men and women are equal, that they have the same fundamental rights, is gaining ground, and this growing awareness is essential to the eradication of violence. Stereotypes whereby women are perceived as different, inferior beings are deeply entrenched in our collective unconscious, and it is those stereotypes which

7 made it possible to justify the use of violence in the past, and are still used to do so today. For thousands of years, in the discourse of researchers, thinkers, medical practitioners and psychologists, men have been telling women what they must do, giving them instructions, assigning them a place and duties, as if they were not really persons who also have rights. At the end of the 18th century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau gave the following definition of women's duties in "Emile": "Pleasing (men), being useful to them, making themselves loved and honoured by them, raising them when they are children, taking care of them when they are adults, advising and consoling them, making their life pleasant and agreeable - these have been women's duties at all times, duties which they must be taught from childhood." To make women conform to this image, it was necessary to exercise very strict control over them, both inside and outside the family. Men have in fact always been afraid that women might deviate from this prescribed norm, that women might adopt a conduct which undermined men's honour, their virility, in short what is still too often regarded as the only real male identity. The "stronger sex" does indeed fear the "weaker sex" because men know that their strength - which is purely physical - is merely an illusion. This explains why "control" of women so often takes violent forms, first and foremost in the private sphere. Contrary to a widespread public belief, a woman or a teenage girl is at greater risk of suffering violence in her home than in the street. The statistics cited at our Forum in Bucharest last year are overwhelming: a recent survey in Italy showed that, of a sample of 50,000 people, 80% had been the victims of violent behaviour by friends or family members; in Spain 91 women were killed in 1998 as a result of domestic violence; the Russian Ministry of the Interior's statistics show that some 14,000 women a year die at the hands of their husband or another member of their family. Recent surveys in Switzerland and Finland have shown that one out of every five women suffers gender-based violence in the course of her life. Sometimes even women themselves are caught up in the spiral of violence, inflicting it on their children, as recent events in France have shown. Lately, in an opinion on a report by the Parliamentary Assembly, it was noted that before the outbreak of the conflict in Kosovo, 68% of women and children in the region were prey to violence. In 70% of cases that violence was perpetrated by husbands and fathers, and in 30% of cases by the police. You can easily imagine the extent of the violence once the conflict had begun. We will no doubt never know exactly what happened in Kosovo - nor in Bosnia and Herzegovina because, due to the pressure of tradition, the women victims have often preferred to remain silent. Women also suffer violence in the public sphere. You are aware of the form and content of this violence. Moreover, women's safety and sometimes also their survival are under threat from fundamentalist attitudes of all kinds and from alarming phenomena, such as traffic in women for the purpose of their sexual exploitation. Tradition and custom serve as excuses for barbarous practices such as genital mutilation. Women and children also suffer the full force of violence in armed conflicts, although they are rarely involved in the settlement of those conflicts or given any role in the peace negotiations. Systematic rape is used as a weapon and, fortunately, is now recognised as a war crime. Another horror to be added to this list, and perhaps the most dreadful of all, is the honour killings which still take place in some member States of the Council of Europe. Such murders, which are sometimes perpetrated by children as they cannot be prosecuted, are a negation of the most sacred of human rights - the right to life - the first to be mentioned in the Convention on Human Rights.

8 In such cases a woman's life is subordinate to the vanity of a man who fears for his honour and his "virility". We really cannot tolerate this unbearable practice any longer. *** As I said earlier, we are slowly seeing an increase in recognition of the problem. A recent Eurobarometer survey concerning the European public's attitude to violence against women and children, conducted in the European Union member States, shows that the vast majority of respondents are aware of the problem and condemn violence, in particular sexual violence. However, the survey also shows that this issue is still surrounded by many taboos. It is hardly ever raised in family discussions, and few people acknowledge that they know someone who has suffered violence. The idea that violence is mainly committed by persons unknown to the victims is still prevalent. Furthermore, alcohol, drug abuse and unemployment take pride of place among the factors cited as causes of violent behaviour, as if it were yet possible to find excuses for the perpetrators, as if this form of violence differed from other crimes. Some social circumstances may doubtless create a breeding ground for violence, but they can never justify it. A seminar such as this should allow progress to be made, help to eliminate the taboos, to lift the veil of silence which has so often been drawn over violence against women, and, lastly, ensure that such violence is classified as a serious offence and that the perpetrators are punished. The Group of Specialists currently working under the authority of the Steering Committee on Equality between women and men with the aim of preparing a recommendation from the Committee of Ministers to the member States on the protection of women and girls against violence will no doubt be able to draw inspiration from your work. It is essential to devise legal standards, to set limits and establish prohibitions. For - and this brings me to my conclusion - all this violence leads to endless physical and moral suffering by women and children, and also by certain men. It hampers our progress towards a society in which the rights of all human beings are at last respected. We have come a long way. Let us not forget that it was only in 1993, at the United Nations Conference on Human Rights, that the international community expressly recognised that women's rights were an integral part of human rights. At the Beijing Conference this was the very crux of the entire debate on the word "equity"; some people maintained that women were not entitled to half of "heaven" although, in the words of Mao Zedong much quoted at the time, they hold up half of that very heaven. Women were considered to be entitled only to an "equitable" share of rights. It is now essential to look at things from a different angle, to deconstruct the construction of society that made such thinking possible. And in my opinion we must do so by means of genuine dialogue between women and men. We might conclude by subscribing to what Tzvetan Todorov had to say about the discovery of America, the encounter between the Spanish and the native Americans and lack of recognition of the Other: "It is by speaking to others (not by giving them orders but by engaging in dialogue with them) that we recognise them as persons similar to ourselves. If understanding does not go hand in hand with full recognition of the Other as a person, that understanding is at risk of being used for the purposes of exploitation, of taking something away; knowledge will be subordinate to power."

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Opening address by Ms Caroline MECHIN
Chair of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men of the Council of Europe

Ladies and gentlemen, May I, in turn, welcome you to this Seminar. I should like to give a brief presentation of the activities of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG), of which I am Chair, in the field of combating violence against women. These activities are based on the recognition of the fact that violence against women constitutes a violation of human rights. The Declaration on strategies for the elimination of violence against women in society, adopted by the 3rd European Ministerial Conference on equality between women and men in Rome in October 1993, states that "violence against women constitutes an infringement of the right to life, security, liberty, dignity and integrity of the victim and, consequently, a hindrance to the functioning of a democratic society, based on the rule of law". This Declaration was the starting point for the activities which are currently underway in the Council of Europe. These activities take two forms: on the one hand, there is a need to promote research, and to exchange information and experience on the issue. On the other hand, there is a need to draw up policies and legal instruments to put these principles into action. *** The Rome Declaration envisaged a number of strategies to eliminate violence, through the use of research, studies, prevention and education. Thanks to the work of a Group of Specialists working under the authority of the CDEG, these strategies were developed in a Plan of Action, published in 1997. This is not a legal text, but a real platform which the European States can use to elaborate strategies to combat violence. The Plan of Action is preceded by a chapter describing the context, notions, definitions and the breadth of the problem, as well as current difficulties and problems. The Plan itself contains chapters on research, legislation, legal procedure and practice, social assistance, the workplace, education, health and the media. The Plan has been greatly appreciated, particularly by associations and professionals who confront the issue of violence against women, and has been widely distributed. I should like to thank the members of the Group, some of whom are present today, for their excellent work. The CDEG is also preparing a publication, which will come out in the near future, describing legislation on this subject in the member States of the Council of Europe. Given the diversity in this field in the member States, as well as the fact that a number of countries have recently revised their legislation - Austria and Sweden, to name just two - this publication should prove useful for information and reference.

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Exchange of information and experience is essential. This is why the Council of Europe has organised conferences, seminars and fora on the subject of violence against women. It is at these seminars and conferences that strategies can be discussed and formulated. The Forum organised in Bucharest in November 1998 on domestic violence confirmed the absolute priority which should be given to protecting, assisting and supporting victims of violence. In the same vein, a Seminar held in 1997 in Strasbourg examined the need to involve men in the fight against violence against women, and underlined that men must take responsibility for their actions. In Bucharest, at the Forum mentioned by Mr Imbert, we continued this discussion, and the Seminar beginning today will take this very important issue further. Reinforcement of legislation The Bucharest Forum, the conclusions of which are available here, stressed the need to reinforce national legislation and consider violent acts as serious crimes. In particular, it underlined that measures should be taken to allow the victim - rather than the violent person to remain in the family home. Finally, the Council of Europe was asked to prepare a draft legal instrument on protection women and young girls against violence. Indeed, it is in the perspective of the reinforcement of legislation, but also in that of setting up multi-dimensional and global policies to combat violence that the Steering Committee has begun to prepare a draft recommendation to member States on the protection of women and girls against violence. This draft should establish a set of legal norms which could constitute a basis for legislation and national practice in the member States, not only as regards domestic violence, but also as regards other human rights violations, such as female genital mutilation, trafficking in human beings for purposes of sexual exploitation, sex tourism, honour killings and forced sterilisation. This text, in keeping with the mission of the Council of Europe, will be founded on the principle of the right to freedom and security, while reaffirming the existing rights laid down in the European Convention on Human Rights, namely the right to life and the right not to be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In addition to penal sanctions, preventive measures such as information and education campaigns, advisory and treatment services both for victims and violent persons, as well as research and evaluation measures could be put in place. I am sure that this Seminar will be very useful for our work.

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Comparing methodologies used to study violence against women
Ms Sylvia WALBY, University of Leeds, United Kingdom
Introduction Surveys constitute an essential element in the methodology of researching violence against women. They are essential in providing information about the prevalence, incidence and patterning of violence against women. They have weaknesses, obviously, not least in the restricted range of terms which are used to describe the violence and its impact, and cannot be the only method. But they are an essential component of a research programme on violence against women. This paper will analyse four generations of national surveys of violence against women as they have developed over the last 20 years. The purpose of this analysis is to further the development of the best methodology for future surveys. Thus the paper will be critical even of the Statistics Canada survey, which is widely regarded as the state of the art, in order to develop a methodology more appropriate for a European context, and one which has learnt the lessons from recent research. The goal is to develop a survey instrument for the comparative analysis of violence against women in Europe. Four generations of national surveys of violence against women and domestic violence National crime surveys were initially developed in order to measure the crime against people that was not reported to the police and not processed by the courts. There have been four generations of surveys, each usually revealing a higher rate of domestic violence and violence against women than the previous generation. Four Generations of Surveys Country/Agency Title Year annual biannual annual from 1992 1996

First generation US Bureau of Justice US National Crime Victimization Survey UK Home Office British Crime Survey Australian Bureau of Statistics Crime and Safety Second generation US Bureau of Justice UK Home Office: US National Crime Victimization Survey British Crime Survey

12 Third generation US Straus and Gelles US Straus and Gelles Netherlands - Romkens Fourth generation Canada - Statistics Canada Australian Bureau of Statistics Iceland, Ministry of Justice US, Tjaden Finland, Statistics Finland 1

US National Family Violence Survey US National Family Violence Resurvey National survey of wife abuse Violence Against Women Survey Women's Safety Violence Against Women in Iceland National Violence Against Women Survey Men's Violence Against Women

1975 1985 1986 1993 1996 1996 1996 1997

Generic national crime survey Generic crime surveys are now carried out in many countries (for example, UK British Crime Survey, the US National Crime Victimization Survey, the Australian National Crime and Safety Survey). 2 Revised crime surveys with special attention to violence against women The second generation of crime survey revised the wording of its enquiries, so as to try to ensure that more assaults against women would be reported to the survey's interviewers, and contained more detailed questions on areas of concern (Bachman and Taylor, 1994). Dedicated domestic violence surveys The third generation surveys were dedicated exclusively to the issue of domestic violence. This freed the interview from the constraining context of a crime survey and gave time for detailed questioning and probing on domestic violence alone. There were two main examples of this survey in the US, the 1975 and 1985 US National Family Violence Surveys (Straus and Gelles, 1990); and one in the Netherlands (Romkens, 1997). Violence against women surveys The fourth and most recent generation of surveys have considered the range of violence against women in specialised surveys which are dedicated to this issue. They investigate the range of violence against women including rape and other forms of sexual assault, stalking and other forms of harassment. This wave of surveys originated in Canada in the Statistics Canada Violence Against Women Survey (Johnson, 1996; Johnson and Sacco, 1995; Statistics Canada, 1993), and has proved a model for surveys in several other countries, with varying degrees of modification, including Australia, Finland, Iceland, and the US, and is under development in Sweden. However, there are limitations even with the most recent generation of survey. Small and Local surveys In addition to these national surveys there are a number of studies which are smaller in scope or use less sophisticated sampling methods (e.g. Russell, 1982; Hall, 1985; Hanmer and Saunders, 1984; Mooney, 1994; Painter, 1991), which have been important in developing innovative ways of asking relevant questions about the nature of violence against women. 4 3

13 State of the art methodology The issues to consider in the determination of the state of the art methodology include:
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the context of the survey - whether it is within a generic crime survey or dedicated to the issue; confidential interviewing; the training and matching of the characteristics of the interviewer and interviewee; sampling frame; mode of enquiry (postal/face-to-face/telephone); operationalising the definitions; situating the event in relation to others. Generic or dedicated survey?

Questioning about violence against women which is part of a general crime survey produces low estimates. This is partly because: this restricts the amount of the time which can be spent in asking nuanced questions about the nature of the violence and its ramifications; the methodology prioritises the needs of the general survey rather than that which is necessary to make victims of violence sufficiently at ease to disclose personal and potentially distressing events; a survey which is framed by the concept of 'crime' is likely to under-record those acts of violence whose legality may be considered by respondents as ambiguous. Dedicated surveys have uncovered higher rates of violence than generic ones. This can be seen by comparing two generations of surveys in Australia. The Australian Bureau of Statistics Women's Safety Survey, which was dedicated to the issue of violence against women, found more than three times as much physical assault against women as did the generic Australian Crime and Safety Survey, 5.9% as compared with 1.8% of women reported physical violence in the previous 12 month period (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1994, 1996: 3). Interviewing The presence of a violent partner/husband in the room where the woman is being interviewed may be expected to reduce the reporting of violence. The fourth generation dedicated surveys, such as Statistics Canada, usually go to some trouble to ensure that the respondent is alone at the time of the interview, but this is not the case for the generic crime surveys. For instance, in 35% of cases of women answering the British Crime Survey special module on domestic violence there was someone else present in the room. When the partner of women aged 30-59 was involved in the completion of the questionnaire the rate of reporting of life-time domestic violence dropped to less than half the rate reported when no one else was present, that is 10% instead of 23%.

14 Dedicated surveys, such as that of Statistics Canada, spent extra time selecting and training the interviewers. The use of female interviewers is especially important in relation to disclosure of sexual abuse which can be especially sensitive. Sorenson et al (1987) found that those interviewed about sexual assault were 1.27 times more likely to reveal a sexual assault if they were interviewed by a woman than by a man. Sampling Frame All the surveys considered here suffer from limitations of the sampling frame. The limitation is a result of the use of sampling frames which include only those living permanently in a domestic residence. This excludes those in temporary accommodation or in hostels or who are homeless. This matters because this group potentially includes those women who have fled to refuges, to temporary residence with friends and kin, to emergency bed and breakfast or hostel accommodation, or who are homeless. It is precisely women who are in the immediate aftermath of a domestic assault who are more likely than the average woman to be living in such temporary accommodation. This methodological issue can have major implications for theoretical understanding if the most abused and most recently abused group of women are significantly under-represented in the national surveys. Samples based on women who have gone to refuges and shelters have consistently shown much higher rates of frequency of abuse than those from national surveys (Dobash and Dobash, 1979; Okun, 1986; Straus, 1990). This is a very significant omission for the measurement of domestic violence in the last 12 months, although it may have less impact on the life-time rate of domestic violence since some women may now be living in settled violence free homes. This means that the 12 month rate is likely to underestimate those who are subject to the most severe and frequent domestic violence. The different profiles of the abused population derived from sample surveys and from surveys of refuge samples have given rise to much debate, leading some to suggest that there do indeed exist two quite distinct patterns of violence, one 'common couple violence' where there is low level mutual combat, the other 'patriarchal terrorism' where men terrorise their battered wives (Johnson, 1995). However, this perceived bifurcation may well be nonexistent, and be merely a methodological artefact of the undercounting of the most abused women in the sample surveys as a consequence of their lesser likelihood to be living at their permanent home. A more adequate sampling frame would help to test this thesis. Thus all existing surveys, even Statistics Canada, may well be an undercount as a result of the restriction of their sampling frame to permanent residents in domestic residences. There are ways of supplementing the sampling frame to include these populations, but it has not yet been done in these surveys. Mode of enquiry: postal, phone, face-to-face, self-completion Surveys have been carried out using: postal questionnaires, telephone, face-to-face interviewing, and by self-completion on a computer. There is an unresolved debate as to whether face-to-face interviewing is better because it can build up more rapport, or whether the confidentiality engendered by strategies such as self-completion by computer or by questionnaire increases the likelihood of divulging sensitive information. However, perhaps of greater significance are the implications of each of these for the sampling frame and the response rate.

15 Postal questionnaires usually have the lowest response rate of all methods, so are usually considered inappropriate for those surveys where this is important. However, Statistics Finland used a postal questionnaire and obtained a surprisingly high response rate of 70% (Heiskanaen and Piipsa, 1998). This might be explained in terms of the unique features of Nordic society. Statistics Canada used the telephone to make contact with respondents. They suggest that since almost all Canadians have a phone, this gives good coverage. However, this may well be country specific, since not all countries have such wide phone coverage. Telephone ownership rates in private households in Britain are not as high as in Canada, and are particularly low among poor female heads of households who are likely to include disproportionate numbers of women who have fled a violent home. General Household Survey results on phone ownership show that in 1994 about 91% of households had a private telephone (compared with 96-98% in the US and Canada). In 1989, when the household rate of phone ownership was around 87% overall, dramatically lower rates were found in households which were renting their home and had no car. Within this group the rate was only 38% among those where the household reference person was aged 16-29, 55% where the HRP was aged 30-59 and 71% where the HRP was aged 60 or over (Thomas, 1991). Thus the use of phones is probably inappropriate in the UK since the poorest are most vulnerable are likely to be most excluded. Further, the technical information for random digit dialling is not as available in the UK as in North America. While the different methods may have implications for the survey, we do not know what differences might result. Probably of greater importance is the response rate, and it appears that the method of enquiry might have country specific implications here, especially since few European countries match the near universal Canadian pattern of telephone use. Operationalising the definitions of the violence Perhaps the most difficult and most contentious issue in surveys in this area is the operationalisation of the definition of violence. The issue is especially problematic because there is no commonly available unstigmatised vocabulary, let alone one which maps easily onto legal categories of crime. There has been very considerable controversy over the terms and concepts used to capture domestic violence in the various generations of surveys. There are three main terms here: 'violence', 'force', and 'conflict tactics'. 'Conflict tactics' was used by Straus in the third generation US Family Violence Surveys; 'violence' in Statistics Canada and its followers; 'force' by the BCS. Straus developed an elaborate scale, the Conflict Tactics Scale, which listed a series of methods of dealing with conflict ranging from verbal reasoning to serious violence. The scale has been widely used in recognition of its usefulness in distinguishing between different kinds and levels of violence. However, it has been widely criticised because of its focus on the act rather than the impact of the act; and because data on acts makes little sense outside of an understanding of its meaning and context (Brush, 1990; Dobash, et al, 1992; Smith, 1994). The Straus survey found, controversially, that men were as likely to be the victim of domestic violence as were women; a finding replicated by the BCS. However, this statistic can be misleading because the impact of this violence on women is much greater than that on men (e.g. Dobash et al 1992); men are much more likely to injure women than vice versa (Schwartz, 1987); women are much more likely to be frightened and stay frightened than men

16 (Mirrlees-Black, 1999); and women who hit men are likely to be responding in self-defence or retaliation rather than initiating violence (Saunders, 1988; Nazroo, 1995). Since this controversy, subsequent surveys have routinely included questions on the impact of the violence and on the context of meaning in which it took place, even while they have continued to use part of Straus' ranking scale of violence. Such scales have the advantage of allowing the opportunity for respondents to be asked many times whether there have been varying degrees of violence, removing the need for a one-off 'gate' or 'screening' question which might contain a word that the respondent does not wish to identify with. Statistics Canada introduces the questions on domestic violence as questions about violence, rather than about tactics used in domestic conflict. The survey itself is introduced as being about women's safety and the questions on domestic violence follow a series of questions about the possible controlling nature of a partner's behaviour. This is considered a more suitable framing for the questions. However, despite the well rehearsed problems with Straus' survey, it is worth noting that more domestic violence against women in a 12 month period was reported in the Straus survey using the conflict tactics scale and a lead in-via the notion of conflict resolution in families than was found by Statistics Canada, using the concept of violence and a framing in terms of women's safety. The use of the term 'violence' is problematic because it is a stigmatised word which some respondents may not wish to embrace. Mooney (1994) in her North London study found a reluctance to name actions as domestic violence. While 92% of her respondents were prepared to label as domestic violence physical violence that results in actual bodily harm such as bruising, black eyes and broken bones, only 76% were prepared to so label physical violence of the form of grabbing, pushing and shaking, and only 68% when it referred only to threatened force. This also varied by age - among women aged 55-64 only 60% were prepared to name as domestic violence that which resulted in actual bodily harm, and 51% that which involved grabbing, pushing and shaking. The issue of definition for sexual attack is, if anything, even more contentious than that for domestic violence. Most of the terms for the more severe forms of violence are highly stigmatised and even when people appear prepared to accept behavioural descriptions as fitting what happened to them they are reluctant to embrace such terms, especially that of rape. The legal issue in most countries is whether women gave or did not give their consent to various forms of sexual contact. In practice, many other moral and social issues emerge to interfere with such a judgment. Koss (1988) found that only 25% of a group of US undergraduates described themselves as raped even though they described being subjected to actions which fitted such a concept. In the UK, Painter (1991) found that only 60% of married women who were forced to have sex through the use of violence were prepared to say they were raped at the time; of those who were forced to have sex by threat of violence the figure dropped to 51% at the time; while among those who had clearly indicated that they did not consent, but against whom violence was not used, only 43% were prepared to label it as rape at the time. This is perhaps not surprising given the popular imagery of rape as represented in the newspapers, where it typically involves strangers, madmen, multiple attacks and reckless women, some of whom brought it on themselves (Soothill and Walby, 1991). It would be

17 hard for a woman who has been raped to identify with the images presented to her in popular culture as representing rape. In this context of lack of social agreement on the terms to use as shorthand for diverse forms of violence, the advice is that surveys must describe the specific forms of behaviour, and not rely upon shorthand (Koss, 1993; Smith, 1994). Shorthands simply do not communicate that which survey designers intend. The procedure is then to utilise multiple probes, not single questions; a series of descriptions of acts rather than a single screening question leading to detailed questions only for those who pass through this gate. There are different kinds of sexual assault which require a range of terms to describe them. The fourth generation of survey makes an attempt to separate the different kinds of assault. Statistics Canada and its successors introduce questions around sexual harassment; sexual threats and attacks by strangers, dates and others; sexual assault in marriage. However, there are places where further improvement could take place. The questions are a little vague, for instance, it is not possible to identify a sub-category of coerced intercourse or rape; the degrees of force or the nature of the pressure utilised are not particularly clearly distinguished. The nuances of rape in marriage are unlikely to be obtained by a single question located after the most extreme forms of physical violence. Stalking is not included in Statistics Canada, but modifications of this survey, such as that in Australia, do usefully distinguish stalking as a separate category. The questions about injuries need to be modified so that rape victims are not asked whether or not they have any injuries, but rather a more appropriate list of harms is included. We need an enhanced listing of categories through which to collect data on sexual assault for the next generation of surveys. The location of the violent incident among others Most crime surveys are oriented to discrete events, but domestic violence and sexual violence within a partnership is more frequently characterised by a series of events rather than a one-off event. For instance, the Straus survey is also inherently limited since it only enquires about domestic violence which has taken place over the last 12 months. However, even the fourth generation surveys are insufficiently developed in this regard. It is hard to ascertain from Statistics Canada surveys for how long domestic violence has occurred and with what frequency, even though there are some questions on this matter. A question as to when the first event was and when the most recent, and a frequency count in which the top is 'more than ten' is not sufficient to capture adequately the typical history of domestic violence which is uncovered in some of the refuge based samples. Indeed, if there is to be any analysis of desistance of domestic violence, then there needs to be data on the starting and stopping of a series of events. This is not yet collected, even in the Statistics Canada led series of surveys. The same applies to sexual violence, which may also be part of a pattern of repeats, especially if it is from a known man or partner.

18 Explaining Violence There are a number of theories which enhanced survey data could help to assess. They include questions as to the nature, if any, of links with poverty and social exclusion; with gender inequality; the possible efficacy of the criminal justice system; the impact of other social agencies. In order to do this, data on correlates of violence would need to be collected more extensively. This would include the following: Separate data on the income and socio-economic position of the man and woman in a household, not only that of the 'head of household' or household as a whole in order to assess different possible causal pathways linking poverty and social exclusion to domestic violence. While for the purposes of the BCS as a generic crime survey primarily interested in property theft, treating the household as a single economic unit makes some sense, it is most unhelpful when it comes to analysing intra-household power and violence. We need to be able to separately analyse any correlation between the possible economic stressing of a perpetrator from that of the economic dependency and entrapment of a victim. Are poor households at greater risk of domestic violence because men do not have the economic resources to perform masculinity to their satisfaction, or because women lack the economic resources and social networks to leave? To what extent is the US finding on the protective effect of women's income (Farmer and Tiefenthaler, 1997) replicable in the UK? To what extent would increases in women's employment and other changes in women's position in society (Walby, 1997) reduce domestic violence, as is argued in Iceland (Gislason, 1997)? To what extent is the US finding that marital equality protects against domestic violence even in conflictual situations (Coleman and Straus, 1986) replicable in the UK? What produces desistance (cf. Farrall and Bowling, 1999)? Is the intervention of a range of outside agencies as central to desistance in the UK as in the US (Horton and Johnson, 1993) or is the range of support services and the nature of the criminal justice system too different to support such an analysis? Is desistance due to the integration of deviant men back into the mainstream of society, or to their exclusion from the home? There are many theories which could be explored if reliable data on the distribution of violence against women were known (cf. Walby and Myhill, 1999; Walby and Myhill, 2000). Future Surveys Surveys have proved an indispensable tool for the analysis of violence against women and domestic violence, despite the hesitation of some (Brush, 1990). There have been wave after wave of new survey designs in recent years. We now need the next generation, building on the innovations of those which have gone before. The fourth generation of surveys, as led by Statistics Canada, provide a much improved vehicle for the collection of data on the range of violence against women. The improvements by, for instance, Australia in the inclusion of explicit questions on stalking constitute a further welcome development. However, even this generation of surveys can be still further developed in several ways. First, the sampling frame needs to be enhanced so as to include the marginalised population who do not currently occupy permanent domestic residences, especially since this is likely to include disproportionate numbers of women who have fled violent homes to seek

19 sanctuary in a refuge, with friends or relatives, or in hostel or homeless accommodation. Second, there needs to be development of a longer and broader standard list for recording more of the different types of sexual attack in recognition of the complexities and variations in experience and definitions here and the addition of further probes in relation to these. Third, a more systematic and comprehensive way of recording the various impacts of violence, especially that of sexual violence, so as to capture the range of these in meaningful ways. Fourth, a better way of recording series of events over time, so as to capture their escalation and, perhaps, their desistance, and to do so in tandem with other social information so as to begin to provide an evidential basis for understanding desistance. Fifth, the collection of disagregated socio-economic data on women and the perpetrator, so that the woman is not hidden in the household, and so that theories as to the role of poverty and social exclusion for both victim and perpetrator can each be addressed. Sixth, it should be asked whether the man has a criminal history, so as to help assess whether theories of criminal career are relevant in this area. *** Bibliography Australian Bureau of Statistics (1994) Crime and Safety, Australia. (Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics). Australian Bureau of Statistics (1996) Women's Safety, Australia. (Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics). Bachman, R. and Saltzman, L.E., (1995) Violence against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report, NCJ-154348. Bachman, R. and Taylor, B.M. (1994) 'The measurement of family violence and rape by the redesigned national crime victimization survey' Justice Quarterly, 11, 3, 499-512. Brush, L.D. (1990) 'Violent Acts and Injurious Outcomes in Married Couples: Methodological Issues in the National Survey of Families and Households', Gender and Society, 4, 1:56-67. Coleman, D.H. and Straus, M.A. (1986) 'Marital power, conflict, and violence in a nationally representative sample of American couples', in Violence and Victims, 1, 2, 141-157. Dobash, R.E. and Dobash, R.P. (1979) Violence Against Wives: A Case Against the Patriarchy. (Shepton Mallet: Open Books). Dobash, R.P. and Dobash, R.E. (1995) 'Reflections on findings from the Violence Against Women Survey', Canadian Journal of Criminology, July:457-484. Dobash, R.P., Dobash, R.E., Wilson, M. and Daly, M. (1992) 'The Myth of Sexual Symmetry in Marital Violence', Social Problems, 39, 1:71-91. Farmer, A. and Tiefenthaler, J. (1997) 'An Economic Analysis of Domestic Violence', Review of Social Economy, LV, 3:337-358. Farrall, S. and Bowling, B. (1999) 'Structuration, human development and desistance from crime' British Journal of Criminology, 39, 3, 253-268.

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Feld, S.L. and Straus, M.A. (1989) 'Escalation and Desistance of Wife Assault in Marriage', Criminology, 27, 1, 141-161. Gartner, R. and Macmillan, R. (1995) 'The effect of victim-offender relationship on reporting crimes of violence against women', Canadian Journal of Criminology, July, 393-429. Gislason, I. (1997) 'Violence against women in Iceland'. Equality) (Iceland: Office for Gender

Hanmer, J. and Saunders, S. (1984) Well-Founded Fear. (London: Hutchinson). Heiskanen, M. and Piispa, M. (1998) Faith, Hope, Battering - A Survey of Men's Violence against Women in Finland. (Yliopistopaino, Helsinki: Statistics Finland). Horton, A.L. and Johnson, B.L. (1993) 'Profile and strategies of women who have ended abuse', Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Human Services, October, 481-92. Johnson, H. (1996) Dangerous Domains - Violence Against Women in Canada. (Canada: Nelson Canada). Johnson, H. and Sacco, V.F. (1995) 'Researching violence against women: Statistics Canada's national survey', Canadian Journal of Criminology, July, 281-304. Johnson, M.P. (1995) 'Patriarchal Terrorism and Common Couple Violence: Two Forms of Violence Against Women', Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57, 283-94. Kalmuss, D. S. and Straus, M.A. (1982) 'Wife's marital dependency and wife abuse', Journal of Marriage and the Family, 44, 2, 277-86. Koss, M.P. (1988) 'Hidden rape: Sexual aggression and victimization in a national sample of students in higher education' in Burgess, A.W. (ed.) Rape and Sexual Attack. (New York: Garland). Koss, M.P. (1992) 'The Underdetection of Rape: Methodological Choices Influence Incidence Estimates', Journal of Social Issues, 48, 1:61-75. Koss, M.P. (1993) 'Detecting the Scope of Rape - A Review of Prevalence Research Methods', Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 8, 2:198-222. Mirrlees-Black, C. (1995) Estimating the Extent of Domestic Violence: Findings from the 1992 British Crime Survey. (London: Home Office Research Bulletin No. 37). Mirrlees-Black, C., Mayhew, P. and Percy, A. (1996) The 1996 British Crime Survey. (London: Home Office Statistical Bulletin 19/96). Mirrlees-Black, C, Budd, T., Partridge, S., and Mayhew, P. (1998) The 1998 British Crime Survey. (London: Home Office Statistical Bulletin 21/98). Mirrlees-Black, C. (1999) Domestic Violence: Findings from a New British Crime Survey Self-completion Questionnaire. (London: Home Office Research Study 191).

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Mooney, J. (1994) The Hidden Figure - Domestic Violence in North London. (London: Islington Council). Nazroo, J. (1995) 'Uncovering Gender Differences in the Use of Marital Violence: The Effect of Methodology', Sociology, 29, 3, 475-94. Okun, L. (1986) Woman Abuse: Facts Replacing Myths. (Albany: State University of New York Press). Painter, K. (1991) Wife Rape, Marriage and the law: Survey Report: Key Findings and Recommendations. (Manchester: Faculty and Economic and Social Studies, University of Manchester). Romkens, R (1997) 'Prevalence of Wife Abuse in the Netherlands - Combining Quantitative and Qualitative Methods in Survey Research', Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12, 1, 99125. Russell, D.E. (1982) Rape In Marriage. (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press). Saunders, D.G. (1988) 'Wife abuse, husband abuse, or mutual combat? in Yllo, K. and Bograd, M. (eds) Feminist Perspectives on Wife Abuse. (California: Sage). Schwartz, M.D. (1987) 'Gender and Injury in Spousal Assault', Sociological Focus, 20, 1:6175. Smith, M.D. (1994) 'Enhancing the Quality of Survey Data on Violence Against Women: A Feminist Approach', Gender and Society, 8, 1, 109-27. Soothill, K. and Walby, S. (1991) Sex Crime in the News. (London: Routledge). Sorenson, S.B., Stein, J.A., Siegel, J.M., Golding, J.M. and Burnham, M.A. (1987) 'The Prevalence of Adult Sexual Assault - The Los Angeles Epidemiologic Catchment Area Project', American Journal of Epidemiology, 126, 6:1154-1164. Statistics Canada (1993) Violence Against Women - Survey Highlights and Questionnaire Package. (Canada: Statistics Canada). Straus, M.A. and Gelles, R.J. (eds) (1990) Physical Violence In American Families. (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers). Thomas, R (1991) 'Characteristics of households with and without telephones in 1989 and implications for the representativeness of telephone surveys' Joint Centre for Survey Methods Newsletter 11, 3, 'Telephone surveys: the current state of the art'. Tjaden, P. and Boyle, J. (1998) Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences of Violence Against Women: Findings From the National Violence Against Women Survey. (Washington DC: U.S. Department of Justice). Walby, S. (1997) Gender Transformations. (London: Routledge).

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Walby, S. and Myhill, A. (1999) 'Methodological issues in the new national surveys of violence against women: Findings from a Nuffield Foundation research project'. Mimeo. University of Leeds, Department of Sociology and Social Policy. Walby, S. and Myhill, A. (2000) 'Assessing and managing the risk of domestic violence' in Julie Taylor-Browne (ed) Reducing Domestic Violence. (London: Home Office).

23

Representations of intimate male violence in the United States and Poland
Renate KLEIN, University of Maine, USA and Anna KWIATKOWSKA, University of Bialystok, Poland
I. Introduction: Gender and Culture in Representations of Men's Violence

In this presentation we report on research pertinent to gendered representations of men's violence in intimate relationships. The findings come from a study on the role of gender and culture in representations of violence and non-violence in heterosexual relationships. This research is still ongoing and our conclusions can only be tentative. In light of the seminar's thematic emphasis and international scope we focus on selected findings regarding men's intimate violence and raise several issues relevant to trans-cultural research. We are using the term “representations” to refer to the meaning women and men construct around men's violence. Representations of men's violence reflect beliefs about gender, and about gendered violence, some of which may be similar across different societies, while others may be rather specific to particular societies. For example, Kwiatkowska (1998) examined how cultural beliefs in Poland infuse Polish women and men's representations of violence in intimate relationships. We use the term culture broadly, recognising that groups characterised by systems of “shared beliefs, values, symbols, and performance styles” (Jones & Gerard, 1967) usually are more diverse than they seem from the outside, and that categorising people into different cultures overemphasises coherence and homogeneity, while minimising particularity and contradiction (Abu-Lughod, 1991). Nevertheless, there are features such as different languages that set groups of individuals apart, even when those features themselves are heterogeneous and subject to change. Our references to Polish and U.S. culture may serve as proxies to denote out participants' different linguistic backgrounds, but otherwise do not adequately describe our samples nor do justice to each country's cultural diversity. By intracultural research we mean studies that do not question culture, whereas by trans-cultural research we refer to studies that employ culture as an analytic concept as well as a group variable (Hanmer & Hearn, 1999). Many authors have analysed individual and interpersonal outcomes of men's violence in order to understand the meaning of such violence in the experience of both the victim and the perpetrator, as well as for the quality of their relationship. Analyses of male violence that draw on the experiences of battered women or on feminist critiques of gender relations in a patriarchal society emphasise that the purpose of men's violence lies in establishing and maintaining power and control over a female partner or in punishing her for challenging male authority and privilege (Dobash & Dobash, 1984; Ptacek, 1997; Hearn, 1998). In contrast, women who use violence against a male partner do so more often out of self-defence, and to prevent or end their husbands' or boyfriends' emotional or physical attacks (Cascardi & Vivian, 1995; Dobash & Dobash, 1994; Saunders, 1986). Of completely different academic ancestry and largely ignoring the role of gender, notions of aggression as instrumental activity or more recent notions of coercion as goaldirected behaviour emphasise the expected outcomes of violence as central motivational

24 features that help understand the purpose and meaning of violent acts (Riggs & Caulfield, 1997; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994). While the debate about the meaning and underlying motives of gender violence is still ongoing (Johnson, 1995), representations of outcome, purpose or consequence seem important for understanding how women and men construct meaning around intimate violence. II. Studying Gendered Representations of Men's Intimate Violence

In our present research, we analyse the outcomes that respondents spontaneously generate for specific acts of intimate violence. We asked women and men in the U.S. and Poland to generate outcomes for a series of acts that were attributed to either a man or a woman and were situated in the context of intimate heterosexual relationships. The acts were presented as open-ended prompts2. After each prompt, an open space is provided in which participants respond to the prompt. Example:

“What might a man get out of THROWING INSULTS AND DIGS?” Respondents generated the outcomes in their own words. These words provide glimpses into respondents' personal “lexica” (Marecek, Fine & Kidder, 1997; Morawski, 1997) of concepts and ideas associated with men's violence that are at the centre of the present analysis and that we use to identify and delineate gendered and culture-specific notions of men's violence. Using a blend of interpretative and content coding approaches (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Strauss & Corbin, 1997; Weber, 1990), we aim to preserve nuances in respondents' choice of words and develop analyses that treat gender and culture as analytic categories as well as intergroup variables. As this study is still in progress, and moving into relatively uncharted territory, we do not wish to make general claims about what “women” and “men” in their respective countries think about “men's violence”. It is much too early to draw such conclusions because the samples are small and selective, the method is still in its infancy, and the underlying theory is sketchy at best. Alternatively, the time may never come to draw general conclusions because the meaning of violence may be so context-dependent that it becomes increasingly difficult to formulate conclusions that do justice to real-life contextual complexity. Instead, we shall use a few examples from this study to illustrate layers of gendered and cultural meanings around men's intimate violence and their implications for trans-cultural research in this field.

2

The examples of violent acts are taken literally from the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (Straus, Hamby, Boney-McCoy & Sugarman, 1996) and the Conflict Resolution Inventory (Kurdek, 1994) because part of our research concerns cognitive processes in survey responding and the role of gendered representations of violence in respondents' answers to typical survey items.

25 III. 1. Gender and Culture in Representations of Men's Violence: Selected Observations Three Observations

Tables 1 to 3 present examples of outcomes that U.S. and Polish women and men generated for men's violence followed by our brief commentary. The sample items are “throwing insults and digs”, “twisting partner's arm or hair”, and “choking partner”. Each paragraph line in a cell refers to outcomes generated by one respondent (e.g., the upper left cell of Table 1 contains data from six U.S. men). 2. Commentary a. Power

In these examples, all four groups generated power and dominance outcomes for men's intimate violence. The men in the U.S. sample emerge from among the four groups as those who are most direct and decisive in constructing the meaning of men's violence in reference to gaining control over a female partner, and interpreting violent acts as threats meant to intimidate, and power moves aimed at gaining the upper hand. Notions of multiple, hierarchically ordered power relations were invoked by some of the Polish women who generated outcomes for men's violence where the violent offender would meet his match, if not in his partner then in another male occupying a more powerful social position such as a police officer or judge. Table 1 Men What would a man get out of “throwing insults and digs”? U.S. Respondents Feel superior and in control Able to put her in her place Polish Respondents Nothing Relationship may worsen; chaos may occur

Feel more powerful or that he has the upper hand Nothing; situation becomes embarrassing; this is very stupid Submission; getting his partner to be Feeling of dominance quiet Satisfaction; power; some amount of Nothing control; yelled at; hit; weaken his spouse; vent; more frustrated; He gets nothing ashamed; laughed at; loss of respect from partner Loss of trust; problems with renewing contact Sense of control over his partner; way of keeping her quiet and belittling Nothing her; way of staying “one up' on his Nothing partner

26

Women

Boost to his opinion of himself; Lack of respect for him feeling of power over his partner; Nothing good insults and digs in return Release of tension; feeling power Nothing; reluctance from woman over partner; feeling of control; getting back at her for past wrongs Rejection by his partner; new controversy; new conflict Power Proving his superiority and rightness Feel superior by putting her down Nothing; it would be against him and Feel that he was even with his never forgotten partner; that she deserved it because she did something to upset him so he Nothing; may lose respect from wants her to be upset also woman Nothing Loss of trust

b. Revenge versus Nothing Good U.S. women invoked notions of revenge that were infrequent if not absent in the accounts of the other three groups. Unfortunately, the idea that men are violent because they are avenging their partners' previous behaviour inadvertently feeds into the controversial notion of “mutual combat”, the scholarly debate of which is lively in the U.S., but that is perhaps more widespread in popular U.S. discourse as well. What is most telling in this example is that U.S. women rather than men invoked notions of revenge, while the men focused on power and dominance. Obviously, Polish respondents more frequently than U.S. respondents stated that “nothing good” would come of the use of violence, which suggests different ideas about the instrumentality of violence, but may also reflect U.S. respondents' greater readiness to “comply” with questionnaire instructions. Nuances in representations of instrumentality also are suggested by the reference to “false” power by one of the Polish men, a qualifier of “power” that we have not yet found in the responses of U.S. participants. Table 2 Men What would a man get out of “twisting his partner's arm or hair”? U.S. Respondents Polish Respondents He gets his way; gets arrested Nothing; only the mentally ill act in (probably not); hit; yelled at; thought such a way of as a terrible person; listened to Fear Would show his partner who has ultimate strength and control Nothing May get the woman to stop a Sense of dominance and control

27 behaviour he feels she has no right to show End of relationship Dominance over this partner; subdue False power over his partner her Physical/psychological supremacy Feeling of being in control over her; selfish satisfaction from winning Sense of control over her and the situation they are in Nothing good Women Sadistic; it's no good Sense of control; teaching a lesson; Anger of his partner; break-up of keep from getting attacked relationship Control; power; return of past hurts; Encounter with police ability to inflict pain; macho thing Loss of relationship and respect Control over her, physically and emotionally Sense of power and dominance Her fear Showing that he is always a winner, if not by intelligence or diplomacy, then Some control over her; a powerful by force feeling Conflict Woman's fear Risk of police, or partner leaving him Partner may lose respect for him Table 3 Men What would a man get out of “choking his partner?” U.S. Respondents Polish Respondents May feel in control and powerful, Strangling her to death and nothing taking her power and control away good as a consequence Make his partner fear him Relief of pent up anger Criminal trial Release of stress or rage; satisfaction of physical control and domination Sense of dominance and control Agreement; lose control; injury to If first offence, then punishment on partner; hurt her; make her agree; parole scare her; get hit back; yelled at; lose respect from her Nothing Nothing; only his partner will fear and obey him

28 This is an ultimate violent threat Death Nothing good Divorce Women Control; make her life dependent on Anger of partner; his action relationship break-up of

Power; control; release; obedient wife Trial in court; meeting someone more powerful Release of anger; control through partner's fear I can't imagine such a situation Fear and submission Obedience; his superiority

Might feel strong, powerful, in He may regret this later control; he wants her to be scared, and if she is then she knows he means Break-up business She will leave him Partner's hate Nothing; may lose his partner c. Release of Tension versus Loss

The notion of violent acts as means to release tension is more widespread in the U.S. sample than in the Polish sample, whereas both Polish men and women far more often than U.S. respondents invoked notions of loss as a consequence of men's violence, such as loss of respect, loss of partner, or loss of relationship. d. Outcome as Distributed Experience

Finally, a different aspect of these representations concerns the ways in which respondents conceptualise the distribution of experiences that follow violent acts. While in some cases respondents listed outcomes with no further qualifier such as “fear”, or “humiliation”, in other cases respondents mentioned “her fear”, or “his superiority” suggesting gendered patterns of bearing a particular experience. For example, a man might be seen as generating fear in his partner through an act of violence, while she is seen as bearing that fear. For violent acts with multiple outcomes the perpetrator may experience one of the outcomes (e.g., feelings of superiority) while his partner is seen as experiencing the other (e.g., feelings of inferiority). IV. Implications for Trans-cultural Research

Trans-cultural research raises many practical problems. Yet, on some level, transcultural research seems to differ from intra-cultural research primarily in that it highlights

29 problems that are present, but not equally salient, in all research such as problems of context, meaning, and the relationship between researchers and participants. 1. Gender and Culture as Analytic Categories or Variables

When the focus shifts from intra-cultural to cross-cultural research, gender is often “forgotten” or implicitly discounted as secondary to culture, and comparative research becomes “un-gendered”, possibly because much, if not most, cross-cultural research treats culture and gender as variables and assigns higher priority to the variable “culture” (Berry, Poortinga & Pandey, 1997; van de Vijver & Leung, 1997). Instead, gender and culture are central analytic categories as well as experiential realities that constitute each other and are difficult to separate. Nevertheless, for certain purposes it may be meaningful to treat gender and culture as variables and examine similarities or differences between women and men in different cultures. Intra-cultural and trans-cultural studies can inspire each other when the analysis of culture draws attention to issues that may be overlooked where the focus is on gender, and the analysis of gender draws attention to issues that may be overlooked where the focus is on culture. 2. Translation and Culturally Situated Meaning

While translation and back translation often are considered merely steps in the adaptation of questionnaires for cross-cultural analysis, engagement with the different language can serve as an entry point for a more in-depth cultural analysis. For example, when Anna Kwiatkowska translated the questionnaire that we are using in our present research and that (white, and mostly male) U.S. scholars developed for U.S. respondents, she noted that the item “calling partner fat and ugly” in literal Polish translation may have connotations that might render it less insulting than its U.S. counterpart. Rather than being merely a problem of back-translation, this highlights the cultural context of item construction and use, and thus the cultural context of measurement. In the contemporary U.S. context the “fat and ugly” item is meant to be an instance of “verbal aggression” or “psychological violence” and draws its insulting and hurtful quality in part from the “local” U.S. obsession with thinness, and with women's thinness in particular. Due to gendered notions of body image and self-esteem the item is likely to reach a deeper level of shame about one's own body when launched against a woman than a man. Thus, the item operates in a cultural context where men more easily than women can assume a privileged position of using the “fat and ugly” insult effectively, so to speak. While it is too simplistic to speak of a “U.S. context” as though that was a homogeneous entity, it is worth considering that a white, middle class context is not only where the item originated, but also where it may be most insulting. In principle, this type of analysis does not require trans-cultural research, but in practice trans-cultural engagement is apt to encourage such analyses that may be fruitfully combined with empirical techniques such as the analysis of respondent-interviewer interaction and retrospective protocols in survey responding (Sudman, Bradburn & Schwarz, 1996).

30 3. Identifying and Locating Discourse

Trans-cultural research has the potential to generate more systematic analyses of “discourses” and their location within geographic space and social relations. In our present research, U.S. women frequently used the terms “power and control”, which seems to reflect, and at the same time constitute, what could be considered a prominent contemporary discourse on violence whose origin probably can be traced in part to the community education programmes by the very active, local battered women's project. Similarly, the “nothing good” references among Polish respondents seem to reflect a different discourse in which violence is seen as something that does not results in any positive outcomes (even if the perpetrator uses violence to his advantage). Perhaps even more reflective of discourse are references to the “mentally ill” who use violence. 4. Questioning Measurement

Trans-cultural empirical projects bring to the fore basic questions of measurement, and the conceptualisation of indicators, phenomena and their interrelations. Our study of representations of men's intimate violence raises questions about the enactment of men's intimate violence. This, in turn, raises the question of how to measure enactment independent of representations - the indicators most likely are informed by representations (e.g., use of survey items, or interview questions). 5. Production of Transnational Research

The production of research, and questions of agency and purpose, is infused with the distribution of resources such as tenured positions, project funding, and networking capability. This intricate system of academic privilege can shift in manifold ways when scholars from different “cultures” embark on trans-cultural research. For example, such projects may shift the local balance of power between established, and often male, and marginalised, and often female, colleagues; and collaboration with scholars from “rich” countries may be a double-edged sword, promising interesting research opportunities on the one hand, and intra-departmental suspicion on the other (Goodwin, 1998). Last but not least: the Internet. Based on our personal experience, the Internet has considerable potential for advancing research among marginalised scholars who have Internet access. The Internet enables and facilitates the exchange of ideas, methods, data, analyses, and manuscripts, and does so to some extent outside established intra-departmental channels of influence. To some extent, the Internet has the potential to redistribute access to information and provide alternative research resources.

31 Bibliography Abu-Lughod, L. (1991). Writing against culture. In R.G. Fox (ed.), Recapturing anthropology: Working in the present (pp. 137-162). Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press. Berry, J.W., Poortinga, Y.H. & Pandey, J. (1997). Handbook of cross-cultural psychology (2nd Ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Cascardi, M. & Vivian, D. (1995). Context for specific episodes of marital violence: Gender and severity of violence differences. Journal of Family Violence, 10, 265-293. Denzin, N.K. & Lincoln, Y.S. (1998, eds.), Collecting and interpreting qualitative materials. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Dobash, R.E. & Dobash, R.P. (1984). The nature and antecedents of violent events. British Journal of Criminology, 24, 269-288. Goodwin, R. (1998). Personal relationships and social change: The 'realpolitik' of crosscultural research in transient cultures. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 15, 227-247. Hanmer, J. & Hearn, J. (1999). Gendering research on men's violence to women. Paper prepared for the Men and Violence Against Women Seminar, Council of Europe, October 7-8, 1999, Strasbourg, France. Hearn, J. (1998). The violence of men. London: Sage. Johnson, M.P. (1995). Patriarchal terrorism and common couple violence: Two forms of violence against women. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57, 283-294. Jones, E.E. & Gerard, H.B. (1967). Foundations of social psychology. New York: Wiley. Kurdek, L.A. (1994). Conflict resolution styles in gay, lesbian, heterosexual nonparent, and heterosexual parent couples. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 56, 705-722. Kwiatkowska, A. (1998). Gender stereotypes and beliefs about family violence in Poland. In R.C.A. Klein (ed.), Multidisciplinary perspectives on family violence (pp. 129-152). London: Routledge. Marecek, J., Fine, M. & Kidder, L. (1997). Working between worlds: Qualitative methods and social psychology. Journal of Social Issues, 53, 631-644. Morawski, J. (1997). The science behind feminist research methods. Journal of Social Issues, 53, 667-681. Ptacek, J. (1997). The tactics and strategies of men who batter. In A.P. Cardarelli (ed.), Violence between intimate partners (pp. 104-123). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Riggs, D.S. & Caulfield, M.B. (1997). Expected consequences of male violence against their female dating partners. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12, 229-240. Saunders, D.G. (1986). When battered women use violence: Husband abuse or self-defense? Violence and Victims, 1, 47-60. Schwarz, N. & Sudman, S. (1996). Answering questions. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Straus, M.A., Hamby, S.L., Boney-McCoy, S. & Sugarman, D.B. (1996). The Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2). Journal of Family Issues, 17, 283-316. Strauss, A.L. & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques (2nd. ed.) Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Sudman, S., Bradburn, N.M. & Schwarz, N. (1996). Thinking about answers. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Tedeschi, J.T. & Felson, R.B. (1994). Violence, aggression, and coercive actions. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. van de Vijver & Leung (1997). Methods and data analysis for cross-cultural research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Weber, R.P. (1990). Basic content analysis (2nd. ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

32

Gendering research on men's violence to known women
Jalna HANMER, Leeds Metropolitan University, United Kingdom3 and Jeff HEARN, University of Manchester, United Kingdom and University of Tampere, Finland4
1. Introduction: Making Gender Visible

While it is now clearly recognised that violence is gendered, the gendering of research on violence is discussed less often. Our focus in this presentation is on the ways in which research on gendered violence, specifically men's violence to women, is gendered. In order to set this in context, we first consider the ways in which social research can address questions of gender, more or less explicitly. We outline here three forms of research engagement with gender: gender-absent; gender-neutral; and gender-present (Hanmer and Hearn, 1999). We then discuss why research on men's violence has to be gender present and our experiences of doing gendered research on men's violence. This is followed by the implications for future research on men's violence. 2. Three research approaches to gender

The three research approaches to gender are: gender absent, gender neutral and gender present. First, with gender-absent research, the category of gender is neither explicit nor visible. This can apply to the topic of the research, to the form of analysis, and to the conduct of the research itself. Gender-absence in research means one or more of the following:
· · · ·

Not noticing the ways in which gender operates in a situation; Not seeing gender as a fundamental feature which interacts with, and modifies, other social divisions and social experiences; Making specifically gendered and taken-for-granted assumptions in observation or analysis, for example, seeing all paid workers as he, or all carers as mothers; Trivialising gender.

Gender-absence may be understood as a problem of the observer's position and relation of the observer and the observed, in particular prioritising the male position (see Hearn, 1998c). Second, some research approaches are presented as gender-neutral. These are more explicit in arguing one or more of the following:
· · ·

That their methodology does not need to deal with gender; That their methodology can be applied to any situation, regardless of its gendering; That gender is noticed but is a minor factor or variable relative to the major themes or explanatory frameworks of the study.

3 4

Professor and Director of The Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University, UK Professorial Research Fellow, University of Manchester, UK, and Visiting Professor, University of Oslo; Swedish School of Economics, Helsinki; and Tampere University.

33 The preference for gender-neutral approaches and accounts is illustrated in the way in which methodology, particularly non-gendered methodology, is valued over theory, especially gendered theory (see Davies and Roche, 1980; Williams, 1999). A major characteristic of non-gendered approaches is the false separation of experience, methodology and theory. Third, there is now a very considerable amount of work, particularly from within feminist scholarship, which has been devoted to making women more visible, to redressing that invisibility and to reconceptualising gender in more thoroughgoing ways. There are clearly many ways of thinking about gender; these include: as biologically-determined; as the social construction of biological differences; as psychological differences; as social roles; as fundamentally rooted in power and power analysis; as a form of categorical thinking; as discourse; as social practice; as social consolidations of sexuality and violence. Most interesting are those views that see gender and sexuality as social construction, not just as the social construction of sex and sex differences. One of the crucial issues that distinguishes different approaches to gender is whether gender is seen as one of several fundamental social divisions underpinning social life, individual experiences, and the operation of other social divisions (such as age, class, 'race', ethnicity, religion), on the one hand, or as just one of a string of social factors defining an individual's response to a situation, on the other. Studies that simply refer to women or women's experiences do not necessarily constitute a fully gendered approach. They may, for example, treat women (or gender) simply as a variable, rather than as constitutive of, or located in, some social structural formation. And moreover they may not analyse men as just as gendered as women. A fully gendered, that is gender-present, approach needs to attend to these questions. Accordingly, in our view a more adequately gendered approach would include at least the following features:
· · · · · · · ·

Attention to the variety of feminist approaches and literatures; these provide the methodology and theory to develop a gendered account; Recognition of gender differences as both an analytic category and experiential reality; Attention to sexualities and sexual dynamics in research and the research process; this includes the deconstruction of taken-for-granted heterosexuality, particularly in the study of families, communities, agencies and organisations; Attention to the social construction of men and masculinities, as well as women and femininities, and including understanding masculinities in terms of relations between men, as well as relations with women and children; An understanding of gender through its interrelations with other oppressions and other identities, including those of age, class, disability, 'race', ethnicity, religion; Acceptance of gender conflict as permanent, and as equally as normal as its opposite, as well as examining resistance to this view; Understanding that gender and sexuality and their relationship are historically and culturally acquired and defined; Understanding that the close monitoring of gender and sexuality by the state (the official biography of individuals) is not accidental, but fulfils the purposes of particular social groupings.

34 3. Why Research on Men's Violence has to be Gender-Present

Violence has been particularly relevant in developing fully gendered approaches to research and theory. There are several reasons for this, beginning with the centrality of gender in the differential distribution of offenders and victims in crime statistics. Violence is a sensitive subject and, as with all data collection on topics involving shame, fear, public disapproval, criminality and so forth, collecting these data requires careful planning and approaches. Research on violence against women began with a questioning of traditional methodologies and methods, deeply influenced by feminist academic challenges to mainstream understanding of subjectivity and objectivity. The reanalysis began with a questioning of the concept of objectivity in mainstream research theory, that is the possibility of the researcher being outside social relations. If this is impossible, then those most affected by violence are the most knowledgeable and a fully gendered research process must follow. Gendering the study of violence by recognising differences led to an analysis of violence as the expression of power and control by gendered individuals and groups. To present violence scientifically as gender absent or gender neutral would require that it be random in its doing and receiving in relation to women and men. This does not apply to any form of violence, including same-sex violence where for example, violence between men is far greater than violence between women. Violence takes many forms and all are gendered, including the abuse of children. It includes physical and sexual violence from and to those known and unknown, emotional and sexual degradation, sexual trafficking, homicide and some suicide to name the most obvious. The extent of violence can be relatively minimal or extensive and life threatening, one-off or persistent, emotionally more or less damaging. Attacks by men on women and children can be random or highly organised. While the focus of research on violence began with the inter-personal, and this dominates the field of study, research on gendered violence can be extended to larger groups, such as organisations, networks (for example paedophile rings, parastates, nation states and their joint organisation and actions). There are many different possible structures of (men's) organised violence (ref Hanmer et al., 1994; Hearn, 1994), for example:
· · ·

The army and other forces as state mandated social units; Military policy-makers as separate from the those who "follow orders" and do the violence directly; Gangs, more or less organised, with more or less clear leadership, hierarchy, armed and unarmed;

However, not all men in armies/gangs do violence; there are those who resist and who for their own safety wish to keep this quiet. A major factor correlated with increasing violence against women and children is social instability. While there can be various causes of this, social instability is noted for increased violence by men as individuals and within organisational groupings. The most extreme manifestation is overt organisation for war. While war can be conducted by nations with or without the direct disruption of the relative stability of their civil societies, the organisation for, and the conduct of, war alters social relations between women and men within states that wage war. This is a result of the gendered organisation necessary to wage war and the actions of violence during war, even though these occur in other nation states. For those countries directly experiencing war, social instability and violence in civil society may involve living with threats and acts of violence, and sometimes enforced migration and

35 refugee movements. Women and children can be directly targeted for sexual and other violence. After inter-nation and some internal wars, there is the movement to what appears to be peacetime. But this aftermath is itself as gendered as was the previous war, as the peacetime state exists through the activities of gendered war and gendered state formation. After war, and after refugees return to their pre-war lands, their cultural and social location is not the same. The end of war does not bring an automatic end to social instability; societies do not return to the same position. The society and gendered social order is fundamentally affected. The frequency and types of individual inter-personal violence increase after civil and other wars; for example, domestically located violence with women as victims and men as perpetrators. During periods of relative social stability responding to violence requires policy, organisation, state (and sometimes parastate) responses. Gender remains important as organised statutory and voluntary agency responses are themselves gendered. They are also various, with uneven policies and delivery of social, welfare, legal and justice services. This is partly a social and cultural problem of defining "excessive" violence. Whether in war or in families this is not straightforward. For example, in the latest wars in Europe, who are the war criminals? What constitutes a crime against women and children during these wars? In families what is 'excessive' physical or other punishment? How does being defined as a "respectable" father affect definitions and decisions? If definitions can be agreed and become part of policies and procedures problems of implementation remain. The are major gaps between the policies and practices of statutory agencies of the state and voluntary agencies of civil society in the delivery of services and responses to those who victimise and those who are victimised. 4. Experiences of Doing Gendered Research on Men's Violence

There are many ways in which research on gendered violence, specifically men's violence to known women, is itself gendered. These genderings have been found to be important in our own research; this includes research collaborative research between us involving women researching women's experiences and men researching men's experiences (projects 1 and 2) (Hanmer, 1996, 1998, Hearn, 1995a, 1996, 1998a, 1998b, 1998d); action research feedback to agencies and their policy development (project 3) (Hanmer, 1995; Hanmer et al., 1995; Hearn, 1995b); and evaluation research on a new operational model for policing domestic violence repeat victimisation (project 4) (Hanmer et al., 1999). The particular issues include: broad matters of epistemology and methodology; the question of who does research on the problem and why; whether the focus is on women's experiences of violence from men or men's experiences of being violent; gendered issues in research access, for example, to agencies; how research can contribute to successful outcomes for new operational procedures and activities undertaken by agencies responsible for social, welfare, legal and criminal justice services; whether research methods are gendered, for example, different issues in doing qualitative interviews; issues of ethics, confidentiality and safety; and the organisation of research projects and research units on gendered violence. For reasons of space, only some of these are examined here. Issues of gendered power and politics have permeated these research processes – in terms of the subject matter of the research (men's violence to known women); the disciplinary location of the research work; and the relations of the research to existing paradigms in social

36 policy research. Gendered power relations are thus basic and explicit in this research. Violence and abuse are recognised as directly connected to gender relations, not outside of gender relations. These gendered matters have been central in the development of research over many years. Time and time again, gender relations have been found to be the key determining social relation in understanding violence. An important step was our establishment of a co-convened research unit at Bradford University in 1990 under the explicit title of The Research Unit on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations. This explicitly institutionalised the presence of not just gender (as, say, a variable) but gender relations, as central to future research development. Within this institutional context, a number of research projects have been instigated. Jeff Hearn moved to Manchester University in 1995, and in 1996 the research unit moved to Leeds Metropolitan University under the direction of Jalna Hanmer to become the Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations. The research design of projects 1 and 2 involved a replication of a US study of 60 women in a battered women's shelter and their patterns of stress-coping in relation to social support (Mitchell and Hodson, 1983). These projects were part of a UK national research programme on welfare research. (Further information on the whole research programme on The Management of Personal Welfare is given in Popay et al., 1998, Williams et al., 1998). Our study was in part (project 1) a replication of this US research in a British context and in part an extension by applying the same pre-coded questionnaire with a minimum necessary adjustment also to men who had been violent to known women (project 2). Project 1 had two subsamples: one of 30 Asian women living in UK, the other of 30 mainly white women. The sample was also structured longitudinally. As violence against women in their homes produces different needs and responses over time, the project 1 included two further subsamples: one of women living in the community, the other of women living in refuges. The sample of men in project 2 was not stratified into subgroups, although there were variations to be explored between men interviewed from different agencies sources. Men, too, were at different points in time and places in relation to their violence, for example, in men's programmes, on probation, and in prison. A combination of research methods were used – unstructured and semi-structured interviews, precoded interviews, and interviews and case records analysis with agency staff. Very different issues were experienced in gaining access to the men and the women. While access to about half the women was through refuges, the access to the men was often especially difficult and involved much greater time and effort in securing contact and making suitable arrangements. On the other hand, the interviews with the women were often longer, were in some cases in Asian languages, and produced far more agency contacts to be followed up. The qualitative process in the interviews was also very different. Men interviewers interviewed men; women interviewers interviewed women. The men interviewers had to develop an appropriate stance that was polite and respectful but that did not collude with the man in terms of the justification of his violence. Different methodological and ethical issues were present for the women interviewers. Another issue which distinguished the two interview situations was the question of safety, which was accorded a high priority in project, not least because it was not always known who the interviewee was. It was decided to produce extended working guidelines for the conduct of the research on interviewing men (Hearn, 1993). This research design attempted to examine both women's experiences of receiving violence and men's experiences of being violent, and to do so in a clearly gendered way. It

37 sought to obtain data on women, men and the agencies with which they had contact, that could then be compared on a number of dimensions relating to personal experience and social context. These include the very different experiences of women and men, and the responses of others to them; issues such as the impact on women and men of violence in relation to income, housing etc.; the relationship between the gendered intervention of agencies, the structuring of help seeking and giving, and the social location of women and men. There were numerous differences in the research material obtained from the women and the men. One of the most basic was different approaches to what was meant by violence in the first place. Women tended to speak of their inability to control the initiation of violent, harassing and threatening behaviours and the subsequent interactions (also see Hanmer and Saunders, 1984). Men focused overwhelmingly on physical violence. Although some men did refer to emotional, verbal and psychological violence, even these references were often constructed in relation to the threat of physical violence or were constructed as if they were physical violence in their reduction to "incidents". For men, violence to known women was generally constructed as:
· · · ·

Physical violence that is more than a push – holding, restraint, use of weight/bulk, blocking, throwing (both things and the woman) are often excluded; Actual convictions for physical violence; Physical violence that causes or is likely to cause damage that is visible or considered to the man to be physically lasting; Physical violence that is not seen as specifically sexual; sexual violence is seen as separate.

The research design also made its gendered presence felt in the day-to-day organisation of work in the Research Unit, including the social dynamics at work, organisation of office space, the arrangement of a variety of types of regular and gendered research meetings, and the need for gendered practices on confidentiality. Project 3 focused on policy development with agency managers, policy-makers and practitioners. This raised other gendered questions around the gender structuring and gendering of agencies, and the way that many agencies could be characterised as "women's organisations" or "men's organisations", in the latter case especially so in state bureaucracies and the criminal justice system. Formal "men's" agencies often used men's definitions, which in this context meant men's definitions of violence and understandings of violence. Alternative definitions, policies and practices have been developed through women's voluntary organisations in relation to violence against women. Such contested definitions and meanings of violence, implicit and explicit, apply not only to agencies and their policy development but also to academia and social theory. Project 4 focused on men as providers of services and men as perpetrators of violence in home-based settings. The new model of interventions required a largely male police force to pro-active police men and to ensure the safety of women. The data required on the three tiered model with its progressively increasing interventions was identical for the police and the research evaluators. Close working relationships were established around data collection and the researchers gave regular feedback on policing progress. These features improved data collection and policing progress. A major aim, to institutionalise new ways of responding by all officers, was gradually achieved, along with a reduction in repeat victimisation of women by men in the home.

38 These kinds of researches raise many questions for social theory. These include the reformulation of historical and cultural definitions and the meaning of individual action, organisations and social structure; the place of experience in the creation of knowledge; the rethinking of power; and the deconstruction of the self. Violence is not usually understood as a characteristic form of interpersonal or structural relations. In contrast, the most usual model is of the "rational individual", with a unified self, who conducts his or her affairs in a liberal and reasonably tolerant way. In this view, violence is portrayed as relatively isolated exceptions to "normal" social life. Violence is not usually seen as integral or embedded or imminent in social relations, and social relations are not usually understood as characterised by violence, actual or potential. These features are almost exactly paralleled in men's accounts of their own violence and in men's social theory. Violence is seen as occurring as "incidents"; it is literally incidental. It is understood as exceptions within non-violent ordinary, normal life. This is comparable to views on national, international and inter-ethnic violence on a mass scale that may occur after many years of living "peacefully" as "good neighbours". 5. Conclusion: Implications for Future Research on Men's Violence

While research on violence has made a major contribution to a gender visible approach, further research on men's violence needs to be placed within much broader, gendered contexts. It requires the explicit gendering of men as individuals and in social organisations and processes, including wars, militarism, civil unrest, refugees, etc. It requires the explicit gendering of women and children, how they become involved, respond and are affected. Researching men's violence requires a re-examination of ungendered historical accounts and the writing of history around gendered violence. This is necessary in order to create a more complete social understanding of violence as an integral part of social relations at both inter-personal and institutional levels. In order to reduce and manage violence, it is essential that it be more fully understood as a gendered social process, with various types and aspects sometimes seen as undesirable and to be eliminated, sometimes tolerated or accepted as "natural" or "desirable". We are at an early stage in researching violence as gendered, although some progress has been made, particularly in recording family based physical and sexual violence to women and children in some European and other Western countries. In our view an effective research agenda should start from the premise that violence is always gendered and a characteristic form of inter-personal and structured social relations. Gendering men in the study of violence opens a much larger theoretical and research agenda. Gendering men raises questions on the how, what and why of the organisation of violence, the social purposes it serves, the transformation of social relations, the integration of violence into modern Western life, and its reduction, management and control. *** Bibliography Davies, Celia and Roche, Sheila (1980) 'The place of methodology: a critique of Brown and Harris', Sociological Review, Vol. 28(3), pp. 641-656. Hanmer, Jalna (1995) Patterns of Agency Contacts with Women who Have Experienced Violence from Known Men, Research Unit on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Research Paper No.12, University of Bradford. Available from The Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University.

39 Hanmer, Jalna (1996) 'Women and violence: commonalities and diversities' in Barbara Fawcett, Brid Featherstone, Jeff Hearn and Christine Toft (eds.) Violence and Gender Relations: Theories and Interventions, Sage, London, pp. 7-21. Hanmer, Jalna (1998) 'Out of control: men, violence and family life' in Jennie Popay, Jeff Hearn and Jeanette Edwards (eds.) Men, Gender Divisions and Welfare, Routledge, London. Hanmer, Jalna and Saunders, Sheila (1984) Well-founded Fear, Hutchinson, London. Hanmer, Jalna, Hearn, Jeff, Maynard, Mary and Morgan, David (1994) 'Violence by organizations, violence in organizations, and organizational responses to violence', in Jalna Hanmer and Jeff Hearn (eds.), compiled with 16 others, Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations Research Strategy Report to the ESRC, Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations Unit, Research Paper No.11, University of Bradford, pp. 76-84. Available from The Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University. Hanmer, Jalna, Hearn, Jeff, Dillon, Cath, Kayani, Tiara and Todd, Pam (1995) Violence to Women From Known Men: Policy Development, Interagency Approaches and Good Practice, Research Unit on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Research Paper No.14, University of Bradford. Available from The Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University. Hanmer, Jalna, Griffiths, Sue and Jerwood, David (1999) Arresting Evidence: Domestic Violence and Repeat Victimisation, Police Research Series Paper 104, Home Office, London. Hanmer, Jalna and Hearn, Jeff (1999) 'Gender and welfare research', in Fiona Williams, Jennie Popay and Ann Oakley (eds.) Welfare Research: A Critical Review, UCL Press, London, pp. 106-130. Hearn, Jeff (ed.) (1993) Researching Men and Researching Men's Violences, Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations Research Unit Research Paper No. 4, University of Bradford. Available from The Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University. Hearn, Jeff (1994) 'The organisation(s) of violence: men, gender divisions, organisations and violence', Human Relations, Vol. 47(6), pp. 731-754. Hearn, Jeff (1995a) "It Just Happened" - a Research and Policy Report on Men's Violence to Known Women, Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations Research Unit, Research paper No.6, University of Bradford. Available from The Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University. Hearn, Jeff (1995b) Patterns of Agency Contacts with Men Who Have Been Violent To Known Women, Research Unit on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Research Paper No.13, University of Bradford. Available from The Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University. Hearn, Jeff (1996) 'Men's violence to known women: men's accounts and men's policy development' in, Barbara Fawcett, Brid Featherstone, Jeff Hearn and Christine Toft (eds.) Violence and Gender Relations: Theories and Interventions, Sage, London, pp. 99-114.

40 Hearn, Jeff (1998a) 'Context, culture and violence' in Ralf Kauranen, Elina Oinas, Susan Sundback and Östen Wahlbeck (eds.) Sociologer om Sociologi och Metod: Festskrift till Kirsti Suolinna, Åbo, Meddleanden Från Ekonomisk-Statsvetenkapliga Fakulteten Vid Åbo Akademi, Socialpolitiska institutionen Ser., pp. 1-22. Hearn, Jeff (1998b) 'Men will be men: the ambiguity of men's support for men who have been violent to known women' in Jennie Popay, Jeff Hearn and Jeanette Edwards (eds.) Men, Gender Divisions and Welfare, Routledge, London, pp. 147-180. Hearn, Jeff (1998c) 'Theorizing men and men's theorizing : men's discursive practices in theorizing men', Theory and Society, Vol. 27(6), 1998, pp. 781-816. Hearn, Jeff (1998d) The Violences of Men. How Men Talk About and How Agencies Respond to Men's Violence to Women, Sage, London. Mitchell, Richard and Hodson, Christine (1983) 'Coping with domestic violence: social support and psychological health among women', American Journal of Community Psychology, 11(6), pp. 629-654. Popay, Jennie, Hearn, Jeff and Edwards, Jeanette (eds.) (1998) Men, Gender Divisions and Welfare, Routledge, London. Williams, Fiona (1999) 'Exploring links between old and new paradigm: a critical review' in Fiona Williams, Jennie Popay and Ann Oakley (eds.) Welfare Research: A Critical Review, UCL Press, London, pp. 18-42.

41

Explaining the inclination to use violence against women
Carol HAGEMANN-WHITE and Christiane MICUS, Department of Education, University of Osnabrück, Germany
Introduction: What needs to be explained? Any attempt to survey theories that claim to explain violence against women, sexualised violence or, in particular, men's violence towards known women will encounter confusion. A great many ideas about why men do horrible things turn up, and they are often the subject of acrimonious controversy, but on close inspection, one finds that the explanandum varies with the theory being used to explain it, so that differing theories are often not addressing the same phenomenon. Furthermore, there is often considerable slippage between the phenomenon and the theory put forth to explain it. For example, there are a number of authors who prefer an evolutionary approach to explain what they take to be a universal inclination in men to be violent, drawing on what is called "parental investment theory" or the concept of the "selfish gene": the genes' drive to reproduce causes men to act in a way that will guarantee paternity of a maximum of offspring, causing the male of the species to evolve with a tendency towards sexual jealousy and possessiveness. Not having universal data on men's feelings or interactions, some authors have collected data on the relative frequency of homicides, pointing out that many more men kill women than the reverse. Killing women is, however, neither a successful reproductive strategy nor an effective way to ensure certainty of paternity. Putting aside all other possible objections, we see a neatly constructed theory and an interesting collection of facts, but the theory has to be stretched and strained beyond logic to make it seem useful or relevant to the phenomenon that it is supposed to explain. Theories of a more psychological bent, looking for roots of violence within the emotional and social development of (some) men, the dynamics within their personalities, or the motives behind their actions often share a striking similarity with the explanations that abused women themselves often put forward when trying to make sense of "why he does it". It is the assumption that anyone's actions can be understood by simple empathy, if only one tries hard enough. Thus, in a battering relationship, the man acts in ways that are abusive, contemptuous, and physically violent, sometimes from the beginning of the relationship onwards, sometimes beginning with her pregnancy or other events. The woman - the social worker, the psychologist - looks for reasons in the man's history that might make it possible to understand him, if she put himself in his place; that is, she seeks to identify in his life history some kinds of pressures, deprivation or other events and circumstances which might cause her to become similarly violent, if she were in his place. In doing so, she ignores or denies the obvious facts that (a) he is using violence almost every day, and she is not, certainly not violence of the same kinds and with the same objectives, and (b) he is not a woman or a wife, and she never has been and never will be a husband or a man. Empathy is not enough, the explanation has to begin by recognising the reality of the other person as different from one's own. Our paper has proposed to look at explanations for how an inclination to use violence (against women or what appears feminine) can enter into the formation of masculine gender identity in childhood and adolescence. In view of the widespread confusion and indeed

42 carelessness in the literature about what it is that favoured theories are actually explaining, we begin by clarifying this for our own discussion. To be of use for the question at hand, theories must explain both aspects of the use of violence in interaction with known individuals: 1 2 the subjective experience of being driven, or threatened, by feelings that push a man to choose violence, specifically violence towards women; the pleasure that can be discovered in exercising violence successfully over another person, and in particular over a woman.

Since both feelings of being threatened or driven, for example by rage, impatience, fear of losing control or "losing face" are experienced by all humans, and since all humans are likely to discover at some point the pleasure potential of using violence at least in small ways, a further more specific question must be addressed: 3 What are the inhibiting forces that motivate many women and some men to refrain from interpersonal violence, and how are these submerged or lost in the formation of masculine identities?

The literature on violent men (e.g. Gilligan 1997, Hearn 1998, Jukes 1999) suggests that those who have become habitually or regularly violent towards women personally known to them, sexually or physically or both, exhibit certain traits to a high degree: At the moment of violence, they are convinced that the behaviour of the woman is "causing" them to use violence, and they tend to insist on the primary validity of this perception even if they learn to present other accounts as well. She "makes him do it" by threatening his masculinity or the power and control which he assumes are indispensable to being a man. Any thing a woman does or says or even shows in her expression can "trigger" violence in this way, when it conveys to a man that she is a human being with desires, thoughts or wishes of her own. Note that this does not depend on what she thinks or does, but upon what he notices and construes it to mean. The dominant construction of heterosexuality as "active on passive" invites men to learn a specifically sexualised pleasure in overcoming resistance, taking, doing to or doing upon a woman something that excites him or relieves some need. It is also possible for a man to believe, in the course of growing up, that this is the only socially or morally acceptable way for him to achieve sexual satisfaction, or even the only way possible to him. He must be active and penetrate for "it" to happen, and "it" cannot happen at all unless she submits to him. Men violent towards known women have little or no capacity for empathy, for seeing anything from the point of view of someone else, or even realising that there is another point of view. They have blocked off sensitivity to others' feelings or others' pain; Adam Jukes (1999) describes them as being like small children in a sulk. This limitation may, however, apply only to their interaction with women or in certain types of relationships. The inclination to use violence against known women can thus be operationally defined as 1 having a concept of "being a man" that requires dominance and specific kinds of recognition and respect, such that it is open to being threatened or potentially lost,

43 2 3 cathecting violation: discovering and becoming accustomed to finding pleasure or satisfaction in "doing to" as opposed to "doing with", loss of the capacity for empathy.

We would like to present and discuss some theories that have tried to explain some or all of this "violent masculinity syndrome" in the context of the development of masculine gender identities. We should note at this point that there are no solid data or even convincing reasoning to support the view that such a syndrome cannot equally well emerge later in life. There is no firm basis for asserting that even the majority of violent men, much less all or most of them, have had some kind of traumatic or damaging childhood experiences or a specifically deprived early background. Most of them are perfectly competent, as much as most adults, at dealing with frustration without becoming violent in other fields of life. And many of them may have been "seduced" into this syndrome by the ease with which they could get satisfaction through violence when it seemed to elude them in other ways. We are not explaining why there exist violent men, but examining one possible path leading there: that an inclination to use violence, especially against women, becomes established in close connection with the formation of gender identity. Explaining male violence from psychoanalytic feminist theory Early theoretical work of Hagemann-White, Dinnerstein and Chodorow proceeded from two assumptions derived from classical psychoanalytic theory:
· ·

that the infant begins life in a state of primary symbiosis, fully at one with the world and unable to recognise separate objects or human beings, from which state a process of painful differentiation and separation has to follow, and that primary care of infants is still carried out by mothers to the exclusion of fathers, leading to the identification of the first Other, from whom the child must separate (psychologically) to become a self at all, with the female sex and then with the feminine.

The asymmetric starting point in life for girls and boys - that both have to separate their primary self from a female parent - means, according to these theories, that boys use gender difference to support their independent selfness, and that any return to a state of empathetic one-ness or any emotional identification with women threatens both their male identity and their sense of self: the two come to seem the same. They grow up feeling that they have to prove their masculinity constantly in order not to lose it, and that they have to do so most especially by proving they are not feminine. Girls, on the other hand, find their gendered selves within the sense of being one with the primary parent, and decisive or aggressive separation from her, becoming too emphatically an independent self, threatens them with limitless horror, since all the aggression they direct against the mother is felt to rebound and come back to them within the continuing identification (if I want to hurt her, to leave her, to show her I don't need her, she will do the same to me, with ten times the power!). Much has been written about the consequences of this primary asymmetry for the psychological orientations of men and women. However, in recent years Jessica Benjamin (1985, 1988, 1996) has challenged the premises of these theories and suggested a more differentiated view proceeding from the accumulated knowledge of modern research on infancy, which has led to the recognition that even new-born children are not living in a world of an oceanic total self, but are engaged in interaction with mutual recognition (Stern 1985). The notion of the inner-psychic development from totality to differentiation must be replaced

44 or at least complemented by a conception of the primary intersubjectivity of human development from birth or even before. According to Benjamin, the structure of domination and submission between the sexes can be traced from the relationship between mother5 and new-born child into adult eroticism. Central concepts with which Benjamin describes her inter-subjective theory are the "ideal of mutual recognition" (Benjamin 1988: 23), the necessity of recognising as well as being recognised by the other, and the "simultaneous presence of two living subjects" (16), which implies that the mother serves not just as an object for the child's needs, but is able to recognise the child only because she herself has an independent identity. Benjamin describes the relationship between mother and infant – following Winnicott – as a "transitional realm", in which fury, wishes for annihilation and destruction fantasies are also possible, because they do not really destroy the other person. The experience that others survive both destruction fantasies and real aggressions (which are still innocent according to Winnicott) enables the infant to experience and to accept the existence of others as an external reality. However, if the infant is left feeling that its actions do not influence the mother at all, it feels powerless. If, on the other hand, the infant overpowers her completely with its attacks, her existence – which could recognise the infant – is destroyed. The maternal survival of these attacks as well as elementary care and protective emotionality are therefore inseparably linked to the process of becoming a subject. For the development of the individual in and through relationships, self-assertion and recognition are the two fundamental poles. Following Hegel, Benjamin describes the conflicts between self-assertion and the need for the other as a "paradox of recognition" (31). Even as we try to gain our (complete) independence – Hegel talks about a claim to absolute right – we still remain dependent on confirmation through mutual recognition. No-one can be really free from dependency, because a self needs the recognition of an other; thus, in order to be recognised myself, I have to recognise the other as being like myself and existing independently of me. For Benjamin the ideal resolution of this paradox is to keep it in "constant tension" (36), i.e. in a balance6. She describes impressively how a breakdown in the fundamental tension between the recognition of the other and the assertion of the self becomes "the best point of entry to understanding the psychology of domination" (49) and can lead to forms of erotic dominance and submission. The early differentiation of the sexes then results in a complementary relationship between male domination and female submission. Like Irene Fast (1991), Benjamin assumes a primary gender-crossing phase for boys and girls in which the small child, while knowing itself to be a girl or a boy, does not yet categorise its experiences and possibilities as sex-related, and sees it own potential as in no way limited by its sex. It is characteristic for this originally fluid identity that girls and boys initially identify with both sexes, they "keep both parents available as objects of attachment and recognition" (112) and are able to integrate male as well as female aspects. In contrast to Fast, Benjamin denies that it is necessary to give up this original, bisexual narcissism and
5

6

Certainly this can also be the father or other primary persons to whom the infant relates very closely. Since it is in our culture mostly 'the mother' who does the main care, this term is used in the texts and here. For Hegel, only a breakdown of the tension is possible. "Every tension between two oppositional elements carries the seeds of its own destruction and transcendence into another form (...). Without this process of contradiction and dissolution, there would be no movement, change, or history" (Benjamin 1988: 32).

45 insists that the cross-sex identification and behaviour can remain available. Yet she describes that in reality this rather fascinating changing and exceeding of gender identification becomes restricted at the moment when desire becomes an issue – with approximately one and a half years. When the realisation of gender difference begins to take hold in the psyche "each parent may represent one side of the mental conflict between dependence and independence" (102). During early childhood, the gender division of labour is most often organised so that the father is the "representative of the external world", the little girl and the little boy experience him as representing what is exciting and different. "Now, as the child begins to feel the wish and the excitement as his or her own inner desire, she or he looks for recognition from this exciting other" (105). This wish to be similar to the father and to be recognised by him as similar is the basis for a new kind of love, identificatory love. Previously, care, security and satisfaction of needs were characteristic for the love to the primary motherly person. Identificatory love for the figure that represents contact to the outside world and to all that is new and different there strengthens the little child in its striving for autonomy, freedom and separation. However, the attempt of the little girl to bestow identificatory love on the father is typically ignored or rejected by him. It threatens the defence structure of his own male identity to recognise his daughter as "just like" to him, as he readily does with his son. Instead, the father sexualises the little girl's attempt to identify with him, sees her "as a sweet adorable thing" (109) and is not available for the strengthening of her autonomy efforts. Handed over thus to the mother, the little girl turns her aspirations for independence as well as her anger at non-recognition by the father inward. The "missing father" (107) in female development thus makes it difficult for her to discover her own desire and prepares her to idealise a kind of love in which she puts her own wishes and needs aside (Benjamin 1985). The struggle for recognition is repeated in the dynamics of the submission process in which male and female emerge as opposing poles of the hierarchical gender relations. Masochism can be regarded as an attempt to achieve the recognition of the self – to be known and recognised as oneself – by the powerful, idealised other who alone is able to give the recognition. This other represents the unsatisfied desire for omnipotence, strength and control which is not owned by the woman herself and whose satisfaction is now achieved vicariously by granting him satisfaction. Her search for recognition is still alienated, since she does not give herself voluntarily but must be forced to it. The great fear of being abandoned and separated which results from the strong – although certainly not ambivalence-free – identification with the mother promotes this masochist position. The attempt of the boy to approximate the father with identificatory love – "I am being Daddy" – is not ignored, but meets with fatherly recognition and identification. Just as the boy recognises himself in the father, the father recognises himself in the boy. The boy can use his love for the father, for father-substitutes or for other idealised men to strengthen his efforts for autonomy and separation from the mother. The possibility of identificatory love for the mother remains hidden (since she does not represent the new and different so important for the next stage of development), and then is cut off entirely7. Distancing himself from the primary motherly person seems a decisive step in order to feel really affiliated to the fatherly, male side. The little boy experiences his gender and his identity as a radical breaking off and delimitation from the person to whom he has felt most closely connected. In order to feel
7

Benjamin remarks that this is changed when it is the woman who disappears into the exciting outside world to do important and interesting things and then returns, while the man is a familiar home figure.

46 independent and masculine – the boy can hardly distinguish between those two – he must say to himself: "I am nothing like she who cares for me" (76). This fatherly recognition implies on the one hand a defence aspect – the boy can deny his helplessness and dependence -, on the other hand it urges him to "solve" the conflict between his need of loving care and independence in a one-sided way: with the help of a "split" (104), by assigning the contradictory strivings to different parents. "Separationindividuation thus becomes a gender issue, and recognition and independence are now organised within the frame of gender" (104). The intersubjective dimension, with its tension between the two poles self-assertion and recognition, breaks down and gender identity becomes increasingly polarised. "The need for mutual recognition must be satisfied with mere identification of likeness" (170). "Identification no longer functions as a bridge to the experience of an other; now it can only confirm likeness" (171). The intersubjective interaction of infancy, in which mutual recognition and proud assertion could still coexist, is replaced by an objectifying attitude. The woman is regarded as the opposite of the man; she is not only different, "but simply the other (de Beauvoir). This other can be owned as an object, but cannot be recognised" (Benjamin 1996: 14). This development of male identity transforms the differentiation process into domination and is the basis for the phenomenon that Benjamin (1985) has described as "rational violence". Rational violence is a way of seeking recognition without giving recognition. It is driven by the need for intimacy, but denies this need and all feelings that relate to it. The moment of control is characteristic for this "rational violence": it is not a struggle between equals, not a conflict which could end in a mutual recognition, but a calculated transgression in which the will of the object is denied, the recognition of the self is forced and the end point is determined only by the subject. In time, the object, not entitled to an independent existence, loses the ability to recognise him. Therefore, the fight has to be carried out again and again. The border-crossing violation - which, breaking the law, at the same time confirms it – grants rationality and control to one partner, while the other gives up her borders. "The assertion of one individual (the master) is transformed into domination; the other's (the slave's) recognition becomes submission. Thus, the basic tension of forces within the individual becomes a dynamic between individuals" (62). When the dilemma between individualisation and belonging to a greater unity is resolved in favour of total emphasis on separation, the boy projects empathy and emotional fusion onto the feminine, and must in consequence avoid or deny need and dependence in himself. Devaluation of female qualities is often connected to this denial. According to Benjamin (1985) the repeated attempt to separate and delimit from the mother and from the motherly supply as well as the denial of mutuality, care and empathy is revealed in violence. The insistence on force, control and omnipotence is often the only way to approach the feminine without feeling immediately threatened. "Rationality allows no simultaneous experience of contradictory moments in the ambivalence or in the paradox" (Benjamin 1985: 22); it results in a general splitting. The sense of self is also undermined by this male defence attitude, which breaks the tension that appears in the differentiation process. Following Winnicott, it can also be assumed that one resorts to "rational violence" in order to feel oneself, to increase the feeling for the self and the feeling for reality. In this way, "rational violence" is explained not only by the need to exclude, denigrate and control the feminine, but also by the inability of the parents

47 to recognise the boy in spite of his attacks and to survive his destructive wishes. "Rational violence" can therefore also be understood as domination over a "surviving" other, while the search already implies the scars of an earlier failure. "If the parent does not set bounds – 'does not survive' – the child must carry on trying to destroy and to attack in order finally to feel a hold against its reactive anger" (Benjamin 1985: 27). Therefore, one root of "rational violence" can also be seen in the failure of the struggle for recognition, either having totally destroyed the other, or having been unable to reach her. In both cases neither the effectiveness of actions nor the independent existence of the other is experienced. It should be noted here that the subjective feeling of powerlessness is not at all the same as a real lack of power. Indeed, the early experience of a primary parent who does not "survive" the anger of the child, or cannot be reached by him, is more than likely to result when the mother is herself powerless, battered or subjected to abuse. The adult man who exerts rational violence has found a substitute for his original need: he may be profoundly determined never to feel powerless again, and he may aim to structure all his relationships so that this possibility can never arise. Thus, the problem is not that the violent man "is" powerless but that he cannot tolerate this normal and necessary part of being human. While Chodorow and Dinnerstein described male domination and female subjection as resulting from the primary gender division of labour and thus as a very general phenomenon, Benjamin's theory allows at least for a possible differentiation. The masculine position which fears proximity to anything feminine is a product of the breakdown of what is, for both sexes, a primary experience of intersubjectivity. And rational violence, in particular, arises when the primary parent is unable to accept and contain the child's aggression. The combination of the two - a defensive masculine identity and rational violence - would add up to an adult man who is controlling and abusive towards women. At the same time, Benjamin is so very focused on explaining the general existence of patriarchal male dominance that she writes as if the breakdown of the paradox of recognition (and with it masculine contempt for women) were almost inevitable. Ulrike Schmauch (1985, 1987), critical of Chodorow's idealisation of the autonomous boy child, shifts the emphasis of her analysis to looking at how the needs, feelings and relationships of the adult parents are involved in gender socialisation. Schmauch, who worked for three years – from 1977 to 1980 – as a child-minder in a playgroup (for children ages 1 to 4) set up by parents, and gathered records during this time, concentrates on unconscious interactions between mother, father and daughter or son. She reveals on the one hand the power of life situations that "have an effect on the child through the daily routine and unconscious of the parents" (Schmauch 1985: 103); on the other hand she also considers the influence of the child, "how the female as well as the male child assail with their little and instinctive bodies the parents and their repressed feelings" (104) and the strong conscious, but often unconscious reactions of the parents that they evoke. Schmauch (1985) wondered, in the course of her work with the play-group, why girls seemed to become "more girl-like" and boys "more boy-like" than their parents or she herself would have thought possible and desirable at the beginning. She finds part of the answer in typical idealisations of the boys by the parents. Mothers and fathers love and idealise in little boys "often their passive-infantile parts, but at the same time their grandiose, aggressive acting; a difficult paradox for the boy" (105). According to Schmauch, especially the motherson relation is characterised by a strong ambivalence. "On the one hand they want to push him away, absorbed by their adult feelings, on the other hand they draw him close when they are feeling low and give him the function of the only faithful, comforting little man" (108).

48 Boys at this stage show a tendency to act out whenever they are uneasy, tired, or distressed. They often cover over feelings that are difficult for them to handle by making noise, charging about, showing off loudly, or fighting. This acting out and putting themselves in the spotlight is not recognised as signalising needs, but is seen as natural boy's behaviour, and is often encouraged or admired. At the same time, boys are coddled and allowed to act dependent in the private space of the home or with their mothers. Thus, the split between the boy's assertive and autonomous public self and his tender and needy private self seems to meet needs of the parents. The relation between mother and daughter seems to be very intimate and harmonious in the first years of life. In this early stage, the little girl gives the mother the opportunity to love and cherish an extension of her own self; the daughter, affectionate and close, offers her mother a very special satisfaction and affirmation "be it as her mother's possession, as an expression and expansion of her oral, supplying "power", be it by augmenting and completing the mother because of their own 'perfection'" (115). Dependency and independence of the girl appear equally appreciated by her mother and can develop in balance. The third year of life, in which boys and girls grow to be more independent and much more sexual, is described by Schmauch (1985) as a year full of crises, as it confronts the adults to an increasing degree and beyond their conscious expectations with their own problems and fears, e.g. the fear of rivalry, of isolation and of their own aggressions. During this third year, some fathers exhibited an "abrupt pushing away" (113) of the son into a "forced manliness" (113). However, Schmauch also notes - as a striking aspect of analysing her own notes and records - that she in fact had very little observational data on fathers' involvement with their children, although this was a parents' initiative with egalitarian values. The relationship between mother and daughter, which has been very close and intimate, also goes through a transition in the third year. At this stage in their own lives, mothers often look for new autonomous possibilities to act and feel the need for further development and a life of their own. These increasing efforts towards autonomy and distancing on the part of the mother trigger strong fears of loss in the little girl, who relates these changes in the mother to herself. In this way, unconscious apprehensions in the mother, who is wishing, but also hesitating to cross the bridge involving separation and new beginnings, are delegated to the little girl; and this happens at a moment when the daughter reveals herself able to be independent, to use her aggressions more self-confidently and to express her emotions in a sexual and competitive way. Feeling her mother's impatience, her desire to break away and her ambivalence and fear of actually doing so, the girl tries to hold on to her. "Now it is the child who is afraid, who experiences its sexual, aggressive and autonomous strivings as dangerous and guilty, because they are separating. The child again clings to the mother in open dependency" (107). According to Schmauch, it is this moment at which the little girl begins to repress aggressive feelings. She parallels Benjamin's observation that the little girl is handed back to the mother and shows "depressive reactions" (Benjamin 1988: 109) after the father has not recognised her identificatory love. In consequence, the girl becomes vulnerable to boys' acting out; she presents an object that signifies the feminine, but is unable to retaliate against aggression. The practice-fields of school playgrounds are shaped by these dynamics.

49 The dynamics of adolescence Traditionally, psychoanalytically oriented theory has been strongly inclined to locate the sources of all later problems in early childhood. In recent years, however, adolescence has received more attention as an important stage in life that permits genuine new developments. As a consequence, we can ask what dynamic developments in adolescence might give rise to, reinforce, decrease or help overcome an inclination to use violence. Mario Erdheim has taken the view that, with respect to personality structure and the dynamics of identity, adolescence is not just a simple repetition or extension of early childhood, but should be understood a second chance and a second individuation process. The adolescent process is described as "liquidifying" the inner structures of the young person, with completely new dynamics. One could conclude that the "fluid" sex identity of early childhood is or can be revived, a reorganisation of feelings, desires and fears is possible. Several authors have suggested that adolescence can be a chance for re-structuring, new orientation and re-organisation of experiences on the individual as well as on the social level. Erikson (1993) described adolescence as a "psycho-social moratorium", in whose framework different possibilities and life models can be tested playfully. Benjamin recognises the chance of the new adolescent dynamics as well, since the rigid complementarity of the oedipal conflict can be re-created in a more differentiated and flexible way, and in the best case, it can be given up in the course of adolescence when the capacity for post-conventional thinking develops. Along with the chance of adolescence, this life phase also contains many crisis-like aspects. Hurrelmann et al. (1985) describe different modal tasks for the adolescence which range from finding a gender role and a value and norm system to qualifying for a place in the world of work. He describes "social bonding" to peers of the own and of the other sex as an important task. In our society, this is often linked to a strong pressure to achieve at least the appearance of successful heterosexuality. The bodily changes and the related latent messages, social assessments, restrictions, insecurities as well as the emotions full of relish, wishes and fantasies have to be integrated into the personality of the adolescent. A crucial adolescent conflict according to Erdheim (a psychoanalytic ethnologist) is the antagonism between family and culture. He understands "family" as the familiar, that which has always been there, continuity with childhood, with dimensions of feeling safe or at least able to count on the expected, to have an unreflected belonging to a social context. "Culture" is Erdheim's term for the human capacity to assimilate what is strange, foreign and new and to relate it successfully to one's own needs and wishes, the ability to create a relationship of what was at first unknown and threateningly different, thus transforming it into the known. (This echoes Benjamin's paradox of recognition.) Antagonism means the equality and the interdependence of these two principles which cannot be transformed into one another or be derived from one another. The human being will always be thrown back and forth between them and need the ability to tolerate and integrate the conflict they represent. Adolescents not only have to loosen their ties to the family and its values and attitudes, to orient themselves in the system of the culture still foreign to them and to define it anew, but they also have to search for new perspectives while at the same time preserving continuity. This transition from family to culture can be seen as a challenge to one's own innovative powers. However, it is equally possible for it to be experienced (individually and/or collectively) as an immense insecurity in which any innovation is felt as 'destruction'.

50 Erdheim describes how societies often exert repression when confronted with the innovative power of youth. The constitution of the antagonism is a "crisis-like process" (Erdheim 1995). Erdheim describes several avoidance strategies. We are mainly interested in only one of them, namely the 'seduction' to shift the antagonism to the gender relation. After this shift, not culture and family are in an antagonistic relationship any more, but the sexes to one another. This results in the well-known stereotyped ascription of gender characteristics: the woman is assigned to the family, the man to culture. The antagonism between family and culture, whose recognition would lead to emancipation and maturity of the individual, becomes invisible by being shifted to gender relations (Erdheim 1998). The temptation to avoid progressive developments and to adhere rather to regressive and polarising patterns not only prevents maturity, but leads to a polarisation of the gender characteristics to which also other authors refer (Flaake 1990). In this case, a constructed masculinity can serve as a 'crutch' to avoid any conflict with which the adolescent has not yet come to terms, and to adjust to cultural ideas of what a man is and to what a man is entitled. It would certainly mean 'extra energy' in this situation to seize a masculinity which does not quite correspond to the cultural ideal (Connell 1995). Anne Campbell (1990, 1995) shows with her violence and aggression research studies8 that the seizing of a counter-gender model is possible, but certainly connected to the ability to 'want something more strongly'. She refers to a decisive gender difference in perceptions of aggression as well as in coping with aggression. For both sexes there is a close connection between aggression and control, but aggression means for women a failure of self-control, while it means for men to force their own control onto others. Women see aggression primarily as an expressive means to release pent-up fury or long accumulated frustrations. Men see aggression primarily as an instrumental means to decide competitions, conflicts and doubts of their male authority quickly and efficiently in their favour – with or without emotions. According to Campbell (1995), this leads naturally to different styles of aggressive behaviour. Women react to everyday frustrations and provocation at first not with anger or calculated opposition. Their initial reserve is often misinterpreted as approval or acceptance. Since women hold back their anger for a longer time than men and often lose their temper at a later moment, their aggression tends to emerge in explosive or expressive forms. In retrospective, most women tend to criticise their own behaviour, apologise for it and regard it as inappropriate, not feminine and as a failure of self-discipline. Their critical estimation of themselves as well as the expressive quality of their aggression is unfortunately often not only ineffective for the elimination of the source of frustration, but also – when the events accumulate for a long time – too late and not well enough aimed. Male instrumental aggression deals not so much with the reduction of tensions, with "signalling indignation or with letting off steam" (107), but rather with controlling the behaviour of another person or a situation in general. It is the male instrumental understanding of aggression that dominates society and science. Campbell reveals in the practice-oriented application of her thesis how the female understanding of aggression can clash with the male dominating system of criminal justice. When a woman kills her husband in his sleep after being abused for many years, the legal
8

Campbell's research studies are very wide-ranging: girl gangs in the USA (participant observation, case studies, interviews), female and male criminal offenders as well as family aggressions of female and male persons from middle class (biographical interviews, group interviews).

51 framing of aggression is her undoing, because it mitigates killing only in a spontaneous heat of passion as manslaughter, second-degree murder or self-defence (cf. Jones 1980). Women's reactions are not regarded as self-defence because of the "difference in time between the last thrashing and the killing" (Campbell 1995: 204), because of the fact that women 'govern' their anger and despair for a long time before getting out of 'control'. When female opposition takes place in secret or at a later point of time – which is certainly in part understandable given her poor chances in an open physical attack – it is legally not regarded as an act committed in the heat of passion, but "the charge is murder" (203). In fact, Dagmar Oberlies has shown from court case analysis in Germany that women who kill male partners are charged with and convicted of murder and actually serve out life sentences, whereas men who kill their wives or (former) girlfriends can always name something that made them furious at the time; they are charged with manslaughter and sentenced mildly, even if they have told various people in advance of their plan to kill the woman (Oberlies 1995). Summary Male violence has different causes; there is not the one and only explanation. We have tried to show with Jessica Benjamin that under certain circumstances violence can be 'helpful' to avert a threat. Aspects of "rational violence" include an excessive need to separate the self from the feminine, related to deep fears, and the loss of primary empathy for the feelings of others. The subject keeps in control, especially needing to control closeness and distance, and can 'touch' the others only with a violence that draws them near, but at the same time keeps them at a distance and denigrates them. When the tension between self-assertion and recognition is no longer tolerated within the self, but only distributed between the sexes, when male self-assertion results in power and female recognition results in submission, another dimension of violence enters in. The pleasure gain of "rational violence" for the man is then to relish the submission of the woman and to feel, test and enjoy his own power. There is no reliance on the perception of mutual recognition, but male interests and male power dominate completely. Ulrike Schmauch looks at the development of gender identity in early childhood from another perspective. She describes the often unconscious parental ambivalence between pushing back dominance and aggression and the simultaneous temptation of male aggressive behaviour. Winnicott adds another facet of violence – the significance of "feeling oneself". Violence can serve to increase self-esteem and the sense of reality. This feeling oneself can also become an addiction and go together with a habitualisation of violent behaviour. Insights from learning theory would be important in this context. Beyond these experiences from early childhood, the life phase of the adolescence is important, not to be understood as an extension or confirmation of the dynamics from early childhood. Furthermore, adolescence as a psychodynamic second chance as well as a crisis process may also be seen as representative for other critical life events and upheavals. The ability to tolerate contradictions, ambivalence and insecurity seems to be very important. In the study of adolescence we have seen how tempting it can be to shift very elementary human conflicts, such as the antagonism between family and culture, onto the two sexes and to settle them there in a polarising way. Constructed masculinity can thus serve regarding oneself as no longer exposed to threat or insecurities. Violence becomes a compensatory mechanism, a way of re-establishing the masculine equilibrium.

52

Afterword In closing, let us call attention to the construction of gender polarisation within the theories themselves. A common trait of all of the explanations discussed is their inclination to set up a logical chain leading from being born as a male or female child (having parents of two sexes), to gaining a masculine or feminine identity, to taking a certain position with regard to aggression or violence. Christiane Micus has just completed an empirical study of women's and men's aggressive behaviour and their fantasies of aggression; the subjects were sixteen females and sixteen males. The study employed three research instruments: the Bem Sex-Role Inventory, a TAT (thematic-apperception-test) especially developed for the study, and qualitative interviews. The Bem Sex-Role-Inventory treats masculinity and femininity as two independent dimensions, thereby making it possible to characterise a person as masculine, feminine, androgynous or undifferentiated. As a result of statistical analysis of the data, psychological gender emerged as very significant in regard to the extent of aggressive behaviour, much more so than sex category. The psychological gender is an interesting and important alternative to the biological concept of two sexes. In this study, the group of masculine (psychological gender) men proved to be the most aggressive. They showed high values in destructive, injurious and critical thoughts and actions directed to others. It seems that this group of masculine men has to seize a manliness which corresponds to the cultural idea of masculinity as domination. But alongside this group I also found men who are androgynous, feminine or undifferentiated, without being noticeably different from other men in other ways. Thus, there is not only one masculinity. Empirically, the male gender identity of androgynous, feminine or undifferentiated men is not so strongly connected with violence. These men seem to have more possibilities to choose a masculinity which does not quite correspond to cultural ideas of what a man is and what men's entitlements are. Although there is no space to discuss this study here, it does suggest that gender identities are more varied than many theoretical explanations seem to assume. Perhaps more attention should be directed to the specific processes by which masculinity becomes linked to dominance and violence.

53 References Benjamin, Jessica, 1985: Die Fesseln der Liebe: Zur Bedeutung der Unterwerfung in erotischen Beziehungen. In: Feministische Studien, 4, 2, 10-33 Benjamin, Jessica, 1988: The Bonds of Love. Psychoanalysis, Feminism, and the Problem of Domination. New York Benjamin, Jessica, 1996: Phantasie und Geschlecht: psychoanalytische Studien über Idealisierung, Anerkennung und Differenz. Frankfurt/Main Campbell, Anne, 1990: The girls in the gang. Oxford Campbell, Anne, 1995: Zornige Frauen - wütende Männer. Wie das Geschlecht unser Aggressionsverhalten beeinflußt. Frankfurt Chodorow, Nancy, 1985: Das Erbe der Mütter. Psychoanalyse und Soziologie der Geschlechter. München Connell, Robert W., 1995: Masculinities. Cambridge: Polity Press Erdheim, Mario, 1995: Aggression und Wachstum. Von der Chance im Übergang von der Familie zur Kultur. In: Finger-Trescher, Urte; Trescher, Hans-Georg (Hg.): Aggression und Wachstum. Theorie, Konzepte und Erfahrungen aus der Arbeit mit Kindern, Jugendlichen und jungen Erwachsenen. Mainz, 23-37 Erdheim, Mario, 1998: Adolezentenkrise und institutionelle Systeme. Kulturtheoretische Überlegungen. In: Apsel, Roland; Rost, Wolf-Detlef (Hg.): Ethnopsychoanalyse. 5. Jugend und Kulturwandel. Frankfurt/Main, 9-30 Erikson, Erik H., 131993: Identität und Lebenszyklus. Frankfurt/Main (Originalausgabe: 1959) Fast, Irene, 1991: Von der Einheit zur Differenz. Psychoanalyse der Geschlechtsidentität. Berlin/Heidelberg/New York u.a. Gilligan, James, 1997: Violence. Reflections on a National Epidemic. New York Hagemann-White, Carol, 1979; Frauenbewegung und Psychoanalyse. Frankfurt/Main Hearn, Jeff, 1998: The Violences of Men. How Men Talk About and How Agencies Respond to Men's Violence to Women. London u.a. Hurrelmann, Klaus; Rosewitz, Bernd; Wolf, Hartmut K., 1985: Lebensphase Jugend. Eine Einführung in die sozialwissenschaftliche Jugendforschung. Weinheim/München Jones, Ann, 1980: Women who kill. Jukes, Adam Edward, 1999: Men Who Batter Women. London/New York Oberlies, Dagmar 1995. Tötungsdelikte zwischen Männern und Frauen. Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus. Schmauch, Ulrike, 1985: Frühe Kindheit und Geschlecht. Anmerkungen zur frühkindlichen Sozialisation von Mädchen und Jungen. In: Anselm, Sigrun (Hg.): Theorien weiblicher Subjektivität. Frankfurt/Main, 92-117 Schmauch, Ulrike, 1987: Anatomie und Schicksal. Zur Psychoanalyse der frühen Geschlechtersozialisation. Frankfurt/Main Stern, Daniel, 1985: The Interpersonal World of the Infant: A View from Psychoanalysis and Developmental Psychology. New York

54

Socio and Psychogenetic Attempts to Explain the Male Inclination towards Violence Against Women
Ursula MÜLLER, University of Bielefeld, Germany and Angela MINSSEN
In this paper, I give a partial insight into an extended secondary analysis I undertook together with Angela Minssen.9 The co-operation between me, as a sociologist, and Angela Minssen, as a psychoanalyst, led us through a huge amount of diverse literature, but, strikingly enough, we came to confront patterns of explaining the male inclination for violence against women that resembled each other more than was to be expected. 1. Changes and continuities

Looking at male violence towards known women (Hearn 1998) today, we see a double feature: while we can see impressive changes on the political side (and this conference is an impressive example of this), we are also still confronted by oppressive continuities in the basic traits of scholarly explanations on the other. Major successes in overcoming the taboos about discussing the male inclination for violence against women in the general public and on different political levels run up against a very stable pattern of argumentation in the basic assumptions about its causes that we find rather shocking. Theory and practice on the "male inclination for using violence against women" seem to be drifting apart, and each is going through its own autonomous development. At present, they only relate in a few points, and some of them may be fatal, as I want to point out at the end of my paper. While examining the literature we were initially surprised, and later very irritated, to see how thoroughly the blame for this male violence is cast upon mothers or women. This is an aspect where the new "men's movement literature" and traditional psychoanalytical concepts are in surprising harmony. Psycho- and sociogenetic explanations offer what we consider to be the problematic possibility of allowing men to appear as victims rather than offenders. On the societal level, this perspective makes them prisoners of their "male role"; on the level of individual psychology, they appear as victims of a devalued but simultaneously omnipotent mother. According to this victim postulate on the sociological level, the "male role" is changing as a result of progressive modernisation. Its traditional contents have become obsolete without binding and reliable new proposals becoming available to replace them. Part of the literature engages in explicit or implicit attributions of blame: The emancipation of women has generated uncertainty. Because women have left the place assigned to them by tradition, men can no longer find their own place. In light of such a "difficulty", male violence is apparently a regrettable but basically comprehensible consequence. On the psychological level, the victim status of the man has already developed a "tradition". The boy who is bound and held in symbiosis by his mother has only one way of escaping this maternal pressure: He dissociates himself from everything feminine, and the most permanent and secure way of doing this is through devaluation. From this perspective, misogyny as a precondition of the male inclination for violence against women emerges as an
9

Angela Minssen/Ursula Mueller, Attraktion und Gewalt (Attraction and Violence. Psychogenetic and sociogenetic explanations for male violence against women, forthcoming).

55 inevitable outcome of the exclusive female mothering that society simultaneously demands and supports as a desirable good. 2. The bourgeois model of gender characters and its impact on today's gender relations

One basic sociological idea behind this paper is the privatisation of social problems at the expense of women. For a long time, feminist theory has used the concept of the "genderspecific" or "gender-hierarchical" division of labour to describe this idea. As Karin Hausen and others have shown, how the separation between housework and gainful employment that asserted itself during the 19th century corresponded, on a sociocultural level, with a social, cultural and emotional polarisation of the "gender characters" that undertook a division of "properties, abilities, and emotional as well as psychosexual characteristics according to gender" (Hausen 1978) on the basis of a complementary model. This bourgeois concept views women and men as two opposite poles having almost nothing in common. They differ not only in the work they are able to do, but also in intellectual, emotional and other characteristics of their "being". Nobody is allowed to be both male and female at the same time. The basic model of bourgeois relations between the genders is a meeting of two incomplete persons who can only attain completion through the help of an appropriate opposite. The mutual dependency that is basically inherent in this model is de facto turning into male supremacy. 10 When psychogenesis is taken as a level of analysis, this model only permits identification within one's own gender group. Daughters cannot identify with their fathers; nor sons with their mothers. Analogue to the situation on the sociogenetic level in which nobody may possess masculine and feminine characteristics at the same time, the psychogenetic level, perceives ambivalence as disruptive and disconcerting and as something to be avoided at all costs. This leads to a strong control interest when dealing with the environment and the demands and uncertainties that arise from it. For masculinity, this traditional model links the loss of masculinity closely with a psychological regression towards symbiosis. It is as if to say that a loss of gender is feared. Analogue to this on the sociogenetic level, it is feared that a non-controlling approach towards women will lead to a loss of status. In the traditional gender model, it is far more the case that the man has to dissociate himself from the woman, who is defined as being opposite, and constantly control this "definedness". Because real women do not comply with these definitions, they pose a permanent threat that leads to the development of fears in the man that then have to be suppressed permanently. Hence, the attitude towards woman is characterised by an underlying fear that places the man in an actually inferior position in his own eyes. This psychological position broadly, if not completely, denies the aspect of the societal power of men.

10

Of course, this is a shortcut of a complex ideology; the pattern of "complementarity" (and not reciprocity) between women and men existed before the rise of the bourgeoisie, but in the 19th century it changed its quality and became densified into gender characters, legitimising division of labour, exclusion of women from education, power and politics, and so on. In political philosophy and in the philosophy of science, gender characterology was used to prove women's incapability to succeed in these areas, and to legitimise that men were the only gender present, representing the "whole" in those fields. See, for instance, Benhabib on Hegel, Women, and Irony.

56 3. Gender ambivalence and men's loss of control

In modern society, experiences of ambivalence are on the increase for men (see, for instance, Connell's concept of "gender vertigo" 1995; and the first empirical signs among German men Metz-Goeckel/Mueller 1986). However, they find themselves in the role of latecomers compared with women who had already articulated their perception of discrepancies between norms and needs in the early women's movements at the end of the 19th century and have continued this quite insistently in the new women's movement since the 1960s. Men's experiences of ambivalence take a different form to those of women. Mostly, it seems, they do not perceive it as an extension and further development of their agency, but process it as a threat. This feeling of being threatened contributes to the desire to revive the "old" conditions when men were still men and women knew their place. Basically, today's men have two possible ways of reacting to women's successful processing of perceived ambivalence that expresses itself as an acquisition of new rights or their consolidation, a shaking of the basic premises of patriarchal structures, an expansion of the sociosymbolic representation of the feminine, a politicisation of the asymmetry between the genders in society and so forth. First, they can acknowledge it voluntarily or reluctantly as a potential, and exploratively or enthusiastically engage in attempts to exploit such a potential for themselves. Second, they can give way to their feeling of being threatened and reject the new potential through destructive devaluation. The majority of men are probably located on a continuum between these two poles; it may well be that a process perspective is also appropriate for most of them. We shall try to explain this with an example.11 The generation of men aged 35-55 years who have now achieved success in their careers may initially have welcomed the emancipation of women strongly because it relieved the pressure on their uncertain masculinity. However, with increasing occupational and social success, they do not develop an extended self-consciousness based on gender awareness and symmetry; instead, a consolidation of traditional masculinity occurs accompanied by a desire to fend off the continual demands for masculinity to change—both their own and that of others. Men who have attained power seem to lose the ability to accept ambivalence, and many of them are no longer willing to co-operate with women who want to establish gender symmetry. The male belief, found in various forms, that women are less suitable than men for public office (an inheritance from bourgeois political philosophy) conceals the fear that women might perform just as well if not better than men. This makes it necessary to devalue feminine potency by attributing it with irrationality. This addresses the other side of the belief that women are less suitable for public office than men: It invokes the man's fear of losing control to the woman (see above). However, when women have attained higher posts, the illusion is maintained that they can only manage so well through the invisible support of powerful men who make their own potency available to them. This enables the controlling man to remain in contact with the object of control and retain the fiction of control. If this fiction can no longer be maintained, an attempt is made to "destroy" the object through massive attack. Another way of overcoming the threat of the publicly potent woman would be to give up control and
11

There are some members of the still rather new red-green German government we may have in mind here, but it is not a specifically German phenomenon.

57 recognise the woman. However, for many men this still seems to be unthinkable. This is a way of retaining something that Virginia Woolf recognised long ago: Women cannot mirror themselves in men. Only a few, it would seem, have managed to attain this privileged position so far. For the present analysis, we were very surprised to realise that most of the diverse literature we went through revealed the pattern that we have just tried to sketch above in general terms. Only a few transcendental trends can be found in psychoanalysis, in the "new men's movement literature", in the criticism and further development of feminist analysis, in sociological and educational literature on masculinity and so forth.12 The idea that there may be men who are secure in their masculinity, who do not consider their masculinity to be threatened by feminine power, is still not very widespread13, as we shall see in the following sections. 3.1 Feminist psychoanalysis on "becoming male"

A series of more recent studies that tend to be oriented towards psychoanalytical concepts address the relation between particular forms of mothering and the emergence of masculine misogyny from various perspectives (see, in particular, Johnson, 1988; RohdeDachser, 1991; Schuch-Minssen, 1992). These talk about, among others, the "overpowering", "devouring", or "omnipotent" mother from whom the small boy urgently has to liberate himself. He perceives femininity as an overpowering experience to which he is exposed helplessly because of his developmental dependency (Chasseguet-Smirgel, 1974, 1988; Chodorow, 1985; Olivier, 1988). On the one hand, the mother is perceived positively, because she guarantees satisfaction of needs; on the other hand, her all-encompassing power leads to a narcissistic wound, namely, being powerless oneself, and this is interpreted as the basis for hostility towards mothers (see, above all, Chasseguet-Smirgel, 1988). This mother who is perceived as all-powerful not only inflicts narcissistic wounds, but her usurpatory, overwhelming, and devouring quality is also perceived as an impairment and constraint that the boy wishes to escape from. However, these desires for liberation are not just restricted to childhood. According to the concepts cited above, the man continues to be involved in this striving towards independence throughout his life. This simultaneously consolidates his dependence on his early mother. However, this dependence is not based on solidarity, but on having to ensure that one never enters the dependency of a symbiotic relationship. It seems that the man's life with a woman is a continuous defence against being pressurised and being caught up in a relationship that simply takes a different form. Hence, adulthood proves to be a repeat of the efforts to gain independence from the mother and to maintain this independence through, above all, devaluation. The deficit in this approach is that it is limited to mother-child dyads as a sort of space that is removed from society. The claims regarding an all-powerful mother in her relationship with the child are generally contextualised through a lack of power in society or at least a disadvantaged position for both mothers and women (Schütze, 1986; Krüger et al., 1987; Müller, 1989). This societal tension is expressed even in the intimate relationship
12

13

The few authors who go beyond this basic pattern include Jessica Benjamin, Carel Hagemann-White, Margrit Brückner, Eva Paluda-Korte, Edda Uhlmann, Ruth Großmaß, Bob Connell, the members of this meeting (of course), and ourselves. Aspects that pass beyond gender polarisation can be found in Irene Faust and in Christa Rohde-Dachser, although the latter also retains conventional definitions. Therefore a secondary topic is the question regarding the circumstances under which "giving men" can develop who do not "fall over" immediately when they have conceded power and do not feel threatened by women who confront them with equal power or publicly strive towards this. We cannot elaborate on this here, but will retain it as a horizon of critique, and return to it in our concluding remarks.

58 between mother and child. Then, depending on how strongly the mother is dependent on coercing the child because of the lack of alternative ways of shaping her life, separation from the mother can take the form of a hostile disassociation from her or curiosity towards the environment (Benjamin, 1990). The available literature, however, only seems to attach significance to the boy's rather hostile desires to dissociate himself from his mother. Recent psychoanalytical approaches propose that the gender difference between boys and their mothers leads to a particular form of separation and dissociation. One way of looking at this focuses on the "narcissistic wound" (Chasseguet-Smirgel, 1988) as the outcome of primary helplessness and defencelessness. One can free oneself from the overpowering strength of the maternal imago or learn to control it by devaluing the allpowerful mother through something that she does not possess: a penis. For the boy, this supposedly means that despite submission to the all-powerful mother, he now realises that he possesses an organ that his mother does not have. The satisfaction gained through this is unstable and needs to be repeated continuously. The outcome, and this makes the aspect of devaluating femininity a founder of male identity, is a triumphant devaluation of the other gender. Viewing the feminine as castrated, powerless, and inferior then represents the longdesired triumph and the long-desired power over the seemingly omnipotent mother. The other variant of separation - which has also been adopted without question by feminist authors (see, above all, Chodorow, 1985) - is that boys fundamentally have to distance themselves from identification with their mothers. Apparently, none of their primary identification with her may be retained without threatening their masculine identity. The development of masculine gender identity seems - and Greenson (1968) views this as a necessity - to continue to require "de-identification" from the mother. The acquisition and maintenance of masculine gender identity has to be achieved through the strong, defensive differentiation from the primary (identification) object of the mother (see, in particular, Stoller, 1968; Tyson, 1991). Regardless of whether masculinity is a vehicle for independence, that is, it emerges through necessity, or whether independence is the driving force behind the development of masculinity, the quality of masculinity still remains undefined. With the consolidation of the gender difference, it already seems that "masculinity" means only one thing: "not being female". However, if masculine is defined only negatively as not feminine, all parts of the self that are experienced as having negative connotations such as weakness, fear, dependence, the need for fusion, powerlessness, passivity, and so forth are projected on to the woman in whom they are supposedly controlled and kept at a distance. Woman becomes the "container" for these inherently intolerable conscious or unconscious stirrings (see, in particular, RohdeDachser, 1991). The process of distancing from the feminine has, at first hand, no connection to "real" women; in this view, masculinity is not promoted through a process of interaction with a concrete "other", but with an imaginary, interior "reality". Traditional masculinity distances itself from an interior image of femininity that has been handcrafted, so to speak, by the man himself. Distancing oneself from an imaginary femininity leads to the stabilisation of a male identity that is precarious through its dependence on this specific form of disassociation from and definition of imagined femininity. In other words, it is crucial for one's own identity to defend the view of femininity as weak, fearful, and the like. Everything that is feminine but does not correspond to the imago described, just like everything masculine that presents an

59 aspect of this imago becomes a threat and has to be devalued or opposed and from this, indeed, may derive some inclination to violence. 3.2 The "new men's literature" on masculinity

The "new men's literature" addressing the topic of the "masculine inclination for violence" - including authors such as Bly, Bornemann, Keen, Schissler, Hollstein, Gottschalch or Schnack/Neutzling - discusses the masculine inclination to use violence against women almost exclusively as a reaction of the boy or the man to something that women - particularly mothers - possess or do. Impressively deterministic formulations suggest that the inclination for violence against women should be understood as something that will remain inevitable until a change should occur - where this change should come from remains unclear. From this discussion, we give some examples. The hypothesis that men are envious of the woman's ability to give birth to children was originally proposed by Karin Horney in "Die Angst vor der Frau" published in 1932 to counteract Freud's concept of penis envy. She assumed that it is the boy's envy of childbearing, in other words, his envy of something that girls possess rather than the fear of a loss that they have suffered, that is responsible for certain fears and wounds that the boy suffers during the phallic phase. She had already assumed that the overemphasis on the penis among children; in the theory formulation of male analysts, and, we would add, in the men's movement literature - basically represents only a desperate attempt to deny the frightening female genitals. Mostly unaffected by the complex arguments of Horney, but also from the differentiation of a Bruno Bettelheim whom he endorses verbally, Gottschalch associates hatred of women with the self-hate of men. He assumes that men are envious of women because they are more powerful. In men's minds, women can give and take; the small child is completely and utterly at the mercy of the mother, and fears of being abandoned remain the deepest fears for adults as well. Gottschalch believes that men have defeated women "only" on the social level but not on the psychological one. On the psychological level, they continue to be dependent on women, and as long as this is not recognised and, moreover, it is not acknowledged that this dependency is mutual, it can develop into men hating women and vice versa. A further reason for male envy of women is their inexhaustible sexual potency, which Gottschalch formulates very simply in terms of biological determinism: Through her physical constitution, a women is always able to engage in the sexual act; but this is not the case for men. At the same time, a man can never be sure about what a women is experiencing during the sexual act, which can increase his own sexual anxieties and suggests a devaluation and suppression of the sexuality of the other as an antidote. Hermann (1989) also argues in the same direction, commencing with the fear that men have of women, that this generates an inclination for violence, and that the cause of this fear is once more envy of the ability to give birth. These statements completely neglect the possibility that the boy's envy of childbearing could also become integrated into his personality in a way that does not lead to a devaluation of woman but to an interest in her and to curiosity, to an exchange on a level of equal rights. Their arguments concentrate on the phallic defence organisation whose consequence is then the devaluation of the woman.

60 There is a similar situation which attempts to explain the inclination for violence as an effort to recreate the illusion of one's own grandiosity and omnipotence. Bornemann (1987) and Gottschalch (1984, 1991), but many other authors as well, discuss how men are experiencing a loss of confidence through the weakening of gender roles and the loss of traditional masculine identity - all evoked by the emancipation of women. In this context, Hollstein (1992, 1993) talks about the "social castration" of the male because contraceptives have given women power over birth control, as well as the impact of female employment that has countered male hegemony in the occupational domain. As with the supporters of childbearing envy, it is once more the man who is the victim. Holstein, for example, accuses American women of wanting not only the sensitive and understanding man but also the conqueror, the seducer, and the successful careerist. Goldberg (1986) also sees only the threats to the man arising from both the maternal and the self-aware woman. Whereas the former keeps the man dependent, the latter suddenly leaves him to cope by himself without preparation. The man always loses out, because he can never foresee in which way women will develop. Unpredicted changes have paralysed him, they have made it impossible for him to make demands and, instead, he responds with helpless anger or silent resignation. In summary, these authors believe that the narcissistic wounding that the man is "forced" to process through violence and an inclination for violence against women is composed of three elements: first, the inability to retain the role of the patriarch, the powerful man; second, the fact that there are women who are stronger or at least as strong as the man; and third, that there is a prevailing idea of not being able to satisfy the woman's sexual demands. The focus is on separation and disassociation from the usurping, occupying, pestering and threatening mother; and the question of blame has already been decided against the mothers/women. The different types of mother compiled by Schnack and Neutzling (1990,1993) - both the controlling and the battling, the defenceless and the "mother as companion", the "compulsive cleaner" (a further variant of the devalued mother) as well as the lonely mother who replaces her marriage with her relationship to the son, but does not really give him this primary status in her life - all make it impossible for their sons to attain happiness as autonomous persons. Publications of this sort have been very powerful in influencing the public discourses on masculinity and male inclination to violence, whereas the serious scholarly literature that affords more tolerance towards uncertainty, varieties, and differentiation among men, and does not participate into the misogyny underpinning of the "new men's literature" (for instance the works of Morgan, Hearn, Connell, Seidler) in my opinion still has to make its way to challenge the successful discourse on men as women's victims.

61 4. Delegating responsibility, creating gender asymmetry in adolescence and beyond

From a sociological perspective, the findings reported above indicate one central mode of attributing responsibility: Women - and particularly, but not just, mothers - are assigned responsibility for the internal processes of men. This process seems to be a not yet well regarded part of the "hidden curricula"; the message is not just boys or men being more important, as feminist researchers, for instance Dale Spender and numerous others have demonstrated, but girls or women being responsible for the boys' or men's behaviour. This has been shown in some German research on male and female teachers professional self-concepts. Karin Flaake has shown (though within a theoretical concept of difference) that female teachers often band together with the girls in forging a sort of regressive pact; in other words, they join them in slipping into the role of being the victims of male dominance in the classroom. This is accompanied by the clear message that "The boys are terrible enough as it is, so at least you may behave". However, the implicit message is also that it does not lie within the power of women to change men; they can only try to contain them somehow or other. The best way to do this is to offer curricula that are mainly interesting for boys, and to appeal to the girls to show understanding for this. Their interests at school need to take second place to motivating boys to participate in the class. The finding that boys, on average, are given more opportunity to express themselves actively (findings resumed in Kreienbaum 1992; pioneering: Dale Spender) is also part of this process. The girls' motivation, in contrast, is left to them. They have to learn to take responsibility for their own internal processes14 they have nobody to whom to delegate this. Delegating responsibility for men's internal processes, for their emotional development, their emotional satisfaction, and their appeasement, to women does work because women shoulder also this responsibility within the framework of the traditional model of gender relationships described above. But it does not work without the development of an equivalent self-concept in women: a feeling of inner superiority, a distanced, as if to say, "moral" omnipotence (cf. the works of Margrit Brueckner 1983: 1993; 1998). Frequently, such traditional arrangements are still emphasised and consolidated in processes found in schools, even though this is not a conscious strategy on the part of the actors. This shows how the traditional division of labour is also an asymmetric division of emotional structures and moral responsibility. We postulate that allocating responsibilities according to gender in line with the traditional model is inherently extremely violent. It creates large-scale asymmetries. These asymmetries also impact on private male violence against women. HagemannWhite talks about the "societal lack of compulsive empathy" in men. This promises them perhaps no longer necessarily so culturally valued as before, though still accepted sympathetically - a far-reaching freedom from sanctions when they claim they have no longer been able to control themselves or to understand what their partner was saying. An impressive example has most recently provided in Hearn (1998) and in the eighties by Godenzi (1987). It is the culturally dominant pattern for emotional commitments and happiness normative heterosexuality and traditional marriage - that keeps an asymmetric type of gender
14

The lack of feeling for one's own responsibility is also very common among violent men, as Hearn (1998) has shown impressively: talking to 60 men having been arrested for violence towards known women showed that almost all of them presented themselves as "really not violent"; their violence has been an "exception" , they had to be "really provoked".

62 relationship alive, together with the male inclination to violence against women. The reactions of men to an imaginary femininity continue to be widely accepted as valid. In their private sphere, these men are surrounded by women who compensate their powerlessness in society through an imagined omnipotence in private life - both in their own imagination and in the imagination of their male "partners". 5. Structural asymmetries and state politics

Viewing the preservation of the family, the maintenance of the partnership, and the continued presence of the father as an indubitable good for the welfare of the child is a refinement of the ideology of motherhood that restricts the action scope of women, even though these have expanded in principle. This is reinforced by the fact that it is not just the individual woman but also the institutions of the state that frequently view the preservation of the family as the target of their measures, and consider the presence of the father to be essential for both economic and normative reasons. The "gender contract" that is implicitly or explicitly underpinning politics against violence as well as therapeutic measures has to be revealed, but some areas of research, for instance in family sociology, prefer until today to investigate new forms of living together as deviant.15 In numerous policies on violence, the ideology of motherhood calls for family solidarity and the presence of the father as an indispensable basis for the child's welfare. This places constraints on female action scope that has otherwise expanded objectively in recent decades. Government institutions support these constraints by focusing their activities, as (not only) conservative - liberal governments do, by preserving the bourgeois nuclear family. It would seem to be very apparent that the continuation of the traditional model of the family not in reality, but on the level of ideas, of imagination - provides the conditions that enable the continuation of traditional masculinity. An important precondition for stemming private male violence against women is the woman's social and economic independence (a feminist claim with a long tradition: see the summary argument in Godenzi 1993). Indeed, a US-American pilot programme shows that providing battered women with independent housing, education, and income, drastically reduces the risk of becoming a victim of violence again. However, studies by Benard and Schlaffer have shown that even when they are economically independent, women may stop themselves from engaging in adequate confrontations with their partners. The power of normativity is frequently still decisive, even when the economic and legal preconditions for independence have been met. This shows how partnership ideology frequently functions as a relationship trap: Studies on partnership conflicts have shown how, during the course of their relationships, women abandon the integration of love and equality that they had originally held so dear, and no longer compare their non-egalitarian partner with themselves but with other men (see Hochschild, 1989; Müller, 1997), and definite losses of chances, property and perspectives, may be evaluated as internal growth (see Hagemann-White and research group on migrating couples).

15

As an example, was been some German research in 1996 to investigate the impact of mothers' gainful employment on schoolchildren's inclination to violent behaviour in the schoolyard, or in 1999 some research assuming that East German mothers' high labour market participation is more or less directly the reason for adolescent right wing radicalism, including racist violent behaviour.

63 We can conclude that a gender-egalitarian division of labour and power would also impact on the constraints of the prevailing structures of emotional commitment, at least in the long term. The area of emotional commitment, however, is also a battlefield of its own. 6. Concluding remarks: Some visionary aspects of gender symmetry

We have argued, providing some examples, that large parts of the literature that provides direct or indirect arguments to discuss the male inclination to use violence against women, reveal an inherent determinism. Explanations are very often aiming at closed types of argument, that leave male violence as a more or less inevitable consequence.16 In many psychoanalytical concepts - as well as, by the way, in anthropological studies - the development of masculinity is imagined as a difficult and risky process with insecure results, that starts with the dissociation from the feminine, by means of devaluation. The basic and non-contested assumption is often that male children have to dis-identify thoroughly from the feminine, and can only build up a masculine identity by orientating towards males. In our view, this is an unnecessary short-cutting on the theoretical level. Benjamin and others have supposed that children do not identify with males or females, but with qualities of relations, and Irene Fast has stated that the concept of decisive "losses" (of feminine traits, for instance being able to give birth) is only talking about the loss of abilities and capacities that have never been owned in reality, but in fantasy. Therefore, a theoretical possibility to open up masculine development on the level of psychology would be to postulate that elements of the early fantasies of completeness, of disposing of male and female capacities and abilities at the same time, may not be devalued by means of an imaginary feminine. Rather, they could be maintained, narcissistically appreciated, and disposed of in fantasy, in order to enjoy them in reality on the side of a partner, instead of fighting them. On the sociological level, masculinity and femininity have been revealed as societal constructions in some areas of feminist, pro-feminist and anti-sexist discourse; indeed, the variations of masculinity and femininity that are culturally accepted have multiplied. We tried to point out, however, the intertwining of some levels of gender relations in order to achieve some criteria for continuity and change. Gendered division of work has not become obsolete for explaining male violence, but still remains central, as it provides economic and emotional dependencies and asymmetrical gender relations. To understand the difference between women and men as an interesting and therefore erotically attractive differentness in which each other person is viewed as complete rather than in terms of a reciprocal attribution of deficits, is to propose an alternative model that is certainly still utopian. However, as our arguments progressed, this model has always provided a "critical horizon" that can serve as a background when examining the literature on the male inclination for violence. This is a model of a reciprocal conception of gender in which "gender" is not used to define one's social "place", difference is not construed through devaluation, and the male inclination for violence is not viewed as the "normal case" in society, but as a developmental failure, a failure that, nonetheless, is still proposed and protected by society.

16

We have left out here some research that refers to social deprivation in the same "automatic" way of thinking.

64

Growing up in the proximity of violence Teenagers' Stories of Violence in the Home
Dr Katarina WEINEHALL, University of Umeå, Sweden
This study brings into focus the experiences of teenagers (13-19 years) subjected to violence in the home. The purpose of my study was to gain knowledge regarding the conditions related to socialisation in the proximity of violence through listening to, interpreting and attempting to understand the teenagers' narratives about life when violence is an everyday occurrence. Primarily, I wanted to obtain a picture of the conditions under which these girls and boys grew up as they themselves described them. My questions are primarily concerned with the teenagers' experiences of violence in the home, the strategies they used to cope with a violent home environment and finally with their self-images. Secondarily, my intention was to analyse and interpret the picture that emerged in an attempt to understand the meaning of socialisation in the proximity of violence, primarily based upon theories of sexualised violence (aspects of power and gender), coping, resilience, and the social heritage of violencerelated behaviour (the inter-generational transmission of violent behaviour). My purpose was also to relate the descriptions and analysis of domestic violence, and the associated conditions under which these young people grew up, to previous research within the field of family violence. The research is grounded in feminist theory which views the gender and power relationships between women and men as a determining principle of social organisation. Men as a group dominate and actively oppress women as a group. The negative effects of the unequal allocation of power between the sexes at the societal level correspond to male dominance and wife battering at the individual level. I associate this with the established Scandinavian concept of "sexualised violence," used to describe forms of abuse and sexual exploitation such as rape, incest and other sexual assaults, pornography, the sex trade and sexual harassment. By concentrating upon in-depth studies of a few individuals, I wanted to capture both the universal and the unique by working inductively and empathetically. A narrative approach was chosen in order to allow interaction and to ease the process of disclosure for the informants. The premise was that each of the young people would relate his or her own truth, i.e. describe a picture of life as he or she has lived it. Establishing contact with the teenagers was an arduous and extremely time-consuming process of several steps. After an introductory, unsuccessful poster campaign, the procedural method followed a funnel-shaped model: at first wide and open as meetings were held with approximately 3,800 teenagers and 700 adults in conjunction with lectures and visits to schools, recreation centres, sports associations and similar in a large number of communities. I spoke with approximately 450 young people during the first years, most of them girls. During the first four years when the project telephone line was open, I spoke with 178 teenagers more than twice each and met 59 of them personally. Fifteen of these became the study's informants (ten girls and five boys). They were interviewed from six to ten times each over four years. The interviews were conducted in the greatest possible secrecy and farreaching security measures were applied.

65

The interviews progressed in steps from background information to the most private and sensitive questions about the violence which had taken place in the home. The number of interviews was determined case by case; the interviews were concluded when no or few new aspects emerged. The processing of the texts led to the construction of six overweening themes, each with a number of subcategories: daily life in the family, relationships, everyday coping strategies, the processing of feelings, violence as a condition and self-image. The informants and the families Ten of the young people included in the study are girls and five are boys. All of them were 15 or 16 years old when the interviews began and 18 or 19 at their conclusion. The conditions under which they grew up include both similarities and wide dissimilarities. Barely half of the young people grew up in a nuclear family with their biological parents. Ten of them lived with their biological mothers up to their teen years. Sometimes the biological father also lived with them, at times another man and not the same man every year. Three of the teenagers have no siblings, two have one sibling each and ten have more than one sibling. In the ten families with more than two children, seven of the informants are the eldest or second eldest child in the family. Most of the informants are accustomed to regular disruptions caused by separations and household moves. Only two of the teenagers spent all of their primary school years within the same school district. According to the teenagers themselves, only two of the families are affluent. Six families belong to a median category. The financial circumstances of seven of the families are such that they often require public assistance. Large quantities of alcohol have been part of the equation in eleven of the fifteen families. In seven of the families, only the man has abused alcohol/drugs. In four of the families, the woman has also abused alcohol/drugs, but in no case was the woman the only adult substance abuser in the family. All of the informants witnessed violence in the family. Thirteen of them have also been subjected to physical violence and are thus both witnesses and victims. In fourteen cases, the primary perpetrator of violence in the family is the biological father. In half of the families, another man associated with the family has also perpetrated violence. In eight cases the biological father alone was the perpetrator. In four cases the father and stepfather or other men perpetrated violence. In three families, the woman was also violent. Five of the girls, but none of the boys, were victims of sexual assault. In eight of the families, the mothers have been sexually assaulted; in two of these families, the girl was also sexually assaulted. The girl and the boy who were not personally subjected to physical violence are part of the group of four teenagers from families in which sexual assault has not occurred to their knowledge. The proximity of violence and intimate relationships There are many areas of commonality within the teenagers' stories about daily family life. These included their descriptions of what they believed to be normal family life while they were growing up. For them, this was a family with a drunken and belligerent father who battered the mother and sometimes the children as well. They describe a home environment lacking in structure and fixed points of reference such as established mealtimes, bedtimes, etc. Nearly all of the teenagers have often had to change their living environments. In those cases

66 where the biological father was no longer a part of the family, other males have been associated with the family for shorter or longer periods. The family rules were dictated by the father and were difficult to abide by as many of them were unexpressed and often changed at random. The environment was experienced as wholly unpredictable. For example, they never knew when or why a violent situation would arise. A constant state of preparedness prevailed within the family prior to the violent incident and nearly total silence reigned afterward. The family members adjusted their behaviour according to the man's rules in order to avoid further violence, if possible. The teenagers experienced violence in highly divergent ways. Most of them consider the psychological violence to be the absolute worst. The combination of psychological and physical violence is the most difficult, particularly for the five girls who have been victims of sexual assault by their fathers and/or their mothers' cohabitants. The boys have been spared sexual assault but were often forced to listen as their fathers raped their mothers without being able to intervene in her defence. When the teenagers describe their own feelings and their relationships to their parents, they relate both positive and negative judgments, more positive towards their mothers than their fathers. All of the girls use the expressions care for or love to describe their feelings towards their mothers. "Mom has let me down, but she is my mother and she has protected me, I love her," say most of the girls. The girls say that their relationships with their fathers shut down when he was violent. When not violent, he was a normal dad with both good and bad sides. None of the boys use the expressions care for or love about their fathers. They all speak negatively of their fathers, though a couple of them report feeling a certain sympathy. All of the boys except for one express positive feelings for their mothers. All of the young people are very negative towards the authority figures (social workers, school psychologists, counsellors, child psychologists, etc.) with whom they have come into contact. Their prejudice against professionals they deem inadequate is unmitigated. The youths are most negative towards public officials from the social services department ("pimples on the ass" who "deserve to have a price on their heads"), followed by personnel from Children's and Youth Psychiatric Services. The police are accorded predominantly positive judgments. Most of the teenagers feel that one should not confide in teachers and some of them have negative experiences of having done so. For many of the girls, their relationships with boyfriends are so important that their self-esteem is jeopardised. Half of them have been subjected to physical violence by their boyfriends, in several cases the violence was life-threatening. The boys also talk about "a good relationship." The boys say that they don't want their relationships to their girlfriends to be as stormy as those of their parents, nor for the relationships to include as much drinking. This notwithstanding, the boys have on occasion been drunk and have hit their girlfriends. Coping with events and emotions The young people cope with these violent events by using different strategies at different ages. When they were younger, passive strategies were frequently necessary as the children were too weak to act and intervene in violent events. The older youths have had access to a wider range of coping strategies and possible actions. They have been able to act either by keeping away from home or by staying home to monitor events. They have also

67 been able to choose to run away from the entire situation. Making their choices in each situation has brought about great inner turmoil. When the teenagers made no concrete intervention into a violent situation, they were still able to cope with their situations, though in a less conspicuous manner. For example, they chose to keep their thoughts to themselves rather than to talk about what was going on. They tried to forgive their fathers for their violent actions or to keep their feelings in check by refusing to reveal them. All of these teenagers try to create their own realities through poetry, song, music, dance, theatre, painting or sculpture. Remaining silent, keeping a tight rein over their emotions and the situation while simultaneously seeking out alternative forms of expression from their locked positions were action strategies employed by all of them. Denying reality by fantasising about it, dreaming up a new reality or lying about the situation were strategies used rather frequently by most of the teenagers. However, directly harmful strategies such as intoxicating themselves with alcohol and drugs or attempting suicide have also been practised. The youths express a broad register of emotions. Fear is common to all. All are and have been afraid of their fathers, not always because of what they might do to them personally, but rather for what they might do to their mothers and siblings. All of the young people say that they are burdened with feelings of shame, guilt, betrayal and distrust. All of them express deep and intense feelings of loneliness and of being left out. Nearly all of them have been victims of bullying. Feelings of powerlessness, anxiety, worry, responsibility and fatigue become more apparent when the youths place themselves in relation to the violence. The girls usually feel more threatened than do the boys. All of the young people say that they have not been able to rely upon any other human being and that they did not feel they had any influence over the violence in their homes, which intensified their feelings of vulnerability. Most of the teenagers hate their fathers. This hatred is often associated with a wish for, and plans for, revenge. Two thirds of the teenagers (ten individuals) have upon occasion nourished a wish that their fathers would die or have felt that they wanted to kill their fathers. Longing, wishes, hope and love are usually directed away from the time and place in which the youths find themselves and towards another time, anywhere else but here. I was shaped by the violence in my home An assertion common to all of the young people's narratives is that physical violence hurts but psychological violence is worse. They are agreed on that violence should not be part of a relationship but equally agreed on that it is difficult to avoid. According to the teenagers, the causes of violence are to be found in alcohol and drugs. In addition, there is something "sick" about their fathers, there is something wrong with them mentally. The young people, who themselves were often beaten but never understood why, believe that their fathers' violent behaviour may be ingrained in their personalities, that they may be burdened by their own difficult childhood experiences. The memories insist upon admittance; what happened cannot be explained and excused, it has left its mark, they say. "Perhaps the meaning of it all is that we are supposed to learn from the hard things, but my father's violence has made me think badly of myself and be suspicious of other people. The violence and the fear has made me provoke violence," say some of the girls.

68

All but one girl are convinced that their fathers are capable of killing them and the rest of the family. All have experienced threats as concrete and practicable. Thirteen of the fifteen youths believe that they are alive today because their mothers were able to protect them from the violence of their fathers/other men. Eleven of the fifteen state that they will not be able to feel good as long as their fathers are alive. A good relationship with a partner is a means of acquiring security and is something the girls strive for but have not achieved. Several of them have been physically abused and have lost their self-esteem in their relationships with boyfriends. All five boys have on some occasion perpetrated violence upon their girlfriends, but resist seeing themselves as batterers. Growing up in the proximity of violence The abuse of alcohol has had a negative effect on familial interaction. Violence is also more brutal in those families where the man is gravely addicted and in families where both adults are substance abusers. The fathers have dictated over the families by isolating them. They have shown contempt and derision, have humiliated their families, withdrawn evidence of love and perpetrated violence upon them to the point of torture. The children have not been given the opportunity to react. Silence has been demanded from the other family members. The teenagers in this study have been strongly affected by having been taught as children to keep silent. Their fathers' control and exercise of power has been so strong that in the end, they did not necessarily have to perpetrate physical violence to enforce their wills. For the young people, particularly the girls, psychological violence was often enough. A constantly present threat has made the young people vigilant and suspicious. The total dominance by their fathers has taken from these young people the possibility of forming good and trustful relationships. They have been unable to make peer contact and develop peer relationships, which has had a negative impact on the development of their social skills. The conditions under which they grew up have given this study's informants frames of reference that differ from those of their peers. The distrust of the world around them created by their childhood has functioned as a protective device to shield them from further harm and betrayal. The girls in particular have become masters at "reading people and situations." The teenagers occupy a place apart among their peers, they are regarded as deviant and are teased, beaten and bullied. The pattern has recurred even when they have moved and changed schools. It is clear that these children are doubly victimised. The violence perpetrated by the father in the home is mirrored at school. The teenagers do not seem to have strategies for coping with this further victimisation. The "inherited vulnerability" has left them with fewer resources for avoiding violence and victimisation in situations outside of the home. A change occurs during the course of the study. The teenagers perception of the violence that occurred during their childhood has clearly changed; today, the teenagers have a different concept of what it means to live a "normal life." The boys do not want to become like their fathers and the girls are determined not to accept situations like those of their mothers. Despite these statements, the boys have on occasion hit their girlfriends and believed that the girls deserved to be hit and the girls have remained with their boyfriends even after having been humiliated and abused by them. This indicates that the reproduction of violence has functioned largely according to the theory of

69 transmission. The boys explain their use of violence by saying that the girls goaded them into it, which excepts them from responsibility. The girls who have been battered by their boyfriends most often find an explanation that relieves their boyfriends from guilt in their eyes, such as alcohol or drugs. The girls blame themselves. A socially inherited tendency towards violence could be intimated with regard to the boys while the girls are found once again in the position of victim. The teenagers do not want to assume the patterns of their parents, yet their social heritage still seems to catch up with them. It is difficult for them to shake off and be rid of the childhood experiences which have been carved into them. They cannot identify the core, they do not know why the violence has occurred, therefore, they also do not know what they should be running from or casting away. If there is no support to be found in their surroundings, whether at home, school or within the community, the support must be created within the teenager himself or herself and this is precisely what has occurred. The teenagers have made changes within the given frames of reference, they have developed "help towards self-help." They have been able to bypass the demand for silence without betraying the family. They have shaped their thoughts into words through poems, diaries, fables, short stories, plays, lyrics and all else they could devise. They no longer allow the culture of silence to dominate them fully. They have spoken out through the written word, the directed word from a stage or through music. Surviving the proximity of violence It takes both strength and courage to survive difficult childhood conditions as these informants are doing. The teenagers strive to make the invalid valid by writing about it, studying facts about violence and substance abuse and attempting to retain their reason. "He cannot get into my mind. He can't control my thoughts!" They try to make the invisible visible by running away, going to the police and asking for help, starving themselves or bingeing, attempting suicide and, by various means, attracting attention that will lead to change. "I thought about doing the usual, running away from home and being searched for by the police and all that…but I just couldn't handle it one more time. I could go to the police myself, after all." They try to make the evil disappear; they pray, they forgive and they attempt to create a state of peace and quiet in the home through denial. "I start drinking. Right away." Nevertheless, the teenagers may despite these attempts lose their fight for the right to talk about their lives and thus interpret their own reality. Once the fight seems decided so that preferential rights to interpretation seem always to fall to the father, the teenagers are prepared to give up. "I thought I had nothing left then ... so I picked up the razor blade and cut." The picture communicated by the teenagers is that the violence is sporadic, incalculable, constant and frightening. Sexual assault and events when the mother and siblings have hovered in mortal danger are described as the worst that could happen; the psychological violence is experienced most strongly in such situations. There have been witnesses to the event, but seldom has anyone intervened. Silence has prevailed after a violent episode. The events were significant because they have meant that the teenagers have had life experiences vastly different from those of their peers. In the home, the outer conditions are characterised by the proximity of sexualised violence. The man's dominance and violent actions create a threatening atmosphere, and his demands for silence in solidarity are driven forward using dictatorial techniques. The family members live under constant oppression and the woman is kept in place in accordance with the relatively covert subordination. The definition with which I introduced the study, that the

70 proximity of violence in the home consists of wife battering, no longer applies when presenting the experiences of youth. In thirteen of the fifteen families, the mother is not the only one abused. Almost all family members are victims of violence by a male perpetrator and several girls and mothers are subjected to sexual assault. The informants in this study are not only witnesses, close enough to observe the violence; they are also physically subjected to violence. The teenagers are thus much closer to the violence than "in the proximity," which is what the proximity of violence originally stood for. The teenagers in this study cannot only observe what is happening; they are pulled into what is occurring to the fullest extent. Violence surrounds them. Everyday life for these teenage children is characterised to the greatest possible extent by the presence of violence. The symptoms and effects visited upon the children by violence are usually not connected to the sexualised violence practised in the home. The taboo against speaking out and gaining acknowledgment of one's own experiences impedes confirmation of the teenager's inner and outer reality. The silence and consignment to invisibility leads to isolation and a thorough and total feeling of being powerless and alone. The inner experiences lead to individual attempts to overcome both the problems and the feelings. The children's attempts to overcome their living conditions make it clear that the problem-focused strategies are seldom possible; all that then remains are the emotion-focused strategies in order to overcome the feeling. Having no real opportunities for action, the children perceive themselves to be powerless and these circumstances seem also to lead to an inner vulnerability that aches without cease. In order to avoid the pain of the open wound, the children find strategies to conceal their lack of a skin. The children create a protective carapace through strategies that seem to ease the pain. The significance of the negative effect of violence upon the teenagers' well-being is reinforced when they are in arenas outside the home, at school and in the community in a wider sense. The presence of violence is the actual reality that is reflected in their souls and constitutes the frame of reference for possible thoughts and actions. When the children are not in the home, the demand to keep secrets rests constantly upon them. Of necessity, this leads them to keep a distance between themselves and the people they encounter outside the home. The children perceive themselves as being more mature and are perceived as different by their peers. In school, this difference may be perceived as a threat to the other children and it is possible that this is the root of the bullying these children endure. The fact that the child is subjected to insult by his or her peers and is neglected by the adults at the school reinforces feelings of alienation and contributes to his or her feelings of being unwanted and worthless. The inner experience tells them that they do not count. The inner feeling of distrust of the adult world that is created in the home is reinforced and becomes a double victimisation, due to their being let down by the adults at school as well. The fact that the adults at school discount the events is perceived more as a confirmation of the child's meaninglessness than as a betrayal. With the passage of time, a situation arises that may differ according to the individual and lead to a variety of strategies and solutions. At times, the child may become exhausted due to the energy expended in maintaining the balance between the actual outer world and the invisible inner world. In some cases, this leads the child to compromise with his or her inner world and go outside the family to seek help. The outer conditions in the societal arena then emerge in perfect clarity. The professional actors collaborate to make the problem invisible, to keep the crimes hidden and to allow the child to be forgotten. The actions of adults mean that society's

71 planned helping measures remain unusable. When the children encounter this complete betrayal from the adult world, hopelessness settles in and the perception of being totally abandoned invades the child. The escape routes that seem possible to the child are either to wait for the day that papa no longer lives, since life cannot begin until papa is dead, or to give up his or her place in life. The child's strategies to overcome become either to quite simply try to bear the situation or to attempt to end his or her life with suicidal actions. The outer conditions limit opportunities to handle the inner reality in another way. The presence of violence is a matter of life and death. That which could also happen is that life takes a different turn with support found in various protecting factors within and surrounding the child. The silenced child may find strategies that allow his or her interior to be heard and seen. Through creating text, pictures, music and movements, the child processes the traumas of childhood. If the outside world confirms these creations, the child in turn is confirmed and his or her inner world is acknowledged. If the child who breaks the taboo of silence encounters insightful listeners, the spiral of validation can begin. If the child who seeks support from another individual finds a true friend or partner, the loneliness lessens. If the child who seeks help encounters adults and professionals who dare to let go of the fear and see the child's reality, the child is granted worth in himself or herself and in the world. His or her powers of resistance can be mobilised, inner strength confirmed and the path towards a positive self image opens. The teenagers become survivors who, despite their feelings of shame, guilt, betrayal and sadness, can overcome their situations using their own resources of creative powers, strength and self-worth. An intractable will can keep the spark of life burning within these teenagers. In the presence of violence, life becomes question not of living, but of surviving. The teenagers also call themselves "survivors." Developing the courage to say no and to set boundaries based upon their own convictions are examples of powers of survival. Another is to use one's imagination and dreams to set a goal to live up to and to hold fast to the belief that the goal will be realised. To alleviate the pain by forgiving or by giving up one's plans to change anyone other than oneself, to put one's energies into creative forms of expression instead of dwelling on the situation and becoming bitter are further expressions of the capacity to survive. The fact that the teenagers are survivors should mean that they have developed the qualities necessary for resilient function. The fantasies and hopes, and even the search for explanation and understanding, are there. That which is missing, however, are other significant positive relationships outside the family, the access to sources other than those parents have been able to offer, such as a secret ally. One aspect that differentiates survivors from other victims of violence within the family is an adult contact with good intentions. In my study, such a contact can be said to have been available to only two of the teenagers and then to a limited extent. Another distinguishing characteristic of survivors is their greater assumption of responsibility for younger siblings and household pets. This assumption of responsibility can absolutely be said to apply to these fifteen teenagers. All demonstrate awareness of responsibility and a caring rationality. Has the teenagers' capacity to recover blossomed by

72 virtue of strong feelings of responsibility and caring for others? Could it be that taking responsibility for mother and siblings gives the teenagers a sense of being needed, of being meaningful? To be needed can be a reason to exist, to keep on living. It may even be the satisfaction of being needed and getting a positive response, being allowed to experience a good and positive relationship. It may also be that the teenagers, through taking responsibility for others, keep "the evil" at bay. They can become wholly caught up in caring for others and thus temporarily avoid seeing their own situations. They feel responsible for the survival of others and, consequently, survive themselves.

73

Teenage boys as violent actors in today's Romanian Communities
Ms Anca DUMITRESCU and Ms Elena PENTELEICIUC, Romania
International Children's Day, traditionally celebrated in Romania by formal declarations from the state authorities, also has hidden connotations; connotations which are not all rosy for the politicians, and not at all comfortable for those responsible for the health and future of the children of Romania. These bleak issues were revealed by a non-governmental organisation which promoted an incisive campaign to let civil society know about the drama of children in Romania. The "Save the Children" organisation (SCO) troubled, for a few days, the ignorance of most of us. SCO launched, in 1999, a really national campaign for uncovering infringements of children's rights, so that their voices should be heard and respected in Romania. The President of "Save the Children", Mr Gh Mazalu, presented the 1998 activity report to civil society dealing with an event which was likely to pass quite unnoticed in Romania: "1999 has a special meaning to us - the celebration of a decade since the adoption of the Convention of Children's Rights by the General Assembly of the United Nations, a document that has the value of a universal law". Indeed, on 20 November 1989, the UN proposed the entire world this kind of convention. Romania was among the first countries in the world to sign it, on 28 September 1990. Then, over 190 countries of the world became potential beneficiaries of this Convention's promises. The 1998-1999 SCO report reveals "the social pictures" that outline the image of the Romanian child in the post-communist society, in the eyes of international organisations. "The situation of children and families with children in Romania has suffered a process of erosion. Against the background of the growth in the poverty rate, children represent an extremely vulnerable social category. The number of abandoned children has risen, many families cannot afford to send their children to school; tuberculosis, anaemia and hepatitis affect children more and more frequently and juvenile delinquency is on the increase". According to this report by the newspaper "Adevarul Economic" from June 1999, ten percent of today's delinquents in our country are children and teenagers. A worrying aspect, indeed, with causes deeply rooted in the family context and the socio-economic factors of the transition underway. In this respect, we consider it relevant to point out the fact that among the basic models of family education (Becker, W. C, 1964), the following models can bring about deviated, violent reactions in children's behaviour, especially when they undergo the teenage changes at the levels of physical, emotional and inter-human relations. THE MODEL OF LIBERAL EDUCATION The parents advocating this educative model stimulate their child's autonomy, and independence, assuring the possibility of his/her self-achievement, without moulding the child in the spirit of following educational requirements. Such a child becomes self-centered, willing to be a leader; but his self-control is rather weak and he longs for success and popularity at all cost, possibly breaking rules of behaviour.

74 THE MODEL OF AUTHORITATIVE EDUCATION This educational type is autocratic. In most cases, the parents frighten their children rather than motivate them. Such a manner of motivation cannot be accepted, because in this behaviour the values are not built up as a synthesis of the cognitive-affective motivational dimensions, but on the contrary, by excluding them. Therefore, teenagers who have been brought up with this educational background become aggressive. THE MODEL OF EDUCATION LACKING HARMONY This is a style of cold, closed education, lacking many motivational dimensions. These parents are, in fact, deviated personalities, with a low emotional, intellectual and moral level. They are neurotic, brutalising the child, humiliating him/her, without stimulating personality development. Thus, the child or teenager living in such families becomes neurotic, egocentered, aggressive. Instead of self-control, only pathological forms of hatred occur, often degenerating into violence. The increasing number of teenage boys involved in violent acts, some of which are made known by the mass media, originate from such educational backgrounds or from broken families. Many are parentless. The SCO report has mentioned that there are approximately 2000 homeless children (61% in Bucharest, 17% in Constanta and the rest spread in other towns). Poverty, mental depression, the lack of basic living resources and social protection push the young boys to committing offences. They can act individually or in groups. They can be the initiators of violent acts, or the tool manipulated by adult evil-doers. According to the surveys of the General Police Inspectorate and the Institute for Criminal Investigations and Prevention, in the last few years there has been an increasing incidence of robbery and violent assaults on elderly people, especially single women in towns and villages. The Penal Code specifies the educative measures taken against these under-age criminals:
· · · ·

Reprimand; Watched liberty; Confinement in re-education centres; Confinement in a medical-educative institute.

Now we would like to make some references to the Special School of Re-Education with Detention in Gaiesti (Arges County). It was established by the Ministry of Domestic Affairs for correcting the behaviour of the young boys committing various types of offences, ranging from food theft to rape and other violent assaults. This is a close-circuit school, where together with the 14-18 year old teenagers who represent the majority of pupils, there are also younger boys of 8-14 who have run away from their poor, broken families, children's homes or protective NGOs, who have lived in the streets stealing, becoming more and more aggressive until being caught red-handed. Within this re-educative centre, the boys can have a very modest life style, due to the lack of funds, and some school training too, in groups of 15 pupils helped by a pedagogue, who accompanies them also in the few outside activities. It is the pedagogue's task to write regular reports about each boy's behavioural improvement. The psycho-therapy and correction results

75 are rather poor in this school which has low financial means, too few educators and the bad influence of teenage boys on the smaller boys they live with. We also have to point out the fact that this year, the first research project on "Distance Education for the Young People in Romanian Penitentiaries" has been appreciated in Caracas Competition on high risk areas worldwide. This complex project has initially been focused on 2 lots of 50 convicts: the first being made up of 50 young men from Rahova Prison (Bucharest); the second involves 50 young women from the 100 year-old prison for women in Targsor (Ploiesti), which has been partially modernised lately. These convicts' instructions include 3 modules (vocational training, civic education, sanitary education), lasting 3 months. The certificate of achievement given at the end can help the prisoners find a new job, when leaving detention.

76 APPENDIX Five times more juvenile delinquents in 1998 compared to 1990 Statistics produced by the psychologists of the Institute of Forensic Medicine say that we have five times more juvenile delinquents in 1998 than in 1990. The following numbers, dry and cold, are meant to help us understand better what makes children become criminals. Sixty-eight percent of juvenile delinquents are 14-16 years old, the period estimated as the most critical in the socialisation process. Sixty-four percent do not go to school, either because they have dropped out, or because they didn't want to continue after they graduated four or eight grades. The overwhelming majority of the delinquents have lost one or both parents, or come from broken homes. To this, adjustment problems are added, because most of the criminals in Bucarest came here when they were teenagers, from villages and communes close to the city (11%) or from other parts of the country (54%). Equally the families they come from have a low education level (5.5% of the fathers and 9.9% of the mothers have never attended school, and 50.5% of the fathers and 64% of the mothers have fourth to eighth grade education. In 75% of cases, the parents are workers. In any case, 75% of the fathers and 68% of the mothers consume alcohol frequently. The result is easy to foresee, more than half of the minors who commit crimes have been beaten by one of their parents. In their turn, living conditions are far from ideal. More than half of the juvenile delinquents have lived in an apartment block, occupied by over 1.5 persons per room. The incomes are, in 60% of cases, under $50 per family member, and 8% have no income at all. The interesting thing is that 10% of the minors who commit crimes come from families with above-average incomes, based on the principle that "abundance of things engenders disdainfulness". And, because crimes can only be committed in one's own time, it is important to mention that over 70% of the minors are not supervised at all or are only supervised for between three and six hours a day. One of the prejudices that makes the law in this field is that most criminals are gypsies. This could be easy to prove, just by watching a rehabilitation school. But things are totally different: of those studied by the Forensic Medicine Institute (IML), almost 70% were Romanian. Fifteen percent stated they were Romanianised gypsies, and only 14% were Romany. As far as their "ways" are concerned, 5% regularly use drugs, 35% drink alcohol frequently and over 80% are smokers. Their crimes, although thefts for the most part, include violent aspects too: in groups of 3-4 persons (an organisation known as the "street corner society", the minors have committed murder, attempted murder or bodily injury (3.5% of the total number of crimes), rape, attempted rape and robbery (10.8% of the total). Of the total number of juvenile delinquents, 81% have a low level of intelligence, a very low level of intelligence, or minimal intellect. Specialised studies also reveal other important psychological dimensions: acute lack of tenderness, need for revenge, intolerance, tendency to lie, fear of punishment, the desire to put up a show, feelings of abandonment, renunciation or loneliness. To these are to be added acute depression, frustrations caused by poverty, the fear of parents, etc.

77

Socio-economic roots for cases of male violence against women in Russia
Vera GRACHEVA, Russian Federation
It is an honour and a privilege for me to be invited to this Council of Europe seminar and to present an intervention on this burning issue of male violence. I am not a newcomer to such fora, having been a participant of several conferences and workshops organised by the Council of Europe and other international organisations. Being abroad, nearly every time I have felt a kind of disappointment due to the tremendous gap between the level of advanced measures proposed to combat violence (for instance, a wider usage of internet facilities for the education of women in the sphere of equality) and an almost zero option for women in Russia to use such measures. Not taking into consideration the high level of Russian experts, the complete ignorance regarding gender issues - both terminology and philosophy - is spread not only in far-flung areas but also in the capital of Russia. My guess was that the participants of those fora might have certain illusions concerning the scale of problems we are facing in Russia. In my country, we do appreciate the sincere desire of the Council of Europe to co-operate with the state bodies and nongovernmental institutions, to achieve better understanding, to help us to reach European standards in dealing with this acute problem. But if we want to achieve results, we have to speak a common language. My intervention stressing the cohesion between the socioeconomic situation and the high level of hostility and male aggressiveness might help our cooperation to proceed in the right direction. First of all, violence is determined by our experts as a deep-rooted social phenomenon which is reflected in different forms: physical, sexual, psychological, economic; in the form of cruel behaviour towards children; in the form of forcing women and girls to use alcohol, drugs, to earn money by prostitution and other criminal activities. This social phenomenon occurs in every fourth Russian family. On the other hand, violence itself as a criminal act is provoked by society and living conditions. Criminal statistics in Russia show negative social turbulence starting from the beginning of the 20th century. This becomes more than vivid in the 90s. It would not be a mistake to say that perestroika and the economic reform of our society opened a Pandora's box of social conflict. The stagnating Russian society still desperately needs to be reformed. But the method chosen proved to be absolutely destructive. From the very beginning, the process was dominated by criminal and shadow-economy interest and lacked the legal protection of new co-operative forms of economic development. The State suddenly gave up governing the economy and industry, rejected the state monopoly on foreign trade and on production of alcohol and appeared helpless in front of criminal privatisation.

78 The results were dramatic. In 1992, the number of people whose income had fallen lower than the estimated living minimum reached 50 million (more than one third of the population). For 80% of the population, income was cut to 25-40%. The gap between the incomes of the poorest 10% and the richest 10% increased from 11 to 50 times in 1997. Seventeen percent of the active population became jobless (12% registered, plus 5% in certain hidden forms). At the same time, social welfare payments for the jobless became so small that they lost their meaning for the victims of the crisis. Since 1992, the level of consumer activity has dropped to the level of the late 60s. Thirty to forty percent of the population found themselves below the verge of poverty. It is hard to believe, but the minimum salary became equal to only 15% of the estimated "survival minimum". More than 14 million Russians had a salary which could not provide their own living, to say nothing of that of their family members. The side effect of speedy economic reform led to an absolute and relative poverty for millions of people, sharp differentiation of the population in terms of incomes, deepening social conflict, criminalisation of society, growth of "drunken crimes", etc. Loss of jobs, parttime occupation and irregularity in payment of salaries resulted in the creation of a strongly hostile social climate. A small but vivid example of deep psychological stress: the number of murders committed in a state of affect increased by 10 times within 3 years. The total number of criminal acts doubled. Needless to say, after a short and relatively stable period, the wellknown crisis of 1998 again left 40 million people below the level of survival. The average income became two times lower than in the 80s. More than one million employees lost their jobs. Four million became part-time employed. Psychologists know well enough that a jobless person, if he or she does not regain occupation and continues to stay in that forced situation, is endangered by a process of mental and psychiatric degradation - even if his or her financial resources permit a satisfactory standard of living. Society was facing the direct aftermath of the crisis: the considerable increase of alcohol addiction, violence in different forms, depression, negligence, frustration. Alcohol addiction became widely spread among women who felt that they were victims of "feminisation of poverty" (among those who lost jobs due to the crisis, women "gained" 80%, leaving 20% to men). A lot of them shared the fate of male marginals - homeless, jobless, begging money in the streets and subways. Some experts qualified the moral situation in society as a pandemia of spiritual intoxication which resulted in a distorted attitude towards women, the growth of cynicism in interrelations between sexes, orientation towards violence as a means of conflict resolution. Alcohol addiction can be estimated as one of the most harmful social problems stimulating crimes of different kinds. We have figures saying that the criminal activity of drunkards is 100 times higher than of those who do not use alcoholic drinks regularly. Storming uncontrolled growth of alcohol production resulted in increasing numbers of women being killed by their male relatives in the course of domestic quarrels and conflicts. Such murders keep the leading position on the list of grave non-sexual violent acts against the life and health of women (20% of all killings). All are committed by husbands or intimate "friends" under the influence of alcohol. Fifty-eight percent of victims were drunk themselves. Eighty percent of all those who were killed by men drank alcohol just before the tragedy occurred. In each second case, the conflict regarding drinks appeared to be the only

79 motive for the murder. Seventy-five percent of rapes were also committed by men in a state of alcoholic intoxication. The burden of the problem of families of drunkards is so hard that it causes another type of crime - killings of "home debauchers" by their relatives (the proportion is the following: every fourth killer gets killed himself by sons or brothers of the victim. Sometimes women commit such crimes, seeing no alternative). Such a situation is an example of criminal self-regulation of a social body, a society itself, when criminal behaviour within a small social group of the population is stopped by another criminal act. Another type of violence against women, the increasing number of rape cases (50,000 per year), also has its roots in the escalation of social conflict. Seventy-seven percent of rapes are committed by men having no definite source of income (jobless, migrant, etc). Many of them have psychiatric problems or different sexual disorders. It is impossible to give exact numbers of cases of rape or other acts of violence against women due to the reluctance of victims to start any legal proceedings. For instance, in St Petersburg, out of 785 women who asked for assistance from the city's Centre for victims of sexual violence, only 37 registered their cases with the police (the picture is the same regarding cases of slight body injuries - the number of cases reported to the police does not reflect the reality, being 13-16 times less than the actual number). Speaking about the social roots of violence in Russia, we have to take into account the tragic aftermath of Afghanistan and Chechnya - not only as a side-effect of violence in its extreme form leaving its trace in minds and souls of all the combatants. An outstanding hypothesis was suggested by Russian psychiatrists and biologists. It demonstrated changes which occur on a molecular and genetic code level if a combatant or a civilian has been wounded or received a sudden trauma in the course of armed clashes. These changes, as they claim, cause addiction to violence which is seen in the behaviour of children in the families of former soldiers and officers. The research of Russian scientists was founded on a huge database which had been initiated by unusually numerous requests from parents (former wounded combatants and civilians) complaining about the aggressive behaviour of their children. The results of this research, if proved by further investigation, may explain the nature of male violence over many generations. Domestic violence creates a vicious circle leaving its evil impact on teenagers and minors - actually future husbands and parents themselves. Domestic violence reproduces itself in geometric progression, kicking children out of family life into the street or state institutions which cannot provide them with decent care and attention. 160,000 children are being brought up in such institutions - orphanages, children's homes, etc. Ninety percent of them do have parents who either ignore their parental obligations or are deprived of their rights by court decisions (or kept under arrest). Still, the number of cruel acts towards children is increasing. Seventy percent of all children's traumas are caused in the family. Violence against children occurs in every fourth family. Every year, 30,000 minors and teenagers seek refuge in the street from cruelty in their families, 6,000 run away from state institutions and 2,000 commit suicide. 27,000 become victims of various criminal acts, including sexual ones. From childhood, they get involved in

80 alcohol addiction, drugs, robbery, begging, prostitution (12-15% of prostitutes are under 16 years of age). There can be no illusions regarding their future style of family relations. There should be no doubt: our intention to give a true picture of the socio-economic situation and roots of violence has nothing in common with feelings of sorrow for the former regime and the former economic system. But we have to admit that the speedy reform of society in Russia has destroyed social guarantees which permitted those with the lowest incomes, the elderly and disabled, orphans and women to survive. These guarantees have not been replaced by other effective measures. A short analysis of the situation having its direct impact and actually causing domestic violence just demonstrates the scale of the problems we have to solve, including legal protection, restructuring of the budget that has to be socially oriented, creating a net of crisis centres for women and children, combining the efforts of physicians, teachers, lawyers, psychologists, social workers, economists and many others dealing every day with the problem of male violence. It is absolutely clear that, even taking into account the European experience of combating domestic violence, we will not achieve much until we combat socio-economic roots of hostility and aggressiveness in our own society, until we make the personal interests of each member of our society a priority for the state and authorities of every level, until we find a golden connection between human rights - a philosophy and practice - and socioeconomic reform of our country.

81

The contribution of the military and military discourse to the construction of masculinity in society
Uta KLEIN, University of Münster, Germany
The violent development in former Yugoslavia revealed gender-related aspects of nationalism, of conflict and of war. Whereas women usually remain invisible in situations of armed conflict and military policy-making, recent years have proved that thorough analysis has to go beyond the "old" formula, that war is "men's business". Serious facts are troubling those who are interested in peaceful societies: sexual attacks and mass rapes of women and girls in wartime; control of women's sexuality and reproduction; wartime prostitution; the increase of domestic violence in wartime; the uncontrolled influx of weapons in society; the impact of combat experience on men; the loss of family members; the cultural acceptance of violence in society and the dominance of military discourse. In the following, I'm going to deal with militarisation of a society as a gendered process. The example of Israel shows how in a region of conflict (ethnic or/and political conflict):
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A gender dichotomy develops which sees defence and fight as the national duty of men, and reproduction (in a biological as well as in a cultural way) as the national duty of women Military socialisation can be understood as a rite of passage to male adulthood The dominance of military discourse leads to gender inequality in society at large

· ·

Israel serves as an interesting case study because military service is compulsory for Jewish men and women. Nevertheless - as we will see later on - this national duty is highly gendered. The military turns out to be the main agent of society in shaping gender roles, constructing masculinity as a military masculinity, and thus serving as the main source of gender inequality in society. In spite of the participation of women in the military, Israel shows that ideologies of manhood and the dominant position of the military in society are deeply interconnected. Men as fighters, women as reproducers The ethnic cleansing in former Yugoslavia is the most recent, cruel reminder of the importance of investigating the construction of masculinity through nationalism and of unveiling nationalist politics as a major venue for accomplishing masculinity. Nationalism, according to Benedict Anderson, is a set of cultural constructions. Its goal, nation-building, involves imagining a national past or present (Anderson, 1991), inventing traditions (Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983) and symbolically constructing a community (Gellner, 1983). Nationalism favours a homosocial form of male bonding. George Mosse described modern masculinity as a centrepiece of all varieties of nationalist movements (1997). The representation of the homeland as a female body has often been used. The "geobody of the nation" is a gendered entity.

82 Gender roles and images are interwoven in national or ethnic conflicts. Narratives define the national duties of men and women in a dichotomous way.17 This process can be observed clearly in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Central to the Zionist movement, as a latecomer among the European nationalist movements during the last century, was the notion of masculinity. In the highly negative image of Exile, the Jew of the Diaspora was perceived as passive, fearful, weak and feminine or better effeminate. The Zionist ideal of manliness served as an antithesis. Physical strength and readiness to defend his honour by fighting were the desired characteristics of the "new Jew", a man of action rather than a man of words (ill.1).18 The Zionist movement imagined the "return" of the Jews to their "motherland" as the return to the bride Zion. Sometimes the land was depicted as the lover to be conquered and fertilised; at other times it became the mother giving birth to a new "masculine" people. In any case, imaging Zion or Palestine as female or vice versa turned its defenders into real men (see also Katz, 1996). The Palestinian Arabs regarded the Zionist invasion of Palestine as a rape of the land, as is often done in a colonialist struggle.19 In various nationalist discourses women are constructed as "bearers of the collective" (Yuval-Davis, 1997), they are perceived as representatives of the collectivity. This usually means they are not only attributed responsibility for the biological reproduction and transition of culture, but also represent the honour of the nation and mark its boundaries (see YuvalDavis and Anthias, 1989). To some extent, the Israeli-Palestinian political struggle has taken place in women's bodies: Nira Yuval-Davis talks about a "demographic race" between the Jewish and the Palestinian population in Israel (1989). This is often the case in societies in which national conflict exists between two national groups competing for the same territory. In Israeli society security and reproduction are viewed as being the two major necessities for the survival of the Israeli state. Motherhood is emphasised as the national duty or task. The Jewish Israeli birthrate is discussed widely in the media and those parts of the country which have Palestinian Israeli majority are still a cause for concern for politicians. For the Palestinian population in the occupied territories after 1967, a high birth rate became a political weapon against the occupation. If you go through the statistics, you will see that the fertility rate in West Bank and Gaza increased steadily from the beginning of the Intifada (1988) until 1992. It grew from 6.84 as the average number to 7.37 after it had declined during the beginning of the eighties until 1987 (Courbage, 1997). Bodies and sexualities are of crucial importance as territories and markers of the narratives of nations. In a culturalised discourse, gender is embedded in cultural constructions of social identities and also in most cultural conflicts. Cultural differences are used to
17 18

19

When I talk about narratives I do not intend to speak only about a 'textual' concern. Narratives are spoken or written but they are - and this is important in our context - acted out as well. Around the turn of the century, we recognise a resurgent preoccupation with masculine ideals of physique and behaviour. Examples for the institutionalisation into organisations are the men's lodges and fraternal organisations (boy scouts of America, founded in 1910) or the Olympic movement, which began in 1896. "Modern" Masculinity however emerged as an effort to find new answers to challenges to men's roles in a changing industrial economy. A man was supposed to defend his ard and his 'ird, his land and his women's sexual integrity (Katz, 1996).

83 emphasise 'otherness'. Mostly, women symbolise the spirit of the collectivity, they often are constructed as the symbolic bearers of the collectivities' identity and honour, personally and collectively - they carry the "burden of representation" (a term used by Kubena Mercer, 1990). Women's behaviour thus marks the boundaries of the collective. While traditionalist men may be defenders of the family and the nation, women are thought to embody family and national honour: women's shame is the family's shame, the nation's shame, the man's shame. Again, here I would like to give an example connected to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. During the Intifada, in Palestinian society women were murdered as so-called collaborators. A report of a human rights organisation mentions over 100 murdered women during six years because of suspected collaboration (B'tselem 1994). There are no exact figures for today. One report (of the Women's Empowerment Project) mentions 20 honour killings in Westbank and Gaza in 1996. Representatives believe there are far more. If you study the cases you'll find that what was usually called collaboration has in reality been behaviour which was regarded by the families of the murdered women (mostly male relatives) as bringing "shame" on their community and violating honour. It seems to me that these gendered nationalist narratives apply to other regional conflicts also. In a study about the Croatian media, Dubravka Zarkov (1997) shows how Croatia was depicted as a mother who has to be defended by her sons against the Serbian aggression. The message was that sons have to die to rescue the mother, soldiers were needed to defend the vulnerability of the newly established Croatian state. Military socialisation as a rite of passage to male adulthood In Israeli society the heroic fighter has always been male in spite of the presence of Jewish female soldiers. This is not the place to elaborate on women in the Israeli Defence Forces. Very briefly: the conscription of Israeli women does not lead, as one might think, to a deconstruction of the dichotomy between men and women. Women are not conscripted not only as soon as they give birth to a child but as soon as they get married (!), showing that the raison d'être of marriage is reproduction. Women are not allowed to have combat roles, so that in Israel as in other defence forces around the world, men are identified in society as the protectors and women as the protected (Stiehm, 1982). Furthermore, only men are called to reserve duty regularly until the age of at least 52. Although the Israeli army is still perceived as the main mechanism of building a national identity,20 it has become particularly the basis of a male self-image and a source for male social mobility in society (Klein 1999).21 For Israeli Jewish males, military service is an inherent part of maturity, a rite of passage to male adulthood. Military service is seen as essential to a boy's right to belong to the inner circle of adult males. It fulfils typically male adolescent desires like intense thrills, adventure and peril, it "provides the specific cultural context for the Israeli transition to adulthood" (Lieblich, Amia and Meir Perlow 1988, 45). That's why army service is described
20 21

I should add that because of the exclusion of most of the Palestinian citizens of Israel the military becomes an ethnic border marker. The constitutive force of military service and war regarding gender is best expressed in a quotation from Ben Gurion: "Any Jewish woman who, as far as it depends on her, does not bring into the world at least four healthy children, is comparable to a soldier, who evades military service" (in Sharoni, 1995: 96). During the last few years we can recognise an erosion of the national consensus, which has to do with the Intifada on the one hand and the peace process on the other hand (Klein 1997). Fewer women are willing to fulfil the model of a proud mother of the soldier son.

84 and perceived by war veterans as an opportunity for fulfilment of masculinity (see Edna Lomsky-Feder 1992). Already in school, Israeli Jewish youths are prepared to join the military forces. Lectures are delivered by members of the Defence Forces to give information and impressions of life in the Israeli army. Some youths volunteer for special units or undergo pre-induction courses. Nearly every Jewish Israeli pupil takes part in the yearly "Jom Hakheilot“, a one-day seminar, which is held in co-operation between school and the army. The example of this "Jom Hakheilot" shows that military service for males is a bodily experience. Boys and girls are separated. Films showing soldiers in action and the exciting military life are presented to the boys. The young men are being told that physical exercises are most important to prepare for military service. Girls, however, do not see films about women in action. Physical necessities are hardly mentioned. The main emphasis of lectures and talks lies in emotional questions of military service like separation from the parents. Also, preparatory books contain suggestions for fitness-training only for young men. Military service itself then is a bodily experience. The construction of military masculinity is a physical, a bodily exercise (ill.2). For the huge part of male youths, the soldier doing duty in a fighting unit is the ideal. The motivation to serve in fighting units is still high. To be a hero means to be capable of feelings of anxiety. To confess "I'm afraid" is an admission most Israeli soldiers learn to deny during their training, Yaron Ezrachi observes (1998: 138). Those positions requiring a maximum of self-control show the highest status (parachuters f.i.). A good soldier is the soldier who is able to control anxiety. All in all, in spite of the presence of women, the unit is perceived as a male peer group, as a place of male comradeship, as a place of brotherhood, as a community of warriors. No wonder that in the public consciousness the soldier as a defender is male. Houses for Commemoration are called Yad banim (translated: House of the sons) and war memorials show women separating from son or husband going to war (for example the memorial at Balfuria from Mordechai Kafri) or nursing wounded soldiers (at Nitzanim from Moshe Ziffer).22 The question is however, how these experiences have an impact on behaviour and attitudes of male adults. Whereas entrance into the society of men is possible only through a test of strength, force and power (participation in the military), women are defined through their relation to the male members of society. Their task, being either wives or mothers or sisters of soldiers is the female role in a process of initiation. It seems that military training cultivates young men's ability to become skills-oriented "doers", more than reflective individuals, an orientation, which finds its sociolinguistic expression in the prevalence of the typical "dugri" speech style (Katriel and Nesher 1986). The experience of war enhances that orientation and every war reinforces the traditional malefemale stereotypes. For Israel, we should keep in mind that today's entire active father generation experienced the traumatic Yom-Kippur War of 1973. A huge part of the ten years
22

One exception is the memorial at Hulda from Batya Lishanski. Three portraits are carved in Jerusalem stone: one of an anonymous soldier, the other of Efraim Chizhik, leader of the Jewish forces in the 1929 battle of Hulda, the other of his sister Sarah Chizhik, who fell at Tel Hai 1921.

85 younger age cohort experienced the Lebanon war. All of them are still in the reserve duty. Their experiences include fear of death, the death of friends, being wounded oneself resulting in the often described "pseudo-strength", a facade of toughness, of blunt, aggressive behaviour. The Gulf war gives us some impression about what happens when men cannot fulfil their roles as protectors. As Israel didn't join the war, Israeli men for the first time were spared the stress of participating in combat. On the other hand, they were deprived of defending and forced to "passivity". They had to stay at home with their women and children in sealed rooms, which undermined the male identity. Reports show that the number of sexual offences and domestic violence against women increased during the Gulf War.23 Sophisticated research about the connections between the military orientation of society and domestic violence in Israel is still missing. Numbers of murders of women by their partners or male relatives are high, taking into account the size and number of population in the state of Israel: statistics speak of between 73 (counting only husbands or spouses) and 127 (counting male partners or other male relatives) murders of women in the years 1990 to 1995.24 In 1991, the year of the Gulf war, 35 women were killed by their partners. Looking through the reports in the newspapers, I found that a quarter of them were murdered with firearms, sometimes firearms owned by the Defence Forces. There are some cases, where a connection between violence during service in the occupied territories and domestic violence is obvious. In one case, a soldier, who shot and killed a Palestinian girl who sat reading at the entrance of her home in 1989, two years later, in 1991 shot his Israeli girlfriend, who had decided to leave him. I don't want to be misunderstood: in general, men in Israel, as they carry out the military operations, are those who are wounded and killed. But it is women who become targets of beatings from men of their own society because of the heightened aggression. Men talking about their army experiences often relate to themselves as somehow becoming another person in the army. Reports of soldiers serving in the occupied territories especially during the Intifada show the brutalisation these young men run through. The dominance of military discourse leads to gender inequality in society at large Among the impacts of the centrality of the defence forces on gender in the public sphere let me mention only two: the impact on the labour sphere and on politics. Those who do the most dangerous jobs gain from it not only in the military sphere but also in the civilian sphere. Because of the centrality of the military in Israeli society, service is crucial for a civilian career. Service in the higher echelons of the army is a pathway towards positions inheriting importance and influence in public life. The Israeli Defence Forces are a stepping stone for most of the senior officers for a civilian career. This automatically means discrimination for those groups not incorporated in it, which are first of all Moslem Arab Israelis of both sexes. Jewish Israeli men gain from their military service by accumulating social capital, establishing contacts for their professional careers (networking) and achieving
23 24

See f.i. the Israeli National Report to the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing 1995, p. 46. 73 murders of women between 1990 and 1995 by their "husbands or spouses" are mentioned in the CEDAW Report (State of Israel) 1997. 104 murders between 1990 and 1994 by "partners or boyfriends" are mentioned in the report "The Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders in Israel", State of Israel 1995. The Israeli Women's Network counts 127 murders by "husbands, partners or other relatives" in the years 1990 to 1995 (Women in Israel. Information and Analysis, 1996).

86 material and symbolic benefits. The capital Jewish women accumulate is not valued very much on the civilian labour-market. Men convert their military rank into ranks of political parties. Military background is regarded as a necessary precondition for public office. The percentage of women in the Knesset since the establishment of the Israeli state has never exceeded 10%, which is lower than the percentage of female representatives in any European democracy!25 In the election campaign this year, several women's organisations addressed in a public appeal the fixation on male leaders with military backgrounds (ill. 3). Former generals established new parties, politicians adorned themselves with the support of high-ranking military men. In the newly formed government in a projected cabinet of 33 ministers one single woman, Dalia Itzik, was appointed as minister. After some months, in August, the prime minister appointed five additional new ministers, among them the second woman, Yael Tamir. The preoccupation with military background you find also in the homepages of the Knesset members in the Internet: the military rank is, after education and profession, the next information given about male members. Women's representation in local authorities also has been extremely limited. During the state's existence only six women have served as heads of local councils, none of them in a city with a population over 10,000. Currently there are only two women head of a local council. The political sphere is predominated by men, who during the last ten or fifteen years have, in their 40s, retired as generals and transferred into business or into the political realm. It seems that this process relates to both sides of a regional conflict: if you observe the Palestinian state formation, you'll find a highly preferential treatment of those men who fought in the liberation movement and who had been imprisoned during the Intifada or earlier. Conclusion What is a militarised society? According to Betty Reardon's classic "Sexism and the War System" militarism is a belief system that is "based on the assumption that military values and politics are conductive to a secure and orderly society" (1985, 14). Militarism, she continues, "manifests the excesses of those characteristics generally referred to as machismo, a term that originally connoted the strength, bravery and responsibility necessary to fulfil male social functions" (15). Whether or not a society is in a state of conflict is not the only factor to describe a society as a militaristic one. One also needs to consider, as David Morgan states, the extent to which military training is seen as necessary feature of the training of all male citizens, the extent to which political leaders have military backgrounds, the extent to which military uniforms are a persistent feature of public sphere and the economic variables: which proportion of national resources are being devoted to military expenditure (1994). I hope to have shown that I consider military and military discourse as the main agent in shaping gender relations in Israeli society.
25

The ethnic and national division is obvious. Of the 52 female representatives (until the 1992 Knesset) only 5 were born in Arab speaking countries and not a single Palestinian Israeli woman has ever been a member.

87

The following indicators deriving from that example should be investigated in order to judge the influence of the military on the construction of masculinity in societies: ► Is the military the main agent to sharpen male identity?
· · · ·

compulsory military service/all volunteer force option of alternative service (scope & length of alt.ser.) numbers of age-cohort deciding for military service is conscientious objection accepted in society?

Elements of military training/ socialisation
· · · · · ·

military language devaluation of what is regarded as being female male bonding drilling rituals of subjugation presence of female recruits

Predominance of military in
· · ·

private sphere, political realm public life

Degree of defence expenditure

88 References
Anderson, Benedict (1991). Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalisms. London: Verso [1983]. B'tselem (1994). Collaborators in the occupied territories: Human rights abuses and violations. Jerusalem. Courbage, Y. (1997). La Fécondité Palestinienne des Lendemains d'Intifada. In: Population 52, January. Gellner, Ernest (1983). Nations and Nationalism. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University. Hobsbawm, Eric J. and Terence Ranger (ed.) (1983). The invention of tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University. Katriel, Tamar and P. Nesher (1986). Gibush: The rhetoric of cohesion in Israeli school culture. In: Comparative Education Review 30, 2, pp. 216-232. Katz, Sheila Hannah (1996). Adam and Adama, 'Ird and Ard: En-gendering political conflict and identity in early Jewish and Palestinian Nationalisms. In: Deniz Kandiyoti (ed.)(1996). Gendering the Middle East. Emerging Perspectives. London/New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers. Klein, Uta (1997). The gendering of national discourses and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In: European Journal of Women's studies, Vol.4, 3, pp. 341 - 351. Klein, Uta (1999). 'Our best boys' - The gendered nature of civil-military relations in Israel. In: Men and Masculinities, Vol.2, 1, pp. 47-65. Lieblich, Amia and Meir Perlow (1988). Transition to adulthood during military service. In: The Jerusalem Quarterly, 47, pp. 40-76. Lomsky-Feder, Edna (1992). Youth in the shadow of war - war in the light of youth: Life-stories of Israeli veterans. In: K. Hurrelmann a.o. (ed.). Adolescence, careers, and culture. Berlin. Morgan, David H.J. (1994). Theater of War. Combat, the Military, and Masculinities. In: Harry Brod, Michael Kaufman (ed.). Theorizing Masculinities. California et al. Mosse, George Lachmann (1997). Das Bild des Mannes. Zur Konstruktion der modernen Männlichkeit. Frankfurt a.M. Reardon, Betty (1985). Sexism and the War System. New York: Teachers College Press. Stiehm, Hicks (1992). The Protected, the Protector, the Defender. In: Women's studies international Forum, 5, 3/4, pp. 367-376. Yuval-Davis, Nira (1989). National Reproduction and the 'Demographic Race' in Israel. In: Nira Yuval-Davis and Floya Anthias. Yuval-Davis, Nira (1997). Gender and Nation. London et al.: Sage Publications. Yuval-Davis, Nira and Floya Anthias (1989). Women, nation, state. Houndsmills, Basingstoke: The macmillan press ltd. Zarkov, Dubravka (1997). Pictures of the Wall of Love: Motherhood, Womanhood and Nationhood in Croatian Media. In: The European Journal of Women's Studies, Vol.4, 3, pp. 305-330.

89

Men's violence against women and children in situations of armed conflict
Dubrovka KOCIJAN HERCIGONJA, Croatia
Violence of one person against another is the result of many factors, but basically it is the result of the personality structure of the bully, which is the product of bio-psycho-social factors that influenced this person during his/her developmental stages. However, violence is different in war and in peace, although there are some people who are violent in both situations. In peace, individuals or groups, due to many psychological, biological and social factors, develop psychopathological deviations. As a result, aggression develops in order to satisfy some of these pathological deviations and needs. In war, bullies act as they would in peace, but now their actions are often unpunished and sometimes even rewarded. But, some people who act violently in war would never be violent in peacetime. So, what is it that makes an average normal man become aggressive, especially towards women and children? If we analyse wars through history, we will notice that violence against women and children has been a basic characteristic of some wars, and such violence was used as a means to hurt the opponent. In the main role it is not the woman and child, but a man, an opponent, who needs to be hurt and defeated; women and children are just used as a means to this end. Over the last 100 years, wars have been like this, and my opinion is that this was the case especially in very patriarchal countries where women have no rights, but it is a man's duty to protect the woman and guard her honour. In such surroundings, a women is just a wife and a mother and not a person, so in such wars it is not a woman who is being punished, but her husband who was not able to save her and their children. In countries where women are emancipated, the aggressor aims at women as people, but this has other dimensions. In the war in the region of former Yugoslavia, my opinion is that there are some elements of aggression towards women and children as a way of fighting against men, but also as a way of fighting against the whole country. I would like to present a few cases later. By way of an introduction, I should like to present the results of research that I conducted in 1989, before the war. I worked in a Military hospital in Zagreb, capital of Croatia, in the department of psychiatry. In this department, we would mostly see young soldiers in crisis, those who were not able to accept the army, its structure and separation from their families. I have analysed the differences in clinical pictures based on nationality. In Yugoslavia, there was a law stating that young men cannot serve the army in their country. I have analysed only soldiers from other republics: Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, "the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia", Serbia and Kosovo. The study took a sample of men aged 18-19, who had finished or partially finished high school. They all found themselves in a foreign republic, in a strange town, but in almost identical military organisations. The reactions of those who were not able to accept the structure, demands and separation were different, depending on their nationality, and the analysis showed that their reactions had the characteristics of the history of their republics. Some sorts of behaviour had statistically significant connections with nationality. The most common behaviour was aggression, alcoholism, depression and suicide attempts. After two years, the war started, and some of the characteristics of my sample proved to be massive characteristics of all people of that republic in war. I emphasise this fact to make it more understandable why some things happened in war, and why war was so aggressive in certain areas in former Yugoslavia.

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Case 1 A 36 year old Muslim woman from a village with a mixed population in Central Bosnia came to therapy after she escaped with her two children, a son of 10 and a daughter of 7 years of age. Her physician referred her to me because of depressive symptomatology. From anamnesis I found out that, before the war, her neighbours were both Muslims and Serbs who were friends and raised their children together. Then the war divided Serbs from Muslims. Muslim men had to escape their villages so they would not be killed, and their women and children stayed. My patient was taken with her children to a cottage in the mountains where a group of Serbian soldiers camped, led by her first neighbour. She was raped daily for three months, mostly by her neighbour. Her children were forced to watch. The rapes were especially brutal and aggressive when the soldiers returned from actions in which many of them were killed or wounded. When she asked their leader, her neighbour, why he was doing this to her when earlier she was like a sister to him, he said: “…that was before, now you are an “ustaska” whore. Now your husband is fighting for Tudjman, but let us see how he will feel when we tell him what we did to his wife”. In therapy this woman made almost no progress, she was deeply depressive and suicidal. During therapy she told me: “Don't bother with me, I don't want to live because I can't look into my son's eyes because of the shame I caused him”. Later she moved to Sweden and I do not know what happened to her after that. Depression and suicidal thoughts are reactions to the shame that she caused her son because she was raped. It proves that aggression towards women, against women themselves, represents an attack on men and not on themselves. There are numerous examples where women were kept in concentration camps and raped daily. When they got pregnant, men would keep them in camps until they were almost due to give birth and then they were sent to Croatia to show themselves to their husbands and sons with messages: “now your husband will have to feed a little Serb child.” or “your husband will never be able to sleep peacefully after he sees you like that”. Some of these women tried to kill themselves after coming to Croatia, and some gave their children away after giving birth, not wanting even to see them. Case 2 Two sisters from Vukovar, a destroyed Croatian town, were kept in a concentration Camp in Vukovar. One was 17 years old and had a baby of a few months old, and the other sister was 7 years old. The husband of the older sister was a Croatian soldier. She was raped daily in camp in front of her younger sister who had to hold her baby and keep her from crying because “if she (baby) cried, they would kill her”. The rapists kept sending messages about what they were doing to her to the front to her husband. Later they raped the younger sister as well. I have presented these cases to try to explain the process of violence where the goal is to hurt the opponent where he is most vulnerable. Some women have told me that there were Serbian soldiers who refused to rape women, but then they would be threatened with death. So, the politics of war was to destroy the opponent, hurt his wife and children, destroy churches, all roots, cemeteries, destroy the future.

91 Conclusion The question we want to hear the answer to is still unanswered: Where does this aggression of men over women and children in war come from? My opinion is that causes are in: 1. 2. 3. 4. Politics and manipulation of people by politicians who use socio-cultural factors and psychological characteristics Fear Influence of alcohol and drugs Psychologically deviant personalities of people who are pushed into war by politicians who often reward their deviant way of behaviour.

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The approach of the World Health Organisation Regional Office for Europe to the issue of gender-based violence
Ms Kirsten Staehr JOHANSEN, WHO-EURO, Denmark
Abstract of the report Research on violence against pregnant women and its effect on perinatal outcomes has primarily been conducted in North America. Until recently, only one study existed on this subject in Europe (1988, Norway, Dr Berit Shei, WHO/EURO consultant on women's health). At present, there are in the European region several projects on this subject that are connected directly or indirectly to the WHO/EURO programmes. A Swedish study (Lena Widding Hedin, Göteborg University) as well as a study in the United Kingdom (Lauren Bacchus) have been completed this year. Both are prevalence studies focusing on obstetrical outcomes, and important in terms of implications for clinical practice. WHO/EURO currently maintains a number of projects related to this issue which have been incorporated into several overall programme workplans; the most relevant to this context are: A national survey in Tajikistan conducted by the Mother and Child Health Programme. Data collection, analysis and feedback on violence during pregnancy as part of the OBSQID project (quality management and development in perinatal care) under the Quality of Care and Technologies Programme. Additionally, the Mental Health Programme also addresses this issue. These projects comprise work with violent as well as non-violent males. 1. National survey in Tajikistan:

This is a national survey on violence in situations of armed conflict. It focuses on women's experience of violence, but also deals with gender roles and men's perception of violence. 2. Violence during pregnancy, risk factors, prevention and intervention:

An integral part of the OBSQID project, it addresses directly the violence and pregnancy issue. In 1997, questions on violence was included among the 50 indicators and variables of the OBSQID Basic Information Sheet (BIS), a perinatal case-based data form. Also inserted into this form was a question on paternal wellbeing. The objective of this comparative pilot study is to identify people at risk of domestic violence in different cultural and regional settings. Since this is primarily a prevalence study comprising various European countries (Belgium, Denmark, Israel, Malta, Albania, Poland,

102 Slovakia, Estonia, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia), it will elucidate the magnitude of the problem in relation to violence during pregnancy cross-culturally. The qualitative part of this study includes interviews with women that were conducted mostly in women's shelters in Copenhagen (1997-1998), and interviews with violent and nonviolent men (in Denmark). Focus is on the male experience of their partner's pregnancy. Here, the so-called Couvade syndrome (the phenomenon where the expectant father experiences somatic or psychosomatic symptoms during the woman's pregnancy) has been demonstrated. Another important aspect of the interviews with men aims to examine how the experience of abuse, or of witnessing abuse, in the home during childhood can affect male behavior in a partnership and specifically during the pregnancy of his partner. Also addressed is the influence of abuse on planning pregnancy. When does violence begin? What are the triggers were there any changes during their partners' pregnancies? How do these men justify their actions, and, in general, how do they themselves explain them? Being different in population samples, objectives and study methods, all these studies show that violence does not stop during pregnancy, although its pattern may change.

103

Elder abuse and older men: towards an understanding
Ms Bridget PENHALE and Mr Jonathan PARKER, University of Hull, United Kingdom
Introduction The main points that this paper addresses are as follows:
· · · · ·

Elder abuse is a comparative newcomer to studies concerning violence Much early research was gender absent/gender neutral The problem is hidden; it is a taboo topic "Naming" is important The forms that the violence takes may be slightly different from violence affecting other groups; there are a number of additional factors involved in elder abuse.

The growth of elder abuse Interest in elder abuse, and recognition of it as a social problem in need of attention, has developed in many countries in recent years. This has, however, been predominantly in the context of existing recognition of domestic violence and child abuse. This growth of interest in elder abuse shares a number of common features with these other areas of violence - slow recognition and acceptance; difficulties with definitions and concepts; an emphasis perhaps on stress and pathology as opposed to gender/power and male violence. Other forms of violence had been identified as problems at earlier points in time (for example, in the UK, child abuse was recognised from the late 1960s onwards and violence towards women from the early 1970s). Furthermore, whereas child abuse and elder abuse were initially identified through professional concern, violence against younger women was identified through the women's movement at a level of social action. This difference in social problem orientation may affect the development of responses and policies towards the various types of abuse. Elder abuse is, however, a comparative newcomer to the field of studies concerning violence, although it is not less important than other areas of concern. An absence of gender The early research studies that considered elder abuse were not particularly concerned with gender and, following the classification developed by Hanmer and Hearn (1999), could be described as either 'gender absent' or 'gender neutral'. Initially, studies were 'gender absent' in that there was a failure even to consider gender as a factor of relevance within situations of elder abuse. The situation then developed to a point where gender was considered, and included within research studies, but was viewed as a factor among several others that warranted attention. It is this type that is referred to as 'gender neutral', as the potential effects of gender appear to be diluted within research and theoretical considerations. As an example of this, it is interesting to note that Pillemer and Suitor (1992) included the gender of the caregiver as an additional possible predictive variable in elder abuse. No hypotheses were made regarding gender in the research however and, whilst spousal violence was found to be more likely than in other relationships, no comments concerning gender were made in their subsequent discussion. This ungendered; gender neutral approach held sway until relatively recently (Whittaker, 1995, 1996).

104 Whittaker (1995) argues that research and theory construction occurs in a socio-political climate which privileges definition and prevalence studies above the gender debate. The main 'gender neutral' approaches she identifies include situational stress (focus on victims and is underpinned by stereotypical notions of ageing and dependency); pathology of abusers (considers a range of predisposing factors), and family violence (which reflects the intention to safeguard 'normal' family relationships). Accordingly, she states: 'There appears to be no attempt to include the victim's subjective experience of abuse as part of the definitional debate and very little attention is paid to issues of inequality of power between victim and perpetrator other than to stress that old women are not children and that dependency exists as a two-way process within relationships and between them and their abusers." (Whittaker, 1996, p. 149) Biggs, Phillipson and Kingston (1995) promoted a domestic violence approach to elder abuse that emphasised power imbalances and highlighted the position of victimised groups in society. However, maintaining a clear distinction between victim and perpetrator is not always possible using this approach. This is seen in the Conflict Tactics Approach (Gelles and Straus, 1979; Gelles, 1993) which views conflict as constructed and maintained by both parties. The domestic violence approach to elder abuse focuses on violence as the central theme. This may lead to a reduced recognition of other forms of abuse and neglect (Biggs, Phillipson and Kingston, 1995). A corrective to this approach is seen in the 'domination' model of domestic violence, which focuses on the power of male aggressors (Yllo, 1993). The family violence model was developed further in Bennett, Kingston, and Penhale, (1997). Family violence can be understood as violence which occurs in families and is perpetrated against the powerless and vulnerable. It is an aggressive act by a more powerful individual, group or institution against someone with less power. The perception of the power imbalance may not necessarily be at a conscious level. It develops from the patterns of interaction between individuals from which relative positions in terms of power are secured (see Hughes 1995). In these ways, the family violence approach fits with the personal, cultural and structural model of oppression (Thompson, 1997, 1998). However, neither model can be viewed as wholly 'gender present' (Hanmer and Hearn, 1999), and as we shall see, it is only comparatively recently that there has been a shift towards an inclusion of analysis in terms of gender considerations. Aitken and Griffin (1996), writing from a feminist perspective, suggest that elder abuse should be included as a category in domestic violence, but should emphasise a gender-power analysis: '.. the relationship between elder abuse and care and between elder abuse and family violence needs to be revisited. Neither care nor family violence by itself offers a sufficient explanation for elder abuse; a more over-reaching way of thinking about elder abuse which would also allow an appropriate integration of gender issues would be in terms of power and dependency.' (p. 139) In situations of elder abuse there is likely to be a combination of complex sociological and psychological factors operating at and between structural, organisational, family and individual levels. Feminist perspectives focus on the role of gender and power within domestic violence. Social, political and economic processes are seen to support patriarchy in the subjugation of women. Violence represents the means men use to maintain positions of power at the societal, family and interpersonal levels. A range of causal factors must be

105 brought to bear and individual differences and diversity recognised. The additional variable of age must be considered when discussing elder abuse. A taboo topic As suggested earlier, elder abuse is the most recent form of interpersonal violence to have been recognised as a problem in need of attention. It is also, however, an area that has been hidden from public concern and has been regarded as a 'taboo topic'. Much of the abuse that occurs takes place behind closed doors and is not open to public scrutiny, as discussed elsewhere (Bennett et al, 1997). Making what happens in private a matter for public concern is not an easy task, in part due to the resistance experienced from proponents of familial rights to privacy and freedom from state intervention. In addition, this is not a pleasant area to focus on, in particular as it challenges some of the myths and deeply held beliefs that have been constructed over time within and about society. Examples of such attitudes are that families provide warm, nurturing environments for individuals or that institutions are safe places for older people to live in. It has not been easy to challenge this taboo and such beliefs, nor to encourage people to discuss situations, let alone to disclose them. The sexual abuse of older women is an area that has proved extremely problematic to consider, largely due to the difficulty that many people have in conceptualising older people as sexual beings. It was difficult enough to raise issues concerning child sexual abuse in the early 1980s, for example, so to consider an older woman as the subject of sexual violence may prove very difficult. Throughout the 1990s, issues concerning violence towards older people have been raised and the silence wrought by the taboo has been challenged and gradually eroded. The importance of 'naming' Within the context of the hidden nature of the problem, the silencing that has occurred is understandable. Abusive situations that occur in private are not spoken about, and often not even recognised. Abusive situations that occur within institutions may, arguably, be less hidden but are equally likely to go unnamed. It is important, therefore, that within the process of breaking the taboo, naming of the situation as abusive happens. Furthermore, that the situation should not be objectified but needs to be personalised, in order that the experiences of individuals can be properly attended to. The power of language is important in this regard. Aitken and Griffin (1996) and Whittaker (1996) see degenderisation in elder abuse through the changes in terminology over a period of a decade, 1984-1994 from 'granny bashing' (Baker, 1977) to elder abuse (Bennett and Kingston, 1993), which masks the gender specificity of abuse. This type of change cannot simply be construed as a development away from stigmatising and patronising language, as it also has the effect of neutralising the fact that more older women experience abuse than men. There is also recognition of a tendency towards an homogenisation of older people in research into elder abuse, which takes no account of individual differences and treats all older people as part of the same undifferentiated group. At the same time, such approaches obviously lack any appropriate consideration of gender differences. It is also necessary to consider what is being named and who is involved in the naming, so that situations are recognised and dealt with by the individuals who are involved by them, if at all possible. The meanings ascribed to situations by individuals and the construction of their understandings about situations and the processes involved are also necessary components of this, although research into this type of area is comparatively rare. The fact that elder abuse was first identified by professionals is of note here, as unlike the situation regarding violence towards

106 young women, older people are notable by their absence from any discussion or debate concerning abuse and abusive situations unless cast in the role of 'victim', 'abuser' or concerned witness. Differing forms of abuse Although there is an absence of agreed or standard definitions of abuse, commented on by McCreadie (1996) and others, most people concerned with the issue agree on the different types of abuse that can happen. These are physical abuse; sexual abuse; neglect; financial abuse (also referring to exploitation and misappropriation of an individual's property and possessions); psychological and emotional abuse. To these may be added such categories as abandonment, enforced isolation and deprivation of necessary items for daily living (warmth, food or other aspects, such as teeth). Some of these types appear to be reasonably distinctive to older people: for example, neglect or financial abuse may occur in ways that are not commonly seen in situations concerning children or young women. although abuse of younger disabled women may share similar features to that experienced by older people. Questions of numbers Throughout the past decade, the literature on elder abuse has developed and burgeoned. Notwithstanding this, it is generally understood that males are more likely to abuse than women and that women are more likely to be abused than men within situations of elder abuse. At times, this knowledge may lead to an inference that categorises and labels men as abusers/perpetrators and women as abused/victim. In a strict consideration of numerical terms this is clear, but there is a need for abuse to be understood from a wider perspective, viewed, perhaps, through a slightly different lens. This would demand attention to the context of abuse and abusive power relations in an unequal society including a consideration of women as abusers and men as abused. It is perhaps timely to include within the understanding of abuse material of relevance from the theoretical frameworks of social psychology and labelling (Scheff, 1974). Within society, older men are generally associated with belligerence, perversion and the fears of ageing and decline. In this context the media and social organisation of welfare sets a discourse in which abuse is understood as behaviour which can be explained, if not condoned. By examining the construction of this discourse it is possible to throw new light on our understanding of abuse and its gendered directions. Figures from research studies from all countries consistently suggest that women are more likely to be victims and men more likely to be abusers, but Wolf (1994) indicates that figure is only marginally higher than would be expected on the basis of female elders in the general population. McCreadie and Quigley (1999), from a UK perspective concerning an analysis of case records, indicate an increasing number of men who are abused in very old age (80+ years). If Straus' (1993) suggestion that violence by women to men is greatly underreported, the link between gender and elder abuse may be less strong, but caution needs to be exercised here in order to consider a range of different, but inter-related factors. Barnett, Miller-Perrin and Perrin (1997) review research concerning the characteristics of those who abuse and those who are abused. Results regarding gender are somewhat contradictory. Adult Protective Service figures from the USA reveal that most victims are female (68%) (Tatara, 1993). In the earlier Boston survey, the majority of victims were male (52%) (Pillemer and Finkelhor, 1988) whilst 65% of respondents were female. The victimisation rate for men at 5.1% is double that for women (2.5%) and the elderly population is disproportionately female.

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It must be remembered, however, that women tend to sustain more serious abuse and injuries than men, which may mean that women are more likely to require treatment for their injuries and thus come to the attention of authorities. Also, males are more likely to be violent and to commit more serious violence than females. Miller and Dodder (1989) suggest that research indicates that males are more likely to use physical violence whilst females are more likely to engage in neglectful acts that are more passive in nature. Men are more likely to live with someone else, which may make abuse more likely as one of the risk factors for elder abuse concerns living with others (Barnett et al, 1997). This corresponds with research into the characteristics and profiles of abusers: frequently a relative, and who has lived with victim for a long time; usually adult children, spouses, grandchildren, siblings then other relatives (Tatara, 1993). Pillemer and Finkelhor, (1988) found that abuse by non-family members was rare: abuse was mainly between partners in later life (see also Halicka, 1995; Johns and Hydle, 1995). Historically, elder abuse in domestic settings has been constructed as a problem between a female abuser and older parents - often a mother - within a caring context. Aitken's Northamptonshire study found, however, that male sons rather than husbands abused older women (Aitken and Griffin, 1996). Women were physically abused, men were psychologically abused. This perhaps reflects gendered behaviour, echoing the perpetuation of patriarchy in society. The literature abounds with references to 'dysfunctional families'. Whittaker (1996) believes that this perspective creates the view that elder abuse represents a symptom within a poorly functioning family, which therefore avoids introducing gender issues into the debate. Interestingly, Kosberg (1998) cites evidence for the idea of a 'pay back' for previous abuses of power, so that a woman, or children who have been abused by a man at an earlier point in the family's history, may exact some form of revenge on the man in later life. Swedish researchers Grafstrom, Norberg and Wimblad (1992) found some evidence for this type of dynamic in their study of caregivers in Sweden. Jack (1994) however places female to female and female to male abuse within the context of exchange relationships within a dysfunctioning and oppressive society. In the contemporary social situation, we see increasingly higher numbers of women at the top end of the age scale. Women tend to be poorer, which affects their life choices. The health needs of older women are not considered in public policies and poverty and ill-health foster dependency and the potential to exploit. Added to this is the fact that many women live alone and social services departments target single people rather than couples. Also, it is not only those who receive care who are marginalised. Middle-aged women undertake the bulk of informal care. Many of these people have just relinquished the responsibility for caring for children and will be employed too. Elder abuse, however, cannot be seen solely in the context of families and interpersonal relationships, as Jack (1994) points out. The fluid nature of power and the continuing prevalence of patriarchal assumptions are linked to abuse within the context of health and social care (Glendenning and Kingston, 1999). It is acknowledged that the social and health care agencies accountable for 'protective responsibility' may overtly or inadvertently abuse (Stevenson and Parsloe, 1993). In addition, Jack (1994) indicates that dependence, power and violation represent the currency of relationships within these agencies, and that mutual (albeit

108 unequal) dependency, powerlessness and violation leads to, and maintains abuse by, formal carers. Social care - between the public and the private Social and health care practitioners both support and control, thus wielding power in the private world of families from their position as agents of the State (Parker and Penhale, 1998). Working to protect others demands, in fact, the legitimate exercise of power in human situations. It is crucial to the professional development of practitioners that they command an understanding of power in order to work with their 'protective responsibilities' (Stevenson and Parsloe, 1993). It is clear that a large degree of power, whether felt by individual practitioners or not, derives from the legislative base to their work. Additionally, practitioners may also be likely to have personal power in the eyes of those with whom they work: often the dispossessed, disenfranchised and vulnerable; those who are most marginalised and excluded from and by society. However, not only do practitioners exercise power: they too are bounded by and subject to power - of agency, state and legislation. It is also necessary to recognise, moreover, that service users may exercise power in their interactions with practitioners. They choose and refuse services; they challenge and resist, and at times they may act and react in ways that are abusive. The dual direction of abuse in old age has been acknowledged elsewhere (McCreadie, 1992) The function of caring has been professionalised in health and welfare settings and is generally conceptualised as women's work (Jack, 1994). Illich (1977) used the term 'social iatrogenesis' to refer to the ways in which the organisation of care practices could lead to ill health by increasing stress and bureaucratising care. The social organisation of social and health care continues this process. Older people receive care rather than treatment. They are perceived and treated as passive recipients of care rather than active participants, centrally involved in an enterprise premised on partnership. This can be seen as potentially doubly stigmatising because a positive outcome is generally denied by such approaches. The emphasis is on the outcome and content rather than the process. 'The recognition of the powerlessness shared by old women and their female carers as a result of the combination of ageism and sexism within the professionalisation of welfare, leads to new perspectives on abuse by formal carers, perceiving abuser and abused as powerless socially, organisationally and personally, locked together in a relationship of mutual, enforced dependency. The medium through which this socially-constructed powerlessness becomes the individual and collective abuse of elderly people takes place is the 'exchange relationship' of formal care.' (Jack, 1994, p. 79)' Exchange theory suggests that individuals act according to real and perceived benefits and costs of continuing a relationship (Frude, 1990). The most dependent is the least powerful. However, the least powerless may also seek to maximise gains and minimise contributions to be made to a relationship. The person cared for may be seen as an inconvenience and a subculture of abuse may arise in formal care-giving situations (see also Aitken and Griffin, 1996). Jack (1994) uses Seligman's (1975) work on 'learned helplessness' to show that ageist stereotypes of dependence and increasing incompetence lead to the erosion of personal control in the context of formal care. Perceived powerlessness and dependency has been implicated in abusers in formal and informal settings.

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Women carers predominate in the workforce and the work is subsequently devalued. Women who are cared for are also discriminated against. Jack (1994, p.89) states: '...in order to ensure her dependency-needs are met, the old woman is compelled to surrender her claim to adult status to the female carer, whose limited status within the organisation depends on her complete possession of the caring role.' The search for pathology has neglected formal carers and offered little in the way of theoretical understanding. '...powerlessness among carers and cared for is the lock confining them within a relationship of dependency and violation...their mutual empowerment is the key to interdependency without subordination.' (Jack, 1994, p. 90) It is possible that the Foucauldian metaphor of the 'panopticon' may be useful in connection with such considerations (Foucault, 1979). The panopticon was taken from an idea for prison design originated by Jeremy Bentham. All levels of the prison could be seen at all times and prisoners would not know whether or not they were being watched at any given time. Foucault suggests that social surveillance techniques operate in a similar way. Such a perspective would also suggest that surveillance of social and health care agencies and institutions has developed in recent years. The recent development in the UK of continual assessment for service users and for staff development may engender feelings for both older recipients of care and of formal care staff of continued surveillance, of not being able to escape or resist effectively. This would therefore set the scene for the creation and maintenance of dependence and marginalisation by encouraging learned helplessness and submission to the power of surveillance. Disciplinary practices in use within health and social care agencies contribute to the operation of power through techniques of visibility. Additionally, designs aimed at maximum surveillance are used, and the processing, filing, creation and maintenance of individual cases perpetuates the situation. Divisions are created by binary distinctions such as practitioner and client, old and young, healthy and unhealthy, abuser and abused, male and female and the subject begins to watch over and monitor the self (Fawcett, 1996). In the contemporary arena of social and health care, numerous strategies have been developed to regulate the imposition of power. These include judicial review, the development of law centres and advice bureaux (Trotter, 1999). Competition and inspection in public sector services has demanded a shift from casework to practice that is measurable and verifiable. This kind of regulation sets up its own discourse and is, itself, a form of power. Control over resources is an important dynamic of power when considering the allocation of social and health care. Service users are often faced with stark perceived choices when the practitioner or agency is assumed able to offer and withdraw services at will. The potential of the institution and agency to abuse directly and the replication of an abusive system are now being given serious consideration (Goffman, 1968; Stanley, Manthorpe and Penhale, 1999).

110 Multiple forms of disadvantage Recent perspectives explicitly incorporate the role of gender, race and class in influencing power dynamics. Ragin and Sunstrom (1989) suggest that sex-role socialisation leads to the adoption and expectation of stereotypical roles, which lead women to be perceived as lacking in power at organisational, sociocultural and interpersonal levels. Rosspenda, Richman, and Nawyn (1998) add race and class issues to gender in traditional models of sexual harassment as a consequence of power differentials based on location or status differences between men and women. Their research found the confluence of race, class and gender to be especially important where the target of the harassment has greater organisational power than the perpetrator. Kukli and Breli (1997) employ a social exchange theory perspective to make the valuable point that prospective dependency may change marital power relationships in later life. Askham (1995) suggests, however, that gender-power differences continue in later life marriages. These analyses are much akin to Thompson's (1997, 1998) Personal, Cultural and Structural (PCS) model for theorising discrimination and oppression. The influences of personal prejudice with organisational culture and social structures are linked together by Thompson in a complex and continually changing way, resulting, he suggests, in oppressive practices. Power is, of course, central to issues of gender. Mullender (1997) states that it is impossible to understand the personal and social world without taking a gendered perspective. Gender represents a social construction (Berger and Luckman, 1966). That is, gender relates to the roles, tasks, positions and assumptions associated with male and female within a particular social context. These roles and assumptions are internalised by those brought up within that society. Acting according to the ways a society prescribes inhibits resistance to oppression and recreates the social construction of gender. Sexism does not refer solely to the prejudice expressed by individual males. It results also from the social structures developed to perpetuate a gendered ordering of society and the ways in which agencies and organisations reflect this order and instil normative roles and expectations into members. Sexism and the unequal distribution of power and roles in society can be linked with other forms of oppression leading to the necessity of a gender power analysis, which places gender within a wider socio-political context. For instance, child care is seen as the role of women as are care in the community and low paid care jobs in residential homes. It is not only race, class and gender that interact, however. The social construction of ageing as negative and stigmatising is important (Bytheway, 1994). Aitken and Griffin (1996) remind us that there are proportionately more women than men in the general population the older that population becomes. Older women are marginalised in society on the grounds of gender and age. The negative connotations of ageism and ideas of dependency and impairment aggregate in the negotiations of power within society. Ageism, sexism and structural divisions combine to create power imbalances that are predicated on the notion of women as of inferior status. This facilitates the conditions in which abuse flourishes and militates against easy or quick resolution. Ageism may be of further importance within such considerations as a 'master' category (Bytheway, 1994). Such multiple forms of disadvantage are of significance too, since they may not assist in any movement towards resolution of the problem, or, indeed, prevention. In addition, we can see that older women may face several distinct but overlapping areas of risk

111 and disadvantage, perhaps even of jeopardy (Penhale and Kingston, 1995) and that these may be either singular or cumulative in their effect. Towards a gendered analysis Feminist theories of elder abuse move beyond the health and welfare debates to a theory in which age and gender and the relationships between them and other social divisions are given equal importance. The potential for violence and abuse is fundamental to gender and power in all social relationships. 'A feminist analysis of elder abuse, whilst recognising the gendered nature of inequality, would have to acknowledge women's capacity for violence and recognise that the issue of power is more problematic and less fixed than previously imagined. The connections between relations of age, gender and power would be central categories of analysis and the notion of power would require a different treatment. 'This means treating power like age and gender relations as something fluid, rather than fixed and monolithic, as something which varies according to what it is in relation to or with.' (Whittaker, 1996, p. 152) There is generally a lack of such a feminist critique of elder abuse although gender relations have been seen as central to examinations of child physical abuse (Featherstone, 1997). The concept of domination rather than power has been employed to demonstrate its significance. Research concerning domestic violence and the development of interagency working places necessary emphasis on domestic violence towards adult women and children. Older women are generally not included within such considerations, although the research does not explicitly exclude them (Hague and Malos, 1998). There is, however, a marginalisation of older people and an uncritical reinforcement of hierarchies of concern that reflects sociocultural power relations. Whittaker (1996) advocates a methodology of inclusion in participative research about elder abuse, which, she states, cannot be divorced from its social context and the patriarchal rather than pathological family. It is crucial, of course, that older people themselves are fully included as central actors within such developments. Feminist analyses start with gender. The marginalisation of older people and, in particular, older women in society is taken into account. The patriarchal context sees men as having access to greater power over the more vulnerable and less powerful and being protected by societal norms. Whittaker (1996) therefore reframes the allegedly controlling characteristics and behaviours of non-compliant dependent victims as a struggle and resistance against oppression and male control. This moves away from explanations based on caregiver stress that have developed within the field of elder abuse and neglect and that absolve the perpetrator of responsibility. Gelles (1993) suggests that feminist theory presents an analysis of only one type of violence and victimisation. It does not, in his view, account for child abuse, sibling abuse, violence by women or the abuse of older people. Featherstone (1997) disagrees with Gelles' analysis and suggests that in fact great differences and divergences now characterise feminisms. What the critiques by Gelles and Straus appear to fail to take into account are considerations of the interactions between different factors within feminist analyses. When gender is seen as a constructed sociocultural process rather than biologically determined as 'sex', it is no longer enough to consider that males are violent, and women are

112 peaceful and nurturing. Appropriate use of the former approach highlights diversity and rejects the attempt to define one sole cause of women's oppression. Featherstone (1997, p. 431) argues for: '...an engagement with some of the perspectives... characterised by an appreciation that gendered positions are significant explanatory tools in exploring violence but that these positions are neither fixed nor inevitable. They are subject to constant struggle and redefinition.' At first sight, it may seem obvious and uncontroversial that gender and power issues are central to elder abuse. However, they relate and interrelate in extremely complex ways. For instance, we cannot blame one single aspect of gender or power relations for the development of violence and aggression between humans. It is not enough to say that elder abuse is perpetrated by damaged, sick or stressed individuals - namely men - or that attitudes that allow the continuation of elder abuse simply result from personal prejudice. We must now consider the complex interplay of structural power relations throughout society as setting the context for abuse to be minimised, condoned, exacerbated or even perpetrated. However, this wider social explanation is also, in itself, insufficient. It is necessary to examine the organisational, agency and cultural factors reflecting the social structures, which encourage maintenance of the status quo in respect of gender divided roles, work and status. The socialisation of individuals in families is created by the wider social structures and cultural factors and, in turn, recreates them by subscribing to the gender and power games advanced. All these interact to produce individual experiences and behaviours some of which are fundamentally abusive and proscribed by society, some of which are neither condoned nor proscribed and some of which are perpetuated within the existing social fabric. This is often internalised by individuals who then add to the maintenance and development of a gendered and unequal society. It is the social organisation of gender that allocates roles and meaning and which contributes to the marginalisation of elder abuse at a social, agency and personal level. As Thompson (1997) states in respect of anti-discriminatory practice, those who are not actively seeking to change this state of affairs are part of the problem. It is the responsibility of us all, therefore, as practitioners or simply as citizens, to acknowledge our own assumptions and gendered positions. We must work with agencies and organisations and the wider society to develop an approach that recognises the importance of gender and power relations and seek to influence those who set the terms of the argument at policy-making and political levels. As Kaufman (1994, p. 146) indicated, 'we all experience power in diverse ways, some that celebrate life and diversity and others that hinge on control and domination'. A gender-power analysis can be usefully employed to develop approaches that celebrate life and diversity in our attempts to deal with elder abuse.

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114 Goffman, E. (1961) Asylums: essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates, Reading: Penguin. Grafstrom, M., Norberg, A. and Wimblad, B. (1992) “Abuse is in the eye of the beholder. Reports by family members about abuse of demented persons in home care. A total population based study”, Scandinavian Journal of Social Medicine. 24, 4: 247-55. Hague, G. and Malos, E. (1998) “Interagency approaches to domestic violence and the role of social services”, British Journal of Social Work, 28, 3: 369-86. Halicka, M. (1995) “Elder abuse and neglect in Poland”, Journal of Elder Abuse and Neglect. 6: 157-69. Hanmer, J. and Hearn, J. (1999) “Gender and Welfare research” in Williams, F., Popay, J. and Oakley, A. (Eds.) Welfare research: A critical review London: UCL Press. Hughes, B, (1995) Older people and community care, Buckingham: Open University Press. Illich, I.; Zola, I. K.; McKnight, J.; Caplan, J. and Shaiken, H. (1974) Disabling Professions, London: Marion Boyars. Jack, R. (1994) “Dependence, power and violation; gender issues in the abuse of elderly people by formal carers” in Eastman, M. (1994) (Ed.) Old Age Abuse, London: Chapman Hall. Johns, S., and Hydle, I. (1995) “Norway: Weakness in Welfare” Journal of Elder Abuse and Neglect. 6, 3-4, 139-156. Kaufman, M. (1994) “Men, feminism, and men's contradictory experiences of power”, in Brod, H. and Kaufman, M. (Eds.) Theorizing Masculinities, Thousand Oaks, CA.: Sage. Kosberg, J. (1998) “Abuse of Elderly Men” Journal of Elder Abuse and Neglect. 9, 3, 6988. Kulik, L. and Breli, H. (1997) “Continuity and discontinuity in attitudes towards marital power relations: pre-retired vs. retired husbands”, Ageing and Society, 17, 5, p. 571-95. McCreadie, C. (1992) Elder abuse: an exploratory study, London; HMSO McCreadie, C. (1996) Elder abuse: an Update on research, London: HMSO. McCreadie, C. and Quigley, L. (1999) “Figuring out Adult Abuse”, Community Care, 1258, 4-10 February, 24-25. Miller, R. B. and Dodder, R. A. (1989) "The Abused: Abuser Dyad; Elder Abuse in the State of Florida" in Filinson, R. and Ingman, S. R. (Eds.) (1989) Elder Abuse: Practice and Policy, New York: Human Sciences Press. Mullender, A. (1997) Rethinking Domestic Violence: the social work and probation response, London: Routledge.

115 Penhale, B. (1993) "The Abuse of Elderly People: Considerations for Practice", British Journal of Social Work, 23, 2, 95-112. Penhale, B. and Kingston, P. (1995) “Social Perspectives and elder abuse” in Kingston, P. and Penhale, B. (1995) (Eds.) Family Violence and the Caring Professions, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Parker, J. and Penhale, B. (1998) Protecting People, London: OLF/BASW. Pillemer, K. A. (1986) "Risk factors in elder abuse: Results from a case-control study" in Pillemer, K. A. and Wolf, R. S. (Eds.) (1986) Elder Abuse: conflict in the family, Dover, Massachusetts: Auburn House. Pillemer, K. A. and Wolf, R. S. (Eds.) (1986) Elder Abuse: conflict in the family, Dover, Massachusetts, Auburn House. Pillemer, K. A. and Finkelhor, D. (1988) "The prevalence of elder abuse: A random sample survey," Gerontologist, 28 (1): 51-57. Pillemer, K. A. and Suitor, J. J. (1992) “Violence and violent feelings. What causes them among family caregivers?” Journal of Gerontology: Social Sciences. 4, 7: S165-72. Ragin, B. and Sunstrom, E. (1989) “Gender and power in organisations: a longitudinal perspective”, Psychological Bulletin, 105, pp. 51-88 Rosspenda, K. M., Richman, J. A. and Nawyn, S. J. (1998) “Doing power: the confluence of gender, race, and class in contrapower harassment”, Gender and Society, 12, 1, pp. 40-60. Scheff, T. (1974) “The Labelling Theory of Mental Illness”, American Sociological Review 39, (June), 444-452. Seligman, M. (1975) Helplessness, San Francisco, Ca: W.H. Freeman. Stanley, N.; Manthorpe, J. and Penhale, B. (1999) (Eds.) Institutional abuse: perspectives across the lifecourse, London: Routledge. Stevenson, O. and Parsloe, P. (1993) Community care and empowerment, York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Straus, M. (1993) “Physical assaults by wives – a major social problem”, in R. Gelles, R. and Loseke, D. (Eds.) Current Controversies on Family Violence. Newbury Park, Ca: Sage. Tatara, T. (1993) “Finding the nature and scope of domestic elder abuse with state aggregate data”, Journal of Elder Abuse and Neglect, 5 (4): 35-6. Thompson, N. (1997) Anti-discriminatory Practice, (2nd ed.) Basingstoke: Macmillan. Thompson, N. (1998) Promoting Equality, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Trotter, C. (1999) Working with Involuntary Clients, London: Sage.

116 Whittaker, T. (1995) “Gender and elder abuse”, in Arber, S. and Ginn, J. (1995) (Eds.) Connecting gender and ageing: sociological approaches to gender relations in later life, Buckingham, Open University Press. Whittaker, T. (1996) “Elder abuse”, in Fawcett, B., Featherstone, B., Hearn, J. and Toft, C. (Eds.) Violence and Gender Relations. Theories and Interventions, London: Sage. Wolf, R. (1994) “Responding to Elder Abuse in the USA” in Action on Elder Abuse Working Paper No.1: A report on the proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Elder Abuse, London: Action on Elder Abuse. Yllo, K. (1993) “Through a feminist lens: gender, power and violence” in Gelles, R. and Loseke, D. (1993) (Eds.) Current Controversies in Family Violence, Newbury Park, Ca: Sage.

117

Male Violence: The Economic Costs A Methodological Review
Carrie L. YODANIS and Alberto GODENZI26 University of Fribourg, Switzerland27
During the second wave of the women's movement, attention was drawn to male violence against women through presentation of the brutality, the loss of life and freedom, and the fear that many women experience in their lives (Brownmiller, 1975; Pizzey, 1977; Russell, 1982). Based on these profoundly negative consequences, advocates argued that something must be done to assist battered women. Arguments in the fight against male violence against women have come from a variety of perspectives. The most common argument defines violence against women as a legal, equal rights issue. This argument has taken different forms. Some argue that victims of male violence have a right to equal protection from the criminal justice system. Therefore, laws need to be in place to ensure that violence against women is defined as a crime and that perpetrators are arrested, tried, and punished (Stanko, 1985). Others argue that women have a civil right to be protected from violent men through government funded counselling and refuge (Dobash & Dobash, 1992). Still others, most notably at the United Nations' 4th World Conference for Women in Beijing, call for an end to violence against women throughout the world in all its diverse forms, because violence is a violation of women's human rights. Therefore, male violence must be condemned and stopped regardless of cultural traditions and beliefs. A different perspective views violence against women as a health issue. In 1994, the World Bank published a report, “Violence Against Women: The Hidden Health Burden”, which examined how male violence contributes to poor health and early death for women throughout the world (Heise, 1994). Such evidence has been used to strengthen laws and policies protecting victims. For example, the concept of the battered woman syndrome, based on the argument that abuse results in psychological trauma and dysfunction, was used to fight for a legal defence for women who kill their abusive partners (Walker, 1984; Dobash & Dobash, 1992). During the late 1980s and 1990s, another perspective on violence against women emerged. This perspective views violence against women as an economic issue. This perspective does not disagree with earlier perspectives. Rather, it provides another, quite powerful, angle from which to view the legal, health, and other consequences resulting from male violence and to argue for social policies to improve the services and protection for victims of male violence. In another paper co-authored with Elizabeth Stanko, we evaluate the benefits of an economic argument and consider the potential for this perspective to affect policy (Yodanis, Godenzi, & Stanko, forthcoming). In this paper, we review the cost of violence studies and discuss their common methodological approaches. We consider both the weaknesses associated with this methodology, and how these studies are important for improving the availability of data on violence against women – a step which is vital for increasing assistance to women.

26 27

with contributions by Elizabeth A. Stanko Department of Social Work and Social Policy, Rte des Bonnesfontaines 11, CH-1700 Fribourg, Switzerland, Tel: +41 26 322 7815 or 7795; Fax: +41 26 322 9715; Email: Carrie.Yodanis@unifr.ch Alberto.Godenzi@unifr.ch

118

STUDIES OF THE ECONOMIC COSTS OF MALE VIOLENCE In 1986, Straus sought to measure the costs of medical care relating to intrafamily assault and homicide. By compiling statistics about the prevalence of injuries and medical attention resulting from spouse and child assaults, he estimated that homicide within families may account for roughly 24% (or about $1.73 billion) of the total costs of homicide as estimated by the Joint Economic Committee of Congress in 1976. Yet, he also stressed that this figure omits many of the medical costs that are incurred prior to death. He outlines the types and frequencies of possible costs which need to be included if we think of homicide as the final outcome of the disease of violence, but he leaves the “translation of the injury and medical care dollar costs to those more familiar with medical economics” (p. 557). The next year, Straus and Gelles (1987) in “The Costs of Family Violence” used data from a nationally representative study to expand on this idea and outline the prevalence of additional costly outcomes of violence in the family, including drug and alcohol use, crime and vandalism, missed work and daily activities, and psychological distress. While they list the numerous possible sources of costs, they do not estimate cost figures. That same year, Friedman and Couper (1987) published the report, The costs of domestic violence: A preliminary investigation of the financial costs of domestic violence. During the 1990s, costs studies and estimates became even more ambitious. Researchers began to combine prevalence rates of violence and various outcomes of violence with estimates of related costs in order to develop a total figure which measures the costs of male violence against women. Such studies have been completed in Canada (Day, 1995; Greaves et al., 1995), British Columbia (Kerr & McLean, 1996), the Netherlands (Korf et al., 1997), New South Wales (NSW Women's Coordination Unit, 1991), New Zealand (Snively, 1994), Northern Territory (Office of Women's Policy, 1996), Queensland (Blumel et al., 1993), Switzerland (Godenzi & Yodanis, 1998) and the United Kingdom (Stanko et al., 1998). Key information about each study is summarised in Table 1. Throughout this paper, we will use our study as an example. Our study builds on and adapts the methods used in the previous cost studies. It focuses on the costs of male violence against women in Switzerland and is being conducted in three phases. In 1998 (German version) and 1999 (English version), we published the results from the first phase of our project, which focused on state-related costs resulting from male violence against women. By compiling data from representative surveys, government publications and reports, social service agency records and other sources, we estimated an annual state cost of $290 million. We discuss our calculations in greater detail throughout this paper. For the second phase of the project, we are currently studying the costs of male violence to business. And in the third phase, we will focus on the costs to individuals, including victims, family, friends, volunteers and service providers, and tax payers. THE METHODOLOGY OF COST STUDIES In their US report, Laurence and Spalter-Roth (1996) offer a basic equation for determining the costs of domestic violence as follows, “We need to know how many people are affected, how many are using services as a result of domestic violence, how much of these services they are using, and the costs of these services” (p. 14).

119 Although applying the above seems straightforward, accurately computing it is not. In nearly all countries, we do not know how many women are affected by male violence, and we do not know how many and how often women use various services as a result of violence. For years, advocates, activists and others have argued that most violence against women remains hidden from official view. Indeed, crime surveys, when compared to surveys of women, show that most violence never becomes part of the official statistics. This is true not only in criminal justice institutions but also in health care and social service institutions and workplaces. Accurate information on the prevalence and impact of male violence is lacking in all parts of society. On one hand, this limits the possibility of cost studies to provide accurate cost estimates and useful information to service providers and policy makers. On the other hand, cost studies bring to light and can reduce this lack of knowledge in parts of society where individuals usually do not consider themselves impacted by violence. Conducting cost studies with missing data The majority of cost of violence studies rely predominantly on existing data previously gathered by government agencies or research institutes. For example, Greaves et al. (1995) compiled their estimate for Canada based on information from approximately 30 surveys, reports, and studies, including the Statistics Canada Survey on Violence Against Women. Laurence and Spalter-Roth's (1996) review of US material provides an extensive list of empirical studies, organisations, and government offices, which can provide information relating to various dimensions of the costs of violence against women. In our study, we used data from numerous sources including the National Survey of Violence Against Women, Swiss Statistical Yearbook, Police Criminal Statistics, and Office of Federal Statistics reports on Costs of Public Health and Public Finances in Switzerland. This data can be an important starting point for estimating the costs of violence. Yet, relying too heavily on the existing data creates problems, not due to inadequate researchers, but because of inadequate data. Since the existing data is always incomplete, the cost estimates based on this data, likewise, suffer from shortcomings, which limit their usefulness. As a result of using existing data, cost estimates are weakened by methodological problems related to operationalisation and measurement of economic costs, units of analysis, time frames and population inferences. Operationalisation and measurement When measuring a concept, it is necessary first to have a clear definition. Then, one needs to outline the various dimensions, or facets, of the concept. Finally, data is gathered on particular indicators which measure the various dimensions of the concept. When using existing data, however, it is not always possible to include the full range of dimensions or indicators required for adequate measurement of a desired concept. Often the data simply are not available. This is a consistent problem in cost of violence studies. Concepts are often operationalised according to the availability of information rather than the requirements for valid and reliable measurement. This is true for our study. Most obviously, while we plan to include additional phases in our study, we first selected state-related costs, because the most information was available about these costs. The limitations of existing data result in a number of measurement problems. First, there is often inconsistency between conceptualisation and operationalisation in studies. For example, in our study, we define violence as "physical, sexual, and psychological abuse which is perpetrated by men on women or girls as a result of their gender". Yet, when we

120 calculate the costs, we are often not able to include the costs associated with these various forms of violence. For example, in our estimate of health costs, we do not include information on women under 20 years of age, because that information is not available. Similarly, the measures often do not include dimensions and indicators which other studies have shown to be likely costs of violence. There is substantial evidence to show that women who experience abuse, including women in Switzerland, are more likely to engage in self-destructive behaviour, such as alcohol and drug abuse and report worse mental health (Stark & Flitcraft, 1996; Gilloz et al., 1997; Kavemann, 1997). Nevertheless, we are unable to include abuse-related costs for drug and alcohol treatment or other psychiatric treatment in our cost figure, because information on the rate of these services sought by women as a result of violence is not available in Switzerland. Third, weaknesses in measurement occur, because due to the lack of data, informed assumptions have to be made. From the national study of violence against women in Switzerland, we know that approximately 10,000 women a year sought help from a social worker as a result of experiencing violence. Yet, we do not know the reasons behind their help seeking. Backed with additional information regarding the financial stresses of women leaving abusive relationships, we make the assumption that about half of these women sought some form of financial assistance. In other cases, data that is available are used as merely proxies for missing information. For example, there is no data recorded on the number of court cases which are related to crimes of male physical violence against women in Switzerland. However, we do have information from a national study on the number of women who contacted lawyers and sought divorces, separations, or protection orders as a result of violence from partners. We use these figures, adjusted to account for the often high percentage of the women who will drop charges before trial, to estimate the number of court cases each year which occur as a result of physical violence against women. These problems of operationalisation, omitted dimensions and indicators, assumptions and estimates, which are found in most cost studies, weaken the validity and reliability of measures of the cost of violence against women. One cannot be sure if the studies are accurately measuring the economic costs and if that same figure would be reproduced if recalculated at a later point in time. However, it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to calculate the precise costs of violence against women. Cost figures must be, to some extent, merely estimations. Given this, the problems of operationalisation and measurement may at first appear to be an insignificant problem. If additional costs indicators or more precise data were added to the estimates, the total figures would only be higher. Therefore, omission of additional costs seems to ensure that the estimates are more conservative and less refutable. These problems of measurement, however, extend beyond the ability to compile an accepted figure for the costs of violence. When researchers omit some costs completely or include guesses and proxies rather than empirical data, the study does not provide solid, practically applicable information about the problem of violence against women. Yet, the very fact that data is not available indicates the lack of information available to individuals, who are in key positions to support and assist women if they realise the need.

121 Unit of analysis Other methodological problems facing cost estimate studies are related to the units of analysis. The unit of analysis in cost estimate studies is usually women. Equations are based on the prevalence of service usage as reported by a sample of women. Cost figures are then applied to this prevalence rate to calculate an estimate for the costs of male violence. Relying on women as the unit of analysis is very important for establishing differences between abused and non-abused women in costly conditions such as physical and mental health status (Stark & Flitcraft, 1996; Gillioz et al., 1997), alcohol use and illegal drug use (Kavemann, 1997), work income and job turnover (Hyman, 1993; Lloyd, 1997; Morrison & Orlando, 1999), and welfare usage (Allard et al., 1997; Raphael & Tolman, 1997). Yet, weaknesses result when individuals are the unit of analysis in costs of violence studies. Under these circumstances, estimates are not based on data from particular agencies, organisations or businesses. Rather, they are calculated based on women's use of unspecified service agencies and experiences in unspecified work places. For example, we estimate from the national study of violence against women that approximately 4,000 women require hospital care as a result of experiencing violence. We also know that the average hospital stay for a patient in a Swiss hospital costs approximately SFR. 10,000 and that the federal, state and local governments are responsible for paying 75 percent of the expenses. We compute a fairly convincing cost estimate based on these figures. Nevertheless, the resulting estimate will likely have limited meaning for and effect on doctors, nurses, and other service providers in individual Swiss hospitals. Such figures may not be viewed as applicable to their organisation and cannot provide advice for how to alter daily operations and services to better meet the needs of women experiencing violence. Time frames A problem related to the unit of analysis is the issue of time frames. Researchers primarily aim to estimate the annual cost of violence. Ideally, costs could be calculated for every year and changes could be observed over time. However, when using infrequently and sporadically gathered data, researchers must compromise by gathering data from the various years in which figures are available and computing a cost estimate for an “average” year. For example, within our study, some cost figures are based on 1993 data while others are based on 1996. In another example, when calculating the cost of research, we knew the amount of research grants that were awarded in 1996 by the largest national granting agency to study violence against women. The funding amounts were unusually large for that year as a result of a one- time research programme on violence against women. Few grants to study violence against women have been awarded before or after this programme. In order to estimate the expenditures on research over time, we assumed that grants of this amount would be given every 20 years and divided the total amount of research funding by twenty to get an annual cost. While the best given the circumstances, this solution is not optimal. Not only is it impossible to observe changes in costs across years, but it also omits many costs. The U.S. National Institute of Justice measures costs as “the total losses imposed by crimes that occur in a given year - regardless of when the losses actually occur” (Travis, 1996). Laurence and Spalter-Roth (1996) explain the need for a prevalence-based approach measuring all service usage, both new and recurring, which occur in a given time period. In their outline of an ideal study, they suggest a five year period. Both of these specified time frames are able to capture

122 the full extent of costs occurring from violence. Yet, most current cost estimates are unable to use these defined time frames and thus, cannot know the long term costs of violence. Recurring use of services as a result of violence are likely to be the most expensive costs. Knowing how long and how many times women use particular services is also essential for understanding the role of the services in assisting victims and evaluating the cost effectiveness of a programme. Population inferences A final methodological problem in cost of violence studies is the inability to make accurate inferences to the desired study population. Often, data is available from only one organisation or region and does not allow accurate extrapolation to a whole country or state. For example, we use figures on the costs of public assistance from one state to estimate a national figure in this area. When researchers use the available data to make inferences to the entire country, estimates gain substantially more error. In sum, use of existing data to calculate cost estimates is not optimal. Yet, cost studies, relying on existing data, can be and often are used to highlight and correct this lack of information. Bringing this lack of information to light is one of the primary benefits of cost of violence studies. Increasing awareness and data with cost studies All researchers using existing data in cost studies, including us, recognise the problem of unavailable and partial data and have stressed the need for better systems of gathering data on the effects of violence on the workplace, service agencies, and organisations. In their estimates of the economic costs of violence against women in Canada, Greaves et al. (1995) write, “The main difficulties in establishing full cost estimates of violence against women in Canada are the lack of data and inconsistent data collection systems particularly at the federal and provincial levels” (p.1). After their review of the existing data in the United States, Laurence and Spalter-Roth (1996) conclude, “We found considerable gaps in the research literature in all of the areas studied, suggesting that considerable research is needed before reliable cost figures can be determined” (p. 4). Fortunately, cost of male violence studies can be designed to improve the very problems from which they suffer. They can increase the availability of data in two ways. First, cost studies, by their very design, suggest the many areas within a society which are impacted by male violence against women. As Crisp and Stanko (forthcoming) recently observed, “The lessons of the costs study point to the multiple intervention sites where it is possible to disrupt the serial patterns of domestic violence.” They can capture the attention and increase the awareness of police officers, judges, lawyers, social workers, employers, doctors, nurses, and political leaders – individuals and organisations who previously did not consider themselves affected by violence against women. As a result, violence will no longer be an unknown cause of health, financial, and workplace problems, and victims will no longer remain “hidden” in the social institutions. In addition to creating awareness, cost studies can also be designed to increase data and thus, knowledge about the extent and effects of violence within these social institutions. Some researchers have taken steps in this direction. Blumel et al. (1993) and the Office of Women's Policy (1996) conducted interviews with abuse survivors and asked for detailed information regarding their service use. Stanko (1997) gathered data about experiences with

123 abuse from patients in a medical office waiting room. We compiled and recorded data about violence against women from hundreds of separate files in a victims' assistance service department. In the future, researchers can continue to play an important role by working with police departments, courts, prison systems, public assistance offices, hospitals, and physician offices to develop accurate and on-going systems of gathering data on experiences of abuse among their clients. In the second phase of our costs of violence against women study, we are conducting a study of the costs of violence to business. The workplace is possibly the setting in which male violence is most hidden. Afraid of losing their jobs, women hide bruises, call in sick and sit in fear instead of doing work, all without the knowledge of co-workers and managers. Yet, there is some evidence that many companies may be willing to assist women who experience violence if they are aware of the need. As was posted on the list-serve for the European Network on Conflict, Gender, and Violence on October 1, 1998, the Family Violence Prevention Fund sponsored the third annual Work to End Domestic Violence Day in which hundreds of American businesses, public agencies and organisations participated. On this day, Bell Atlantic Mobile introduced a toll-free link to the National Domestic Violence Hotline. They also continue to provide awareness cards to employees and customers and work with police and social service agencies to provide wireless phone and voicemail boxes to victims of domestic violence. At Limited, Inc., human resource and security managers have attended domestic violence education and response training courses led by a women's shelter director. In addition, associates receive information on violence against women and have access to an internal company domestic violence hotline number. Numerous other companies, including Liz Claiborne, Inc., Levi Strauss, Blue Shield of California, Gap Foundation, Marshalls, Wells Fargo, Polaroid and Time Warner, sponsored the programme, have taken measures to educate managers about violence against women, and provide support for employees who experience abuse. By aiming to continue or expand such efforts, economic cost of violence studies are likely to contribute to creating policies in the workplace which will support rather than punish women who experience violence (NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund, 1996). Therefore, we are conducting a study that will both generate information regarding the impact of male violence on the workplace and estimate a cost figure, which is useful for convincing businesses to implement helpful policies. The study will focus on violence against women which occurs outside the workplace, including physical, sexual, and psychological violence in and outside of intimate relationships, as well as violence which occurs in the workplace, such as sexual harassment. We seek to estimate lost employee days, productivity, profits and additional expenses resulting from the actions of perpetrators and needs of victims. Examples include a male employee missing work as a result of court appearances related to an arrest for assaulting a female partner and a female employee missing work as a result of abuse-related injuries. Data for the study will be gathered through the distribution of a survey to women and men in a sample of work settings. Key managers will also be interviewed to determine the measures which are taken to create a safe work environment and the costs of such measures and their knowledge of the effects of male violence on business. Yet data gathering can, and ideally should not be, a one time occurrence. Rather, ongoing data gathering systems can be institutionalised to become part of the daily operations of the organisation. These systems do not need to be time consuming or cumbersome. Often the information is currently being collected from clients but is recorded in separate files and on inconsistent forms rather than in ways that make it readily accessible and analysable. Many

124 organisations merely need assistance in order to make the relatively minor adjustments needed to establish ongoing data collection systems. There are examples of such successful efforts. In the London Borough of Hackney, the Metropolitan Police have established a Crime Report Information System (CRIS). As described by Stanko et al. (1997), this system records all incidents reported to the police and highlights any incident or crime which is domestic in nature. These would include offences of violence, sexual offences, offences against property, public order offences, breach of an injunction where there is a power of arrest, and incidents which are not later recorded as crime but where the police have been contacted. As in the Hackney examples, we also believe that studies should begin to consider a new unit of analysis, the organisation, in order to improve estimates, as well as the usefulness of the data to service providers and employers. Collecting data at the institutional level will improve estimates of the costs of violence. By gathering data from all individuals who seek services from a particular organisation, it is possible to have accurate knowledge of the portion of service usage which occurs as a result of violence against women. By knowing which services were used, more exact cost figures can be used in the calculations. For example, when data is gathered from a hospital emergency room, we will know the number of cases which were related to domestic violence, the medical treatment that was given, and have a better estimate of the cost of the services. Following from this, we believe that less attention can be spent on trying to compute precise national figures. By focusing instead on gathering data at the institutional level, organisations, agencies and businesses will have access to data on an ongoing basis to observe changes over time in the relationship between violence and service needs. The need for additional support services, the quality, and cost effectiveness of existing programmes can be evaluated. Yet such systems must be developed with caution. The need for more and more accurate data should never override the rights of women who experience violence. Any system of data gathering needs to include a guarantee of confidentiality, voluntary participation, and security that the information will be used for the benefit, not harm, of women. In the end, the cost estimate will not just be a large number, but directly meaningful for developing effective services to assist victims and reducing all costs of violence – monetary and non-monetary. CONCLUSION In this paper, we present studies on the economic costs of male violence against women and discuss their methodological approaches and weaknesses. But why study costs? In this paper, we present one benefit of these studies. By raising questions regarding where the costs fall, the studies bring to light the many diverse social institutions and organisations which are impacted by male violence against women. With adjustments in methodological approach, cost studies can be used to increase the availability of data and knowledge regarding the pervasiveness of male violence throughout societies. The elimination of ignorance and blinkers is the essential first step in reducing male violence.

125 References Allard, M. A., Albelda, R., Colten, M. E., & Cosenza, C. (1997). In harm's way: Domestic violence, AFDC receipt, and welfare reform in Massachusetts. Boston: University of Massachusetts. Blumel, D. K., Gibb, G. L., Innis, B. N., Justo, D. L., & Wilson, D. V. (1993). Who pays? The economic costs of violence against women. Queensland: Women's Policy Unit, Office of the Cabinet. Brownmiller, S. (1975). Against our will: Men, women, and rape. New York : Simon and Schuster. Crisp, D. & Stanko, E. A. (forthcoming). Monitoring costs and evaluating needs. In Domestic Violence. London: Home Office, Reducing Crime Unit. Day, T. (1995). The health-related costs of violence against women in Canada: The tip of the iceberg. London, Ontario: Centre for Research on Violence Against Women and Children. Dobash, R. E. & Dobash, R. (1992). Women, violence, and social change. New York: Routledge. Friedman, L. & Couper, S. (1987). The costs of domestic violence: A preliminary investigation of the financial costs of domestic violence. New York: Victim Services Agency. Gillioz, L., De Puy, J. & Ducret, V. (1997). Dominance and violence against women in relationships. Lausanne: Payot. Godenzi, A. & Yodanis, C. L. (1998). First report on the economic costs of violence against women. Fribourg: University of Fribourg. Greaves, L., Hankivsky, O., & Kingston-Riechers, J. (1995). Selected estimates of the costs of violence against women. London, Ontario: Centre for Research on Violence Against Women and Children. Heise, L. (1994). Violence against women: The hidden health burden. (Discussion Paper No. 255). Washington D.C.: The World Bank. Hyman, B. (1993). Economic consequences of child sexual abuse in women. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Brandeis University. Kavemann, B. (1997). Gesellschaftliche Folgekosten sexualisierter Gewalt gegen Mädchen und Jungen. In B. Kavemann/Bundesverein zu Prävention (Ed.), Prävention in die Zukunft (pp. 215-56). Berlin: Ruhnmark. Kerr, R. & McLean, J. (1996). Paying for violence: Some of the costs of violence against women in B.C. British Columbia: Ministry of Women's Equality. Korf, D. J., Meulenbeek, H., Mot, E., & van den Brandt, T. (1997). Economic costs of domestic violence against women. Utrecht, Netherlands: Dutch Foundation of Women's Shelters.

126 Laurence, L., & Spalter-Roth, R. (1996). Measuring the costs of domestic violence against women and the cost-effectiveness of interventions: An initial assessment and proposals for further research. Washington, D.C.: Institute for Women's Policy Research. Lloyd, S. (1997). The effects of violence on women's employment. (Paper No. 6). Chicago, IL: Joint Center for Poverty Research. Morrison, A. R. & Orlando, M. B. (1999) Social and economic costs of domestic violence: Chile and Nicaragua. In A. R. Morrison, M. L. Biehl, M. Buvinic, & L. Biehl (Eds.), Too close to home: Domestic violence in Latin America. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University. NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund. (1996). The impact of violence in the lives of working women: Creating solutions – creating change. New York: NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund. NSW Women's Coordination Unit. (1991). Costs of domestic violence. Haymarket, NSW: New South Wales Women's Coordination Unit. Office of Women's Policy. (1996). The financial and economic costs of domestic violence in the Northern Territory. Northern Territory: KPMG. Pizzey, E. (1977). Scream quietly or the neighbors will hear. Short Hills, NJ: R. Enslow. Raphael, J. & Tolman, R. M. (1997). Trapped by poverty/trapped by abuse: New evidence documenting the relationship between domestic violence and welfare. Chicago, IL: Taylor Institute. Russell, D. H. (1982). Rape in marriage. New York: Macmillan. Snively, S. (1994). The New Zealand economic costs of family violence. Auckland: Coopers and Lybrand. Stanko, E. A. (1985). Intimate intrusions: Women's experience of male violence. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Stanko, E. A., Crisp, D., Hale, C., & Lucraft, H. (1997). Counting the costs: Estimating the impact of domestic violence in the London borough of Hackney. Middlesex, U.K.: Brunel University. Stark, E. & Flitcraft, A. (1996). Women at risk: Domestic violence and women's health. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Straus, M. A. (1986). Medical care costs of intrafamily assault and homicide. Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 62, 556-561. Straus, M. A., & Gelles, R. J. (1987). The costs of family violence. Public Health Reports, 102, 638-641. Travis, J. (1996). The extent and costs of crime victimization: A new look. Washington D.C.: U.S. National Institute of Justice.

127 Walker, L. E. (1984). The battered woman syndrome. New York: Springer. Yodanis, C. L., Godenzi, A., & Stanko, E. A. (forthcoming). The benefits of studying costs: A review and agenda for studies on the economic costs of violence against women.

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TABLE 1. Summary of Studies of the Economic Costs of Violence Against Women in the 1990s
Country/ Region Author(s) New South Wales, Australia NSW Women's Co-ordination Unit Queensland, Australia D. Blumel, G. L. Gibb, B. Innis, D. Justo, D. Wilson New Zealand S. Snively Canada T. Day Canada L. Greaves, O. Hankivsky, & J. KingstonRiechers British Columbia R. Kerr McLean Northern Territory Office of Women's Policy Netherlands D.J. Korf, H. Meulenbeek, E. Mot, & T. van den Brandt Hackney, UK E. A. Stanko, D. Crisp, C. Hale, & H. Lucraft Switzerland A. Godenzi & C. Yodanis & J. (NZ$ 1.2 – 5.3 bn 9 figures given) $1,050,000,000 (C$1,540,000,000) $2,800,000,000 (C$4,225,000,000) $260,000,000 (C$ 385,000,000) $5,800,000 (A$ 8,860,000) $160,000,000 (f 332,600,000) $8,300,000 (£ 5,000,000) $290,000,000 (Sfr. 409,000,000) 1998 Physical, sexual, and psychological abuse of women and girls State costs - Medical treatment, Police and justice, Victim-related support, Support and counselling, Research 1997 Physical, sexual, and psychological abuse of women and children Police, Civil justice, Housing, Refuge, Social services, and Health care 1997 1996 Physical, sexual, psychological, and social domestic violence – effects on women and children Physical, sexual, and psychological domestic violence against women 1996 Physical and sexual assault, homicide of women 1995 Physical violence, sexual assault, rape, incest, child sexual abuse 1995 Total Cost Estimate (USD) $1,000,000,000 Year 1991 Type of Violence Domestic violence against women at various stages of acknowledgment and service usage. Types of Costs included in Estimate Individual, Government, Employer and Third Party – Health care, Legal, Criminal justice, Social welfare, Employment, Child care, and Housing

(A$ 1,525,000,000)

$407,000,000

1993

Physical, sexual, psychological, and social domestic violence, rape, sexual assault of women Family violence, including threats of violence, on women, children, and men. Physical and sexual abuse of women

(A$ 620,000,000) $625,000,000 – 2,750,000,000 1994

Victims, Public/community, and Other individuals – Housing and Refuge, Social Security, Health care, Counseling, Police and Criminal justice, Legal Services, Emergency relief Individual, Government, Third party, and Employer – Medical care, Social welfare and assistance, Legal and Criminal Justice, and Employment Health costs – Medical, Dental, and Psychiatric care, Paid and Unpaid Work, Housing and refuge, Long term costs Individual, Government, and Third party - Social services & education, Criminal justice, Labor & work, Health & medical Police and justice, Victim and Public Assistance, Counseling, Mental health care, Substance abuse treatment, Refuge, Work, Aboriginal programmes Individual, Community and Other Direct costs – Crisis/support services, Police, Housing, Financial, Medical, Legal services. Indirect costs calculated per case. Police and justice, Medical, Psychosocial care, Labor and social security

129

BUT WHERE ARE THE MEN? CENTRAL-STATE PUBLIC POLICIES TO COMBAT VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN POSTAUTHORITARIAN SPAIN (1975-1999) Celia VALIENTE, University Carlos III, Madrid, Spain
In post-authoritarian Spain (1975-1999), policies against violence against women (referred to hereafter as AVAW policies) have been similar to AVAW policies elaborated in other European Union (EU) member states in recent decades.28 Such measures have mainly been of two types: legal reforms, in order to declare violent actions against women unlawful acts which are punishable; and social services for victims of violence, for instance, refuges for battered women. In Spain, AVAW policies have reached only partial achievements because of the implementation deficit which exists in this policy area. Measures are formulated but weakly implemented. In this paper, I identify an additional problem (of lesser importance than the implementation deficit) regarding Spanish AVAW policies. Most policies are directed at victims, that is, women, but not at male perpetrators of violence, who are the cause of the problem. The first (and longest) section of this paper describes the main AVAW policies in Spain since 1975. The second section explains that policies address mainly women, and to a much lesser extent, men. The third section presents the incomplete implementation of AVAW policies.29 CENTRAL-STATE POLICIES TO COMBAT VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN SPAIN30 A broad definition of the phenomenon of violence against women "includes any act of verbal or physical force, coercion or life-threatening deprivation, directed at an individual woman or girl, that causes physical or psychological harm, humiliation or arbitrary deprivation of liberty and that perpetuates female subordination" (Heise et al., 1994:1165). Nevertheless, for reasons of economy of space, time and research resources, this paper focuses on the study of policies directed at the following violent behaviour against adult women: rape and any other form of sexual attack, and domestic violence, that is, violence
28 29

In this paper, the words "policies", "measures" and "programmes" are used as synonymous. This paper is largely based on an analysis of secondary literature, legislation, press files, published and unpublished political documents and seventeen in-depth personal interviews with social and political actors active in the policy area of violence against women: four members of feminist associations; a judge; a police agent; three civil guards (police agents mainly for the rural areas); a social worker; two members of the personnel who work in a battered women's refuge; a female victim of violence (rape); a forensic surgeon; a physician specialist in the examination of female victims of violence; and two lawyers specialist in AVAW legal measures. All interviews were conducted in the city of Madrid in March 1995. In order to maintain the anonymity of those interviewed, their names do not appear in this paper. The presentation of policies is an updated and revised version of the description contained in Valiente (1996). I will concentrate on the central-state policies considered most relevant, that is, those which affect a large number of women, and/or are financed with a significant amount of public resources, and/or are specially innovative. The description of the programmes made here is by no means exhaustive.

30

130 perpetrated in the family sphere. Other violent behaviour, such as forced prostitution, sexual harassment at work, genital mutilation and abuse of female children is not considered here. As noted above, the main AVAW policies in Spain are chiefly of two types: legal reforms; and support services for female victims of violence. AVAW policies have been formulated and implemented with some delay in Spain in comparison with other Western countries. This delay was due in part to the fact that since the mid-1930s to 1975 Spain was governed by a right-wing authoritarian regime, which was notably anti-feminist. Legal Reforms With regard to legal reforms, these are the most important AVAW policies in Spain. The Spanish legal system is a codified system. In common law systems (for instance, those of the United Kingdom and the United States) judges build case law, and the importance is placed on precedent. In contrast, in code law systems, judges are supposed to apply the principles of the code and laws in each particular case. The source of law is therefore not the precedent but what is written in the code and other pieces of legislation. This is why it was so important in Spain to reform the law, particularly the penal code. It defines the most reprehensible behaviour in a modern society, such as killing, raping or stealing and assigns them punishments. In the Penal Code, the different violent acts perpetrated against women are defined as either misdemeanours (faltas) or offences (delitos),31 and each of them is assigned a punishment (pena), which is lower for misdemeanours than for offences. From 1975 to 1989, sexual attacks against women were still listed under the title "offences against purity" (delitos contra la honestidad). Specifically, most sexual attacks against adult women different from rape were still called "indecent abuses" (abusos deshonestos). This terminology reflected the fact that policy-makers considered that perpetrators committed such attacks against the purity, decency or chastity of women, and not against women's freedom to decide whether to engage or not in sexual relations.32 Besides, rape was defined in a very restricted way, because it referred only to heterosexual vaginal coitus, and not to anal or oral coitus, and because it was established that only men could rape women. Furthermore, in all cases of sexual attacks against women (including rape), if the victim "forgave" the perpetrator, no prosecution could take place. It is important to note that divorce was established in Spain in 1981 (Act Number 30 of July 7).33 This meant that if the executor of violent acts against a woman was her husband, until 1981 she could not obtain a divorce, remaining therefore legally married (although perhaps de facto separated) to the violent husband.

31 32

"Offences" and "crimes" are used in this paper as synonymous. This type of terminology also enjoyed certain currency in other countries with codified legal systems. For instance, in Italy, sexual violence was listed in the penal code under title "crimes against public morality and right living" (Addis, 1989:2). In France, sexual assaults were prosecuted according to an article of the penal code which dealt with "assaults on morals" (Stetson, 1987:163). Divorce also existed during the democratic regime of the Second Republic (1931-1936), but it was abolished by the subsequent right-wing authoritarian regime.

33

131 A relevant reform of the Penal Code took place in 1983 (organic34 Act Number 8 of June 25), which established that when victims of rape (not of other types of sexual attacks) forgave the perpetrators, the latter should still be punished according to the law. It should be noted that, until 1985, abortion was a crime in Spain in all circumstances, penalised in most cases with a period of imprisonment which ranged from six months to six years, plus the prohibition of health professionals from performing their profession in private and public centres. Therefore, if a woman had been raped and became pregnant, according to the Penal Code, she had to give birth to the baby. Organic Act Number 9 of 5 July 1985, however, allows abortion in three circumstances: when the woman has been raped, when pregnancy seriously endangers the life of the mother, and when the foetus has malformations. An important reform of the Penal Code regarding violence against women took place in 1989 (organic Act Number 3 of June 21), which instituted changes that had already taken place in other countries. Sexual attacks were no longer called "offences against purity" but "offences against sexual freedom" (delitos contra la libertad sexual). By the same token, some sexual attacks other than rape were no longer called "indecent abuses" but sexual aggressions (agresiones sexuales). Besides this, the concept of rape was expanded, to include not only vaginal, but also anal and oral coitus. Nevertheless, penetration with the penis was required in order to legally define an assault as rape. Two consequences followed immediately from this requirement: a sexual assault with penetration of foreign objects was not considered a rape; and men could rape women and men, but women could only rape men (Bustos, 1991:115; Cabo, 1993:261). From 1989 to the next reform (1995), rape, like homicide, was punished in Spain with a period of imprisonment which ranged from twelve to twenty years, and sexual aggression with a period of imprisonment which ranged from six months to twelve years. In both cases the perpetrator had to compensate the victim financially. Another point should also be remembered: rape and other sexual aggressions were offences defined in the laws independently from the marital or professional status of victims, for instance, irrespective of whether the perpetrator was the husband of the victim, or whether she worked as a prostitute (Bustos, 1991:115). Finally, the "forgiveness" of the victims of any offence against sexual freedom (and not only in the case of rape, as established in 1983), did not cancel the punishment of such behaviour. The 1989 reformed article 425 of the Penal Code classified repeated physical domestic violence against women perpetrated by husbands or cohabiting partners as an offence, and not as a misdemeanour, as it had been legally defined in the past. "Repeated" (habitual) here meant violence which had been perpetrated at least three times (Bustos, 1991:65; Cabo, 1993:229). The offence of repeated physical domestic violence was punished with a period of imprisonment which ranged from one to six months. Finally, since the 1989 reform, state officials (for instance, prison guards) who take advantage of the power and influence over their clients that their jobs confer to ask for sexual favours of their clients or their relatives, are punished more severely than before (López, 1992:317-323).

34

According to article 81 of the 1978 Constitution, an organic Act (Ley orgánica) regulates, among other matters, fundamental rights and public liberties. An absolute majority of the Low Chamber, in a final vote of the whole project, is necessary for the approval, modification or derogation of an organic Act. For an ordinary - not organic - Act, only a simple majority is required.

132 Another important legal reform regarding violence against women took place in 1995 (Act 10 of 23 November), with the establishment of the new penal code (the existing code was a modified version of that instituted in 1848). The word "rape" disappeared from the Penal Code. The former rape and sexual aggressions have been known as "sexual aggressions" since 1995. The definition of the formerly named "rape" was again expanded, to include penetration with objects. The attack formerly named "rape" is now punished with a lower maximum number of years of prison (twelve instead of twenty). Group sexual aggressions are explicitly defined by the Penal Code as acts committed by three or more people, and are punished with a higher number of years of prison. The punishment of the offence of repeated physical domestic violence was increased (from a period of imprisonment which ranged from 1 to 6 months to a period which ranges from 6 months to 3 years). In addition, the 1995 penal code establishes that a legal process regarding sexual aggression, sexual abuse or sexual harassment could be initiated with an action of the prosecutor (before 1995, a complaint by the victim was required). On 30 April 1998, the Council of Ministers approved an Action Plan Against Domestic Violence (Instituto de la Mujer, 1998), which was formulated under the direction of the main feminist institution of the central state, the Women's Institute (Instituto de la Mujer).35 It contains propositions for measures to combat violence against women regarding prevention, education, support services for victims, health, legal reforms, and research. Legal reforms followed the Action Plan Against Domestic Violence. On 9 June 1999 (Organic Act 14) the 1995 Penal Code and the Act of criminal indictment (Ley de enjuiciamiento criminal) were modified regarding domestic violence. The offence of repeated psychological violence in the domestic place was defined (up till then, the Penal Code only defined physical violence). New punishments for aggressors were established: the prohibition to approach the victim, to communicate with her, or to live close to her, in order to avoid a repetition of violent behaviour. This is one of the rare instances in which the state attempts to prevent the perpetration of violence, rather than to intervene after violent attacks had already taken place. On June 1999, it was also stipulated that judges do not impose fines on violent males if this economic punishment also hurts economically the victim or her family. It should be borne in mind that the most common marital property regime in Spain is community property. Under this regime, each spouse is the owner of half of common properties, that is, of all properties and income obtained by any of the two spouses after they marry. When, in this situation, a violent husband has a fine imposed on him, he normally pays it with common properties, half of which belong to his wife. Therefore, this fine damages the financial position of his spouse, who might herself have been the victim of violence. Finally, since 1999, in some cases of potential misdemeanours (for instance, threats), prosecutors do not need the complaint filed by the victim in order to initiate a case (before, they needed the complaint). A paramount policy established in parallel with legal reforms has been the collection of statistics of reported cases of violent attacks on women. Statistics of this type, for instance, in the case of domestic violence, hardly existed in Spain until 1983. Feminists and state
35

Since the 1960s, institutions with the concrete purpose of promoting gender equality have been set up, developed (and sometimes even dismantled) in most industrial countries. In social science literature such institutions have been called "state feminist" institutions or bureaucracies. The people who work in them are described as "state feminists" (Stetson and Mazur, 1995).

133 feminists have urged the police and civil guard (police who work chiefly in rural areas) to collect data of reported cases of aggression in which victims have been women (Gutiérrez, 1990:129). However, it is necessary to bear in mind that the Spanish statistics on this issue, as is the case with the statistics of many other countries, only deal with reported cases.36 In Spain, as in many other countries (Kornblit, 1994:1181), underreporting is a common phenomenon, in such a way that estimates of the real number of cases are only tentative. Nevertheless, the judiciary was urged to collect data about court decisions (sentencias) regarding cases of violence against women (Gutiérrez, 1989:9), and the same happened to the personnel who work in social services, such as refuges for battered women (Spanish Senate, 1989:12185-12187). It should be noted that even in the late 1990s all these statistics are usually incomplete and hardly comparable (Defensor del Pueblo, 1998). To my knowledge, there are as yet no prevalence studies on violence against women in Spain available to the general public. Nevertheless, there are fragmentary data which show that violence against women is a widespread phenomenon. For instance, in 1990, almost three out of ten (29 percent) adult Spaniards of both sexes knew cases of domestic violence against women (Cruz and Cobo, 1991:107-108). Services for Victims of Violence As for services for female victims of violence, these consist mainly of the diffusion of information about women's rights and of measures to protect victims. Diffusion of information is important because only when they are aware of their legal rights (that nobody has the prerogative to treat them violently, amongst others) can women efficiently defend themselves against assaults. It is also useful for women to know which social services and other resources are available for them if they become victims of violence. In this regard, the main state feminist institution of the central state, the Women's Institute (Instituto de la Mujer) created in 1983, has set up and administered women's rights information centres in some cities, where citizens can obtain information about women's rights in general (and not only in situations of violence), through an enquiry made in person, by phone or by mail.37 Also, a free women's rights information phone line was set up in 1991, with the main purpose of reaching women who do not live in cities. In addition to general information services, the Women's Institute has organised several information campaigns related to the specific issue of violence against women (Gutiérrez, 1990: 125; Threlfall, 1985:63). Two of the most recent information and awareness-raising campaigns were put into practice in Spring and Fall 1998 respectively. The former contained dramatic pictures of women who had been assaulted. The latter was promoted by the Spanish Confederation of Neighbours (Confederación Española de Vecinos
36

The number of reported rapes in Spain was: 1,723 in 1989; 1,789 in 1990; 1,1936 in 1991; and 1,599 in 1992. The number of reported sexual aggressions was: 2,502 in 1989; 2,277 in 1990; 2,282 in 1991; and 2,335 in 1992. Finally, the number of reported cases of domestic violence against women was: 13,705 in 1984; 15,681 in 1986; 15,230 in 1987; 13,644 in 1988; 17,738 in 1989; 15,654 in 1990; 15,462 in 1991; 15,184 in 1992; 15.908 in 1993; 16.284 in 1994; 16.062 in 1995; and 16.378 in 1996 (Instituto de la Mujer, 1994:92-93; 1997). These information centres were not an original creation of the Women's Institute, because the former Subdirección General de la Mujer dependent on the Ministry of Culture, had already set up three centres, which the Women's Institute inherited. The number of centres increased steadily. In 1984 there were only three centres. In 1987, there were eleven centres.

37

134 del Estado Español), the Women's Institute, the Ministry of the Interior, and the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs. The main slogan was "If he beats you, he does not love you. Love yourself! File a complaint against him! (Si te pega no te quiere. Quiérete tú. Denúnciale) (El País 14 October 1998:31). Generally speaking, support services for female victims of violence have been set up later and are currently less comprehensive in Spain than in other countries, as happens with social services in general. If legal reforms are (on paper) fairly complete in Spain, support services for victims are still clearly insufficient (Defensor del Pueblo, 1998). The state does not always provide directly all these services for victims of violence. In many cases, the state subsidises non-governmental non-profit women's organisations which provide services for victims. The best known service for victims are battered women's refuges (casas de acogida de mujeres maltratadas) (Instituto de la Mujer, 1986:22; Scanlon, 1990:99). The first refuges were set up in 1984, and in 1997, 129 refuges existed in Spain (Instituto de la Mujer, 1997:117).38 In the late 1990s, there was a refuge for every 302,000 inhabitants in Spain. This proportion is still lower than the proportion recommended by a Resolution of the European Parliament in 1997: a shelter for every 100,000 inhabitants. The supply of Spanish refuges is geographically uneven, and only one region (Castilla y León) has the appropriate number of shelters according to its population (Defensor del Pueblo, 1998). Refuges are administered by the central state, local and regional governments, and organisations of civil society. As in other countries, refuges provide mainly temporary safe accommodation for female victims of violence and their children. In addition, they provide other services which range from legal advice to psychological support and vocational training, with the aim of helping them to initiate a new type of life away from perpetrators of violence. The central state also gives subsidies to nationally based women's groups for them to develop projects for women regarding many topics, including violence. Generally speaking, in Spain the issue of violence against women had not been a priority for activists in the women's movement up to the late 1970s or early 1980s, when certain feminists "discovered" the problem of violence against women, in some cases accidentally (Threlfall, 1985:62-63). For instance, feminists from the Separated and Divorced Women's Association (Asociación de Mujeres Separadas y Divorciadas) who provided counselling and legal advice to women who wanted to initiate separation and/or divorce proceedings, found that the main purpose of many of their clients was to escape from a situation of high levels of domestic violence. In 1982, a group of women who provided direct assistance to victims of violence constituted the Commission to Investigate the Ill-treatment of Women (Comisión para la Investigación de los Malos Tratos a las Mujeres). This commission was composed mainly of social workers, psychologists and lawyers, and they started to pressurise policy makers with regard to the formulation of more AVAW measures, and to the implementation of those which already existed. Other feminist organisations which specialised in the issue of violence against women were created mainly from the mid-1980s, including the Association of Assistance to Raped Women (Asociación de Asistencia a Mujeres Violadas) or the Anti-Aggression Commission (Comisión Anti-Agresiones), but also others.

38

The first battered women's refuge was set up in 1971 in Great Britain (Connors, 1989:34) and in 1974 in the USA (Stout, 1992:134).

135 Since its establishment, one of the priorities of the Women's Institute has been the issue of violence against women (Gutiérrez, 1990:124). Approximately 10-15 per cent of the budget of the Women's Institute has been devoted to subsidising women's organisations (active in all areas and not only in violence).39 Feminist organisations have administered refuges and other programmes and services such as emergency phone lines for rape victims, psychological support for victims of violence or training workshops for the police on violence against women. It is important to note that these very useful actions have been undertaken in some parts of the country (where women's organisations specialised in the area of violence exist), but not in others, and in some years but not in others. Other services for women include police stations or departments within them to treat female victims of violence. Since 1988, a police station dedicated exclusively to cases of violence against women, staffed only by policewomen, exists in Barcelona. Units specialised in such cases, where some policewomen work, but which are not police stations but departments within them, have also been set up. These units are called Services to Attend Women (Servicios de Atención a la Mujer). In 1998 these services existed in sixteen cities, and it was expected that at the end of that year new services would be set up in nine additional cities. Similar services also existed in Civil Guard Stations in fifteen provinces in 1998, and are called Teams for Women and Minors (Equipos de Mujeres y Menores) (El País 16 March 1998:31). In sum, in Spain since 1975, the main policies to combat violence against women have consisted of legal reforms and to a lesser extent of support services for women. The former defined attacks against women as misdemeanours or crimes and assigned them the corresponding punishment. The latter try to support and protect victims. MEN AND POLICIES TO COMBAT VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN In Spain, one of the problems (but not the main problem) of most AVAW measures is the fact that measures are in practice directed towards battered or sexually assaulted women. In contrast, most AVAW programmes handle violent males only at the very end of the process of implementation of policies (if at all). Let me use the case of battered women to substantiate this point. Policies against domestic violence are elaborated in a way that assumes that a battered woman has to be the active part in the solution of "her" problem. In all EU member states, she is the person who has to file a complaint, let a doctor examine her to certify injuries, go to court, and leave her home in order to protect herself from the violent batterer. The state has established a full battery of AVAW measures around her. The state has put in motion campaigns directed at her and other victims to encourage them to stop putting up with domestic attacks and dare to file a complaint; has established procedures to handle complaints; has trained doctors to certify injuries; has arranged legal processes for crimes or misdemeanours to be judged; and has set up refuges. Only at the very end of a legal process (if such a legal process ever takes place) the state deals with the violent partner. This happens when his actions are judged in court, although in most cases male batterers are absolved. I am not arguing that policies directed at victims are unnecessary and should be abolished. On the contrary, many women are still unprotected by the state. For instance,
39

The policy of the Women's Institute of subsidising the women's movement is described in Valiente (1995).

136 feminists have continuously complained about the insufficient protection given by the police and civil guard on some occasions to female victims especially in the case of domestic violence. Sometimes the police or the civil guard have come too late when called, precisely because violent acts being perpetrated were against women (Cova and Arozena, 1985:36). Moreover, police and civil guards have not guaranteed the safety of women who have repeatedly been victims of violent attacks. Many of these women have finally died or become severely injured. According to the 1998 report on domestic violence made by the Ombudsman (Defensor del Pueblo, 1998), 89 out of the 91 women killed by their partners in 1997 had filed complaints of domestic violence against their aggressors. The Spanish state failed to safeguard them from the violent males who killed them (Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis, 1999). The point which I am making now is that in order to combat violence, policies of two types are needed: First, programmes to support and protect victims; second, measures to eradicate violent behaviour of male perpetrators. In the absence of the latter, the former is clearly insufficient. Statistics are another example to illustrate that AVAW policies mainly deal with female victims, but hardly at all with male perpetrators of violence. Statistics chiefly reflect women suffering from violence (but not men perpetrating violence). For instance, regarding domestic violence, statistics count the number of complaints made by battered women, the number of years on average that women withstand violent attacks before daring to file a complaint, the number of women who seek refuge in a shelter, and the average number of days that they stay in refuges. Statistics usually contain much less information on violent males. For example, statistics do not tell us basic things such as how many violent males there are, or when they started behaving violently towards women. Information and awareness-raising campaigns are another case which illustrates the point that AVAW policies are mainly directed to women (to victims). Most campaigns promoted by the Spanish state are chiefly directed to female victims of violence. All campaigns try to encourage victims to denounce aggressors. Campaigns are hardly ever directed at men, encouraging them not to behave violently against women (for instance, proclaiming that attacking women is shameful, reprehensible and intolerable behaviour). In Spain, very few programmes for male perpetrators of violence against women exist. Some treatment for rapists and sex offenders (but hardly any for batterers) is available in some prisons. These are very few pilot experiments, and have not been generalised to all prisons. These programmes are voluntary. The inadequacy of the design and the scarce supply of programmes for violent males have been denounced by the mass media and by many people, including professionals who at some point work with violent males, for instance, psychologists who elaborate reports on the mental health of presumed criminals to be used in court (El País 30 March 1998:Madrid 4). The denunciation by the mass media was particularly visible in 1998 with the case of the so-called "Rapist of the urban expansion area" (El violador del Ensanche), after the name of the area in the city of Barcelona where he committed the 140 sexual attacks to which he confessed. According to a legally correct decision, he was released in 1998 after 15 years of prison. The judge thought that he was still dangerous. While in prison, he had systematically refused to undertake any psychological programme for violent males (El País 18 October 1998:17). Generally speaking, and with some exceptions, the state does not intend to prevent the perpetration of violent acts against women, but to intervene only after violence has taken place. This is one of the reasons why state actions usually centre around the victim, encouraging her to file a complaint and initiate a legal process. If the state intended to

137 prevent the perpetration of violence, it would establish more measures directed at men, who after all are the aggressors in most cases, and are the potential aggressors.40 For instance, the state would set up extensive programmes at schools to teach minors to solve conflicts resorting on negotiation rather than imposition and violence. The state would put in practice rehabilitation programmes for violent males and would do this in various settings and not only in prisons. The state would also be much more active in the area of mass media communications, developing actions jointly with the media regarding the prevention of violence. There are only pilot research projects of this type of measures directed to men and all of these have a voluntary, exploratory, and pilot character. For instance, in 1998 the government started to talk about prevention of violence with the mass media, especially with television (El País 15 October 1998:28). To conclude, it is argued in this paper that the fact that AVAW measures are mainly directed at women impedes the effectiveness of policies to combat violence against women, since men (not women) are the root of the problem. THE IMPLEMENTATION DEFICIT OF POLICIES TO COMBAT VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN As it has already been pointed out (Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis, 1999; Defensor del Pueblo, 1998; Valiente, 1996), the main problem regarding the relatively weak efficiency of AVAW policies in Spain is the deficit of implementation. Let me illustrate the weak implementation of AVAW policies in the case of the functioning of the judicial system. It has been identified as the biggest obstacle for the successful implementation of measures against perpetrators of violent attacks against women (Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis, 1999; Gutiérrez, 1989:42-43; Threlfall, 1985:61). Women's advocates have insistently complained about the (illegal) slowness and superficiality which have characterised the examination of victims by some forensic surgeons (Asociación Española de Mujeres Separadas y Divorciadas, 1985:23; Gutiérrez, 1989:25-26). In addition, feminists have objected to the relevant number of complaints of violent attacks against women (specially in the case of domestic violence) which are classified by judges of the lower courts as misdemeanours instead of offences, and have therefore been punished accordingly in the subsequent trial.41 In addition, feminists have insistently complained about the proportion of cases in which violent males are not punished: for instance, 82 percent of men who had been denounced for domestic violence in the region of Madrid between 1992 and 1996 (Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis, 1999:43-44). Feminists have also denounced several (illegal) practices that regularly occur in trials, practices which hinder the explicit aim of the laws of effectively protecting the victims and punishing the perpetrators of violence. First of all, as has been explained by Allison and Wrightsman (1993:171-194) for rape trials in the USA context, and by Sue Lees (1992) for murder trials in Great Britain, on many occasions a trial of violent acts against women becomes a trial of the victims. They frequently have to answer questions related to their style of living or to their past sexual activities, under the suspicion that some women (for instance, those who go out alone at night, or who frequent bars, or who do not have a permanent
40

According to a study of the complaints of domestic violence filed in the region of Madrid between 1992 and 1996, aggressors were men in 90 percent of the cases (Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis, 1993:13). As explained above, the punishment of misdemeanours is lower than that of offences.

41

138 domicile or a stable partner, or wear certain types of clothes, or are conceptualised as promiscuous) put themselves in danger of being treated violently, since they might indirectly induce men to behave in such way. Feminists have demanded with vehemence that judges, prosecutors and lawyers do not investigate the private life of the victims unless it is strictly necessary, since what is judged in a trial of this type is the violent behaviour of the presumed perpetrator, and not the intimate life of the victim (Instituto de la Mujer, 1985:71-72). A decision of the Supreme Court of Justice (Tribunal Supremo), that is, the highest judicial unit in all matters except those related to constitutional guarantees, in 1990, corroborated feminists' arguments, declaring that the sexual life of a victim of rape before rape takes place is irrelevant to the trial (El País 5 November 1990:29). Nevertheless, even now some judges, prosecutors and lawyers make investigations into the previous sexual life of the victim, investigations which are not at all necessary for the elucidation of the cases. In these cases, state actions to combat violence against women focus on women, even in the moment when violent actions of male perpetrators are being judged in court. The feminist movement has also complained that prosecutors very often are not active enough in the investigation of violent acts against women before the trial takes place, and do not subsequently maintain charges against presumed perpetrators of violence (Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis, 1999; Baiges, 1985:11; Cova and Arozena, 1985:36). This alleged deficit in maintaining charges by prosecutors is very important, because when judges write court decisions they punish perpetrators of violence with a punishment equal or lower than the punishment demanded by prosecutors. This lack of action by prosecutors has happened in spite of repeated instructions from the attorney general of the state (Fiscal General del Estado) to be active in the prosecution of violent crimes against women - for instance, in October 1998 (El País 17 October 1998). Another battlefront of feminists' struggles has been the investigation during the trial of the reactions of female victims of violence, specially in cases of rape. The penal code does not say anything about this matter, but in Spain, as in many other countries, it has been a widespread requirement in trials that rape victims prove that they had very actively resisted their aggressors. This de facto requirement is paradoxical, since victims of other offences or misdemeanours, for instance, robbery, did not have to prove that they had resisted the thieves. After numerous decisions by the Supreme Court of Justice which made reference to the high degree of resistance of rape victims, the Supreme Court of Justice affirmed in a decision of 1987 that rape victims do not have to prove that they have "heroically" resisted rapists, and that it was enough to show that they have been intimidated or threatened, for instance, with a knife (El País 8 October 1987:29). While the matter seemed theoretically to have been settled, feminists have complained that in many trials victims are still asked to prove that their degree of resistance to rapists was high. As a consequence of this, and the investigation of the degree of the resistance, victims have had to answer humiliating and embarrassing questions. For instance, in 1989, in a rape trial, the presumed victim was asked if the day of the rape she wore underpants. According to the president of the court, the question was necessary in order to calibrate how the alleged rapist had acted (and the victim resisted), bearing in mind that he had a knife in one hand, and with the other he had to take some clothes off the victim, a task which would have been harder or easier depending on her resistance (El País 27 June 1989:24; 28 June 1989:31). CONCLUSION This paper has described the main policies against violence against women established in Spain after 1975. AVAW policies have mainly been of two types: legal reforms, which

139 define attacks against women as misdemeanours or crimes; and services to support and protect the victims. With some minor exceptions, legal reforms are, on paper, mainly complete. In contrast, services for victims are comparatively speaking scarce and could be developed considerably. The chief problem in the policy area is the deficit of implementation of the AVAW measures already formulated. A problem of secondary, but not negligible, importance is the fact that most policies are directed at women, who are in most cases the victims of violence, but not at men, who are the perpetrators of attacks. The equivalent of fighting against violence against women with measures directed to women would be to combat anti-semitism with policies to protect Jews (rather than preventing Anti-Semites from attacking Jews), or to eradicate robbery with measures protecting the whole population against thieves (rather than making the lives of thieves really hard). If the diagnoses of the factors that explain the limited effectiveness of AVAW policies identified in this paper are correct, the recommended future direction of policies is clear. State action in this policy area will be more efficient only when programmes which are elaborated are also put into practice. In addition, the state should undertake more measures which try to prevent violence (and therefore which are directed at men). Two or three decades ago, feminists realised in all countries that women live in a violent world. An increasing number of activists have subsequently thought that effective resistance to the phenomenon of violence against women across countries should involve not only the women's movement but also the state (Heise et al., 1994:1174). If the description of the characteristics and dynamics of this policy area made in this paper is accurate, it might be concluded that feminists' provision of direct help to the victims of violence is still going to be useful and irreplaceable in the future. This has been, in fact, the strategy pursued by women's advocates in Spain in the last three decades. It is not only that the supply of direct assistance to victims (and programmes for the population in general) has never been abandoned, but also that such programmes have flourished in recent years. It is also encouraging to bear in mind that the issue of violence against women, together with abortion, are still unifying motives for the different branches of the Spanish feminist movement to engage in joint activities, even though the movement, in relation to other issues, has usually been very fragmented. Programmes directed towards men (the aggressors or the potential aggressors) may or may not develop in Spain in the near future. This type of programme is a thorny issue for the Spanish feminist movement. As in other countries, many strands of the movement think that the establishment of measures for men would detract from the already scarce resources for programmes for victims (mainly women). While feminists have acquired expertise denouncing violent attacks against women and administering services for victims, other people or professionals (for instance, male psychologists, or members of men's movements) may also claim expertise in the treatment of violent males. If such is the case, a material and symbolic battle around expertise in the policy area of violence against women will probably be seen in the years to come, together with other less predictable developments which will call our attention as researchers and citizens. *** References Addis, Elisabetta 1989. "What Women Should Ask of the Law: Italian Feminist Debate on the Legal System and Sexual Violence." Harvard University Center for European Studies Working Paper Series Number 18.

140 Allison, Julie A. and Lawrence S. Wrightsman 1993. Rape: the Misunderstood Crime. Newbury Park (California): Sage. Asociación Española de Mujeres Separadas y Divorciadas 1985. "Pago de emplazamientos a funcionarios de justicia." In Primeras jornadas: aplicación del Derecho y la mujer Ed. by Instituto de la Mujer, 21-23. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer. Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis 1999. Respuesta penal a la violencia familiar. Madrid: Asociación de Mujeres Juristas Themis and Consejo de la Mujer de la Comunidad de Madrid. Baiges, Mayte 1985. "Introducción." In Primeras jornadas: aplicación del Derecho y la mujer Ed. by Instituto de la Mujer, 9-12. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer. Bustos, Juan 1991. Manual de Derecho Penal: parte especial. Barcelona: Ariel. Cabo, Manuel (ed.) 1993. Manual de Derecho Penal (parte especial) I. Madrid: Editoriales de Derecho Reunidas. Connors, Jane Frances 1989. Violence against Women in the Family. New York: United Nations Office at Vienna. Center for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs. Cova, Luz M. and Soledad Arozena, 1985. "Aplicación del Derecho." In Primeras jornadas: aplicación del Derecho y la mujer Ed. by Instituto de la Mujer, 35-37. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer. Defensor del Pueblo 1998. Informe sobre la violencia doméstica contra las mujeres (unpublished report). El País 1978-December 1999. Gutiérrez, Purificación 1989. "La administración de la justicia ante el problema de los 'malos tratos' en el ámbito doméstico" (unpublished paper). Gutiérrez, Purificación 1990. "Violencia doméstica: respuesta legal e institucional." In Violencia y sociedad patriarcal Ed. by Virginia Maquieira and Cristina Sánchez, 123-136. Madrid: Pablo Iglesias. Heise, Lori L., and Alanagh Raikes, and Charlotte H. Watts, and Anthony B. Zwi 1994. "Violence Against Women: A Neglected Public Health Issue in Less Developed Countries." Social Science Medicine Vol.39, Number 9:1165-1179. Instituto de la Mujer 1985. "Conclusiones de las primeras jornadas de aplicación del Derecho en relación a la mujer." In Primeras jornadas: aplicación del Derecho y la mujer Ed. by Instituto de la Mujer, 69-75. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer. Instituto de la Mujer 1986. El Instituto de la Mujer 1983-1986. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer. Instituto de la Mujer 1994. La mujer en cifras: una década, 1982-1992. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer. Instituto de la Mujer 1997. Las mujeres en cifras 1997. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer.

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Instituto de la Mujer 1998. Plan de Acción contra la violencia doméstica. Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer. Kornblit, Ana Lia 1994. "Domestic Violence - An Emerging Health Issue." Social Science Medicine Vol.39, No.9:1181-1188. Lees, Sue 1992. "Naggers, Whores, and Libbers: Provoking Men to Kill." In Femicide: the Politics of Woman Killing Ed. by Jill Radford and Diana E.H. Russell, 267-288. New York: Twayne. López, Jacobo 1992. Manual de Derecho Penal: parte especial III. Madrid: Akal. Scanlon, Geraldine M. 1990. "El movimiento feminista en España, 1900-1985: logros y dificultades." In Participación política de las mujeres Ed. by Judith Astelarra, 83-100. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas and Siglo XXI. Spanish Senate 1989. "Informe de la Comisión de Relaciones con el Defensor del Pueblo y de los Derechos Humanos encargada del estudio de la mujer maltratada." Boletín de las Cortes Generales. Senado May 12, Number 313:12182-12211. Stetson, Dorothy McBride 1987. Women's Rights in France. Westport (Connecticut): Greenwood Press. Stetson, Dorothy McBride; Mazur, Amy G. (eds.) 1995. Comparative State Feminism. Thousand Oaks (California): Sage. Stout, Karen 1992. "'Intimate Femicide': Effect on Legislation and Social Services." In Femicide: the Politics of Woman Killing Ed. by Jill Radford and Diana E.H. Russell, 133140. New York: Twayne. Threlfall, Monica 1985. "The Women's Movement in Spain" New Left Review 151:44-73. Valiente, Celia 1995. "The Power of Persuasion: The Instituto de la Mujer in Spain." In Comparative State Feminism Ed. by Dorothy McBride Stetson and Amy G. Mazur. Newbury Park (CA): Sage (forthcoming). Valiente, Celia 1996. "Partial Achievements of Central-State Public Policies Against Violence Against Women in Post-Authoritarian Spain (1975-1995)" In Women in a Violent World: Feminist Analyses and Resistance Across 'Europe' Ed. by Chris Corrin, 166-185. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

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Police methods to counteract violence against women
Ms Helene GÖRTZEN Stockholm County Police Authority, Sweden
In 1864, wife-beating was made a criminal offence under Swedish law. Unfortunately, the violence is still with us, 130 years on. In 1999, women still live in fear of mental, physical and sexual abuse, and how is one to explain the fact that men are still beating up women in our modern, democratic society? Alice, Najma, Irma and Lena - along with so many others, our mothers, daughters, sisters and friends, were murdered by their partner or ex-partner last year. How can we as, for instance, police officers, help and protect the women and children whose living rooms have become torture chambers rather than the warm and safe place we all call home? I am Helene Görtzen, and I work as a police officer in the Stockholm County Police Force. I graduated from the Police Academy in 1982 and since November 1996 I have been co-ordinating a joint venture called Operation Kvinnofrid - that means roughly "Peace for Women". Today, the steering committee consists of twelve regional and national authorities joined in the struggle against men's violence against women and consists of the heads of each of the authorities. Operation Kvinnofrid is a long-term project and the authorities involved have drawn up policy documents and action plans stating the goals and methods for counteracting violence against women. We seek to increase public knowledge and understanding of the issue by encouraging people to intervene whenever they become aware of violence being committed. We also hope to persuade politicians, public figures and journalists to focus on the problem - men's violence against women. In 1998, a new offence was introduced into the Penal Code in Sweden: Gross violation of a woman's integrity. Its purpose is to deal with repeated, punishable acts directed by men against women having a close relationship with the perpetrator, but it also covers children and other closely related persons: Gross violation of integrity. In short, if a man commits certain criminal acts such as assault, unlawful threat or coercion, sexual or other molestation, sexual exploitation, etc against a woman to whom he is or has been married or with whom he is or has been cohabiting, he shall be sentenced for gross violation of the woman's integrity, instead of for the crime that each of the acts comprises. A necessary condition for sentencing for the new offence is that the acts were part of a repeated violation of the woman's integrity and were likely to damage seriously her self confidence. The punishment is imprisonment for at least six months, and at most six years. Public campaigns, legislation, technical support and action plans are all fine, but what it comes down to is the individual police officer's attitudes towards the violence, and what kind of support he or she gets from the supervisor. I strongly believe that, first of all, what we need is the authority to work with these issues on a long-term basis and to be able to get that authority we need to wake up the boss (if he's not already up). Tell him the story of Alice, Najma, Irma and Lena. Tell him the life of their children and how they lost their mother. If that doesn't work, show him the statistics. In Stockholm County alone, we have approximately 4000 reported crimes of wife-beating every year. Add to that the percentage of crimes unknown to the police, which scientists estimate at about 70 or 80. Add to that the

143 number of rapes and threats committed every day by doctors, postmen, carpenters and police officers and then ask him: would your daughter like to live in your precinct? Fortunately, I didn't have to do all that. My boss does not ask what we have done to satisfy the Department of Justice today. He asks what we have done to help and support the women in Stockholm today. It is my responsibility as a police officer to know what questions to ask when called to the scene of a crime or faced with a woman coming into the police station, and what questions not to ask, and most important to dare to listen to her answers and to know what to do next. It is the responsibility of the police officer to inform the woman about where she and her children can get professional help, such as counselling, financial aid, shelter, etc. and it is the responsibility of the police officer to co-operate with other authorities and NGOs in order to minimise the risk of the woman falling between chairs. Alone, we cannot make changes. The chain of supporters has to be strong and well-educated, and to work with authority. Therefore, extensive training programmes have been drawn up, not only for police officers but also for social workers, the health service and school personnel, among others, both on an individual and on a mutual basis. Since 1992, we have set up 20 multi-agency groups in the County of Stockholm. These groups come together to exchange knowledge and experience. They come together for seminars and training and they also convey their knowledge to their colleagues on returning to their work place. Police officers often serve as motors and initiators in these multi-agency groups. So, with the support of our heads on the one hand, the work of the multi-agency groups on the other, training and the responsibility of the individual police officer, we CAN make a difference and we CAN fight men's violence against women. And for as long as we know of one police officer making degrading marks directly to the woman or about the woman in question, we need to go on fighting. I know that knowledge, support and co-operation will eventually lead to a change in attitudes. We also need technical support to be able to help and protect. In 1991, every police station in Sweden was equipped with so-called alarm kits which can be given to threatened women free of charge. These kits consist of, for example, alarm systems for the home, acoustic alarms and mobile phones. We can also, in very severe cases and for a limited period of time, assign a close protection officer to the woman. And yet, with all these measures, taken, why do we still read about women like Alice and Najma every day? As long as there is a considerable imbalance in the power relations between women and men in society, there will be violence. As long as we consider men's violence against women and equal opportunities between men and women a women's issue, there will be violence. Men, in general, need to stand up and join the struggle against men's violence against women. Men need to show other men the way to a more equal, balanced society. And I am glad to say that more and more men ARE joining. I would like to close by telling you the true story of a four year-old boy. This is an example of co-operation, in this case between a woman's shelter and the police in Stockholm. Ben and his mother live in a shelter because Ben's father has mentally, physically and sexually abused Ben's mother. The boy has on numerous occasions witnessed the abuse. But Ben still loves his father, and from time to time he is allowed to call him from the shelter. He does so on a speaker phone, and under the supervision of a social worker.

144 Ben's dream is to become the chief of police and he has often met police officers, together with his mother, and the police often visit the shelter just to make sure everything is OK. One day, Ben is on the phone with his dad, and the social worker not far away (we don't want Ben to reveal the location of the shelter). She hears him tell his father about what they had for dinner, what colour he has chosen for his new T-shirt, and things that are important for a four year-old. All of a sudden, Ben's father says "That's nice, Ben, but where do you and mum live?". A moment of silence follows, and before the social worker can intervene she hears Ben's voice loud and clear: "You won't believe this dad, but we live in a big, beautiful house full of police officers". Ben and his mother now live in an apartment by themselves. She is working and earning a living on her own, and Ben appears to be happy in kindergarten. They look like any other mother and child when we meet in a café in the centre of Stockholm. But we all know, though, that the worst scars are on the inside.

145

"Men in Transition": The representation of Men's Violence against Women in the Arctic
Bo Wagner SØRENSEN, University of Copenhagen, Denmark
My professional interest in male violence against women dates back to 1988 when I began my ethnographic fieldwork in Nuuk, the capital of Greenland. The town has a population of 13,000 people, which is about one fourth of the total population of Greenland. My main focus has been on discourses on violence against women - that is, how local people and regional specialists talk about, write about, contextualise, represent and explain this phenomenon in Greenland and the Arctic in general (Sørensen 1990, 1994, 1998). The dominant public discourse revolves around rapid and extensive social and cultural change as the key explanation. The Inuit are thus represented as a population "in transition," caught between their traditional world and the modern world and suffering from "acculturative stress" (Bjerregaard & Young 1998) or "the loss of a sense of identity and self-worth" (Griffiths 1996:12). Bjerregaard and Young try to assess the general mental health and wellbeing of the Inuit, stating that: "The Inuit are subject to immense psychosocial stress as their communities undergo profound social and cultural changes. In most Inuit communities, the last 40 years, which represent little more than one generation, have been a period when the traditional lifestyle irrevocably gave way to western life styles" (Bjerregaard & Young 1998:149). According to this epidemiological perspective, high rates of violence and other social problems are symptoms of an underlying socio-cultural alienation. In short, violence against women is seen as one of many "social diseases" that ultimately spring from conflictridden societies out of balance (cf. Sorensen 1999a). The gendered nature of violence is often not reflected upon. I find this regional emphasis on socio-cultural change and its preoccupation with historical causation both interesting and disturbing, and it seems there is a certain potential in trying to look into the relationship between expert and local representations, but also to compare regional traditions of representing male violence against women. Do different regional representations spring directly from diverse empirical realities? If not, how can they be explained? What are the implications of a "Greenlander men in transition" approach? Local representations Domination by nation-states, including "enforced," rapid modernisation and its impact on indigenous peoples, is part of a master narrative which is not only used by specialists, but also sometimes invoked by local people. However, people in Nuuk seem to make use of two main explanatory approaches depending on context (cf. Sørensen 1998:164). When they comment on actual local cases of wife beating (I use this term as a shorthand for men's violence to known women), they never put the case in a larger theoretical or (gender) political perspective, whereas the personality and drinking behaviour of both parties usually come up. Some cases are generally construed as "wife beating," which is a term that entails notions of illegitimacy and reproach. Other cases are met with indifference and "dismissal" on the grounds that "this is their way." Phrases such as "they fight" and "it takes two" are also common. The overall picture is that people in Nuuk do not take sharp issue with men's use of physical "force" in intimate relationships. Interestingly, women and men do not differ in this regard. In any case, people focus on individual agency when dealing with known cases of so-called "domestic violence."

146 On the other hand, when people try to reflect on and explain violence against women in Greenland in general, they often turn to the master narrative as a main explanatory framework, invoking the rapid development, the unbalanced society and the loss of the Greenlander soul. Some proceed along more gendered lines of thinking, arguing that women have been more able to cope with modernisation, among others because they are raised to be more flexible than men. The gender-oriented versions, however, are usually just as much an excuse for men's abuse and violence as the seemingly gender neutral epidemiological perspective. It is often argued that the Greenlander man has been more directly confronted with Danish dominance and competition in workplaces, politics, etc., in the course of history. His traditional authority as a "proud hunter" and a breadwinner has been undermined and he is left humiliated and bereaved of identity and status (Petersen 1994). The dominant discourse on gender and gender relations in today's Greenland revolves around female winners and male losers (cf. Sørensen 1998b). In her article, "Superwoman and the troubled man", a Greenlander woman concludes: "It is understandable that the Greenlander man feels inferior, powerless, and even ridiculous. He has no way to deal with his anger and his pain! He feels no one takes him seriously. So, inevitably, all these powerful and overwhelming feelings are taken out on the Greenlander woman. In short, that is why she is the victim of violence and murder in Greenlander society today" (Petersen 1994:140). Such sweeping and emotional generalisations which make use of accumulated historical pain in order to explain today's violence against women could easily be deconstructed and repudiated, but this is not the place. It is of interest that the positioned argument has a clear political address even though Greenland has had Home Rule since 1979, which secures a high degree of self-government. It is also of interest that a gender-oriented perspective in the Greenlander setting is usually not equivalent to a feminist perspective. It serves instead as an historically deep-seated excuse for male violence. The responsibility for violence is externalised. Violent Greenlander men just act out the anger and pain accumulated through generations. Both local people and experts/scientists, who are often, but not exclusively, nonlocals, can thus be seen to share an understanding of violence as a symptomatic reaction to circumstances beyond control. However, historical injuries and sufferings are never brought up in everyday discourse on violence where personality, behaviour, attitude, drinking pattern, and family background are keys to third parties' evaluations of the situation. Family ties and friendship with either the man or the woman are, of course, also important in this connection. Anyway, the everyday discursive practice is a far cry away from the master narrative. This does not mean that violent men are not often excused on the grounds of being drunk, being jealous, etc., or because of their wives' "unseemly" behaviour. On the whole, however, violent men are not totally relieved from personal responsibility. Regional traditions Greenland tends to be represented as "our" cultural other. Depicted as a strange and exotic field, it seems to both attract and call for special treatment. Before I went to Greenland for the first time, I had no reason to question the emphasis on historical change in the regional literature. I also had no reason to question the assumptions, which were more often than not presented as facts, about how the rapid change had affected people. However, living in Greenland for four years has made me increasingly sceptical of the idea that social phenomena or problems in Greenland are so unique that they call for special explanations (cf.

147 Sørensen 1999b on alcohol use and abuse). I therefore argue in favour of some sort of common ground approach that can make use of insights gained from other parts of the world, and not just other indigenous peoples in the Arctic and elsewhere. The problem with regional traditions is that they tend to be self-centred and selfreferential. Writing about the development of anthropological ideas, Ardener states that "anthropology at the creative stage consists of the transmuting of a certain kind of experience into a certain kind of text. For a time, only the actual or a similar experience can produce such texts. Later, however, people become skilled in imitating the texts themselves. What was once life becomes simply genre. (...) Within a genre texts generate texts" (Ardener 1985:52). The process from life to genre is endemic in all kinds of textual production. However, it seems likely that a numerically small regional field like eskimology will be more prone to reproduce the regional genre which is reflected in the so-called master narrative. Societies under stress In a recent article, McWilliams (1998) writes about violence against women in "societies under stress", emphasising that the term itself requires some clarification. She mentions that it could include societies that are undergoing a process of modernisation; those experiencing the effects of colonisation; or those in which civil disorder, terrorism, or war has occurred. Her main focus is Northern Ireland, but she refers to a wide range of cross-cultural studies. McWilliams (1998:138) concludes that in societies under stress, there are fewer options for women and fewer controls on men. Women are exposed to "extra" abuses. McWilliams' article is reflective and her points well argumented. On the face of it, her article could be a case in point as regards Greenland, which is a former Danish colony (since 1721) whose colonial status was abolished in 1953 when Greenland became an integral part of the Kingdom of Denmark, thus giving Greenlanders equal status to Danes. When Greenland Home Rule was established in 1979, the Greenlander population achieved a high degree of self-government. Today's Greenland may thus be characterised as a micro state. Anyway, Greenland has been colonised, and the population has experienced the process of modernisation during the 1950s and 1960s, especially, with local variations. If we take seriously the possibility of "extra" abuses in Greenland, how do we go about it? The term "extra" seems to imply comparison; either between two moments in the historical span of Greenland, or between Greenland and other cultures and societies. *** The first option shows in much literature on Greenland which operate within a traditional/modern or before/after framework. These studies, of course, reflect socio-cultural changes, but at the same time they have not been able to explain or substantiate the exact relationship between social change and specific social problems. One is left with the general impression that social change is inherently stressful to Greenlanders. The second option is less common, and mostly implicit in the regional literature. I will look at both options in turn. History and modernisation Part of the problem with the representation of Greenlanders and Inuit as populations in transition, caught between two worlds, and marked by stress and loss of sense of identity and self-worth, has to do with under-theorised concepts of history and culture.

148 In a comment on history and social change, Ortner problematises the conventional historiographic approach: "To answer (...) questions with the word "history" is to avoid them, if by history is meant largely a chain of external events to which people react. History is not simply something that happens to people, but something they make - within, of course, the very powerful constraints of the system within which they are operating" (Ortner 1994:403). Hastrup remarks in the same vein: "No people is simply a victim of history, even though many peoples may have been victimised by particularly forceful notions of history" (Hastrup 1992:10-11). Ortner makes a useful distinction between action and re-action which can be applied to the two main approaches to men's violence against women: the actor-oriented and the symptom-oriented approach. While the former focuses on social actors engaged in motivated social practice, the latter focuses on how individuals and/or groups re-act to the (assumed) effects of external forces. Another related problem is that it is often taken for granted that "traditional society" is squarely the true Inuit society, whereas "modern society" is introduced from outside and therefore not fully compatible with Inuit cultural values. Cultural essentialism is evident. As an analytic tool, the traditional/modern dichotomy tends to freeze difference into stereotypes. It should also be mentioned that change has not come overnight, and that different generations of Greenlanders have been raised under different conditions. To speak of the Greenlander man, for example, therefore represents a gross simplification. It is also a fact that wage work among Greenlanders is not an exclusively "modern" or recent phenomenon. As early as in 1860, about 12,5 per cent of the West Greenlander population were dependent on income from employment in the Royal Greenland Trade Department (Marquardt 1993:97-98). Cohen directs a harsh critique against the early predictions of the effects of "modernisation" and "development": "They both assume that people can have their culture stripped away, leaving them quite void, then to be refilled by some imported superstructure. They assume, in other words, that people are somehow passive in relation to culture: they receive it, transmit is, express it, but do not create it" (Cohen 1985:36). Now as always, people appropriate foreign goods, knowledge, ideas, forms and institutions; the foreign is domesticated and infused with local meanings. We therefore cannot assume that we know what social change means to local people. Some historical anthropologists therefore distinguish between happenings and events, according to which events are those happenings that have been experienced and registered locally as socially significant. Cross-cultural comparison Nuuk and the other Greenlander towns and settlements that I am familiar with can hardly be described as communities under stress if this implies a lack of cultural continuity and norms. I would characterise Nuuk as a highly moral community in many respects, and I believe that most local people would agree, but at the same time, people do not always live up to their own moral standards in their everyday life. However, if one has an epidemiological approach, each deviation from a Danish or West European standard tends to be read as a symptom of a society out of balance. When statistics show that the Greenlander population consume more alcohol and have higher crime rates than the Danes, they add implicitly to conventional thinking about "children's diseases" in a society in transition. As exotic as the Greenlander/Arctic scenery may be, it seems to me that studies of social problems within this region would profit from engaging the general theoretical

149 literature. The regional symptom-oriented approach is geared towards historical causation which, ironically, seems to imply a strategy of essentialising emotions, and introspection (cf. Abu-Lughod & Lutz 1990). Perpetrators of violence are thus believed to be in despair. Acts of violence, in turn, are perceived as the result/outlet of bottled-up feelings of frustration and anger. Such an idea of emotions is based on the model of "heat of emotional fluid in a bodily container," which seems to have a basis in bodily experience (Lakoff & Kovecses 1987). This does not mean, however, that we should take this popular model at face value. Instead, we should look at the role of emotional discourses in social action (Lutz & Abu-Lughod 1990). This would imply asking, for instance, who feels entitled to express anger when and towards whom. Power and control, which are key concepts in the general literature on violence against women, are conspicuously absent in most writings about violence in the Arctic. If women in Greenland are exposed to "extra" abuses, which there is reason to believe - at least if we compare Greenland with Denmark - it is largely due to the fact that violence is tolerated and condoned to a large degree. It has to do with local social practice at all levels. The problem revisited Men's violence against women in Greenland is basically not different from men's violence elsewhere. Some people may give explanations that are culture specific in the sense that they refer to local, positioned perspectives on the phenomenon. And ideas about causation are also based on social experience which means that they are not free-flowing, but tied to a certain cultural space. Local discourses may thus offer important insights as they are tied up with social practice and have material implications. The empirical data on violence against women in Greenland seem to suggest that the phenomenon is simultaneously seen as a problem and minimised. According to the so-called master narrative, men's use of violence is excused and externalised; according to the discursive practice of everyday life, men are held responsible, but only partly so because of many locally perceived mitigating circumstances. The same ambivalence is reflected in the practice of local authorities. "Domestic violence" tends to be trivialised; it is a way of life. The split between public and private violence means that local authorities fail to protect women in their own homes. Instead, violence is protected by privacy. All in all, the ambivalent stance towards men's violence against women seems to make fertile ground for (the continuation of) a practice of violence. The same ambivalence on the part of both ordinary people, experts and authorities seems characteristic of Denmark and many other countries. The difference may be in degree rather than in kind. Most of the talk and reflections on violence I heard in Nuuk also had a familiar ring. The conflicts of interest between husbands and wives which Dobash and Dobash (1998) present on the basis of studies in the UK make perfect sense in a Greenlander context as well, and so does their statement: "The right to punish wrongdoings, like the exercise of authority and power, is vested in husbands and not wives, thus allowing men to be violent simply because of their position" (Dobash & Dobash 1998:145). Eroticised violence (cf. Lundgren 1995, 1998) is also part of the Greenlander practice even if, at first glance, men's violence seems to concentrate on gender boundary maintenance, control and discipline. However, these endeavours are likely to have a component of passion and eroticism. Fantasies of power are fantasies of identity, and according to Moore, "sexuality

150 is intimately connected with power in such a way that power and force are themselves sexualised, that is they are inscribed with gender difference and gender hierarchy" (Moore 1994:149). There are also clear parallels to be drawn between gendered and ethnic violence. Both have to do with the process of "othering." Jenkins, who has dealt with ethnic conflict in Northern Ireland, suggests that: "Verbal abuse and violence are concerned with the beating of ethnic boundaries through the enforcement of definitions of what the ethnic "other" is or must do. Power is at the heart of the matter. (...) Violence and its threat (...) have been somewhat underestimated as a routine mechanism of control and a strategy for achieving goals. Violence to others, up to and including killing, may - in addition to all of its other dimensions - be the ultimate form of categorisation“ (Jenkins 1997:65). According to Jenkins, violence really is "putting them in their place" (Jenkins 1997:106). I believe that Lundgren (1995, 1998) is working along the same lines of thinking when she shows how men in a fundamentalist Christian setting in Norway undertake the task of constructing or moulding their wives by means of violence according to their ideas of true femininity. During the process, the women's own definitions of - and space for - femininity are gradually reduced until they are erased and "killed" as individual women. Once again, there are clear parallels to Greenland, where violent men are preoccupied with trying to correct and mould their wives according to their models of an ideal wife and woman. Ironically, they try to "kill" the very same personality that may have attracted them in the first place. When it comes to everyday rationalisations and motives for using violence, Greenlander men also do not seem to differ radically from men elsewhere (cf. Dobash & Dobash 1998). A man in his thirties expressed no doubt whatsoever that he had to silence his wife - if necessary with violent means - if she kept on pushing and nagging. By stepping out of line and not respecting his "case closed" attitude, she asked for it. She was responsible for the violent outcome. When I (naively) argued that the situation seen from her perspective might appear somewhat differently, thereby questioning his authority and right to punish, I was ignored and silenced as well. In his self-representation, he was the reasonable arbiter of right and wrong. This man's way of rationalising is just one example out of many which all point to the fact that many men in Greenland - and elsewhere - think that they are entitled to set the scene, set certain standards and rules and make sure they are kept. If a woman should happen to thwart or challenge her husband's tactical pre-emptions (cf. Riches 1986), he will put her in her place, and she will be held responsible according to the well-known logic of blaming the victim. My interviews with battered Greenlander women showed that their men often turned to violence in order to shut them up and putting them in their place. One of the women summed up her husband's violent attacks in simple words: "He is obsessed with being right always." Another woman said that her husband had disapproved of her being too clever, outspoken and eager to discuss all kinds of matters. He had felt threatened and provoked by her disposition. Another female interviewee said that many men, perhaps most men, beat to show the woman that they are stronger than she is, without any other particular motive. Men's efforts to silence, control, intimidate and discipline their wives in every way were recurrent in the interviews.

151 Conclusion I have tried to question a certain regional tradition and representation, according to which men beat their wives because they are in a transitional, stressful phase between traditional and modern society. According to this epidemiological perspective, poor mental health among the Greenlanders and the Inuit accounts for violence against women and other social "diseases." My intention is not just to problematise the dominant representation of violence in Greenland and the Arctic, but to contribute to a more general discussion of the relationship between social change and violence. It is telling that men's violence in the Arctic is usually expected to call for a special explanatory framework. On the face of it, this would seem to indicate an empirically grounded approach. However, this is not the case, as people in general are not accorded agency. Consequently, the perpetrators of violence are not seen as motivated social actors, but rather as victims of externally inflicted change. A grounded approach must ask the questions: What do men (in specific socio-cultural settings) gain from using violence, intentionally and unintentionally? How is violence possible in the first place? People who speak and write within the Arctic regional genre seem to be on the lookout for factors that may explain violence and "trouble" in general, and precisely because they are informed by structural-functionalist thinking they have to come up with very good - or "deep" - reasons as to why such "anti-social" and "irrational" behaviour takes place. Instead, they might have treated violence as values acted out. Interestingly, such a perspective seems closer to the discursive practice of everyday life among people in Nuuk. *** Literature Abu-Lughod, Lila & Catherine A. Lutz 1990 Introduction: Emotion, Discourse, and the Politics of Everyday Life. In: C. A. Lutz & L. Abu-Lughod (eds.): Language and the Politics of Emotion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Ardener, Edwin1985 Social anthropology and the decline of Modernism. In: J. Overing (ed.): Reason and Morality. London: Tavistock. Bjerregaard, Peter & T. Kue Young 1998 The Circumpolar Inuit: Health of a Population in Transition. Copenhagen: Munksgaard. Cohen, Anthony P. 1985 The Symbolic Construction of Community. London: Tavistock. Dobash, Rebecca Emerson & Russell P. Dobash 1998 Violent Men and Violent Contexts. In: R. E. Dobash & R. P. Dobash (eds.): Rethinking Violence Against Women. London: Sage. Griffiths, Curt Taylor 1996 Crime, Law, and Justice in the Circumpolar North: The Greenlandic Experience in a Comparative Context. In: H. Garlik Jensen & T. Agersnap (eds.): Crime, Law and Justice in Greenland. Copenhagen: New Social Science Monographs. Hastrup, Kirsten 1992 Introduction. In: K. Hastrup (ed.): Other Histories. London: Routledge. Jenkins, Richard 1997 Rethinking Ethnicity: Arguments and Explorations. London: Sage. Lakoff, George & Zoltan Kovecses

152 1987 The Cognitive Model of Anger Inherent in American English. In: D. Holland & N. Quinn (eds.): Cultural Models in Language and Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lundgren, Eva 1995 Feminist Theory and Violent Empiricism. Aldershot, UK: Avebury. 1998 The Hand That Strikes and Comforts: Gender Construction and the Tension Between Body and Symbol. In: R. E. Dobash & R. P. Dobash (eds.): Rethinking Violence Against Women. London: Sage. Lutz, Catherine A. & Lila Abu-Lughod (eds.) 1990 Language and the Politics of Emotion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McWilliams, Monica 1998 Violence Against Women in Societies Under Stress. In: R. E. Dobash & R. P. Dobash (eds.): Rethinking Violence Against Women. London: Sage. Marquardt, Ole 1993 Socio-okonomiske tilstande i Vestgronland paa Rinks tid: antal fastsatte ved KGH og gronlandiseringen af KGH-arbejdspladserne. Gronlandsk Kultur- og Samfundsforskning 93:94-120. Nuuk: Ilisimatusarfik/Atuakkiorfik. Moore, Henrietta 1994 The Problem of Explaining Violence in the Social Sciences. In: P. Harvey & P. Gow (eds.): Sex and Violence: Issues in Representation and Experience. London: Routledge. Ortner, Sherry B. 1994 Theory in Anthropology since the Sixties. In: N. B. Dirks, G. Eley & S. B. Ortner (eds.): Culture/Power/History: A Reader in Contemporary Social Theory. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Petersen, Tove Sovndahl 1994 Superwoman and the Troubled man. In: B. Fougner & M. Larsen-Asp (eds.): The Nordic Countries - A Paradise for Women? Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers. Riches, David 1986 The Phenomenon of Violence. In: D. Riches (ed.): The Anthropology of Violence. Oxford: Blackwell. Sorensen, Bo Wagner 1990 Folk Models of Wife-Beating in Nuuk, Greenland. Folk, Journal of the Danish Ethnographic Society, Vol. 32:93-115. 1994 Magt eller afmagt? Kon, folelser og vold i Groenland (Power or Powerlessness? Gender, Emotions and Violence in Greenland). Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag. 1998 Explanations for Wife Beating in Greenland. In: R. C. A. Klein (ed.): Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Family Violence. London: Routledge. 1999a Concepts and Strategies to Overcome Gender-based Violence: Notes on Greenland. Paper presented at the "European Network on Conflict, Gender and Violence" workshop at "Women's Worlds 99," Tromsù, June 20-26. 1999b Alkohol i Gronland: Problemorienteret forskning og lokal drikkekultur (Alcohol in Greenland: Problem-oriented Research and Local Drinking Culture). To be published in Tidsskriftet Antropologi 39.

153

Conclusions by the General Rapporteur
Dr. Renate KLEIN, University of Maine, USA
Mesdames et Messieurs, Ladies and Gentlemen, The seminar on men and violence against women provided an unusual opportunity to bring together over one hundred researchers, practitioners and policy makers to discuss a wide range of topics related to men's violence against women. In the course of two days we addressed exceedingly complex issues, explored layers of meaning around men's violence, and raised many more questions for future meetings of this kind. I applaud and sincerely thank the Council of Europe, and in particular the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men, and Ms. Ólöf Ólafsdóttir and her formidable team for making this meeting possible and providing a forum for the necessary interdisciplinary and international debate that needs to happen around men's violence against women. Because the details of the reports presented at the seminar are available in print, I shall focus my conclusion on recurring themes and contested understandings.

1.

Methodology and the Evaluation of Research

Several experts addressed the need for quantitative surveys in order to obtain data on the extent of violence against women. Ideally, such data would be reliable, valid, and comparable across different regional and national contexts. Although there has been a development in surveys from an early focus on crime in general to a recent, more specific focus on violence against women, survey design and use are far from perfect. As a minimum, a good survey needs to pay careful attention to the wording of its questions and incorporate language that makes sense to the women who respond to it. Terminology and language are extremely important. One example for this is the differential estimates of sexual assault when women are asked if they have experienced 'rape' or 'coerced sex'. Other important issues in survey research include the matching and training of interviewers, the use of various response formats including closed and open questions, sampling frames, and access strategies that do not exclude those women who are marginalised and particularly at risk of being attacked or assaulted (e.g. elderly women, women belonging to ethnic minorities, immigrants, or the disabled). The meaning of violence can vary considerably within individual respondents who reflect on different experiences with violence. It can vary within countries and across countries and, last but not least, between men and women. While there are some examples of strategies to address the meaning of violence in the context of survey research, there are also many examples of surveys that do not address such variability of meaning but presuppose that violence means the same to women and men. Therefore, caution needs to be exercised in the uncritical design of surveys, and in the uncritical interpretation of their findings. This note of caution needs to be extended to the evaluation of research in general. No research produces facts that speak for themselves. Data, whether quantitative or qualitative, need to be interpreted and organised within frames of reference. Therefore, it is also important to interrogate those frames of reference and ask to what extent they contribute to gender equality and the dignity of women. This is particularly important with regard to statistical data, because most of us are used to thinking of numbers as something 'objective',

154 and considering the privileged position of the notion of 'objectivity' in contemporary science, numbers can be powerful tools of influencing the decision making of scholars, practitioners, or policy makers. It is also necessary to weigh the need for more data on women's victimisation against the need of those women for safety, and to be careful not to 'plunder' women's experiences with violence in the name of science.

2.

Gender as a Fundamental Social Division

Several experts noted that research on violence as well as research on the development, maintenance, and change of feminine and masculine identities needed to be gendered in a way that recognises gender as a fundamental social division. This includes recognising that thinking in relatively rigid dichotomies of male and female difference may itself obscure our understanding of how gender identity develops, is solidified, or can be reconceptualised. It also includes recognising that adding women to masculine social contexts does not automatically deconstruct rigid notions of gender difference, as the example of women in the Israeli military shows.

3.

Focus on the 'Imaginary'

Another recurring theme concerns the inclination to interpret men's violence against constructions of imaginary femininity or masculinity as compared to what women and men actually do or experience. For example, traditional psychoanalytic theory as well as some strands in recent men's literature seem focused on imaginary notions of women, in which women and in particular mothers are constructed as overpowering, omnipotent beings. Such notions of female power are at odds both with the lack of power women in abusive relationships experience and with the perception of teenagers who grew up with violence in the home and who, even under considerable adversity, can have very positive images of their mothers that acknowledge the real-life dilemmas of mothers living with violent husbands or partners. A second example is the rhetoric of men as the protectors of women during warfare, which is at odds with the reports of men leaving women (as well as children and elderly men) behind in villages where they are attacked and/or sexually assaulted by male soldiers from the enemy camp. No doubt, individual men seriously wish to protect their families from harm. And yet, it is painful to witness how often women find themselves unarmed in war, and vulnerable in peace.

4.

Four Perspectives on Explanations for Men's Violence

The experts presented many complex explanations and social theories to explain men's violence that can be highlighted from at least four different perspectives: explanations focusing on internal processes of the integration of violence into masculine identities, explanations focusing on external circumstances presumed to encourage male violence, the risk factor approach, and explanations focusing on the deliberate social construction of institutions that foster those masculine identities in which violence takes a central place.

155 a. Internal Processes: Gender Identity Development and Social Learning

At this meeting we have addressed explanations that detail internal processes underlying violent behaviour and that draw on psychoanalytic theory, socialisation theory, and to some extent learning theory. Psychoanalytic concepts tend to focus on early childhood experiences around the differentiation of Self and Other that lead to complex patterns of the construction of Self and Other. More recent psychoanalytic work includes experiences during adolescence in the formation of gender identity and posits the possibility that, during this period of life, gender identities may in fact be revised. Similarly, notions of social learning tend to focus on early childhood experiences, although social learning continues into adulthood and indeed happens everyday throughout our lives. In fact, we usually do not enter some settings for social learning, such as the workplace or volunteer organisations, until we are adults and other settings, such as the family, may stay with us throughout our lives. If socialisation experiences and the construction of Self and Other do indeed contribute to the formation of violence-identified masculinities and men's violence against women, we need to be open to the possibility that such processes continue throughout life, and likely in settings that are crucial for other purposes as well such as earning a living, or being integrated into the community. That is, it becomes increasingly difficult to separate the 'normal' institutions of daily life and social organisation from the formation of masculine identities, including those identities that are ingrained with violence. What this means is that throughout life there is considerable opportunity both for reinforcing violence-identified masculinities and for revising them. b. External Circumstances: Rapid Social Change, Instability, and War

The experts also addressed explanations that relate men's violence implicitly or explicitly to social circumstances, in particular to notions of rapid social change and social instability, as well as to warfare and its societal aftermath. It is important to acknowledge the hardship that warfare and social upheaval create for those who have to live through it, and to investigate the potential role of international inequality in creating or perpetuating localised instability or war, and to understand the toxic effects on civic society 'at home' of wars waged in neighbouring territory. It is also important to explore how social change and war influence people differently and to examine who benefits from such changes and who becomes more vulnerable. A largely unexplored area concerns the transitions from periods of relative stability to relative instability and on to relative stability. For example, how do we come to terms with reports that individual men who appeared to be 'peaceful' before war seem to turn into violent women haters during the war? The experts debated whether violence against women during armed conflict was primarily a matter of permission to be violent and access to vulnerable victims, or whether there are other things going on in terms of gender relations and the construction of Self and Other, friend or foe. Such explanations are probably not mutually exclusive. Brutalisation of men in the context of armed conflict may be a multifaceted process that may include permission to be violent as well as training to be violent and training to dehumanise and objectify those who, by official propaganda or the memories of deepseated humiliation, become the designated enemy.

156 In this context, the experts discussed the role of shame, and the silence around shame, which may continue across generations. As mass rapes of women during warfare have happened throughout history and continue to happen to the present day, women have been carrying a suffocating burden of shame that manifests itself in deep depression and is cloaked in silence. It is necessary to create conditions in which we learn to listen to those who learned to live with their shame in silence. It is unclear how women's experiences of shame compare to the shame that they bring onto their families and countries in those contexts where family honour is defined through women's chastity. While the connections between the shame of individual women and the shame attached to notions of idealised femininity are not well understood, we noticed that the shame of individual women seems to contribute to their isolation and being outcasts of society, and is related to loss of control, whereas men in such contexts seem to have the option to clear their families' names of shame through the honour killing of women and thus remain a respected member of their communities. That is not to say that individual men in such contexts are not conflicted over the issue of honour killings. It was also noted that sexual violence against women in situations of armed conflict involves attacks that may be tools to shame their husbands, fathers, and brothers, but are still attacks on the women themselves and their sexual and national identities. c. Risk Factors

The concept of risk factors derives largely from research on public health. When applied to men's violence against women, we need to distinguish between risk factors for being violent (such as believing that women are subordinate to men) and risk factors for being victimised (such as separating from a violent man). Our discussion of stress as a risk factor showed that the relationship between men's experience of stress and their violence against women is controversial. In part, this controversy seems to result from the different perspectives different experts take on stress, the wide range of men's stress experiences in different settings such as family, work, the military, or combat as well as the frequent observations of those who work with violent men that violent men do not seek out such programmes until they are experiencing sufficient stress. To advance this fruitful debate, it seems necessary to distinguish between different forms of stress (e.g., career-related stress versus the fear of losing one's wife) and to analyse the relationship between stress and violence for different groups, not just for men, but for women as well. With all risk factors we need to pay attention not only to the correlation between risk factor and men's violence, but to the patterning of that violence and thus to the targets of potentially stress-induced violence. To illustrate the importance of attending to the patterning of violence, so-called random sprees of violence by individual violent men often turn out to be directed rather systematically against individuals who may not have had any personal relationship with the aggressor but happen to belong to groups that the aggressor defined as worthy of being attacked or killed. d. Explanations Focusing on Deliberate Social Enterprises

Finally, the military is an example of an institution that deliberately and systematically constructs masculine identities in which violence plays a crucial role. A gendered analysis of the military also makes clear that, at least in the case of Israel, men's successful participation in the military, and thus their likely adoption of a violence-identified masculinity, is rewarded with considerable perks in civil society such as access to prestigious jobs and political

157 influence. Mentioned only cursorily was the role of organised religion in the construction of gender identities and gender hierarchies, and the relative acceptance of violence against women. We heard more of efforts to reform deliberate social enterprises such as the police and the legal system with the goal to reduce violence against women. Police training by battered women's advocates has been instrumental in beginning to change the police response to violence against women, at least as far as violence in the home is concerned. Similarly, there have been many impressive, if recent, efforts towards changing laws and legislation so as to acknowledge more fully women's right to safety, dignity, and integrity. However, there is an important difference between the examples of the military, the police, and the legal system. Legal reforms and reforms of police response for the most part are directed at the punishment of the perpetrator. In contrast, we saw how the military is instrumental in the construction, and subsequent reward, of violence-identified masculine identity, and thus in the production of potential perpetrators. So far, there has been no comparably developed, defined, and resourceful social enterprise instrumental in the construction of non-violence-identified masculinity. Considering the frequent references to societal turmoil and warfare during this meeting we may note that the deliberateness of the construction of violence-identified masculinity may become invisible over time, and that such violence-identified masculinity in due time may appear to be an 'inevitable' response to social change.

5.

Role of Community

Several experts spoke of the role of community in either encouraging or discouraging men's violence against women. Communities include real people and the messages they send about men's violence against women. Community includes family members and pre-school teachers, social workers, police officers or those who run intervention programmes for violent men. Community also includes the media and the imagery of men's violence against women that is perpetuated by the media such as notions of stranger rape. Community also includes supranational organisations such as the Council of Europe, and the messages that come from such prestigious international communities. Community provides, or withholds, support structures. We discussed which support structures communities provide for women and men, respectively, and to what extent communities encourage or discourage men's violence and non-violence. Several experts argued that such structures change as communities move from periods of relative stability to periods of upheaval or war, and may not revert entirely to the original levels of stability after periods of crises. What happens to women and men's support networks during such changes? For example, to what extent does the formation of armed militias or guerillas erode social support from men for men's non-violence? Occasional reports suggest that there are individual soldiers who try not to participate in organised rape, and who implore the women they encounter to pretend they had been raped so as to protect the soldier from being killed by his male peers for not raping. From a different angle, the role of community support becomes chillingly clear in the lives of children and teenagers who have none. We heard about children who grew up in violent homes or in complete societal neglect. Too many find themselves with no support network, alone with their legacy of violence, shame, and confusion, and without a trustworthy

158 adult role model who might be able to help them with the transition from fantasising a life of respect and harmony to actually living it. Finally, communities bear some of the societal costs of violence against women. While cost estimates are fraught with methodological and ethical problems, putting monetary values on individual suffering may convince reluctant policy makers to invest more money in the prevention of violence against women.

6.

Non-Violence and Non-Violent Masculinities

We need to know more about the creation of non-violence and the conditions under which non-violent masculinities flourish, just as we need to conceive of different trajectories towards violent masculinities. Not all men are violent, and not all men rape, even if they could. Why not? As research and practical work with violent men is just beginning, we also need to pay attention to non-violent men, their experiences, and their strategies of nonviolence. With regard to the individual or psychological level, recent psychoanalytical work highlights the creative potential of the tension between the assertion of the Self and the mutual recognition of the Other. While this tension may arise for the first time in infancy, it likely will continue throughout life. Some experts suggested that men's ability to tolerate such tension might be related to their non-violence, whereas the 'resolution' of that tension through the construction of rigid gender or ethnic identities may encourage violence. With more fluid approaches to gender identity boys may be able to identify with mothers and feminine role models without ridicule, and girls may be able to identify with fathers and masculine role models without rejection. On a societal level, creative potential may arise from sustaining the tension between privilege and equality. Often, this tension is resolved in the form of hierarchies and pecking orders, which leave some men relatively privileged and protected, and most women, as well as many men, relatively vulnerable. Most of us have lived within hierarchical social institutions for our entire lives, from the family, through formal schooling, to the workforce. That makes it difficult to conceive of less hierarchical social organisations. Nevertheless the efforts seems worthwhile so that “knowledge will not be subordinate to power". The promise of sustaining the tension between self-assertion and mutual recognition is also to fully realise one's human potential. But why be fully realised if you can be partially realised and be president of a large corporation and drive an expensive car? The answer is, once you have tasted this creative tension, everything else is bland. I thank the Council of Europe for organising this meeting, and I thank all participants for coming together and sharing their invaluable knowledge and insights.

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RECOMMENDATIONS
Violence against women is one of the major obstacles to the achievement of real equality between women and men. The phenomenon has its roots in the very structure of European societies, based on patriarchal values and principles. Although male violence can also be directed against other men and incidents concerning violent women are reported, the vast majority of victims of violence in the Council of Europe's member States are women and children. Most European societies remain tolerant towards violence against women, considering it acceptable according to tradition. They continue, directly or indirectly, to lay the blame on the victims by suggesting that they would not have been assaulted if they had or had not acted in a certain way. Men are often excused by saying that they are subject to stress from overwork or unemployment, under the influence of alcohol or drugs, sick and so on. Women suffer from violence resulting in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering, both in private and public life. Violence can take different forms, such as sexual assault, violence within the family or in the domestic unit, sexual harassment and intimidation (in education, at work, in institutions or in any other place), denial of reproductive rights, genital mutilation, trafficking in human beings for the purposes of sexual exploitation and sex tourism, rape or assaults in (armed) conflict situations, honour killings and forced marriages. Being conscious of the above, the participants at the Seminar on “Men and violence against women”, organised by the Council of Europe in Strasbourg on 7 and 8 October 1999, agreed on the following recommendations.

Recommendations to Member States of the Council of Europe
Research and in particular surveys are essential because there is still denial of the phenomenon of violence against women: they can be used as tools to convince the decision makers of the real extent of violence against women. In order to have a better understanding of the prevalence of violence, standardised instruments are necessary in order to obtain valid, reliable, comparable data as well as results which are representative of the reality. This effort should be pursued at the local, regional, national and international level and in this perspective Governments should: § Encourage and support national and transnational research projects and surveys on different forms of violence against women taking into account the following parameters which, if neglected, may alterate the results of the research: the gender perspective including the element of gender conflict which is present in all European societies; the variability of meanings and of the perception of concepts in different contexts determined by various factors (such as differences in social classes, as well as in regional, cultural and linguistic backgrounds): different groups or persons may have different understanding of the same notion, such as violence; the stigmatisation of concepts (such as rape), encouraged notably by the mass media; the developments and changes in cultural values; the changes in society especially where instability has arisen (be it due to socioeconomic reasons or to a conflict): even if the source of instability disappears, the level of violence does not decrease;

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Encourage the standardisation of research methodologies by using, among others, the following elements: a representative sample of the population (1,000 respondents minimum); a scale with very detailed descriptions of acts of violence; input from battered women and victims of violence (also to design questionnaires); training for interviewers and researchers which should include information on how to take into account cultural, ethnic, social and economic differences, as well as on how to have access to isolated or marginalised groups; precautions in order to prevent the dangers that the respondents of surveys or of case studies could encounter; for research conducted at European level, recourse to language specialists in order to avoid translation problems;

§

Encourage and support national and transnational research into the following aspects: what prevents a person from becoming violent; ways to reach violent men and how to bring them into education programmes; the prevailing polarisation in the construction of gender identities, with a view to promoting a more open perception of feminities and masculinities; to what extent and in what way do social instability and social change affect gender relations and violence against women; the consequences violence in the home has on children and adolescents and how it affects their socialisation and their future integration into work, as well as their relations with peers and partners; ways to prevent elder abuse and violence among elderly people; the financial costs of violence;

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Improve interactions between the scientific community, the NGOs in the field, political decision-makers and legislative bodies in order to design co-ordinated actions against violence; Encourage the diffusion of all relevant information (results of studies and research, statistical data, etc.) on violence against women at all levels and across the life course; Ensure that statutory agencies which respond to men's violence convey clearly to the men that their behaviour is unacceptable and develop further strategies for repeat offenders, including multi-agency approaches at the community level; Making use of the gender mainstreaming strategy, involve all the relevant actors normally involved in policy-making, in order to fight violence against women, even if they are not currently working on the issue; Reinforce national legislations and measures aiming at fighting violence against women, also by introducing innovative approaches based on experiences conducted in other European countries: the pooling of experiences is essential to progress on this issue; Adopt or reinforce social protection measures so that injuries caused to women and children by violent acts are provided for under social protection schemes;

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161 § Promote training of those involved with young people, as well as health personnel, to identify children and adolescents growing up in violent homes and to take the necessary measures to help and assist them; Ensure training of medical personnel to enable them to identify victims of violence; Promote the participation of women in politics and decision-making: a higher number of women in politics is important in order to adopt an increased number of measures to combat violence against women; Promote human rights education, and especially education on equality between women and men, in all member States of the Council of Europe, especially where there is social instability; Create a more proactive police response to violence against women; Promote training for the judiciary regarding violence against women; Enhance research on, and take all possible measures to prevent, development of gender dichotomy and inequality as well as male aggressiveness in the army and all military contexts (especially during military service), including armed conflicts; Condemn all forms of violence against women and children in situations of conflict; Condemn systematic rape, sexual slavery, enforced pregnancy of women and young girls and all forms of violence against women and children, as these, as shown in recent conflicts, tend to be used as a weapon of war; In post-conflict regions, promote a public debate and disseminate information concerning abuses of women and children in order to prevent repetition of violence.

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Recommendations to the Council of Europe
The participants emphasised that the international community – especially international organisations such as the Council of Europe – have a major ethical role to play in promoting zero tolerance towards violence against women. By condemning this violence, they can give an important political signal to governments and to policy-makers. The participants noted that the continuous work achieved by the Council of Europe, and in particular by its Steering Committee on Equality between women and men (CDEG), to combat violence against women have substantially assisted in increasing the visibility of the problem. The Action Plan published in 1997 was considered as an effective platform on which to formulate national measures. The Council of Europe should continue to play a key role in the combat against violence. The need for transnational actions to be undertaken at legislative, policy and research level to enhance international co-operation can be the basis for the future action of the Council of Europe.

162 The following activities could be conducted in the Council of Europe or with its assistance: § Continue and complete, as rapidly as possible, the preparation of the draft Recommendation on protecting women and young girls against violence, which is being prepared under the aegis of the Steering Committee for equality between women and men (CDEG). Once adopted, the Recommendation may serve as a reference for national policies on actions against violence; Prepare as soon as possible a study on the position as regards legislation in the field of violence against women in the member States; ensure the translation and diffusion of this document in member States; Organise, possibly in co-operation with other competent bodies and International Organisations, regular meetings involving in particular policy-makers, researchers, practitioners and police, in order to take stock and exchange information on the current stage of research and practice in the area; Compile country reports, based on research and information collected at national level, focusing on violence against women and the measures taken to combat it; Following the recent conflicts in South-East Europe, contribute to the efforts undertaken at European level to foster peace and stability in countries of the region by organising activities aiming at combating violence against women in all its forms; Foster research on the development of violence against women in its different forms during and after the conflicts which have recently affected South-East Europe, including the increase in domestic violence.

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PROGRAMME
Thursday 7 October 1999 8h30 - 9h30 9h30 - 10h00 Arrival of participants and registration OPENING SESSION Chair: Ms Violeta NEUBAUER (Slovenia), Vice-Chair of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG)

Opening address by Mr Pierre-Henri IMBERT, Director of Human Rights Introduction by Ms Caroline MECHIN (France), Chair of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG) 10h00 – 13h00 WORKING SESSION I "METHODOLOGICAL AND ETHICAL ISSUES" Chair: Moderator: Ms Elizabeth STANKO, Brunel University, United Kingdom Ms Renée ROMKENS, Utrecht University, Netherlands

Presentation and discussion of the following reports: Comparing methodologies used to study violence against women by Ms Sylvia WALBY, University of Leeds, United Kingdom Representations of intimate male violence in the United States and Poland by Ms Renate KLEIN, University of Maine, USA and Ms Anna KWIATKOWSKA, University of Bialystok, Poland Gendering research on men's violence to known women by Ms Jalna HANMER, Leeds Metropolitan University, United Kingdom and Mr Jeff HEARN, Tampere University, Finland and Manchester University, United Kingdom 11h30 – 11h45 Coffee break DISCUSSION 13h00 – 14h30 Lunch break

164 14h30 – 18h00 WORKING SESSION II "VIOLENCE IN IDENTITIES" Chair: Moderator: THE FORMATION OF GENDERED MALE

Ms Margit EPSTEIN, University of Osnabrück, Germany Ms Marianne HESTER, University of Sunderland, United Kingdom

Presentation and discussion of the following reports: Explaining the inclination to use violence by Ms Carol HAGEMANN-WHITE and Ms Christiane MICUS, University of Osnabrück, Germany Explanations for male violence, psychoanalysis, feminist theory and the new men's movement by Ms Ursula MÜLLER, University of Bielefeld, Germany Growing up in the proximity of violence: Teenagers' stories of violence in the home by Ms Katarina WEINEHALL, University of Umeå, Sweden Teenage boys as violent actors in today's Romanian communities by Ms Anca DUMITRESCU and Ms Elena PENTELEICIUC, University of Bucharest, Romania Socio-Economic Roots for Cases of Male Violence against Women in Russia by Ms Vera GRACHEVA, Russian Federation DISCUSSION 16h00-16h15 Coffee break DISCUSSION 18h00 Vin d'honneur - Blue Room of the Council of Europe

165 Friday 8 October 1999 09h30 – 13h00 WORKING SESSION III "TRANSITIONS IN ADULTHOOD AND MEN'S VIOLENCE"42 Chair: Moderator: Ms Barbara KAVEMANN, WiBIG, Germany Ms Linda REGAN, University of North London, United Kingdom

Presentation and discussion of the following reports: The contribution of the military and military discourse to the construction of masculinity in society by Ms Uta KLEIN, University of Münster, Germany Men's violence against women and children in situations of armed conflict by Ms Dubrovka KOCIJAN HERCIGONJA, Zagreb, Croatia The approach of the World Health Organisation Regional Office for Europe to the issue of gender-based violence by Ms Kirsten Staehr JOHANSEN, WHO-EURO, Denmark Older men and elder abuse by Ms Bridget PENHALE, University of Hull, United Kingdom 11h15-11h30 Coffee break DISCUSSION 13h00-14h30 14h30-16h30 Lunch break WORKING SESSION IV "CROSS-CUTTING THEMES: MEDIA DEBATES, COSTS OF VIOLENCE, IMPLEMENTATION" Chair: Moderator: Ms Dominique FOUGEYROLLAS, Université de Paris 9, France Ms Liz KELLY, University of North London, United Kingdom

42

This session will put special focus on violence in military service and violence against women and children in armed conflicts.

166 Presentation and discussion of the following reports: Male violence: the economic costs by Mr Alberto GODENZI and Ms Carrie YODANIS, University of Fribourg, Switzerland But where are the men? Central State public policies to combat violence against women in post-authoritarian Spain (1975-1999) by Ms Celia VALIENTE, University of Madrid, Spain Police methods to counteract violence against women by Ms Helene GÖRTZEN, Stockholm County Police Authority, Sweden Assumptions and implications: Notes on Greenlander men "in transition" by Mr Bo WAGNER SØRENSEN, University of Copenhagen, Denmark 16h30-17h00 17h00-18h00 Coffee break CLOSING SESSION Chair: Ms Caroline MECHIN, Chair of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG)

Conclusions of the Seminar presented by the General Rapporteur, Ms Renate KLEIN Close of the Seminar

167 APPENDIX II LIST OF PARTICIPANTS ALBANIA/ALBANIE Ms Eglantina GJERMENI, Women's Centre, PO Box 2418, TIRANA AUSTRIA/AUTRICHE Mr Albin DEARING, Ministry of the Interior, Head of the Law Department, Herrengasse 7, Department IV 11, A-1014 VIENNA Ms Astrid KECKEIS, Federal Chancellery of Austria - Section for Women's Affairs, Radetzkystrasse 2, A-1030 VIENNA BELGIUM/BELGIQUE [Excusée/apologised: Mme Maiti CHAGNY, 40 rue d'Espagne, B-1060 BRUXELLES] Mme Afaf HEMAMOU, Attachée du ministre-Président de la Communauté française de Belgique, Place Surlet de Chokler, 15-17, B-1000 BRUXELLES M Roland MAYERL, 40 rue d'Espagne, B-1060 BRUXELLES BULGARIA/BULGARIE Ms Jivka MARINOVA, Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, P.O.B. 938, 12 Luben karavelov Str. Ap. 11, SOFIA 1000 CROATIA/CROATIE Ms Dubrovka KOCIJAN HERCIGONJA, Rapporteur, National Centre for Psychotrauma, Clinical Hospital Dubrava, Av G. Suska, HR-10000 ZAGREB CYPRUS/CHYPRE Mme Androula BOULARAN, Ministry of Justice and Public Order, CY-NICOSIA CZECH REPUBLIC/REPUBLIQUE TCHEQUE DENMARK/DANEMARK Ms Camilla KVIST, University of Copenhagen, Institute of Videnskabsbutikken, Landemaerket 9A, ST.TV, 1119 COPENHAGEN K Ms Britta MOGENSEN, Bülowsvej 32a, st.tv, D-1870 FREDERIKSBERG C Mr Bo WAGNER SØRENSEN, Rapporteur, University of Copenhagen, Institute of Anthropology, Frederksholms Kanal 4, D-1220 COPENHAGEN K Anthropology,

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ESTONIA/ESTONIE FINLAND/FINLANDE Mr Bert BJARLAND, Sub-Committee on men's issues, Council for equality between women and men, PO Box 267, FIN 00171 HELSINKI Ms Jouni KEMPE, Sub-Committee on men's issues, Council for equality between women and men, PO Box 267, FIN 00171 HELSINKI Ms Natalia OLLUS, Assistant Research Officer, HEUNI, The European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control, affiliated to the United Nations, POB 161, FIN 00131 HELSINKI Ms Irma PAHLMAN, Sub-Committee on men's issues, Council for equality between women and men, PO Box 267, FIN 00171 HELSINKI Ms Leena RUUSUVUORI, STAKES, National Research and Development Centre for Welfare and Health, Finnish Project for the Prevention of Violence against Women, Siltasaarenkatu 18, PO Box 220, FIN-00531 HELSINKI Ms Anna-Lisa SÖDERHOLM, Dept. Maxillofacial Surgery, Helsinki University Central Hospital, POB 263, FIN-00029 HYKS Mr Petteri SVEINS, STAKES, National Research and Development Centre for Welfare and Health, Siltasaarenkatu 18, PO Box 220, FIN-00531 HELSINKI FRANCE Mme Catherine BERNARD, Solidarité Femmes, 23 rue de Mulhouse, F-90000 BELFORT M. Pascal CUENOT, Parenthèses à la Violence, 51 rue de Mulhouse, F-90000 BELFORT Mme Danielle DURAND-POUDRET, Médecin chef du Service médico-psychologique régional, Maison d'Arrêt de Grenoble, F-38763 VARCES CEDEX Mme Béatrice FLORENTIN, Chargée de mission lutte contre les violences envers les femmes, Service des Droits des Femmes, 31 rue le Peletier, F-75009 PARIS Mme Dominique FOUGEYROLLAS, Chair, IRIS-TS du CNRS, Université de Paris 9 Dauphine, B612 Place de Lattre de Tassigny, F-75725 PARIS Cedex 16 Mme Joëlle LEVY-ORTSCHEIDT, Psychanalyste, 2 rue Fischart, F-67000 STRASBOURG Mme Viviane MONNIER, Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes, 32-34 rue des Envierges, F75020 PARIS Mme Claudine PIERRON, 30 Allée de la Robertsau, F-67000 STRASBOURG Mme Kineret WEIL, 30 Allée de la Robertsau, F-67000 STRASBOURG

169 GEORGIA/GEORGIE GERMANY/ALLEMAGNE Dr Silvia BERKE, Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend, D-53123 BONN Ms Sabine BOEHM, Rape Crisis Centre, Nürnberg, Bleichstr. 25, D-90429 NÜRNBERG Mr Thomas DANGERS, MÄNNER GEGEN MÄNNER-GEWALT, Mühlendamm 66, D22087 HAMBURG Dr Uta ENDERS-DRAGÄSSER, Gesellschaft für Sozialwissenschaftliche Frauenforschung e.V. (GSFe.V.), Oederweg 12, D-60318 FRANKFURT/MAIN Dr Margit K. EPSTEIN, Chair, Thornerstr. 14, D-26122 OLDENBURG Ms Astrid FORSCHNER, Lobby for Human Rights, PO Box 1030, D-72541 METZINGEN Professor Dr Carol HAGEMANN-WHITE, Rapporteur, University of Osnabrück, D-49069 OSNABRÜCK Professor Dr Barbara Kavemann, Chair, Universität Osnabrück, Projekt WiBIG, Kottbusser Damm 79, D - 10967 BERLIN Ms Uta KLEIN, Rapporteur, Institute of Sociology, University of Münster, Scharnhorststrasse 121, D-48151 MÜNSTER Ms Sabine KLEIN-SCHONNEFELD, University of Bremen -041/GW2, Department Against Discrimination and Violence in Employment (ADE), Postfach 33 04 40, D-28334 BREMEN [Excusée/apologised: Ms Christiane MICUS, Rapporteur, University of Osnabrück, HegerTor-Wall 9, D-49069 OSNABRÜCK] Dr Birgit MEYER, Fachhochschule Esslingen - Hochschule für Sozialwesen - Die Frauenbeauftragte, Flandernstr. 101, D-73732 ESSLINGEN Prof Dr Ursula MUELLER, University of Bielefeld, Faculty of Sociology, PF 100131, D-33501 BIELEFELD Ms Gesa SCHIRRMACHER, Projekt WiBIG, University of Osnabrück, Alte Münze 14-16, 49069 OSNABRÜCK GREECE/GRECE Mme Catherine PAPARRIGA-COSTAVARA, Solonos 128, Gr-10681 ATHENES

170 HUNGARY/HONGRIE Mme Anna BETLEN, Ministère des Affaires sociales, Secrétariat pour la condition de la femme, Roosevelt ter 7-8 H-1051 BUDAPEST Dr Lenke FEHER, Ministry of Social Affairs and Family Matters, Institute for Legal Sciences of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Országház Utca 30. 11./35, H-1014 BUDAPEST ICELAND/ISLANDE IRELAND/IRLANDE Ms Georgette MULHEIR, Centre for Peace and Development Studies, University of Limerick, LIMERICK ITALY/ITALIE Ms Clara COLLARILE, Chef du service pour les Politiques communautaires et Affaires internationales, Presidenza Consiglio Ministri, Dép. Egalité des Chances, Via del Giardino Theodoli 66, 00186 ROME Ms Paola SCONZO, Corso Genova 7, I-20123 MILAN LATVIA/LETTONIE LIECHTENSTEIN LITHUANIA/LITUANIE Ms Ausrine BURNEIKIENE, Equal Opportunities Ombudsperson, Gedimino pr 11, LT-2039 VILNIUS LUXEMBOURG Mme Joëlle SCHRANCK, Femmes en Détresse, ASBL-Boîte Postale 1024, L-1010 LUXEMBOURG Mme Isabelle THOSS-KLEIN, Ministère de la Promotion Féminine, 33 bd Prince Henri, L2921, LUXEMBOURG MALTA/MALTE Ms Anna-Maria MANGION, Social Welfare Development programme, SWDP, 4th floor, Gattard House, National Road, BLATA L-BAJDA HMR O2 MOLDOVA NETHERLANDS/PAYS-BAS Ms Hedzerika KOK, Stichting Toeluchtsoord, Martinikerhof 11, NL-9712 JG-GRONINGEN

171 Mr Kees KOMDUUR, Politie Regio Utrecht, Marco Pololaan 6, NL-3503 UTRECHT Ms Renée RÖMKENS, Moderator, Dept. of Communication and Welfare, Utrecht University, Heidelberglaan 2, 3584 CS UTRECHT Mr Bernard VAN DEN HOEVEN, Politie Regio Utrecht, Baden Powellweg 4, NL-3523 CA UTRECHT NORWAY/NORVEGE Ms Helene AARSETH, Ministry of Children and Family Affairs, Akersgt 59, N-0180 OSLO Mr Morten Damgaard HANSEN, PST Brøset, PB 1803 LADE, N-7440 TRONDHEIM Ms Grethemor Skagset HAUGAN, PST Brøset, PB 1803 LADE, N-7440 TRONDHEIM Mr Stig JARWSON, P.S.T. AVD Brøset, PB 1803 LADE, N-7440 TRONDHEIM Ms Halldis LEIRA, Oslo College, Pilestre det 52, N-0167 OSLO Mr Jim Aage NØTTESTAD, PST, Brøset, PB 1803 LADE, N-7440 TRONDHEIM POLAND/POLOGNE Ms Anna KWIATKOWSKA, Rapporteur, Department of Psychology, University of Bialystok, Swierkowa 20, 15 328 BIALYSTOK (European Network on conflict, gender and violence) PORTUGAL Mr José Nuno GRADIM BARROS, Commission for Equality and Women's Rights, LISBON ROMANIA/ROUMANIE Prof Dr Anca DUMITRESCU, Rapporteur, Romanian Institute for Educational Sciences, Str Aviator Th. Iliescu 39, Sector 1, 71238 BUCHAREST Dr Elena PENTELEICIUC Rapporteur, Str. Doctor Lister N. 38, Sector 5, 76209 BUCHAREST RUSSIAN FEDERATION/FEDERATION DE RUSSIE Ms Vera GRACHEVA, Rapporteur, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Smolenskaya-Sennaya Sq 32-34, MOSCOW SAN MARINO/SAINT MARIN SLOVAKIA/SLOVAQUIE Ms Maria CHALOUPKOVA, Association of Democratic Left Women, Mlynská 1001/5, 90031 STUPAVA

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SLOVENIA/SLOVENIE Ms Klavdija ANICIC, Association against Violence Communication, Ulica Milana Majcna 12, 1000 LJUBLJANA SPAIN/ESPAGNE Ms Fatima ARRANZ, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociologia, Campus de Somosaguas, 28223 MADRID Ms Celia VALIENTE, Rapporteur, Department of Political Science and Sociology, University Carlos III of Madrid, Calle Madrid 126, 28903 Getafe, MADRID SWEDEN/SUEDE Ms Mona ELIASSON, Uppsala University, Centre for Feminist Research, Drottninggatan 4, S753 10 UPPSALA Mr Per Elis ELIASSON, Manscentrum, Crisis Centre for Males, Götgatan 83D, SE 11662 STOCKHOLM Ms Helene GÖRTZEN, Rapporteur, Stockholm County Police Authority, Information Unit, S10675 STOCKHOLM Ms Katarina WEINEHALL, Rapporteur, Department of Education, Umea University, S-90187 UMEÅ Ms Jenny WESTERSTRAND, Department of Sociology, Uppsala University, Box 821, S-75108 UPPSALA SWITZERLAND/SUISSE Prof Ass Dr Regina-Maria DACKWEILER, University of Fribourg, Route des Bonnesfontaines 11, CH-1700 FRIBOURG Ms Daniela GLOOR, Social Insight, Neugasse 6, CH-8005 ZURICH [Excusé/apologised: Professor Dr Alberto GODENZI, Rapporteur, Department of Social Work and Social Policy, University of Fribourg, Route des Bonnesfontaines 11, CH-1700 FRIBOURG Ms Kirsten LODDING, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), 19 Avenue de la Paix, CH-1202 GENEVA Ms Hanna MEIER, Social Insight, Neugasse 6, CH-8005 ZURICH Mme Hélène REY, Consultation interdisciplinaire de médecine et de prévention de la violence, Dpt de Médecine communautaire, Hôpital cantonal, 24 Micheli-du-Crest, 1211 GENEVE 14 Ms Corinna SEITH, University of Berne, Department of Sociology, Unitobler, Lerchenweg 36, CH-3000 BERNE 9

173 Dr Carrie YODANIS, Rapporteur, Department of Social Work and Social Policy, University of Fribourg, Route des Bonnesfontaines 11, CH-1700 FRIBOURG "THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA" TURKEY/TURQUIE UKRAINE Ms Valentyna SUKHOMLYN, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, 1 Mykhaylivska Sq, KYIV 01018 UNITED KINGDOM/ROYAUME-UNI [Excusée/apologised: Ms Sarah GALVANI, University of Hull, Cottingham Road, GB-HULL HU6 7RX] Ms Judith GILLESPIE, Royal Ulster Constabulary, Crime Branch Headquarters, Knocknagoney House, Knocknagoney Road, BELFAST BT4 2PP Ms Jalna HANMER, Rapporteur, Research Centre on Violence, Abuse and Gender Relations, Leeds Metropolitan University, Calverley Street, Leeds LS1 3HE [Excusé/apologised: Mr Jeff HEARN, Rapporteur, Tampere University, Swedish School of Economics and Manchester University] Ms Marianne HESTER, Moderator, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Sunderland, Priestman Building, Green Terrace, GB-SUNDERLAND SR1 3PZ Ms Liz KELLY, Moderator, Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit, University of North London, Ladbroke House, 62-66 Highbury Grove, GB-LONDON N5 2AD Ms Emma MARSHALL, Policing and Reducing Crime Unit, Room 401, Home Office, Clive House, Petty France, GB-LONDON SW1H 9HD Ms Bridget PENHALE, Rapporteur, Social Work Dept., University of Hull, GB-HULL HU6 7RX Ms Linda REGAN, Moderator, Child and Women Abuse Studies Unit, University of North London, Ladbroke House, 62-66 Highbury Grove, GB-LONDON N5 2AD Ms Elizabeth STANKO, Chair, Department of Social and Political Science, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, GB-SURREY TW20 OEX Ms Sylvia WALBY, Rapporteur, Department of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds, GB-LEEDS LS2 9JT Mr Gary WHITE, Royal Ulster Constabulary, Community Affairs Department, 42 Montgomery Road, BELFAST BT6 9LD ***

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PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY/ASSEMBLEE PARLEMENTAIRE Mme Tayyibe GÜLEK, Membre de la Délégation turque auprès du Conseil de l'Europe BUREAU OF THE STEERING COMMITTEE FOR EQUALITY BETWEEN WOMEN AND MEN (CDEG-BU)/BUREAU DU COMITE DIRECTEUR POUR L'EGALITE ENTRE LES FEMMES ET LES HOMMES Mme Iphigénie KATSARIDOU, Member of the Bureau of the CDEG/Membre du Bureau du CDEG, Hellenic General Secretariat for Equality on the Sexes, Ministry of the Interior, Public Administration and Decentralisation, 8 Dragatsaniou Str, 105 59 ATHENS Mme Caroline MECHIN, Chair of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG), Ministère de l'Emploi et de la Solidarité, service des Droits des femmes, 31, rue Le Peletier, 75009 PARIS Ms Violeta NEUBAUER, Vice-Chair of the Steering Committee for Equality between Women and Men (CDEG), Counsellor, Women's Policy Office of the Government, Tomsiceva 4, 1000 LJUBLJANA Ms Zuzana VRANOVÁ, Member of the Bureau of the CDEG/membre du Bureau du CDEG, Director, The Bratislava International Centre for Family Studies/Medzinárodné stredisko pre štúdium rodiny, Drotárska 46, 81 104 BRATISLAVA STEERING COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS/COMITE DIRECTEUR POUR LES DROITS DE L'HOMME (CDDH) GROUP OF SPECIALISTS FOR THE PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND YOUNG GIRLS AGAINST VIOLENCE/GROUPE DE SPECIALISTES POUR LA PROTECTION DES FEMMES ET DES FILLETTES CONTRE LA VIOLENCE (EG-S-FV) Ms Gudrún AGNARSDÓTTIR, The Rape Trauma Service, Reykjavik Hospital, Fossvogur, 108 REYKJAVIK Mr Valentin WEDL, Federal Chancellery, Radetzkystrasse 2, A-1030 VIENNA GENERAL RAPPORTEUR/RAPPORTEUR GENERAL Ms Renate KLEIN, College of Education and Human Development, University of Maine, 30A Merrill Hall, ORONO ME 04469, USA OBSERVERS/OBSERVATEURS EUROPEAN WOMEN'S LOBBY/LOBBY EUROPEEN DES FEMMES Mme Colette DE TROY, European Women's Lobby, Policy Action Centre on Violence against Women, 12 rue Hydraulique, B-1210 BRUSSELS

175 UNITED NATIONS EDUCATIONAL, SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL ORGANISATION (UNESCO) Ms Eunice SMITH, Women and a Culture of Peace, UNESCO, 7 Place de Fontenoy, F-75352 PARIS WORLD HEALTH ORGANISATION/ORGANISATION MONDIALE DE LA SANTE (WHO/OMS) Ms Kirsten Staehr JOHANSEN, Rapporteur, WHO-EURO, Scherfigsvej 8, DK-2000 F Ms Claudia GARCIA MORENO, World Health Organisation, CH - 1211 GENEVA 27 SECRETARIAT M. Pierre-Henri IMBERT, Director of Human Rights/Directeur des Droits de l'Homme Ms Ólöf ÓLAFSDÓTTIR, Head of the Section Equality between women and men, Secretary to the CDEG/Chef de la Section égalité entre les femmes et les hommes, Secrétaire du CDEG Ms Sophie PIQUET, Administrator, Section Equality between women and men/Administratrice, Section égalité entre les femmes et les hommes Ms Karen PALISSER, Principal Administrative Assistant, Section Equalty between Women and Men/Assistante administrative principale, Section égalité entre les femmes et les hommes Ms Amanda RAIF, Administrative Assistant, Section Equality between Women and Men Directorate/Assistante Administrative, Section égalité entre les femmes et les hommes Direction des Droits de l'Homme Mme Nadine SCHAEFFER, Administrative Assistant, Human Rights Directorate/Assistante Administrative, Direction des Droits de l'Homme Ms Sascha MÜLLER, Trainee, Section Equality between Women and Men Directorate/Stagiaire, Section égalité entre les femmes et les hommes Direction des Droits de l'Homme INTERPRETERS/INTERPRETES Mme Anne du BOUCHER Mme Helga PRIACEL Mme Maryline NEUSCHWANDER

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