The most important modern commentaries are those of Ilgen, D i e Geschichte Toby’s noch drej verschiedenen Oripinaien, denr Griexhischen, dem Lateinischen des H i e r 21. Literature. o~zyint~s qnd eirzem Synkchen,. etc., 18co ; Fritzsche in KGH, 1853 ; Wace in Speaker’s Comm. 1888; and Ziickler in h-GH, 1891. On the Ahikar story &e the literature cited under A CHIACHARUS, especially T b Story o Ahikar j v o m the Syriac, Arabic, Amzenian, f Ethiofiic, Greek, asd Slavonic Versions, by F. C. Conybeare, J. Rendel Harris, and Asnes Smith Lewis. Nestle, review of The Story o Ahikar, E.r#. T 10 [1899] z - / 6 x ,and ‘ Zum Ruche f Tobit,’ Sr#tsagintast2~d.:~n, 2 [18991 2 2 $ ; J. Rendel Harris, ‘ The Double Text of Tobit,’ Anzsr. /. Theol., July 1899, pp. 541.554 ; Moulton, ‘The Iranian Background of Tobit,’Exj. T , March rgco, pp. 257.260. W. E.

to ’ salute ’ David (ie., to recognise his suzeraiuty) and to offer presents of silver, gold, and bronze, after David’s victory over Hadad-ezer. If the text is correct, Toi’s Hamath cannot be the great Syrian city of Hamath, whose king was too powerful to mind David, and indced was not one of David‘s neighbours, but a second Hamath, on the W. of Zobah, which formed a state on the same minute scale as Maacah (=Gcshur). So Winckler ( G I 2209 J ) . More probably, however, both here and wherever a Hamath is spoken of as on the border of Israel, nnn ( M T Hamath) should be nip (Maacath).
I t is, to s a y the least, uncertain which of the two Maacahs is intended here (see MAACAH). h e Hadad-ezer defeated by T David may have heen king of Zarephath (not ZOIIAH). I n this case ‘Maacah’ may be another name for the territory of KEHonOTH (g.v.), and ‘yn will perhaps be a corrupt form of .&, T A L n l A I (9.u.). Cp, however, Driver and Eudde [ S B O r ] on 2 S., l.c. T. K . C.

P I , - X X A N [A], E N e E K E M [ =‘n ]V?] and I€XefM. perhaps a doublet, [L]), avillage in Judah assigned to SIMEON (5 Io), I Ch. 432. It corresponds to the Ether of 11 Josh. 19 7, which is probably a corruption of A T H A C I I (4.v.).



Ir. Josh. (Z.C.) @ B inserts 0 a h X a (var. in cursives Baaa 8aaA).Ether. Bennett ’(SBOT, ‘Josh.,’ Hebi) follows CBB, but the insertion must be due to a later correction. i s perhaps a corruption of p . See y

iz., Tochen -before wOcp-i.e.,

TOKHATH (no??, &4),2 Ch. 3422 ; see TIKVrZTII. TOLA (& l, emha [BADFL]), b. Puah, b. Dodo,
an Issacharite. a deliverer of Israel. who dwelt, and finally was buried, at Shamir in ‘mount Ephraim’ (Judg. 10 I J ) ; the name also occurs with Pnvah, Job (or Jashub), and Shimron as a clan-name of lssachar (Gen. 4613 : emhbN [I,] ; Nu. 2623 I Ch. 7 1 f: : BOhAEK, eohs, ewhAel [El ; CP Tolaite, N u . IC., ewh&li [BAFL]). On these ‘minor judges’ in general, see J U D G E S , § 9 ; and on the difficulties arising out of ( I ) the designation ‘son of Dodo,’ ( 2 ) the dcscription of Tola’s home as in Mt. Ephraim, and (3) the reading ~ a p r e(or K C C ~ ~ in) eight minuscules which are, with E one exception, without the reference to Issachar, see ISSACHAH, 2, 7 ; lastly, on the coincidence between , Tola, ‘crimson worm, cochineal,‘ and Puah ( n x i ~ )a plant from which a red dye was obtained, see Moore, JudgeJ, 273 (cp N A M E S , § 68). All these questions are still open.

in Ezek. 386; hut B a r p y a p a in 2 i 14 ; Q in Ezek. and A everywhere except I Ch. 16 Boppap] : Thogormair in Gen., elsewhere Thogorina, Pesh. tizga?,&). Togarmah appears in Gen. 1 0 3 I Ch. 1 6 as third son

TOGARMAH (X?!?lb~, 10 3 Gen. ?lplSn: B o p y a p a [BQDsilEL], Bepyapa [B



T h e problems may seem small ; but they a r e not insignificant. T o understand ‘Tola’ we must revise our notions respecting Abimelech, Jair, and Jephthah, between whom ‘ Tola, h. Puah, h. Dodo’ i s introduced. I n reality the three former heroes all belong to the Jerahmeelite Negeb, Abimelech to Cusham (see SHECHEM), Jair and Jephthah t o ‘ Ir-gil‘ad’ or ‘ Ir-jerahme’el.’l T h e personal names too have suffered change ; here the alteration was to agreat extent caused by the wearing down o f the old names in the mouth of the people. ‘Ahimelech,’ which, superficially regarded, appears to mean ‘the heaven-god i s father,’ may he a modification of ‘Arab-Jerahmeel’; ‘Jair’ of ‘Jether,’ ‘Jephthah’ of ‘Naphtoah.’z On the analogy of these and similar restorations, we are methodically bound toread thus in Judg. 10 I, ‘ Eshtaol, b. Ephrath, b. Dodi, h. Jerahmeel, a Zarhite ; he dwelt in S H A n l r R (q.u.) in the highlands of Jerahmeel.’ The least obvious of these restorations is $irnwr (Eshtao1)for ysin (Tola). T h e entendation, which is a t a n y rate plausible, is suggested by the comhination of Zerah and S h a d in Nu. 26 13 (Gen. 46 IO). Lag. Arvzenische Strrd<en, 5 865. T. K . C . Eahtaol-i.e., virtually Shaul-is, in fact, a N. Arabian clan-name of the Negeb ;3 indeed, in I Ch. 2 53 the Eshtaolitesare expressly TOHU b. Zuph, a name in the genealogyof connected with Kirjath-jearim-is. (asonecan nowsee), KirjathSamuel ( I S. 1 I , m t ( E [U], eooy [AI, ewe [I2]), corjerahnleel. K a p r e or rap?< should, according to round method, responding tO NAHATH (nn!; KbiNAfJ [B], K . N A e [XI. represent ni? (Kareah or Korah), and this i s probably the expansion of a fragment of Jerahmeel, which came to be adopted a s NA& [L] ; n&ith [Pesh.]) in I Ch. 626 [I.], and to Shcmer is a name of one of the Jerahmeelite clans. TOAH O€I€=n’n [E], e O O Y € [A19 N A A e [L]; the Arabian clan-name could‘easily be shownTh:ulength, but is N. at t i h u [Pesh.]; Tlt0h.u [Vg.] as in Sam.) in v. 34 [19]. plain enough from the combination of names in 2 Ch. 24 26 ( z K. The second of these forms (nni)map have arisen out of nnn 12 2 ) 1. T h a t there is a southern Ephraim (= Jerahmeel) has been repeatedly maintained by the present writer (cp MICAH, I. ) by a scribe’s error. But this is not certain. for Nahath, As to the historical kernel of Judg. 10 13, enough to remark it is in Gen. 36 13. is the son of Re‘uel= Jerahmeel (Che. ). that, though genuine historical evidence is wanting, it is a t any Most (e.,n, Klost., Dr., Bn., Ki.) adopt the form Tohu ; rate probable that king Saul was not the first meniber of the Snulclan to strike an effective blow for Israel and that the earliest but, o n the assumption that Znph is really an Ephrainlite place-name, some prefer in? or n y (cp We. P r o l ( 4 ) achievements of this clan were not in Eenjimin hut in the Kvgeb. The same emendation ( ~ for i,aw,) should possibly be ii 2 2 0 ; Marq. Fund. 12, and see T AHATH , E P H R A I M , made in Judg. 5 15 (see C r i f . Bib.). T Ei. C. .

of Gomer, son of Japheth ; also (as Beth-Togarmah) in Ezek. 27 14 as a people trading with Tyre in horses and mules, and in 386 as representing the far north, and forming part, with Gorner, of the army of Gog. Josephus thought of the Phryzians, who were famous for their horses (Hom. IL 3185) ; the Armenians, however, in later times claimed Haik the son of Thorgom for their ancestor. The name has been identified by Delitzsch and Halevy independently with Tel-garinimu, a city (mentioned by Sargon and Sennacherib) situated on the border of Tahali (see TUBAL). That Z ( 5 ) had become o in the document from which P drew, surprises Schrader ( K A T ( * ) 8,;), nor can we blame him. The truth probably is thxt here, as elsewhere in Gen. 10, corruption and reconstruction are jointly the causes of the present form of the Table of Nations. ‘ Gomer ’ is one of the current corruptions of ‘ Jerahmeel ’ ; .4shkenaz is a combination of Asshur and Kenaz; Riphath is a corruption of Zarephath (the southern Zarephath), and Togarmah represents either Gomer simply or Beth-gomer ( = Beth-jerahmeel). This throws light on Ezek. 27 14 386. See CY&. Eib. See Del. Par. 246 ; Calwer Bi&-Lex. 906 ; Hal. RE/ 13 13;









KAMON), hut also from ‘ Je+meel’ (which is moreover the , v probable original of ‘ hlahanaim ’ and ‘ Karnaim ’). 7 9 . ~ in I ? 7 can hardly in the present state of inquiry be regar&d other. wise than as a corruption of ,yJ> 1-y. There seems t o the present writer to he evidence of a southern Gilead (another name for Terahmeel ?). TO1 (’&+: eoyoy or eooy Bas1 [ALI, 2 S . 8 9 3 ), Z-Or, vice &sa, Naphtoah (cp Naphtubim) is a modification of iphtah , cp Nathan and Ethan. or B a h [BK], Booy [AI, 8ohb [L]; PuL Eshtabl ’ is probably a modification of the clan-name Shaul ; RingoftlremenofA7rtioch [Pesh.], I Ch. lSgf.), king of the t is a transition-consonant-i.e. it facilitates the transition Hamath, who sent his son Joram (or, as Ch., HADORAM) from o i e articulation to another (cp’Kon., Lehrg. 2 T, p. 472).

[The subject, though small, i s intricate, and the correct reading of the text can only be decided as a art of a larger inquiry, which includes the question whether Eamuel was not really of a Jerahmeelite family, helonging perhaps to Benjamite territory in the Negeb. Textual criticism, too, has to he practised comprehensively. c p RAMATHAIM-ZOPH1M.-T. K. C.]

1 ‘Kamon’ in Judg. 105 might come from ‘Mahanaim’ (cp






TOLAD (l$n),I Ch.429;
1024, TELEM.
in Josh.1530 ELTOLAD.

See date, so that we are often unable (for example) to distinguish Christian from Jewish tombs. I t lies-indeed in the very nature of the case that there should be difficulty in dating these; by reason of their very simplicity they show no very characteristic architectural forms by which their period could be fixed, and inscriptions, too, are almost wholly wanting. It is not possible therefore to describe the sepulchral stvles of the various ages in the order of successive periods,-in other words to sketch the development and history of this department of art. W e must rest content with describing the ancient sepulchres still extant, classifying them according to the differences they show and deducing from these the characteristic features of this class of structure in the Hebrew domain. The first generalisation which presents itself is that they are all of them rock-tombs, that is to say, hewn out of the living rock. Nowhere do we find any trace of built sepulchres. Of tombs above the level of the ground-mausoleums in which the sarcophagus was placed-no trace has reached us from ancient times nor do we hear of any such, any more than we hear of sarcophagi or coffins. With the Phoenicians, also, tombs above the surface are the exception, not the rule; but they are frequent in Syria in the Hellenistic period (cp, for example, the sepulchral towers of Palmyra). I n so far as tombs above the surface occur in Palestine at all, they belong to the Hellenistic period ; and even then the characteristic examples of this type of sepulchre are not buildings, but are hewn out of the solid rock. The same holds good of the subterranean tombs. Nor does the O T contain any hint of built sepulchres though this has often been supp0sed.l This is connected with the physical character of the country ; the soft limestone of the mountains of Palestine presented many natural caverns which in the early period were used in the first instance as burial-places (see below). In particular, it was easily wrought, so that the excavation of vaults and chambers in it presented no difficulty too great for the technical skill of the Israelites to overcome. There are indeed in Palestine (as already indicated) some examples of tombs above the surface. The best known are those of the Valley of Kedron ; the so-called Tomb of Absalom and the Pyramid of Zacharias. These two, however, show quite clearly in their ornalnentation the influence of Greek and late-Egyptian art ; moreover, they too have been carved out of the living rock, and their arrangement is so analogous to that of the subterranean tombs as to make it quite clear that it has been copied from these. A solitary exception would seem to he the so-called monolith of Siloam which, according to the unanimous judgment of archaeologists, dates hack to the r-exilic period ; hut this great rock 'die ' of 6 1 metres in ength, 5.60 in breadth, and .0 about 4 in height is also c u t out of the living rock. It hears evidence of Egyptian influence, hut on the other hand there is no trace of the Greek style. Perrot and Chipiez, however ( H i s t . O A r t in Jud. 1 2 7 - 3 ) ueqtion for weighty reasons whether f this monument reall; wak %iginally and from the first intended as a tomb ; more probably its purpose was formerly quite different (perhaps to serve as site for an altar) and the hurial chambers and niches within must have been excavated later. The which served for the Hebrew tomb was unnlistakably the Phcenician not the Egyptain type, 3. phaenician a'ike as regards sing1e sepulchres and models. collective groups. Here also a leading characteristic of Phoenician architecture comes into the (cP PH(IENrCIA, : § the great part which is assigned to the ~rpendicubdr rock-wall. The individual tombs as well as the larger burial places were hewn by preference in steep rockfaces where natnre offered these. For this purpose ready use was made of the walls of the caverns which are of such frequent occurrence in Palestine and which furnish natural (see &low). Thus for example the hollow under the Haram of Hebron1


TOLL (nyp, Ezra 420 ; nq!Q, Ezra 413 724). T AXATION, f; 7 n. : CD TRADE; 6 82 i f : ) (21. . . .~ , , ,





TOLNIAN ( T O A M A N [A,), T ..-. .
I AL,V,"N.


I Esd,





As already observed (see DEAD, 5 I, the regular practice of the Hebrews was to Religious bury their dead, the instalices in which conceptions. they burned them being exceptional and extraordinary.2 The explanation is to be sought in the idea that the human soul remained even after death in some kind of connection with the body ; in the case of unburied persons, a long as the s body found no resting-place, the Soul also had none. T h e spirits of such departed ones wander restlessly about, and even in the world of the dead, in Sheol, must hide themselves in holes and corners (Ezek. 3223 Is. 14 ' 5 , etc.). These views being held, one would expect to find the Hebrews not only attaching great importance to burial but also giving special care to making their tombs as splendid and artistic as possible. It was by similar views, in point of fact, that the Egyptians were led not only to preserve-one might almost say, for ever-the bodies of their dead by embalming them, but also to build magnificent resting-places for them, dwellings resembling those of the living, and furnished with everything in which the soul when in life took most delight. Thus it was in the construction and adornment of its tombs that the art of Egypt found its most welconle tasks and the widest field for its development. With the Israelites, however, the case was quite different. With them, apart from cases where Greek or Roman influences interfered, the places of sepulture were always of the simplest description, without any resort to the arts of the painter or the sculptor. The cause of this is, naturally, to be sought in the first instance in the Hebrews' notorious deficiency in artistic endowment ; in none of the fine arts did they ever make any important contribution of their own. Cp COLOURS. I. § I n the present case, however, we ought probably to take account also of the operation of a religious motive which prevented the Israelites, while borrowing from the Phoenicians in other respects, to imitate them in the architectural beauty and monumental grandeur of their tombs. The religion of Yahwe from the outset set itself against every kind of worship of the dead with the utmost emphasis. However we may explain it the fact is undeniable that Yahwism had at times to contend with a very strong inclination towards this form of worship. This could not fail to have its influence on the outward form given to places of burial. Everything that was fitted to promote worship of the dead in any form mnst have been antipathetic to Yahwism. And as the worship of the dead on the one hand led directly to the sumptuous adornment of the places where they lay, so on the other hand beauty and luxury displayed in these could not fail to promote that form of worship. It was entirely in accordance with the spirit of Yahwism that the graves of the dead-though with all reverent piety towards the dead, and notwithstanding the existence of the view stated above-were kept as plain and simple as possible. The whole of Palestine is rich in ancient buryingplaces. It would be natural, therefore, to expect full 2. subterranean and accurate information as to the ancient ~~b~~~ practice, -ibis exsepulchres. pectation, however, is not fulfilled those which are known to US are far from having been examined with respect to their origin and 1 [For the various Hebrew and Greek terms see below, 8 9.1 2 [Recent investigations at Gezer seem to ;how that crema. tion was regular among the earliest inhabitants of that district at least. But it is impossible to speak more decidedly until the excavations are completed ; see PEFQ, 1g02, pp. 3 4 7 8 1




On Job 3 1 5 , see below, t

g [j].



which has not as yet been explored with any detail-is a cave sepulchre. The finest example of a system of rock-hewn sepulchres of the type indicated is supplied by Petra, the ' City o f Tombs. ' There can be seen the most magnificent tombs, series upon series, with sumptuous portals, hewn at almost inaccessible heights in the perpendicular wall. These tombs, it is true, belong all of them :o the later period, but thus they bear witness merely to the persistent survival of the practice. If no natxal rock wall was available, then such a wall was artificially made by excavating from the surface downwards in a rocky bed a rectangular space with perpendicular walls. A quite characteristic example of this kind of burying-place is to be seen in the so-called ' Sepulchres of the Kings' at Jerusalem (fig. I), though these also belong to the later period (1st cent. A . D . ) . Here we find a great enclosure (28 x 2 5 . 3 metres) excavated to a depth of 8 metres in the solid rock, and reached from the surface by a wide stair. The portal to the place of graves properly socalled, is on the western wall (see below). On the other hand, no example has yet been found in Palestine of the shaft-tombs (tombs reached by a narrow perpendicular shaft).l so frequently met with in Egypt and so characteristic for this branch of architecture there. Yet it does not follow, of course, that this type of tomb was wholly unknown in Palestine in the olden time. As regards the form of sepulchre proper in Palestine, the Phcenician type is closely followed. The extant 4. Form examples fall into four classes : ( I ) Pigeonof tombs. hole tombs, usually called k i k i m , ~rectangular recesses driven into the wall at right angles to the face, arid measuring about 5-6 ft. in length by I* ft. in breadth and depth. Into these the body was thrust lengthways. ( 2 ) Sunken tombs which like

troughs hewn out of the perpendicular rock-wall, I 5 ft. wide and of the length of the body, some 21 ff. above the level of the floor. These also are invariably arched. They thus represent a combination of the shelf tomb with the sunken tomb : a shelf tomb is hewn into the rock-wall and in this shelf a sunken tomb or mould like a coffin is hollowed out. The observed departures from these four types are unimportant and in no case alter the fundamental type but relate principally to the measurements. In the KihRim double resting-places are met with, that is to say, Rihim of twice the ordinary width in which two bodies could be laid side by side; down the middle runs a little channel-like hollow about a handbreadth wide separating the two restir~g-places(see fig. I ) ; there are instances also of double benches for the reception of two bodies, though these are of rarer occurrence (see fig. I H). In the trough-tomb class an interesting peculiarity is seen in

a tomb near Haifa Here the trough-tombs are not, as is usually the caie like shelf-tombs hewn out lengthways along the wall, hut lik; KJKim, at right angles to its surface. In this case also double tombs occur corresponding to the double kakjm mentioned above ; a narrow d i t nearly I foot wide separates the individual resting-places. Each pair of these is connected breadthways by a semicircular arch.

The tombs jnst described were not simply hewn out of the rock without further - . preparation. Even when it was but one grave for a single person 6. Form Of that was in question, it was not the sepulchral practice to excavate in the rock-surface a chambers hollow like the graves we use; by preand groups ference a little subterranean chamber was of chambers. made. and the mave was made in the floor or in the wall as the case might be. At first sight we might feel inclined to connect this general preference for subterranean sepulchral chambers with the original custom of using caves for purposes of burial. There was yet another element, however, which contributed to this result, namely the desire to keep the dead members of a family, or clan, still united even in the grave. In such a sepulchral chamber many graves of all the different kinds could easily be brought together. Subsequent stages were the adding of a second chamber to the first, or several chambers might be connected by passages, or great subterranean constructions made. Thus the places of burial fall into three distinct classes : ( I ) simple chambers for one body only which is buried in a sunken tomb in the floor. These burial chambers axe frequently unclosed. ( 2 ) Single chambers with several graves of the different sorts mentioned, prrrticularly k8kim and shelf tombs. ( 3 ) Larger complexes embracing several chambers. Examples of all three classes are numerous in Palestine. To the first class, that of single chambers with only one grave, belong


pl plan

of the tombs of the kings.

our modem graves were hewn out on the upper surface of the rock and closed with a flat stone. ( 3 ) Shelf tombs, that is to say benches or shelves on which the bodies were laid. These shelves either ran at a height of about 2 ft. round one or more walls of a sepulchral chamber, or else were hewn lengthways as niches in the rock wall (about 16 ft. square, and of the length required for the body) ; in the latter case they were as a rule provided with an arch above. (4) Trough tombs,
1 [Two examples of the shaft-type, however, have been found at Tell ej-Judeideh. A cylindrical shaft over z metres deep is hollowed in the rock, and at the bottom a small doorway leads to an irregular chamber about 7 . 8 0 metres by 1.50 (Rlks and Macalister, PEF Exca:uationc, r898-1go0, p. 199f: ( I ~ o ? ) . ] [2 With the post-biblical D'!iS (Dalman D'?El), are connected the i * n ~ and iqnn3 of Nahatean and Palmyrene inscr. respec> tively; ultimately the word seems to come from the Ass. kimah&u. For a discussion of other Nabatean terms, see D e Vogiie, 'Notes d'kpigraphie arame'enne,' 1 1 7 j fi, 1 As. . (extrait), 1896.1

FIG Z.-Plan of the tombs of the judges.

many of the tombs on the southern slope of the Valley of Hinnom. In agreement with the purpose they serve, these chambers are for the most part rather small. Amongst these, on the side of the Hill of Evil Counsel, are also some belonging to the second class : single chambers with several graves. For a fuller account of these see Tobler (of. cit., I I below). Very instructive examples o the third class of larger complexes are f found in the so-called Sepulchres of the Kings and of the Judges in Jerusalem. Both examples indeed are of late date, but the Hellenistic influence (so far as it

appears at all) is shown only in the ornamentation, particularly in the portal, not in the arrangement of the complex as a whole. The Sepulchres of the Kings display best the quite regular type. From the porch with a portal in Greek style a qnite low narrow passage which was closed by a disk of stone leads into the approximately cubical antechamber which has no graves. Opening out of this on three sides are the three sepulchral chambers proper-also approximately cubical, with shelf and shaft tombs. Each of these chambers has a side-chamber also : of these two (fig. I G ) are at a lower level and partly go under the principal chamber -plainly on account of the configuration of the site.

respects have the same characteristics as single graves. The sunken tomb is also, in the case of family huryingplaces for the most part regarded as a sign o f a relatively late date. Until, however, all the known tombs shall have been systematically examined, this question ought not to be regarded as definitely settled. So also the other questions as to the age of the shelf-, niche-, and shaft-tomb, and the frequency of their occurrence respectively at the different periods remain open. Of one form only, namely of the k#kRim, can it he definitely affirmed that it was already extensively in use in the older period, as w-e can also say that the single chambers (mentioned above under 5 5 [ z ] ) are shown by the excavations to be, properly speaking, the oldest, and at all times the most usual type of tomb among the Israelites. These kikim placed at right angles to the wall surface, take up least room and permit the introduction of a large number of bodies into one chamber.
This arrangement appears as that most commonly in use i o the Mishna also where it alone ismentioned and precise regulations are laid ddwn as to its size and the like (8&i BathrZ, 6 8). T h e sepulchral chamber (Q?p, nrd'ZrZh, see CAVES) has to b o 4 cubits in breadth and 6 in length ; the entrance is to be on the short side; the other short side is to have two kikinr, each of thelongersides three, makingeight in all. It need not, however cause any surprise to discover that the sepulchres which hav; been explored do not accurately answer these prescriptions (the nearest approach to them is found in a tomb a t ed-Duweimeh and another on the Hill of Evil Counsel) ; practical necessities were stronger than prescriptions, and, in particular, the number of resting-places in each tomb greatly vanes. In reality no rule is observable, but complete freedom prevails, as in the instances already cited.







F IG. 3.-Plan

of the tombs of the prophets.

This difference of level in the various chambers is' the characteristic feature of the sepulchres of the Judges. These (see fig. z ) are on two different levels and, besides, in the upper sepulchral chamber. above the graves on the ground level at a height of about 3 ft. from the surface, there is a second set of chambers and graves.
A complete departure from this regularity is shown in a very interesting way by the so-called Sepulchres of the Prophets on the Mount of Olives which hitherto are quite &que among the tombs of Palestin;. They belong to the ancient-that is to say, at least pre-Grecian- period, and exhibit no trace of Hellenistic influence. Their original feature (see fig. 3) is that instead of various chambers of square or rectangular plan opening into each other, two semicircular passages round a rotunda are hewn out of the rock, and connected with one another and with the rotunda by means of ray-like passages radiating from the rotunda. In the wall of the outermost passage are 27 kakim arranged in ray-fashion, hewn out of the solid rock. Connected with this passage moreover are two sidechambers, also with klikim.


The principal difference between single tombs and family sepulchres is to be sought not so much in com6. beof parative size (for even the single tomb can have its antechamber, etc., as well as these Its chamber proper) as rather in the number and description of the separate resting-places. So far as we are at present in a position to judge, the single tombs (i.e., tombs with room for one or at most two occupants) have either shelf or trough tombs, and according to the pretty generally accepted opinion of Tobler, Mommert, and others, such tombs are to be regarded as ancient Jewish. On the other hand, according to the same authorities the single burying. place with grave hollowed in the ground is not to be dated earlier than the beginning of the Christian era, No instances are known of sepulchral chambers with only one or two Rihim. This is easily accounted for : the use of this description of tomb, which demanded the smallest amount of space, was only desirable or necessary where the problem was to provide a relatively large number of resting-places within the same sepulchre. In the case of a single tomb even the smallest sepulchral chamber was always able to furnish room for a trough or shelf tomb (or alternatively a sunken tomb). K5fiinz m e thus peculi'ar to family sepulchres, which in other




That we may safely assume for the older period the employment of large complexes is made evident by the fact that the kings of Judah had two great burial-places of this description. In the first and oldest of these were buried the kings down to Hezekiah's time : Manasseh appears to have prepared a new sepulchre of the Kings ( z K. 418). We may safely suppose these tombs to have been of great extent, yet simpler than those of later date, and without much elaboration of ornament. Not each separate resting-place was closed, but only the entrance to the sepulchral chamber. The sunken 7, Protection tombs-on the surface of the ground were doubtless as a rule covered with of ~ m b s . a flat stone, but the k#kim on the other hand were often left open. At the same time there was no special ditficulty in this case also in closing the entrance with a stone, and this may frequently have been done. In the case of bench tombs, however, shutting up was impossible, for there the body, enveloped only in grave-clothes-coffins were not usual -was simply laid upon the shelf. All the more carefully therefore in these circumstances must the sepulchral chambers have been closed and protected againit the entrance of wild beasts. The passages to these chambers are therefore for the most part very low and narrow, so that in entering one has to creep rather than walk. Even in the case of great sepulchres with fine large porches, as for example in the Sepulchre of the Kings (see fig. I ) , the accesses are of this narrow sort. 'The external opening in such cases was closed either hy a regular stone door turning on hinges, or-the more frequent case-by a round stone disk which could b e rolled and placed before the entrance. Such a disk closed for example the entrance to the Sepulchres of the Kings and is still preserved. For this puryose, naturally, large and heavy stones were employed, such as one man alone could hardly move (cp Mt. 2760 : ' h e rollcd a great stone'). In order to ensure against slipping, another large stone, and doubtless also an underpin was frequently placed against the stone that properly constituted the door (ZDZ'?7, 1878, pp. 11 f: 14 ; 1890, P. 177). Such a method o closing.served to guard the tomb f against the ravages of wild beasts, but not against human visitants. This last protection, however, was


56 ' 3

quite as necessary as the other. For nothing w3s so much dreaded as the desecration of the tomb by willul violators-a dread which is easily explained from what has been said above ($ I ). And yet, it was not mere plundering of the graves, which often contained things of more or less vnlue, or yet injury to the bodies or their disturbance (Jer. 81 z K. 2316) or even the total destruction of the tcmh, that was feared. For the Hebrews it was already a great and wicked outrage if a corpse not helonging to it was laid in a grave, the dead body of one who did not belong to the family. Against such desecration at human hands full protection w a s certainly difticult. In some cases it was possible to hew out the sepulchre at an inaccessible height on the steep rock wall (Is. 2216). But generally speaking it was found necessary to rely simply on the power of established custom which condemned any such wickedness in the strongest possible way. In another direction protection was sought by means of an inscription invoking the severest (curses on any who should disturb the repose of the sleeper or introduce a strange body into. the grave.‘ With the Phcenicians it was a frequent custom to mark the site of a subterranean tomb by the erection of 8. a menlorial above ground. Various very interesting Phmnician monuments of the kind are still exta.nt. On the other hand we have none that date from Old Hebrew times. and nowhere in the OT is any such practice indicated. The custom existed indeed of piling a heap of stones over the body in cases where it had been simply covered wi& earth ; the purpose of this, however, was merely to protect froin wild beasts (cp z S. 18 17). The pillar in the Valley of Kedron which Absalom raised for himself in his lifetime to keep his name in remembrance ( 2 S. 18 18) was not strictly speaking a monument but rather a pillar (rnn;>rihih)having a religious purpose.2 The memorial also at the grave of the anonymous prophet spoken of in z K. 2 3 1 7 may also have the same meaning. That the Hebrews at a later date adopted foreign customs in this respect also is shown by what we read of the magnificent mausoleum of the Maccabees at Modin ( I Macc. 1 3 2 7 8 ) . See MODIN, 3. 5 Hitherto little account has been taken of the notices of the subject contained in the OT. These also leave us quite in the dark as to the form 9‘ E t T ’ a n d description of the sepulchres of the Hebrews. [The following Hebrew and Greek terms require mention :I . &%e~, l??, E V ‘grave,’ the commonest term, Gen.234, etc. (Is. 22 16 with lsn, pre-supposing a rock -hewn sepulchre [Cp H A N DIC R A F T S , I ] ) ; Cp KIUKOTH-HATTAAVAH. 2. k c l r i ~ a k , a?!?, E V ‘grave,’ Gen. 35 20, etc.

Nos. 6-8 are frequently used b y @ indiscriminately to translate kP6er and k&Z?-cih.]

The data supplied establish before aught else the great importance that was attached to having the members of the same family united even after death in a common tomb.
(Cp Gen. 15 15 2 S. 17 23 T K. 4 3 1 15824 22 51 z K. 1538, and often.) Barzillai desires to die beside the grave of his father and mother (2 S. 19 38 [37]) ; David in his maq,aniinity causes the bones of Saul to be huried in the tomb of Saul’s father Kish (2 S. 21 1 ) ; Nehemiah gives it as his reason for wishing to go 4 t o Jerusalem that the fathers are buried there (N eh. 2 5). Jacob and Joseph lay upon their descendants a n oath that they will bring their bones to the sepulchre of their fathers, in the cave of Machpelah a t Hebron (Cen. 4720f: 4 9 2 9 8 5 0 ~ 5 ) . Hence P’: constantly repeated phrair ‘ t o he gathered to one’s fathers (Gen.26 8 17 35 29 Nu.27 13 31 2 U t 32 50) with the corresponding expression of Kings he slept with his fathers ’ (I K. 1431 158 24 22 j r 2 K. 1.5 38, etc.), expressions both in the first instance to be understood literally of tbcir being gathered t o the sepulchre of their ancestors.

Not to be buried with one’s ancestors is a great hardship, a punishment with which conspicuous offenders are threatened by God; as witness the case of the disobedient prophet ( I K. 1322). of Ahaz ( I K. 21 24), and others. Poor people, indeed, who had not the means t o procure family graves of their own, strangers from a distance-pilgrims, for example-as also criminals, had to be content to find a last resting-place in the comnion public burial-place ( z K. 2:3 6 Is. 53 9 Jer. 2 6 2 3 Mt. 277). In family tombs naturally none but members of the family came to be laid ; to bury in it a stranger who had no title to the privilege u-as equivalent to desecrating it (see above). At the same time, on this point the views of a later age seem to have grown laxer, and instances are not wanting in which a stranger was admitted to the family tomb. Biit it is always a great sacrifice and a token of special esteem or regard for the deceased or for his people that is implied (Gen.236 I K. 1 3 3 0 8 2 Ch.2416 Mt.2760). These family tombs were made in the oldest times on the family property in the vicinity of the family abode, an arraugement which is easy to understand in view of the fact that community of iamily life was held to continue after death. Thus Samuel is huried beside his house in Ramah (I S. 25 x)
Joab in his own house in the wilderness of Judah ( I K. 2 34): T h e sepulchres of the kings of Judah lay quite close to the palace within the citadel in the immediateneighhourhood of t h e temple, as we see from Ezekiel’s sharp rebuke (cp Ezek. 43 7). From Manasseh onwards, the kings were huried in the ‘Garden of Uzza‘(see UZZA ii.); the old burying-place was probably full, but of course thenew one was made not far from the old. The ‘Garden of Uzra’ (if Uzza=Azariah) m y well have been a garden laid out by that king within the citadel, and thus the allusion may he to a palace built by Manasseh in the garden of Uzza, in or near which be also prepared his burial-place.

3. g d G , O‘’??, Job 21 j 2 t (see BDR ; rop6r). iiiim ( ‘I no. 1 in Is. 86 4) AV ‘ monuments,’ @ mrjhrrrov a burial cave, but R V ‘secret places’ is preferable. d b f k , ni>?$, Job 3 1 5 t , ‘desolate’ (RV ‘waste ’)

‘places.’ Che. (Ex#. T, Apr. 1899) reads nil??, following Hitz., Budde, Duhm, etc. who see a n allusion to the treasures in royal sepulchres. The h e w that the pyramids in particular are referred to, is maintained by Budde and Duhm, but controverted b y Che. in Ex#o.iitor, 1897 6, 407. 01. and formerly Che. read n i l n i ~ ‘palac(%s.’ But the reference seems t o be to , the splendour of the Sepulchre of the Kings (so a t least Budde, Che., etc., but not Di. Davidson). 6. sd$os(iu Ecclus.SOrs=()l~~, stone placed over a grave), a hft. 33 ’9 AV ‘ tomb’ (RV ‘sepulchre,’ and so E V in 2). 27), etc. 7. pvqpm2 hlk. 5 5 Lk. 8 27. 8. ~ V ~ ~ E L OMt. 23 29 K V (AV ‘sepulchre’), 2i52f: (AV Y , ‘grave ’), id. 6ua (in 606 AV ‘ sepulchre ’).
1 Cp, for example, the inscription in the Ermunazar sarcophagus, 1. 6, and various Nabatgan inscriptions (Euting Nahaatiiiscke Inschrj/tpn am- ~ r a b i e n [Berlin, 18851,no. 2 ) ; 0; the inscription of Darius Hystaspis. Unfortunately no ancient Hebrew tomb inscriptions have come down to US. 2 For ma$j2hZh (in Ph. ‘gravestone’) see col. 2975, and for ~iyylin p ) , 2 K. 23 17, etc. (RV ‘monument ’), col. 2978 (e). (

It will be readily understood, however, that this very soon became an impossibility in the towns, and that for practical the sepulchres had t o lo.of tombs. be placed reasons the walls. outside This became the case all the more an ~~. ~with a later age the idea of the impurity of sepulchres came into increasing prominence. The law of P enacts that everyone who has come into contact with a dead body or with a bone of a man, or even with a grave, shall be unclean for a period of seven days (Nu. 19 16). Since, as remarked above 8), the underground tombs of the Israelites were for the most part not marked out by means of monuments above ground, and it was not altogether easy at once to recognise from a safe distance a sepulchre or the entrance to one, the custom arose of white-washing afresh the stone at the door every spring. In this manner a grave was made recognisable from afar and the passer-by could guard himself against defilement (Mt. 2327).
~ ~~~~~~


Descriptions of particular tombs are to he met with in almost all books of travel in Palestine. Of researches of scientific value the mnst iniportant will he found in the 1 .Literature. works named below. Titus l’obler, GoZwfha, 1 1851, and Zwei Blichr To#ogra&e mn Jerusalem, esp. 2 2 2 7 8 : Robinson, BR : Sepp, frwsalenr und dar ltcilige Land,(=) 1873. esp. 2 ~ 7 3 ;8Karl Mommert.



Golgotha una’ das heihge Gra6 zu /erusaZenr (1900); The Survey o Wesfern Palestine, 1881 j f ? Copious material is also supplied by the journals devoted to Palestine exploration : PEfiQSt. (1873j?), ZDPV(1878j?), Miftheiiungen u. Naclrrichfen d. Deuischen Pal.-Vereins (1895 ), Rmuc 6i6Zigur trzbzestrielZe ( 1 8 8 2 8 ) . For description o&he more important individual tombs see further Baedeker-Benzinger PaZ. (p. cxi.), and for Phcenician and Syrian tombs de Vogue, ’Syri6 cenfrale (1865), 1103-110 270.97. I. B.

assume that a i m is an early corruption of l~on-i.e., bipindu, or perhaps of *&pi?d?r (whence *&ipiddu, bipindu).
This is the name of a precious stone referred to in the Ass. inscriptions (see Del. and Muss-Amolt s.v ) and explained there by a6an G&-i.e., not literally ‘iso t; of fire,’ but ‘a flashing stone’=rsiE ,!;I ’&en ’&, in Ezek. 2814 (11 ?I??; =‘precious stone,’ v. 13).1 Not only in Exodus and Ezekiel but also in Gen. 2 12 (in the penultimate form of the text);2 id Nu. 117, and in Is. 54 12 a thorough textual criticism permits us to restore the word i)Dn (Ass. &&ndu). In the first of these passages, the statement, ‘there is bdellium and the onyx-stone ’ certainly misrepresents the writer’s meaning. As the text stoyd a t a comparatively early period it must have referred rather to the &ipixdu and the S&m.3 In the second passage, we are bound to bold that the appearance (i9y) of the manna was likened, not to any resinous substance like B DELLIUM (q.~.), but to something which would a t once strike the imagination. A precious stone like the hijindu satisfies this condition,4 and we may plausibly adopt the view of @ that crystal is intended : the transparence of rock-crystal (see CRYSTAL) would make it a n appropriate comparison. I n the third we can hardly rest satisfied with the purely conjectural kendering ‘carbuncles’ for n i p *)IN ; experience of corruption elsewhere leads one to emend the first of these words into i y ~ (&@indu), n disregarding the second a s a corruption of a dittographed 1311 (see v. ma). Read, therefore, in Is. 54 12, ,]on’, -ppv> I and thy gates of Bipindu. It only remains to be added tha; in Job28 19, dn-n:Q? also probably presents two corruptions -i.e., not onlyhas m u 3 come out of 113n, but WlD is a mutilated and corrupt form of @&dl) ‘and &aZmi; (see TARSHISH, STONE OF) where &almiSmay perhaps be the white sapphire a suitable ’stone to be combined with the hipindu whici seems to be the rock-crystal (see above). If-this cdrrection he accepted, together with the correction of v. 18a given under TARSHISH [STONE], 8 3, it will be plausible t D identify the ‘Edomite stone’ mentioned in 7,. 18a with the hipindu-stone referred to in v. 19a. It is also a t any rate posgihle that the lrijindu-stone should displace the very questionable ‘ apes and peacocks ’ in I K. 10z z (see OPHIR). R V w . ‘ topaz’ for tar5zJ in Cant. 5 14can hardly he justified, except as a warning of the Revisers not to be sure that tnrsis‘is rightly rendered ‘beryl. See BERYL, TARSHISH (STONE OF).

2. (2)




Is.66, etc., EV

See C OOKING UTENSILS, B 4, and C ANDLESTICK , XZQ, mu‘risiiri, Is. 44 12, AV wrongly. See AXE.





AV, RV P KOVINCE (g.v. ).




Macc. 1 1 2 8

TOPAZ (Yl?2?, TOTTAZION). The precious stone called pitduh occurs in the list of stones on the high priest’s breastplate (Ex. 28 1 7 8 = 39 1 3 also in the list 0 ); (derived by an interpolator from that in Exodus) of the gems with which the king of Tyre ( l i s ) or perhaps hJi+r (imn : see P ARADISE , 3 ) is said in a prophetic poem to have been adorned in Eden (Ezek. 2813). Lastly, a TOT&OV (EV ‘ topaz ’) is represented as one of the foundation-stones of the wall of the New Jerusalem (Rev. 2120). Strabo (16 770) describes the topaz as diaphanous and emitting a gold-like light (XfBos . 6ra@av$s xpuuoF&S ~ T O U T L X / ~ W V @yyos), not easily 1 Topaz . of Strabo rnd seen in the daytime for it is outshone ( d ~ c p u v y e i ~ a d p ) , and as obtained yt Rev. 21 x ) only in the Ophiodes island off the Troglodytic coast of the Red Sea, about the latitude of Berenice.l The monopoly was carefully guarded by the Ptolemies. Pliny ( H N 378, cp 6 3 4 ) describes the stone as green, meaning doubtless olive green (e virenti genere), and calls the island Cytis or Topazus. This agrees with the Targum’s rendering N ~ TN ~ J ‘, yellowgreen gem,’ in Job 28 19, and with the phrase dip n???, ‘p,itdZh of Ethiopia,’ in the (traditional) Hebrew text of this passage. The stone intended by the Greek geographers was almost certainly the transparent variety of olivine now generally known as peridote, which is usually some shade of olive-pistachio or leek-green (on the yellow variety see CHRYSOLITE, TARSHISH [STONE]). The topaz of modern mineralogists (yellow, blue, or colourless) was unknown to the ancients. This may no doubt be a correct identification of the T O T C ~ ~ L Oof Rev. 21 M. V It is much less certain whether ‘ topaz’ (explained as above) is the Assyrirn right rendering of pitdZh. Is the in theory more than a superficial conUI. jectuie,z based on the metathesis of p and f ’F Can we give any satisfactory philological account of pitdzh? A Sanskrit etymology (pit., yellowish, pale; von Bohlcn) is still to be found in some books of reference : but for such a case there is no sure analogy ( n p m is surely not a Sanskr. loan-word ; see E MERALD ), and no tradition mentions India as the home either of the T O T ~ { L O V or of the pi@%. Experience leads us to suspect that there may be a transcriptional error, and if so it is reasonable to look to Assyria for a word out of which moa may have been corrupted. Using this key we may very plausibly


[BAL]), a locality near the wilderness, mentioned with Laban, Hazeroth, and Di-zahab (Dt. 1I?). See SUPH,W ANDERINGS , 5 IO.


($&h; TO@OA

T. K. C.

TOPHET, TOPHETH (n@ln?), 3 0 3 3 Jer. 731 etc. Is. The Aramaic connection (see MOLECH, § 3). rejected by Delitzsch (Zsniah, E T , 240) has been brilliantly defended by Robertson Smith (in RSW 377 n.). W e must not, however, lay too much stress on the supposed description of a Topheth ( n n ~ n becomes in EV c Topheth’) in Is. 3033, for, as well as its context, it is (not incurably) corrupt ; see Crit. Bi6., ad Zoc. The ancient etymologies (from qh, ‘ tympanum ‘ or nn5, ‘ aperuit ’) need only bare mention. Cp MOLECH, 3.
T. K. C.

*’ p!!cu Qi

TORCH (T&, Zuppid; AAMITAC), Nah. 24[s] Zech. 1 2 6 Jn. 1 8 3 ( A A M ~ A C ) . Cp LAMP. The military use
of torches was common in ancient warfare ; cp Statius, The& iv. 6 . On nil)?, p;Zadath, Nab. 2 3 141, see IRON, 5 2.

TORMAH (ng7c; for @ see ARUMAH, and cp Moore, ‘Judges,‘SBOT[Heb.]), mentioned in the story of A BIMELECH ( g . ~ . ) ,Judg. 9 3 1 EVmg. Moore and (4.v.). Budde identify it with AKUMAH
Very possibly both ; I n i H (Arumah) and Tormah (7n.m) are corruptions of 5xony.. Underlying the present story of Gideon who was of Ophrah near Shechem (so Moore), there seems t : have been an earlier tale with different geography. The districts of Ophrah and Cusham-jerahmeel were among those which the ‘children of the East’ (or ‘rather [col. ‘719, n. 41 the Amalekites) devastated, and which Gideon set free from their
~ _ _ _ .

stone of a pleasing diaphanous [“glow~ng,”see L. and S.] character, someyhat like glass, and presenting a wonderful golden appearance. 2 Precisely such a guess led to the renderin5 of 1 byroa&<‘ov 3 in P .119 127, unless indeed TOT. there IS a corruption of s aa5. But in 63 Cant. 5 TI, 13 is transliterated as $a<.

1 Cp Diod. Sic. 3 39 : AiOos 6ia+aLv6pevos ;arreprris, 3dAm aapsp+ppir K& Oavpaurfv ~ y ; ~ ~ p v u o v rrp6uo+~vrrapc,y6pevoF-‘



to flash. Cpbimtu, ‘bright, shining.’ See Del. Ass. HWB. 2 For the most probable original form of the text, see PARADISK, 8 5. Read onvni imnn im ow. CP GOLD,5 1 ; OI\.YX. 63, it is true, gives id&, perhaps reading nipu instead of n h ~ . [.e., for n h x ’y3 read i n n p 2 .

‘ hurning ’ to ‘ flashing ’ occurs in the use of hamritu, ( I ) to burn,


See C HERUB , col. 742, n.

The same transition from



raids and hft. Jerahmeel (not Gilboa, see S AUL , S 4) was the placd where the hero encamped. Cusham-jerahmeel was the city of which Abimelech made himself king, and Jerahmeel (or rather no doubt, some popular shortened form of it) was the name bf the place (in the Jerahmeelite region) where Ahime. lech resided when Zehul sent word to him of Gaal’s intrigues. c p SHECHEM. tower’), or

A third word for ‘tower’ is ’?8, Arfizan, Is. 32 14 (RV ‘ watch-

]’?? (Kr. ]?n?), Is. 23 13 (of siege-towers), and


fourth is fiq, nzri‘az, which unites the meanings of ‘fortress’ and ‘refuge’ (Ps. 27 I 31 5 [4], etc.); see Del. on Ps. 31 5 [4].

It is important to notice ( I ) that P knows of Gideoni as a Benjamite name (Nu. 111, etc.), (2)that the list of David’s heroes ( z S. 2327) contains the name of Abiezer the Anathothite, and ( 3 ) that an Ophrah is known to have existed in the land of Benjamin ; Gideon was, upon this theory, a hero of S. Palestine. Cp M EONENIM , T. K. C . MOREH.

T O W N in EV sometimes corresponds to ( I ) l ‘ir ’ $ , (see CrTyFr.g., in ‘ unwalled town‘ (Dt. 3 5 R V w . ‘country town ’ ; Esth. 9 ~ g ) , or ‘town [RV city] in the country I S.27 j (nl,?:! ’ y nnfig); also to four of the terms [(z), l (3), (4), () also rendered V ILLAGE (q S] T O W N C L E R K (rpAMMATeyC), Acts 19 35.


8 2.


(Zy, G b ; o KPOKOAEIAOC o xep-

The Heb. word thus rendered by the AV in Lev. 11251. has been supposed by some to mean a kind of crocodile (cp d Pesh., etc.), whilst, according to the Talmudists, it denoted a ‘toad.’ Most, however, take the word, like its Ar. equivalent dabb, to mean some kind of L IZARD ( 4 . u . ) ; RV renders G REAT L IZARD . The tortoise, which AV referred belongs to that grou pf
C A ~ O C crocodilus). ;

the Reptilia called the Zhelonia ’which is representecf in Palestine by two specie; of land tArtoise and several aquatic. Testudo ibera, the Mauritanian tortoide, is the commonest species; it is widely distributed independent of soil, and is found from Mogador to Persia. I n S. Palestine its place is taken by T.Zeithii, which prefers a sandy soil. The terrapins, CZemmys carpica, var. rivulala, are frequent in the streams a and pools of Palestine, and Emys 0~6icularis, synonym for E . europea, is found in the lakes of Gennesaret and Hiileb. T h e Egyptian soft tortoise, Trionyx triunguis= T. q y j t i a c u s , a n African species, has been taken in the Ligani and the Nahrel-Kelb. A. E. S.-S. A. C.


T O R T U R E ( E T Y M l l A N I C e H C A N ) , Heb. 1135.

se e

(Wh),I Ch. 189f:;



S. 89 Tor.

TOW. ( I ) i’ll@S, piSteh, Is. 43 17, RV FLAX. (2) nlbl, nr“dvcf&, Judg. 16 g Is. 131 ; J1J1, ‘ to shake,’ so ‘that which is shaken off’ from the flax (see BDB). T O W E R . The psalmists qompare God to a lofty, impregiiable tower or fort ; Z4yQ, miig&b, and

m&zid&h,occur in combination, 183 [.I, also separately. il.fisg.66 conveys the idea of height ; M&iddh that of ambush (David’s ngxp. EV ‘ hold,’ may have suggested the application of the ‘termI ) . But the ordinary word for tower ‘ is $;!n, migdd, an old Canaanitish term, also found as a loan-word in Egyptian (see MIGDOL, and cp N AMES , § 106). Towers were used both for the defence of cities (see FORTRESS, 5) and for the protection of flocks and vineyards (see CATTLE, § I , and cp ‘ tower of the watc:hmen,‘ z K. 179 ; ‘ tower of the flock,‘Mic. 48, cp EDER). These protecting towers were probably adjoined by the rude houses of peasants, and out of these groups of dwellings larger places would arise.


The towers of Babel (Gen. 11 4), Penuel (Judg. 8 9 17) Shechem (Judg. g q 6 8 ) , and Siloam (Lk. 134, &pyx) are kspecially mentioned ; also in AV of 2 K. 5 a4, a tower which, from v. 8, we might believe to he that of Samaria. But though 559, ‘&W, will hear the meaning ‘tower ‘ in Is. 32 ‘4 (11 i”), the primary sense of the word is ‘hill’ (lit. ‘swelling’). Hence RV renders ‘hill.‘ The versions all render as if they read $$, ‘Zphel (c.g., Tg. 7n$, ‘to a secret place’; Q cis io anorcrvdv). Pesh., however, implies ; 1 $k-!’K. Cp OPHEL. We also hear of a ‘tower of David ’ (Cant. 4 4) which may be a slip for ‘ tower of Solomon ’ (cp I K. 72), and, i t least in the EV, of the ‘ tower’ of SYENE m(q.v.),and cp MIGDOL.



I n I Ch. 11 7 12 8 16, rue find l$p (EV ‘hold,’ except in 11 7, where AV ‘castle,‘ R V ‘stronghold’); the ‘city of David’ is meant, for which 2 S. 5 7 has ” p p (EV ‘strong hold ’). 2 I t also exists in Tihvan (an ofkhootof Satean). and in M I : hut there is no trace<?-& in Ais&n. 3 T h e difficult phrase rendered in E V ‘as a besieged city’ (Is. l a ) means rather, as Hitz. and Ges. (Tkes.) suppose, a Nearlyso thinks Duhm. watch-tower’(>irs) l + y =p q y j 5,l ). n n u t this has no solid basis. Perhaps we shoud read n?VY 1.Y. ‘ a forsaken city,’ or the like (see ‘ Isaiah,’SBOT(Addenda).

T R A C H O N I T I S . The name of the,region surrounding and including the ‘Trachon, a remarkable 1 N ~ m e . volcanic formation, beginning about 25 ni. . S. of Damascus, and 40 m. E. of the Sea of Galilee, mentioned in the Bible only once, Lk. 31 (74s ‘IToupafar K U ~T ~ U X W ~ ~ T L ~ O Sas part of the XLjpas), ‘tetrarchy’ of Philip, one of the sons of Herod the Great (see vol. z col. zo33f:, 2041f.). The word itself is a derivative of Tpdxwv, the name given by the Greeks to the ’ rough ’ and rugged areas, formed by lava deposits, which are characteristic of the region S. and E. of Damascus (see Fischer’s Map of this district in ZDPY 12 [1889]H., 4 ) . Strabo (xvi.220) speaks of two ‘ hills ’ called Tpdxwves beyond Damascus (Sr+wsrv.rac G’adrijs 6ui, hqbpevor hb+oor Tpdxwuer) : the more remote and easternmost of these is the rugged basaltic area, bare and uninhabited, now called Tuizil ej-SafZ (‘ the hills of stone ’), 55 m. SE. of Damascus : the other is the nearer and better known ‘ Trachonitis ’ of Philip, corresponding to the modern f i j u ( i . e . , Zujuhh, refuge, retreat), so called because, from its physical character, it forms a natural fortress or retreat, where bandits could feel themselves secure, or which could be held by a small body of defenders against even a determined invader. The entire region S. and SE. of Damascus was once actively volcanic, and the SE. corner of the Leja is contiguous to the NW. end of the IebeZ a’ Desrrip- Nuurdn range-called also now, from its having been largely colonised by Druses migrating from Lebanon, the Jebel ed-DMa-with its many conical peaks (Ps. 68 16f: [15f.]), the craters of extinct volcanoes ; and it is to the streams of basaltic lava, emitted in particular by the Ghurdrut el-k-ibZtyeh, and the neighbouring TeZZ Shi&in (see view in Merrill, IS), at the NW. end of this range, that the Leja owes its origin. In shape, the Leja resembles roughly a pear ; it is about 25 m. long from N. to S. and 19 m. broad from E. to W. ; and it embraces an area of some 350 sq. m. It rises to a height of from 20 to 40 ft. above the surrounding plain, so that it looks from a distance like a rocky coast ; its surface is rugged, and intersected by innumerable crevices and fissures. ‘ I n its outline or edge the bed is far from being regular, but sends out at a multitude of points, black promontories of rock into the surrounding plain. Through this rugged shore there are a few openings into the interior, hut for the most part it is impassable, and roads had to be excavated to the towns situated within it.’ The appearance of the Leja is very strange. ‘ Its surface is black, and has the appearance of the sea when it is in motion beneath a dark cloudy sky, and when the waves are of good size, but without a n y white crests of foam. Rut this sea of lava is motionless, and its great waves are petrified. In the process of cooling the lava cracked, and in some cases the layers of great basalt blocks look as if they had been prepared and placed where they are by artificial means. In other
1 See Wetatein, Hauran, 6 8 ; Porter, Damarcus 3 1 x p J ; 2 Burton and Drake, Unexplored Sylin (1872), 1 zo;-qo ; V. Oppenheim, Vom MitteZmeer zum Pers. G o y (1899), 1229.33 (with photographs). In 1838,6000nruses defendedit successfullyagainst Ibrahim Pasha, who lost 20,000 men in the attempt to force it.






6,CLlCA 1333,

INDEX T O NAMES I N MAP (E-Z)-continuedfrom~€rstharfof Map

derb el-Haj, CD2-6 Halbiin, D I ( HELBON) Hamad, DE6 Hammath, Ag el-Hammeh, Ag H h , B3 b F r el-Hariri, D4 N. el-H+bXni, Az (A IN , z ) HX~bEyti, ( B A A L - H A M D N ) Az Hauran, DE4, 5 Hauran, DE4, 5 jebel Haufin, E5 el-Hazm, E3 (BASHAN, 3 ) $ HebrHn, Eg (TRACHONITIS, 5 3) Herrnon, Bz HCyHt, E4 (BASHAN, 3) 5 Hiexomax, Ag (G ADARA ) Hippos, Ag (G ALILEE , S EA O F , 5 7 ) Hit, E4 (BASHAN. 3) 5 kal'at e l - q q , Aq ard el-HSeh, A3 bahret el-Htileh, A3 ( MEROM,W ATERS O F ) 'IlmL, D4 Irbid, Bg *Ire, Eg Jabesh, A6 JaulBn, B3, 4 ej-JSdtir, C3 (GPWR) tell ej-Jtna, Eg beit Jenn, Bz (P HARPAR ) nahr ej-Jennsni, Bz ( P HARPAR )

umm el-Jind, D (BETHGAMUL) 6 Jordan, A3-6 Jurein, D4 (ASHTAROTH)
tell el-KBdi, A3 jebel K a f k f a , B6 (G ILEAD ) jebel Kalamim, D i Kanata, D j (TRACHONITIS, $ 4) KanawXt, E 4 dqir K a n m , C I w. el-Karn, BCI sheriiat el-Kebireh, As, 6 (J ORDAN , 5 Kenath, E4 K e d , Dg Kersa, A4 (GERASENES,OUNTRY O F ) C urn K&., A s ard el-Khanilfis, D3 Khisfin, B4 (C ASPHOR ) Khubab, C3 (BASHAN, 3) $ Khiteh, D4 (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) el-Kubbeh, D3 jebel el-Kuleib, Eg el-KunCfra, B4 el-KunCtra, B3 Kureim, D3 (T RACHONITIS , 3) Kureiyeh, Eg (T RACHONITIS , § 3) Lebanon, A I el-Leja, D 3 (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) jebel LibnBn, AI nahr L i t h i , A I , z (L EBANON , $ 6 ) tell e l - E z , Fg kefr el-Ma, B4 (ALEMA)


shari'at-el ManPdireh, AB4, 5 (GOLAN) Sa'sa', C2 (PHARPAR) jebel el-MUi', D2 Sauwarah, E3 ( T R A C H O N ~ S , 5 3) el-Mq'adiyeh, Aq (B ETHSAIDA ) L Semachonitis, A3 el-Maj, DE I , z W. semak, A4 (GBRASBNES, OUNTRY C el-Merkez. C4 (ASHTAROTH) t l eSh-SWb%t, E3 U a Miryamin, A6 Sha@H, E4 (T RACHONITIS ) Mismiyeh, D3 (TRACHONITIS, 5 3) esh-Shari'a, A3, .4 (J ORDAN , $ I ) jisr el-MujHrni, Ag (J ORDAN , 5 6) jebel qh-Sheikh, Bz Mujeidel, D4 (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) tell e&-Sheikha, B3 el-Mushennef. F4 (T RACHONITIS , 4 ) tell S h - m , E4 (TRACHONITIS, 5 2) el-Muzeirib, Cg Shuhbah, E 4 ( TRACHONITIS, 5 3) Siisitha, A4, 5 Nawa, C4 (PALSTINE, 5 12) Skiiyeh, Aq Nej-, Dq (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) es-SuwaS, Eg (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) deir Nileh, E3 (T RACHONITIS , 9 3) jebel belrrd e+-Suwet, BC5 en-Nukia, BCz-4 ( DECAPOLIS)
T w t Fa& A6




Palma, Aqueduct of, DES
Pella, A6 Phaenae, D3 beit er e, (E DREI ) Bg Rhheyg, BI er-Remtheh, Cg Roman Road, DEz-6 nahr e r - R u W , B4 (GOLAW) sheikh S d , C 4 (ASHTAROTH) Saheni el-JaulXn, B4 (G OLAN ) Sahn, D3 (T RACHONITIS , $ 3) Salcah, Fg Salchad, Fg samakhv AS q - w a m t n , C3

W Tabariyeh, A4, 5 lower wady et-Teim, Az (S YRIA , 5 5) upper wady et-Teim, ABI, z (SYRIA, 5) 5 et-Tell, Aq j e M eth-Thelj, Ba ' Sea of Tiberias, A4. 5 Tibneh, A6 Trachon, D4 Trachonitis, D4 Tsil, B4 et-Turra, Bg
Yarmiik, B4 (&LAN)
Zeiziin, Bg jebel ez-Zumleh, Cg, 6 (BASHAN, 5





h Parewhses indicating orticks that refw to ticC place-names are in certain cases added to non-biblical names having no biblical equivalent. T e alpAabctica1 arrangement usual& ignores pmJxes :ar@ ('land ' ), bahret ( Zake '), bcir ( ' house '), beldd ( towns '), &rb ( ' road ' ), &r ( monastery '), ed-, ej-, cr-, es-, esh-, et-, e*- ( ' t h e ' ) , iklim ('district'), J. (jtbe2, 'mountain'), kal'at ('cast&'), kanrit ( ' c a n a l ' ) , kasr ('castle'),kcfr ('village'), metj ('meadow'),N. (nahr, a river '), s . h i a t ( ' wateringplace:), slik (' market '), t d 2 ( I mound '), tullil mounds '), wmm ( ' mother'), W. (wddy, ' valky ').
( I

jebel el-'AEyeh, D3 Abil, Bg Abila, C I Ahila, Bg Adra, Cg el-'i\fineh, Eg (T RACHONITIS , $ 4 ) ' A i b , Br n a y el-'Ajam, CD2 (GOLAK) jebel 'Ajliin, B6 (JBZREEL) el-'& A4 (E LBALEH ) Alema, D4 nahr el:AIkn, B4 (GOLAN) mons Alsadamus, EFg &met el-'Aly&, D4 (T RACHONITIS , Aqueduct, Ancient, €45 Aqueduct of Palma, DES w. el-'Arab, Ag ( EPHRON) el-A'raj, Aq (BETHSAIDA) Arbela, Bg nahr el-'Arni, BC2 ( P HARPAR )

tell el-Asfar, E3 tell el-'Ash2ir, F5 tell el-Ash'ari, C4 ( BASHAN, 3 ) $ tell 'Asht&, C4 (BASHAN, 3) $ W r e t eL'Atebeh, E I , 2 'Atil, 4 (T RACHONITIS , 3) Auranitis, DE4, 5 nahr el-A'waj, CD2 ( P H A R P A R ) merj 'Ayiin, A2 (I J ON) B%ni@s, A3 (B AAL - GAD ) wady BaradH, C I (A BANA ) s wLdy Barad%, C I (A BANA ) @

Bosra, Eg (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) Bostrenus, AI BurHk, D3 (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) Bureikeh, E4 (T RACHONITIS , 5 4) B q r el-Hariri, D4 Buthheh, E4 Caesarea Paneas, A3 Casphor, Cg jebel e - p a h r , AB1 (L EBANON , 5 3) D h a , D4 (T RACHONITIS , 5 3) Damaxus, D I Dan, A3 Dathema, Cg Decapolis, A-Dg tell elfa'. E3 Der'at. c g Dimashk, Dr jebel ed-Driiz, Eg. 6 (T RACHONITIS , $ z )

Edrei, C5 'Ediin, B6 w. el-EhrEr, BC4, 5 (ASHTAROTH) Ephron 2, Bg Ezra', D4 (BASHAN, 3) 5 Fahl, TabakLt, A6 tell el-FXra, F 4 el-Fijeh, C I (A BANA)


4 (APHEK,3)

kanat Fir'aun, B j (C ONDUITS ) Gadara, Ag Gerasa, A4 (GERASENES,OUNTRY OF) C k q r wHdy el-Ghafr, Bg GharSret el-Kibliyeh, E 4 (T RACHONITIS , el-GhGr, As, 6 (J ORDAN ) Golan, B3, 4 Golanitis, B3, 4

5 3)

nahr Barbar, Cz (PHARPAR)
n. el-BMik, A I (L EBANON , 5 6) Bashan, BC3, 4 ard el-Bathaniyeh, EF3, 4 el-Bafiha. Aq (G ALILEE , S EA O F , iklim el-Belkn, Bz Bosor, D4

5 3)


For continuation see back o other half f

Of Map.



cases, the hillocks have split. lengthwise, or sometimes into separate portions ; and thus seams have been opened, forming great fissures and chasms which cannot be crossed. Elsewhere again the lava bed has not been broken into snch small hillocks, but has more the appearance of what we call a rolling prairie. There are between the hillocks, and also in the rolling parts, many intervals of soil, free from stones, which are of surprising fertility’ (Merrill, E. o Jordan, I I ~ . ) . The soil in f these depressions is still cultivated in parts, and affords pasture for flocks : remains of ancient vineyards have also been found in them. At many points (idid. 14) there are copious springs, though not, apparently (Rindfleisch, IS), in the interior. Besides the seams and fissures that have been spoken of, there are also many caves, which have been occupied as dwellings. Bands of robbers lurk in them at the present day (cp how Porter was attacked, Damascus,P) 2 7 3 8 ) . Outlaws from the settled portions of the country flee hither, and are comparatively safe. In the vicinity of DBmH (the highest point in the LejH) ’ so rough and rugged is the country, so deep the gullies and ravines, and so lofty the overhanging rocks, that the whole is a labyrinth which none but the Arabs can penetrate ‘ (Porter, 283).’ It is worthy of note how closely these descriptions agree with Josephus. He says, in connection with the order given by Augustus (see below, 5 4) to check the depredations of the Trachonites, how difficult it was to do this :‘For they possessed neithercities nor fields but lived together with their cattle in subterranean retreats and caves. They had however constructed reservoirs for water and granaries for corn, a d being invisible could long resist a’foe. Theentrances to the caves are narrow even for ersons entering one at a time whilst within they are incredibly yargeand madespacious. Th; ground above the dwellings is not high, but as it were a plain The rocks are everywhere rugged and difficultto find a way amonz. excent when a &de ooints out the oaths: for even theseare not’straight, bEt hav; many winding;’ (Ani. xv. 10 I. ) But, though this was the character of the population of the Leia in Tosephus’ time, before long it changed . (see 5 5) : civilisation entered, and ci‘;ies 3*Cities and were built, the remains of which are in many cases standing to the uresent day. Thus on the N., just within &e Leja, &e have Burlk (Porter,(2) 1 6 4 . 5 ) ; then (going southwards) on, or a little outside, the E. edge, eS-SuwHrah (P. 169),el-Hum, and (inside the Leja) Sahr (HeberPercy, 31-39, 4 3 3 : p. 32 ‘the track to Sahr winds amongst the fissures, gaps, holes, and waves of the lava, that now extends in a n undulating unbroken sheet for a few yards, and then is cracked and broken up into every conceivable form. Even the semblance of a track soon faded away’), DEr Nileh ( H P 47), and Shuhbah. between the Leja and J. HaurBn (P. 1 9 0 8 ; H P 5 9 8 ); on the S., NejrHn and Busr el-Hariri (P. 2 6 6 8 ) ; on the SW. Ezrd (P. 271 ; Merrill. 2 6 8 ) ; on the W., Kirateh, Mujeidel, Khubab (Chabeb), and Kureim (P. 2 7 9 8 ; M. 24-32); on the NW., Mismiyeh (M. 16-22, with illustration of temple: the ruins, according to Porter, 284, are 3 m. in circuit, and contain many buildings of considerable size and beauty); and in the heart of the Leja, DBma (or DBmet el-‘AlyB, Wetzst. 25), the largest town in the interior, with about 300 houses, mostly in good preservation (Burckh. I I O ) . ~ Mismiyeh (the ancient Phrene) is interesting on account of an inscription found there by Burckhardt in 1810 (TYuveL in Syria, 1822, p. 117 ; also Merrill, p. 20, and Waddington, No. 2524), which demonstrates the identity of the Leja with the Trachon. Julius Saturninus, consular legate of Syria, under Alex. Severus, issues a public notice informing the inhabitants
1 The soil of HaurSn mrfside the Leja, it should he remarked, is singularly rich and fertile (cp BASHAN, 2). 5 a See further the list of places in HaurSn (including the Leja), with explanatory remarks in ZDPY,1889, p. 278&

that, there being temporary barracks in the place, they are not liable to have soldiers billeted upon them ; and the inscription begins : ’IodXios Zarodpvtuos Qarvvuiors ~ ~ T P O K W , L L ~ ~ p d x w v o s Xaipeiv. 70; T Two other pvrpoxwpiai, or capital cities, of the Trachon are also known, viz. popeXa0. now Bureikeh (Wadd. 2396), and Zorava, now Ezra‘ (Wadd. 2480, cp 2479). It must not, however, be supposed that such cities are peculiar to the Leja. The entire region, including the slopes of the J. HaurBn, and the plains bordering on the Leja, is studded with deserted towns and villages, testifying to a once’flourishing and prosperous civilisation. Thus we have Hit, HEyBt, Butheneh, Shuka (Shakka, ZaKKaia), E. of the Leja ; Suleim, KanawBt, Si‘ (with an inscription on a statue erected to Herod the Great: Wadd. 2364), ‘Atil, SuwPdB, Hebrsn, ‘Ire, Kureiyeh, and Salbad, with its great castle (see S A L C A H ), on the W . and SW. slopes of J. HaurHn; the important city and fortress of Bo?‘%, 20 m. S. of the Leja,’ described by Porter (173-189, 2 0 0 8 , 218239, 2 4 8 8 ) and Merrill (32-58) ; Der‘Ht (see EDREI) 20 m. SW. of it ; as well as many other places (Wetzstein says there are 300 on the E. and S. slopes of J. HaurBn alone). The general character of all these deserted places is the same: the Leja supplied the building material ; and this determined the style of the architecture. The dwellings are constructed of massive well-hewn blocks of black basaltic lava, with heavy doors moving on pivots, outside staircases, galleries, and roofs, all of the same material (see the descriptions just quoted, and the photographs in Heber- Percy, frontispiece’ 41’ 46’ 61’ 65’ 69’ etc’). Many Of these cities are in such a good state of preservation that, as Wetzstein observes (49), it is difficult for the traveller not to believe that they are inhabited, and to expect, as he walks along the Streets, to see persons moving about the houses. The architecture of these desertgd sites (which include temples, theatres, aqueducts, reservoirs, churches, etc. ) is of the Grzco-Roman period, and is such as to show that, between the first and the seventh century A. D., they were the home of a thriving and wealthy population. The Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan followed b some moderns as Porter, Akrrill, and Heber-Per&),identify ?mchon with the ‘region of Argoh ’ (Dt. 8 4 qf: K. 4 1 ) See, against I 3. this view, ARGOB BASHAN and (col. 497), above ; also Driver on D.$ 4 5, and ‘Argob’ in Hastings’ DB. t Trachon, or the Trachonitis,2 is mentioned frequently by Josephus, chiefly in connection with the predatory 4. History. practices of its inhabitants. In 25 B.C. one Zenodorus, a bandit-chief, held, on payment of tribute to Cleopatra, the former domain of Lysanias (see col. 2841); and he, to increase his revenues, so encouraged the lawless Trachonites in their raids upon the people of Damascus, that the latter appealed to Varro, the governor of Syria, to lay their case before Augustus. Augustus sent back orders that this ‘ robbers’ nest ’ (Xnurljptov) should be destroyed ; and Varro accordingly made an expedition against them. Afterwards, in order more permanently t o reduce them to order, Augustus placed the country under the control of Herod the Great, who, with the help of skilful gnides, successfully invaded it, and secured, at least for the time, ’ peace and quietness for the neighbouring people’ ( A n t . xvi. 101 cp 3 ; more briefly, BJi. 204). The Trachonites, however, dissatisfied with being obliged to a till the ground and live quietly.’ and finding also that it rewarded their labours hut meagrely, took advantage of Herod’s absence in Rome (about g B.c.) to revolt, and resumed their raids ’upon the more fertile territory of their neighbours. Herod’s generals inflicted a defeat upon them ; but about forty of the robber-chiefs escaped into ‘ Arabia’
1 Both Eus. (US268 269 298) and the Talm. (see Schiircr,fz) 1353,)!( 1426) speak of Trachon as in the neighbourhood of, or horderlng on BosrZ.

a Josephu; uses both terms.



( L e . Xabataea, S. of H:aurHn), whence they raided both Judaea and Coele-Syria. Herpd, upon his return to Syria, finding himself unable to reach the robbers themselves, invaded Trachon and slew many of their relations there, in retaliation for which they still more harassed and pillaged his territory (Ani.xvi. 91). In the end, Herod threw 2000 Idumzeans into Trachonitis (i6. 2), and placed a I3abylonian Jew named Zamaris, a leader of mercenaries, in command of the surrounding districts. Zamaris built fortresses, and a village called Bathyra, and protected the Jews coming up from Babylon to attend the feasts in Jerusalem against the Trachonite robbers. The consequence was that, till the end of Herod's reign, the country around Trachonitis enjoyed tranquillity (Ani. xvii. 2 1-2). Upon Herod's death, his son Philip ( 4 B.C.-34 A.D. ) received, by his father's will, the ' tetrarchy' of Gaulanitis (Jaulan), Batanaea (the ' Bashan ' of the OTj, Truchonitis, and Auranitis ('Haurgn'), as well as a part of the former domain of Zenodorus (Ant. xvii. 81 1 1 4 ; cp xviii. 46 5 4 BJxi. 63). Under Philip's just and gentle rule ( A n t .xviii. 46) the same tranquillity was no doubt maintained; for Strabo, writing about 25 A . D ., says (xvi. 2 2 0 ) that since the robber bands under Zenodorus had keen put down, the country round had, through the good government of the Romans, and as a result of the security afforded by the garrisons stationed in Syria, suffered far less from the raids of the barbarians. After Philip's death ( 3 4 A.D.), as he left no sons, his tetrarchy was attached by Tiberim to the province of Syria (Ant.xviii.46). In 37 A. D ., however, Caligula bestowed it upon Herod Agrippa I. (Ant. xviii. 6 I O end; BJii.96), who held it-as an inscription commemorating his safe return from Rome ( 4 1 A.D.foundat atel-Mushennef, shows(Wadd. 2211)as far as the E. slopes of the Jebel ed-Driiz. The rule of Agrippa seems to mark the beginning of a new stage in the civilisation of the entire district : Greek inscriptions now begin to multiply, and we have many records in stone o f the building of public edifices. Agrippa I. died (Actsl223) in 4 4 A.D., and, as his son was still a minor, Trachon and the neighbouring parts were administered by a procurator under the governor of Syria. From 53 to' 100 the old tetrarchy of Philip

formed part of the kingdom of Herod Agrippa 11. (Acts 25 1 3 f l ) , inscriptions and buildings dating from whose reign are numerous both in the Leja itself and in other parts of Haur5n.l The most important step in the history of the civilisation of this entire district, however, was taken in 106, when Trajan created it into the new province of ' Arabia,' with Bog% as its capital. Trajan's agent in accomplishing this was Cornelius Palnia, governor of Syria from 104 to 108, whose work in bringing an aqueduct into Kanata (now Kerak) is commemorated in an inscription found at el-'Afineh (Wadd. 2296-2297 ; cp 2301, 2305). It does not fall within the scope of the present article to pursue the history further : it may therefore suffice to remark generally that the direct influence of the Romans began almost immediately to make itself felt : roads and aqueducts were constructed ; during the second and third centuries basilicas, teniples, theatres, and other buildings rapidly multiplied ; inscriptions, sepulchral, dedicatory, architectural, become more abundant ; and a new and unique civilisation, externally Roman, but including within it a strange combination of Greek and Semitic elements, is the result (see further details and references in GASm. H G 6248). A Roman road, it may be added, starting from Damascus, runs through the Leja, passing Mismiyeh in the N., and Bureikeh in the S. ; and going on to Bo+, Philadelphia (Rabbath Ammon), Moab, etc. (cp Rindfleisch, 2 4 ) .
1860 (epoch-making) especially pp. 2 5 8 6. Litemture. Porter(=P, $3),E.i~~YearsinDamas~-us(2) f hferrill(=M, $3). E. ofJordan, and HeberPercy ( = H P , ( 3). A Visit to Bashan a d Argu6, 1896, as referred to above ; the account of Stiihel's ' Reise with map in ZDPV,1889,pp. 225.302 (important) 2; RindfleiGh, 'Die Landschaft Haursn in riimischer Zeit u. in der Gepenwart,'in ZDPV, 1898,.pp. 1-58 (on the 'Leja, 5-7 14f: 17 24 ; v. Oppenheim; ofi. ctt. 1 8 7 8 (chaps. S 5 on Haursn generally ; chap. 4 on the Druses). The standard authority on the archiirctrrre of HaurHn is de Vogiie's fine work, Syrip Centraze, Architecture C i u i k et ReZigieusc du ie au vi& si2cZe (1867), containing 150 plates with explanatory descriptions (though little relating specificall; to the Leja); see more briefly GASm. FfG 6298 For inscriptions (from Haursn generally, as well a the Leja) s see the works cited under BASHAN. 5 ; and add Burton and S .... Drake, op. cif. 2 379-3". S. R. D.

J. G. Wetntein.. Keise6erirhj ibm Hauranh. die Trachonen:

Burckhardt, as cited above

18 (Hauran)

r 1 0 8 (the Leja)


4 )

IN WESTERN ASIA DOWN T O 1000 B C .. 1-27). Introductory (S I ) . No trading classes; tribal monopolies Barter, standards of value (( 20). ($8 12-16). Conditions of trade in W. Asia (S 2). Trade and Religion (99 21-24). Trade of W. Asia with India and Europe Syrian commerce and industry ; Amarna Varieties of soil and fertility ((1 3 ) -6 . Distribution of stones and metals (S 7 ) . Letters (SS 25-27). (S ~ 7 J f . 9. Great empires and trade ; political effects Means of carriage by land and sea (D 1) (§$ 8-11). 11. T RADE ROUTES OF W ESTERN ASIA 16s 28-ioL , Natural lines of traffic ; E v t (B 28). Egypt to Syria (%2 . 3) Northern Syria (5 3 ) 9. 3. 0. Nile and Red Sea ; Indian cean (5 zgfi). Cross-routes : Desert of Tih, Negeb (D 3) Assyria and Babylonia (5 4) Main and cross routes : Palestine (gg 34Arabia (j 3) ! 1.








38). 111. H ISTORY
Periods (5 4) 1. Early traditions (S 4 s 2) Arrival in Palestine; trade under 'Judges' 44-47).




IsRAEL (66

Early monarchy ; Saul to Solomon (89 485) 0. Aramzans; divided kingdom ($ 513). Eighth and seventh centuries ($ 53J) .. .

41-81). ,

When Israel settled in Palestine they came into touch with lines and movements of commerce which had been extant throughout Western Asia from a remote antiquity. The economic development of the nation 1,Introductorp. -apart from their adoption of agricultiire -consisted in their gradual engagement in this already ancient, elaborate, and world-wide system. Many of its consequences, as seen





Exile and Persian period (8s 5542). Greek period (58 63-67). Roman Period (((68-73). Antipater, Herod. and later (81 74-78). In NT literature (99 79-81). .-- ' ' ' '

General features (( 8 ) 2. Maps : Trade-routes-i. Bibliography (S 8) 4.

Detailed vocabulary ((i 8) 3. Hither Asia (opp. col. SI&), ii. Palestine (opp. col. 5164).

.in Egypt or Babylonia, repeat themselves in Israel; indeed at some periods they are the only evidence we
1 For a list of inscriptions naming Herodian kings, see Wadd. 2365 end. 2 See also the ma of Hauran and Jebel, ed-Driiz accom ing Schnmacher's ., s' a siiiiche Basan in ZD>V SO 67-227. I n both these maps, however, there is an error in lat. and long. : Damascus is placed correct1 but by a fault in t h e triangulation the whole of HaurZn andYjurrounding parts are


have of the presence of commerce as a factor in the national life. It is, therefore, necessary to review the rise, progress, and fashions of trade in W. Asia-with its relations to religion-down till the end of the second millennium B. c . , or just as Israelite commerce began to develop. I. TRADE I N WESTERN ASIA From the most remote epochs there were present throuahont W. Asia the conditions not onlv of local 2, Conditions exchange, but also of a &de interof trade. national commerce, viz. : ( a ) the ereat differences of soil, fertility. and animal and vegetable products (§§ 3-6) ; (6) the unequal distribution of stones and metals (17) ; (e) the rise, at the two extremes of the region, of empires of vast wealth and culture ($5 8-11) ( d ) the specialisation of commerce ; by particular tribes and nations (§§ 12-16); (e) the central position of W. Asia between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean-India and Europe (§ 17J) ; (f) existence of natural lines of traffic both by land the and by sea (§$ 9, 2 8 8 ) ; (g)the development of the means of carriage (§ 19); and ( h ) the rise of common standards of value (I 20). T o our survey of these it is necessary to add some consideration of (i) the relation of commerce to religion (1 21-24); as well as a sketch of ( R ) those political movements which so powerfully influenced the trade of Syria just before Israel settled in Palestine (I§25-27), ( a ) W. Asia is unsurpassed in any quarter of the globe for its extraordinary contrasts of soil and fertility : 3. soil and between the Syrian and the Arabian desert on the one hand, and the rivervalleys and deltas of Babylonia and Egypt, with the garden lands of Syria and S. Arabia, on the other ; whilst most of the ordinary contrasts -between sea-coast and Hinterland,' lowlands and highlands, with very different temperatures and soils, pastoral and arable regions-were also present throughout. All these formed different grades and necessities of human life, between which the currents of commerce were as inevitable as the winds which pass between spheres of differing temperature in the worlds atmosphere. The various populations of W. Asia were dependent on each other for some of the barest necessaries of life, as well as for most of its simpler comforts and embellishments, and such dependence was the beginning of trade. At the same time, we must be careful not to exaggerate either the amount of the trade, or its influence on the minds of men at so early a period. Had commerce then been a dominant feature of human life, we should have found more traces of its influence on religion than we shall be able to discover ( § 21). The elements of early commerce between the deserts and the fertile lands are easilv determined from the 4. Elements of conditions of to-day. There are still nomads who live for months or even commerce' vears on milk and flesh (Palmer. Desert o the Erodus), varied by dates from the oases in the f centre of Arabia (Doughty, Ar. D e s . , passim). From the earliest times, however, the need of cereal foods must have drawn the Bedouins into commerce with the agricultural populations ; and this need would increase with the settlement of nomads from the interior of Arabia on the borders of fertility. From Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt the nomads would seek grain, fruit (e.g., almonds), cloth, oil, and (after its invention) pottery,' with (in course of time) weapons.2
shifted unduly S. and W., that Bosri is 3' 30' 5 N., so 2 and 36" 263' E., instead of, as it ought to be 2' 33F N. and 36" 3 ' E. 2 (see MiVDPV, 1899,pp. 12-14). Tdikerror has been corrected in Fischer's Handkarte lion Pal. 189 and also in the map in the present article (which is b a s e f u p o n the three maps named): 1 As they do now from Gam and Damascus. 2 To the early Egyptians the nomads were the people of the boomerang. But the story of Senuhyt proves that during the

In exchange they would give dates,' curdled milk, wool, occasionally cattle, honey, salt, alkali (obtained from the ashes of the Kilu and other plants),2 ' Mecca balsam ' (B ALSAM ), and other medicinal herbs. Commerce between Syria and Egypt included oil, mastic (B ALM ), wool, etc. (EGYPT, § 8), and (later) Syrian manufactures ; whilst traffic between Babylonia and Egypt was frequent even in pre-historic times (i6. was not only local-as 43). Trade in SALT (y...) from the salt-pans N. of Pelusiuni, in el-Jof, and elsewhere, or from the deposits at the S. end of the Dead Sea ;-probablyalso rock-salt was exported to a distance as to-day : e & , from W. Kaseem in Arabia ( Palgrave, Centr. and E. Arab. 180 red. 18831). The most isolated of the fertile lands of W. Asia lie4 on the S. of Arabia under the monsoon rains. Arabia 5. The incense Felix (Ar. ' el-Yemen ' -i.e . , ' the south') has ever been famous for countrgr. fertility, and was the seat of the Minzean and Sabzean civilisation (below, 5 14). Its chief repute, however, was for frankincense (see F RANK INCENSE, where its late appearance in the O T is noted, and its probably earlier use in Egypt). Erman says this was common under the Old Empire. Sprenger calls the incense-country 'the heart of the commerce of the ancient world' (Geog. A&. Arab. 299). Theodore Bent (Nineteenth Cent., Oct. 1895,pp. 5g5fi)describes ' the actual libaniferons country,' Dhofar, as ' perhaps not now much bigger than the Isle of Wight,' and 'probably in ancient days not much more extensive.' It lies on the coast some 800 m. NE. from Aden, about half-way to Muscat. 9000 cwt. of the gum are exported annually to Bombay. Other products are cocoanuts and cocoanut fibre (not yet identified under any ancient Semitic name), myrrh, ghee, fruits, and vegetables. Pasturage is rich. Dates and weapons are imported. There is a fine harbour, perhaps Moscha of the Perz$Zus (§ 32), and numerous Sabaean remains. Camels are the animals used for carrying purposes; horses are unknown. Cp SEPHAR. On another incense country see § 8. At times primitive commerce in the necessaries of life must have been enhanced by local famines, though in the less settled conditions of early history these would result not so much in increased trade as in migrations of tribes. Such migrations, however, would also stinlulate trade by communicating across the region a better knowledge of its remoter parts, as well as familiarity with the various routes thither. U'e shall see that most of the great trading tribes had been immigrants to the districts which became the centres of their flourishing commerce. The early distribution of woodland in W. Asia is uncertain ; but from Syria into Egypt, as well as from 6. Distribution the wooded districts of Palestine, not only to the treeless desert borders, but of timber. also to Babylonia, there was always some traffic in timber. Cedar was brought from ' the West' to Babylonia in the reigns of Sargon I. and Gudea (4th mill.), and rafts of other woods must have descended the Euphrates and the Tigris.l Round the

Middle Empire the Egyptian weaponsmitbs carried their goods on asse5 among the Asiatic nomads: W M M , As. u. Eur. I, n. 2. 1 Still imported from Arabian oases to Baghdad, Damascus, and Yemen (Palgrave, Cenfr. and East. Arabia [ed. ,8831, 4- 149, 364); also from oases in Turkish Arabia to Bushire. Sge Consular Report on Trade and Commerce of the Persian Gulf in 1901 by Lt.-Col. Kemball. Forder (With the Arabs in Tent and Town, 119 [ I 021) describes caravans from Hauran to Kaf taking wheat and garley to he hartered for salt and dates. H e reports among the industries of the Jaf saddle-bags, carpets, ahhas and other clothing ; cp 145 : imports-coffee, cooking utensils, clothing from Damascus, etc. 2 Cp ZDPY 20 89 for present export of alkali from steppes S. of H a u r l n to the soap factories of NZblus. 3 Lr+e in A n c Ec. (tr. by Tirard ; IS 4), p. 507. 4 Eg. under' Ur-nina of Lagash ( ~ A B Y L O N I A , 8 44); cp Radau, kady Baby. Hisf. [I~oo], and Howorth, Eng. Hist.



Persian Gulf there is said to be no timber for shipbuilding. For the period between the Old and the Middle Empire in Egypt see Erman, op. cit. 452. ( b ) The distribution of useful stones and metals through W. Asia is now tolerably clear. The marble stones and alabaster found in early Babylonian arrdmetals. deposits came from the Assyrian hills, the diorite from Arabia (BABYLONIA, $5 18, ZI).’ The basalt of HaurHn must always, as to-day, have been wed for millstones for all Syria. Egypt was without copper, which it brought from Sinai and the Lebanons (COPPER). Gudea imported copper from KimaS in N. Arabia (Hommel in Hastings’ BD 1 2 2 5 ; cp Gen. 1023, and see Eng. Hist. Rev. 1 7 2 2 1 ) . Cyprus was a later source ; on bronze see below, 5 17. Iron, copper, and lead were found in the hills W. of Nineveh (see A SSYRIA , 5 6), and iron in parts of Syria and Central and S. Arabia (Doughty, Ar. Des.). Iron, however, except in Babylonia, does not appear till the close of our period (see I RON ). There was a little gold in the desert E. of Egypt and in Nubia (see EGYPT, 5 50) ; but its chief sources were in Arabia, on the E. of Sinai, and on the far S . coastz (see GOLD, OPHIR). Silver, which was rare in Egypt till 1600 B.c., came from Asia (EGYPT, $ 38). Precious stones (turquoises, etc.) were found in Sinai. C p STONES. The love of ornqment is one of the earliest motives to barter among primitive peoples, and we may :assume that traffic in metals and jewels had begun in W. Asia even before the rise of the great civilisations in Egypt and Mesopotamia. ( c ) It is, however, in the growth and organisation of these great civilisations that we must seek for the 8. The great most powerful of the factors of ancient commerce. Trade always advances by empires’ leaps and bounds where two great states face each other (cp the sudden increase between the Hittites and Egypt after their treaty in the reign of Ramses 11. [Erman. 5371). By the end of the fifth millennium B. c., both Babylonia and Egypt possessed a developed civilisation, for the groMth of which we must assume many centuries if not some millennia ((seeB ABYLONIA , 5 46) ; both had elaborate systems of writing, always a proof of and a help to commerce. That between them there were close communications, is proved by the strong Babylonian elements in pre-historic Egyptian culture (see EGYPT, 5 43). The rapid rise of their wealth, doubtless largely due to discoveries of new sources of the precious metals, must have increased trade throughout W. Asia, and complicated it beyond previous conditions. The monument (discovered at Susa by De Morgan) of ManiStu-irba, ruler of Ki5 (4th mill. B .c.), records his purchase of lands, grain, wool, oil, copper, asses, and slaves, which were paid for i n silver ; and among the officials mentioned are ‘ amariner,’ ‘scribe,’ ‘surveyors,’ ‘miller,’ ‘jeweller.’ and ‘merchant‘ (Dam&ar).’ The growth of wealth hastens the demand, not only for articles of luxury, but also for better qualities of food-stuffs. For example, both the N i k and the Euphrates valley produce dates; but if then, as at the present day, the Arabian oases, including Sinai, produced a special quality of dates,4 these would be imported into Egypt and Babylonia then as now (see above, 5 4, third note). The records of the kings of Lagag (B ABYLONIA , 5 44) report

the building of storehouses beside the temples, and the construction of canals. With the increase of wealth came the expansion and consolidation of empire. It is not always possible to decide whether objects of foreign origin found in early Egyptian or Babylonian remains were fruits of conquest (spoil or tribute), or o trade, though probably they ai-e f mostly due to trade ; even where the records boast of tribute this is really the fruit of barter.l Even if any of the early expeditions from Egypt and Babylonia were for conquest (which is very doubtful ; see note), they found their motives in a previous trade; and they would open up rontes and increase commerce. The expeditions of Sargou I. and Gudea to ‘ the west’ for timber, and to Arabia for stone and metal (above 5 6f. ) were repeated by other monarchs BA BABYLONIA, 5 1 5 ~;) and the various conquests of, and immigrations into, Babylonia by fresh tribes must have powerfully developed trade. T o the NE. lay Elam, a seat of culture by the fourth millennium B.c., with avenues of traffic into central and eastern Asia : and Elam overran Babylonia. Again, the Canaanite supremacy synchronised with a growth of commerce especially under HammnrHbi (see B ABYLONIA , § 5 4 3 ; though there was an increase of trade preceding this, at Ur, 5 50 4 , ; while the rapid subjection of the Canaanite dynasty to a KaSSite is proof of the Iuxury consequent on commerce under the former power. From Egypt expeditions were sent in the earliest times to secure the copper and turquoise mines of Sinai--e.g., Dyn. III., Zoser (E GYPT , 5 44); Dyn. IV., Snefru(i) ($45 : about 3000 B. c. ; but acc. to FI. Petrie, 3998-3969 B .c.), and Hufu (Petrie, Hist. of Egypt, 142) ; Dyn. V I . , Pepy I. the founder of Memphis proper’ (E GYPT , 5 47). There were also early expeditions to Nnbia for gold, to the Sudan, the W. oases, and above all down the Red Sea to Punt-either Somali-land, or the coast between Suakim and Massowah).6 Erman (@. cit. 507) mentions the picture of a native of Punt as early as Hufu (Dyn. IV. ) ; but the 4 earliest recorded expedition to Punt ’ was under Assa, Dyn. V. (E GYPT , 48, F1. Petrie, 100); Pepy I. (Dyn. V l . ) sent to the SudBn and farther (EGYPT, 5 47); Sa+-ka-re‘ (Dyn. X I . ) by Koptos, KosEr, and the Red Sea to Punt : and several kings of Dyn. X I I . , the Amenemha‘ts and Usertesens, to Nubia, the SudHn, and Punt. Under this dynasty (2800 F . Petrie, 1 2100 W M M ) trade flourished exceedingly. The Hyksos migration and conquest of Egypt must have developed her Asiatic commerce ; but this, especially with Syria, reached its height after the conquests of the New Empire. For lists of the many Syrian products introduced, see WMM. As. a. Eur. (chaps. 1, etc.), and Ernian ( 5 1 6 8 ) , who remarks : ’ wealmost feel inclined to maintain that really there was scarcely anything
1 See the instance given by Erman, 512; and cp Naville, Deir el Bahari (Eg. Expl. Fund), Pt. III., I T . Referring to the same expedition to Punt, W. E. Crum (Hastings’ DB 16.506) says : Queen Ha’tSepsut’s ‘fleet had, like its predecessors




For Gudea’s imports see PSB.4 11, RPP) 2 7 5 8 , and Rogers’ Hisf.1370. 1 The diorite of Gudea and Ur-bau was brought from Magan on the NE. coast of Arabia (Amiaud, RPP) 2 15 n. takes it to be Sinai) ; but see note to E%g. Hisf. Rev. 17 211 for another source. 2 Burton, Land o Midian. 2 Ch. 36, speaks of ‘gold of f D-iiB, ’ which Glaaer (S.hizz~, 347) identifies with el-Farwarri 2 mentioned by Hamdsni; cp Sprenger,AZt. Arab. 49-63. Gudea brought gold-dust from NW. Arabia and KhZkh SE. of Medina (Hommel in Hastings’ BD 1225 ; En<. Ffist. Rev. 17221). 3 Howorth, Eng. His.‘. Rev. 17 1 1 5 4 The fine dates of el-Hasa (E. Arabia) are still exported-to Mosul, Bombay and Zan’zibar, Palgr. Cent. and E. Arab:, ed.
Rev. 177.
1883, PP. 3% 383.

Baiylonia &der Gudea, who accoiding to Hommel (Hastings’ DB12254, did not conquer the distant regions, but by treaties secured passage for his caravans with their products. 2 En;anna-tuma I. of Lag& imported cedar ‘from the mountain ’ . Radau, 72. 3 See ado L. 1. King, Letters and Znscr. of&faamnrura6i % ’ about B.C. moo, ,i., Introd. and Text, iii.,,. Translation; and G . Nagel ‘Die Briefe H.’s an Sin-idinnam in Bcitr. z Assyr. . 4 4 3 4 8 with notes by F. Delitzsch 483A: 4 On the favourable position of Ur for commerce, on the Euphrates, near the W. Rummein (which connected it with Central Arabia), and with a road to Sinai, see Rogers, Hirf. o f
Bab. and Ass. 1 3 7 1 8 5 So Naville ( D c i r rZBahari, Pt. 111. I I : Eg. Expl. Fund), who says that in any case Punt lay N. of the Straits of Bab-elVandeb : ‘ not a definite territory,’ but a vague geographical

from the 6th dynastyonwards, solely a commercial object. S?, too Budge Hist. o Eg. (1902) 4 IT 144 158. Similarly in f

Some include under the name both sides of the Red Sea. ‘The region which produces frankincense is situated in t h e rojecting parts of Ethopia and lies inland (Le., from Adulis on tge Red Sea) but is washed by the ocean on the other side ’ ; Cosmas, Christ. Tojog. Bk. 11, ET by M‘Crindle, 51.





nearly 2000 years (cp Is.47); and it is possible that some memory of the city’s early fame as a gathering place for men of all tongues may lie behind the Hebrew story of the founding of Babel (Gen. 11). One has only to look at the map to see how much more advantageously Babylon lies for the trade through Elam into Persia. than do the cities which preceded her in power. The rise of Assyria was doubtless aided by her command, closer than that of Babylon, over the lines of trade to the W.; the transference of the Assyrian capital from .4Sur to Calah and Nineveh was, in fact, one from a less to a more suitable centre for commerce, both with N. and W. These are but instances, which will doubtless be multiplied a s our knowledge of ancient history is .increased. Another phenomenon to be noted in the commercial development of the Great Empires-we shall find somerl. Yercenaries : thing analogous in Israel-is the proper royal traders. exchange of native militia, life, for to agricultural conditions of a mercenary soldiery, -which generally followed a great increase in trade. The soldiers o the Middle Empire f in Egypt were such a militia; but after the great growth of trade, especially with Asia under the dynasties of the New Empire, the Egyptian armies were mainly composed of mercenaries (Erman, 542). The same thing happened in Egypt under Psamelik. It happened also in Babylonia under ASur-bani-pal and Nebuchadrezzar. Again, it is to be remarked that the initiative of the great commercial expeditions from Babylonia and from Egypt is recorded on the monuments as due not to private enterprise, but tO the reigning monarch.’ This is no pretence of royal arrogance or of the court scribe’s flattery. We see the same motive at work in the great explorations and commercial expeditions of the Middle Ages from Spain and Portugal. ( d )The earliest societies of men did not contain a special class or profession of traders; farmers and la. No trading manufacturers exchanged their own classes. goods. In the story of Se-nuhyt the weaponsmith himself carries his goods to the Asiatic nomads. As we shall see (J Z I ) , trade did not exercise any influence on the formative period of the religions of W. Asia; a proof that it was not then specialised as a separate vocation. There is no mention of trade in the proverbs of Ptal-hotep (from the 4th n~i!l.), and when they appeared in Egypt ‘sailors, merchants, and interpreters of foreign origin were despised’ (EGYPT, 5 31.); that is to say, the special class was a late and a foreign upstart in that civilisation. The rise of international commerce, however, and the peculiar character of the deserts which separated 13. Tribal the centres of civilisation favoured-in monopolies~place of the growth of special classes of traders within those centres-the gradual absorption of whole tribes outside them in the business of trade and the carriage of goods. Especially was this the case with certain Arabian nomads, whose familiarity with the desert and possession of the means of crossing it, furnished them with the price (in their trading services) for purchasing the products of civilisation. Thus, in the OT. some of the earliest names for traders are tribal : Ishmaelite (Gen. 8 7 2 5 2 7 f: 391.-all J), Midianite (the parallel E passages; Gen. 3728a 3 6 ) , and (later) Canaanite, of which the first two were Arabian and the last the inhabitants of that land which is well described as the ‘ bridge ’ between Egypt and Mesopotamia. This evidence is confirmed by the Egyptian records. Part of the contempt of the Egyptians for traders was probably due to the traders being foreigners. The BeniHasan paintings represent thirty- seven Asiatics from the desert, traders from near Sinai (see EGYPT, § 50:
1 Similarly the letters of Hammurabi (above, $ 8 n.) show how that king personally superintends the i n f m l trade of

which the Egyptians of this period did not import from Syria.’ Syrian slaves were a constant subject of traffic (Erman, 517J, WMM, As. zl. Bur.). The New Empire also opened up Nuhia, and elaborated the trade with Punt, and that with Cyprus (see EGYPT, 53-61). For the trade of Ramses 111. with fleets on the Mediterranean and Red Sea see the Harris Papyrus (end) and the summary in Budge, HiFt. o Eg.5 q g j ? f From the third millennium there is evidence of a royal service of despatches into Asia (WMM, As. u. Bur. I J ); the regulation of imports by the Security Egyptian government ; the making of Of roads ; and the supply of desert routese.$, that between Koptos on the- Nile and the Red Sea (below, J 29)-with water (by Mentohotep, Dyn. XI. [Erman, 506]).l It was easy and safe for even individuals to travel to tribes as far as Edom and the ‘ArBbah : witness the tale of Se-nuhyt, which, whether historical or not (see EGYPT, col. 1z37), must have been founded on a knowledge of the actual conditions of travel.2 In short, by the third millennium travel must have been frequent and tolerably secure (of course with interruptions) from the mouth of the Red Sea and the Sudan to the Euphrates; and the commercial activity and wealth of Babylonia in at least the second half of that millennium, can hardly have failed to create similar conditions for much of the rest of W. Asia. C p § 26, end. W e must not suppose, however, that all this produced, even for intervals. anything like a parallel to what prevails in modern times, or even to what was achieved under the Roman Empire. The roads of W . Asia were never so secure as under the Pax Romana, nor were they so well laid down. In the period with which we deal there were frequent interregna : the nomads of Arabia often burst the frontiers of civilisation ; and even in peaceful times the welldeveloped habits of traffic cannot have produced such order or sense of safety as we find at the beginning of the Christian era. Before we pass from the influence of the great empires on commerce, three other phenomena require Trade and to be noticed. One is the effect of the 10. exigencies of commerce in the transfer political of political power within the empires from one site to another, and the rapid growth of new capitals. Of this both Egypt and Babylonia furnish instances. The centre of government in Egypt came down the Nile, from positions commanding the highways to the S. and the Red Sea, to Memphis3 a t the neck of the Delta, where great traderoutes converge from all quarters. W e find a similar case under the New Empire, when the increase of trade on the Syrian frontier drew, for a time, the centre of the political power from Thebes into the Eastern Delta.4 On the Euphrates and Tigris the same causes worked in an opposite direction-upstream. The central position of U r with regard to commerce is well known; how elaborate that commerce was is proved by the titles of the third dynasty of Ur, and the number of contract tablets from their time.5 The transference of power from the lower Babylonian cities to Babylon itself and the independence of that great centre from about 2400 B. c . , was Probably assisted by commercial influences, for Babylon proved its fitness as a centre for trade by the extraordinary persistence of its commerce and wealth, in spite of frequent political disasters, for



1 Also ‘it is probable that %ti I. caused a series of water stations to be established from the Nile to Beerenice’ (Budge NESio); and Ramses 111. built a fortified well between Mt: Casius and Raphia (f67Z 159) : on Ramses IV. did 1, 8. 2 Under Dyn. xii. : cp ‘Travels of an Egyptian’ undef Dyn. xix XX. ET in RP 2 r o 2 3 $’under Menes, 4500 or 4 o a , B.c., and his successors : EGYPT, I t g 44, 47 : M EMPHIS . See also F . Petrie, HE, vol. i. 4 Cp Erman, 516. fi Cp for references Rogers, Hist. ofBab. a i d Assyr. 1377.




WMM, As. u. BUY.36). So. too, Hannu the leader of the expedition to Punt under S'anh-ks-re' of the eleventhdynasty (E GYPT, § 48) appears to have a Semitic name (cp, however, Ekman, 506). Thus, by the third niillenniuni B.c.,the Semites from their central position betwcen the two most ancient civilisations, their cominand of the lines of communication, and their frequent migrations, had developed those habits of trading which distinguish them to the present day.l Among the Semites, again, there were especially four families which concentrated the racktl adaptableness and tenacity upon commerce, and, not content with the share in that which their central positions brought to them, devoted themselves to the pursuit and organisation of many lines of traffic, till they developed. in the case of one of them at least, a wider commercial influence than the world ever saw till the most recent epoch. These were the Minreans, the Aramaeans, the Phenicians, and the Nabatzeans, of whom the first three had begun to develop their commerce within our period-the hlinzeans and the Aranireans by land, the Phcenicians by sea. It is only upon indirect and somewhat precarious evidence (summarked bv Weber. Arabien VOY ZsZuant. 14. Mi&ans, ~ 2 f l ) ~ ' t h ato the Minzan kingdom t a date is assigned so earlv as the second half of the second millenniuGi B. c. T h i centre of the Minrean power lay in the S. part of Arabia-not in the incense- bearing regions of Kataban and Hadramdt (above, f 5 ) , though it commanded these, and by its hold on the central Arabian routes (below, 5 3 1 ) and its colony in MuSr2.n or MuSri (ie., Midian) and northaards (MIZRAIM, f 3 ) 3 possessed the Arabian land traffic, and sent its (caravans by Ma'Hn and Petra to Gam. The capital was Karnawu, the Karna of E r a t o ~ t h e n e sin immediate connection w-ith the ports ,~ of the S. coast. Thus Minzean trade extended at least from the Indian Ocean to the Levant. But see 8 17. After what has been said elsewhere (AKAM, A RAMAIC L ANGUAGE : cp PHCENICIA, 5 7 ) it is only necessary to 16.Aramseans. say that in the second millennium B.C. we find the Aramzeans succeeding the Hittites in a country on the upper Euphrates which is the meeting-ground ,of many trade-routes-from Syria, Asia Minor, Armenia, and Babylonia (below, 5 39J). They gradually extended over N. Syria, a land more suited for trade than for agriculture or i n d u s t r i e ~and ,~ embraced Damascus, the principal Syrian ' harbour,' a depBt of the Arabian Desert (Hist. Geqy. 642J). The earliest notices reveal Aranizeans as nomads, perhaps traders. in Mesopotamia ; in Syria the small states they founded round cities were such as those founded by other trading peoples. The strongest proof of their commerce is the gradual spread of their dialect till it became the l i n u a f m n c n of W. Asia. In Babylonia it was spoken in daily life from ithe eleventh to the ninth century (IVi. Vb'lker Vorderasiens, 1 1 ) ; by the tenth it had
The Syrians depicted on the tomb of Hui, about r q m B . C . Budge, H E 4 144), are traders. Cp Strabo xvi. 4 23 on the commercial qualities of the Arabs. a None of the S. Arabian, so-called Himyaritic, inscriptions are dated before secoiid century B.C. For a detailed argument against the high antiquity claimed for the Minzzan kingdom, see Budge, HE 6, Preface, x v i 8 His conclusioii is that Glaser's Inscr. 1155 belongs to the time of Gmbyses and that 'the hfinzan kingdom cannot he shown to be older than the sixth century B.c.,' p. xxii. 3 The strong reasoning of Budge ( H E 6xxi 8 )against Winckler's frequent identification of the biblical Mizraim with the Arabian Rlugr is not conclusive against the existence of the latter. For if, as generally admitted, Gharirat of Glaser's Inscr. 1083 be Gaza. the Minaean caravans from S. Arabia would scarcely pass throueh Egypt to Gam, or through Gaza to Egypt (notwithstanding Budge's note on p. xxii). The mention of Gaza, therefore, is, so far, evidence in favour of a N. Arabian Musri. Cp also S I M OO N , B 6. Even if the Mu+ ofthe Assyrian and.Min;ean inscriptions he proved to be Egypt, this only means an extension of the Minzan trade. 4 Or Karnana : Straho (xvi. 4 2 ) who mentions besides the Sahreans at Mariaha, the Kattahanians at Tamna, the Chatramatitai at Sahata. 5 >%'Curdy, Hisf. P ~ o p hMon. 1155. .
1 (see

taken the place which Babylonian held in M . Asia in i the fifteenth, and was used as far as Egypt as a commercial tongue (\VA?M, As. u. Bur. 234). How long and how far this commercial supremacy of the language lasted is proved by inscriptions in Teima and Kabatzean towns up to 100 A.D. It was the Aramzan trade, from the Tigris to the Levant, which formed the temptation to the Assyrian campaigns in the ninth and following centuries (below, f 5 2 ) . Cp S YRIA , 168 The commercial influence of the Phcenicians appears to have risen at an earlier period than that of the 16, Phcenicians. Aramaeans: but how early it is impossible to say. The absence of all reflection of trade not only from the names of their earliest cities-these may have been named before the also from all except prePhoenician occupation '-but sumably late strata of their religion2 (see below, z z ) , is significant. The coincidence between a great inRnx of Canaanite population and religion into Babylonia (about 1500 B.C. ), and the rise of a ' Canaanite ' dynasty there, with a great increase of commerce and wealth, is interesting as indicative of a racial capacity for trade. On the whole, however, we may assign the rise of the commerce of the Phoenicians to a period subsequent to their arrival on the coast between Lebanon and the Levant, somewhere in the third millennium B.C., and therefore subsequent to the appearance of international commerce in W. Asia; and we may trace it to the central position of that coast, to the mines and forests of the neighbourhood, and to the greater facility for traffic by sea than by land, between the various Phcenician settlements. Probably the Phmnicians did not invent ships as the Greeks were led to suppose from their subsequent supremacy in navigation ; for the first boats must have been invented by a people with long slow rivers. But the Phoenicians. with their towns near to large forests and disposed within a day's sail of each other on a coast full of obstacles for land traffic, must have been early forced to the improvement of the means of navigation ; whilst the harassing land march across the desert to Egypt must have led to a speedy extension of that navigation to the Egyptian delta. So great an adventure, if it did not produce, amply proves the existence of, those qualities of hardihood and enterprise, u-hich were to lift Phcenicia to the command of the world's trade. The less adventurous E g y p t i a n ~who had in the earlier ,~ periods of their history reached Punt by their own merchants, had left the trade through Nubia to negroes (Erman. 498) ; 4 and now might be easily tempted to resign a commerce which they disliked (§ 1 3 ) to the peaceful invaders of the Delta. The process may have been hastened during the Hyksos supremacy. In any case, from the beginning of the second millennium R . C . the trade of Egypt appears to have been in Phcenician hands. In the fifteenth century, according to the Amarna Letters they had fleets of merchant ships, and a fresco in a Theban tomb depicts them as importers of goods from Asia (Budge, HE 4 163) ( e ) The ancient trade of W. Asia, however, was not confined within that region. W. Asia lies between the l Foreign Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean ; , . trade: with both of which, the one by its regular winds the other its islands, offer India. to sourcesbyof wealth beyond easy access them. In the later Phcenician and the Greek epochs of trade both seas were regularly navigated, and the far East united with the far West ($5 63, 7 1 ) .



1 Sidon, usually understood as ' Fishertown ' (%ut see PH(EI 12) ' Tyre = rock ; Beyrout = springs etc. Contrast the Philistin; Ashkelon and the Canaanite K h h - s e p h e r , the former of which certainly, and the latter possibly, has a commercial origin. 2 The chief Phcenician aods do not differ from those of other Canaanites. 3 Cp the commercial superiority of Syrians at the present day t o Egyptians. 4 Cp inscription of Pepy of the sixth dynasty.



Whether in the period we are now treating there was already a trade with India is a question to which we can get only probabilities in answer. It was quite possible.
ThePeripZus of the Erythraean S e a l (1st Christian cent.) lays down the line of a coasting voyage along the S. of Arabia, across the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and so (in the direction o pogite to that taken by Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander) to txe Indus, and thence down the Malabar coast. It adds (( 39), however, that a speedier, though more dangerous, voyage may be made by those who set out to sea from Arabia with the Monsoons 0.d T ~ V 'IVBLLGYsc. ;q&w). These winds blow across the Indian Ocean from the SW. from April to October, from the N E . from October to April, and make the voyage possible for vessels even of a primitive type.

see below, Part 11. of this article ($5 28-40). (9) The various means of carriage in the ancient world having been for the most part dealt with else19. lYIeans where, the treatment here may be brief. Porternge, the employment of human Of carriage' beings for the camage of burdens both for building purposes and for trade (as we find it still in Central Africa), was common in early Egypt according to the monuments. It was not altogether confined to local traffic. Under one of the Amenemha'ts (middle of 28th cent. according to F1. Petrie : but 2100 according to W. M. Muller) zoo men with only 50 animals were employed for carrying stone through the desert.' From the earliest times, however, the ass and the bullock were in common use, and (especially the ass) constituted the principal means of conveyance. The ass was employed for distant desert journeyings ; cp the &niHasan pictures (under the 12th dyn.). The camel was apparently unbred and unused even to a late date in Egypt, but must have appeared early in Arabia. The horse and the mule came much later ; the horse not till the time of the Hyksos and then, for long, only for fighting and hunting; the mule from Pontus not till towards 1000 B.C. (see Ass. C AMEL , H ORSE, MULE, C ATTLE , 5 8 ; B ABYLONIA , 5 5 ; E GYPT , 5 9). The carrying power of these animals was increased by the invention of pack-saddles, open litters (already during the 4th dyn.), sleighs or draw-boards, and carts-first with solid, and then with spoked, wheels. A luxurious chariot with horses appears in the Izdubar legend (Tab. 6) about zoo0 B.C. Still less, however, than at the present day, were the wheeled vehicles suited for distant carriage, which was mainly performed on the backs of animals (C HARIOT , 5 2). There were practically no international roads for carriages till the Persian Empire. Carriage by water arose first in timber rafts or constructions of reed coated with bitumen, on rivers, especially the Euphrates (B ABYLON , 5 6 ; early legends). From these developed rowing and sailing boats, with which ventures were made through river-mouths into the sea ; and so arose coasting voyages in the Persian Gulf, the Levant, and the Red Sea (S H IP ). By the time of Thutmosis I. (about 1560 B.c.) and Queen Ha'tSepsut (E GYPT , 5 53) the Egyptians had developed elaborate ships with oars, rigging, and sails for the Punt voyages (cp SHIP). The ships of this (18th) dynasty were not mere fighting galleys ; they were transports carrying considerable cargoes (Naville, Tem$Ze o f Deir e l Bahari, 3, with plates). ( h ) Early trade consisted of barter, in which various communities or states of culture exchanged the necesao. Barter saries or embellishments of life. a When a superior civilisation met an inferior it value. paid for solid goods, as at the present day, with gaudy trinkets and ornaments, as for instance the Egyptians in their commerce with the negro and other tribes whom they met in Punt (Naville, op. cit. ). Gradually, however, there arose common measures of value: e.g., cattle, slaves, or metals, especially the precious metal^.^ As among other early races ornaD
~ ~~~ ~ ~

(f) the natural lines of traffic and trade-routes, For

By the seventh century B. c., if not long before, there was in India a developed and organised trade; great ships were already built, and long sea-voyages undertaken. From the very earliest times merchants had been held in high repute (Lassen, Znd. A Iterthumskunde, 2573576779). The island of Sokotra has a Sanscrit name ( t b . 580). The Babylonian Nimrod epic reflects a journey through Arabia to Sabaea ; and Sokotra has been suggested as the island which was its goal (Hommel, Hastings' D B 1216a). On the reliefs of Deir-el-Bahri, Punt is pictured as a place of barter where several nationalities meet and deal with the Egyptians in different sorts of goods. It is, therefore, more than possible that Indian traders met those of W. Asia at the mouth of the Red Sea and the ports of S . Arabia during our period. Weber indeed (Arad. nor ZsZmn, 22 ; cp 23) calls the Minaeans the intermediaries of the Indian as well as of the S. Arabian trade, and dates the origin of this trade before 1 3 0 0 B.C. (more than a millennium before the later Ptolemies). But see 5 14. It is remarkable that no Indian faces or goods are found pictured on the reliefs and the correspondof Deir-el-Bahri (Naville,op. cit. I Z ~ ? ing plates), nor have any Indian products been discovered in Egyptian remains. As for Babylonia, the earliest Sumerian deposits (BABYLONIA, 5 18) contain both ivory ornaments and bronze. The ivory may have been taken from elephants which were extant on the Euphrates till towards the close of our e n a But for the tin, needed to make the bronze, no source is known at that time sxve India,3 and some have derived the Phenician name This, however, is a for the metal from the S a n ~ c r i t . ~ precarious ground on which to found a conclusion with regard to so early an epoch ; for reasons for the opposite view-that there was no sea-trade between W. Asia and India till the seventh century B.C.-see INDIA and O PHIR . 5 2 ; cp also Sprenger, AZt. Geog. Arab., $5 5160, 139. We must not forget the possibility of landtrade between Babylonia and India through Elam and Persia5 As for the trade of W. Asia with Europe in this era, that is much less problematical. Cyprus, which lies in 18. with sight of the Syrian coast (HG, pp. zz 1 3 5 ) , Europe. reached by some of the earliest Babynian monarchs ; and in the course of the second millennium B. c. was in frequent communication both with Egypt and with Syria (Budge, HE 4 167J ) ; and Cyprus can hardly ever have been out of touch with the islands to the W . Evidence of an extremely early knowledge of Europe in Egypt is given in WMM, As. u. Eur. ch. 28.6


1 TIepirrAovo $9 'EpvBpSs BaAdvqo. Anonymous, but attributed to an author named ' A p p ~ a v 6 ~Gcogr. Grr~ci . Minoyes by C . Miiller, ed. Paris, 1882,vol. i. 257fl, cp p. xcv. 2 Thotmes 111. killed elephants on the Euphrates: Naville, ' o j . cit. 17 ; Budge, HE44048. 3 The islands of the Persian Gulf were visited by Babylonians at a very early period ; and thence the coasting (?) voyage to India was not difficult. 4 GStz Dit Verkehrswege im Dienste des WeZthandeZs, 1 0 3 A ? T i ' is not certain : CD 0. Schrader. Handelweschichte. hs

NipPur, 2 133J) some evidence of trac

was found in remains of the fourteenth century B.C. ; cp Budge,

HE41683 177.

1 For porterage in Babylonia, cp a letter of Hammurabi, Bcitr. e. Assyriologie, 4 474. 2 In the East barter has always survived alongside welldeveloped systems of money and finance. Cp under Cambyses Beitr. e. ~ s g v r4 429.5 9. Palgrave (Central an? E . A& . ed. 1883, p. 368) found barter more common throughout Arabia among the villagers, and even the poorer townsmen, than purchase.' 8 For an account of curious methods of barter in this region in Greek times, cp Cosmas Indic., Christ. T o j u p . , Bk. II., E T by M'Crindle, 5 2 4 In the 4th mill. silver was used as currency in Babylonia. Cp above, 5 8, on Maniz-tu-irba. In the time of Hammurahi hoth barter and money were extant : cp his letters-above, $ 8, fifth note. For electron in Egypt and silver see EGYPT, 38, and n. 2, col. 1229. 6 Babelon Les Origines de In Monnaic; W. W. Carlile, The EvoI. o)Modevn Money, Pt. 11. especially chap. 2.

.. .



ments and the material for ornament displaced the useful metals and other commodities as the favourite media of exchange and standards of value. In aid of this, there was not only the common and universal passion for ornament, but also its convenience for honrding,' the family's wealth being most easily 'saved' in the form of its women's ornaments, even after money proper came into existence; and in W . Asia the process would be further hastened by the prevailing custom of purchasing a wife, for an instance of which in Israel, cp Gen. 24, and see below, 43. These primitive ' moneys,' however, were not always actually given in exchange for goods; but the value of the goods exchanged was reckoned in terms of them. For this usage in the case of copper wire2 see Erman ( 4 9 4 8 ) , and later of silver and gold, EGYPT: $ 38. j Stamped weights of the precious metals were in early use in Babylonia; but money proper appears in w. Asia first in the Persian period. For further details see MONEY, and the articles and books quoted there. (i) The most interesting of all the questions arising in connection with ithe commerce of W. Asia during 21. Trade and this early period is that of its relations religion. to religion. So far as is known to the present writer there exists no adeauate ti-eatment of thi;, nor even a full appreciation df its significance. The hint has already been given (@ 12,16) that trade appears to have exercised no influence on the human mind during the formative period of the different religions. In Egypt and Babylonia, or among the Syrian and other Semites, there were gods who reflected o sympathised with every other human activity. The r memory of the various peoples went back to divine or semi-divine king!<, lawgivers, physicians, teachers, hunters, and fishers ( P H ~ N I C § A , artisans (cp the I IZ), Egyptian Ptah and the attribution of the invention of pottery and metal-working to various gods), and musicians. But, except for certain isolated and apparently late instances, to be noted presently (5 z z ) , there seems to have been no god or hero who was a trader. This cannot have been due to dislike of trading habits, such as prevailed in Egyptian society (0 13); for the want was not confined to Egypt ; nor was it due to any of the moral objections to trade, which are so common in modern times. There is only one explanation : in the formative period of the religions of W. Asia, commerce was not yet specialised as a separate vocation3 (§ 12). Perhaps t m most striking proof of its want of he religious influence a t an early period is found among the Phcenicians. Their most ancient deities were practically identical with those of the general 22. In Canaanite stock (Pietschmann, Gcsch. der Phcenicia9 Phon. 190). When at last the Phcenicians Egypt* took to the sea they invoked for their new occupation the blessing of their accustomed deities, and principally of the various local forms of 'Astart. The other divine beings, who appear connected with Phoenician ships, and in later times were credited with the discovery of navigation, the Kabiri, were of secondary rank in the Phcenician pantheon, and had been originally connected with the mining and working § of metals ( I b . 188, 1.90 ; but see PHCENICIA,11, col. 3774, with footnote). The legends which attribute distant travels to the Tyrian Herakles and divers gods are of late origin (Pietsch. 191). The only other possible instance of a trading Canaanite deity is that concealed under the ambiguous name '13013 (P HCENICIA . s 12, I SSACHAR . $8 3, 6). Similarly in Egypt the expeditions to Punt under the eighteenth dynasty were commended to the patronage of Anion of Thebes, who
and other parts of Africa, probably for ornament. Carlile op. c i f . 240. 8 For 2n illustration of the very opposite take Buddhism, which was a merchant religion par excellence ; there are few parables 91 birth-storks in which a Buddhist merchant does not figure ; J R A S , 1902, p. 387.
1 Carlile o#. cit. 2 As in 'Calahar

gave the conquest and tribute ( ; . e . , as we have seen, § 8 n. 3,the trade) of that distant land to his own people, and was thanked by them for help in the exploration and opening up of roads (Naville, Dei? el Bahari, pt. iii. 14, 193). We may assume that other nations of W. Asia when they took to trade also dedicated it each to their own tribal deity. But once this was done, the reaction upon their conceptions of their deity must have been one of the most Eonsiderable 23. Reaction forces in the transformation of the of trade on religion. primitive religions. The deity, originally local and identified with purely local phenomena (PHCENICIA, 11), must, when carrieh abroad by his people, have expanded in their belief to an identification with the principal cosmic forces, especially those of the sea and the heavens. It may, therefore, be to trade that the religions of W. Asia partly owe the association of their gods with the stars-always the guides of travellers-as well as their identification with the natural forces, or even with the gods, of distant lands.' But besides thus enhancing the power of native deities, the foreign trade of their worshippers brought back the cults of other gods. This is very evident in Egypt. X number of instances are given by Erman. Usertesen 111. (Dyn. xii.) dedicated a temple on the S. frontier to the Nubian god, and only in the second place to Hnum the Egyptian ( 5 0 0 ) ; Besa, honoured by the New Empire ' as a protecting genius,' probably owed ' his introduction to Egypt to this (incense) trade ' (514); and consequent upon the great increase of Asiatic commerce under the eighteenth and the nineteenth dynasty a number of Syrian divinities were admitted to the Egyptian pantheon (517). Similarly there was an export of the gods of W. Asia to Europe by Cyprus : ' merchants of Citium brought the cult of their goddess with them to Athens' (P HCENICIA , 11), and the general influence of Phoenician traders on the religion and mythology of Greece is notorious. Again, gatherings 24. sanctuaries to religious centres, great or small, have always been convenient for trade and markets. -as u-e see even in medizeval and modern times. Stated and famous markets grew about the sanctuaries of W. Asia and festivals became fairs. Where trade, as in N. Syria and Arabia, had to pass through many tribal territories, treaties were necessary and were accompanied by religious rites at border (or other) sanctuaries, at which it would be natural to exchange goods. In our period and that which followed it, Babylon, Carchemish, Bethel, Sinai (perhaps), Mecca, and various Egyptian towns are instances. Exchanges were effected under religious direction; it was the interest of the guardians of the sanctuaries to prescribe forms, and fees to the temple were ~ h a r g e d . ~ The supervision hy priests of Babylonian commerce is evident from a multitude of contract tablets ; and the rise of priestly families and castes to kingly power, both in Babylonia and in Egypt, was made possible by the wealth which accrued to them from their direction of commerce. Before we proceed to Israelite commerce one other study is necessary. W e have seen that during the New Empire and especially under the 25. eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties there was a great increase of trade between Syria and Egypt, in which Syrian products and manufactures played a very important part (above, § 8). We are now to examine the details of this, happening as it did on the eve o Israel's settlement in Palestine. The first evidence f
1 2


For an identification of Hathor with the deity of the anti

For another cp ISSACHAK,; Dt. 33 18 $ 2 3 WRS, ReL keem. 441. 4 Delitzsch in a note to No. 28 of Nagel's translation of Hammurabi's letters to Sin-idinnam (Bcitr. z ASS^. 4458 493) . iflustrates the Babylonian custom of making valuations 'before God'-;.e., in presence of the priests-and compares Ex. 216
2 2 ~ 1 ~ 1 ~

3r incense of Punt, see Naville, ob. cif.





is found in the records of Thutmosis 111. (1503-144g).~oils, wine, woollen cloths, and embroideries. The characteristics of Syrian clothing as depicted on the Coats of mail do not appear in his reign till he takes monuments were embroidery, tassels, and fringes. There zoo from the Canaanites at the sack of Megiddo. The is an extremely interesting account of an expedition Syrian chariots are the finer, and generally Syrian sent about I IOO B. c. by Her-heru of dynasty twenty-one artisans appear more skilful and artistic than those of to Lebanon for cedar in one of the Golenischeff Papyri Egypt. Large numbers of them are transported to (Recueil de Tmv. 21 7 4 8 ; cp WMM, As. u. Eur. 395 ; Egypt. In the same reign there are records of importations of grain into Egypt ; these cannot all have been Budge, f l f i 6 1 3 8 ) . tribute (above, § 8 n. 3); also of oil, wine, honey, 11. T RADE ROUTES I N w.' ASIA dates, incense, timber for masts and beams, and cattle. W e may now indicate the physical facilities for comIt is in the period after Thutmosis III., however, that merce in W. Asia, and trace the main lines of trade and we obtain our fullest evidence of the commercial condicross routes by land and sea. On the tion of Syria before Israel entered it. The 28. Lines of 26* trade : Egypt. map the eye at once marks the followAmarna Letters (1400 onwards) reveal, ing natural directions of traffic : two if by no mnre than the cuneiform script long and navigable rivers, the Nile and the Euphrates ; in which they are written, the already prolonged and two long narrow seas with more or less harboured close commercial intercourse between Babylonia and coasts, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf; whilst froin Egypt across Syria. Their contents are still more sigthe most westerly point touched by the Euphrates, a nificant.z The kings of Babylonia and Egypt propose fertile and well-populated country, passable on several a n exchange of the products of their lands. Gold is lines through Syria, stretches to the Nile Delta, with sent from Egypt to Babylonia, ' painted wood,' golden one break of desert about six or seven days' march and wooden images, and oil. From Babylonia to Egypt from Gaza to Pelusium. Inside all these lie the great come manufactured gold, precious stones, lapis lazuli, Arabian deserts, isolating the fertile Arabia Felix from enamel, skins, wooden chariots, horses, and slaves. W. Asia ; but even across these deserts, lines of oases Some of these, of course, pass as presents between the and valleys, in which, though there is no cultivation, water kings : but that they are also articles of commerce is is procurable, render passage possible by land from the proved by the complaint of one of the Babylonian kings that his merchants (dam-gam, danz-karu or famkarza : Indian Ocean to the Levant. The many routes created c p Del. Ass. H WB, Aram. taggzr, whence Arab. tdsir, along and across these natural lines we shall take in order as they lie from the south northward, and we shall trrggdir) had been plundered in the territories of the include the directions of traffic with India. Pharaoh. Letters from AlaSia, either Cyprus (Winckler) Egypt's inland trade, and her traffic with Nubia. the o r the extreme N. of the Syrian coast (Petrie, WMM), SudBn, and farther south, went up the Nile by YCbu tell of the exportation from that country of copper, (Elephantine, ' ivory island ') and Suenet (Syene, bronze, ivory, ship-furniture, and horses to Egypt, and AswHn: 'commerce,' Erman, Op. cit. 498J), at the receipt of silver, oil, a n d oxen. Merchants go from which exchanges were made with the barbarians. ' It AlaHia to Egypt by ship ; a writer begs the king of Egypt is difficult,' says Erman (479), ' to find a word in the not to allow them to be injured by his tax-gatherers (no. language which nieans to tmvel; the terms used were 29). The king of Ala& complains of the Lnkki, a pirate &nt=to go up stream, and &&=to go down stream.' people who disturb the Mediterranean, and invade his The river flow northwards ; but, as if in compensation. land (28). A prince of N. Syria sends slaves and begs the prevailing winds are in the opposite direction. for gold (36). The letters from Egyptian tributaries From Memphis by the Fayoum, or from the present and officials in Palestine, during its invasion by the Assiont and other Nile- ports, caravans reached the Hatti and Habiri, ask for wheat from Egypt for bewestern oases ( h o t s from Eg. uab=station). sieged towns and districts that have not been able to So far as concerned the trade with Punt, the Nile grow their own corn (cp the story of Jacob and Joseph); and the Red Sea, running nearly parallel for some or report the sending of timber, oil (cp Hos. 122 [ I ]), 29. Nile and thousands of miles, and at one point only honey, cattle, and slaves. One letter (122)asks for 90 m. apart, wonderfully supplemented myrrh as a medicine. Another (124),but obscurely, Red sea. each other's defects. As on the Nile, speaks of purple (?). Abd-hiba of Jerusalem complains the prevailing winds in the Red Sea are from the north : that he cannot prevent the plundering of the King of in the upper half the N. wind seldom flags, and the Egypt's caravans in Ajalon (180). Horses and asses Gulf of Suez is often stormy. The Egyptians, therefore, are supplied to travellers (SI), and provisions to the divided their route from the Delta to Punt and back and troops (264,270). One letter royal caravans (242) again between the river and the sea. Their trafic reports payment of ' 300 pieces of silver to the Habiri, southward was borne on the Nile' as far as Koptos,2 besides the 1000 into the hand of the king's officer' and then struck E. over the desert about 90 m. to (280). We read of no passage of glass either way, a little to the Sauu. at the mouth of the W. though glass had been known in Egypt from 3300 B. C. N. both of the later Greek harbour Leukos Limen,4 and was also made in Phcenicia from an early date. It and the modern el-KosEr (Erman, 586). was immediately after the period of the Tell-el-Amarna Letters-ie., in the fourteenth century B.C. -that 1 Naville (o$. c i f . 16) points out that the pictures of Ha'tKadaSman-Harbe (B ABYLONIA , § 57) of Babylon, being Zepsut's Punt expedition on Deir-el-Babri, which show the shut off from Harran and the upper Euphrates by Punt goods arriving at Thebes by ship, suggest that there was Assyria, opened a direct route across the desert to 'an arm of the Nile in communication with the Red Sea,' at that time ; and that the same ships carried cargo all the way. Phcenicia (Wi. Politische En&m'ckeZ. Ba6. u. Assyr.

Egyptian records confirm the frequent importation of 27. Other slaves from Syria into Egypt, where the Egyptian girls were prized in the harems, and, in mentioned the Amarna records. addition to articlesthat Syrianinpottery and Letters, indicate metal work were prized ; also ointments for embalming,
1 WMM As. u. Eu7.24; Flinders Petrie, H E 2 1 4 6 s 2 The foilowing facts are taken from the German translation '(with transliteration of the original into Roman characters) by Hugo U'inckler, Die Thonfafeln Don Tell PI-Amama Berlin, 1896: for some corrections see Knudtzon in Beif7. eur Assyriolopk, iv. 2 3.

a To-day not Kaft (Koptog) hut the neighhouring Keneh is the starting-plac; for el-Ko$r. J The way is almost waterless (cp above, 9), but the present writer knows it for only a day E. from Keneh. This road was supplied with reservoirs by many Pharaohs (above, $35 Q 19 n.). It was much used for trade in the reign of Xerxes (Budge, H E 7 75) and in Roman times. It is of interest that in 1801 Major General Baird and his army took 16 days from el-Kodr to Keneh (Anderson, Journ. o Secr. Exjed. to f Medif. and Ei., London, 1802, p . 357). . Also called Myos Hormos by the Pe~&+lus, and b Straho I r, (xvi. 424 xvii. 1 4 9 , apparently through confusion wit1 Myos Hormos on the Gulf of Suez. Cp Agatharchides, De Mu+ E7yth7, in Geogr. Gr. Min. 1 1 6 7 8 wlth Tab. VI. in Atlas.

to Thehes.

But the picture may only intend the short passage from Koptos



INDEX TO NAMES Aden, C4 (T RADE , 5) Adulis, B4 ( T RADE , 5 29) 'Alpha, B3 ( E LATH ) Alexandria, Bz (E CYPT , 5 72) 'Aneyzah, C3 (T RADE , 5 31) .4ntioch, Bz (T RADE , 5 80) Astarabad, Dz Babylon, Cz BaghdHd, Cz ( B ABEL , 5 7) Balkh, Ez Baroch, F3 el-Basra, Cz (B ABYLONIA , 5 14) Berenike. B3 (T RADE , 5 29) Boys: Bz ( B A S H A N , 3) 5 BukhHra, Ez Calicut, F4 Charax, Cz ( T RADE , Damascus, Bz Fofar, D4 ( T R A D E , Hii'il, C3 (T RADE , 5 50) Haleb, Bz HamadHn, Cz (T RADE , 5 58) Hamath, Bz (T RADE , 5 39) Hebron, Bz Hecatornpylos, Dz (T RADE , 5 58) Hediyah, B3 Herat, Ez (T RADE , 5 5 8 ) Hermuz, D3 el-Hijr (T RADE , 5 31) HofhQf, C3 Ispahan, Dz (T RADE , Memphis, B3 (E GYPT , 5 47 ; T RADE , 8 IO) Mew, Ea (T RADE , 5 58) Meshed, Dz Moscha, Dp (T RADE , 30) Miiltan, Fz Mu+vwa', B4 (T RADE , 5 8) Muskat, D3 (T RADE , 5 5 ) Muza, C4 (T RADE , 5 z g ) Myos Hormos (A LEXANDRIA , 5 I ; T RADE ,

Rhagae, D 2
er-RiiId, C3 Sabbatha, C4 Samarkand, Ez (T RADE , 3 58) Samosata, Bz (C APPADOCIA ; T RADE , Sank. C4 (HADORAM) Seleucia, Cz Sokotra, D4 es-Soleyil, C4 Suppara, F3 Susa, Cz (CURUS, 5 I ; T RADE , 5 58) Syagros Prom., D4 (T RADE , 5 30) e!-TH'if, C3 ( N AZIRITE , 5 z ) Tanna, F4 Tarsus, Bz Tebriz, Cz Teirna, B3 (MIDIAN T RADE , ; Thebes, B3 (E GYPT , $9 56f:) Thomna, C4 Tiflis, C I ; Tiphs&, B~ pRADE, 5 39) Trapezus, Br Trebizond BI (T RADE , 5 6g) Tyre, Bz (T RADE , 5 70) Yenbd, B3 Zeugma (S YRIA , Zofar, D4

5 69)

5 58)

Jiddah, B3 (T RADE , 5 ag) Jerusalem, Bz el-Jbf, Bz (I SHMAEL) Kabtil, Ea Kaf, Bz Kane. C4 Katif, C3 Kheybar, B3 Koptos, B3 (E GYPT , 5 1 4 : T RADE , el-KoZeir, B3 (T RADE , 8 8, 2 9 ) MdHn, Bz (T RADE , 5 14) Mariaba, C4 Mecca, B3 (G AZELLE ) el-Medina, B3 ( T R A D E , 5 31)

Nag=, C4 R. Nerbudda, F3 Nineveh, Cz Nishapur, Dz Nisibis, Cz (D ISPERSION , Okelis, C4 (T RADE , G. of 'Oman, D3 Ormuz, D3 Palmyra, Bz

6 ; T RADE,

5 40)

§S 63,


5 ag)

5 31)

5 5)
5 11)

Edessa, Bz (A RAMAIC , Math, B3 Erzeroum, Cz



5 29)

Garad, C3 Gaza, Bz (T RADE , 5 70) Gerra, D3 (T RADE , 5 31) Hadrarn6t, c 4 , D4 (HAZARI\IAVETH)

Peshawar, Fa . Petra, Bz (T RADE , $ 14) ? Phasis, C I Ptolemais Theron, B4 Rabbah, Bz (MOAB, 5 9) Regma, D3




5 69)

Other harbours on the S. coast of the Red Sea were Rlyos IZO m. from the Nile,l probably used in the early perioh for sea traffic, more frequent than the land traffic, with Sinai ; the Ptolemaic Berenike due E. from Syene hut usually reached by caravan from Koptos-twelve days' journey according to Pliny (HN, 6 26); Ptolemais (47" OqpSv ~ a h o u p i v q Prripl. B 3) near the modem ; : itlassowah ; Adulis2 (id. § 4), etc. ; with Muza and Okelis on the Arabian coast j J s t inside the Straits of LXib-el-Mandeh
Hormos a t the mouth of the Gulf of Suez about

strikes N E . by 'Aneyzal and the Lower Kaseem to Basra on the Euphrates) and Hijr (Egra),m where it divided into one N&. by el-Teirna (Thairna), round the northern Neffid and along the WLdy Sirhan to Bogra for Damascus3 (or to 'radmor), a i d another NNW. to Ma%, Petra, and Gaw; with a branch doubtless to Elah on the Gulf of 'Akabah. A Minaean inscription (Glaser, 1155; Halevy. 535) mentions a caravan route from Ma'an to Ragmat, probably the O T R AA M A H (p.~.), either '1'~ypa on the Persian Gulf or the seat of the ' Y a p p a v ~ r o i of Strabo (xvi. 4 24) near Yariaba in Sabaea. From Gerra (Ger'a), on the Persian Gulf, one route swung round by 'Oman to the incense country on the S. coast ; another crossed prohably by el-HaSa Nejd, and Lower Kaseem to Kheybar and 'leyma for Syrii (or from Kaseem crossed more directly hy Hl'il and el-JBf to Ma%; Palgrave [p. 21 gives the distance from the JBf to Ma'ln a t zoo m. as the crow flies). Forder (145) gives the present population of the JGf a t 40,000 (!). The towii is z m. long, m. wide; three rainfalls annually; water-supply good from deep springs ; warm sulphur springs ; clothing, cooking-utensils, coffee, etc., hy caravan from Mecca, Baghdad, and Damascus. Another route across N. Arahia, probably used by Babylonian expeditions to Musri and Sinai, led from the Euphrates to the JBf and so by Ma'& to 'Akabah ; hut the longer route given ahove-B~n-'Aneyza-Teyma-'Akabahwas easier and less dangerous. On the S., easy routes connected the interior of the Min;ean territory with the ports on the Ked Sea and the Indian Ocean. So much for Arabia.

,(id. 2 1 8 2 5 ~ 9 . $5 If we reckon by the voyages of A r a b d h o w ~ it~would , take the Egyptian ships about a month to sail from el-I$ost.r to the Straits of BBb-el-Mandeb. Pliny (Z.C.) gives thirty days from Rerenike to Okelis, but Herodotus (211) only forty for the voyage down the whole Red S e a J In the Indian Ocean the routes down the E. coast of Africa and up the Arabian coast were known and 30. I n d i ~ mapped in Greek times. For the African coast see the Atlas to Geozr. Gr. Min. xii. Ocean. The Arabian coast route i s described in the PeripZus. From Okelis to Arabia Felix (Aden), to Moscha (Zofzir) and the Syagros promontory (RHs Fertak) would take at least a month, with probably twenty days more to the mouth of the Persian Gulf. Thus the whole voyage from 'Akabah or Suez to the mouth of the Persian Gulf cannot have occupied less than three months. Thence to the mouth of the Indus and down the Malabar coast the ports and distances are described in the Periplus. For the voyage direct from Okelis, ' a d primum emporium Indize, Muzirim,' Pliny ( H N 6 2 6 )gives forty days, and adds that a ship leaving Berenike about the end of July reached Muziris about the middle of October, and leaving again in the end of December or January returned to Egypt within the year. The coasting voyage from Babylonia down the Persian Gulf, and so to the Indus, may be followed in the PenPZus (@ 35fl), or in Arrian's Hist. Indica


Coming now to Arabia, we find in the Minaean 31. arabia. inscriptions hints, and in the Greek geographers data, of the long trade routes, which traversed the peninsula
Sprenger (Alte G e q w Arab. chap. 2) describes nine of these routes, with Ptolemy's map of A k h i a ; and Wiistenfeld (Die won Mpdina ausZaux HaqWstrassen, and Die Strasse won B a y a rrach Me&ka; Giitt. 1862 and 1867 with maps) has laid down the routes in the I. S half of Arahia from the data of the Arabian geographers.

(IS 2 0 f l ) . G

The principal roads were those by which frankincense to Syria and Mesopotamia from the Sabzean country. .
was brought

Pliny ( H N 1 2 33 Cd. Delph.) gives the distance from Thomna to Gaza as sixty-five daily marches for camels.? T h e route held to Mecca, from remote antiquity a great centre of trade. There it divided. One hranch turned N E . through Nejd (a present pilgrim-route) and again divided, one arm E. through el-Hasa to the ancient Gerra, or other port on the Bahrein Gulf,s the other NE. towards Basrah. The main branch from Mecca continued N. to Medinah (whence a tolerably watered road
1 At Keneh. For the route, past granite and p r p h y quarries with Greek and Roman remains. see Baedekcr's 8 g . x 348. Myos Hormos. now Abu Sar el-Kibli, lay in the lat. of Manfaluc, and from there or Assid: was ahout 1 5 0 m. distant. 2 Or A d d 6 (near .4nnesley Bay) the port for Axum, I Z O m. distant ; in the Gk. period the market for trade with Central Africa. 'much freoumted hv traders from Alexandria and the Elanit& gulf '-Cosnias Indicopleustes, Christ. T u p u p . (6th cent.), Bk. 11. E T by M'Crindle, 54. 3 Cp Burton Pi/grinare to Al-Med. andMecca chap. 11. 4 This appeirs also to have been the datum of 'kmosthenes the Ptolemaic admiral, in Pliny, HiV633 ed. Delph., wher; for guatridui read gxadraginfa dierum. 5 Muziris, on the Malabar coact, either Calicut, or more probably, Manxalore ; see the Periplus and Ptolemy. For voyages to different ports in India, cp Sprenger, A&. Geu,. Arab. 9 8 8 6 Geogr. G r . Min., ed. Miiller, Paris, 1882, vol. i., 2 8 4 8 3 3 2 s with Tahh. X . and XII1.-XV. I 7 Palgrave (144) gives his day's march ac twelve to fourteen hours, a t about 5 m. a n hour, ' t h e ordinary pace of a riding camel.' This seems even for such rather much, and freight camels certainly go more slowly. 8 Palgrave (369) gives the time for the Persian pilgrims from Ahu-Shahr (Bushire) across the gulf and through Nejd to Mecca as two months.

W e have now to trace the routes from Egypt across Syria towards Damascus-for the 32. Egypt through Syria. the main four. Of these there are in Euphrates: I E. o Jordan.-The first, from the E. westward, . f left the Delta by Suez for Nakhl, on the plateau pf TIh, and thence reached Elath at the head of the Gulf of 'Akabah,4 where it joined the routes S. and E. through Arabia. From 'Akabah it turned up the W . el-Ithni to the E. of Edom (Israel's track) and struck Ma'an (where it crossed the route Mecca to Petra). From Ma'Xn it is ten journeys to Damascus (Doughty, Ar. Des. 148) ; the present Hajj route keeps to the E. of Moab, to avoid the deep cafions (for routes through Moab, see MOAB,5 8 ) to Kal'at ez-Zerk&,on the upper waters of the ZerkH, the biblical Jabbok. Thence it holds due N. to Rimtheh and el-Muzerib, thence upon the west of the Lej& to Damascus. An older branch struck from the Zerk2 NE. to Bosra (to which other routes came up from Arabia), Kanatha, and so by the E. of the Leja to Damascus. 2. Up the 'ArZBah.-The second route, frcm Elath to Damascus, followed the great trench of the 'ArBbah by the foot of Mt. Seir to the Dead Sea, and then up its west coast and the Jordan valley. This has great disadvantages in heat and want of water ; but the traffic along it (at least as far as the Dead Sea) was considerable in the early Mohammedan period, and the same stretch of it may have been used by Jewish trade with Blath in the days of the kings. 3. B Hebron.-A y third line of road from Egypt through Syria-perhaps that called the way of SHL~R (4.z.. Gen. 167)-started from the middle of the Isthmus, struck E. through the desert till it crossed Jebel MaghHrah,5 turned N. round J. Held, crossed W. el-'Arish (from which onwards there are not a few wells and waterpits), passed el-Birein, Ruhaibeh, and K h a l q a to Beersheba and Hebron (P ALESTINE , 5 20). 4. B maritime pZain.-The y fourth route left the Delta at Pelusium or some station near the present el-Kantara on the canal, for Rhinokolura (el-'Arish), Raphia, and Gaza-six to seven marches from the Delta.6 Thence by Ashdod up the Maritime Plain.
I So Doughty. For the mercantile qualities of the inhahitonts, see Palgrave, 117(Oneyza ; v. Oppenheim [2 541, 'Oneze). 2 Or Medain Salih. 3 Palgrave. A description of the route between the Jbf and BoSra, along the W. SirhPn is given by Forder (WifhArabs zn Tent and Tmn, chaps. 5-8). I t is apparently sb davs from h e J6f to Ithera; thence four hours to-Kaf. thence 6 davs to 3rman, thence I to Bosra. 4 Palmer, Desert o d e Exodus; Trumhull, Kadesh Barnea; f :onsult Palmer also for routes from Suez to Sinai. 5 To the N. of Jebel Yeleg : see Drake Holland's Map, PEFQ 1884 p. 4 . 6 NLpoleoh G74prre JOricnt: Campagnes a"&g$fe et de Syrie, vol. ii.'; Wittmann's Trawls, 128 j ? Archduke Sal-



These four roads from Egypt to Syria were crossed by others from Arabia to the Levant and S. Palestine. 33. Cross- The direction of these, across the routes: Tih, desert of Tih and the Negeb, must have varied according to season and rainfall. This desert, so important both in the wanderings and in the trade of Israel, is in the main a high, hard plateau, the Plateau of Tih, bearing short, irregular ranges of hills, and is niostly barren. but its valleys contain alluvial soil. The rainfall in January and February is considerable, and then there is much grass. Perennial springs are infrequent ; but in the longer wHdies water can nearly always be had by digging. Horses may he taken everywhere, provided camels accompany them with water-skins for the long intervals between wells (Wilson, PEFQ, 1887,pp. 3 8 8 ) . The ruins of vineyards and villages, with forts, in the N ECEB (4.w.) prove that it was once easy of traverse. The most inaccessible portion is immediately W. of the ‘Arabah and S. of the Palestine frontier-some 60 m. N. and S. by 50 E. and W. - steep ridges, the v m e of the wildest of the Arabs of this region, the AzZzimeh. This part throws the roads between Palestine and the Red Sea to the W. and E. of itself. These naturally bend to the best sources of water, of which we may note the following :--‘Ain el-Weibeh’ in the Arabah, about 80 m. from Elath. and 30 from the Dead Sea ; 15 m. N., ‘Ain Hasb ; S. of the ‘Azaziineh country, well-watered wHdies round the famous ‘Ain Kadis (K ADESH , I ) ; hut this district is so shut off by Jehel Magrah and other hills that it is not visited by through roads ; wells a t Hathirah, Birein, el-‘Aujeh, and elsewhere afford a well-watered line of travel N. and S . on which most of the routes converge; N. of the ‘AzHzimeh country, ‘fin el-Mureidhah, W . el-Yemen, and Kurnub. Taking these facts with the evidence of the ancient geographers and of travellers like Robinson, Palmer, Clay Trumbull, Holland, and Wilson, we can determine the following lines of traffic across the desert of Tih and the Negeh. I. The chief line of traftic is that which from the head of the Gulf of ‘Akabah strikes NW. over the plateau of Tih to the conspicuow mountain ‘ArHif e ~ N % k a h , ~ bending N. coincides near Birein with and the trunk road from the middle of the Isthmns of Suez to Hebron. It leaves the trunk road again near Ruhaibeh and strikes NW. on Gaza. For camels it is about eight days’ journey by this route from ‘Akabah to Gaza. To the E. of the S. half of it, hut coinciding with its N. half, are several pilgrim routes between Sinai and Gaza much used in the Middle Ages ;4 it is ten days from St. Catherine’s Convent to Gaza.5 2. The route from Ma‘Hn and Petra to the Negeb ?ds by Petra and the W. el-Abyad, crosses the Arabah NW. to ‘Ain el-Weibeh, and thence strikes up through the hills by several branches, the best known being that which leaves the ‘Arabah a little to the N. of ‘Ain el-Weibeh, passes ‘Ain el-Mureidhah and ‘Ain el-Khuran to the great mountain barrier, pierced by the Nakb el-Yemen, Nakb es-Sufah (thought by some to be ZEPHATH or H ORMAH , through which Israel attempted Palestine from the S., Nu. 1445 213 Dt. 144 Judg. 1 1 7 ) and Nakh es-Sufey.6 Still another pass to the W. of Nakb el-Yemen is said to carry a road to Gaza. On the high region to the N. of these passes the routes reunite, and, passing a little to the E. of Kurvator, Die Karawanemtrasse von &. rrach Syr. (Prague, 1879; E T London 1881). 1 Robiison BR h 5 8 0 8 2 V. RaumLr, PaZasiina, 4 8 0 8 ; Clay Trumbull, Kadesh Barnea, 207 etc. 3 Another branch strike3 from ‘Akabah up the ‘Arabah, ascends the plateau hy the W. el-Beyineh and joins the main road near W. el Ghudnghid (Robinson), S. of J. ‘Arnlf enNakah. ‘For a list see Robinson BR 1 $ 6 1 8 Felix Fabri Euagaior&um and other mediaeval travellers. 6 Large Map)to Clay Trumdull’s Kariesh Barnea.

nub and ‘Ar‘Hrah, the road divides into two, one N. of Beersheba to Gaza, the other by Kh. el-Milh to Hebron. By this road from Ma‘Hn to the Negeb pilgrims and supplies from Gaza and Hebron meet the Hajj at Ma‘Hn, and it is probable that from Hebron to ‘Aiu el-Weibeh and thence down the ‘Arabah the same road carried the trade of the kings of Israel to Elath or Ezion-geber. 3. Finally, there was a less important line of traffic from Gaza along the S. frontier of Palestine and round the S. end of the Dead Sea to Kerak. For the main and cross routes through Palestine 34. Palestine. itself, see P ALESTINE , § 20, to which may be added the following :I. From Dead Sen.-The great ‘Arabah road and the salt deposits at the S. end of the Dead Sea were connected with Jerusalem hy a route through el-Milh and Hebron, by another which left the Dead Sea at Engedi and deployed np the W. HuSHsah to Jebel Fureidis (Herodiuni), or crossed W. Ghuweir and ascending W. J e r f h struck NW. to Jerusalem. The second of these is a very bad road. To-day the salt-carners, in preference to both, follow the Dead Sea coast to a point N. of Engedi before striking up to Jerusalem. 2. Across W. range.-N. of the Dead Sea the routes across the W. range were two :$+st, that mentioned in PALESTINE, § 20, by the Beth-horons, past the great sanctuary and market at Bethel, down to Jericho ; ‘Ain ed-Dilk on one branch of this route is probably a Philistine station (D AGON , Docus) of the days when the Philistines commanded the traffic on this line (it was also used by the Crusaders, who did not hold Gaza, for their traffic with Moah. Edom. and ‘Akaba ; Key, Les Colonies Franyucs dans Zes XZZ. et XZZZ. Sit?cZes: ch. 9 ) ; second, the road which, ascending NW. from Jaffa, crosses the watershed at Shechem in the pass between Ebal and Gerizim, and descends the wHdies elKerEid and FHri‘ah to the ford at ed-DHmieh. That the trading Philistines also used this route is certified by the presence to the E. of Shechem of a Beit Dejani.e., Beth-Dagon. So also Vespasian marched (B/ iv. 81). Carmel was turned by four routes N. from Sharon. ( I , The most westerly follows the coast ; it connected , ) 36. Sharon to the Phoenician settlements S. and N. of Carmel, and in later times Caesarea Eadraelon. with Ptolemais. ( 2 ) A road leaves the K. end of Sharon and strikes N.’by Subbarin and E. of Carmel to TeIl KeimCin; it is the shortest line from Egypt to the Phcenician cities. ( 3 ) Another leaves Sharon at Kh. es-Sumrah, strikes NE. up the W. ‘Arah to ‘Ah Ibrahini and enters Esdraelon at Lejjfin (Megiddo), from which roads branch to Nazareth, Tiherias, and, by Jezreel, to Beth-shan and the Jordan. (4)The fourth leaves Sharon by the W. Abu Nbr, emerges on the plain of Dothan, and enters Esdraelon at Jenin (En-gannim) ; for the Jordan valley and the road to Damascus across IJaurHn it is shorter than the route by LejjCin (cp Gem 3825). On these roads and their significance see HG 1 5 0 8 The valleys of S. Galilee, disposed E. and W., carried some of the most famous roads of Palestine. These 36. s. Galilee. started from Akko ( PTOLEMAIS). ( I ) One struck SE. bv another BethDagon,3 clinibed to Sepphoris, passed nenr Nazareth, and descended by the W. esh-Sharr8r to the Jordan a t the Roman bridge, Jisr el-MujHmi‘, the main Roman road to the trans- Jordanic provinces. ( 2 ) Another crossed by the valley N. of Sepphoris and descended on Tiberias. (3) Another climbed E. probably by W. Wasriyeh, held along the foot of Upper Galilee to Ramah, from which one hranch descended to join a
1 The biblical Tamar. See 5 50. 2 So too, perhaps, ran one of the Roman roads between Hebron and Elath. 3 Dok of the Crusading Chronicles (e.e., L’Estoire de Z a Guerve Sainte, 1897,11. 3987, 4071); now Tell Da’ouk or Dauk.





Walker &Cockerell sc.

N. and S. trunk road at Capernaum, whilst a second
proceeded by Safed to the present Bridge of the Daughters of Jacob across Jordan. These are probably the roads reflected in the parables of Jesus ( H G 4 2 5 8 ) . The most northerly is the most natural (or easiest) route for traffic 'from the sea-coast to Damascus (PTOLEMAIS, 3). More difficult roads, however, crossed the highlands behind Phcenicia :- I) from Tyre, by Burj el-Alawei ( 3,. Tyre and through the valley near Abrikha (where pavement is still found) down to the sidon. N. of Rubb ThelHthin, across the HHSbHny to BBniHs ; (2) from Tyre, or (3)from Sidon, to the elbow of the Litany and so down to the HSbHny bridge and BBniBs. The importance of these roads is testified by the lines of crusading castles upon them. On the E. of Jordan (N. of Moab) the cross-routes are best illustrated by the Dosition of the cities of 38, E ofJofdan. DECAPOLISP . v . ) . From the Jordan . ( opposite Scvthouolis (Bethshani start ( three roads :- I)one'to the S.*by Pella (with a vaAation a little to the N.) and thence SE. over the hills of Gilead (by the lost Dion) to Gerasa and Philadelphia (with branches). ( 2 ) A second climbed to Gadara, and thence along the ridge to Abila of the Decapolis, and by Abila to Kanatha or by Edrei to Bosra and Jebel HaurBn. (3)A third climbed from the E. coast of the Lake of Galilee by Hippos (Siisiya opposite Tiberias) and crossed JaulHn and HaurHn by Naw-a (with variants) to Damascus. T o the N. of these ran other two : ( 4 ) from the Bridge of the Daughters of Jacob by el-Kuneitrah, and (5) from BHniLs by Kefr Hawar-both to Damascus. The lines of trade through N. Syria from Damascus and Phcenicia to the Euphrates are determined by the desert, the long parallel lines of hills, 39. N . and the Orontes valley. The shortest route from Damascus to Mesopotamia is NE. by the Palmyra or T ADMOR oasis ; but its difficulties, due to the want of water and the wild character of the nomads, diverted the main volume of traffic through the settled country to the E. of Jebel AnSaiya Here the road from Damascus struck due N. on the E. of Anti-libanus, by Riblah, Hemessa (Horns), Hadrach, to Hamath (Hamat). where it was joined by a road from the Phoenician coast u p the Leontes and down the Orontes valleys. From Hamath the routes were two : one NE. to Tiphsah (Thapsacus), the ford,' on the Euphrates; the other, and more frequent, N. by Halwan (Haleh, Aleppo) and Arpad (Tell Arfad) to Carchemish (Jergbis), a great sanctuary and market.l From this rafts descended the Euphrates to Babylon, and a road travelled E. by HARAN rq.v.1 IHarrKnn). -- - ,. 40, assyrb again a famous sanctuary and market, : and Nisibis (Nasibin) to the Tigris at Babylonia. Nineveh. On Carchemish and Harran converged routes from Asia Minor and Armenia ; upon Nineveh from Armenia by the Upper Tigris and from the Caspian by the Greater ZBb and other valleys. On the Mesopotamian routes with their extensions into Asia Minor, Persia, and farther E., see below §§ 58 (Persian Imperial roads), 63 (Greek), and 69 (Roman). The Euphrates is navigable for 1200 m. from its mouth, and is said to be, as high up as its junction with the KhBbClr, 18 ft. deep, a depth that sometimes falls, lobier down its course, with the dissipation.of its waters, to 12 ft. (Rogers, Nist. o Bab. and Ass. 1271 8 ) . f The Tigris, much more rapid, and of more uncertain volume, is less fitted for navigation ; but to-day small steamers proceed as far up as Baghdad, and boats even to M6yd (Nineveh).2 The convenience of Babylonia
1 See map to ASSYRIA between cols. 352 and 353. 2 From Masul to BaihdZd. by raft down the Tigris, takes from five to s& days according to the state of the river: from Baghdad to Masul a caravan takes twenty to twenty-two days (The Pioneer, M a y 29, 1902).

for trade through Elam with the interior of Asia has already been noticed. For the land routes from India to Babylon, see Lassen, Zndische A Zferthumskunde, 2 5 2 9 ; for the ancient sea route, Arriau's * I Y & K ~55 , 208 For both under Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, 1 and Romans, see below, $5 56, 58, 63, 7 .


111. HISTORY OF T RADE I N ISRAEL In Part I. ($I 1-27)we have surveyed the vast and intricate system of commerce which prevailed throughout 41. Periods. W. Asia by the close of the second millennium B.C. Ontheirsettlement in Palestine, between 1300 and 1150 B . c . , Israel came into contact with this system upon two of its most ancient and crowded pathways through Syria : between the Euphrates and the Nile, and between Arabia and the Levant. Before we follow the details of their gradual engagement in this system, we have to examine ( I) the traditions which they brought with them, or adopted from the Canaanites, in order to discover what reflection of trade these may contain ( 5 42 5). We shall then ($5 4 4 8 ) treat of the history of Israel's own trade under ( 2 ) the Judges (§ 46J) ; (3)the early monarchy (Saul 48-51) ; (4) divided kingdom till the the to Solomon, end o the ninth century (5s 51-53) (5) the eighth and f ; seventh centuries till the fall of Jerusalem in 586 53-57) ; (6) the exilic and Persian Period till 332 B.C. (5s 58-62); (7) the Greek Period ( 63-67); and (8) 1 the Roman Period till the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus (§§ 68-81). It is interesting that the earliest Hebrew traditions of primitive man are-with a few doubtful exceptions-as 42. Earls destitute of references to trade, as we have traditions. found those in W. Asia in general to be. According to J E passages in the early chapters of Genesis, the founders of civilisation were hunters, shepherds, tillers of the soil, inventors of weapons and musical instruments, and builders of cities. There is no recognition of a special class of merchants ; nor is there any reflection of such in Israel's earliest conceptions of the Deity. This agrees with the results of an examination of other religions ($5 23-27), Certain of the stories, however, appear to take for granted the existence of commerce among early men. As in early Egypt the weaponsmith himself carried his goods abroad for sale (§ IZ), so the Kain of Gen. 4, perhaps the 'forger,' is the founder of the first city-ie., market or ceutre o trade (see CAINITES, § 5 $)-and f it is possible to trace the mixed story of the Kairi of Gen. 4 -an agricultnrist who became a wanderer-to (among other sources) an attempt to describe the origin of commerce ; for, except for commerce, agriculturists d o not take to travel (but see CAIN for other explanations). Again, some reflection of Babylon's early position as a world market has already ( 5 I O ) been suggested in the story of the tower of Babel. Whatever significance in this respect we assign to such traditions-the very doubtful exceptions alluded to above-we may see in the fate imputed to Babylon a symptom of that horror of building and of cities which marks the unsophisticated nomad, and is observable among the desert-bred portions of Israel to a comparatively late period (e.& in Amos). The tales of the fathers of Israel assign to the people an Aramaean origin-that is to say, among a people, and 43.patriarchs. in a land in which trade flourished from an early period (§ 16). N O mercantile pursuits are imputed to the patriarchs by the J E passages ; but these take for granted the existence in their days of a developed commerce (e.g.,Gen. 20 16, ' 1000 silver pieces' ; 24 22. ' shekels ' as weights ; and the position of the a cities of the plain ' on a wellknown knot of traffic at the S. end of the Dead Sea ; cp the importance of Zoar as a trading centre in early Mohammedan and crusading times : MOAB, 9)-an . assumption which the data given in Part I (esp. $§ 2-20) assure us is not anachronistic. A price paid to 5168


Abraham is estimated in the most primitive forms of currency, cattle and slaves (,Gen. 20 14 ; cp 3 77, 1 perhaps as blackmail). A wife is purchased wlth precious metals, in the form of ornaments (24) ; a kid is given as a hnrlot':; wage (3817) ; and silver is paid by Jacobs sons for corn in Egypt, and also by the Egyptians till it fails, when the price is paid first in cattle and then in land (47148): Thus the JE stories of the Patriarchs present us with instances of practically every stage in the primitive evolution of money. The passage of Israel northwards to Palestine brought them along and across ancient and much44, Arrival frequented lines of commerce (§§ 31-34), whilst the traditions of their early conof Israel. quests and settlements in Palestine relate their inheritance of the fruits of the rich BabylonianEgyptian trade which, as we have seen (§$ 25 27), filled Syria on the eve of their arrival. Cp ' the goodly Babylonish mantle,' ' zoo shekels of silver,' and ' the gold ingot of 50 shekels ' among the spoil of Jericho (Josh. 7 21, J E ) , and the Dt. tradition that besides the fruits of the long-developed agriculture of Palestine the incoming Israelites inherited ' houses full of all goods ' (Dt. 6 I O J Josh. 2413 Neh. 9.5). Yet these accounts abstain from asserting that Israel at the same time entered on the carrying trade of Canaan. Isrdel was confined to the 46' Distance hills. None of the tribes reached the from sea' sea coast except Asher, and the probably sarcastic reference in Deborih's song (Judg. 5 ;7) to h& ' creeks ' (AV ' breaches ') is borne out by the harbourless character of the coast between Accho (held by the Phcenicians) and KSLS en-NHkCirah. The fact is that, down almost the entire length of Israel's history, a belt of foreign territory separated the people from the sea : nor did the spectacle of the sea, breaking on what was generally a lee shore, and entirely without natural harbours, excite any temptation to reach it. The first coast town taken by Israel was Joppa, and that not till 144 B.C. In Hebrew literature down to exilic times and even later, the sea is only used ( I ) for the W. horizon, ( 2 )as a symbol of arrogance against God (Is. 17 Z Z $ and Pss.), and ( 3 ) as a means to attempt escape from him (Am. 9 3 ; Jonah). The word for harbour in (the late) Ps. 107 30 is a general term for ' refuge ' : in Hebrew there is no word for ' port ,' and the later Jews had to borrow one from the Greeks-Limen (see H G ch. 7). El-en if Ps. 107 refers to Israelites, it describes merchants, not sailors. It is remarkable that even to this day Jews, who have risen to eminence in every other department of the life of nations among whom they have settled, have never been known to fame as admirals or .ship-captains, and are very seldom found a s sailors (so far a s the present writer knows, only in the Black Sea.).l Inland waters.-As for inland waters : the Dead Sea was not navigated till the time of the Romans ; there were only fishing boars on the Lake of Galilee ;a and on the Jordan only a ferry ( 2 S . 19 19 [IS]) or two [cp FORD]. Boats on the Jordan are not mentioned till the Talmud. Early Israel was not so wholly shut off from the lines of land traffic which traverse Palestine. The Canaan46. Land ites contlnued to hold positions commanding these-like B e t h ~ h a nand even others ,~ traffic. (sometimes in a line) across the Western Range (Gezer, Gibeon, Jerusalem) ; while the Philistines entered on possession of Gaza and the S . end of the maritime plain. Still the connubium which Israel indulged in with Canaanites (Judg. 35f: ' substantially J,' Moore) and Philistines (Samson) certainly proves 1 Jos. (87 iii. 92) mentions Jewish pirates at Joppa. There was a Jewish naval officer in the U.S. civil war; Sjectator,
a And in Greek times galleys. Cp the galley on some of the coins of Gadara. S The list in Judg. 1 c:ontainsa number of towns on the main

commerce. The possession of old Canaanite sanctuaries on the cross-routes would carry with it the superiority of the markets connected with them (5 24) ; thus we find Ephraim at Shechem?or the neighbouringGilga1 (Juleijil), Benjamin at Bethel, and Judah at Hebron-one of the great markets for the desert. But other tribes gradually settled across the chief lines of through traffic-Issachar, Zebulun, and D a n ; and these are the only tribes to whom any portion of O T literature that can be called early. appears to assign any international trade. Issacbar, on Esdraelon, is described as the guardian of some great fair (Dt. 3318 f: : I SSACHAR, 2): and Zebulun farther W. as commanding the coasttrade (Gen. 49 73 Dt. 35 19 ; Z EBULUN ) : while some interpret Deborah's reference to Dan of their connection at Laish with Sidon (cp D AN , § 3). However that may be, Dan's position there commanded one great line of traffic N. and S. and another E. and W. Further. it is interesting that some of the battles and expeditions under the Judges were on the line of these and other ancient lines of traffic-Esdraelon, Dan, and theroute from Jordan into Arabia, Jericho ( 3 Succoth, Jogbehah, on which it is Ishmaelites with ear-rings of gold (in other words traders) whom Gideon defeats (8 : cp v. 24). There is, too, a possible mention of pearls (nryo>n,ZJ.26 ; cp Moore's note, p. 233). as well as one of purple (?). In 10 12 are mentioned the Maonites, probably the Minzans: even if we should read with &$Midian, it is traders who are meant. Along with these, the reference to the disturbance of travel in the land in Judg. 5 (v.6f:) must not be overlooked. It is interesting to note the distinction already observed between trading and non-trading communities in the case of Laish ( 1 8 7 ) . Laish on a small scale illustrated the military carelessness which rendered (..E. ) the great trading dynasties of Babylonia so easy a prey to the nomadic hordes who conquered them. The elements of trade in the period of the Judges must have been simple ; still, we are not warranted by the data in minimising them. Salt would 47* The, come from the Dead Sea, and asphalt ; fish 'Judges* from the coast towns. That the useful metals came from the outside is clear both from their absence from Israel's earlier possessions and from the Philistine policy ( I S.1319) of banishing from among them the smiths. That is to say, metal-work was not familiar to the Israelites themselves ; it was probably pursued. a s in so many parts of Syria and Arabia at the present day, by certain nomadic families. A little gold, probably in the shape of small rings and other ornaments, would be bought from the Arabian caravans (Judg. 8 and 10 as above) ; and silver pieces are mentioned (94 1 6 5 17z$ I O ). In exchange, the Hebrews could give their surplus wool and oil, figs, raisins, and perhaps wine (Judg. 9 13 ; cp the early use of the phrase ' every man under his own vine and fig tree' : I K. 55).l But the foreign character of the international trade of this period is seen in the use of gentilic names for merchants alluded to above (5 13) and in the meaning , n of the earliest Hebrew terms for trader ( o and ~ J Y = traveller) .z It is usually assumed by modern writers that Solomon was the real father of trade in Israel ; yet the conditions, actual symptoms, and consequences of a 48. monarchy. considerable commerce are present from the very beginning of the monarchywhich by all W. Asian analogies, would itself be sufficient proof of the organisation and rapid increase of Israel's trade. The Philistines not only held the main line of commerce between Egypt and PhceniciaBabylonia : their encounters with Israel at Michmash and Gilboa (cp Bet Dejan E. of Shechem, and Dagon near Jericho, 34) appear to imply a struggle for the 1 C Buhl, Die socialen YevkZZtnFrSeder lsvaehten 12. a &,e the sanctuary as the treasury, and the hire' of mercenaries (Judg. 9 4).


Jan. 3, 1903.



cross-routes to the E. as well. In connection with Saul's earlier successes over the Philistines on one of these routes, David's praise of him, that ' h e brought up adorning of gold on the garments' of the daughters of Israel ( 2 S. 124) is very significant. In W. Asia the rise of a power like David's always means an intentional increase of commerce, of which a very good illustration is found in Palgrave's description of the policy of Tela1 ibn-Rasheed of Hay& who by the security of his dominions and the surrounding desert, by liberal offers to merchants at a distance, and the introduction of good commercial families, created a considerable external trade among his people (Central and E. Arab., 93 IIZ 133 [ed. 18831). David united, pacified, and partly organised all Israel ; finally threw off the Philistine yoke (and perhaps carried his power into Philistia itself) ; subdued the Canaanites who had hitherto held several of the towns in Hebrew territory ; and founded a capital whose population must (as Buhl points out, p. 16) have been dependent on commerce for their livelihood. He stamped shekels used in weighing ( 2 S. 1426), which we may take as evidence of other regulations of commerce. The considerable number of foreign names among his servants is partly significant of trade; but if they were all military mercenaries, we have seen (J 11) that in W. Asia the substitution of such for a native militia (A RMY , J 4 ) and this is the first appearance of mercenary troops in Israel (yet cp Judg. 94)-was always the consequence of an increase of trade. David subdued Moab, Ammon, and Edom (with command of the SE. trade routes) ; extended his influence as far N. as Hamath (D AV ID , 7-9) ; and made an alliance with Hiram of Tyre, with whose help he built a royal house of stone and cedar. On these data, some of which are conclusive, we may assume that in David's reign trade in the real sense of the word had already begun to grow in Israel. It was under Solomon, however, that, as in the building of the temple so in the organisation of a considerLblecommerce, the full consequences 49. trade. of David's pdlicy were first realised. The mixed and much edited records of the reign of SOLOMON [ 4 . v . ] have behind all their later additions the facts, not only of an increase of wealth in Israel ( I K. 3 13), which was comparatively enormous, but also of foreign enterprises and of internal provisions for trade which can alone account for such increase. David's alliance and commerce with Hiram of Tyre were continued. Whatever historical value be assigned to the story of the Queen of Sheba's visit to Jerusalem (I K.101-q), there is at the bottom of it at least the fact of a land trade with the S. of Arabia : whilst the inherent probability of the record of voyages down the Red Sea (on the state of the text of I K.928 1011 see Benzinger) is obvious from Solomon's position between Phcenicia and Arabia and the command which his father's conquest of Edom gave him of the route to Elath. Without Solomon's aid the Phcenicians could not have voyaged from the Gulf of 'Akaba to Ophir. That the sailors and ships are described as Phcenician, not Israelite, proves that the story has not been at least wholly idealised by later writers. If Ophir, as is most probable, lay on the S. coast of i\rabia (see OPHIR),'three months would amply suffice for the voyage there, and the expedition would be back within a year ; the datum of the record that a voyage was made only every third year is another syniptom of the absence of exaggeration. It is, indeed, a difficulty with many scholars that the small kingdom of Israel had too little to furnish in exchange for the vast and valuable imports described as coming from Ophir ; and the reporters are at a loss to name the gifts from Solomon to the Queen of Sheba in return for hers to him (I K. 1013). But it must be
1 The most recent proposal for Ophir is the Malay peninsula, where there are ancient and deserted gold mines. See T h Pilot,

kept in mind that the king of all Israel could always pay in the assurance of security for the Arabian Phcenician traffic across his dominions, and that when this service, and Israel's surplus corn and oil ( I K. 5 2 5 [II] : zo,ooo kor of wheat and 20,ooo bath of oil annually to Hiram) and perhaps wool, failed to meet the value of the timber and other imports from Phcenicia. Solomon paid the balance in land ( I K. 911 8). Buhl (77) thinks it doubtful that the expeditions to Ophir were undertaken for trade. But for what else could they have been undertaken ? Early Egyptian and Babylonian expeditions to distant lands had no other aim (J 8, third note). W e have seen that some products of Europe were in Babylonian shops by 1400 B.C. ; the Phcenician ships may have carried these or others to Ophir. There were also Syrian dates, and corn, the Syrian woven robes, the Tyrian purple, and Phcenician modifications of Babylonian and Egyptian art, weapons and perhaps silver ; whilst we have also seen (J 2 0 ) that the early Egyptians exchanged trinkets (as civilised peoples do to this day among barbarian tribes) for the valuable products which they found in the markets of Punt. Solomon's servants may have done the same with the unsophisticated natives of Ophir ; and we have seen that dates and weapons are still imported to the S. coast of Arabia (J 5). I K. 1028f. records Solomon's trade in horses. The text ' restored from 6 is to he read : ' The export of horses for Solomon was out of MuSri and Kue : the dealers of the king brought them out of Kue for a price.' Musr is the N. Syrian state of that name (MIZRAIM,z a ) ; Kue is Cilicia (see C ILICIA , J z ) . Horses came from N. to S. in W. Asia : probably first from Asia Minor into Syria. The Hebrew text which introduces them to Palestinefrom Egypt, is impossible : horses were not indigenous in Egypt nor were the pastures there sufficient for breeding and rearing them for export. Yet notice the reference in Dt. 17 16 which implies that some horses came to Israel from Egypt. I K. 1015 (see Benzinger, for the correct bO. Duties, etc. text) states that Solomon derived part of his wealth from tolls levied on the transit trade between Arabia and the Levant.* If I S. 8 1 5 8 be, as is probable, of post-Solomonic date, and therefore reflect the evils of a monarchy already experienced, it is notable that nothing is said, aniong the taxes imposed on native ZsraeZites, of one imposed for trade. But this will only mean that, RS in early Egypt (J 11) and partly in Hgyil, when Palgrave was there in 1863, the trade of Israel was directly carried on by the king himself through his servants : it was not private enterprise but part of the royal administration (cp I K. 10 28 ' the dealers of the king '). Further, Solomon is said to have ' built' or fortified cities on trade routes (917J) : ' Gezer, Beth-horon the nether, Baalath, and , Tamar in the wilderness, and all the store-cities (7 '2 nii?pFD ; cp CITY Lf], STORE-CITIES) which Solomon had:' T AMAR ( 4 . v . ) is most probably Tamara to the S . of Judah, on the route to Petra or Elath. Other signs of Solomon's far-spread commercial influence are his alliance with Egypt, which carried with it the possession of Gezer that commands more than one line of traffic ( 3 18 17f. ) ; the description of his dominion 9 as stretching from Tiphsah ( ' the crossing') on the N. Euphrates, to Gaza ( 4 24 [5 4]), with dominion over all the kings beyond the river, which can only mean commercial influence ; and the datum ' the entering in of Hamath' (865)--i.e., the issue from Israel between the Lebanons towards the most iniportant mart in N. Syria. There is no allusion to trade in Solomon's prayer to Yahwe
1 After Wi. A T Unters. 1 6 8 8 . ; cp MIZRAIM,2 a ; H ORSE # 5 I (5); and, on the other side, C HARIOT , 4, col. 726 n 1 . .



2 [Kittel also touches the M T ; but, like Benzinger, he may appear to some to be almost too moderate. Cp SOLOMON, S 7, on 'the singular statement' in I K.1014$, and Crif. Bib. That 2x should be read instead of J.31 is undeniable (Che.1.1

K. 1 0 2 8 3 see also Crif. Bib., and cp SOI.OMON, 0 81.



(ch. 8) ; but in the exigencies of foreign trade, and the introduction of guilds or groups of foreign merchantmen we may see the cause of the multiplication of altars to strange gods in Jerusalem, especially Phmnician, Moabite, and Ammonite (2 K. 2313). With this compare the universal custom illustrated in 21-24. [Cp S OLOMON, 4, 8f.l In David's and Solomon's time the land trade of N. Svria as far S. as Damascus was already in the hands of the Aramseans (aswe have seen, 61: The IS), a people still in their early vigour ~ a m r e a nand therefore unlikelv to rest content s. under the commercial supremacy which, as we saw above (3 49, on I K.424 and 865). Solomon had established as far as Hamath and the Euphrates. It was, therefore, from the .Aramaeans that the first blow came to Solomon's wide empire (1123) ; and this happened even before he had passed away. The disruption of the kingdom after his death would cause a further shrinkage of Hebrew trade from its distant extremities, as well a s lead to a severe competition between Israel and Juclah for the possession of so much of it as crossed Palestine. In this the N. kingdom had all the advantage : in its neighbourhood to Aram and Phaenicia, the possession of Gilead and of all the routes across W. Palestine-even that by Ajalon, Beth-horon, and Bethel, which lay just within its S. frontier. Bethel and Dan, and even Jericho, with entrance to Moab and the SE. routes, were thus in its possession. Against all this Juda.h, already impoverished by the invasion of Shishak, had almost nothing to offer ; and Baasha of Israel sought by the building of Ramah to create a blockade against his southern neighbours ( 1 5 1 6 , f ) . It was Judahs constant effort to push this frontier N. beyond Bethel (see H G , ch. 12, ' The History of a Frontier '). During peace with Israel Jehoshaphat attempted to resume Solomon's trade with Ophir ; but his ships were wrecked at Ezion-geber (224148). These commercial ambitions had been started by Omri's commercial alliances with Tyre (in connection with which the capital of N. Israel was removed across the watershed to Shomeron, on the W. esh-Sha'ir, with its issue to the coast [lB24]; the site was purchased by Omri for two talents of silver), and with Damascus ( 2 0 3 4 l ) ; and bnt for Jehoshaphat's misfortune the extent of Solomon's trade from the N. Euphrates to the mouth of the Ked Sea might have been recovered. In 2 K.517 mules, hitherto described only as used in riding ( 2 S. 1S g , etc.), are mentioned as beasts of burden. The revolution of Jehu meant the triumph of the Puritan party i n Israel, who detested the foreign idolatries which the commercial alliances of Omri's dynasty had introduced ; and Israel's trade must have shrunk with Jehu and then collapsed under the weight of the Aramzan invasions, which, with the instincts of that race, followed the great lines of traffic by Dothan ( 2 K. 613), and Aphek in Sharon ( I K. 202630 2 K. 1 3 1 7 ) , to Philistia ( 2 K.1217), and even included a siege of Samaria itself ( 2 K. 6 2 4 3 ) . Meantime the Assyrians were gradually robbing the Aramaeans of the trade through N. Svria. Ramman(Adad)-nirari 111. (see ASSYRIA. 32) had reached the Mediterranean and of besiec!ed Damascus bv the end of the ninth century. His successor opened the roads towards the Caspian and h8n. Nineveh's central position had already made her the political capital ( § I O ) : by 850 B. C. Syria was, therefore, now in communication with Central Asia, under the shield of one political powerthe invariable cause of a great increase of commerce. Tiglath-pileser 111. ( 7 4 5 8 ) and his successors were to confirm and extend this empire to the Persian Gulf
1 Aram's right to bazaars in Samaria, and Israel's in Damascus. We see from this that a conqueror earned the claim to the active and foremost part in trade between himself and his rival.

(over Babylonia), to the borders of Egypt and into Arabia, all before the end of the eighth century ; and by 670 Esarhaddon had taken Memphis. Thus, for the first time since the fifteenth century, W . Asia lay under one political power, yet the S n p a f r a n c a which prevailed throughout was not that of her conquerors but of the Aranizans (I 15). For the internal business of Assyria at this time, see Johns, Ass. Deeds and Documents (Camb. 1901) a large collection chiefly of seventh : century; also R P 1 1 3 9 8 7 1 1 1 8 The advance of Assyria in the ninth century enabled N. Israel not only to recover her lost territories from 63.Eighth Aram, but also, along with Judah, to revive her trade and c x r y it, through the century* long contemporary reigns of Jeroboani 11. and Uzziah, to a pitch of wealth and luxury which the Hebrews had not before reached. The economic difference between the time of Elisha (died about 797) cir. and Amos (3. 755)is vast ; and the annals of the two kingdoms in the interval enable us to explain it. Aniaziah of Jndah had once more defeated Edom ( 2 K. 1 4 7 ) ; and Jeroboam 11. restored N. Israel's influence from the entering in of Hamath to the Dead Sea and in Damascus (142528). Uzziah took Gath ( z Ch. 2 6 6 ) , subdued the Arabians of Gur-Baal and the Meunim (v.7), fortified the roads on the S. frontier of Judah (v.IO),and held Elath ( 2K. 1422). The Hebrew prophets from Amos onward bear witness to an extraordinary increase of trade, and to the tempers which grow with it. There is in all of them proof of the wMening geographical knowledge and acquaintance with the internal life of other peoples which commerce brings. Amos himself was probably a wool-seller a s well as a wool-grower, and, Judsean as he was, learned the state of the N. kingdom by his journeys to its markets, especially Bethel.' He condemns its covetousness and zeal for trade, which threatened the new moons and snbbaths instituted among the people when they were almost purely agricultural (84f. ). Hosea calls Israel a very ' Canaanite '-i.e., ' trader ' (12 7 ; cp 7 8 8 I O ) ; and Isaiah's references show that Judah was not in this respect much behind her sister : Judah is ' filled from the East and strikes hands with the children of strangers ' ( 2 6 ) , 'full of silver and gold, neither is there any end of their treasures; their land d S 0 is full of horses neither is there any end of their. chariots ' ( 7 ) ; ' ships of Tarshish' are mentioned among the triumphs of their civilisation (16) ; caravans are described ( 3 0 6 ) ; yet, in conformity with what we have seen in other nations, trade is not noticed among the principal professions of the national life (31-3). Besides the texts already quoted (there are others : e.g., Am. 44J Hos. 128) indicative of an increase of wealth, there are others which speak of the popular enterprise in building -always a sure proof of commercial prosperity (Am. 315 511 Hos. 814 Is. 215 910 etc. ; cp 2 Ch. 26gf.). [g], The (foreign?) name armon (P ALACE , I hitherto used of royal castles, is applied to private dwellings (Bk. of Twelve Prophets, i. p. 33, n. 3); and the builder's plummet is used as a religious figure (Am. 7 7f.. cp Is. 28 16 30 1 3 ) . Again, the old agricultural economy is disturbed; farmers give place on their ancestral lands to a new class of rich men, who can only have been created by trade ; and the rural districts are partly depopulated (Is. 5 8 3 Mic. 21-5 9). The sins of trade : covetousness, false weights, and the oppression of debtors and of the poor, are frequently castigated (Am. 2 6 4 1 8 4 3 Hos. 127 Is. 3 5 1 5 523 Mic. 2 and 3). In certain passages, particularly in Amos and Micah, such condemnation of the trading classes is no doubt partly due to the conservative zeal of the desert shepherd and agriculturist, against the growth of a new economy.2 But in Isaiah this is associated with a real sympathy with


1 See GASm. Book o the TweZve Projkets 179. f It is from the shepherd village of BethlLhem that Micah predicts the coming of Israel's saviour (5 I [ 2 ] f i ) .




the serviceableness of commerce, and appreciation of its bigness and even of its serviceableness to religion : cp Isaiah on Cush (ch. 18), on Egypt (19), and especially on Tyre (23) ' whose merchants are princes, whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth ' (v. E), and who, although likened to a harlot in commerce with all the kingdoms of the earth, may yet bring her merchandise and hire as holiness to the God of Israel. The public works of Jotham, Ahaz and Hezekiah indicate considerable wealth and activity ; but it must 54. seventh have been under Manasseh that Judah first benefited commercially by the great ' extension of the Assyrian empire (see above, § 52), and the comparative security of trade from the Caspian and Persian Gulf to the Red Sea and Memphis under one power. The Assyrian influence upon the ritual, and probably the literature, of Israel under Manasseh, is significant of close and frequent intercourse with Mesopotamia. Zephaniah describes the Phcenician quarter in Jerusalem, the Fish Gate, and a new or second city (M AKTESH . M ISHNEH ). Cp the multiplication of gates on the walls (JERUSALEM, $3 233 ). The most conclusive proof, however, of an increase of trade in Judah during the eighth and the seventh century is found in a comparison of the Book of the Covenant with the Deuteronomic code. The Book of the Covenant makes no provision for trade.' Deuteronomy contains a considerable number of regulations. To begin with, there are the regulations necessitated by the main Deuteronomic law, the centralisation of worship at Jerusalem (142 4 8 ) , which must have meant a great increase of trade in that city at the seasons of the three annual festivals (ZJ. 2 ) Pilgrims from a distance 6. had to turn some of their goods into money before leaving home, and purchase at Jerusalem the materials for sacrifice. Then there are regulations for debt (15 I ) ; interest may be taken from a foreigner but not from a fellow-Israelite (2320 [I~]J International banking is ). provided for ( 1 5 6 J ) ; and among the divine blessings to he bestowed upon the people in reward for their obedience to the Law is one, that they shall lend to many nations but not borrow-as it is phrased, they shall be ' the head and not the tail' in their trade (28125, 43J). Hebrews are not to become objects cp of the natinn's slave trade (247) ; and the enfranchisement of any that have fallen through debt into slavery is provided for (1512). Unjust weights and measures are condemned (2513-16). Hired labourers must not be oppressed ( 2 4 1 4 8 ) . Most significant of the extreme contrasts between wealth and poverty which the trade of the eighth and seventh centuries has produced are the regulations for the treatment of the poor (151-11). The king is not to multiply horses or silver and gold (1716f.), another echo of the prophetic teaching. Yet indicative as all these laws are (when contrasted with their absence from the Book of the Covenant) of the commercial development of Israel, it is remarkable that no money dues are yet prescribed for the priests (181-8) nor are fines permitted in expiation of murder ( 1 9 1 8

Black Sea and the Caspian in the N. to Egypt and Phut (or Punt) in the S.' Tarshish sent silver, iron, tin, and lead ( 1 2 ) ; Greece, coloured stuffs ( 7 ) ; the isles of the Levant, inlaid ivory (6) and ivory and ebony articles (from Rodan= Rhodes, IS). From Ionia and Tubal-Meshech came slaves and copper vessels (13); from Beth-Togarmah, probably Armenia, horses and mules (14). Egypt furnished fine embroidered linen (7). Cypresses and cedar were to hand in the Lebanons (s), and oaks in Bashan (6). The Arameans, in command of the land trade immediately behind Phcenicia, brought a great variety of goods : carbuncles, purple, embroidery, fine linen, pearls (from the Persian Gulf) and jasper (16: seeToy's note, SBOT; S ST ONES, 21)-evidently thewealth of the Babylonian markets-with Helbonwine, white wool and other wares from Damascus (18). From Israel came only natural products : wheat, spicery, wax (MINNITH, PANNAG), honey, oil. and balm (17). Arabia supplied wrought-iron, cassia, and calamus from UZAL (19) saddle cloths from D EDAN ( 2 0 ) ; lambs, ; rams, and goats from K EDAR ( 2 1 ) ; the best spices, precious stones, and gold from Sheba and R AAMAH (22). The trading centres on the N. Euphrates (where it begins to he navigable), H ARRAN and E DEN (4q.v. round Birejik between Edessa and 'Ain-tab), Assyria itself, and Canneh or C ALNO , and C HILMAD in Babylonia, furnished dyed mantles, and stuffs with skeins of wool (? 23f.). The shipbuilders and sailors were native Phcenicians (8f. 11) ; but Tyre had also a mercenary army (cp $1 48)-Ethiopians (read 013 for 11, m g , P ARAS ), Lybians, and men of Phnt ( I O ) . It is an imposing catalogue, and worthy of the enthusiasm of the prophet : the fruit of centuries of enterprise and organisation for Assyrian trade ; see Johns, 0.8. cit. The destruction which Ezekiel beheld as imminent on Tyre. fell immediately. In 572, after a siege of thirteen years, Nebuchadrezzar took the island city (cp N EBUCHADREZZAR , re2zu* TYRE). was the final triumph of It a policy sustained through many annual campaigns to the Levant, designed to divert the rich trade with the E. from the Red Sea and the Arabian land-routes to the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates. Proofs of this are found not only in Nebuchadrezzar's own annals, but also in the Greek accounts of great works in Babylonia which are most probably attributed to the son of Nabopolassar. Famous as a soldier, Nebuchadrezzar was still more eminent as a builder and organiser: his peaceful labours bulk in his own records over his military expeditions. He cleared the mouths of the two great streams of Babylonia into the Persian Gulf, and deepened their channels, so that they were still navigable for sea-going vessels in the Greek period. Arrian (Anad. Alex. 5 7 ) reports that the ships of the 'Gerrhaeans (from the Arabian coast of the Gulf) sailed up the Tigris as far as Opis : and Gotz ( Vmkefwswege. 151) is justified in assigning the measures which made this possible, as uell as the founding of Derodotis, a port at the mouth of the Euphrates, to Nebuchadrezzar. The two great rivers were connected by a system of canals which in Xenophon's time (Anab. 2 4 ) were still navigable by great grain-ships ; the largest, the Nahar Malka, is sfill in use. By campaigns against ' Kedar and the kingdoms of H AZOR [ ~ . z J . ] (Jer. 49 z 8 ) , ' Nebuchadrezzar ensured the security of the desert routes S . of Babylonia ; and he himself on one occasion used the short but difficult road from Syria to Babylon by Tadmor. Yet, these Arabian campaigns must have
1 In the close of the seventh and opening ofthe eight centuries the trade ofEgypt both internaland foreign wasvery prosperous, especially under bsamegik Necho II., ipries (Hophra), and Amasis 11. Coincident dith this was the usual increase of mercenaries. Greek commerce, which had founded Milesion about 7 m (Hall, Oldest Civilisation o Greece, 271) took a firm f hold of the Delta. Amasis II., besides encouraging theGreeks, entered into a close alliance with Cyrene. Cp Herodotns, 2 182. a Cp saddle-bags exported from el-Jbf to-day ; 8 4, third note.

21 1-9).
T o the pre-exilic period, though written after the fall of Jerusalem, belongs Ezekiel's description of Tyrian 56. Ezekiel,s commerce (26 8).It opens (262) with an interesting epithet of the Tyre, etc. Judaean capital as the 'gate of the peoples,' justified by the fact that the pre-exilic Judah lay, as we have seen, across the nearest path of the Phcenician trade with Arabia, over which Manasseh, as the tributary of Assyria, may well have held a supremacy which Josiah, in part at least, continued. According to Ezekiel Phcenician trade extended from Tarshish (27 12) and the coasts of Greece (Elishah, v. 7) in the W. to Sheba (d. 2 2 ) in the E., and from Tubal-Meshech (cp the Moschi and Tibareni of Herod. 394) between the
1 In the Book of the Covenant there are laws of deposit (22 7). and of the lending of money (22 25) Fines are paid in shekels.



had as their end not so much the use of the desert routes (except perhaps to Egypt) as the diversion of the Arabian and eastern traffic up the Gulf to the Euphrates, and so to the Levant, whose coasts were now an integral part of the Babylonian empire. We have seen the Gerrhzan ships far up the Tigris : they brought incense for the temples in Babylon.' But sea-trade with India may also have been at this time in full course; it has to be noticed, however, that no S ILK (p...) is mentioned in the commercial lists of the period.2 From India, then, to Tarshish, and from Egypt to Central Asia (through Persia and the Medes), the trade of the world now centred in Babylon. Hence the vast increase of the city's size aud wealth so wonderful to the Greek writers (Herod. 1 1 7 8 8 ; Diod. Sic. 22). The esilic passage Jer. 50 mentions its ' storehouses ' ( 3 . 26) ; its ' mingled people ' and ' treasures ' (37) ; and Is. 47 ' those that have trafficked with thee from thy youth. Throughout these prophecies there is the same imputation of ' wisdom ' and ' enchantments ' and ' sorceries,' which we find imputed, by Israel to other commercial peoples-the sons of the East,' the Edomites, and the Philistines. The recent discovery and deciphering of Babylonian documents from the end of the Habylonian period and the beginning of the Persian have revealed an organisation of commerce so thorough that J. Kohler justly declares it to exhibit the greatest similarity to the conditions of modern banking and exchange, and to have been the origin of the commercial system which has descended to modern times through the Greeks and Romans (Beitr. a. Assvr. 4 430). He has given in the volume just cited a nuinber of interesting instances (in addition to those given in Kohler and Speiser, A u s dem Bn6y.l. HechtsZebcn, etc., and Bab. V e y t y Z p ) . There were banks and banking firms (the most famous of which was the house of Egibi-cp RP 11). ' Anweisungen ('assignments,' ' bills of exchange ' ) und Zahlung des Angewiesenen an den Anweisungsempfanger waren dns tagliche Brod des Babyl. Verkehrs.' Money was paid into the agencies of a bank, and by its head office or other agencies paid out again to the assignee, exactly n s by our system of cheques. Discount was known. Property was pledged. In cases of sale or debt suretyships were accepted (again cp Johns, op. cit.). Sales were made on approval. Partnerships were formed between freemen, and between freemen and slaves-ie., between capital and labour. Money was still reckoned by weight. The depreciation in use of metal-pieces was understood and accounted for (cp Hrozny, ' Zum Geldwesen der Babylonier,' Beitr. a. A s s y ~ 45468 ). . .4t the heart of this commercial empire the best part of the Jewish people--including its industrial classes 8,. Jews in ( ' craftsmen and smiths ' : z K. 24 14)were established, and probably found a large number of their own race already intimate with, and benefiting by, the trade of the land (see D ISPERSION , 0 4). They must have taken the advice of Jeremiah to settle into the life of their new surroundings, their comparative independence in which his letter takes for granted (Jer. 2 9 4 8 ) . 3 That many of them became engaged in Babylonian commerce needs no argument. After fifty years the great prophet who arose to announce to them their return, not only promised the restoration of their command of the trade from Egypt and Arabi,a (Is. 45 14, cp D. 3), but seems to have found it difficult to tear them from the profitable conditions of Babylonian life (cp his many calls ' to go forth,' and in particular his appeal 552 : 'Wherefore do ye weigh your money for that which is not bread and your earnings for that which satisfieth not' ; cp

Buhl, Soc. Verhaltn. 88,n. I). Whether few or many returned when Cyrus opened the way (see DISPERSION, § s), those who remained in Babylon were the prosperous and wealthy (Zech.6108). They must have been introduced to the thorough Babylonian methods of doing business, though it is striking that (as u-e shall see, 5 60) the Priestly Code bears no reflection of the Babylonian subjection of coinnierce in its smallest details to priestly regulations, nor of the temples as registering, banking, and appraising centres (Johns, o j . cit. 3254). New horizons, however, appear in Hebrew literature; and the Jews' knowledge of the world was immensely widened (G EOGRAPHY , 18). With the rise of the Persian empire all these processes, from Babylon a s the centre, were quickened and ex68. tended (D ISPERSION , - $ 6). The conquests of Cyrus in Asia, 3nd of Cambyses empire. in Africa. were thorouehlv orpanised by themselves and their successors and-cgefly-by Darics Hystaspis before 515. The empire was divided into provinces and the policy was to connect these by as speedy means of conveyance as were possible. Some of the ancient lines of traffic were made into solid roads, capable of carrying two- and four-wheeled carriages, and new lines were opened up, especially through Iran to Eastern and Central Asia. The greatest of all. the roads for which we have now exact data was that from Susa the capital to Sardis ; see the careful survey and argument of Gotz (Die Verkehrswege. 165-184). H e reckons the distance at sixty-five daily stages, which with eight days of rest on the way occupied seventythree days in all.
The road led NW. from Susa, past the now deserted Nineveh crossed the N. stretches of the Tigris and the Euphrates (th: latter a little to the N. of the later S k o s a t a ) and so through Cilicia by Ancyra to Sardis, whence it was a short journey either to Smyrna or Ephesus. Another road from Susa led N. by Echatana (HamadBn) to Rhagae (close to TeherBn) where in the ninth century after Christ, lay the Levant market fir Chinese silk;1 thence to Hekatonpylos 2 (probably the present Shahrud : Gotz) where it divided into one branch hy Magaris (Merv) to Marakanda [Samarcand) the capital of So diana, and another to Herat. A third road from Susa lef E. to Persepolis and Aspadana [Ispahan). Susa was, ofcourse, directly connected with Babylon from which the land road up the Euphrates was freshly laid down and furnished with bridges over the canals.


Greek sources (Xenophon and Herodotus) give us for the first time exact data for this ancient line of traffic between Babylon and the Gulf of Issus (above, 39J ).

s It was 8 days from Babylon to Hit thence

20 to the mouth of the H5bhBr thence 5 to Tiphsah or ?hapsacus (Rakka) where the Foad &ossed to the S. hankof the Euphrates, thence to Balk 3, to Aleppo 3 and to the coast 4, or 43 in all (not 73: Gijtz, 190)from Bab;lon to the coast.

1 Herod. 1183 reckons the amount used annually at the chief temple of Babylon at 1000 talents. 2 The earliest mention of silk appears to be by Aristotle in the beginning of the fourth century. 3 Cp the present writer's 'Is. 40-46' 57 8 ; Nikel Die Wiederherstellung des judisch. Gemeinwesens narh' dem babyZ. E d , 1900.

From the coast the Phoenicians, according to Marinus sf Tyre (Gotz, 190). carried their goods to Hierapolis :Bambyke) near the Euphrates, and thence direct to Ecbatana and Hekatonpylos for the Central Asian markets. There was also a road from the Gulf of Issus to Tarsus ( 12 days) ; thence through Cilicia to Iconium [see further Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of A s i a Minor). Persian roads were, according to the Greeks, well supplied with stations, furnished with horses and khans b r travellers (Herod. 5 52 898), and with a government jervice of swift couriers (Id. and Xen. Cyrop. 8 1 8 ) , ~ which is said to have accomplished the distance between h s a and Babylon in a day and a half, and that between Susa and Sardis in I O (Gotz, 198). C p Esth. 3 1 3 814. Whilst the Persians thus organised and accelerated the and-traffic, they suffered the water-traffic. developed >y Nebuchadrezzar ( 5 6 3 ) , to fall into disuse. Nebu:hadremar's port at the mouth of the Persian gulf iecayed, and it is even doubtful whether the Peripbs
1 Heid, Gesch. deslevnntelrandel irn Mittelalter, Stuttgart, 8 g, i. p. z : in French (much enlarged) 1885-1886. Up to Hekatonpylos it was good for'carriages, GStz, 186. Cp dyyppedsw in NT from iwapos, Herod. S 98, a Persian vord = courier.



of Skylax (Geogr. GY. &n ‘. i 1, ed. Muller) round Arabia to the Red Sea occurred as asserted in the time of Darius (thirty months is the time assigned to it). See Gotz, 2 0 3 8 Darius attempted, without success, to carry out the plan, which Necho 11. is said to have initiated, of connecting the Ked Sea with the Nile (Herod. 2 158 442)’ Further, we have under the Persian kings the first appearance in W. Asia of MONEY (9.n.) in the true sense (see also WEIGHTS A N D MEASURES). The present writer has purchased several darics and also silver coins of Sidon under Artaxerxes Ochus which were found in N. Palestine. The trade of Syria must have enormously benefited by all this policy of the Persian kings ; not only in the 69. Post-exilic security ensured-though this was not perfect (cp the note of Ezra on the Jerusalem. iournev from Babvlonia to Terusalem : > , ~ , Ezra 8 ZIJ 31)-but also in the means taken by the satrap of Memphis for furnishing the desert route between Gaza and the Delta with water (Herod. iii. 46). Incorporated in the Persian empire, and still without rivals in the Delta, the Phcenician ports continued to flourish (cp their coinage of Aradus and Sidon under Persia; Head, Hist. Num. 666, 671). Damascus and Gaza flourished with them; but Gotz (164) is wrong in adding to this list Jerusalem, to which we now turn. The destruction in 586 had rednced Jerusalem and her people to the ‘ off-scouring and refuse in the midst of the peoples ’ (Lam. 345). Her ‘ breach was great like the sea ’ (213) ; the luxury of former days had become starvation ( 4 7 8 ,etc.); the people had to buy even their wood and water (56, cp vu. g 13). The Edomites and Arabians recovered the transit trade. The exiles who returned in 537 were a weak and starveling community. The statement that they bought for the temple timber from the Tyrians who brought it to Joppa in return for meat, drink, and oil (Ezra 37) belongs to the less authentic portion of the Book of Ezra, and seems a reflection of Solomon’s trade. It is difficult to see how the hunger-bitten colony raised wine and oil for export. Haggai and Zechariah tell a different story. There was no hire for man or beast (Zech. 810); no thrift (Hag. 16); a blight lay upon agriculture (ib. TI). The silver and gold were still in the hands of YahwA (28), and other nations had not yet brought their ‘ desirable things.’ Timber for building the temple was hewn by the Jews themselves in the neighbouring hill-country (1 8). What gold and silver arrived in Jerusalem came as contributions from rich exiles in Babylon (Zech. 6 9 8 ) . Agriculture was only partially resumed ; its prosperity was still, after twenty years, a thing of promise (Zech. 310). In Malachi there is no reflection of trade. The connubium practised with the surrounding heathen and semi-heathen implies, of course, a certain amount of local traffic ; and this would gradually increase with the resumption of Jewish life in ‘ the cities of the Negeb’ (Neh. 11). Nehemiah pictures corn, wine, grapes, figs, etc., brought into Jerusalem from the country (13158),and fish sold by the Tyrians ( 7 6 ) ; on the Sabbath the gates have to be closed against these traders ( 2 0 ) . But there was no through traffic, as in olden times. ’ Indeed, according to Ezra 420, one of the objections made by the enemies of the Jews against rebuilding Jerusalem was that it would resume the customs and toll which were formerly imposed by Jewish kings and made them great-a very interesting glimpse into the pre-exilic trade of Judah. The Jews were themselves subject to the general imposts of the Persian kings (Ezra 413 20 Neh. 54) who, however, in pursuance of their usual policy, exempted from duty the goods required for the temple (Ezra 7 24 ; see EZRAN EH ., § 5. col. 1480). In spite of their poverty the Jews, with the new horizons which the exile and the increased extent of the trade of their Phcenician neigh1 On the various canals and attempted canals with this aim, see Budge, HE6 m g f : 7 3 . 6f

bours opened to their eyes, indulged vaster hopes than
ever of the mastery of the world’s trade. Not only would the wealth of Arabia return to them (Is. 6 0 6 f . : Midian, Sheba, Kedar, Nebaioth) ; the new coasts ,of the West should send them tribute (Sf: ) ; from foreigners and the sons of the Diaspora alike (9-17). It is that in this passage Jerusalem, the mother of farscattered and wealthy sons, is represented, not in her inland, secluded position, but as standing on the sea. shore, the abundance of the seas and the wealth of the nations drifting to her feet (605 ; cp G. A. Smith, Bk. o Zsaiah, ZZ.). Contrast the picture given above, f 5 45. So much had the Persian roads and Phcenician ships achieved in the scattering of trading Jews, and the widening of the mercantile hopes of the people. On Is. 65 11 see F ORTUNE . At this point we may conveniently take the attitude to trade of the Priestly Narrative and Code. Between these two in this respect there is a dis60.code. tinction. Whilst P s stories of primitive man are as destitute of any reflection of trade as those in J E ( § 42),its narratives of the patriarchs contain more allusions to commerce than J E does. Abraham, bargaining in the usual oriental fashion,l buys Machpelah for 400 silver shekels (Gen. 2315f.) ; Hebron is thus pictured as it always was- market and a ‘ harbour‘ for the nomads to the south. The treaty with Hamor (3488) covers settlement, connubium, and IO commerce-the last definitely stated (nu. 21). The distances of the marches in the wilderness are suitably given, not in the daily stages achieved by traders, but in those (4to 6 or 7 m.) of nomad camps (Xu. 33). The rich offerings for the tabernacle imply a people of far trade as well as one skilled in handiwork (Ex. 253-7, etc. ; cp the oblations of the princes in Nu. 7). Incense is for the first time mentioned in the Hebrew ritual (Ex. 3 0 z z g etc.: cp Jer. 6 2 0 ) ; along with sweet calamus (R EED ), myrrh, C INNAMON , storax (?), O NYCHA , G ALBANUM. On the other hand, the Priestly Law is very meagre in references to trade ; puzzlingly so in contrast with Deuteronomy (above, 5 54),when we consider the intervening residence in Babylon. The laws against fraud in money matters, loans, and deposits (Lev. 6 1 8 ) , and false measures and balances (19358). are similar to the warnings of post-exilic prophecy. There are laws for the selling of land (2514f: 238), against interest (v,36), and concerning foreign and native slaves (a.39 : H ; cp Dt. 238). No ransom is allowed for the life of a murderer (Nu.3531). On transactions necessitated by the restorations of the Jubilee Year, see Jos. Ant. iii. 123. But these are almost all that have to do with commerce. Unlike those of Deuteronomy, the blessings and curses pronounced in connection with the Law contain no reference to trade (Lev. 26). The priests value land (etc.) used for sacred purposes ( 2 7 ); but their revenues, nnlike those of Babylon and Egypt, appear to include none derived from trade (Nu. 18). The religious feasts (Lev. 2 5 s ) are purely agricultural ; there is no inclusion of the directions for farmers at a distance selling their produce and buying material for sacrifice at the central sanctuary, such as we saw in Deuteronomy (54). On the whole, the comparative silence of the I Priestly Code as to trade is to be explained either by the effort of the compilers to hold themselves to the wilderness conditions, or else by the sadly diminished trade o the post-exilic Jews as compared with the comf merce which Aourished in the deuteronomic period. On the monetary standards of P. see S HEKEL , § 3f. The Book of Joel (about 400 R. C. ) reflects a purely
1 Forder (With Am6s in Tent and Tmun, 219 ) illustrates the details of Abraham’s pnrchase. ‘In buying c i d from the Arabs some such terms as the following are used :-“A buys from B land in such a place, also all that can be seen o n the land, trees, and stones, also all that sha!l be found under the ground.” This custom makes Abraham’s action very understandable.’



agricultural community with no resources when their 81. Other harvests fail. Their children are the victims of the Phcenician slave-trade to post-exi1ic Ionia (3[4]6): they shall have revenge literature' some day in selling Phoenicians to Sheba. Instead of commanding the transit trade, Jerusalem is unwillin4 overrun with foreigners (314117). Cp Zech. 1421;'io more a trafficker in the house of vahw8.' W e have here traces of the feeling against association with foreigners, which the new legalism continued to enforce through subsequent centuries, and which must have seriously hampered any revival of trade in Judah. Compare the account which Palgrave gives of the effect of the WahHbi religious rigour on commerce. Of course, there were other tempers in post-exilic Judaism. and these appear in the Wisdom literature. With all its reproof of greed of gain (119,etc.), the Prologue to Proverbs employs the methods and tempers of commerce to illustrate the ideal of man's search for, and intercourse with, Wisdom (314 8 2 8 1 8 8 ; cp 2323). Like so much else in the Books of Wisdom, this also reappears in the parables of Jesus (below, 5 79). The temptress in Prov. 7 is the wife of a merchantman on a long journey ; it is interesting that, at the present day, among the Syrians of Lebanon, such immoralities are almost entirely confined to the wives of men trading abroad. W e see in this another cause of the dislike of conservatives in Israel to trade ; cp Pr. 27 8 : ' as a bird wandering from her nest, so is a man that wandereth from his place.' There is also in the Prologue the strong warning against suretyship (618). But its most striking feature is the recognition of the highest divine Wisdom as identical with that which appears in the common ways, bazaars, traffic, and concourse of men. In Job the references to trade are very few. T h e land of Uz is on the path of the men of Sheba ; they are represented as marauders (1 15). Mention is made of desert-journeys of the caravans of Teyma, and the ; companies of Sheba ( 6 ~ 8 J ) of the Egyptian ships of reed ( 9 26) ; of (gold of) Ophir and silver as the reward of righteousness ( 2 2 2 4 2816 ; contrast 31 24); of beryl, sapphire, gold, glass, coral, crystal, pearls, and the topaz of Ethiopia ( 2 8 1 6 8 ; see STONES, PRECIOUS)an interesting list of what, at the time the book was written, were regarded as precious metals and stones ; and in 2 8 1 8 there is the vivid picture of mining, and in 21 29 a n appeal to the wide experience of travellers. As a whole the book shows a knowledge of the far world and its wonders, only to be derived from the situation of the writer on the line of a widespread commerce. In Ecclesiastes there is hardly any allusion to trade among all the ambitions and labours of men : but see 28 : ' I gathered silver and gold and the peculiar property of kings and princes I made for myself. ' Apart from the prologue, the Book of Proverbs probably reflects the life of many centuries in Israel; yet even here the possible references to trade are proportionately few : warnings . against suretyship (1115 1718 2016 2226 2713). false balances(l11 1611,weights and balances are the work of Yahw8, 20 IO 23), bad ways of gain ( I l l s ) , greed of gain (1527 ; it brings bad luck to a house : yra pja i j v a my ; -282022 zs), the withholding of corn (from the market?) (1126), and sluggishness in bnsiriess (2213 : the reference is to the bazaars) ; some satire on oriental methods of bargaining (2014),notes on the helplessness of the debtor (227). on wealth from wisdom in trade (244), and on the deep contrasts between rich and poor and the woefulness of poverty which appear only in commercial communities ( 1 9 4 7 227, etc.). 2610 is an obscure verse on hiring. The picture of the strong woman portrays her searching for wool and flax ; she is like ' a merchant ship that bringeth .goods from afar ' ; ' she perceives that her merchandise ( a y ) is profitable ' and she delivers the linen and the

girdles made by her household to the Canaanite-ie., Phoenician pedlar or trader-a glimpse into the honieindustries of Israel (3113f: 18 24). By the end of the Persian period (about 340) the trade of the civilised world reached the following limits. In 6a. Summary the east the Persian roads were in comend of Persian munication with India, and it is extremely probable that the Chinese silk, epoch. ' Seric stuff,' which the Greeks found in 325 in Afghanistan, was already there. The Arabian land routes were still regularly used. C INNAMON came from the east beyond Media, and G ALBANUM from Persia (?). In the south the Egyptians, if it is not certain that they had circumnavigated Africa (in Necho's time), were at least in communication with the E. coast of Africa (so much basis must we allow to the story), traded with Nubia, with the W. oases, and Cyrene. Egypt began to send large supplies of corn across the Mediterranean (Diod. Sic. xiv.794). In the N. the Greeks had opened up the Black S e a ; in the W. and NW. the Phoenicians had long exploited the mines of eastern Spain and the Rhone region with its communications with N. Gaul and perhaps Britain. They had also penetrated the Atlantic, whilst Carthage had reached Lake Tchad and the Niger. Massilia was a flourishing depBt, soon to send out Pytheas (about 300 B.C.) to the sonrces of amber round the Baltic (cp A MBER , 5 3), and to the N. of Scotland (for the truth of the tale see Gotz. 291). How far across this enormous sphere of communication Jews were scattered it is impossible to say -probably everywhere in the Persian empire as traders and settlers, and in Greece, Italy, and Carthage as slaves (cp Joel, as cited in beginning of 61), some of whom might regain their freedom, and, like their kind, take up some form of industry or commerce. Except in the Semitic names of slaves, and in a tale told by Aristotle, and reported by Claudius of Soli (Jos. c. A$. 1 2 2 ; cp Fmg. Hist. Grec., ed. Muller, 2323), Jews do not appear in Greek literature before the very end of the fourth century B.C. With the conquests of Alexander the Great a new epoch began in the trade of the world. The land-traffic which the Persians had developed was 63. and succB880rs.sustained and their roads extended eastward. There was little change in the lines of traffic ; but new cities were founded upon them--e.g., L AODICEA ; and both Alexander and the Diadochoi increased the speed of marching (Gotz, 191, etc.). The Persian neglect of the rivers ( 5 58) was rectified ; Alexander cleared the Tigris of its dams and weirs, founded a new port at its mouth, Alexandria, later Charnx. and redug the canals. The foundation of Seleucia on the Tigris was a great blow to Babylon, which began to decay. For reasons why the Tigris displaced the Euphrates as a line of route, see Gotz, 411 j ? 0.n sea the changes were enormous. Hitherto the Phcenicians had encountered powers whose resources were confined to the land, to whom their sea-power was indispensable, and by the growth of whose empires the trade and wealth of Tyre and Sidon only the more increased. But the Greeks were a people who were of equal maritime capacity with themselves, and had long been preparing for the mastery of oriental trade by their occupation of the sea-boards of Asia Minor, and their settlements in the Delta,' who had fleets, and knew how to found new harbours and establish colonies. Alexander rivalled his land march to the Indus by the naval expedition which he sent back from there up the Persian Gulf, thereby reopening (if not for the first time founding) direct maritime communication between India and Babylonia ( G e o p . GY. Mia. ed. Muller, I). It was, however, his foundation of the Egyptian Alexandria which made the greatest change, and in this Tyre and Sidon found their first successful rival. For with
1 There were Greek mercenaries soldiers and scribes in Egypt under Psarneiik, and Greek settleAents anh trade since Amasis.


the exploration of the Red Sea, already intended by Alexander and carried out by Ptolemy II., and the founding of new harbours-at Arsinoe near Suez, Leukos Limen near eI-KoSEr, Berenike, and others (see above, § 29),there was opened a new route (or an old one was reopened) to Arabia and India which must have drawn away some proportion of the land-traffic through Arabia and the sea-traffic up the Persian Gulf, on which Tyre and Sidon depended.’ The Greeks had now a line of their own from Europe to HindostHn all the way on sea except for the small stretch of land-traffic through what was now a Greek kingdom. Alexandria was its main depdt and exchange ; and in proportion as Alexandria flourished Tyre and Sidon grew less. The doom, therefore, which Zech. 9 I 8 saw imminent upon Hamath, Hadrach, Damascus, Tyre, and Sidon was pregnant with more than the merely military overthrow which is all that the writer seems to perceive in it. As the Seleucid power grew, the Phcenician ports and Damascus found themselves threatened by northern in addition to their southern rivals. The growth of ANTIOCH (4.v. ) has always meant the diminution of Damascus (HG 643, 647, and article ‘Antioch’ by the present writer in Hastings’ DB); and the new Seleucid ports in N. Syria must have diverted the Euphrates trade from Tyre and Sidon. The usual result of a wealthy commerce appears in the large mercenary armies of the Seleucids (e.g., Jos. Ant. xii. 10 I, and other passages). One of the earliest of the Seleucid campaigns was 912 that undertaken in “ B . C . and reDeated later against 64. Nabatsans. the NABATBANS (9.”., cp SchiirTGVZ I aDD. who had.become uossessed of the seats of the Eddnhes, and had alread; filled Petra with wealth derived from the transit trade. The new Red Sea commerce did not wholly destroy the landtraffic in Arabia ; and the Nabataeans-successors both to the Aramaeans, whose language (though themselves Arabs) they adopted, and to the Edomites-made themselves masters of all the routes from Teyma and Egra (MedHin +lib) (the S. limit of their inscriptions) to the Persian Gulf, Babylon, Damascus, Gaza, Elath, and Egypt (5s 29-33). But they had also industries of their own. The first appearance of SE. Palestine in Greek letters is made by the Dead Sea as a source of asphalt ; and it is to the Nabataeans that Diodorus Siculus ( 2 4 8 ) ascribes the collection of asphalt and its conveyance to Egypt. The Seleucid campaign of 312 had had.for one of its aims the possession of the Dead Sea and its asphalt (Diod. 1 9 1 ~ ) .The N a b a k a n s must also have grown dates, and, when they came into possession of HaurHn, wheat sufficient for export. These with camels, the Arabian incense, coral and pearls from the Gulf, alkali, medicinal herbs, and what proportion of goods from Africa they were able to draw to Elath, would form their exports to the W. Their port for this was the hArbour of Gaza, with perhaps Anthedon-other new rivals to Tyre and Sidon. The Nabataeans were land traders; but three of their inscriptions from the first decade of the Christian era have been found in Puteoli and Rome (CISPt. 11. vol. i., Nos. 157-159). These then were the new commercial currents within which the Jews lay during the Greek period. The con-

tests of the Diadochoi must at first have ruined trade Soon we find Jewish settlers 65. Jewish in Syria. receiving civil rights from the Ptolemies trade. in Alexandria and from the Seleucids in Antioch and other N. Syrian cities. These settlers were probably for the most part merchants. There was constant intercourse between Jerusalem and Egypt and N. Syria-both Greek powers bade for Jewish friendship by granting at various times remission of dues on goods into Jerusalem (e.g., Jos. A n f .xii. 33), or by regulating trade to suit Jewish religious laws (idid. 4). T h e financial abilities of individual Hebrews found individual opportunity in the farming of the Syrian taxes for the Greek kings and were great enough to form almost legendary stories (id. 4 7 ; cp Schiirer, E T , ii. 1160). Thus the nation grew in affluence (Jos. Ant. xii. 4 I O ) . Ecclesiasticus finds it necessary to make many warnings against fraud in trade (especially 2 6 2 0 8 , cp 3711 and 7 1 5 ; 813 2 9 4 8 1 4 8 4118 423). Thencame the overthrow of Jerusalem by Antiochus Epiphanes (169 B.C.), and the bitter struggles of the Maccabees during which, at first, Jew-ish trade must have been utterly destroyed. W e read of merchants (probably Phoenician) accompanying Syrian troops against Judaea to purchase the captives ( A n i . xii. 73). The friendliness of the Nabataeans to the Jews is noted twice (idid. xii. 8 3 xiii. 12). In the 66. Maccabees. campaigns of Judas and Jonathan the regard paid to lines of trade and conspicuous centres upon them is manifest : the wonder is that it has not been noticed. Bacchides fortified Jericho, Bethhoron, Emmaus (xiii. 13); then Jonathan garrisoned Michmash (6); the three toparchies which Demetrius the younger presented to the Jews were all necessary to the command of trade : they were accompanied by remission of dues on saltpits, etc. ; as soon as Jonathan cleared Judaea of the Syrians he took Ashdod and made treaties with Ashkelon and Gaza ( 5 5 ) . Then he turned against the Ammonites and the Nabataeans, while Simon fortified a line of places as far as Ashkelon, and broke to the sea at Joppa (510). How much this meant for the commercial ambitions of the little Jewish state is seen in the eulogy on Simon, I Macc. 145 : ‘ With all his glory he took Joppa for a haven, and made an entrance to the isles of the sea.’ At last Judah had a port. Beside it the small river harbour of Jamnia ( J ABNEEL ) u a s also occupied, and Gezer fortified in connection with both. The increased wealth brought about by these means is seen in the rebuilding of Jerusalem which foll6wed (Ant. xiii. 510). In 142 B.C. Simon set Judaea free from Seleucid tribute, and commercial documents were dated from that year ( 6 7 ) . Jewish coinage began. The campaigns of Judas into Gilead had not been so successful in restoring communication between the Jewish settlements there and Judaea-he had to bring the Jews away with him ( I Macc. 5)-whilst between Galilee and Judaja lay Samaria (Ant.xiii. 1028) which John Hyrcanus subdued, and opened the way to the S. desert routes by Hebron through the subjection of the Idumaeans (xiii. 9 I ) . When Simon appealed to the Romans it i s significant that he asked for the restoration of ‘ Joppa, the havens, Gezer, and the springs (? of Jordan)’ (idid. 2 ) . During the subsequent years of peace John amassed an immense sum of money (ibid. 10I ) ; in so barren a land as Judah it must have come from trade and dues on trade. Josephus reports as much as 3000 talents in money, deposited in the tombs of David ( B l i . 2 5 ) . Tombs were a usual place of deposit. Aristobulus added part of the Iturzean country ( A n t . xiii. 113) with the n. entrance to the Hamath route (cp HG 414, 4) ; but it is in the campaigns of Alexander Jannaeus that we see most proof of commercial ambitions. He took Gadara (?), Raphia, Anthedon, Gaza (which was disappointed in help from its NabatEan ally Aretas ; Ant. xiii. 133). Moab, and Gilead (but had to give them with back to the Nabatzeans ; 141). held Samaria (154) its command of routes to the coast, and made a treaty


1 For Ptolemy 1 1 . ’ ~ policy in regard to trade, and the trading expeditions he sent see the inscription on the ‘Stone of Pithom in Naville The .?fom-cit, of Pifhom efc., also L 12 of the Phil= insAiption of the same king (translated by Budge, H E 7 z o g f i : ) . The trade of Egypt was very prosperous under the Ptolemies and the consequence is seen in the apparently inexhaustible wealth of that royal house. Their mercenary armies were always easily raised : their expenditure on buildings was enormous. Of late years a considerable number of commercial documents of the Ptolemaic and Early Roman period have been discovered in Egypt. Those given by Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt (Tke Oxyrhynchus Papyli, pts. i. and ii. ; Faydm Tom= and their Pa##.; etc.) comprise appeals for justice again?[ trade defaulters, bankers’ receipts, acknowledgements of loans, declarations of sales, and registrations of contracts sales, loans mortgages etc.-for which registration there weie special offidals in each nome.



with the Nabataeans (15 2 ) . The lines of positions held by Jannzeus as laid down by Josephus are very significant ; first along the coast from Rhinokolura to Straton's Tower (afterwards Caesarea) and them through Esdraelon from Mt. Carmel by 'Tabor and Bethshan to Gadara with a number of cities E. of Jordan (154). Both he and his widow aimed at Damascus (163). Later, the Nabatzans retaliated by a siege of Jerusalem (xiv. 21) ; Josephus describes them as ' no very warlike people' (idid. 3). All the later Hasmonzean kings1 had mercenaries in their army-another sure proof of their commerce. Meantime Jewish settlements abroad increased in all the great towns ; but they do not appear to have excited 67. Jews and remark from the greatness of their areeks. trade. Their business, except in the case of a few prominent individuals, must have been petty and parasitic. The Nabatzeans appear better known to the Greeks, whose earliest notices of the Jews are confined to their hatred of men (Posidonius of Apamea, born about 135 B. c., Fr. Hist. G r . , ed. Muller : through Diod. Sic. 34, f r . I ; Apollonius Molon a teacher of Cicero, Fr. Hist. Gr. 111 213; cp Eus. Prep. Evang. 9 19). Apollonius also charges them with making no useful invention (quoted by Jos. c. Ap. 215). With the civil rights granted to them in so many large cities (Jos. Ant. xii. 32, etc.), however, they must have risen to considerable commercial power, especially in Antioch, Alexandria, and Cyrene (for the last cp Strabo quoted by Jos. Ant. xiv. 72). The Jews of Asia Minor deposited in Cos 800 talents, about ~ 2 9 2 . 0 0 0 (see Reinach's n. 2 on p. 91 of his Testes d'aufeurs Grecs et Ronz. relnfzys nu /udaisme). We now pass to the last of our periods-the Roman. The effects of Roman policy on the trade of the world were more revolutionary than those of 68. Roman period: Rome. any of the empires which preceded them, and may be summed up under the following five heads :-(i. ) The centre of trade was shifted from W. Asia to the other end of the Mediterranean and fixed at Rome. This was rendered inevitable : politically by Rome's rank as the capital of the Roman state ; commercially by the Phcenician and Greek exploitation during the previous periods of the W. Mediterranean, N. Africa, Spain. and Gaul; geographically by the position of Rome well down the great Italian promontory, which runs so far out upon the Mediterranean, w t its attendih ant isle a day's sail from N. Africa, and its SE. cape a few hours from Greece. Even in Republican times Rome's central character had been assured both by the roads which gathered to her from all parts of the pkninsula, and by the sea-traffic which filled her harbour of Ostia or came up the 'Tiber to herself (even triremes and penteremes reached the city under the Republic, and under Augustus ships of 78 tons ; Gotz, 319). (ii.) Above all the nations which preceded them, the Romans excelled in the making of long lines of firm 69, Roman roads-first in Italy, towards Gaul, and Spain, and then, as their empire extended, roads, to the middle of Scotland in the N., and to the farthest borders of Mesopotamia and the Arabian province. By CEesar's time sixteen paved roads led into Rome-the oldest the Via Appia S. by Capua with branches to PUTEOLI PPII F ORUM , T HREE T AVERNS ), (A R HEGIUM (4s. and Rrundisium. From Dyrrhachium ), (another branch from Apollonia) the great route to the E. made for THESSALONICA continuation to with a Byzantium. For the Roman system of roads through Asia Minor from Byzantium, Ephesus, and Smyrna, see Ramsay, Hist. Gtog. As. Min. and the summary with map in Miss Skeel's Travel in First Century after Christ (Cambr. 1901) also A SIA , C APPADOCIA , C ILICIA , ; EPHESWS, ALATIA , LAODICEA,HRYGIA, S MYRNA, G P
1 Josephns (?,Ti. 2 5) says that John Hyrcanus w a s the first to have mercenaries.

etc. From Asia Minor to the Persian Gulf the lines were little altered from those of the Greek period ( 5 69). The Euphrates was bridged at Samosata, and there was a bridge of boats at Zeugma (Sir) (Tac. Ann.1212). From the Euphrates as from Byzantium the Pontus was more easily reached. Antioch grew in influence a s a knot of trade-routes 1 The road by Palmyra to the Euphrates was more frequently used. Charax was still the port on the Persian Gulf. The distances were approximately these :From Tarsus to Antioch 5 to 7 days ; thence to Zeugma 6 ; thence to Seleucia (Ctesiphon the Parthian capital) 23 or 24; then to Charax 13 ; Seleucia t o Artaxata (for Ce:itral Asia) over 32 ; to Trapezus (Trebizond) over 40; from Antioch by Emesa (Horn$)to Palmyra g days ; thence to the Euphrates at Circesium 5 or 6 (to Vologesias, lower down the river, 16, and thence to Charax 29 or 30) ; Antioch to Damascus 7 to 9 ; thence to Palmyra 5 or 6 ; Bosra to Charax across the desert 5 to 6 weeks ; Damascus to Petra days to Gaza 7(at least) ; Petra t o Gaza not less than 5 . to 3 or ; and to Leuke Koine II or 12. Gam to Pelusiuk was 6 or 7 days (Gotz 5); Pelusium to Alexandria, 5 or 6 by land, I to 2 by sea ; Alexandria to ' Babylon ' (later Cairo) 4, to Arsinoe (Suez) 6, to Cyrene 20.2

el at?^

In Syria and Palestine the ancient routes were followed with no important variations ; and here we must remember that, with the possible exceptions of a few short stretches in the neighbourhood of the Coloniae and other centres, none of the characteristic Roman roads were laid down till the times of the Antonines, nor, so far as the present writer has been able to examine them, was the structure consistently so perfect as in the Roman roads of Italy and the W. (for these latter, see Gotz, 3 2 2 5 ; and Skeel, 45). Along these roads an imperial service of post-horses and carriages was developed by Augustus; later known as the cursus publicus,' which civil officials, returning or emigrating veterans, and of the soldiery all who carried special passes, had the right to use. Each of the mansiones or chief stations was supplied with an inn,* stables, and about forty horses ; the intermediate rnututiones had about twenty (Gotz, 3 3 6 8 ; cp Skeel, 4 8 ) . The variety, capacity, and speed of wheeled vehicles was greatly increased ; and it is to the Romans that we owe the first real development of the carriage of goods on wheels, though pack animals, camels, mules, asses, and even oxen, were still generally used (cp Jos. Vi#. 2126). Horses, mules (cp Horace's journey to Brundisium. Sat. Is), and asses were employed for riding. On the breeding of horses, for different purposes, the Romans bestowed great care. The security of the roads was a constant matter of trouble to the provincial governors. In semi-independent principalities (as we shall see under the Herods, 75). brigandage was alwavs more rife : but even under uurelv Roman I , government it frequently reappeared. Yet, on the whole, the security of land-travel at the beginning of the empire had immensely improved: cp Strabo, vi. 4 2 ; Pliny, HN27 I , who calls the ' immensa R'omanae pacis majestas,' 'velut alteram lucem rebus humanis.' (iii.) At sea the greatest change was the reduction of the whole of the Mediterranean under one political Then followed its clearance of 70. Mediter- ppwer. first by Pompey and then by pirates, raneaa Augustus (who also cleared the Red Sea from the same pest). The consequence was an enormous increase of the Mediterranean traffic, which is described by many writers of the period in glowing terms (Juvenal, 1 4 2 7 8 8 , 'the sea as thronged as the land ' ; Philo, De Lcg. 21 : ' filled with merchantmen '). Perhaps the most significant illustration is found in the contrast between the Hasmonaean princes, who, till after Jannzeus, never set foot on shipboard, and the

. . .

1 Josephus (Byiii. 24) reckons it the third city of the Roman empire. a Calculated from the Antonine Itinerary and the Peutinger Table ; G6tz, 424fl gives slightly different calculations. Titus took only 5 days to march from Pelusium to Gaza ; BJiv. 11 5. 3 For inns, used mostly by poorer travellers, see Jos. Ani xvi. 5 I .





Herods who were constantly passing to and from Italy. Erythrzean Sea, 1st cent. ; Ptolemy, fl. circa 140). See below, 75. But this applies only to the summer But even though the discovery of the ' monsoons ' was season; ships were laid up (even in the middle'of a attributed to Hippalus, of the tinie of Augustus, we must voyage) froni November to iMarch. Philo (De Leg, 29) not suppose that t k s e had not been employed by naviexplains the exceptional character of a winter voyage gators in earlier periods (above, 17). The E. coast of (cp Jos. Ant. xvi. 2 I ) . ~ The size of the ships was conAfrica was known as far as Madagascar. The way to siderably, and their speed somewhat, developed. WarIndia was fairly opened up (Horace, E$$. i. 145J). vessels and the lighter (mostly private) passenger ships Ceylon had been known before the geographer Pomcarried many oars ; cargo-transports had but a few oars, ponius Mela (about 150 B.c.), and now, with its chiefly to turn the head of the ship in its tacking, and markets for the farther E., became quite familiar depended on sails. They also carried passengers : (Strabo, 21, Ptol. 7 3 ) ; an embassy came from it to Claudius (Plin. HNvi. 245). The time required from Josephus went to Rome in a ship with 600 souls on board (Vit.3) ; and over zoo were reckoned on Paul's ship the Malabar coast to Alexandria was go days. The (Acts 2737 ; see, however, S HIP, § 8 . For a further ) Tiber and the Indus were thus less than 34 months distant. Pliny ( H N l Y 4 1 ) estimates that every year description see Skeel, 81& The three principal ports on the Mediterranean were Arabia-withdraw 'India, Seres, peninsulaque,'-Le., Rome (with Ostia and Puteoli, the latter the goal of the from the Empire ~oo,ooo,ooo sestertii (about A885.416). grain ships from Egypt), Alexandria,2 and Carthage. When Strabo went up the Nile with Elius Gallus he Smyrna with the Asia Minor trade, as well as some from learned that 120 ships left Myos Hormos (? Leukos Central Asia, came next. Delos was the great centre Limen; see 5 29, n. 4) for India, as contrasted with of the slave trade ; Strabo (xiv. 5 2 ) mentions 10,ooo ' extremely few under the Ptolemies ' ( G e o p . ii. 5 12). slaves there. Rhodes maintained the flourishing conYet these regular voyages did not destroy the Arabian dition ascribed to it by Ezekiel (2715): it lay on the land-traffic. For reasons for this (eg., preference the Alexandria-Byzantium-BlackSea line. THESSALONICA age for land-routes and the loss to the value of of the ( 4 . v . ) had grown since the time of Alexander, and now incense and spices when on the sea), cp Gotz, 4 3 6 8 increased through its connection with Dyrrhachium. We are now able to appreciate the growth, under the Byzantium commanded the Black Sea, though much Romans, of Alexandria. The bulk of the Indian trade of the traffic from the E. portion of this went by land passed through its warehouses, as well as that from inner across Asia Minor. Corinth and Athens rather fell Africa. Besides its exports of Egyptian grain, paper, behind ; but Corinth grew again under Trajan. On linen, and glass to Rome, it sent proportional quantities (except of grain) to Syria, especially to Antioch, and in the Syrian coast Berytus, a colonia of Augustus, grew into prominence (see below, 75); PTOLEMAIS9 . v . ) times of famine supplied Syria with food-stuffs. These ( became the chief port for Rome-especially for the were also brought thitiisr froni Cyprus.l soldiery, but also for commerce; and Herod founded (v.) The civilised world found itself for the first time under a common system of law-administered with Czesarea (75) Gaza and, to a lesser degree, Anthedon ; ,3. Law, western consistency ; and even a maritime still flourished with the Nabatzean trade from the far law began to exist. With the law there E. The importance of Tyre and Sidon was, therefore, relatively (though not absolutely) diminished. spread a common coinage. Less extensive was the use of the Latin language. Except Strabo (iii. 25 x. 45,etc.), Pliny ( H N 1529 191,etc.), Acts (20-28), Lucian ( N a v i s I-6),and others, furnish in the names of the coins, official designations, and a us with data as to the time occupied by Mediterranean few other terms, it did not in W. Asia displace Greek ; voyages. If we take the sea from W. to E., from Gades the PeripZus is written in Greek, the harbours on the Red Sea continue to have Greek names. W e shall see to Ostia was 7 days, from Carthage 2 to 3,from Puteoli a similar state of affairs among the Jews. to Alexandria g days, from Athens to Smyrna z t . These Thus though the Romans, unlike the Phcenicians, may be taken as express or even 6record' voyages. and the Greeks, did not increase the bounds of the For cargo boats with favourable winds we may add 73. s u m m ~known world, for they were not ex25 to 50 p.c. Even when storms did not intervene, it plorers, they reduced it to peace, and must have taken the grain ships of Alexandria well on Rome* bv this and their thorough administrato a fortnight to reach Puteoli. From Cyprus to Tyre and Sidon (to judge from the voyages of mediaeval tion of every department of life, enormously increased galleys) 24 hours would suffice ; the Syrian ports were its commerce and wealth. The life of the world is mostly within 12 hours of each other. But the uneverywhere found in the most rapid circulation, against the throng and change of which voices from an older certainties were great. Herod sailing from Alexandria day appeal in vain. The mixture of nationalities on all to Pamphylia was driven by a storm, with loss of the the main lines and centres is bewildering. Wealth and ship's cargo, to Rhodes, where he built a three-decked ship and sailed to Brundisium for Rome (Jos. Ant. luxury increase by leaps and bounds. The Roman arms came into touch with the Jews on xiv. 133). Lucian, who reached Cyprus from -4lexandria the arrival of Pompey at Damascus 64-63 B.C. Among in 7 days, took 63 more (having been driven to Sidon) ,4. Bntipater. the first results were several which are to reach the Piraeus (Nuvig. 1-6). For winds on properly commercial. The Greek cities the Mediterranean, see Pliny, N N 2 iqfi ; Smyth's Mediter. 2 3 0 8 E. of Jordan had been founded on the main trade (iv.) The trade down the Red Sea and across the routes with a connection by Scythopolis with the sea. Under Roman protectiop they were able for the first Indian Ocean was immensely increased ; and indeed time to carry out a trade-league, such as was already it is to this period that we owe the first ?l. Trade approximately exact data with regard to' instanced by Greek cities in Europe. See DECAPOLIS, with it (Strabo, 60 B.C. to about 21 A.D.; Pliny $5 rf. Pompey also appears to have been attracted by the trade of the Nabataeans (Jos. Ani. xiv. 3 3 J ) , senior, 23-79 A . D . , and the anonymous Per@lus of the with whom, as we have seen, the western world was already more familiar than it was with the Jews. An 1 Cp Jos. B'vii. 1 3 (last clause). 2 Cp i6id. iv. 10 5. See, too, The Meditmanean by expedition to Petra ended in a treaty with the Nabataeans Admiral Smyth (London, 1854),pp. 27 46. (ibid. 51). Josephus (ibid. 41) also notes already the 3 This was partly due, of course, to the obstructions to trade palms and balsam of Jericho. Gabinius rebuilt cities raised upon the Mesopotamian and Persian Gulf route to India D trade line? which had been destroj-ed (53). T h e n by the rise of the Parthian empire and its frequent wars witd Rome. Had the Seleucids continued to hold all Mesopotamia policy of Antipater (cp HEROD, FAMILY OF, 5 2 ) the trade down the Red Sea in the Ptolemaic period, and th; 1 The Crusaders also used Cyprus as a base of supplies; consequept wealth of the Ptolemies, could not have been so






It was.

L'Esfoirc de l Guerre Saintr, z i o o f l a 3 6 7 8 . a



included treaties with Nabatzans, Gaza, and Ashkelon ( 1 3 J 7 3). and he supplied the army of Gabinius with corn, weapons, and money (62, cp 51). The wealth not only of the temple, through the contributions from Jews of the Diaspora, but also of Jerusalem and J u d z a as a whole, was considerable (7rf: with quot. from Strabo). A limited freedom from taxes was granted to the Jews ( 8 j 1 0 6 ; cp ~ O I O ) ,and Hyrcanus was allowed the dues 011 corn (20,675 modii every year) exported through Joppa to Phmnicia ( 1 0 6 ) . The Senate restored to the Jews possessions taken Erom them by the Phcenicians (106). Herods earliest efforts (cp HEROD, FAMILY OF, 55 3-5) as governor of Galilee were directed towards the dispersion of brigands (92 154) who 75. made the conveyance of even the necessaries of life a difficulty ( 1 6 2 ) . From the first Herod continued, and after each of his reverses he renewed, the policy of his father. When he songht a loan, it was to the Nabataeans that he turned (141; BJi.14 I ) : he sought their friendship; but on the extension of his power E. of Jordan, he and they became bitter rivals (xvi. 92). When Antony had given Cleopatra the revenues of Jericho, Herod farmed them for her (xv. 42). He got the coast-towns from Czsar, with Gadara, Hippos, and Saniaria (all trade centres, 7 3 ) ; and having fortified and embellished Samaria, he created, 25 m. distant from it at Straton's Tower, CESAREA (9.".), the one real port between the Delta and Ptolemais (85 96). Thus the line across the Saniarian mountains was in his hands; at its farther end lay Phasaelis (and in the next reign Archelais) with palmgroves reaching to Jericho, and easy fords across Jordan, commanded probably by the fortress Alexandrium (Jos. AJi. 6 5 ; Strabo, xvi. 2 41 ; cp HG 352f). Further, Herod built ANTIPATRIS the line (on Czsarea-Jerusalem as well as on the inland route N. and S. over the maritime plain) (xvi. 52), and greatly improved the fertility of the Jordan valley (ibid.). The trade of W. Palestine, at least S . of Carmel, thus lay in his hands; at Gadara. and Hippos, and Jericho he intercepted the trade of E. Palestine, but there his hold was precarious and femporary ; whilst at Gam he held the tolls for Arabia via Petra, and for Egypt. Herod mightily increased his opportunities, both of wealth and of expense, by his many voyages to the W. (see above, 5 70) : ( a )to Rome, Ant.xiv. 1 4 2 8 , and back to Ptolemais, 151 ; ( b ) to Italy for his sons, xvi. 1 2 ; ( 6 ) to Ionia to M. Agrippa, 21 ; i d ) by Rhodes, Cos, Lesbos, Byzantium. to Sinope, to Agrippa, returning through .4sia Minor 1.0 Ephesus and thence by Samos ' in a few days to Czsarea,' 22-4 ; ( e ) to Italy to accuse his sons, and back by ' Eleusa,' off Cilicia, and Zephyrium, 4 1 $ , BJ i. 2 3 4 ; (f) Italy ( ? A n t . xvi.91) ; (g) to to Berytus to the trial of his sons and back to Czsarea (xvi. 11 2 8).Hemd was able to estimate the resources of his countrymen of the Diaspora, and no doubt to draw upon these in return for services rendered them (e.g.,xvi. 5 3 ) . H e also received, among other imperial donations, the revenues of copper mines in Cyprus ( 4 5 ) . But, on the whole, as Josephus points out (54), Herods expenditure constantly exceeded his income. He would send money and provisions for the imperial armies, and provide water (no doubt with the help of the Nabatzans) on the desert marches between Egypt and Palestine (xv. 67). and an auxiliary2 regiment [e.g.,xv. 93). His lavish gifts to foreign cities resemble the donations of a n American millionaire (xvi. 53). At home, besides rebuilding the temple in eighteen months (xv. 11 I), and constructing other public edifices on a western scale (81, etc.), he had to bring corn from Egypt, not only for bread for the cities of Jerusalem,
1 Cp the large sums obtained later by the Pseudo-Alexander 2. from ews in Crete and Melos (Ant. 17 1 ) 2 Iferod's foreign mercenaries are frequently mentioned ; c.g.,

but also for seed for the peasants on the occasion of a
famine (92). While, no doubt, his policy increased the trade of his dominions, he milst at the same time have hampered trade by his growing exactions. On this Josephus speaks cautiously but emphatically (xvi.54); cp the complaint of the Jewish embassy to Augustus after the accession of Archelaus (xvii. 1 1 2 ) ' and the many seditions both in Herod's life-time and later (1048). Commercial events and processes under the Roman procurators, or under the descendants of Herod (see -76, Procuratore, HEROD, F AMILY OF. $5 6-13),'do not call for special mention, beyond later these facts. Herod Antipas by his domains in Perea was brought into special relations with the Nabataeans and the Decapolis ; and his building of Tiberias must have increased the traffic of Galilee. The policy of Agrippa I. was milder towards the Jews than that of Herod; his revenues were about three-fourths of Herod's (xix. 82). He sailed from Anthedon for Alexandria, and thence to Puteoli (xviii. 63). The completion of the works on the temple created a large number of unemployed for whom work had to be found (xx. 97)-a striking instance of the complications brought into Jewish life by the Hellenic policy of the Herods. Josephus gives an interesting account of the trade, wealth, and finance of the Babylonian Jews (xviii. 9 ; xx. 23). Queen Helenaof Adiabene brought food from Egypt and Cyprus for Judzea during a famine (25). As the troubles with Rome drew to a head (from 60 A . D . ) , brigandage increased (54 85 9 3 8 , etc.). As to the conditions of Syrian trade in the first Christian century, we may say, in general, that it suffered everywhere for periods, and in 77. always, from trade. some of the more desert parts the exactions robbers;2 and that, besides noted, it was greatly hampered, especially among the Jews of Judrea, by the strictness of the Law, and above all by the provisions relating to the Sabbath and to things clean and unclean (for a list of these see Schiirer, G J V , ET, ii. 2 9 6 8 , 106fi). The Sabbath prohibitions reflect almost wholly an agricultural people ; yet those against writing and carrying and putting a value on anything on the Sabbath (ibid. 102) must have made trade on that day inipossible except by desperate subterfuges. The laws against unclean things affected trade more deeply ; for trade everywhere brought Jews, in any large ways of doing business, into contact with the Greeks and other foreigners. In spite of themselves, however, Hellenism poured into their life through commercial channels. For the very large list of trading terms and names of objects of trade borrowed by the mixed Hebrew of the time from the Greek language, see Schiirer. GJV, ET, ii. 1 3 3 f. 3 6 8 Inns, different names for dealers, foreign provisions and materials for dress, some raw stuffs, and vessels for eating, carrying, etc., are Greek. So with some of the coins: the*rest are Roman (P ENNY , etc. ) ; but the superscription-for the Greek cities had their own coinage with Czssar's iniagewas mostly in Greek. The large number of very small coins in use (ibid. betrays the great poverty of the bulk ) of the population. Yet, here and there, very rich individuals outside the official classes were found (.g., Ant. xiv. 13 5). It is easy to form an idea of the objects of trade. 7L1.Objects The transit trade from Arabia to the and oftrade. Levant, Judzeafrom Egypt to N. Syrin, avoided (hence the ambition of the Herods for coast-towns from Gaza northward), but was



1 He embellished foreign cities at the expense of his own; and ' filled the nation with poverty. 9 Under the procuratorship of Cumanus they seized the furniture of ' a servant of Czcsar' on the Beth-horon Road (BJ ii. 12 a ; cp 13 3 6).



frequent and heavy across Galilee, especially between Ptolemais and the Greek cities beyond Jordan. Josephus (Vit. 26) describes the wife of Ptoleniy, the king's procurator, as crossing Esdraelon with ' 4 mules' lading of garments and other furniture ' ; a ' weight of silver not small,' and ' 500 pieces of gold.' Palestine continued to export from the Jordan valley dates and the balsam of Jericho (the passages already cited from Jos. A n t . ; Diod. Sic. 1 1 48u ; 1998 4 ; Dioscorides 118; Plin. 12 25 ; Thepphr. Hist. Plant. 9 6). Whether the flax of Beth-shan, later so famous ( ' Totius Orbis Descr.' in GeogT. GY. Min., ed. Muller, 2 5 1 3 8 ) , was already grown there is uncertain. Wheat and oil were also exported to Phoenicia; but, lavish as Josephus describes the fertility and agriculture of Galilee to have been, it was not thence but from Egypt and elsewhere that Judzea brought her food and seed in times of famine. In 66 A.D. John of Gischala had the monopoly of exporting oil from Galilee, by which he made great sums of money (BJii. 21 2 ) . Josephus mentions artificial snow (Bjiii. 107). There was also exportation of pickled fish from the Lake of Galilee, as far as Italy (Strabo, xvi. 245). Taricheze, the chief port on the Lake, means ' pickling-places ' ; Josephus describes it as full of artizans and of materials for shipbuilding (BY iii. 10 6). The temple of Jerusalem was, even on ordinary days, an immense centre of trade; incense, spices,2 priests' garments, and the supplies for the daily sacrifices (cp Schiir. Hist. ii. 1269 298) alone necessitated enormous markets, largely in the hands of the priesthood (Keim, Lzye o Yesus, ET, 5 117 f:). T h e f temple-finances-not only the sacred revenues but also private deposits 4-were managed by special officials (Schiir. id. 261). All this business was heightened enormously at the time of the great festivals-when food (largely pickled fish from the Lake of Galilee and the Levant) had to be supplied for the incoming multitudes; and no doubt much private business also was transacted. Among the traders of Jerusalem, Josephus enumerates those in wool, brass, cloth ( B l v . S I ) , timber (ii. 1 9 4), and all kinds of artisans. In the N T there is a considerable reflection of all this life. The Gospels, relating large catches of fish in 79. Trade in the Lake, which must in that climate been immediately cured, are curiously the Gospels. silent about the conveyance of the fish for this purpose by the Jewish fisherman to the Greek curer. But of other business, so thriving in Galilee, they give us many glimpses. One of the disciples keeps toll on the transit-trade at Capernaum (Mt. 9 9 ) . Many of the hearers of Jesus are publicans (P UBLICAN ). Zacchzeus was probably farmer of the state revenues of the balsam gardens of Jericho. The use of the objects, means, and tempers of trade by Jesus is very instructive (cp above, on Proverbs, 61). The parables reflect the roads and journeys, mostly of Galilee but also of Judzea : a merchant seeking goodly pearls ; a Samaritan traveller, rescuing a Jew fallen among thieves, and paying for him at an inn ; the prosperous farmer and his new barns; the woman with her little store of silver ; the rich man and his steward ; the farming of estates to husbandmen by absentee landlords ; and other of the economic relations of the time. In the light of what we have seen in previous periods (I§ 11 48J), it is interesting that the Parable of the Pounds imputes trade to kings through their servants. From the early Pharaohs to the Herods trade had always been a royal business. And the teaching Of Jesus is full
1 Also BJi. 6 6 ; cp Hor. E). ii. 2 1e4. For the farming of the groves by the Romans see W. Pressel's Priscilla an SaKna. a ' Sweet-smelling sAices with which the sea replenished it ' : B l v . 5 4. There were thirteen kinds. -3 B j i i . 3 3 vi. 5 2. 4 Such are mentioned in B j i . 139 iv. 5 1 , etc. There were also the public treasures (cp 8 66) held in the royal palace (BJ i. 139, iv. 34), where also business contracts were deposited (ii. 176).

of appreciation of the bigness of its methods and of the brave tempers required in it (Mt. 1 3 4 5 f . , Lk. 1 6 9 8 ) . He frequently likens to its pursuit the search after the true riches. At the same time his warnings are many against covetousness and the temper of the trading Gentiles. Galilee was a place where a man might gain the whole world and lose his own soul. The temple courts had become a fraudulent market-the house of God a den of thieves. On the social life of the early Christian societies see C OMMUNITY OF GOODS, D EACON , etc. The progress A,,ts arrdof the new faith was along the lines of in the great trade centresEpistleas trade andJOPPA, CBSAREA, ANTIOCH, L YDDA, D AMASCUS , the cities of ASIA M INOR , THESSALONICA, C ORINTH , ROME. Paul worked at his own trade (Acts 183 20338), and other commercial pursuits are mentioned among the early Christians ('Erastus the treasurer of the city,' Rom. 1623 ; ' Alexander the coppersmith,' 2 Tim. 414 ; Zenas ' the lawyer, ' Tit. 3 1 3 ; 'Simon a tanner,' Acts 943 ; Lydia ' a seller of purple,' 1 6 1 4 ; Aquila and Priscilla, like Paul, tentmakers, 183). The Apostolic letters, however, contain, besides the general warnings against covetousness, extremely few references to trade, either for illustration or warning :Jas. 4 1 3 8 , 1 3 I Thess. 2.9 2 Thess. 5 3 8 (Paul's own example of industry) I Thess.411 2 Thess. 39 8 (exhortations to do your own business and to work with your hands that ye may walk honestly towards them that are without and may have need of nothing') Rom. 1 3 7 8 (taxes, and debt) I C o r . 7 3 0 ('those that buy as though they possessed not'). The fewness of such references is the more conspicuous when the many passages on the relations of masters and slaves are contrasted with it. The lifting of the burdensome law from the lives of the Jewish converts to the new faith must have given them fresh advantages in trade ; cp Peter's vision at Joppa,' in which the sheet, let down from heaven, full of things clean and unclean, has been compared to the sails of the merchant ships in the roads visible from the Joppa house-tops (see HG141$), 'What God hath cleansed call not thou common' (Acts 1098:). W e may take for granted that the rise of Christianity had far-reaching economic effects-e.g., upon the fortunes of certain trades (cp the outcry of the Ephesus silversmiths, Acts 19 24 X), and still more deeply-as in parts of India to-day where a rise in wages has been known to follow the adoption of the new faith-upon the wage-earning slaves and freedmen. In the Book of Revelation the peculiar traders of LAODICEA . v . )are referred to. On the mark, the (p 81. Book of name of the beast, which gave license to buy and sell ( 1 3 1 7 ) , see the commentaries. In the picture of Rome, Babylon the Great, as in the prophet's account of her namesake of old, her vast trade is included : Rev. 1 8 3 , ' the merchants of the earth waxed rich by the power of her luxury' ; ZI. 11, ' the merchants of the earth weep and mourn over her, for no man buyeth their cargo.' Then follows a list of her imports. Compared with those assigned to Tyre and Babylon by the prophets, there is nothing new except S ILK (q.ZI. ) ; but note the emphasis in ZI. 13 on 'bodies and souls of men.' Rome's fall means the destruction of commerce and industry [ 1 8 1 5 - q ) . With this acknowledgement of Rome as the :entre of the worlds trade, we may finish our survey of the Roman period. In the prophecy of her fall there may be traced a just sense of the precariousness of her :ommercial, apart from her political, position. Less than 1 couple of centuries saw the gradual disappearance of ier trade to other positions naturally more fitted to ittract it.



For a description of Joppa, see Jos. BJiii. 9 3.





An account of the terminology of trade among the Israelites will complete our survey, by giving a number . . of names both of agents and protrade in OT. cesses not touched on in the preo ceding history. The appended list is as nearly as pos.sible exhaustive so far the OT is concerned. It ought to be noted that a great many of the terms and phrases given are used only metaphorically ; yet, in the case of nearly all of these, the metaphorical (generally a religious) use implies a previous direct employment in common life. The list presents many points of historical interest of which the following may be summarised by way of preface to it. i. The OT terms are all Semitic. Down to the Greek period there are in fact no others-none of Egyptian and none of Persian or Indian origin. This is the more striking in that so many of the names of articles and objects which trade introduced into the Hebrew vocabulary are Egyptian or Persian-plants, raw materials, gal-ments, etc. ; and that from their Persian masters Israel also adopted a number of political terms. That none of the agents or processes of trade even in the Babylonian and Persian periods are of nonSemitic origin is clear proof that till the advent of the Greeks the trade of W. Asia remained in Semitic hands (witness the dislike of the Egyptians to trade, § 12)and that all the foreign commerce of Israel was achieved through Semitic tribes or nations who spoke a Semitic tongue ; further ev.idence that the non-Semitic PHILISTINES ( p . ~ . 5 J :I, with whom the early Hebrews did , so much trade, had adopted ‘ the lip of Canaan.’ As. soon as the Greeks come to Syria we perceive a change : the purely Semitic words for trade and trader are displaced in M H b’y Greek terms ; and there is a great influx of Greek names for specialised forms of trading, and for the articles and objects of trade (see above, 177 ; also H ELLENISM. 5). ii. The O T terms all belong to the common Semitic stock and are native to Hebrew except in the case of a small number borrowed from the Assyrian probably through the Aramzan (e.g., mn, ]?I), these are and chiefly in P and the post-exilic writings. Of course, some others may be of Phenician or Arainzean origin ; but this it is impos!;ible to prove. iii. There is clear evidence in the OT terminology of a gradual growth and organisation of commerce in Israel. For ( a ) the number of terms, and the frequency of the instances of teach increases from Dt. onwards and rapidly in P and .Ezra-Neh. (6) Especially are there more words for ‘ property,’ ‘ wealth,‘ ‘ substance,’ or at least these occur more frequently ; (c) terms of general significance ( n y , ip, and the like) have specially commercial meanings attached to them in the later writings ; ( d ) the shades of meaning increase in the case of some words, or the various processes (cp ‘ valuation ’ and the like) are carefully differentiated; ( e ) the mention of deposits of money becomes more frequent; (f) old processes of a primitive type are displaced by more formal and by written deeds ; cp the sale of land in and Ruth 4 with that in Jer. 32 ; (9) yet in spite of all this, Hebrew trade remains somewhat simple ; there is, e.g., no mention in the OT of a trading company. The Hebrew names for trade, traders, and merchants, and for the various Drocesses and conceptions included 83. Detailed under trade are as follows :( a ) National names specialised to mean

(eXsvcrav); inZepb.111 ip!? DY!?? is probably used of the mercantile portion of Jerusalem generally(@ rr& b AabcXavaav) : in Ezek. 16 29 (eom.) and 17 4 (@BO Xavaav, @ A X U A G Q ~ V )
Chaldea is called a ‘ land of j y 3 p ’-i.e., ‘trade.’ (Cp CANAAN, 8 2, col. 639 [and on the text-critical questions arising out of the passages referred to, cp Crit. Bib.].) 2. mZddnim, D ’ n n for midyanim, O ? ‘ : l Midianites, Gen. 37 28 36, and 3. yiZnZ’Zim, n’&F@:, ‘ Ishmaelites’(Gen. 3725 39 I), may also (as we can see from a careful observation of these passages) have heen used in the sense of traders. On the other hand there is no provable connection (tempting a s it might be to suppose one) betwegn 2 7 in its sense ‘ t o do trade’ (see below) and lly ~ ‘Arabians.


Names f o r Traders and T r a d e i n General.- For

theSe the Hebrews used four terms, the radical meaning of all of which was the same : viz., ‘ to go about ’ :Tnn, ~ I T ,i?n and iqw. Of these the first three when applied to trading are practically synonymous. I . s+r, i n n (cp Assyr. sa&&% ‘ t o turn round ’ ; Syr. ‘ to go
ahout as a beggar’ : in M H ‘ to go ahout as a pedlar ’), in the OT used exclusively (with metaphorical applications) of travelling, making circuirs or tours, for trade : Gk. 2prropdedlar by which @ renders’it.1 Gen. 42 34 (JE) of the right to trade in Egypt granted by Joseph to his brethren, Gen. 3410, 21 (P?): ?lD ?! ‘traverse, or trade in, it ’--Le., the land. Jer. 14 18: metaphorical of prophet and priest, ‘trafficking’ (@ &opav’&pau). T h e pt. s@Zr (lnb) is one of the usual terms for ‘merchant,’ 0 3 &~lropos. Gen. 37 28 (JE) ‘ men, Midianites, merchants.’ I K. 1028 (I1 z Ch. 116) ?&? ’ “ either thekraeliteagentsthrough 1: whom Solomon did trade with the N. Syrian Musri and KuC or (more probably) horse-dealers of those lands who traded with his agents : cp Is. 47 15 7 p n b not ‘thy native merchants’ but those (foreigners) who trade with thee,’ Babylon (cp 03). Ez. 27 3 4 : ‘ t h e merfhants among the peoples ; 58 13 : the merchants of Tarshish ; z Ch. 9 14 : ‘the chapmen and merchants.’ Other phrases : E . 27 21 : ‘ the merchants of thy hand’ ; Gen. 23 16 -z (P): ‘money current with the merchants’ (lflbi lab rp); cp KESITAH ; Prov. 31 14 : 1 n i D (sic) ‘a merchant-ship ’ ; Is. 2 3 2 : ‘the merchants (@ pc~af36hor)of Sidon that pass over the sea.’ The fem. pt. sa&&eth (nlvb) is used of cities, etc.Tarshish, Aram, Damascus-trading with Tyre ; Ez. 27 12 16 18. Derivatives : ( ) l: -u o ! Is. 233 18 ; 45 14 RV ‘ mart’ and ‘merchandise,‘ but (cp the parallel ]>nv in 2318) more probably ‘profit,’ cp Prov. 3 14, 31 18.2 For tll;.+r ( T D ~ in constr.), I K. 10 15, taken by the lexicons a s a separate word, Klost. reads l ? e p (6) si&ri/~ (n!hD), ‘trade,’ is used collectively of ‘ traders ‘ : Ez. 27 15. 2 r/ikaZ,!?31(cp 511 ‘to march ’ or ‘go ahout ’ :h a m . a>$?, . Syr. rukkda, ‘travelling merchant,’ ‘pedlar ‘)is also used in the O T of trade exclusively. The pt. rdki2 is synonymous with s8[z2r,but, except in I K. 10 15, is found onlyin later writers: 3 Ez. 174 : ‘a city of merchants’ (D.>?l l’Y)-i.e., Babylon ; 27 13 15 17 22-24 (of various nations trading with Tyre); Cant. 36, ‘powder of the merchant’. Neh. 3 31f: : ‘the house of the Nethinim and of the merchhnts’ : this was opposite the Gate Ham-Miphkadh (see J ERUSALEM , 8 24 [IO]). The fem. pt. r8.W Zeth is used in Ezek. 2720 (of Dedan) 23 (collectively of five peoples : omit NlW h;l). Although the root $31 (like $11) was

v o c a b u l ~ tradt,,s. 1 .

: used as in h =slander (cp M H n h ) in a had sense, there is no reason for supposing that any derogatory meaning was intended by its employment for trading. Deriv. :-(a) rFkuZkih ‘trade’ : Ez. 2B 12, 28 5 16 18. (6) marh8leth ‘market’ : Ez: 27 24 (hut see Cornill). 3. tzir, 1tp1 (Assyr. f&u ‘ to turn’ reJ. Ar. tEra ‘to go about ’)is used in the O T in Kal of exploring land, Nu. i 3 z etc. ; in Hiph. of exploringor suyinn, Tudn. 12?(1). Cu SPIES. T h e . .. pt. kal in the phrase D%? is used of traders parallel with P’>!i, I K. 1015,and with D’,o:b, 2 Ch. 9 14. 4. lrv, Targ. ‘ t o run ’ (Ass. . W u ‘ t o go about’ ; Ar. sdra ‘to go ahout ’ esp. in trading c a r a v k ) . Is. 57 9 : ‘ thou dids; travel with ointment (hut see ‘ Isaiah,’ SBU I”, note to Is. 5 i 9, where existence of the verb la^ is denied) ; Ez. 27 25 : ‘ ships of




I. KZna‘dni, m? !%’ ‘Canaanite’ or ‘Phcenician,‘ means 1 [On I K. 1028, cp MIZRAIM, 2 a ; also’througbout cp 8 ‘trader ’ in Job 40 3d [416], Prov. 31 24 @ut @ @orvixov, XavaCrit. Bi6.1 in valoors). There is a plural form with suff. ?’p?Is. 23 8 : and 2 Similarly in modern E. Syriac 6 6 z d r means both ‘trade ’ and ‘profits’ : Maclean, Dict. o Yernac. Syr. [19or]. f i to be read wjyj> with the in Zech. 11 7, 11 ?>>yJ is, after 3 [On the difficult phrase in I K. 10 15 cp S OLOMON, 8 IO same sense. In Hos. 128 North Israel is described as a 1 ~ 3 3 SPICE MERCHANTS ; on Neh. 33rf: M ERCHANT 2 and Am=; Journ. of The02 July 1901 (I NLthinim’=‘E’thktes,’ and 1 These have heen alluded to already, 5 13. r6kilim= Jerahm2ehm) ; see also Crit. Bi6.1






placed in the hand’ or ‘trust’ of another, is translated by E V Tarshish were $:Cii$,’ RV ‘thy caravans,’ hut Cornill reads ‘ bargain ’ : @ rrorvovia.l (4) n’ribhd7, 1; ‘affair,’ in Ruth 47 2. $3nle, ‘ served thee.’ o!, ‘to confirm any transac.? in sense of transaction ; l?+? With these we may take the following terms signifying tion.’ (5) This confirmation, in cases in which the object bought way or going as applied to trade or business. and sold could not be handed over, appears to have been symbol( I ) ddrek, 711. Is. 58 13, ‘ ai$’!= to do hnsines ; 1 ised hy the seller drawing off his shoe or sandal, i y ? ?!$, Ruth, (2) hdlikrilr, n ? h , ‘caravan’(butperhapsmetaph.: lit. ‘going’; 47f:; cp Dt. 2 5 9 8 ; where it symbolises the giving up of one’s right; WRS K B . 269. Cp R UTH, S H O E ; also, for a similar also procession) : of Sheba, Job 6 19 ; cp Bihl. Aram. $h, ‘ way. action among the Arabs Burton Land o Midian 2 1 9 7 . and f money,’ toll, Ezra 4 13, etc. . ; Goldziher, Adhand. z Arab. Phkol. 147 (quoted b Buhl: Die (3) ‘cirZ&ah,n@, ‘ caravan ’ always of merchants, Gen. 31 25, socid. VerhZlfnissederZsvaelifen,94, n. 2): The antithesis ‘t: or of mercantile tribes ; Is. 21 13 : Dedan ; Job 6 18f: : Tema. take possession ’ was syAbolised by ‘throwing one’s shoe over ’ c h i & , nlk, the pt. is used of travellers in general : Jer. 9 I [2] the qhject, Pss. 6010[81 108 10[91. (6) tb‘ridrik, nlqyn, ‘attestation, Ruth 47. (7) In J e r . 3 2 9 X we find another mode of n n l k 11ig (but Giesebrecht after @ $lgN [cp also Crif. Bi6.]), conveyance (which probably displaced the primitive one just a ‘caravanserai.’ nill!=provision for journey: YDl and yDD noticed). A deed of sale (nlpf3;r p )was signed by the buyer a refer to the journeys of nomads’ camps (cp TENT, $ 2); he lp& y l i D , and witnesses ;ere called who also signed. T h e who prepares the camping ground, the quarter-master, i & deed was in two copies, one sealed (om?), and one open “cup, Jer. 51 59. [But see SERAIAH, 4.1 (‘h$?), placed in an earthen vessel ; cp Johns, op. L i t . 34. and ( c ) Merchants’ Qua&?-s. -Travelling merchants took ‘The terms and conditions of the sale’ (?)=n‘(?r[;r] aL!p? up their quarters in special parts of the towns to which (8) ‘ They strike hands,’ Is. 2 6, ?p’?Fl ; espec. if wit; Hi. and they took their goods. Du. we read ~3 for 1 i i q . But see Che. SBOT ‘ Isaiah,’ and Ges.-Buhl, Lex.(lz) S . D . pab. hri@fh, nih!p, ‘streets’ or ‘bazaars,’ were what Ben-hadad‘s 3. Buying and selling. The commonest words are kdnrih. father was allowed by treaty to build in Samaria and Ahab in ?Jp, and makar, 132, Is. 24 2 ; iJiB8 .?lip, ‘like buyer like P m a s c u s ( I K. 2034), probably for their merchants ; cp the bakers’ street’ in Jerusalem, Jer. 3721. The MAKTESH seller’ ; Ezek. 7 12, cp Zech. 1 5. (I) kinah, lit. ‘to make, or 1 (pa. cp also JERUSALEM, col. 2424) appears to have heeen a quarte; obtain,’ is applied to purchasing either with ID??, Ani. 8 6 Is. of the city where the p * j y 1 ~ ‘merchants’ 0 resided (Zeph. or 4324, or alone, Gen. 39 I , @ ~ K ~ ~ U C Z T O ; 2 S. 12 3 Jer. 13 I (JE) 111). For ‘the house of the merchants ’ see above under p * $ ~ l ‘ 19 I 32 7 8 15 43 Gen. 49 30 50 13 (both P). Also in a more for the fish-, sheep-, and horse-gates see JERUSAL)EY, 24. coll.’ general sense of purcha5ing a Hebrew slave through his falling 2424 3 For ,market see n$?n above (6 2 [a]) ; for caravaninto one’s debt ; Ex. 21 z (JE). Also metaphorically; Ex. 15 16 ’ Is. 1 11, etc. ; kbneh, ‘the buyer,’ Is. 242 Ezek. 7 12, is used 1 serai, O’mk @, see b (3). also as owner Is. 1-, Bib. Aram. N J ~‘ t o buy,’ Ezra 7 17. ( d ) Trading Companies.-There is no mention of Deriv.:-(a) &neh,>but only in sense of ‘ property,’ cattle(Ex. these in the OT; but wecanhardlydoubt that theyexisted. 1026, etc.) or land (Gen. 49 32, K ~ U L S ) ; cp C ATTLE , 8 8 end. $4) mi&nah, besides meaning ‘possession ’ is used for ‘ sale ’ ; (I) @6er, 127, ‘a company of priests for robbery,’ Hos. 6 9 ; Dn 1SD =deed of sale, Jer. 32 I I ~ ;.or object sold 182 n?p, ‘ a house held by a number of people,’ Pr. 219 25.2, (but ‘a puichased slave,’ Gen. 17 12f: 23 (cipyup6vqros), Ex. 12 44 ; Gk. and Toy read 2m). (2) ?za66dr, lzn, ‘a guild’ or ‘society’ or ‘purchase-price,’ Lev. 2516 ( & K ~ U L S ) P); also q. (all D of fishermen, Job 40 30 [416], (cp Phcen. 137 and Assyr. e6m, ‘ a n! i! , ? Lev. 2551, ‘the money for which he was bought’ (&py+ov comrade’).l (3) mi*d&h, np??p, lit. ‘family,’ or ‘clan ’ ; hut mjs r p d u e o r a h + ) . (c) kinyrin, ‘property ’ in widest sense ; ‘a guild’ of scribes, I Ch. 2 55 ; ‘of linen workers,’ 4 21. i9Dz ];I?, ‘the produce of his money * (Evarr)ros dpyvpiou), Lev. ( e ) Yayious Processes included under Trade. I . Barter and exchange. ( I ) 14, ‘to give one thing for 22 11 (Pk). (2) mrikar, ‘ t o sell,’ with pretii: of selling persons ; Gen. another,’Joe14[3] 3(3 before the object taken in exchange; cp 31 15 (JE), @ rCsparw ; of selling a bride ; so also the Aram. Lam.1 II), Ezek.271;($ before the object given in exchange), 16 mikar, or men and women as slaves, Gen. 37 27f: (@ &ro%&opc), (? before both objects), ;4 (without ; both objects in the acc.); and Ex. 21 7 (JE), Ps. 105 17 Ezra 74 ; cattle, Ex. 21 37 [221] (JE), Lev.2727 (@ rpa&jumar, P); land, Lev.2523 34 (etc., P). cp Dt.1425, ‘togive for money‘: 18?3;Ps.155, ‘forinterest’: birthright Gen. 25 31 (JE) ; land, Ezek. 7 1 2 3 , or any property’ (2) The antithesis of p is ! and so in Neh. 10 32, Lev. 25 25)27, or any wares, Neh. 13 16. So generally, m8k2; ‘ seller,’ Is. 24 2. The same general sense attaches to 132 in nincn (Ba. ”@,lit. ‘things t o be taken,’ are ‘wares for sale ’; Phcen MH and‘ Ansyr.; in the latter damguru or tamkam cp Talmud nzn or nFp, buying’ or ‘article bought.’ Syr. f&gdrd,?= merchant ’ Del. Ass. HWB, 222. Derivv. : I (a) mdker, ‘price’ or ‘ valud,’ Nu. 20 19 (JE) ; cp Pr. 31 IO ; also (3) iqn, ‘to exchange’, doesnot appear in the O T in the sense wares’ or ‘things for sale,’ Neh. 13 16. (b) mimkdr, ‘act of of barter(Lev. 21 TO 33 the substitution of one beast for another ; sale ’ ; Lev. 25 27, @ spPu~rs, 50, etc. ; 33 (nil “n= house that 29 Ezek. 48 14, of one pie:e ofland for another); yet the fact that the Syr. mar means ‘to import victuals’ proves that a t one time was sold ’), or ‘ thing sold,’ 25 25 Ezek. 7 13 ; or ‘ wares for sale ’= among the Aramreans it was used in the sense ‘to barter.’ 13D Neh. 1320. (3) &&ah, ;nj ‘to buy,’ Dt. 26, pe‘rppr Deriv. a?np, ‘exchange,’ Ru. 47, Job 28 17 ; ‘the thing exA4~$ru0e, Hos. 3 2 Job 6 27, to mike merchandise of a friend or ‘haggle,’ 4030 [416] with $$! Acc.toTalm. X.haSh.,kirah . changed,’ Lev. 27 IO 33 (P) ; ‘gain ’ or ‘ profit ’ as a result of trade, Job 2018; also compensation,’ 1531. was used on the coast, Levy, NHWB 2323; Ar. kara= ‘to exchange,’ appear in the O T for barter ; (4) Nor does to hire, kirri, ‘wage.’ (4) mZbtir, l’np, ‘price’ or ‘payment, yet is used twice : Nu. 18 21 31 (P) in the sense of ‘returns,’ 2 S. 24 14 I K. 10 28, l’np? ; I K. 21 2, l’nn qDp ; CP Pr. 17 16 ‘rewards for’ service rendered : and Hoffmann (Ph6niz. 27 26; also ‘ wage,’ Dt. 23 19 [IS] Mi. 3 I I ;6 the phrase d 7 Inschriften, 2 0 ) gives & q as = equivalent (in exchange) ; Op’?.’vf3?, ‘ thou hast not gone high with their price,’ Ps. 44 13; (Bloch, P & h . Gloss.) <payment,’ ‘n o$&, ‘to reward.’ Pr. 22 16 appears to hare a different sense. Assyr. ma&u, cy (5) usually ‘to pledge ’ (see below, 3 [I, is used in Ezek. S) Del. Prol. 93, Ass.HWB 400, 404, from malufm, ‘ to be opposite ?7927 as=‘to exchange.’ I n pther Sem. languages it is to -i.e., mutual. alone means price, Gen. 31 15, ‘ the money furnish security,’ or ‘to pledge. The original meaning seems to be to mix or ‘mingle,’ as in NT, Aram., Syr., and Heb. paid for us.’ ( 5 ) mdhar, ‘to buy a wife,‘ @ + F ~ v L E ~ , ; Ex. Hithpael; yet thismay be a secondary meaning, through ‘having 22 15 [r6]. Deriv. mbhar, ‘price of a wife,’ Aram. malrQrd, intercoursewith. Deriv. >:!In, sg. and pl. ‘wares.’ (6) I t is $yr. mahrd, Ar. mahr (MARRIAGE 5 I). (6) &&ar, 13w, to buy corn’ ; Gen. 41 57 42 5 47 ;4, @ &yop<erv, 422, @ possible that the difficult ] i 3 y (see below, 7 181) in Ezek. 27 rpiadBr; ‘ t o buy victuals,’ with ‘akel (s?k), Gen. 427 IO, etc., means ‘ exchange.’ Gen.426(@ ;pnoAPv Dt.26. Hi. ‘ t o sell corn,’ @ ;&Aer, z. Bargain, contract, etc. (I) The very wide use of 6 i f h , ~psopnicuOat) Am. 8 5 3 ; with 5?k, Dt. 2 28, @ L a o 8 i q . (7) n v , to express a ‘covenant’ between men (see C OVENANT), @dah, 318, ‘to buy free’ or ‘ransom,’ @ Aurp60, Ex.5420 and its application in Job 4028 14141 to an engagement 13 (P)’ Dt. 7:. etc., A r . f a d r i , Assyr. $add, ‘to buy between master and servant, are evidence of the probability of ” ? e $ ! %th. td ‘pay. Derivatives $idyam, .n, ptdriyim, its employment for business contracts;z (2) &dzrifh,nm, is used ‘ransom money.’ (8)gri’al, ‘to redeem.‘ Barth, Efym. in Is. 28 18 as a synonym for n’??; cp n’ln in Levy, NHWB. Sf.18, gives Ar. 3Yrilat, ‘price.’ Derivative gt’tildlr, usually (3) tZirimcfhy d , 1 n Q ? h , ; Lev. 521 [621 (P), lit. ‘something





1 In M H the root is used apparently only of societies for religion or learning. See further H ANDICRAFTS col. 1955. 2 Yet in M H it seems t o be used only in a theblogical sense.

in M H is ‘to appraise,’ ‘value.’ [So Jensen Z A 6 34 for another view of the derivation of the Syriac see h6ld. in 8Caenkel’s Arm8i1. Fremdw. 181fJ

1 2 ‘



‘redemption,’ but also, Ler. 25 j ~ ‘the sum paid.’ Q T& hhpa. , (9) kdjher, 1?2, ‘quit-money,’ @ A ~ T ~ o v .(IO) Bibl. h a m . z&n, 131, ‘ t o buy,’ is used metaphorically, Dan. 2 8 ; found also in MH, Targums p b . , Palm., and Syr. Supposed to be fro” Assyr. zibbn?tu, balance ’ (see Ges.-Bu.). Ar. farnun, ‘ price ’ ‘ value ’ (Spiro, AY. Eng. Yocab.). 4. Hiring, lending ledging. (I) jrikar l ~ b .’Po hire,’ with 3 pretii &rdo4uBar), , mercenary iroops, Judg. 9 4 2 S. 106 I Ch. 196f: 2 Ch. 256; a priest, Judg. 18 4 ; a workman, Is. 46 6 2 Ch. 24 12 ; a husband; Gen. 3016; cp Pr. 26 IO [Heb.]. Ar. S a k a r a = ‘ t o thank. Derivatives : ( ) tdker, ‘ wage,’ Pr. 1 a& l ? W ‘VY, ‘ makers of -u 1 wages,’ Is. 19 IO. (t.)&ikrir, the conmoner word for ‘wage,’ Q p ~ u 0 6 ~ Gen. 3028 32f: 31 8, etc. (JE); Ezek. 29 18 (metaph.); . ‘hire,’ for a n article, Ex.2214 [I)] (JE); for man and beast, Zech. 8 IO. (c) drikir, ‘let on hire’ ; cattle, Ex. 22 14 [15] ; persons, Ex. 12 45 Lev. 22 I O 25 50 (all P), Dt. 15 18 24 14 Mal. 3 5 Job 14 6, etc. ; mercenaries, Jer. 46 21. Note that the hirer asks the servant what his wage will be, Gen. 29 15 3028. et.the master changes the wages, 31 7 41. T h e wages are here)iT kind. (d) maf&ireth ‘ wage,’ Gen. 29 1 5 31 7 41 (JE), @ pru0B6r ; Ruth 2 12 (metaph.); cp Ass. iSkar, Johns, o j . cit. 360. Other words for wage are,6b‘aZ, $ph, @uZZah,

yithfln Eccles. 13, etc., ‘profit,’ in general, M H yuthrun ; (6) y8&r, “profit,’ Eccles. 68 T I ; (c) mbthrir, ‘profit,’ PI. 1423 of Iabour, 2 5. (3) lWy, to be rich.’ Deriv. 1WY 1 ‘ t o make riches,’ Jer. 17 11.1 (4)hdn, ]rn, ‘riches,’ ‘goods,’ Ezek. 27 12 18 33 and PI. (5) &dyil, 5:0, ‘substance’ or ‘wealth,’ ‘n nost , y Dt. 8 17f: Ezek. 28 4 (6) ~“hrisisim, wealth ’ of various O’D?l, sorts, Josh. 22 8 (D), 2 Ch. 111f: See CATTLE, 8 8, end. (7) rdkaS, 0j i , ‘ to gather,’ and YZkzG, ‘ substance ’ or ‘ goods,’ in general ; Gen. 12 5, @ T& 3rrripXpvTa a 3 G v 8ua Bmmjuauro, and frequently elsewhere in P, also in Ezra and C h Of the royal property, I Ch. 27 37 28 I 2 Ch. 31 3 35 7. (8) ‘ii2Z6an, iigy, in Ezek. 27 12 14 etc. means wares,’ but in v. 27 it is parallel t o han. Hoffm. P h h Znsrhr. 15 gives the original meaning a s ‘produce’ or ‘results of trade,’ from 37y=>ry. T h e Assyr. ed6u is ‘ t o leave over,’ uzu6(6)rr, ‘a payment.’ See also above, under log, a;??, l’p,7!?DF, pn?. (9) bri?n‘, yX3, lit. ‘ t o break off,’ ‘take unjustly,’ Pr. 1 1 9 1527 Ezek. 22 12 27, Pi. ‘to finish ’ a work, Is. 10 12, etc. Deriv. &!sa‘, generally of ‘violent’ or ‘unjust gain,’ Judg. 5 19, taken i& war, I S . 8 3 (e G u v v r e h d a s , E V ‘lucre’), Ezek. 22 27 (RV ‘dishonest gain’), s Pr. 1527, cp Is. 57 17 Ezek. 22 13. But ‘profit’ in general, Gen. 37 26 (JE), Q Xpiucpov. Cp above, 5 61. (IO) ‘b&’&, pWY, ‘unjust gain,’ Eccles. 77. 8. Value, valuation, etc. (a) Prepositions.+i) pretii, in the givingof one thing ‘for’ another. (2) ‘ ~ 3 3,9 5 , *a-sy, ‘according to the number’ or ‘the rate of.’ (3) 3,35 ‘for’ areward, Is. 5 23 ; cp >?)!, Pss. 40 16 704. Phiin. 3py, ‘profit,’ ‘reward.’ (4) l?lpz,Am. 26. (6) Verbs, nouns, adjectives.-(x) ‘E&, TlJ, to compare,’ also to equal in value’ ; Job 28 17 19. Hi. ‘ to tax,’ 2 K. 23 35, ‘ t o value’ (8 &cpoypir#quav), Lev. 278 12 14, Q3 rLp+rerat. Deriv.:--‘Prek ‘valuation,’ for purposes ofroyal taxation, 2 K. 23 35 (03 mv&qurr), or for priestly sacrifices and fine:, Lev. 5 15 18 25 1661 2 7 2 8 12 16f: Nu. 18 16 (@ 7 ~ ~ UuvrLpqUrr, 6 , etc.); ‘ the sum a t which a thing is valued,’ Lev. 27 13 18 23 27 (@ rrpd, W U T ~ , L ~ U L S ) ; this is also rendered by ply q ; ZN. D, 15 19, and by S l y itDJp, v. 23. Note that the valuation was (2) sillah, 7 s ~ made a t the sanctuary; cp above, 5 24 n. (only in Pu‘al), ‘ t o weigh,’ rightly rendered ‘to value,’ by E V Job 28 16 19. (3) gridal, h constr. with ;zYF,‘ t o he worthy in : , mine eyes’ (EV ‘much set by’), I S. 2624 parallel to iy in 71.21 , (edpfyahv‘v0q); gida‘ZZwas probahlyused of ‘settinga high value on’ anything, cp JobT17. (4) yri&ar, l; ‘ t o h e valuable’ or g, ‘dear,’ I S . 2621 (Q &TL,,LOF); also ‘ t o he valuedat. Derivv.:yFkar, ‘price,‘ Zech. 1 13, O?$Jg ‘~12; 1Wt lea, yri&ri~, 1 ‘valuable,’ ‘dear,’ and yakkir. (5) rri&c&,p ; ‘far,’ is used i, n metaphorically in PI. 31 IO of value ; E V ‘farabove rubies.’ (6) ma$nrrid, ?PI?, anything ‘desirable ’ ; pl. applied to ‘costly things,‘ Hos. 96, silver, Is. 64 IO[II] Joel 41.31 5 aCh. 3619 Lam. 1Io-all of the costly vessels and treawres of the temple. (72 in l! ‘costly,stone,’ PI. 178. (8) ran, in pl. ’costly things a,



hiwrih, >I$, ‘to borrow,’ Gavi<err, >fs?, ‘to lend,’ Dt. 28 12 Is. 24 2 ; a$p , $ , Pr. 22 7, etc., Ex. 22 24 [25] ( J E l? [Z:&ZV~+V]), Ps. 3’121 1125 ( I L X ~ ~ V ) Neh. 54. I n M H a)!, = lend ’; Ar. Zuzvri, ‘ t o delay payment of debt.’ (3) mi&&, ad,, and ~ ~ I S. 22,2 Is. 24 2, etc., ‘ t o lend,’ Is. 24 2 Jer. 1 15 ~ o D t24 II Neh. 5 7 ~ o ( w i t h . P,DB),II (withothergoods). T h e pf.KaZ= ‘creditor,’Ex. 2224[251(JE with badsignification). @ d G a v e r u i r (in Ex. ~ a T e m i y m v ) . Ar. n u d a . The use of the Aram., Syr., and A.r. cognates and the Heh. use of Kal (once Lam. 3 17), Niph., and Hiph. in the meaning ‘10 forget,’ proves the origin to lie in delaying payment. Yet Ass ifz‘;<i=‘ take,’ to Johns 36 I O & Derivatives:-(a) n G , ‘debt,’ 2K. 47, 703s T~KOVF uov. (b)maEri,‘usury,’acc. after ~ d jNeh. 5 7 ; cp I O ; , ‘deht’or ‘exactionofdeht.’ :(4) h d , ‘to borrow.’ (5) l , a p> Ezek. 18 17, etc., ‘to lend on interest.’ (6) n m n n?), parallel phrase, Ezek. 188, etc. On borrowing and lending, see L AW A N D JUSTICE, 16. (7) ~ 3 y(8) $ j n , Ass. &ubuZu=‘interest,’ , (9) 337 ‘ t o pledge.’ See PLEDGE (IO) ypn, ,Niph., is : t pletlg; oneself as, security for another by striking hands, Job li 3. 5. Debt. ( I ) 436, 3j7, ‘debt,’ v k . l8,7$Co. 2id), Syr. hau6Hhd, Ar. &riba, ‘ t o be in debt ; cp Pi. to make guilty,’ Dan. 1 IO. (2) N f g , Neh. 1032 I311 ; (3) R$$g, Dt. 2410 Pr. 22 26 ; (4) @, Dt.152, ‘debt’; ”D \p, ‘creditor.’ 6. Payment, reckoning, etc. (I) Sri&ul, $d, lit. ‘toweigh,’Ezra825f:zg, so‘topay’with I D ? , Ex. 22 16 [17l (JE) ; Gen. 23 16 (P), z S. 18 12 Is. 55 2 er 829 ; with 1 $ 1 5 ,I K. 20 39 ; or with l $ Zech. 11 12. <,V ?-81 ?, is used with ‘7; sp, ’52 h(of persons), and 5p (of treasuries, Estb. 47). Phcen. $70, ‘a-weight,’ Aram. $?n, Ass. TakbZu, Pr. 3 15 8 11 ; n > , ’ ?: ‘precious stones,’ IS. 54 12. (9) niiy?, ‘to weigh,’-the last also ‘ t o pay.’ See MONEY, SHEKEL, ‘costly things,’ Gen. 24 53 (JE), but Q &pa, Ezra 1 6 (8 W EIGHTS AWD MEASURES. (2) nasi’, ~ i y l is used poetically , &viots) 2 Ch. 21 3 (6&ha) 32 23 (8%para). See also above, of weighing, Job 6 2. (3) ne$$& (yan in Niph.), of ‘the reckonunder l n ‘? ing’ of money, 2 K. 22 7. (4) mrimZh, ?in, ‘ to count’ is used of money, 2K.12 11. Deriv. MANEH(q (f) Custums, dues, t d 2 , etc. D D ~ ,‘ t o count ’ (Ex. 124) ,is used commercially in the deriv. ( I ) I n Gen. 43 1 1 (JE), Israel commands his sons, going to niiksrih, ’ sum ’ or ’value, Lev. 27 23. Del. (Ass. HWB, buy corn in Egypt, ‘to take a min&&, >?ip, or ‘present’ to 407) gives iniksad a s ‘toll’ or ‘duty.’ Heh. mdkes is used only of tribute to Yahwb, Nu. 3128 3741.1 (6) sE#har, the governor of the land. elsewhere mint& is applied to IDD, may have been used of the counting of money; cp Is. sacrificial ‘offering’ and iolitical ‘tribute ; see SACRIFICE, 33 18. ( 7 ) X G m ,&$, lit. ‘fulfil,’ is used of ‘repayment’ of debt, $ 30. (2) middrih, a?;, Heh. of ‘tribute’ or ‘tax’ to the - 2 K. 4 7 ; Ass. suZunzu=‘topay.’ ( 8 ) O n ~ d s e p L , ~ D ~ , s e e M oking, , ~ ~ ~ Neh. 5 4 ; Bibl. Aram. Z:? or R 4 p , Ezra 4 13 20 7 24, ‘dues’ or ‘customs,’ cp 68. This term is said to be borrowed SILVER. I t isusedin thesenseof ‘price,’ ? $ ; ID?, Gen. 2313 from Assyr. mardatiu ‘ tribute,’ from nada?, ‘to give’ (Del. (P) ; cp above under (9) &Zsigrik, ?I@ :* ?, see KESITAH. Ass. H W B , SI), bu; cp naditu, ‘deposit, ‘treasure.’ (3) (IO) Kihhar, 1zp see TALENT. (11) ’Zgarrik (3$$), in constr. 6<ZJ, Bibl. Aram. Ezra 4 I 20 7 24 ‘customs’ or ‘dues.’ Assyr. bizfad, ‘tax.’ (4) hdlrik, Bibl. ;ram. Ezra, id. ‘waybefore qpz, I S. 2 36, is usually taken after Q (bPoAo3 &pyuplov) and Tp. as ‘a small coin’; but S y ~ , a g @ r f r i ‘ p a y , money,’ ‘ toll.’ See further, T AXATION, 5 7 n. men1 ’ and Ar. ’ a g p r , ‘to let ’ or ‘ t o hire, ugra, ‘wages. (g)Deposit, banking, hoarding, efc. See DEPOSIT, (12) ’efhnan, ppH, usually of a ‘harlot’s’ wage, but applied etc. in Is. 23 18 to the profits of Tvre’s trade ; perhaps metaphorical, but the original general meaning of the word makes it possible (I) i & > \ . pi, ‘to give to keep’ money, tools, garments, that the commercial application of it was direct. I n Ezek. 16 41 or any beast, Ex.226-IZ [7-131. (E). (2) pri&d, 1 1 9 1,, the tribute which Israel pays to foreign idols or nations (?). For store’ or ‘deposit,’ 2 K. 524 of money, etc. Hi. ‘to lay u p ’ other terms see above, under Buying and Selling, 3. roll or baggage, ‘ t o commit’ people to any one, ‘ t o muster. 7. Profit, gain, etc. Ho. ‘ t o be deposited’ of money or other property, Lev. 523 (I) ha*Zl(Hiph. of i., ‘ t o profit,’ in a general sense, Job 21.15 y) [641 (P). Deriv. PikkEdan ‘store’ of corn Gen. 41 36 (JE), 35 3 ; except (perhaps) in Is. 47 12 it is not used o commercial f ‘ deiosit ’ of money 0; othe; property, Lev. i 21 23 [G 2 ( P ) ; profit. (2) 733, ‘ t o he over.’ Derivv.:+all late words), (a)
1 / :




& ,I




1 [In Aram. nrakmd, ‘tribute,’ mik&sd,



d r r a p a f h j y (3) np&?, Lev. 5 21 [6 21, is ‘ trust ‘ or ‘deposit ’ parallel to {ll??; above e 2 (3). (4) In the east the hoarding see of money is common and in Heb. this is watmcjn, lit. ‘place where one hides’ or ‘hoards,’ Jer. 418, pits for ‘storing’ corn, oil, honey (cp Ar. ghabcig-hib); Gen. 4323 (JE), ’money’ Bquaupo6s), cp Pr. 2 4 Job 321. i i D p is one old derivation of M AMMON (q.v. 8 4 3) recentlyfavoured by Deissmann. Banking is not mentioned in’OT where one individual lends money to another. But we saw h t in the Roman period the temple contained, besides thesacred revenues, sumsdeposked by private close individuals (5 78) ; cp the gate HAMMIPHKAD, to Temple. See also Johns, 0). cit. 3254.

(I) $N, a,wir(d ‘ t o heap up ’), I K. 7 51, etc., and l$N n’z 62th ’a@, Neh. 1039 [38] Dan. 12, with which (2) 2hJJ n.8, hjth ntkathah (2 K. 2013=Is. 392) is clearly a s y y m (EV, by, guess, the house of his precious things ’ ; o K O S m S veXwBa [in 2 K. n j s irmip~ros h o S KO.; 70; Y. L, ki a Is. - r a N*l). Ntk8th is possibly an Assyrian loan-word; b f f nakamti= treasure-house, Del. Prol. 141 ; ZDMG 40 731 ; c p Haupt, Z A 2 266, who plausibly reads l$J? n’2=bit nakavdfi (for nakamciti, plur.). Very possibly too the same word should for be read in Nah. 2 g [IO] (i.e., p@n p , E V a store ‘).


( h ) Various other t e r m . ( I ) ‘Ebad, i l y , ‘to work’ (used frequently (a)of cultivation, $6) of serving a s slave, (c) of working by means of another ;
l ? 25 39, (P), Jer. 22 13, etc.) is not applied in the O T ; Lev. , to commercial business, nor is the deriv. ‘iibddEh(all other kinds of work). Bibl. Aram. ‘rihidci is ‘work,‘ Ezra 4 24, etc. ; and state ‘business,’ Dan. 2 49 3 12. (2) maZ‘EkEh, 3&9, ‘work ’ or ‘ business ’ (lit. ‘mission ’), Gen. 39 I r Ex. 20 gf: (JE) cstr. with nby, cp Neh. 2 16. of handiwork, Jer.183 zK. LZ[II]; ofthesuperintendentsofrAya1 12 treasures, Esth. 3 9 9 3 ; also of worked articles, Lev. 1348 ; ’13 ljy, ‘leather-work,’ in Ex. 22 7 IO [8 111, ‘goods ’ ‘possessions.’ Besides the works cited in the coiir5e of ;he article, the student may consult on (a)the trade of the Jews, Herzfeld, Handelsgesch. der Juden (not seen) ; the 84. Literature. brief summaries in Benzinger and Nowack‘s manuals of Hebrew Archzology ; Bennett art. ‘Trade’ in Hactings’ DB: several works given under DIS! PERSION. (6) for the Persian and Greek periods, Kennell’s lllustrat. o Hist. o Exfied. o Cyrus, etc. (1816) ; Sayce’s f f f Herodotus. (c) for the Roman period, Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins de l’,!?m#. Romain (1728) ; Mommsen’s History and Prm. o the Roman Empire: Mahaffy, GK. World under f Roman Sway: Hausrath, N T Zeitgesch. ; Ramsay, S . Paul t the TraveZler and Rorxnn Citizen. Consult also Tozer Hisf. ofAncient Geog. See W W. Hunter, Hist. of British >nZia, vol. i. G. A. S.


(3) $722, ganzak ( I Cb. 2 3 1 r t ; { a ~ p [BAa?, see Sw.], [Ll) like the N H l ~ j perhaps Pers. origin with l the addition df 0. Pers. ak (LLg. & . Abh. 27). T h e simpler s form occurs in Ezra6 I N:!l?, girrmyyd, E V ‘treasures,’ or in combination with n q in Ezra517 720 E V ‘treasure house’ (@BA &’a; @L in 5 17 7 29 ya<o+uAl~r&: but it is used alone in the last-mentioned sense in Esth. 3 9 4 7 1 (ya{o+uh&rov, d h a [BNAL]) a usage which is paralleled by Gk. e u a u p 6 8 4reahure storelhouse casket etc.). (4) KOp)8au&, Mt. ~ $ (cp j o s . BJ, ii. 9 4); see CORBAN. 6 , (5) a ~ o + u h L ~ r o wI Macc. 3 28 14 49 2 Macc. 3 6 8 4 42 5 18 Mk. 1 9 4 43 Lk. 21 I Jn. 8 20 ; see T EMPLE , S 36 (a). ~

TREE OF KNOWLEDGE (nuq;l yy), Gen. 2 9 , and TREE OF LIFE (D”n;? ?&?), Gen. 2 9 ; see P ARADISE , 5 11. TREES, SACRED. See N ATURE-W ORSHIP,

TRADITION ( n a p a h o c i c ) , Mt. 15 2 etc.



(nkh?) Gen. 3725



IS . See C AMP , I I. 4. O’x, g&m, 2 K. 3 16 RV, AV ‘ditches.’ See C ONDUITS, I I(3, 5). 5. i&+, fzcilrih, I K. 1 8 3 2 8 , 2 K. 1817 2020 Is. 7 3 36n Ezek. 31 4 Job 38 25. See CONDUITS, $ 2. 6. ply,, Is.52, ‘made a trench’ RV, AV ‘fenced.‘ See V INEYARD 7. ,&a$, Lk.1943, R V ‘bank,’ RVmg. ‘palisade.’ Cp SIEGE, 5 2.

TRENCH I . TI htV, 2 S. 20 15, RV rampart.’ ._, . FORTRESS, I 5. 2. hQ, makciZ, I S. 26 5 7 ; and 3. & pmakaW,





Acts 10 S ACRIFICE ,


Lev. 5 6 .


( r j u r a m s ) ; see


PROPHECY, 8 19 6.

Nu. 24 4 AV, and



word, but not used of change of place, m 7 1 2 1227, also in 2 Macc. 1124 t]. See ENOCH, 8 I.


are : I. R?F, massdh, Job923.

The words




TREASURE CITIES (nb?pp yg), X. 1 II AV, RV E STORE C ITIES (q.v . ) [A I) ; cp CITY. TREASURER. The word renders :

Adenom. verb of @ar, l$K,

‘treasure,‘in Neh. 1313.



2. sdktn, j?b, Is. 22 15 ; see SHEBNA. 3. gizbcir, l?!.’, (raupapqwou [Bl, yap& [AI, yavEzra18 CappaFou [L]), aud in plur. Bibl. Aram. ib. 7 21 (yL3a15.1). T h e word IS of Persian origin (~an&5ava),and if a current restoration of a passage in an Egyptian-Aramaic papyrus be adopted, the first part of the word 133 1 had already become Aramaised EDRIUII, 0 3 8 by a t least the fourth century B.C. ( C I S 2 no. 149 A, 1. 3). According to Meyer(Entst. 23), Ges.-Buhl(L;x.P3)), and others, TRIANGLE I S. 186, RVmg. See MESIC. the word is identical with : § 3 (4). 4. T h e plur. @ZhZrayyZ,. N? ?, :?! Dan. 3 zf: ? but yapGapqvovs, Symm. in Syr. Hex.). Soalso Bludau (AZex.Uebersetz. TRIBES I Dan. 98) who, moreover, takes the presupposed original ~ > i > i > to be a gloss to ~ - 7 3 n l C OUNSELLOR , 2). An alternative view, (cp TRIBES OF ISRAEL that of Graetz, which is favoured by Bevan (Cotrrm. 79). treats Lists : order (I 9 ~ 3 . Words (S I). the wordas purely a scribe’s error for ~ 1 x 1 2 C OUNSELLOR , (cp Current theories ($8 11-13). Clans (S 2). 3), chiefly on the ground that the word recurs in the similar but Criticism (6 14). Tribes (8 3). much smaller lists of officials in Dan. 327 68. I t is more Number and origin ($5 4-8). Conclusion (I 15). plausible, perhaps, to suggest, with S. A. Cook, that ~ ’ 1 2 1 ~ (the true meaning of which is quite obscure) IS a corruption of The we1.I-established Hebrew words for ‘ tribe ’ are the perfectly intelligible H*y,ni. [See also Crit. Bib.] ftbt??, Bqv, and ma&& (see ROD, STAFF), t o 5. oixov6por, Rom. 1623 RV, AV C HAMBERLAIN (g.V.).

Ps. 66 10 139 23 Is. 29 16 ; add Ps.17 3, n>n>,;GoKipauar. 3. qlx, <adpwuas, Ps. 17 3. 4 and 5 ~ o K + $ 2 Cor.82, R V ‘proof [of affliction],’ and . G O K ~ ~ C O WI, Pet. 1 7 Jas. 1 3 (AV here ‘trying,’ R V in both passages ‘proof’); cp Ps. 173, QSodpauag(in$ But is GoK;piou really a substantive,? In the Greek Egyptian papyri ~ O K ~ ~ i sO L an adj. =‘genuine. Deissmann (Neue Bibelstudien, 88) proposes to ado t this sense here-< that which is genuine in your faith ’. cp a Eor. 88, ~b 6 s 3pn6pas &yLaqs ~ V ~ ~ U L O W . 6 Lnd 7, m i p a , Heb.1136, and msrpaup&, I Pet.412 (CP 1 6 3 ) : On ‘trial’ in the sense of a legal process (a sense not found in EV) see L AW , $10, GOVERNMENT, P, 16 etc. For the ‘trial ‘ of Jesussee, further, PROCURATOR, R OMAN EMPIRE, 8 5, SYN-

If2, b$zan, Ezek. 21 13; see BDB ; but also Toy(adloc.), who follows R V ‘for there is a trial,’ and refers to Jer. 20 IP





rendering of several Hebrew and Greek terms.
1 Cp

1 words. which . the NT.
1 Apparently also

corresponds in


and in


in Erek. 27 24, see CHEST (2).



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