I N T E R N AT I O N A L R E L AT I O N S

THE CITY OF MANSUR THE BUILDER.

BAGHDAD BETWEEN THE CALIPHS WILL AND
SHARIAH NORMS
ANA MARIA NEGOI*

Abstract. Since its formation, Baghdad was a flourishing source of

mythologies and local legends due to its unusual form and symbolism.
Usually, when one thinks of the capital of the Abbasid dynasty, one of the
most familiar figure is that of the most charming caliphs, Harun al-Rashid.
This luxuriant city which became the symbol of the Islamic empire was
settled during the reign of the ambitious caliph al-Mansur (d. 136/754158/775), known as Djafar al-Mansur (Mansur the builder), a legendary
figure in the whole Islamic chronology. The caliphs intention was to build
an imperial city, an enormous fortress destined for eternal glory.
Despite its unusual shape, a perfect circle, undoubtedly inspired by
ancient Mesopotamian cities, the symbolical purpose was to recreate at
the level of urban planning the imagine of the Paradise. A series of hypothesis
regarding the meanings of The Round City of Baghdad has been released;
most of them trying to relate the urban template with deep symbolical
levels and local legends, specific to the Islamic thought, at that time.
The shape can be explained in relation with the ancient Mesopotamian
towns and with an esoteric lecture of the Koran, especially those
regarding the Paradise. At the same time, the inner organisation of the city
follows a well known pattern which has been established at Medina by the
Prophet himself. Thus, the continuity of the Medina template proves once
more the importance of the Shariah inside the Islamic Community.
Keywords: Baghdad, Islamic cities, Muslim medieval societies, Islamic
mythologies, Abbasid Caliphs, Mesopotamian towns, Medina, Arab tribes,
The Round City, Islamic art, Koran

The first planned structure of the city of Baghdad was based on the preconceived
plan of one individual, the caliph. This, the second capital of the Abbasid Caliphate
was designed to showcase and glorify the Islamic system. Its layout mainly
reflected the imperial symbolism of the main city of the Islamic empire at the
time. The Round City of Baghdad respected the conceptual structure of the Medina
model; even its shape was not copied in other examples of Muslim urbanism.

* PhD candidate in art history at CESI University of Bucharest, anamarianeg@yahoo.es

Pol. Sc. Int. Rel., VIII, 2, p. 111126, Bucharest, 2011.

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Any attempt to classify the Islamic concept of urbanism centres around two
main types: the first is that of spontaneous settlement. Most examples of this
kind are military settlements, garrisons and small temporary camps which later
develop into formal cities. These cannot be considered as having been planned,
for all of them were a result of spontaneous accommodation to geo-climatic
conditions in keeping with Islamic norms. The second category is that of planned
cities, mostly capital or sacred cities, and it is these that were to become
representative of the Islamic concept of urban space. The Round City of Baghdad
was one of the first examples of an Islamic capital, even though its shape remains
unique in the history of Muslim urbanism. The principles of spatial distribution
established here would be preserved in future cities, such as Samarra and Cairo.

The story. The chronicles

Of the literary and historical sources describing the first structure of the city,
there are three Arab chronicles worthy of mention. The first is that of al-Tabari.1
This shows that the location of new capital was not chosen by chance,2 with
preliminary searches concentrating in the northern regions of Musul coming to
no avail. Within only a few years, the decision to locate the new capital3 close
to the river Tigris was final, and so this is where the Round City of Baghdad was
established under the second Abbasid caliph al-Mansur.4 This acclaimed
historian tells of how the caliph asked the Christian villagers about the climatic
conditions of the area rainfall, heat, mosquitoes, dust, etc., and it was only
after spending a whole night there in a tent that he arrived at a final decision.
The second chronicle is that of al-Khatib5 and provides the exact date when work
began: (d. 145/762) 1st August. This source claims that the Round City was founded
as a residence and the capital of the new Islamic empire, with the caliph bringing
together engineers, builders, artisans and astronomers able to realise his exact
vision for the city: a perfectly circular form with powerful use of symbolic elements.
The third chronicle that of al-Baladhuri6 (d. /279/89), provides the names of
two important Persian astronomers who advised al-Mansur7 during the preliminary

1 Al-Tabari a was Persian historian and scholar (d. 224/838-310/923) and famous for his chronicle Tarikh
al-Rusul wa al-Muluk (History of the Prophets and Kings) See: A. A. Duri, The Rise of Historical Writing Among
the Arabs (trans. L. Conrad), Bloomington, IN, Princeton University Press, 1983.
2 The capital of the first Abbasid Caliph had been established in Kufa, which became highly unstable due
to a number of local riots. Leaving Kufa thus became a necessity for the next Caliph, al-Mansur.
3 Before Baghdad, the Caliphs main city was Kufah.
4 Al-Mansur was one of the most remarkable Abbasid caliphs (d. 136/754-158/775). His work in planning the
second capital of the Abbasid empire, Baghdad, resulted in his being named Djafar al-Mansur (Mansur the builder).
5 Al-Khatib, also known as al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (the scholar from Baghdad, d. 453/107), was a Sunni
historian (d. 453/1071) Tharikh Baghdad (The History of Baghdad). See: Saleh al-Hathoul, The Arab-Muslim
City: Tradition, Continuity and Change in the Physical Environment, Riyadh, Dar Al Sahan, 1996.
6 Al-Baladhuri, known as Ibn al-Baladhuri (d. 279/89) was a Persian historian who lived and worked
during the 9th century at the court of the caliph al-Mutawakkil. (Abbasid Caliph with capital in Samarra from
847 to 861) Kitab Futuh al-Buldan Book of the Conquests of the Lands, See: Saleh al-Hathoul, The ArabMuslim City: Tradition, Continuity and Change in the Physical Environment, Riyadh, Dar Al Sahan, 1996.
7 Al-Mansur was the second Abbasid Caliph, from 136 AH to 158 AH. His reign is recognised for its
tolerance towards Persian culture and the prosperity enjoyed by the arts, literature and science.

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stages: Naubakht Ahvaz (a typical Zoroastrian) and Mashallah (most probably

of Jewish origin). This same source claims that the planning of Baghdad began
between 4 and 6 years earlier. During this period, the caliph, astronomers and the
main engineers and architects involved worked on various preliminary plans for
the city. The Round City was born under the sign of Leo, in keeping with a Sasanid
tradition based on astrological predictions. This sign has various symbolic meanings:
it is the sign of rulers and conquerors, and of a luxurious place destined for glory.
According to al-Tabari, the caliph wanted to see what the city would look like,
and he relates how the plan8 of the city was traced directly onto the ground using
ash, after which al-Mansur entered the city from precisely where the main gates
would be, walked to the centre and established the sites of the palace and mosque.

Fig. 1. Baghdad. Creswells reconstruction of the original city of al-Mansur 762

The Abbasid ceremonial. The ancient urbanism

It is very clear that Bagdad was inspired by other well known Sasanid cities,
such as Gour, Hatra and Ectabana,9 with its circular design, its main roads
arranged radially and its most important institutions concentrated in the centre.
This urban structure is usually associated with a Greek-Roman model based on
a logical distribution of streets and main institutions, and a clear relationship
between public space and the administrative buildings. The relationship between
the roads and the commercial areas, which was meant to allow easy movement

8 We have no information as to what planning meant at that time, the correct term usually being
drawing. Extending the semantic scope of the word, scholars of Muslim urban matters believe this terminology
can be assimilated with the concept of planning with regard to urban spaces.
9 Gour Sassanian. Today the city of Firuzabad in Iran, in the province of Fars; also known in Sassanid
times as Ardashir-Khorra or The Glory of Ardashir. The city was founded by Ardashir I (AD 224-241). This
Sassanid town had a perfect circular layout (with a diameter of 1,950 m divided precisely into twenty sectors
of radially concentric streets) and was surrounded by double walls separated by a 35 m wide ring with four
axial city gates. [] The building had a long rectangular structure divided into a reception area with
residential quarters behind. A long entrance hall, or ayvan, led into a high domed room, the principal audience
chamber, which was flanked by other domed rooms occupying a 14 m wide area on the north side of the palace.

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within the urban landscape (something well represented in Baghdad), permits a

comparative discourse. According to military strategy in that period, a time
when defence was one of the key necessities for any urban centre or citadel, the
circular shape was the most recommended. On first analysis, the appearance of
the layout relates this particular solution to a common Roman urban concept.
This concept probably became part of the Islamic mentality during the Umayyad
Dynasty, which was known for its incredible tolerance towards pre-Islamic
structures. It should be noted that the capital of the Umayyad Dynasty was Damascus,
so the new Islamic city was required to respect and reshape an old Roman plan,
in order to fulfil the new functions required by the Islamic communitys social
and religious needs.
Why did this capital become a model for other Islamic cities? Which elements
of its planning were able to command such authority in terms of the urban
strategies employed within the caliphate? To answer this question we are obliged
to look back a few years to before the 622-632 period, the time of Medinas
founding. Medina is a key city when it comes to Islamic normative urban concepts
and Islamic community rules.
First, we should investigate the classic image of the Islamic city. This classic
model is very stereotypical and presents the city as a summa (group) of elements
arranged in a particular way within the urban perimeter: a congregational mosque,
a central palace, residential quarters and markets.
All Muslim cities began in this stereotypical form, even Medina, which was
most probably the city that established this model. However, this simplistic view
of the Muslim city fails to provide sufficiently strong proof of the obvious
similarity which can be observed between various Islamic cities. This means
there must be other elements shaping the strategic thinking behind Islamic
urbanism, elements which might be provided by the Islamic Tradition and the
Sharia, as well as some pre-Islamic habits.
The spatial organisation of the early settlements had a powerful tribal character,
and indeed this is a dominant feature of Muslim urban strategy. Another aspect

To the south, a smaller ayvan led to an inner courtyard with a second axial ayvan behind it. The barrel-vaulted
rooms that surrounded the courtyard constitute the residential part of the complex. [] Ardashirs palace is
a monumental structure of rough stone and gypsum mortar, built, without fortifications, after his accession.
Rectangular halls in the palace were roofed with domes constructed of rubble and gypsum mortar. This exceptionally
strong and resilient dome rested on a transitional zone that transformed the rectangular walls of the room into
a circular base for the cupola through the use of a small arch, the squinch, built above the four corners of the
walls. This modest invention was eventually elaborated, and magnificently embellished with coloured mosaics
and tiles, in the later domes of Islamic Iran.
Hatra. An ancient city in Iraq close to Baghdad founded by ancient Arab tribes at the end of the second
century or beginning of the third. Hatra later became a very important fortified city and survived many attempted
conquests by the Roman Empire. Hatra was surrounded by round walls and had a large temple complex in its
centre.
Ectabana. Today the city of Hamadan in Iran, founded in 715 BC as the capital of Medes. Herodotus
described the city as being ringed by seven concentric walls, each painted in a different colour to identify it
with one of the planets, beginning with white (Jupiter) on the outer wall and ending in the middle with silver
for the moon and gold for the sun. The king and his court were in the centre, lesser officials stayed in the outer
rings, determined in order of rank; the common folk lived outside the walled perimeter. See: Spiro Kostof, The
City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meanings Through History, London, Bulfinch Press, 1993, p. 257, 329, 340.

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comes from Islamic law. Islamic law contains a series of religious and moral
rules that have to be strictly obeyed by the Islamic Community, and it is these
norms that determine the daily life of the community. The process, which began
at Medina, where it was supervised by the Prophet himself, in time saw the
creation of various institutions and public and private spaces within the city. Step
by step these new urban structures were to provide a pattern that would be used
in other planning concepts.
In conclusion, we can see that with Baghdad we are dealing with a mixed model:
1. The Medina solution, which would become a model for other cities;
2. A separate model stemming from the Greek-Roman period and which
owes its particular shape to ancient Persian models of circular cities.
Given its geo-strategic position the nearby water source in terms of the
river Tigris,10 the dry climate and fast economic development Baghdad
became one of the most important urban centres of the period located on the
trading routes that connected the Middle East with the entire Asian continent.
This is what, during the 10th and 11th centuries, lead the city to be known as one
of the most luxurious metropolises of the world, comparable with the historical
capital of the Persian Empire.
Owing to the very unstable political climate and its many rebellions, the
building process did not run smoothly and work was interrupted several times.
Some sources indicate that when the works restarted, al-Mansur and his team
decided to reuse the materials from the nearby ruins of Ctesiphon.
A series of changes to the initial plans also appeared during the building
process. We know from al-Baladhuris chronicle that markets began to appear
around the city, near its external ring, and before construction was completed the
markets were to be relocated, most probably on security grounds. Only a few
years later, the main inner market was also moved outside. It is well known how,
during the Middle Ages, markets were considered good places to launch coups,
something, indeed, the caliphs officials attempted on a couple of occasions.
Some chronicles,11 earlier that those of al-Khatib, provide a highly technical
description of the city plan with regard to dimensions and the inner layout. From
these we learn that the total surface area of the city was between 576,000 and
60,000 square cubits,12 while one particular document, which historians believe
to be a hypothetical preliminary dispatch by Rabah, the architect of the citys
external walls (the external ring), reveals the precise distance between each gate
(approx. one mile) and gives the diameter of the city as more or less 2,512 meters.
From the outset the city had three main areas, the first of which being a
central area containing gardens and walking areas known as al-Rahbah; here was

10 Water was easily brought into the city both from the north and south.
11 Different historians who wrote about the beginnings of the Abbasid caliphate, i.e. Ibn Shabbah (d.
262/876) Tarik al-Madinah al-Munawwarah Manuscript of Medina (op. edited by F. Shaltut); Al-Tabari
(d. 311/923) Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk brief Tarikh al-Tabari History of the Prophets and Kings
(op reedited in Beirud 1965) and Al-Yaqubi (d. 284/897) Kitabal-Buldan Book of the Countries (op.
reedited Leiden 1860). Their works contain descriptions of different cities across the Islamic world.
12 The cubit was a typical Arab unit of measurement for length. 1 cubit was equal to approx. 49.5 cm.
The length of the cubit varied considerably (from 41.8 cm to 54.9 cm or even 67.9 cm) depending on the
historical period and area. The value of 49.5 cm given here is the most frequently accepted.

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to be found the caliphs residence (The Palace of the Golden Gate)13 and the
congregational mosque, which would definitely have been connected to the
palace. This central area also contained two other administrative buildings with
security roles: the chief of police and the commander of the guards.
The other two areas were inside the double ring, the circular city wall formed
by two concentric fortified rings. Each of the citys double walls was sectioned
by 4 gates, each pointing towards (and named after) a different city Basra, Kufa,
Khurasan and Damascus and opening onto an arcaded street running all the
way to the Rahbah area; this solution divided the city into four distinct quadrants.
Al-Yakubi describes how the quarters inside the outer ring were divided into
sikak, each of which was planned as a residence for a military chief, with each sikak
also having two main gates that were closed at night and opened in the morning.
This solution probably reflected the tradition of tribal distribution within the
urban space established in Medina. Al-Yakubi also describes the houses as being
interconnected.

Fig. 2. Cross section of inner gate Creswells reconstruction

There is a common trait to the arrangement of the caliphate space: the

administrative buildings inside the caliphs place respect a certain order: closest
to the prince we find mostly Jewish, Christian or non-Muslim staff, irrespective
of whether they are statesmen or ordinary staff. Why should an anomaly such
as this appear in the development of a court ceremonial that claims to draw its
formal purity from the birth of Islam? Abbasid ideology was founded on two major
pillars: the tradition of Arabic tribes as settled by the Prophet, and the administrative
models of the Sasanian monarchies.
The prevailing argument in this particular case is strictly related to the is sue
of defence, i.e. surrounding the main centre of power with a non-Muslim population,
which radically diminishes the possibility of a coup or riot. During the first
period of Islam, non-Muslims were not allowed to hold any official positions;
this tradition changed during the late Abbasid period, however, when it was
mostly Iranian intellectuals and scholars who were promoted to such positions.

13 The Palace of the Golden Gate.

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The imagine of the paradise. The city of the Koran

Some scholars14 saw the particular shape of Baghdad and its distribution of
urban space as a representation of an Islamicmandala, which involves a synthesised
model of the universe derived from Persian and Indian roots. It is well known,
especially in its early days,that the Islamic world was very welcoming of many
outside influences.
In fact the reign of al-Mansur is known as a period of rapprochement between
Arab tribal tradition and Persian culture. During the Abbasid dynasty, Persian
literature, philosophy, music and scholars were highly respected. The cosmopolitism
of this particular dynasty facilitated the appearance of the famous Bait alHikmah,15 The House of Wisdom, a centre for scholars from all over the empire
dedicated to the translation of the major scientific and literary works from Greek,
Latin and Persian, which was undoubtedly one of the most remarkable artistic
and scientific institutions of the medieval world.
I now intend to analyse a small paragraph from an al-Tabari text, an excerpt
important for its description of the building materials and techniques employed.
This chronicle describes an incident between the caliph and his main
counsellor, Ibn Barmak. The counsellor advises the caliph to adopt an economic
solution to preserve the ruins and rebuild on top of them: this decision can be
translated on a symbolic level as the Muslim victory over their Persian
forerunners. Masur accuses his official of being overly tolerant of the Persians
(who were deeply involved in local riots) and decides that all ruins must be
demolished. This proves a very expensive decision, and as a result mud bricks
and reed supports are used for the walls and for common buildings, with baked
bricks used without exception for the domes and vaults. In fact, this was a fairly
common technique during the Umayyad dynasty, but it was from this moment
on that it became the norm for most official buildings, especially those with a
defensive role.
The bricks used to build the city measured 18 inches on all four sides (historical
and literary references indicated that special bricks were made in terms of their
shape and size). The historical sources cite Abu-Hanifa16 as the counter of the
bricks. His most important initiative was to build a canal to bring water to the

14 The caliphs residence was located in the centre of the urban structure, the symbolism of which might
stem from an ancient Iranian cosmogonic pattern: the rulers palace was in the centre of the city, which as in
the centre of the empire, just as the sun is at the centre of the universe. The most famous image of this palace
(one of the very few images that allow us to reconstruct the architectural style) is a drawing of a rider holding
a lance found in the top of the Green Dome (this higher dome was the one located in the top room, it being very
common for this period to find two dome rooms, one above the other; this model respects a Sassanid tradition
already found in Syrian Umayyad palaces).
15 Lassner J., The Shaping of the Abbasid Rule, Princeton University Press, 1980.
16 Bait al-Hikmah, The House of Wisdom, was a very important institution during the Abbasid dynasty.
It was established in Baghdad by the caliph Harun-al-Rashid and continued by his son, Caliph al-Mamun.
While Bait al-Hikmah was primarily known for its translation work, it also played an important role in the
development of the scientific, literary and artistic fields; it is considered to be the most important intellectual
institution (the library was burnt during the Mongol siege of 1258; a local legend says the water of the Tigris
turned dark because of the ink from the books) of the Islamic Golden Age.

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work site for both human consumption and the manufacturing of the bricks.
Marble was also used to make buildings throughout the city, as well as the steps
leading down to the rivers edge.
The Round City of Baghdad was also known as Madinat al-Salam,17 The
City (place) of Peace. The main reference for this can be found in the Koranic
text describing paradise as a garden on more than thirty occasions, albeit none
of these provides a detailed description. The place of the promised eternal life is
described as a beautiful garden that is similar to an everyday garden, but much
more pleasurable.
IX: 72
God promises the believing men and the believing women gardens with
flowing streams, wherein they abide forever, and magnificent mansions in the
gardens of Eden. And Gods blessings and approval are even greater. This is the
greatest triumph.18
The Korans most frequently repeated description of paradise is Gardens
under which rivers flow. The four main rivers in paradise carry water, wine,
honey and milk, and this idealistic image is reflected in the design of Islamic
gardens, which are typically divided into four parts by channels of water with a
pool at the centre.
In The Shaping of the Abbasid Rule, Lassner performs an interesting exercise
in which his intention is to avoid what he calls the over interpretive cosmological
pattern and replace it with more accurate hypothesis, such as:
The caliphs main interest for his own safety; this could explain his isolation
inside the Rahbah area surrounded by guards.
It has been well known since antiquity that the circular shape is best suited to
defensive purposes; this shape allows for a distribution of the inner space that
preserves an equidistant arrangement of various sectors of the palace.
He suggests the most credible hypothesis is that al-Mansurs intention was to
build Baghdad according to an ancient Sassanian model of planning army
garrisons based on a circular form.
I disagree with this last point, albeit I do not intend to refute it entirely. This
hypothesis may have been one of al-Mansurs initial intentions, but it does not
explain the huge effort expended to integrate the commercial and pedestrian
areas inside the city in the first template. If the Round City of Baghdad was
destined to become a military camp, the need for public spaces can still fit to this
concept. We are probably dealing with a mixture of roles, with the city being planned
to offer a very high defensive capacity, but at the same time needing to function
as a capital, which meant facilitating public life. The concept of public space is
not mentioned in relation to any military camp.

17 Abu-Hanifah was a famous theologian and founder of the Hanafi school. He was very active during the
planning and building of The Round City of Baghdad. His involvement was seen by al-Tabari as proof of
the Caliphs decision to lend a religious legitimacy to the capital.
18 The Koran: Text, Translation & Commentary (English and Arabic Edition) Translator Abdullah Yusuf
Ali Tahrike Tarsile Quran, London, 1998 (ISBN 0940368323) Sura VI: 127.

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Fig. 3. The General Spatial Arrangement of Baghdad: the main urban elements

The spatial plan of the Round City of Baghdad clearly respects the symbolic
organisation of paradisiacal space: the arcade streets divide the city into four
quadrants; the palace/mosque is placed exactly in the centre of the urban structure.
The imagery of the four rivers is a very common feature of ancient Persian
thinking, and the hunting park of the Persian aristocracy, the pairidaeza,19 preserves
this quadrant-based distribution of space with a central maison. Imagery of this
kind can be found in the decoration of the luxurious ceramics, the mural and parietal
iconography that still survive today from ancient Persia.
The representational model of Eden in Christian iconography20 was inspired
by Greeks models, which were most probably adopted from ancient Persia. The
Christian world seems to be highly attached to this particular semiotic relationship
between the image of the Garden and the concept of Paradise, as demonstrated
by an impressive series of representations found especially in the early Christian
period.
VI: 127
For them will be the home of peace (Paradise) with their Lord. And He will
be their Wali (Helper and Protector) because of what they used to do.
VI: 128
And on the Day when He will gather them (all) together (and say): O you
assembly of jinns! Many did you mislead of men, and their Auliya (friends and
helpers, etc.) amongst men will say: Our Lord! We benefited one from the other,
but now we have reached our appointed term which You did appoint for us. He

19 Pairidaeza is a Persian word used to describe an enclosed space. Ancient Persian gardens were
represented as enclosed spaces with the following main features: vegetal elements and water; comfortable
spaces for the spending of leisure time in a secure area, combined with the image of the mundane paradise.
The term was adopted by Christian mythology to describe the Garden of Eden.
20 As it is described in the Book of Genesis.

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10

will say: The Fire be your dwelling-place, you will dwell therein forever, except
as Allah may will. Certainly your Lord is All-Wise, All-Knowing.21
If we analyse the Baghdadian model from the perspective of ancient Persian
tradition,22 we can view this urban solution as being related to a given astronomical
view developed on a highly symbolic level, a cosmological model which reflects
the orbit of the planets.
According to Mesopotamian mythology, Eden was not necessary a garden,
but a city, an island surrounded by water with a temple, the first building raised
to celebrate the power of God.23
Perhaps the symbolic significance of Baghdad is not to be easily found in its
physical shape and structure, although its real symbolic significance can be
discovered by analysing the ideas suggested by its physical form. The central
position of the palace and the mosque certainly reflects the sun (the caliph), the
Round City was born under the sign of Leo, a sign associated with solar symbolism
so the city represented the centre of universe, the Islamic world. The green
dome24 at top of the caliphal palace is meant to symbolise imperial authority.
At the start of the 10th century, the polymath al-Farabi,25 someone better
known in Western culture as Alpharabius and one of the most notable personalities
of the Islamic world, debated the concept of the Perfect City. He associated
this concept with Greek and ancient Persian patterns of symbolic geometry and
its effects on a human level. According to al-Farabi, the perfect city should be
founded on moral and ethical principles according to the Islamic Tradition. This
meant that the perfect design of urban physical infrastructure is a form of
idealistic norms. The physical environment of the city and its ethics should thus
form a harmonic corpus capable of determining the Islamic Communitys behavioural
norms. It is easy to imagine that, in his discourse on the perfect city and its urban
structure, the medieval scholar had the Round City of Baghdad in mind.

Defensive Strategies and the Urban Structures

The initial form of the Round City of Mansur soon underwent certain changes
in order to meet the needs of the Islamic Community.26 A series of transformations

21 Ibid, 10 Sura VI: 128.

22 Cosmogonic representative models were popular in this period; the circular shape, the structure of the
inner rings and the street pattern place the Round City of Baghdad under this legitimacy.
23 On Eridu, known as the Place of the Prince. Bibliographic references: Gwendolyn Leick Citta perdute
della Mesopotamia, London, 2001.
24 Green domes are mentioned in texts as common fact during the Umayyad regimes in the capital city
of Damascus.
25 Al-Farabi was one of the most complex personalities among Islamic intellectuals; an alchemist,
polymath, philosopher, logician, musician, historian and sociologist; he produced some remarkable treatises
from the end of the 9th century until the middle of the 10th century.
See: Rafael Ramn Guerrero. Apuntes biogrficos de al-Frb segn sus vidas rabes, in Anaquel de
Estudios rabes, XIV (2003), Madrid, p. 231-238 & Issam El-Said, Terek El-Bouri, Critchlow K. (editor),
Islamic Art and Architecture: The System of Geometrical Design, Berkshire, Garnet Publishing, 1997.
26 For the following 50 years after its founding, Baghdad became a hub of learning, a centre of arts and
one of the most important commercial cities of the Middle Ages.

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were also required by subsequent caliphs. One of the first changes to the pure
form applied to the inner ring and affected the portals of the internal wall, those
pointing towards the Rahbah. These were closed, something which served to
separate the government agencies and the residential area of the prince.27

The city of Baghdad between 150 and 300 AH 767

and 912 AD W Muir (Author 19th century)
Starting with the Abbasids, a new process became easily observable, whereby
the space of the caliph was demographically purified, meaning that all efforts
were concentrated on hampering any type of gathering. Historians relate this
process to the high level of socio-political instability of the period due to an
uncontrolled expansion of the population both inside and outside the Round City.
Initially, this demographic explosion was one of the main reasons behind
Baghdads economic prosperity. It is important to note that the Islamic tax
system was one of the most efficient in existence, with each inhabitant, and
everyone entering the city to buy or sell wares, or perform any other form of
trade, obliged to pay a certain amount of tax to the authorities.
The very unstable political climate meant that a series of changes were required,
the most important being the transferring of the markets to outside the walls of
the Rahbah.28 In the end, all the inner markets were moved outside the Circular
City to the district of al-Karkh during the year 157/773.
Between 219/836 and 275/892 the capital was transferred to Samarra29 for
security reasons, as the caliph needed to tackle the Turkish troops approaching
Baghdad.
The circumstances in which Caliph al-Mahdi decided to abandon Baghdad is
still unclea, and the historical texts reveal only the common perception that the
city had become a very unsafe place, which meant a new capital was required.
When Caliph al-Mutamid30 moved back to Baghdad, he settled on the
eastern bank of the Tigris, which has remained the centre of the city to the
present day. Despite all subsequent changes, the elements added to the main
urban structure and the new buildings, the city has preserved its overall shape.

27 This time we are strictly referring to Mansurs sons.

28 According to the Islamic urban pattern, the Rahbah was a term used to describe a public square (with
or without majalis sitting areas) surrounded by buildings. These Rahbah areas might also contain saqaif
(roofed passageways), which were common inside caliphal palaces; The Rahbah in the Round City of Baghdad
definitely contained such saqaif.
29 Samarra is a city close to Baghdad founded as the capital of the Abbasid caliphs who decided to move
from Baghdad. Samarra was subsequently abandoned before being rebuilt starting in the year 836, when
Caliph Al-Mutasim decided to leave Baghdad and establish his palace there. The name of the city most
probably dates from its most glorious period, when it was capital of the Islamic empire; the name comes from
the short Arabic phrase Sarr man raa, which can be translated a a joy for all who see.
30 Al-Mutamid was the Abbasid caliph who reigned from 870 to 892 with his capital in Baghdad.

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Fig. 4. A chronological map of the city depicting

its evolution over the following years (from 145/762 to 159/776-279/896)

A. The Round City, also known as Madinat al-Mansur. The first palace complex
of the Abbasid Capital; it contained the palace/mosque of the Caliph, the administrative
agencies of the government, and the residences of various public officials.
Construction began in A.H. 145 and was completed in A.H. 149.
B. Al-Harbiyah. A suburban area north of the Round City; it contained the
military cantonments of the Khurasani army stationed in Baghdad and developed
concurrently with the construction of the Round City, with the majority of its
growth occurring in A.H. 151 and 157.
C. Al-Karkh. The great market suburb of the greater urban area; it was
occupied in Pre-Islamic times, and saw large-scale development concurrently
with the construction of the Round City. It was redeveloped as part of the suburban
expansion of A.H. 157.
D. Al-Rusafah. The palace complex of the caliph al-Mahdi; it contained his
residence and a second principal mosque. Construction began in A.H. 151 and
was completed in A.H. 159.
E. Al-Mukharrim. A residential district; it was possibly occupied as early as
A.H. 151 and saw significant development after A.H. 159.
F. Al-Khuld. Al-Mansurs second residential palace; it was built in A.H. 157
and was later occupied by Harun al-Rashid and Muhammad al-Amin.
G. Dar al-Khilafah. The third palace complex; it was built by the Abbasid
caliphs in stages following their return from Samarra in A.H. 279.
H. Al-Shammasiyah. Originally a staging ground for military parades and a
camping area; it was developed as a palace area by the Buyid amirs in the 10th century.
I. Bab al-Taq. This contained the commercial section serving al-Rusafah (D)
and the upper reaches of al-Mukharrim. The general area probably underwent
some development as early as A.H. 151 with large-scale expansion after A.H. 159.31

31 Saleh al-Hathoul, The Arab-Muslim City: Tradition, Continuity and Change in the Physical Environment,
Riyadh, Dar Al Sahan, 1996, p. 42.

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Medina. Shaping the islamic tradition

The cities of Baghdad and Medina share some common characteristics, even
if their main traits and the reasons they were established are completely
different. It can be concluded that the similarity within Muslim urban thinking
was generated through the deep-seated relationship between urban planning and
the rules of the Islamic Community. At the time Islamic law exercised great
influence over daily life, and was able to shape urban structures and create concepts
and institutions dedicated to coordinating and preserving the Sharia.
In what way does the Round City of Baghdad respect the norms of the Islamic
Tradition? It should be noted that some of these norms were spontaneously
implemented by the Islamic Community. This allowed the models of how to live
within the city to be established as a norm.
Other rules were preserved and carefully observed by institutions that were
developed in parallel with the physical form of a given city.
Looking strictly at the early years of the Abbasid dynasty, it is hard draw any
distinction difference between the caliphal institutions and those specific to the
city itself. I would say that it is starting with the third capital of the dynasty that
we begin to observe a timid process of separation. This process mostly resided
in the phenomenon of increasing the tasks of the pre-existing institutions. In
time, these developed branches to meet specific urban needs.
In order to study both the past and the present physical environment, and to
investigate Arab-Muslim societys awareness of its past, we should focus our
attention on those activities and institutions which raised awareness of the past
in a given socio-political context.
Some of these preliminary institutions included a species of diwans, a sort of
bureau specialised in different complaints, the wizarah, a council of advisers,
and the qadi, the chief of justice. As mentioned, all of these had double areas of
expertise, being both a caliphal institution and, at the same time, capable of
meeting the citys needs.
Of the public functions most concerned with urban issues, we should note the
muhtasib, amil-al suk (the market supervisor), the sahib al-shurtah (the chief of
police), and the sheikhs (leaders of the residential quarters). The latter derives
from a military function: the person in charge of a garrison.
The most important role of these institutions was to ensure the continuity of
the Islamic Tradition within the Islamic Community over the centuries and
within an extremely wide of diverse geographical region.
We should also note that any correct analysis of those characteristics should
cause us to see them as a behavioural result stemming directly from the Shariah.
The physical environment of the Muslim city, despite the long process of its
formation and its evolution, facilitates a selective reconstruction of its ideological
appearance. If the stages of this process are viewed only through the logic of
architecture, they can appear highly codified. In this case, the law, developed

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through the Islamic Tradition of Sunnah and Hadith,32 offers a way to understand
them. Using legal materials, this process can be deciphered on four levels, in terms of:
1. the city itself, where the various social and religious rules and conventions
shaped the city plan;
2. the building characteristics, such as form, number of levels, concept of
public space, privacy within the urban community;
3. the mediated solutions between the Shariah rules and the needs of the
physical environment in times of crisis;
4. The nature of the conventions and the ability to mediate conflict and
accommodate the changing process within the deterministic community system.
Islamic Tradition and Islamic law in its highly institutionalised form are
valuable assets, especially in Muslim society, Shariah33 law regulates all aspects
of life and provides behavioural rules of conduct. The legal provisions are
conventions that represent an important, if not the most important, part of the
entire urban-social fabric. Their role is thus more powerful and more significant
than any other political institution. Studying them can prove very helpful here,
since they may indicate a genuine connection between the physical and social
fabric of a given urban community. They provide us with the corpus of information
needed to investigate the relationship between the various political, sociocultural and urban environmental factors.
In terms of the orderliness of the Muslim cities found throughout the Islamic
world, especially during the first dynasties, we see that they all resemble one
another. We can therefore draw up a series of characteristics, a corpus of
resemblance, including: a system of gates which seal off the quarters during
night, a lack of public squares, the street network, the nature of the Muslim
house not oriented towards the streets or other forms of public space, most
frequently opening onto an inner courtyard. The division of the Islamic city into
individual quarters could be related to the establishment of the army garrisons
formed by Arab tribes, in which each tribe had its own quarter. This first model
was used for many centuries throughout the Islamic world and was in evidence
in the first Muslim urban centre: Medina.34
We should also note another cause of this segmented structure. Firstly, these
newly founded cities also included non-Arab populations, and the case of
Medina provides the perfect example of this through the immigrants from Mecca
who accompanied the Prophet (hijrah), or followed him afterwards, and settled
on unoccupied, non-Arab land according to their original tribal provenance.

32 Sunnah is an Islamic concept of moral-religious rules. In the first Islamic century it referred to a series
of local habits and traditional practices. Later, when the school of law developed, the generally accepted meaning
became that of the behaviour of the Prophet, which became established in practice for the entire Islamic Community.
Hadith in the Islamic Tradition relates to the moral and ethical precedents established by the Prophet.
33 The Shariah is a template of norms for the Islamic Community that form Islamic Law and can be either
canonical or revealed.
34 The present-day name of the city has been preserved from the time the Prophet Muhammad and his
followers (ansar) settled for the first time at Medina, in 622. The word medina has a general meaning in Arabic
of city, but the literary origin of the name most probably comes the word for root, din, meaning the place
where faith won. Other sources claim the name was used by the Jewish tribes who had settled there before.

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Later, in a 13th-century encyclopaedia, the scholar Yagut al-Hamwi35 relates

the process of land distribution and settlement in Medina. It seems the Prophet
assumed full responsibility himself for organising this newly founded city.
When the Prophet arrived at Medina, he granted the dur and the quarters to
the people. Thus, he marked a khittah for Bani Zahrah in a part of the place
behind the mosque, [] and granted Abdallad and Utbah, the sons of Masud
al-Hudhali, their well-known Khittah near the mosque, and granted al-Zubayr b.
al-Awwam a large spor (baqidur) and granted Talha b. Ubayd-allah the site of
his dur, and for Abi Bakr al-Siddiq the site of his dar36 near the mosque.
And he granted each of Uthman b.affan, Khalid b. al-walid, and al-Mqdad
and others the sites of their dur. When the Prophet was granting these fiefs to his
companions, those which were non-arable lands (afain al-ard) he grated them,
while those khittah which were settled, were donated to the Prophet by the
ansar.37 Thus he granted from these whatever he wished []38
This excerpt from the text is significant in that the author describes how the
Prophet granted the lands to be settled individually to each tribe; these khittah39
were supervised by the muhtasib,40 who received the land directly from the Prophet.
So the first nucleus of Medina, founded at the time of the Prophet, was divided into
individual quarters, being occupied, without exception, by members of a single tribe.
The process of dividing the urban space into quarters was common to the
Round City of Baghdad as well. The caliph himself traced out the shape of the
city and established the precise position of each quarter, each of which was
administrated by a chief, who was in charge of its internal organisation.
The initial nucleus of Baghdad was far more developed than that of Medina
in terms of its planning, which in Medina was a very spontaneous affair, due to
the political circumstances; the specific shape of the city; and, most importantly,
the urban/caliphal institutions established there. Despite the fact that the circular
pattern of the newly-founded city required some later transformations within the
inner area, the norms of the Islamic Traditions established since Medina were
strictly preserved. I would go so far as to say that Baghdad was the place where
the Medina concept of daily life in the Islamic Community was first institutionalised.
This specific aspect reveals the power of the Shariah socio-religious model
within the Islamic Community.

35 Yagut al-Hamwi was a 13th century historian and geographer. Bibliographic references: Levi C. S.
& Sela R. (editors), Islamic Central Asia: An Anthology of Historical Sources, Bloomington IN., Indiana
University Press, 2009.
36 A dar (dur) is a residence, the site of a large house; the general meaning is territory or place on a symbolic
level, e.g. Dar-al-Salam or Place of Peace.
37 The general meaning of ansar is followers, partisans, adherents. This term is specifically used to describe
the Medinan followers and supporters of the Prophet Muhammad after hijrah.
38 Saleh al-Hathoul, The Arab-Muslim City: Tradition, Continuity and Change in the Physical Environment,
Riyadh, Dar Al Sahan, 1996, p. 32-33.
39 Khittah is a territory or place occupied for the first time during the process of forming a new urban
structure. In terms of Islamic urbanism it has the sense of an area occupied by people belonging to the founders
of a given town. During the first Islamic period the term even had an ethnic connotation; depending on the
origins of its inhabitants, a khittah would be occupied by a certain tribe. This model was established during the
amsar settlements (newly-founded centres of military regions during the early Islamic period).
40 A muhtasib was an official of the Islamic administration who exercised the function of hisbah (ensuring
that the norms of the Shariah are observed with a focus on moral and religious aspects).

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