INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES

COMEY’S BLOODLESS COUP

As a result of the machinations of one man, Donald Trump is now leading in the
ABC/ Washington Post National Poll by one point. 11/1/2016 10:24 A.M. Comey violated
the Hatch Act in order to pull off a bloodless coup and it looks like his law breaking is
working and thanks to him, one man, Trump will be the new President, however it will be
Comey who put him power. Comey knew electorate is worried about what will happen if
Hillary was elected then indicted. Comey moved us away from democracy and closer to
a police state and fascism where law enforcement has more of a say in elections than
the electorate. The Hatch Act.
(4) knowingly solicit or discourage the participation in any political
activity of any person who—
(B) is the subject of or a participant in an ongoing audit, investigation,
or enforcement action being carried out by the employing office of
such employee.
The Hatch Act specially includes:
(II) the Federal Bureau of Investigation;
Comey is also withholding info on Trump’s Russian connection. What drove
Comey to attempt to rid the election. Racism.
1

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
COMEY AND THE HOMIES
Comey is a racist and his motivation is to get Donald Trump elected President and keep
America White. What pushed Comey over the edge into the world of fascism was
Obama’s support of Black Lives Matter, a group that encourages the assassination of
policeman and blames high crime rates in the inner city solely on White Racist cops.
BLM is praised by politicians like Hillary and Elizabeth Warren. Comey believes Black
crime is the result of the empowerment of the Black Criminal Subculture. The NYT
reported “the FBI director, James Comey, who happened to be in Chicago, blamed the
deeply ingrained gang culture for the violence.” Comey was born in Yonkers, New York.
His father J. Brien Comey was a real estate executive at J.B. Comey Inc. The Comey
family moved to Allendale, New Jersey where J. Brien became a councilman in the midand late-1980s. His wife, Joan, who died in 2012 after a long illness, was involved in the
Girl Scouts. Allendale was and still is lily white.

BLACK CRIMINAL SUBCULTURE
On February 12, 2015 James B. Comey Director Federal Bureau of Investigation
had this to say about the gangbanger culture.1
So many young men of color become part of that officer’s life
experience because so many minority families and communities are
struggling; so many boys and young men grow up in environments
lacking role models [fathers], adequate education, and decent
employment—they lack all sorts of opportunities that most of us take
1. https://www.fbi.gov/news/speeches/hard-truths-law-enforcement-and-race
2

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
for granted. A tragedy of American life—one that most citizens are
able to drive around because it doesn’t touch them—is that young
people in “those neighborhoods” too often inherit a legacy of crime
and prison. And with that inheritance, they become part of a police
officer’s life, and shape the way that officer whether White or Black
sees the world. Changing that legacy is a challenge so enormous
and so complicated that it is, unfortunately, easier to talk only about
the cops. And that’s not fair.
“A tragedy of American life - one that most citizens are able to drive around
because it doesn’t touch them - is that young people in “those neighborhoods” too often
inherit a legacy of crime and prison.” Comey is on dangerous ground talking about the
Black Criminal Subculture. His former overseer Eric Holder believes that there is no
such thing, just a bunch of misguided youth.
After the fabric of America changes citizens will no longer be able drive around it
because it will be in their own backyards. Comey:
But the “seeing” needs to flow in both directions. Citizens also need
to really see the men and women of law enforcement. They need to
see what police see through the windshields of their squad cars, or
as they walk down the street. They need to see the risks and
dangers law enforcement officers encounter on a typical late-night
shift.
The must realize it is a jungle out there.
They need to understand the difficult and frightening work they do to
keep us safe. They need to give them the space and respect to do
their work, well and properly. If they take the time to do that, what
they will see are officers who are human, who are overwhelmingly
doing the right thing for the right reasons, and who are too often
operating in communities—and facing challenges—most of us
choose to drive around.
Comey is telling the African-American community not to try to interfere with
arrests of “brothers” because they are the ones who are making life a nightmare in
ghetto by selling dope. The dopers become burglars, muggers, carjackers to support
their habit. The community starts to become crime ridden and the Whites leave
abandoning their homes. The homes become crack houses. No civilized person White
or Black wants live in a neighborhood like this; but instead they avoid and drive around.
He is saying ‘So if you don’t like the way the police handle things, but avoid the reality of
high crime Black neighborhoods, shut-up.’
3

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
I worry that this important and incredibly difficult conversation about
race and policing has become focused entirely on the nature and
character of law enforcement officers, when it should also be about
something much harder to discuss… racial bias isn’t epidemic in
law enforcement any more than it is epidemic in academia or
the arts. Police officers on patrol in our nation’s cities often
work in environments where a hugely disproportionate
percentage of street crime is committed by young men of color.
Something happens to people of good will working in that
environment. After years of police work, officers often can’t help but
be influenced by the cynicism they feel.
COMEY AND THE FERGUSON EFFECT
Comey attributed this rise in gangbanger homicides to the “Ferguson Effect.” The
reluctance of police to have their lives ruined and possibly end up in a cage 23 hours a
day if the Black community tries to frame them like it did to Darren Wilson. FBI Director
Comey agreed:
I fear we are facing another wave of violent crime and homicide, and
our communities are once again in trouble. And the trouble is
complicated, layered, and painful. I imagine two lines: one line is law
enforcement and the other line is the folks we serve and protect,
especially in communities of color. I think those two lines are arcing
away from each other, at an increasing rate. Each incident that
involves real or perceived police misconduct drives one line
this way. Each time an officer is attacked in the line of duty, it
drives the other line this way. I actually feel the lines continuing to
arc away from each other, incident by incident, video by video, more
and more quickly. And that’s a terrible place to be. And just as those
lines are arcing away from each other—and maybe because they are
arcing away—we have a crisis of violent crime in some of our most
vulnerable communities across the country. I spoke to officers
privately in one big city precinct who described being surrounded by
young people with mobile phone cameras held high, taunting them
the moment they get out of their cars. They told me, “We feel like
we’re under siege and we don’t feel much like getting out of our
cars.” I’ve been told about a senior police leader who urged his
force to remember that their political leadership has no tolerance for
a viral video. So the suggestion, the question that has been asked of
me, is whether these kinds of things are changing police behavior all
over the country.
4

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
And the answer is, I don’t know. I don’t know whether this explains it
entirely, but I do have a strong sense that some part of the
explanation is a chill wind blowing through American law
enforcement over the last year. And that wind is surely changing
behavior.
We can’t lose sight of the fact that there really are bad people
standing on the street with guns. The young men dying on
street corners all across this country are not committing
suicide or being shot by the cops. They are being killed, police
chiefs tell me, by other young men with guns. Lives are saved
when those potential killers are confronted by a strong police
presence and actual, honest-to-goodness, up-close “What are you
guys doing on this corner at one o’clock in the morning?” policing. All
of us, civilian and law enforcement, white, black, and Latino, have an
interest in that kind of policing.
We need to be careful it doesn’t drift away from us in the age of viral
videos, or there will be profound consequences. If we are not careful,
we will lose the space in American life to talk about criminal justice
reform—to focus on recidivism and re-entry and sentencing reform—
and to talk about effective police interactions with civilians, all of
which are essential.
In a way, those conversations are a welcome luxury, made possible
by the fact that—as of 2014—we have a violent crime rate we
haven’t seen in 50 years. If what we are seeing in America this year
continues, we will be back to talking about how law enforcement
needs to help rescue black neighborhoods from the grip of violence.
All lives matter too much for us to let that happen. We need to
figure out what’s happening and deal with it now.
Obama denied crime had risen under his Black Racist Administration:
I know that there’s been some talk in the press about spikes that are
happening this year relative to last year, and I’ve asked my team to
look very carefully at it -- Attorney General Lynch has pulled together
a task force – and it does look like there are a handful of cities where
we’re seeing higher-than-normal spikes. Across the 93 or 95 top
cities, it’s very hard to distinguish anything statistically meaningful.
The FBI director, James Comey, was speaking at the University of Chicago Law
School in October 2015 when he observed that violent crime was rising in many cities
5

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
across the country. The likely reason, he said, was a drop in proactive policing. The
strident reaction to his comments, not least from the White House, demonstrated how
ideological he had become.
Most remarkably, President Barack Obama had the temerity to accuse him of
shoddy, biased analysis. “We do have to stick with the facts,” Obama told the
International Association of Chiefs of Police in Chicago in late October, in a thinly veiled
rebuke to Comey. “What we can’t do is cherry-pick data or use anecdotal evidence to
drive policy or to feed political agendas.”
In November 2015, the acting chief of the Drug Enforcement Administration,
Chuck Rosenberg, seconded Comey’s observations about the decline in proactive
policing. Officers were feeling “trepidation” about ending up on the evening news even if
they “do everything right,” Rosenberg told reporters. The White House dressing-down
was immediate. Rosenberg had spoken “without any evidence,” press secretary Josh
Earnest retorted.
Comey has worked closely with white racists in the past including John Ashcroft
and Rudy Giuliani.
COMEY AND JOHN ASHCROFT
Comey was United States Deputy Attorney General from December 2003 to
August 2005 under John Ashcroft. As Deputy Attorney General, Comey was the
second-highest-ranking official in the United States Department of Justice (DOJ), and
ran the day-to-day operations of the Department.
In September 2000 Ashcroft spoke before The Council of Conservative Citizens,
headquartered in St. Louis, a living legacy of Southern “white resistance” to
desegregation, with historical roots in the so-called citizens councils that sprang up
during the 1950s as a “respectable” support group for the Klan. Its website currently
proclaims that the CCC is “the only serious nationwide activist group that sticks up for
white rights!” What that means, more specifically, is promoting hatred of blacks, Jews,
gays and lesbians, and Latino immigrants while extolling the virtues of the “Southern
way of life,” the Confederacy and even slavery. Ashcroft was a frequent contributor to a
neo-confederate publication the Southern Partisan.
Founded in 1985 by the ax handle-wielding Georgia segregationist Lester
Maddox and a group of white activists, the CCC remained obscure to most Americans
until 1998, when media exposure of its ties to prominent congressional Republicans led
to the resignation of Sen. Trent Lott of Mississippi as majority leader. Six years later, the
Southern Poverty Law Center reported that the CCC had hosted as many as 38 federal,
state and local officials at its meetings (all of them Republicans, except one Democrat).
6

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
When President George W. Bush appointed Ashcroft as U.S. attorney general, the CCC
openly celebrated, declaring in its newsletter, “Our Ship Has Come In.”
COMEY AND RUDY GIULIANI
In 1987, Comey was hired as an assistant U.S. Attorney in New York’s Southern
District by then-boss Rudy Giuliani. By this time, everyone knows Rudy is a racist. He
has come out of the closet.
Asked what advice he would give to a black son: “I’d also say, be very careful of
those kids in the neighborhood and don’t get involved with them because, son, there’s a
99 percent chance they’re going to kill you, not the police. And we’ve got to hear that
from the black community. And what we’ve got to hear from the black community is how
and what they are doing among themselves about the crime problem in the black
community.”
Giuliani said Black Lives Matter is "inherently racist" and suggested the
movement should focus on black people killing other black people. During an interview
with CBS News' Face the Nation Giuliani said the Black Lives Matters movement
focuses too much on police killing black people, which "happens rarely although with
tremendous attention," and not enough effort focusing on black-on-black violence,
"which happens every 14 hours in Chicago."
BONKERS OVER YONKERS

Comey’s grandfather William Comey Deputy Public Safety Commissioner in Yonkers,
New York. He keeps a picture of him on his wall at the FBI Building. The rank and file
policeman did not like Comey but when it came to replacing corrupt cops Comey was
choosen to do so because he was one of the few honest cops in Yonker.

7

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES

Bill Comey remained the Deputy Public Safety Commissioner under Commissioner
Patrick O'Hara until January of 1952. It was then that a Democratic administration came
into power and it was reported that Commissioner O'Hara would be replaced. Dep.
Comm. Comey let it be known that when that happened he would submit his request for
retirement. On April 30, 1952, Deputy Public Safety Commissioner William Comey,
leader of the Police Department, retired from all police service.
THE ADER AFFAIR
After Comey’s parents moved to New Jersey a white man dubbed “the Ramsey
rapist” held 15-year-old Comey and his younger brother at gunpoint after breaking into
their Allendale home on an October day in 1977, one of a string of break-ins that
included the rape of two area baby sitters. The Comey brothers, locked in a bathroom
while the intruder searched the home, escaped through a window, only to encounter the
man again on their lawn. The brothers ran back inside the house, locked the doors and
called police, setting off a massive manhunt.

8

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES

SKETCH OF RAPIST
The cops suspected that Bruce A. Ader was the rapist and had a tracker follow
his footprints to his brother’s home. After his victims were displayed a picture of him
they ID’d him and he was arrested. But when they saw Ader in a police lineup only one
of his alleged victims could identify him, the same person who is trying to railroad Hillary
Clinton, James Comey. Ader testified before a grand jury and it failed to indict. His alibi
was a good one – he was with two friends at a bus station bar where his wife worked as
a school bus driver. Ader was born in Morristown, N.J. in 1938. Bruce worked in the
International Union of operating Engineers 825. Upon retiring they relocated to Lowell,
North Carolina. Mr. Bruce was a friendly guy - "The unofficial mayor of River Falls" who
sat on the front porch in his rocking chair along with his wife and dog waving to
everyone who passed by.
HATCH ACT
(a) Subject to the provisions of subsection (b), an employee may take an active part in
political management or in political campaigns, except an employee may not—
(2) knowingly solicit, accept, or receive a political contribution from any person, unless
such person is—
(A) a member of the same Federal labor organization as defined under section 7103(4)
of this title or a Federal employee organization which as of the date of enactment of the
Hatch Act Reform Amendments of 1993 had a multicandidate political committee (as
defined under section 315(a)(4) of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(4))); [1]
(B) not a subordinate employee; and

9

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
(C) the solicitation is for a contribution to the multicandidate political committee (as
defined under section 315(a)(4) of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(4))) 1 of such Federal labor organization as defined under section 7103(4) of
this title or a Federal employee organization which as of the date of the enactment of
the Hatch Act Reform Amendments of 1993 had a multicandidate political committee (as
defined under section 315(a)(4) of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(4))); 1 or
(3) run for the nomination or as a candidate for election to a partisan political office; or
(4) knowingly solicit or discourage the participation in any political activity of any
person who—
(A) has an application for any compensation, grant, contract, ruling, license, permit, or
certificate pending before the employing office of such employee; or
(B) is the subject of or a participant in an ongoing audit, investigation, or
enforcement action being carried out by the employing office of such employee.
(b)
(1) An employee of the Federal Election Commission (except one appointed by the
President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate), may not request or
receive from, or give to, an employee, a Member of Congress, or an officer of a
uniformed service a political contribution.
(2)
(A) No employee described under subparagraph (B) (except one appointed by the
President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate), may take an active part in
political management or political campaigns.
(B) The provisions of subparagraph (A) shall apply to—
(i) an employee of—
(I) the Federal Election Commission or the Election Assistance Commission;
(II) the Federal Bureau of Investigation;
(III) the Secret Service;
(IV) the Central Intelligence Agency;
(V) the National Security Council;

10

INDEPENDENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
(VI) the National Security Agency;
(VII) the Defense Intelligence Agency;
(VIII) the Merit Systems Protection Board;
(IX) the Office of Special Counsel;
(X) the Office of Criminal Investigation of the Internal Revenue Service;
(XI) the Office of Investigative Programs of the United States Customs Service;
(XII) the Office of Law Enforcement of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms;
(XIII) the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency; or
(XIV) the Office of the Director of National Intelligence; or
(ii) a person employed in a position described under section 3132(a)(4), 5372, 5372a, or
5372b of title 5, United States Code.
(3) No employee of the Criminal Division or National Security Division of the Department
of Justice (except one appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate), may take an active part in political management or political campaigns.
(4) For purposes of this subsection, the term “active part in political management or in a
political campaign” means those acts of political management or political campaigning
which were prohibited for employees of the competitive service before July 19, 1940, by
determinations of the Civil Service Commission under the rules prescribed by the
President.
(c) An employee retains the right to vote as he chooses and to express his opinion on
political subjects and candidates.
(Added Pub. L. 103–94, § 2(a), Oct. 6, 1993, 107 Stat. 1002; amended Pub. L. 103–
359, title V, § 501(k), Oct. 14, 1994, 108 Stat. 3430; Pub. L. 104–201, div. A, title XI,
§ 1122(a)(1), Sept. 23, 1996, 110 Stat. 2687; Pub. L. 106–554, §  1(a)(3) [title VI,
§ 645(a)(2)], Dec. 21, 2000, 114 Stat. 2763, 2763A–170; Pub. L. 107–252, title VIII,
§ 811(a), Oct. 29, 2002, 116 Stat. 1727; Pub. L. 108–458, title I, §  1079(a), Dec. 17,
2004, 118 Stat. 3695; Pub. L. 109–177, title V, §  506(b)(2), Mar. 9, 2006, 120 Stat. 249;
Pub. L. 110–417, [div. A], title IX, § 931(a)(1), Oct. 14, 2008, 122 Stat. 4575.)

11