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Albrecht DIEM

Monastic life means living under a regula usually identified with a written
text or a combination of texts. This is one of the basic assumptions in
traditional monastic historiography 1. The roughly thirty preserved early
medieval monastic regulae 2 were usually understood as different internal
monastic pieces of legislation providing both a programmatic basis and an
organizational and disciplinary framework for the specific communities for
which they were written.

* This article has been written in participation of the Wittgenstein Award-Project ‘Ethnic
Identities in Early Medieval Europe’ of the Institut für Mittelalterforschung of the Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, sponsored by the Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung. I would like to thank Roberto Begnini, Richard Corradini, Wolfert van
Egmond, Karl Heidecker, Samantha Herrick, Norman Kutcher, Conrad Leyser, Maya
Mascarinec, Walter Pohl, Helmut Reimitz, Irene van Renswoude, Aad Robben, Albrecht Willer
and Michaela Zelzer for reading and commenting different versions of this text, especially
Marianne Pollheimer for checking my translations from Latin and Charles West for turning my
humble attempt to write English into a publishable text. Furthermore I would like to thank the
staff of the Library of the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto for maintaining
what is still one of the best resources for medieval studies in the world.
1. See (as a random choice) Charles De Clercq, La législation religieuse franque, 1. De
Clovis à Charlemagne, Louvain-Paris, 1936, pp. 78-88 ; Clemens M. Kasper, Theologie und
Askese. Die Spiritualität des Inselmönchtums von Lérins im 5. Jahrhundert, Münster, 1991,
pp. 291-372 ; Id., ‘‘Von der exhortatio zur regula. Von mündlicher Regelung zu schriftlicher
Regel im Mönchtum von Lérins’’, in Vom Kloster zum Klosterverband. Das Werkzeug der
Schriftlichkeit, Hagen Keller and Franz Neiske eds., Munich, 1997, pp. 36-55 ; Terence
P. McLaughlin, Le très ancien droit monastique de l’Occident, Poitiers, 1935, pp. 3-29 ;
William E. Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles. The Making of A Christian Community in Late
Antique Gaul, Cambridge, 1994, pp. 24-25 ; Friedrich Prinz, Frühes Mönchtum im Frankenreich, Munich, 19882, pp. 50, 72, 124-151.
2. Adalbert de Vogüé, Les règles monastiques anciennes (400-700), Turnhout, 1985 (Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental, 46) provides a list of the texts and editions. For
recent studies on monastic history that include analyses of monastic rules, see e.g. Albrecht
Diem, Das monastische Experiment. Zur Rolle der Keuschheit bei der Entstehung des westlichen Klosterwesens, Münster, 2005 (Vita Regularis, 24) ; Marilyn Dunn, The Emergence of
Monasticism. From the Desert Fathers to the Early Middle Ages, Oxford-Malden, 2000 ;
C. M. Kasper, Theologie und Askese, op. cit.
Revue Mabillon, n.s., t. 19 (= t. 80), 2008, p. 5-50.


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Scholars such as Alain Dierkens 3, Adalbert de Vogüé 4, and Josef Semmler 5 have expressed some cautious doubts about such a legalistic and
positivistic approach to monastic rules, but without further elaboration of
this theme. This is regrettable since the issue of the changing use and
function of written regula-texts and the specific meanings of expressions
such as regula/regularis, norma or ordo may form a key aspect of early
monastic history and provide excellent access to the early development of the
monastic experiment of creating and organizing an ideal community and
forming a monastic identity.
This article does not aim to give a decisive answer to the regula-problem in
general 6 but elaborates on one specific source, the Vita Iohannis of Jonas of
Bobbio († after 659). This remarkable saint’s life has, differently from Jonas’
Vita Columbani, scarcely been an object of historical research 7. On first
sight this lack of interest in the comparatively short Vita Iohannis seems to
3. Alain Dierkens, ‘‘Prolégomènes à une histoire des relations culturelles entre les Iles
Britanniques et le Continent pendant le Haut Moyen Âge’’, in La Neustrie. Les pays au nord de
la Loire de 650 à 850, 2, Hartmut Atsma ed., Sigmaringen, 1989 (Beihefte der Francia, 16/2),
pp. 371-394, here p. 378 : ‘‘Il serait d’ailleurs anachronique et de mauvaise méthode de supposer
qu’avant les mesures de 816/817, une abbaye suivait une seule règle monastique, qu’il s’agisse de
celle de Benoît, de Colomban ou d’une autre : à l’époque mérovingienne plus encore qu’après la
législation carolingienne, une règle n’est un carcan ou un code de droit à l’interprétation figée.
Chaque abbaye possédait un ensemble de règles, écrites ou/et orales (problèmes des ‘coutumes’), susceptibles d’interprétations, d’évolutions, d’adaptations.’’
4. A. de Vogüé, Les règles monastiques anciennes, op. cit., p. 12 : ‘‘Une dernière clarification
s’impose. Regula s’emploie fréquemment, dans les textes, en parlant de l’autorité vivante d’un
abbé, sans qu’il faille supposer que cette autorité s’exprimait par une règle écrite. Quand on lit
ainsi, dans la vie d’un saint moine, qu’il se plaça ‘sous la règle’ de tel ou tel ‘Père’, il faut se garder
d’imaginer une regula perdue dont cet abbé serait l’auteur. À moins que le contexte n’indique
formellement le contraire, il s’agit simplement d’entrée dans une communauté et d’assujettissement à son supérieur dans l’obéissance.’’
5. For example in his article ‘‘Regula mixta’’, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, t. 7, Munich, 1995,
cols. 606-607.
6. See A. Diem, Das monastische Experiment, op. cit., pp. 131-146. For a case study, see Id.,
‘‘Was bedeutet Regula Columbani ?’’, in Integration und Herrschaft. Ethnische Identitäten
und soziale Organisation im Frühmittelalter, Maximilian Diesenberger and Walter Pohl eds.,
Vienna, 2002 (Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 3), pp. 63-89.
7. Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Iohannis abbatis Reomaensis, ed. Bruno Krusch, Ionae vitae
sanctorum Columbani, Vedastis, Iohannis, Hanover-Leipzig, 1905 (MGH, SRG, 37), pp. 321344. Two presumably Carolingian revisions are edited by Jan Bolland in AASS, January, 2,
Antwerp, 1643, pp. 856-863 (BHL 4426/4427), and by Jean Mabillon in AASSOSB, 1, Paris,
1669, pp. 633-636 (BHL 4425). In his introduction to the edition, pp. 323-325, B. Krusch
identifies the oldest version in the mss Paris, BnF, lat. 11748, s. x, and BnF, lat. 5306, s. xiv.
Literature on John of Réôme and the Vita Iohannis : BHL 4424-4427 ; Manfred Clauss, ‘‘Johan
von Réôme’’, in Biographisch-bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, t. 3, Traugott Bautz
ed., Hamm, 1992, cols. 538-539 (with bibliography, also online in an updated version : ; Maximilian Diesenberger, ‘‘Bausteine
der Erinnerung : Schrift und Überrest in der Vita Sequani’’, in Vom Nutzen des Schreibens.
Soziales Gedächtnis, Herrschaft und Besitz, Walter Pohl and Paul Herold eds., Vienna, 2002
(Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 5), pp. 39-66, here pp. 54-58 ; Bruno Krusch,
‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben des Jonas von Susa’’, Mittheilungen des Instituts für Österreichische
Geschichtsforschung, t. 14, 1893, pp. 385-427 ; Jean Marilier, ‘‘Giovanni, abbate di Réome’’,
Bibliotheca Sanctorum, t. 6, Rome, 1965, cols. 873-874 ; François Masai, ‘‘Les antécédents de
Cluny. La règle du maître à Moutiers-Saint-Jean’’, in À Cluny. Congrès scientifique, Fêtes et
cérémonies liturgiques en l’honneur des Saints abbés Odon et Odilon, 9-11 juillet 1949, Dijon,
1950, pp. 192-202 ; Fritz Stöber, ‘‘Zur Kritik der Vita Sancti Iohannis Reomaensis’’, Sitzungs-

john of réôme, an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk


be justified by its content, which appears rather unremarkable : John, son of
noble Christian parents, founded the monastery Reomaus/Réôme 8 and fled,
overwhelmed by his own success, to the monastery of Lérins. When his
identity was disclosed, his bishop forced him to return to the monastery he
had founded, where he resumed his duties as abbot sub regul(ar)e tenore,
quam beatus Macharius indedit 9. For the period after his return, Jonas of
Bobbio tells a series of stories about the life in John’s monastery (ch. 5-10,
13-16) and a number of healing miracles (ch. 11-12, 15, 17). The Vita ends
with a sketch of John’s saintly virtues and monastic ideals (ch. 18). At the age
of 120, John of Réôme died. His third successor, abbot Leubardinus, excavated his tomb and moved his sarcophagus into the church of the monastery
(ch. 19-20).
In particular two aspects of the Vita Iohannis will be investigated. Firstly,
the text belongs to the very few early medieval narrative sources that seemingly describe a transfer of a monastic regula from one monastery to another.
In modern historiography the text has served as proof of the use of the
Regula Macharii both at Lérins and at Réôme. This generally accepted
interpretation deserves revision. Secondly, the Vita itself can be read as a
monastic program, a regula 10. Jonas used the opportunity of writing the
Vita Iohannis to prove that the Columbanian monastic way of life was in fact
already practised long before Columbanus arrived on the continent. The text
seems to show that basic ideas of Columbanian monasticism were by no
means renewing but just restoring an older state of monasticism in Gaul that
had fallen into decline 11. The second part of this article (sections 2-6) aims
to demonstrate the narrative techniques used by Jonas of Bobbio to give his
readers this impression.
berichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Classe,
t. 160, 1885, pp. 319-398 ; Adalbert de Vogüé, Aux sources du monachisme colombanien,
I. Jonas de Bobbio. Vie de saint Colomban et de ses disciples, Bégrolles-en-Mauges, 1988 (Vie
monastique, 19), pp. 21-25.
8. Even in French literature there is no consistent spelling for John’s monastery. We find
Réôme, Réomé, Réome, Reomaus and Moutier-Saint-Jean. I follow the spelling of L. H. Cottineau, Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés, t. 2, Macon, 1939, col. 2006.
On the monastery see also Robert Folz, ‘‘Moutier-St-Jean’’, Lexikon des Mittelalters, t. 6,
Munich-Zürich, 1993, cols. 877-878 ; Jean Marilier, ‘‘Le monastère de Moutier-Saint-Jean et
ses attaches Columbaniennes’’, in Mélanges Colombaniens. Actes du Congrès international de
Luxeuil, 20-23 juillet 1950, Paris, 1951, pp. 383-384.
9. Jonas, Vita Iohannis, ch. 5, p. 332. On regul(ar)e, see p. 11.
10. There are other early hagiographic texts serving as regula, such as Vita patrum Iurensium
= Vita vel regula sanctorum patrum Romani Lupicini et Eugendi monasteriorum Iurensium
abbatum, ed. François Martine, Paris, 1968 (SC, 142), and the Vita Pacomii (BHL 6411-6412),
ed. Albrecht Diem and Hildegund Müller, ‘‘Vita, Regula, Sermo : Eine unbekannte lateinische
Vita Pacomii als Lehrtext für ungebildete Mönche und als Traktat über das Sprechen’’ (forthcoming), and possibly Jonas’ Vita Columbani. See A. Diem, ‘‘Was bedeutet Regula Columbani ?’’, art. cit. ; Ian N. Wood, ‘‘A prelude to Columbanus : The monastic achievement in the
Burgundian territories’’, in Columbanus and Merovingian Monasticism, H. B. Clarke and
Mary Brennan eds., Oxford, 1981, pp. 3-32, at p. 84. The boundaries between regula and vita are
certainly worth a more thorough investigation.
11. The motif of decline in monastic discipline appears in Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani
I, ch. 5, ed. B. Krusch, Ionae vitae sanctorum, MGH, SRG, 37, p. 161 ; II, ch. 1, p. 230.

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1. Moving the ‘‘Regula Macharii’’ ?

There are few early medieval hagiographic texts that tell how monastic
rules or other programmatic texts were transferred from one monastic community to another. According to the Vita patrum Iurensium, Romanus
(† 460), the founder of the Jura monasteries, went to a monastery in
Lyon, probably l’Île-Barbe, in order to study the monastery’s instituta.
Afterwards he took the libri vitae sanctorum patrum and the eximiae institutiones abbatum (possibly the Institutiones of John Cassian) with him 12.
Gregory of Tours tells in his Liber vitae patrum how he sent the same
texts to the hermit Leobardus 13. Filibert († 685) travelled around several
Columbanian monasteries including Luxeuil and Bobbio and studied the
Basilii sancti charismata, Macharii regula, Benedicti decreta, and Columbani instituta before becoming founder of Jumièges 14. All three sources
may have used the transfer of a regula to show that a new foundation was
rooted in the most venerable traditions without any direct disciplinary
affiliation with an already existing monastery. Another import of a regula
is described in the already mentioned Decem libri historiarum of Gregory of
Tours and in two other sources. After Radegund founded a monastic community at Poitiers, she imported the Rule for Nuns of Caesarius in order to
fortify the juridical and political position of her probably quite controversial
foundation 15.
This overview of regula-transfers is almost exhaustive. The lack of evidence on the transfer and implementation of written rules makes it understandable that the few extant sources have been widely quoted in studies on
early monastic history ; often they formed the basis of far-reaching theories
and constructions. This is especially the case for the last example, the transfer
of the ‘Regula Macharii’ according to Jonas’ Vita Iohannis. The episode of
the Vita Iohannis describing how John brought the Regula Macharii from
Lérins to Réôme even seems to be almost the only part of the Vita that has
ever attracted any broader attention 16, after Bruno Krusch had provided a
thorough analysis and edition of Jonas’ work 17.
Before focusing on the alleged regula-transfer I will first provide a sketch
of its context within the text. In his narrative, Jonas of Bobbio gives two sets
12. Vita patrum Iurensium, ch. 11, SC, 142, pp. 250-252. Cassian’s work is mentioned along
with the works of Basilius, Pachomius and the Fathers of Lérins in ch. 174, pp. 426-428.
13. Gregory of Tours, Liber vitae patrum XX, ch. 3, ed. B. Krusch, Hanover, 1885 (MGH,
SRM, 1.2), p. 742.
14. Vita Filiberti (s. viii), ch. 5, ed. B. Krusch, Hanover-Leipzig, 1910 (MGH, SRM, 5),
p. 587.
15. Gregory of Tours, Decem libri historiarum IX, ch. 40, ed. B. Krusch, Hanover, 1887
(MGH, SRM, 1.1), pp. 464-465 ; Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Radegundis I, ch. 24, ed.
B. Krusch, Hanover, 1888 (MGH, SRM, 2), p. 372 ; Letter of Caesaria to Richildis and Radegund (587), ed. Ernst Dümmler, Berlin, 1892 (MGH, Epp., 3), pp. 450-453.
16. Another aspect of the Vita Iohannis discussed in the literature is Jonas’ reception of the
works of John Cassian. See Owen Chadwick, John Cassian, Cambridge, 1968, p. 149 ; M. Diesenberger, ‘‘Bausteine der Erinnerung’’, art. cit., p. 55. See here, pp. 38-44.
17. B. Krusch, ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’, art. cit. summarizes previous studies on Jonas’ minor
hagiographical works, especially F. Stöber, ‘‘Zur Kritik’’, art. cit.

Turnhout. 1963 (CCSL. 10-11 . p. Jonas depicts the saint as being afraid that a leadership position in his community could interfere with his ideals of obedience and mortification. cepit querere arma. CCSL. See Jonas. 4. it was not in itself scandalous that John left his community and proceeded ‘‘in search of the lifestyle of the religious’’ (religiosorum mores perquirens) to the monastery of Honoratus († ca. 73. ch. 16. Vita Columbani I. 6. instead of returning to his community after having obtained the necessary knowledge 20. pp. p. 10. Jonas. he describes him as being afraid that he is unqualified to lead and protect his community. 148A. mucronem. galea. Vita Iohannis. p. 429) who ‘‘instructed many in a way of religious life and exhorted them in keeping the order of the discipline of the rule’’ (religionis forma plures instruebat et regularis discipline normam tenere eos commonebat) 19. quid melius foret quidque salubrius mercedis cumulo obveniret. Restrictions against monastic mobility can be found in first Council of Orléans (511). postposita percunctatione atque omni ambiguitate. Moreover. It is therefore not astonishing 18. 1963 (CCSL. The combination clipeum-galea (shield and helmet) appears in numerous classical texts. Vita Iohannis. ed. 22. col. 330 : Crescente ergo ibi monachorum caterva. ed. regularis materie normam atque precedencium patrum disciplinam sub obediencie rigore nequaquam didicerit. Quod si fecerit. ch. Charles De Clercq. 205 : . See especially Council of Agde (506). 171. not caring about what he did before he arrived 21. infra monasteriorum septa positus. Charles Munier. ch. Council of Saint-Jean-de-Losne (673-675). t. The problem of changing . Vita Iohannis. On the community growing by the fama of the founder. 331. Fuit tandem consilii. 27. ch... ch. sed tantummodo quod lectio vel fama religionis vel cordi inseruerit vel auri advexerit. quibus posit subiecta membra tueri : clipeum. impinget. iuxta antiquos canones ab episcopo suo regulariter corrigatur. PL. 7. 19. ch. 21. p. ch. pp. abbati suo auctoritate canonum revocetur. Monachum nisi abbatis sui aut permissu aut voluntate ad alterum monasterium commigrantem nullus abbas suscipere aut retinere praesumat. Jonas. it was stated that abbots were not allowed to leave their community of too long a period : Ut abbatibus longius a monastherio vagari sine episcopi sui permissione non liceat. 26 . On the other hand. Council of Tours (567). si plebi dominando preesset aut subiectus aliis obediendo sub obtentu religionis proficeret. Turnhout. Similar hesitations with regard to sufficient qualifications for monastic leadership are expressed for example in the Vita Pacomii (BHL 6411-6412). 331.john of réôme. ch. quo mundiales errores coerecet. 433D (sentence 107 in forthcoming new edition). p. 19. 181-182 . the monks of Lérins were interested in keeping the holy man for good. 3. Council of Epao (517). Et cum presertim ipse. 319 . Problems caused by monks changing monasteries without permission and conflicts between monasteries caused by recruiting monks from other communities were discussed repeatedly at episcopal councils and in monastic rules from the sixth and seventh century 22. 20. 148A). cepit anxio cordis stimulo pensare. ch. On the one hand. 19. see Jonas. since all he knew about the regula (Jonas of Bobbio uses tenor regule and norma materialis regularis) was through hearsay and not experience 18. ch. p. At the Council of Arles (554). p. qua fidei caput inlesum servaret. According to Jonas. 22. and it remains unclear which one was meant to be decisive. 169. Council of Autun (663-680). melius esse sub vinculo mortificationis se subdere. p. The scandal rather emerged from John’s decision to hide at Lérins as a humble unknown monk for more than eighteen months. sed ubicumque fuerit. 148). quam aliis imperando dominari. 3. especially in Ovid and Virgil. quo diabolicam artem vitaret. 317. ch. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 9 of rather contradictory arguments for John’s decision to leave his monastery and to hide at Lérins. ch. 10. 4. p.

Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. Fastes épiscopaux de l’ancienne Gaule. 297. Sigmaringen. 7-8. 20). Jonas. p. 1876. ch. 198-200 . 532-534 describes how the bishop has to intervene when the abbot fails . 1976 (CSEL.. Texte critique’’. 5. AASS. 11. 129. 1900. He directed a messenger from his 23 monastery to Lérins carrying with him two letters. 2. Regula Basilii. 144 . 1. The expression ex eius coenubii septa is remarkable.12-16/25-29. ut subiecte sibi plebi solamina perderit. facere neclexit. ed. 2. in Gallia Christiana. 7). 1. A new edition of this rule is in preparation. 61. Vienna. art. they reflect not only the position expressed in acts of episcopal councils. ‘‘La Regula Ferrioli. Almost every monastic rule (except for the Regula Macharii) contains sections on the duties and responsibilities of the abbot or abbess. Vincent Desprez. In the first letter the bishop urged the abbot and the monks of Lérins not to obstruct John’s return and to avoid a situation in which they would become responsible for any harm to his monastery. Paris. ch. cols. Arno Borst ed. Paris. Regula Ferrioli. The bishop’s words were carefully chosen . since he was endangering the souls entrusted to him while caring for his own salvation 25. Turnhout. ch. Pierre Bonnerue. p.13-14.10 a. SC. Adalbert de Vogüé. 1974 (Vorträge und Forschungen. ch. 15. 6. ed. 540 . pp. monasteries is discussed as well in the Regula quattuor patrum. at p. 1982 (SC. iudicium omnipotentis Dei de damno omisse hac derelicte plebes recipere metuerit. 64-65 . pp. commanding him to return immediately to his community. p. 26. ch. 1982. and the other to John himself 24. Regula patrum tertia. 24. cit.1-9. 4. 1999 (CCCM. in Réôme the bishop had the highest authority. aliam propriae ad virum venerabilem Iohannem. An episcopal privilege for Réôme from 1126 refers to a (lost or forged) episcopal exemption issued by bishop Sigoald between 653 and 675. 25. but also the regulations of several monastic rules on the abbot’s responsibility for the salvation or damnation of the souls under his tuition 26. 297). 338 imposes on the abbot to stay with his community. p. sed et de omnibus quaecumque episcopaliter praecepit et confirmavit laudamus et confirmamus. Louvain. 86). here ch.2. Vita Iohannis. opposita dilatione. 2. p. 336-337. Jean Neufville and Adalbert de Vogüé. 182). 858 the author regrets that he could not find the original letters in the archive of the monastery. ch. Paris. here col. 23. pp. Amand Boon. pp. the bishop wrote a severe reprimand for his protracted stay in Lérins. For most chapters currently the best text is provided in Benedict of Aniane’s Concordia Regularum. 187. This implies that Jonas gives Réôme a different juridical status than Lérins : Lérins was subjected to an abbot . ch. Pachomiana Latina. . 117-148. 298). Regula quattuor patrum. de fraterna dilectione. Paris. Klaus Zelzer. diem that Jonas of Bobbio tells us how the bishop of John’s home diocese intervened as soon as he heard about John’s illicit stay outside his monastery. Regula Ferrioli. direxitque absque dilatione ex eius coenubii septa virus cum epistularum subplimentum : unam ad eum qui praeerat adque subiecta sibi plebe. 4. eius redito contrarii ne essent. p. ed. ch. 184-186 . thus exactly in the period when Jonas wrote his Vita Iohannis : Charter of bishop Wilencus for Réôme. Id. ed. ch. and L. 331 : Quo comperto. t.3-13. ed. I would assume that there was a link between Jonas’ assignment to write the Vita Iohannis and the changing juridical status of Réôme.16. 185-186. 298. Desprez. and especially in Regula Benedicti. one to the community.1-9. ch. pp. January. 60. ed. Duchesne. Some rules state that the he or she should care for the soul and the spiritual progress of the community (e. ‘‘Episcopi potestas und karolingische Klosterpolitik’’.. 640. 14.8. Liber Orsiesii. The Regula patrum tertia. To John himself. 168A). at pp. pp. SC. 37. pp. 1972 (SC. Revue Mabillon. ch. p. 305-395. V. Lingonice urbis Gregorius pontifex egre ferre cepit. 1982 (SC. nam damno communi particeps forent . In the Carolingian version of the Vita Iohannis I. especially since Jonas uses the same expression for the bishop’s authority over the monks of Réôme as for the authority of the abbot of Lérins over his monks : plebs sibi subiecta. ed.24.g. Episkopat und Adel zur Gründungszeit des Klosters Reichenau. ed. 1932 (Bibliothèque de la RHE. 4. ch. 112-113 . See also Josef Semmler.. Paris. de caritativa fratrum correctione et emendatione. in Mönchtum. 2. reditum postulans : quod si. ch. 185 : Privilegium Sigoaldi episcopi de consecratione abbatis.

25 and ch. art. p. The Carolingian version of the Vita Iohannis printed in the Acta Sanctorum gives sub regulari tenore. Vita Columbani II. 3. 5. Tenor regule appears significantly more often and especially at two other occasions within the Vita Iohannis 33. The text is preserved in five early manuscripts. 252 : tenor regularis .4. 2. Jonas. t. Krusch. SC. 448-450 (partially quoted in note 163). ch. see also ch. Back in his monastery. 204 . 436. p. 216-218. 71. Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. At this point we are confronted with a small philological problem. The most explicit statements delegating the responsibility for the monks’ salvation to the abbot can be found in the Regula magistri.. denuo caelestia preconia administrare. 392. 440-442 . I owe this observation to a suggestion by Rudolf Hiestand. p. pp.john of réôme. 1988 (SC. 35. SRM. 9 (written after 675). pp. ed. ‘‘La Règle de Donat pour l’abbesse Gauthstrude’’. 345). ch. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 11 The community of Lérins and John decided unanimously that it was better for him to return to his old monastery 27. ch. ed. 352-354 .2-10. 388 . A. John resumed his responsibility (according to Krusch’s edition) sub regulare tenore quam beatus Macharius indedit 28. pp. ed. 15. 31. 2. and in the Regula Benedicti. Regula ad virgines. 28. ad patriam redire iubetur et.. 181). 242-243. 86. dedicatory letter. 27. pp. Bobolenus. p. Paris.. ed. quam etiam venerandus Iohannis ob iudicii inlati penam. ch. Vita Germani Grandivallensis. pp. ch. 239 . Most scholars read the passage on John’s forced return to Réôme as a reference to a short monastic rule preserved as Regula Macharii in Benedict of Aniane’s Codex Regularum and four other manuscripts from the eighth to the tenth century 35. See Vita Iohannis I. 27. La Règle de Saint Augustin. 45. January. ch. ch. Luc Verheijen. ch. neclectam plebis curam. 1967. 1972 (SC. 36 . ch. p. Paris. ed.. cf. 25. 372-388. cit. 2. Id. quoted in Caesarius of Arles. A direct responsibility of the abbot for the salvation or damnation of his monks is expressed in Augustine. ch. ch. ed. 5. Paris. 2. p. ch. 105). 342. Both constructions can be found in Jonas’ Vita Columbani 31.53-56. 61. 1. 29. 3. 10. p. 34. Since the connection of tenor and regula appears in no other older or contemporary source. and ch. Paris. 2. p. 32. 297. a rather improbable reading. 1964 (SC. .8-9. 621 and ch. II. p. Jonas. p. Adalbert de Vogüé and Joël Courreau. pp. in medieval manuscripts the a is usually omitted or appears as e caudata. ch. Bayerische Staatsbibl. 231 . 1978. p. B. ch. Praeceptum VII. sed omnium consultu victus. ch. Regula Donati.. CCCM. 20. ch. qui propriam perpotire cupiebat salutem.1. 19. 2. Grammatically correct alternatives would be sub regulari tenore 29 or sub regule/regulae 30 tenore. 13. p. See also Regula Donati. de Vogüé. Id.6-15. 35. AASS. ne iudicium damnationis de omisione tantarum animarum adquireret. A.12. Ibid. 219-313. ed. 332. 330. Vita Sadalbergae. ch. p. 4. 33. Jonas.. 1. II. ibid.25. 30. MGH. and in two saint’s lives related to Columbanian monasticism 32. anxio cordis stimulo trucinare ceperunt . at pp. the expression tenor regule appears as well in the Regula Donati and the Regula cuiusdam ad virgines (two Columbanian monastic rules for nuns). Jonas’ narrative forms a key source for all arguments p.19-20. p. tam qui praeerat ob boni sodalis amisione.12. p. 168A. pp. ed. three collections of monastic rules : Munich. 7. ch. 1. Benedictina. 331-332 : Quam causam utrique. In this way Jonas of Bobbio makes clear that John’s departure is also an act of obedience toward the monastery of Lérins. Vita Iohannis. Modern editions often give the classical spelling ae . Adalbert de Vogüé. Therefore I assume either a scribal or a reading error and suggest emendating this passage to sub regule tenore 34. Regula Macharii. 859. Vita Iohannis. it can be regarded as a typical Columbanian term.29-38. Krusch’s edition gives sub regulare tenore. de Vogüé. 263 : tenor regulae.

Saint-Seine and other monasteries in central Gaul 36.. cit. 297.. Paris. 88 expresses similar doubts about the reliability of Jonas. 5. 192-202 . Other interpretations. M. He argues that this text had a major influence on the development of Caesarius’ monastic ideal 38. 347-348 : ‘‘Der einzig sichere Beleg dafür.. 521-522. Caesarius of Arles.I. Theologie und Askese. William Klingshirn assumes that the Regula Macharii was in use at Lérins when Caesarius of Arles (543) was monk at this monastery. The full passage in the Vita Iohannis tells about John : Clm 28118. such as François Masai’s idea that Jonas may have referred to the Regula magistri. cit. Royal Library. See also B. x . 4. 31. In ch. Although A. he still comes to the conclusion : ‘‘Il n’y a donc pas de raison de douter que le texte dont parle Jonas ne soit notre Règle de Macaire. Klingshirn. zu denen die RMac eine Ergänzung darstellte’’. pp. 32-33. the Regula patrum secunda and the Regula quattuor patrum to Lérins and for identifying the Regula patrum tertia as part of the acts of the Council of Clermont (535) 37. The Emergence of Medieval Monasticism. de Vogüé describes several occasions in which a ‘Regula Macharii’ was identified with the Regula quattuor patrum. ixin (Codex Regularum) . p. 343-356 . s. ‘‘Recherches sur les règles de S. vers la fin de la première décennie du ive siècle. 37. 506-507. daß die Mönche dort damals nach der religionis forma des Honoratus lebten. 60-61. 5 berichtet Jonas. One of the few cautiously dissident positions is developed by Marilyn Dunn who accepts the identifications with the Regula Macharii but remarks that the Vita is not at all a contemporary source and that the story itself does not actually support the assumption that John ‘introduced’ this text in his monastery or ‘reformed’ his monastery on the basis of this rule 40. Adalbert de Vogüé used the transfer of the Regula Macharii as an argument for ascribing the Regula Macharii. pp. The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul. pp. s. s. M. BnF. A.. de Vogüé.. ‘‘Von der exhortatio zur regula’’. op. 354). Rome. art. cit. daß die RIVP und die 2RP noch befolgt wurden. pp. 37. 392-393. A closer analysis of Jonas’ narrative reveals that it is highly unlikely that the tenor regul(ar)e quam beatus Macharius indedit can be identified with the Regula Macharii.. Benoît’’. die regularis disciplinae normam einzuhalten. viii-ix. Frühes Mönchtum. In diesem Zusammenhang kann das nur bedeuten. 339. 36. op. die er dort kennenlernte. pp. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’.. 1994. die sie mahnte. s. diem ascribing this Regula Macharii and several other early monastic rules to the monastery of Lérins.12 a. F. 1978. Based on that.. Escorial. Prinz.13. pp. cit. Salvatore Pricoco. Masai. s. Stiftsbibl. 55. Lambach. p. 88. this passage served as an indication that the Regula Macharii was not only in use in Réôme but brought from there to Jumièges. Regulae Benedicti Studia. lat. See A. William S. pp. 61-62. he argues against the existence of a written regula in Lérins. Il cenobio di Lerino e le origini del monachismo gallico. See also C. cit. Johannes habe nach seinem Aufenthalt in Lérins um das Jahr 500 sein Kloster nach der RMac.] S’il est vrai que Jean de Réomé mit en application les normes de Macaire à son retour de Lérins. 94. Oyend et de S. daß eine RMac mit Lérins in Verbindung gebracht werden kann ¢ über den Verfasser oder ihre Entstehung auf Lérins ist damit noch nichts gesagt ¢ wird die 150 Jahre nach ihrem vermuteten Auftauchen von Jonas von Bobbio in der Vita des Johannes Reomaensis († 539) erbracht. pp. [. art. have found little reception 39. L’isola dei Santi. Dazu vermerkt er in ch. . and two Carolingian collections of acts of ecclesiastical councils : Brussels. cit. 1564. For Friedrich Prinz. ix1/2 . 39.. 38.. ‘‘Les antécédents de Cluny’’. 1976. Kasper. reformiert. F. SC. Id. 72-73. 24-28. op. p. Krusch. Dunn. 2493 (8780-8793). See also Id.. 40. nous sommes fortement encouragé à croire que cette législation est un produit lérinien des dernières années du siècle précédent’’ (p. note 53. viii-ix . in SC. 298. Cambridge. art.

studuit denuo salubria pocula 41 sub regul(ar)e tenore. 780-781 : Accipiat humilitatis medicamentum : bibat contra tumorem poculum amarum. 5.john of réôme. ubi tunc venerabilis Honorati religionis forma plures instruebat et regularis discipline normam tenere eos commonebat. 5. in SC. 18. and the transformation of sanctity : Jonas of Bobbio and the end of the holy man’’. 4. 82. 26-48 . 8 times . to serve the monks and to summon to the heavenly joys the people that have been guided to the better. See also Jonas. Albrecht Diem. Regula Macharii. hoc est pro qualitate misticae pietatis et severitatis fratrum animas ad caelestia de terrenis erigere. ‘‘Monks. ch. however. 2. The text preserved as Regula Macharii hardly mentions the abbot or leader of the monastery. p. 44. he once more became zealous by the salutary goblets under the course of the rule that the blessed Macharius inserted. He regards the four sermons of the Regula quattuor patrum simply as parts of the Regula magistri. t. de Vogüé. p. ‘‘Les antécédents de Cluny’’. ch. 43 (‘‘Back to the above mentioned place.. The text is structured in the form of four speeches delivered by three or four famous desert fathers : Serapion. especially since the author of the Vita Iohannis is known as an author who chooses his words very carefully 45. ch. 9. See e. 297. Adalbert de Vogüé suggests linking this rule to Lérins and dates it to the period of Honoratus 47. pp. ch. Jonas. 4. 341) . his abbatial duties : ministrare and provocare. Kings. 42. p. PL. 2007. 7. The second sermon starts with an exhortation of how the leader of the monastery (is qui praeest) should act : Macharius dixit quoniam fratrum insignia virtutum habitationis vel oboedientiae superius conscripta praevenerunt.1. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 13 Regressus ergo ad praefatum locum. dicente 41. 2-5. pp.. 329-332. 5. 196-197 discusses the possibility that Jonas could refer to the Regula quattuor patrum but dismisses this idea in favour of his hypothesis that the Regula magistri was in use in Réôme. pp. Jonas’ remark does not make sense.. ch. p. 330-331 : Tandem religiosorum mores perquirens. 13. p. 46. Nunc qualiter spiritale exercitium ab his qui praesunt teneatur Deo iuvante ostendimus. another written Regula that fits perfectly into Jonas’ narrative : the Regula quattuor patrum.’’) The tenor regul(ar)e is clearly related to the activities John resumes after his return.12]. ch. F. Biographie und Epochenstil. Masai.1. Jonas. Sermo 142. 45. Vita Columbani II.. p. p. SC. 336 . This text was already brought into the discussion by François Masai without elaborating further on this suggestion 46. populus for the people living outside the community (ch. sed salubre . diligas ut parentem. Jonas refers to the monks of the community. with the exception of two very general remarks on the necessary obedience of the monks 44. 332. 48. Macharius. 91-155. Therefore one would expect that the text that inspired John should have at least some sections on the duties of the abbot and especially his care for the monks’ salvation. 297. Vita Iohannis. 332 . 374 : Praepositum monasterii timeas ut Deum.g. ad Lirinense monasterium pervenit. Vita Iohannis. Pafnutius and again Macharius. 1988. pp. cols. who is described in the Vita Iohannis as John’s source of inspiration on monastic teaching 48. There is. 521-559. ch. As a reference to this text. 245. cit. 334). ch. pp. p. Debet is qui praeest talem se exhibere ut Apostolus ait : Estote forma credentibus [1 Tm 4. ch. 38. Speculum. Probably a reference to Augustine. 8. Stuttgart. 374 : Praeceptum senioris ut salutem suscipias . Plebs is usually used for monks (see Vita Iohannis. See A. bibat poculum humilitatis. pp. art. 47. . ch. t. quam beatus Macharius indedit. monachis ministrare adque aeducatam in melius plebem 42 ad caelestia gaudia provocare. Walter Berschin.. 43.

p. A. 49. F. Masai. 195. Even in one of the manuscripts of the Regula quattuor patrum. 51. pp.7. de Vogüé. 8). 67. 52. p. p. 3. Six of eleven fragments of the Regula quattuor patrum in Benedict’s work belonged to the second and fourth speech. 1974 (CCM.. 53. Regula quattuor patrum.. 37 . SC. 5. diem Apostolo : Argue..21] ? Discernendum est ab illo qui praeest qualiter circa singulos debeat pietatis affectum monstrare. 184-186. See also F. p.1-9. p. in SC. 353-545. CCCM. the rule has the title Regula sancti patris nostri Macarii 54.3. 54. Benedict of Aniane.2] 49. Siegburg. de Vogüé.2. xi. who does not draw any conclusion from this observation. there are several other arguments supporting the assumption that Jonas indeed referred to Macharius’ contribution to the Regula quattuor patrum. ch. Benedict of Aniane quoted in his Concordia Regularum several passages from the Regula quattuor patrum as coming from the Regula Macharii. See also A. 5..14 a. Benedicti. p. 545 . 60. ‘‘Les antécédents de Cluny’’. ch. ch. obsecra. s. In one case (ch.2-3.24. pp. 50. Concordia Regularum. ch. 198. in SC.’’) Besides this congruence in author’s name and the fact that the content fits quite well with the Vita Iohannis. Expressions as ex regula Serapionis/Pafnutii that would refer to the other two ‘fathers’ of the Regula quattuor patrum do not appear in Benedict’s Concordia Regularum 53 . as the Apostle says : reproach. cit.. Alfred Spannagel and Pius Engelbrecht. ch. Montecassino. See also Smaragdus. He has to keep equality.9-14/16-20. p. 194-196. 168A. n. 471-472) Benedict used ex regula Macharii for a passage not belonging to the second and fourth but to the third speech : Regula quattuor patrum. Ibid. 196. 166 and pp. pp. remitietur vobis [Mt 7. 63. for the three other fragments he used ex regula patrum 51. F. (‘‘Macharius spoke since before him they had dealt with the above mentioned attributes of the virtues of the brothers with regard to housing and obedience : ‘Now we show with God’s help how the exercise in spiritual things has to be performed by those who carry out leadership. not forgetting how the Lord says : in the measure in which you measure. ed. his seven quotations from the ‘real’ Regula Macharii are assigned correctly with ex regula Macharii as well. 55. Aequalitatem tenere debet. ch. cit. 65. art. And at another place he says : what do you want ? Mercy to you in the whip or in the spirit of gentleness ? The person who carries out leadership has to discern how he has to show loving affection to every single [brother].. The person who carries out leadership has to behave as the Apostle says : be a forming example for those who believe.2. . 2. 466-467 . cit. non inmemor Domini dicentis : In qua mensura mensi fueritis.2] . Concordia Regularum. that is : for the mystic quality of the piety and the strictness to erect the souls of the brothers from earthly to heavenly [things]. 297. pp.2. you shall be forgiven’. 54. art. 297. ch. we even find the above quoted passage on the responsibility of the abbot 52. Benedict of Aniane. 168A. ‘‘Les antécédents de Cluny’’. ms 443. ch. 53. pp. p. art. 283-284 : Hic beatus Macharius ait. pp. 3. 297. 552-553 . admonish and reprimand with all tenderness. et alio loco inquit : Quid vultis ? In virga veniam ad vos an in spiritu mansuetudinis [1 Co 4. p. 67 . SC. Benedict labelled three of them as ex regula Macharii (with variations) 50 . Masai. CCCM. ch. Jonas was by no means the only monastic writer who used the expression Regula Macharii while referring to sections from the Regula quattuor patrum. Among the three fragments identified as ex regula Macharii. increpa cum omni lenitate [2 Tm 4. Masai. 603-604. ‘‘Les antécédents de Cluny’’.2. ch. 297. pp. 353 . Expositio in Regulam S. 68. 508.

San Fructuoso. and once in the Regula cuiusdam patris ad monachos. the reference to the abbot of Lérins as is qui praeerat could serve as an argument that Jonas wanted to link the Regula quattuor patrum with Lérins 58. quam beatus Macharius indedit. 190 . Madrid. 7. at p. 282. the expression is qui praeest for abbot appears once in the Regula patrum secunda. 1971. 4 . Julio Campos Ruiz. p. Krusch. de Vogüé. Vita Columbani I. ch. ch. This conclusion in challenged by the fact that the phrase regulam indedit belongs to Jonas’ very own language . The charter was forged in the late Carolingian period. SC. ch. 59. Theo Kölzer. ch. Jonas uses the expression regul(ar)e tenore. 178. 18 . 585. Jonas. 4 . SRM. p. The expression indedit ‘‘he inserted’’ does not make much sense with regard to the Regula Macharii (a text claiming to be written and not inserted by Macharius) but describes perfectly the contribution that ‘Macharius’ made to the Regula quattuor patrum : it was his speech inserted to the rule. ‘‘La Regula cuiusdam Patris ad monachos. 7 . ch. 331 : Bishop Gregory sends a letter ad eum qui praeerat adque subiecta sibi plebe. Only one other saint’s life uses is qui praeerat : Vita Filiberti. p. 20. 19. 10. 3-36. Revue d’histoire de la spiritualité. art. ed. 252. p. Even without any other reference to a regula. 1). it appears twice in the Vita Columbani in the context of Columbanus’ regula without the implication of an insertion 59. ch. One of them is associated directly with John’s foundation Réôme : a forged royal charter for Réôme/Moutiers-Saint-Jean. Die Urkunden der Merowinger. which is not as strong as it seems at first sight. Jonas uses qui praeest as well in Vita Columbani I. 26..6. no. 380. 7) and abbas (ch. There are only two monastic rules in which the leader of a community is consistently called is qui praeest : the Regula Basilii (20 times) and the Regula quattuor patrum (19 times) 56. 19). p. San Isidoro. clarus virtutibus. extended the usual catalogue of rules associated with a 55. Besides that. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. 3. 16) or pater (ch. 2. The other one. 1102A). 16) for the abbots of Réôme. once in Fructuosus. . Jonas. 57. locellum suum in pago Tornotrinse sub regula Macharii ad habitationem monachorum constructum. 297. pp. 9 : .. 3. 27). The Carolingian version of the Vita Iohannis omits the expression is qui praeerat/is qui praeest. See Vita Filiberti. Hanover. 87. ed. Fernando Villegas. an episcopal privilege for the monastery of Graselle/Grosseaux (diocese Vaison).. Gregory I uses this expression regularly. 12). is qui praeest appears once 57 . quia domnus Iohannes. p. 15. II. p. While using the title abbas (praef. 407-408. but not necessarily in a monastic context. 49.46. 142 (or PL. pp.. p. 4. MGH. SC. t. Ses sources littéraires et ses rapports avec la Regula monachorum de Colomban’’. 7 . Vita Iohannis. he gave the abbot of Lérins the rather unusual title is qui praeerat 55. quoted from the Regula patrum secunda. col. Reglas monásticas de la España visigoda. ch. See also B. 587. In the Regula Macharii. ch. 18. ch.john of réôme. 297. 56. 1973. 13 . San Leandro. praepositus (ch.. Regula Macharii. 5. p. Regula monachorum. ch. A last argument may be added. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 15 Jonas of Bobbio himself left another trace pointing to the Regula quattuor patrum as being the rule he referred to. a text compiled from fragments of various rules. t. 1 . p. A. 2001 (MGH. It happens that the Vita Iohannis and the Vita Filiberti are the only hagiographical works in which a ‘‘Regula Macharii’’ is mentioned. cit. ed. senior (ch. No further clue about the meaning of Regula Macharii is given by two charters referring to this text. ch. Forged charter for Réôme ascribed to Clovis (dated 498). 60. 5. which is based on information from Jonas’ Vita Iohannis 60.. ed. along with no less than three other names of the leader of a monastic community : senior (ch. 58.

1974 . 2. chartae. epistolae. seu sancti Columbani. implying that John’s return to his former power as abbot was the ultimate fulfilment of the regula that he had wanted to learn by moving to Lérins and submitting himself to the teachings of Honoratus 62. Diplomata. in Lynda L. Hartmut Atsma. This message may have entailed proving the truth of an 61. The Merovingian Kingdoms. leges aliaque instrumenta ad res GalloFrancicas spectantia. p. 1979. leads in first instance only to a negative result. especially for periods in which there are few other sources available 64. ch. 63. 1849. 1994. p. 531718. 417. the question what one can read and find in the Vita Iohannis and what one should not read into this text. Neither charter gives any indication what it meant by Regula Macharii. pp. See for example Ian Wood. 64. 191-195. . See esp. See also F. There is another unsolved problem : did Jonas establish a link between Lérins and the Regula quattuor patrum because of his exact historical knowledge or because this was simply the most suitable available text to make his point ? Jonas’ ‘reliability’.. Munich.. Eugen Ewig.a. 450-751. Martin Heinzelmann. pp. ut secundum normam venerabilis viri sancti patris Benedicti abbatis. Vita Iohannis. ‘‘Gallische Prosopographie 260-527’’. 65. op. degere vel habitare deberent. 401. t. New approaches to read hagiographical sources beyond positivism and to investigate their role for the creation of collective identities are developed e.g. J. Frühes Mönchtum. Prosopographie der Amtsträger des Merowingerreiches. Prinz and De Vogüé. but rather to use ‘history’ in order to transport his/her message 65. 62. at p. The fact that Jonas most likely referred to the Regula quattuor patrum and not to the Regula Macharii. London-New York. We cannot even conclude from this source with certainty that the Regula quattuor patrum was indeed used in Lérins. Horst Ebling. Spätantikes und fränkischen Gallien. since it only formed the basis for his return to his monastery and his abbatial duties. See Jonas. ed.. Philadelphia. 191 : . 73 . Munich. It is possible that this charter was inspired by Jonas’ Vita Iohannis as well. ubi tunc venerabilis Honorati religionis forma plures instruebat et regularis discipline normam tenere eos commonebat. 4. M. cit. 330-331 : Tandem religiosorum mores perquirens. The only firm assumption we can make is that Jonas of Bobbio associated the Regula quattuor patrum = Macharii with the monastery of Lérins. ad Lirinense monasterium pervenit. Coon. no. p. This is to a certain extant justifiable. vel sancti Macarii. diem 16 Columbanian monastery (Regula Benedicti et Columbani) with the Regula Macharii 61. Holy Women and Hagiography in Late Antiquity. Klingshirn. Prinz. Sacred Fictions. 2. Paris. The text does not state that John of Réôme really ‘introduced’ this rule into his monastery. although it was usually not a hagiographer’s intention to give a conclusive record of historical events. not more than undermining a couple of assumptions and theories developed by Kasper. 1997 . 2. Francia. 10. Constructing History : Jonas and Gregory of Tours Can Jonas’ Vita Iohannis be used as a source of ‘historical facts’ ? Early medieval saints’ lives have often been used for prosopographical research 63 and the reconstruction and dating of events. Felice Lifshitz. 1982.. will be discussed in the next section of this article.. Pardessus.

but they still may have given those facts quite particular interpretations. 5. praedictus Ionas Hunnae abbati inquid 69. Mayke De Jong and Frans Theuws eds. Carine van Rhijn. art. Ionas abbas per Riomao sancti Iohannis monasterio preteriens. cit. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’. See A. the downfall and extinction of an entire branch of the Merovingian family is described as the simple result of the rulers’ appropriate and inappropriate attitudes toward the Columbanian monastic movement.. Narrators and Sources of Early Medieval History. art. 93-109. ‘‘The use and abuse of Latin Hagiography’’. assume that abbot Hunna should be identified with the monk Chunna who. 1. Frühes Mönchtum. prologue. 1998. this is an argument for assuming that in the seventh century the Regula Macharii was replaced by the BenedictineColumbanian mixed rule that was in use in Luxeuil.. and J. F.. Peritia. 25. 326.. ‘‘Moutier-St-Jean’’. 2001. 35. 307-312. p. ch. Wood. 1999. Theudebert II († 614) and Brunhild († 614) did not pay due respect to Columbanus and his foundations and therefore they lost throne and life. 3. Marilier. ‘‘Monks.. in After Rome’s Fall. ‘‘Jonas.. 99-120 . cit. p. in Topographies of Power in the Early Middle Ages. We can assume that those hagiographers who were writing for an audience that could have witness the described events avoided telling obviously incorrect facts. 95-113 . Modes of Communication. paucis diebus inibi pro labore itineris quievit. I.. t. 877. dedicatory letter. Viator. pp. Jonas of Bobbio himself reveals quite clearly his method and how his saint’s life should be read.john of réôme. ‘‘Monastic prisoners or opting out ? Political coercion and honour in the Frankish Kingdoms’’. 297 . ‘‘A prelude’’. MGH. 6. 1982. ‘‘Le monastère Moutier-Saint-Jean’’. In his preface he gives a detailed account of both commission and origin of the text : he was asked to write this saint’s life while staying at Réôme for a couple of days on a journey to Chalon-sur-Saône in the service of queen Balthild († 680) in 659. Jonas. Id. p. and Pope Honorius’’.. 291-328. op. Mayke De Jong. Clothar II († 629) supported Columbanian foundations. 186-198. cumque victus precibus fratrum ipsius coenubii. pp. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 17 account by placing it into a plausible historical context or by giving historical events a moralizing meaning ¢ especially those related to the deeds and destiny of churchmen and rulers. Vita Columbani I. col. TorontoBuffalo-London.. 69. ‘‘Beyond positivism and genre : hagiographical texts as historical narrative’’. a text regarded as one of the most important sources on Merovingian political history of the early seventh century 66. His short introduction may have been based on a letter that Jonas sent to abbot Hunna 68 of Réôme together with the completed text of the Vita Iohannis : . 66.. Ian Wood. in East and West. For Prinz. SRM. Leiden. Folz. pp. Leiden-BostonCologne. Alexander Callender Murray ed. In the case of the Vita Iohannis. the Merovingians. t. 531-546. 67. p. 68. obediently followed the saint’s advice and became a splendid ruler of all Frankish kingdoms 67. cit. 18-20. Theuderic II († 613). art. at pp. ‘‘The Vita Columbani and Merovingian hagiography’’. . 1994. Vita Iohannis. Jonas.. cit. ch. ut que per discipulus memorati confessoris Christi vel posteris eorum veraciter conperta erant de actuale vita hac spiritale contemplatione articulo dicendi convertit. 63-80 . Here. Jonas gives a similarly detailed account of the commission of the Vita Columbani. cit. art. A case in point and a particularly impressive example of making major political events an instrument of hagiographic propaganda is Jonas’ Vita Columbani. 144-145. See especially Ian Wood. pp. entered Luxeuil as a young man. pp. Evangelos Chrysos and Ian Wood eds. Vita Germani Grandivallensis. according to Bobolenus. pp. Diem. pp. See also R. pp. Prinz.

ch. p. 151 . Two other consules Iohannes are listed for 498 and 499. Jonas uses a similar expression (sublato imperii iure) in ch. ut scilicet tam mentis hominum caelesti desidero innexas. 324 and 391. the text he delivers is not just an account of this oral tradition but a product of a transformation intended for spiritual contemplation. but also Vita Antonii. art. In the text itself Jonas gives the impression of a ‘historically reliable’ saint’s life by several references to names. Jonas. 456 and 467. p.. 2. debemus. the historical information Jonas inserted in his text are not at all free from contradictions 71.. 72. cit. See Fasti Consulares Imperii Romani. 75.2. 15. t. prorsus declarare adque omnibus patefacere omne studio omneque conato. in Paulys Realencyclopedie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft. 74. ed. p. Krusch. cum conperta fuerint. MGH. Krusch. Vita Iohannis. PL. what he came to know about John is entirely based on an oral tradition transmitted over more than one generation . pp. or for a provincial governor of Gaul erroneously called consul 73. Stöber. he rested there for a couple of days from the hardship of the journey. 73. p. B. 46-51. 3... art.. pp. Stuttgart. 392 . 1. the educating function of the given exempla and the role of exceptional individuals especially favoured by God 70. pp. thus. pp.18 a. cols. Krusch. Vita Vedastis. Krusch assumed that this might either refer to one of the three consuls named Iohannes listed in the Fasti Consulares for the years 453. p. dedicatory letter. quo Gallias sub imperii iure Iohannes consul regebat. que luce clarius urbem tam in sermone docendum quam exemplum monstrando inluminavere. As already stated by Krusch and Stöber. Jonas. ch. B. This would even fit with the information that John went to the monastery of Lérins to become inspired by its founder Honoratus. art. He gave in to the requests of the brothers of this monastery that he should convert what they had been told as true by the disciples of the mentioned confessor of Christ and their descendants about this real life [of John] into an object for spiritual contemplation. diem (‘‘. cit. All three consuls Iohannes served in the eastern part of the empire 74. Based on the expression sub imperii iure. but not in Western lists. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. praefatio. who left Lérins in 426 in order to become bishop of Arles. When Abbot Jonas came through Réôme. The function of a saint’s life in general is subsequently elaborated in a rather exuberantly formulated prologue focussing on two aspects. 326 : Precellentissima sanctorum prosequentes exempla. 390-391. 1910.. Jonas himself. 9. dedicatory letter. Jonas. second. 144-146 and Praefatio libri primi. cols. 329 : Agebat enim hoc eo tempore. Bonn. . ‘‘Zur Kritik’’. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. t.. John was baptized and converted to monastic life in the time when a certain Iohannes consul ruled Gaul sub imperii iure 72. 309. SRG. 1916. p. Similar : Vita Columbani. 337 (513) in a description of Merovingian rule in Gaul. the monastery of Saint John. The above mentioned Jonas speaks to abbot Hunna. quam etiam simplicium animos hominibus profanis ad vitam provocemus aeterna. ed. 1745-1746. however. Vita Iohannis. but rather a spiritual truth. cit. B. Willy Liebenam. 126-127A. 70. never claimed to tell a historical ‘truth’ such as modern historians may want to find in this text. I would rather identity Iohannes consul with the Western emperor/usurper Iohannes who reigned from 423 to 425 and who was indeed listed as consul for the year 425 75. F. 71. Article on emperor Iohannes.’’) This text reveals two important aspects of the Vita Jonas was commissioned to write : first. places and traceable events providing ‘dates’ and contexts to different phases of John’s life. 37.

‘‘Monks. it would hardly be impossible to overcome these chronological contradictions. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 19 Eighteen months later John had to return to his own monastery by the order of bishop Gregory of Langres. If Iohannes consul was indeed the usurper/emperor Iohannes. Instead of reading the Vita Iohannis as a source for historical events. most likely the great plague of 543 79. 727-733 probably served as a model for Jonas’ depiction of the conflict between Columbanus and Theuderic II/Brunhild. MGH. cit. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. Jonas. 773-774. ch. MGH. could be identified as a certain senator Helarius described in Gregory’s Liber in gloria confessorum82. 75. Cambridge. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. ch. 83. p.2. pp. See Gregory of Tours. 15. 1885 (MGH. art. 36-37. art. Vita Iohannis. 128. It is quite unlikely that Jonas did not want to give his readers the impression that John was trained by Honoratus himself. cit. see also I.. Jonas. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. Heinzelmann. Hilarius. Liber in gloria confessorum. 81. 538-542. 1. For this purpose he did exactly what modern historians do when writing about the fifth and sixth centuries : he looked things up in the works of Gregory of Tours 80. AASS. Gregory of Tours. Rosamond McKitterick. 79. 340. p. The only bishop of Langres with the name Gregory was in office between 506 and 540 76. pp. which took place in 532 78. SRM. I. 392 tried to solve this problem by suggesting that John did not necessarily have to meet Honoratus in order to be inspired by his teaching. especially searching for material that was related to the region and diocese where Réôme was situated 81. Krusch. Two of the miracles John performed are datable as well and would fit chronologically with Gregory’s intervention. 1. Decem libri historiarum III.8. Hanover. SRM. Vita Iohannis. 17. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’. . 2004. cit. pp.2).. described by Jonas as non ignobilis.1. ‘‘A prelude’’. 858 states explicitly that Gregory of Langres wrote to Honoratus. I would suggest that Jonas of Bobbio simply used his historical knowledge to enrich the story he was commissioned with a suitable and plausible ¢ although not necessarily consistent ¢ historical background. The Carolingian version.. Liber vitae patrum XVII. pp. Krusch. p. 80. Vita Iohannis. ch. 9-10. Another healing miracle is related to a plague. pp. ‘‘Gallische Prosopographie’’. Krusch. John healed a participant of the Italian campaign of king Theudebert I († 548). 41.1. Gregory of Tours. Jonas shows his knowledge of Gregory’s work also in his Vita Columbani. Gregory would have been the first choice. See A. 1. History and Memory in the Carolingian World. He was not only the first extensively described 76. cit. 12. L. 397-398. 1. Jonas. art. ch. Even if we believe that John reached the age of 120 years. 1. ch. 8. p. Krusch. art. 185-186. 329 . p. John’s father. Duchesne. Wood. MGH. 1. ed.. and if Jonas of Bobbio used Gregory of Tours’ work to find a suitable bishop of Langres. pp. On Gregory of Langres. he is mentioned in the second book of Gregory’s Decem libri historiarum 83. See B. Almost all the names and events appearing in the Vita Iohannes can be traced back to one of Gregory’s works. ch. Decem libri historiarum II. 337-338. art. 32. Fastes épiscopaux. B. pp. SRM. January. op. The link between Gregory’s Helarius and Jonas’ Hilarius is suggested by M.. ch. eighty years after Honoratus’ death 77. Diem. 152. 77. 78. B. 275-276 gives examples for the use of Gregory’s work in later historiographic works..john of réôme. pp. p. 629630 against B. art. p. 51. p. Gregory’s life of Nicetius of Trier. cit. 82.. SRM. 389. 2. cit. cit.

art. ch.2. p. 1. art. Krusch. 18-19. ch. Krusch. 90. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. Diesenberger. 19. 6. ed. Paul Antin and Adalbert de Vogüé. 398. 56-57 . See also M. In another episode Jonas tells how a certain Segonus visits John’s monastery. III. Antwerp. pp. such as Tetricus († 572). and Sylvester. The story of Segonus is most likely based on a chapter of Gregory’s Liber vitae patrum on Sequanus. MGH. III.1. p. 128. Ibid. diem bishop in Gregory of Tours’ Decem libri 84. for more parallels between the Vita Iohannis and the Vita Sequani.. In the same book of the Decem libri historiarum in which Gregory of Langres appears at length. ch. are mentioned in the Vita Germani of Venantius Fortunatus 95. 92. 6. 861. SRM.. 15. Even the names of two participants of the campaign mentioned in Jonas of Bobbio’s text. 87. Liber in gloria confessorum. pp. 202. cit. See B.1. III. Liber vitae patrum VI. ch. Gregory of Tours. Diesenberger. See Gregory of Tours. MGH. 2. Venantius Fortunatus. pp. 2. pp. ch. SRM. 395-397 for other sources on Theudebert’s war in Italy. ed. 4. 804. 1. 5. 387-388. Nicasius. ch. SRM. 13. V. ed. 30. 703-704. ch. SRM. 9. See also B. 144. Vita Sequani. Berlin.. pp. B. ch. January. ‘‘Bausteine der Erinnerung’’. 1979 (SC.. ‘‘Bausteine der Erinnerung’’. Dialogi I. ch. Sylvester . 128 . AA. 684 . pp.2. ‘‘A prelude’’. Johannes Cleo. art. ch. 260). 506-507. the second successor of John of Réôme as abbot and later bishop of Langres also appears in Gregory’s Decem libri 94. AASS. MGH. 50. Finally. Krusch. ch. 89. Ibid. 1. p. Paris. dux Mummolenus and dux Buccelenus 88.. 1.8. SRM. p.20 a. IV. art. 94. 1. 686-690. an abbot in the diocese of Langres 91. p. ch. MGH. but he was also a member of Gregory’s family with his own saint’s life in the Liber vitae patrum 85. Gregory of Tours. The Carolingian versions of the Vita Iohannis call the visitor Sequanus.1. 37-38. ch. we find the description of the Italian campaign of king Theudebert I († 548) 87.1. 68. Other bishops of Langres appearing in Gregory’s work. MGH. 23. ch. ed. Vita Iohannis. B. p. See Jonas. 86. Liber vitae patrum VII. p. MGH.4. 32. art. Jonas. MGH. 1. cit. ch. 54-57. ch. ch. I. SRM. 1. p. another Mummolenus. 522-523. 1757. Gregory of Tours. 1. 35. 112 . 1885 (MGH. MGH.2). 5. Vita Iohannis II. p. Liber in gloria martyrum. cit. Decem libri historiarum III. Mummolenus as dux Mummolus in Gregory’s Liber in gloria martyrum 90. 1. Wood. 91. AASS. pp. 88. 5. Gregory mentions only one previous bishop of Langres in his Decem libri historiarum II. MGH. SRM. Decem libri historiarum IV. V. Ibid. 1. p.1. the abbot succeeding John of Réôme. IX. 93. 2. pp.2.. 84. He is also mentioned in Gregory I. In two cases Jonas may have received his information from a source not written by Gregory of Tours. The early Carolingian Vita Sequani combines Jonas’ story and Gregory’s chapter of his Liber in gloria confessorum 92. 5. Pappolus († 579/580) and Mummolus († after 585) were because of chronological aspects even more unsuitable for sending John back to his monastery 86. 26. p. Vita Germani.. See M. appear prominently in Gregory’s work : Buccelenus in Gregory’s Decem libri historiarum 89 . p. pp. p. Krusch. September. a civil servant possessed by a demon. MGH. 86. ch. cit. pp.2. but not in a very favourable situation : Aprunculus barely escaped an attempt on his life. SRM. 15. ch.. 85. The great plague of 543 that played a role in another healing miracle is mentioned several times in Gregory’s Liber vitae patrum and in his Decem libri historiarum 93.2. SRM. cit. Gregory of Tours. 1. See also Liber in gloria martyrum. 120 . 202. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. 32-33 and ch. p. 140. 32. 95. SRM. p.

14. SC. 2. In Decem libri historiarum VII. ch. Walker. p. In his Vita Columbani Jonas depicts monastic history in Gaul as being divided into two periods : the period when Lérins was the unquestioned centre of the monastic world of Gaul ¢ the place to be and especially the place to learn about the regula. 230-231. t. cit. 432-434 . 74 . becoming the new centre of monastic learning and inspiration. p. Ep. there was hardly any alternative for sending him to Lérins 100. 1746.2-3 (list of bishops from Lérins). he was detected was also mentioned in a forged charter for Réôme. B. Vita Walarici. 2. ch. Liber in gloria confessorum. SRM. ed. p. 15.. pp. See for example Vita Agricoli. Jonas. 1970. Vita Columbani II. 585 . Vita patrum Iurensium. 1920 (MGH. SRM. 97. AASS. pp. MGH. pp. Vita Hilarii II. 2. Vita Lupi episcopi Trecensis. See also Liber vitae patrum XV. Venantius Fortunatus. ed. SRM. See for example Vita Agili. 189-190 . ed. p. S. Macon. Jean Mabillon. ed. found his true place of monastic education in Luxeuil 97. 2. SRM. 96. p. ch. 99. Dynamius. ch. Antwerp. vv. ch. Ennodius. 47-49. 1. col. Hanover-Leipzig. one of Columbanus’ successors. AA. ch. pp. ed. 7. pp. 761. 6. Jonas impressively describes this transition by telling how Athala. M. MGH. SRM. p. Krusch. 2. v. Dublin. 3. After having lived there for a long time. Krusch. The story of John living there undercover in order to practice humility was most likely just a variation of a similar episode from the Institutiones of John Cassian († 435). 86 . ch. 95 . 833-834 . p. 2. pp. MGH. 5. Krusch. Vita Maximi. ch. Friedrich Vogel. 179. 2. after quite a disappointing experience. 3. pp. 577 and 584 . art. ch. SRM. ch. Vita Balthildis. 4. ch. 296 . AASSOSB.1. p. ed. p. ch. 1896 (MGH. 491 . B. ed. Paris. ed. Johannes Stilting. 5. Krusch. B. 4-6. Vogel. AASS. Vita Arnulfi. 142. first went to Lérins and. ch. Here the famous and well respected abbot Pinufius secretly left his monastery in order to become the lowest novice at Pachomius’ foundation Tabenesi.5 . SRM. 1885 (MGH. 4. Vita Aigulphi. Ps. 98. Wood. 2. 1. 1995 (SC. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 21 There is only one major event that was not directly inspired by the work of Gregory of Tours : John’s escape from his monastery. 26. 426-428 . p. MGH. Die Urkunden der Merowinger. ch. p. 80. Berlin. 93. . Krusch. In hagiographic texts related to saints of the fifth and sixth century we find numerous examples of monks who went to Honoratus and his foundation Lérins on pilgrimage or for education and training 98. p.john of réôme. 6. Hanover-Leipzig. 433-434 . 1. 450C-D . F. ed. B. p. Vita Antonii. 100. ed. ed. 7. Vita Theudarii. Vita Filiberti. Adson. Vita Caesarii I. B. Krusch. 1. 7. MGH. 7 . ‘‘A prelude’’. 163 and 165-166 . 1. 4. Ennodius. and the period when Lérins fell into decline and Luxeuil took over this function. 19362. Columbanus. ch. AA. 3). 174. 1. SRM. his stay in Lérins and his forced return to his function as abbot.24. ch. MGH. 5. ch. pp. AA. PL.2. ch. MGH. p. no. MGH. Columbani Opera. The falsifier may have got his information from the Vita Iohannis. 7). 7. 459 . ch. SRM. 7). ch. 658 . AASOSB. MGH. 404). He did this with the consent of the community and not in a conflicted setting. ed. August. ch. G. 5. See also I. 1. 2. September. pp. Krusch. To tell this story Jonas of Bobbio did not need Gregory at all. B.2. If Jonas of Bobbio wanted to tell a story of an exemplary holy monk living before Columbanus’ arrival who tried to obtain necessary monastic knowledge and to learn about the regula. 34C-D . Vita Epiphani. Samuel Cavallin. 22. ascribed to Clothar I (dated 516). MGH. ch. Vita Leobini. 526. B. 323-325 Gregory tells the story of abbot Salvius who also left his community in order to live as a hermit. even though Gregory provided stories of abbots leaving their community 96. ch. 721 . Vita et miracula Bercharii. 1. 36-42. 4. p. For the seventh century we find as many examples for monks receiving training at Luxeuil 99. ed.

he used one of the most important programmatic monastic texts for making his saint a saint : the Vita Antonii. 125-169 has a chapter division different from the editions of the Greek . The text. See also Gregory I. Sermo’’. 260. pp.. or Pacomius in the wonderful sixth century Latin Vita Pacomii. Diem. 22. 109). the invented founder of the monastery Sequanum (which was built on the ruins of a shrine of the Seine goddess Sequana) 103. and is probably not a highly reliable source on the historical founder of Réôme. The Carolingian revision of the Vita Iohannis I. 3. 1-27. Vita Sequani. See M. Coon. the Vita Iohannis can certainly do more than just provide reference to names. pp. ‘‘Zur Kritik’’. 1. Jonas of 101. pp. See A. ‘‘Bausteine der Erinnerung’’. See also F. He is comparable to. Müller. for example. 105. Institutiones IV. Study and edition in A.. 104. ch. Both Saint John of Réôme and the world in which he lived are the product of a careful construction that presumably was more determined by what Jonas of Bobbio wanted to tell the monks of Réôme than by what they told him 102. 20012 (SC. but it certainly shows how a seventh-century hagiographer made use of the work of Gregory of Tours and other hagiographic traditions. ed. John of Réôme belongs to the group of ‘artificial saints’. SC.a. but rather as an example of applying available historical knowledge for giving a predominantly constructed narrative some historical background. Diem and H. Paris. p. cit. 30. Stöber. diem 22 and forced against his will to return to his abbatial duties against his will 101. As a constructed saint’s life of a monastic founder in Gaul in the fifth and sixth centuries written by a hagiographer who formulated the programmatic basis of the Columbanian monastic movement in his Vita Columbani 105. 164-168. we can state that Jonas of Bobbio’s Vita Iohannis cannot be used as a historically accurate report of events. As a preliminary conclusion. cols. The currently most accessible edition of Athanasius’ Latin translation of the Vita Antonii in PL. 73. written more than two centuries after the events. art. pp. As such. see also L. 52-63. ch.2-6. 1. There are probably numerous non-historical saints hardly known to historical research hidden in the Acta Sanctorum. On hagiography as construction.. 106. ‘‘Was bedeutet Regula Columbani ?’’. Regula.. op.6. art. cit. t. Sacred Fictions. cit. forthcoming. can hardly be read as source on Lérins. Saint Sequanus. 2. 333. p. Diesenberger. ‘‘Vita. John of Réôme : the new Anthony Just as Jonas of Bobbio used Gregory of Tours’ works for providing John’s life with a historical background. Dialogi I. 102. Vita Pacomii (BHL 6411-6412). p. cit.9. cit. 858 explicitly refers to Cassian and the episode on Pinuphius. Jean-Claude Guy. ch. Jonas replaced Tabenesi by Lérins ¢ implicitly giving both monasteries the same status ¢ and added the aspect of episcopal interference. art. a monk constructed on the basis of numerous patristic and hagiographic works in order to deliver a fictionally oral theological treatise on pure speech 104. 6. September. since Bruno Krusch regarded their lives of no value and refused to give them a place in the Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum. 36-41. written by Athanasius († 373) and spread in the West in a Latin translation of Evagrius of Antioch († 392/393) 106. January. AASS. In his Vita Columbani. in AASS. places and events. 103. Cassian. art.

pp. forms a announcement of Anthony’s continuous quest for perfection text. 296-302 . The ‘Greek’ chapter division is given in brackets. This aspect is even more emphasized in the revised Carolingian versions. 18. the decisive biblical words came from Mc 1. 111. p.g. 5. 304 . Vita Iohannis. Liber vitae patrum XIII. Jonas. M. col. ch. Stöber. 1-2. 127B-C. 333 : more adletarum antiquorum . Both prologues continue with a general deliberation on the exemplary value of saints’ lives as models and moral exhortations for the faithful 110. Mc 1. MGH. So far. ch. ch.20. Jonas. 2. cit. col. p. praefatio. quo peccatorum sanies pelleretur. ch. ed. 12. ch.34-35. art.21 113. ‘‘Zur Kritik’’. ch.80 114. 330 : Abiectoque eo procul a loco. Vita Iohannis. 142. 242 . See F. 252 . these similarities could be explained by hagiographic conventions. J. p. 1-2. Vita Antonii. p. p.5 and especially Mt 19. 112. 310. 63. pp. SC. ch. This motif is also used in the Columbanian Vita Germani Grandivallensis. Vita Antonii. 109. 400) and most available translations. See e.20). ut precedencium monachorum studia imitando prosequerentur et celestis antidoti pocula prebendo. 126C-D . 73. ch. . As much as Si vis perfectus esse. t.20 and especially Lc 1. p. PL. Here the biblical words come from I Cor 7. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’. ch. quod beatus Iohannes euvangelista reliquisset patrem Zebedeum cum navi et absque ulla ambiguitate Christum secutus fuisset (cf. At first glance it seems to be obvious why Jonas based John’s monastic conversion on two biblical phrases related to the two Johns of the New Testament. Act 4.. Especially the Vita patrum Iurensium is full of motifs from the Vita Antonii. 1994 (SC. ¢ erat enim beati Iohannis Baptiste veneranda sollempnitas. 114. See also praefatio. Jonas of Bobbio would not have been the first hagiographer using the Vita Antonii in this way. The expression more adletarum antiquorum may be inspired by Gregory of Tours. Col 1. Vita patrum Iurensium. 330 . col. subiectam plebem constitutit et. p. 107. 522.. ‘‘Monks. quo ait : Puer autem crescebat et confortabatur in spiritu et erat in deserto usque ad diem ostensionis sue ad Israel (Lc 1. Diem. ch. 127A-C . Anthony based his conversion on Mt 4. finem eius desiderii igne penetrans. 715. Jonas. dedicatory letter. 110. ch. Bartelink.. cenobii locum construxit et sanctorum patrum exemplo sub regule tenore. ch. p. Vita Iohannis. Vita Antonii. 339. 329-330. 2. pp. 53-58. In both cases. 34. ¢ audita euvangelica lectione et deducta serie. Both the Vita Iohannis and the Vita Antonii start with a description of how the text was commissioned and written on the basis of oral sources. p. Pascal Bertrand (University of Utrecht) is currently preparing a new edition of the Evagrius’ translation of the Vita Antonii. 341. See A. p. cit. 3. 1. SRM. 8.. For John of Réôme. however. Jonas. 2. MGH. 60. pp. p. John of Réôme’s life does not only generally follow the line of the monastic fathers 108. 326 . Paris. ac deinceps cum alia vice audisset. p. p. Vita Iohannis. SRM. 326-327. he is depicted as similar to Anthony in so many respects that we can conclude that Jonas intended to present his readers with a ‘‘new Anthony’’ transposed into a Gallic setting 109.. their conversion to a solitary life was based on a series of biblical words they accidentally heard while attending Mass 112.23. 10. Both saints were sons of good Christian parents and decided to leave their families in order to live an ascetic life at the age of about twenty 111.john of réôme. omni nisu adortatus est. 113.. 108. p. ch. art.2. ibique quantisper moratus. 2.80). but there is probably more going on. quam custodiendo proficerent. 248-250 . 4. Prologus/Praefatio. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 23 Bobbio listed Athanasius’ work as one of his sources of inspiration and Anthony probably served as model for depicting Columbanus as a vir Dei in the tradition of the desert fathers 107.31 and Mt 19. ch. 329 : Itaque cum quadam die ad basilicam missarum solempnia auditurus pergeret. ch. G.

2. Both subsequently transmit their achieved knowledge to other monks 115. Jonas. 27. 84. Gregory of Tours uses this motif in Decem libri historiarum V. 181-182 . Vita Iohannis. diem by means of a radical break with the world. cols. 332334. To my knowledge there are no early medieval saints described as having reached such an exceptional age. pp. ch. the age of Moses 120. 802 . ch. 117.80 can be read as keys of a programmatic shift from a monastic concept based on giving up secular ties and possessions to a concept of monastic communities deeply integrated into the Christian community. 1. p. Jonas. col. 330-332. 342 is more detailed. Anthony wants to be buried in the wilderness at an unknown place. pp. 50 (81). Non only eyes. SRM. 4. both lives have more parallels. Both saints start their ascetic career by visiting other ascetics in order to profit from their wisdom and to exercise humility and obedience. p. as old as Moses (Dt 34. ch. Vita Antonii. Gregory of Tours gives several somewhat more realistic examples of holy bishops reaching their eighties and nineties in Liber vitae patrum XII. both saints themselves determine where they want to be buried. Jonas. col. 300-302. pp. p. 17. ch. 19. 1. See Jerome. Vita Antonii. he also was never afflicted with the misery of old age. Mt 19. 118. ch. ch. John ‘‘not far away from the monastic building (coenobium). 142. See also Gregory of Tours. t. ch. 340. 1. Vita Pauli. Therefore. They especially keep excellent eyesight. 713 . col. Both settle at a place with a font that has to be cleansed from one or more serpents 116. ch. See also Vita Columbani I. Decem libri historiarum VII. 45. MGH. 720 . 28 (54). Vita Iohannis. Their decisions form a statement congruent to their conversion. 168A-B. ch. pp. 18. pp. 119. as Anthony did. Vita Antonii. Jonas. Both keep their young face and appearance in spite of (or rather because of) their ascetic lifestyle. ch. Vita Antonii. ch. 4.21 and Lc 1. . p. 57-58. t. pp. p. MGH. Vita Antonii. Decem libri historiarum V. Vita Iohannis. 330. 19. 162A-C . 256. Yet despite these different ‘choices’. despite similar beginnings. 120. 158-160 . 166-169 . the lives of John and Anthony developed rather differently. 216-217. ch. XIV. See also Vita patrum Iurensium. cols. PL. col. t. ch. Instead of seeking perfection by means of a constant withdrawal from an increasingly demanding world. Jonas tells the same about Columbanus in Vita Columbani I. ch. 204-205.1. 177-178 . p. 22A. John even reaches 120 years. 340-342. 323-325 on abbot Salvius. 128A-129B . 18. 116. Vita Iohannis. pp. 18. Vita Iohannis. within the boundaries of the monastery (monaste115. SRM. 7. 3. ch.80 can be understood as a announcement of the tension between separation and reintegration that determined the monastic life of John of Réôme. ch. 133C . 186-187.2. the quotation from Lc 1. Liber in gloria confessorum.1. ch. 10. 8-9. 73. 11 (12). PL. teeth and memory remained perfect until John’s death. perfect teeth and bodily strength until their very old age 117. There is one other desert father outstripping Antony. ch. Anthony is almost 105 years old when he dies . Jonas. p. ch. Both enjoy the reverence and the respect of secular rulers 119. ch.5-7) and lived long enough to make all the anachronisms in the text somewhat less obvious. Jonas’ Vita Iohannis. p. 3 (3-4). ch. Vita Antonii. Both withdraw from their communities in order to live a solitary life and visit their monks only occasionally 118. SC. 56 (89). Giving John such a long life could have had a triple function : he was older than Anthony. contains a summary of John’s teaching in ch. 73. 78. 794-795 . 1. pp. SRM. Almost half of the Vita Antonii consists of the sermons given to his monks . 8. pp. 3-5. MGH.1. 60 (93). 150D-151B . pp. John of Réôme eventually became head of a monastic community that was both separated from the world and integrated into social contexts. SRM. 165D . MGH. ch. Vita Iohannis. 23. col. ch. pp. 342. 1. ch. p. PL.24 a. Finally. 15. ch. ch. Jerome gave his hermit Paul 113 years. ch. pp.

19. 11-12. van Cranenburgh. 129. ch. 121. ch. Vita Antonii. ch. Dialogi I. 510). who extensively referred to the desert father tradition to show that their own monastic world shared all the good qualities with the old monastic world. as I will show in the next sections. p. 109. cols. Vita Iohannis. 1. 5). 33 (61). cols. SC. pp. 31-32 (59-60). 142. ch. ‘‘Encounters between monks and demons’’. Ibid. 863-868. Vita Pachomii. 37-39 (65-66). ch. 152D-154A .g. Vita patrum Iurensium. col. 34 (62). SC. See e. For Jonas. ch. 154A-B . 167D-168A . Paris. ch. 128. By adapting the ancient models of Anthony and the desert fathers Jonas of Bobbio stands in the tradition of Sulpicius Severus 130. 24 (48). Both saints abstain from post mortem-miracles 122 and most of the miracles performed during their lifetime were healings or exorcisms 123 and visionary miracles 124. the Vita Simeonis 128 or John Cassian’s Institutiones 129. John is depicted as similar in many ways and certainly as venerable as the desert fathers. See Albrecht Diem. 14. John’s refusal to speak to his mother. 147D-148D . 124. ch. 73. pp. Anthony serves as an important model for the construction of John of Réôme. 43 (71). . 2. 329B-D. Vita Antonii. ed. MGH. SRM. ch. 174. Brussels.2. p. Moreover. 335-336. cols. 2. 123. pp. col. Merovingians were not interested in saints who had to fight demonic temptations 126. the parallels between John of Réôme and Anthony do not imply that Jonas designed his saint as a simple copy of the first hermit. 335-337. Cassian.g. the author of the Vita patrum Iurensium 131 and Gregory the Great 132. 2006 (SC.g. ch. For example. Jonas follows a general trend in Merovingian hagiography. allowing her to see him only once from afar. 73. ch. ed. ch. the expressions coenobium and monasterium clearly define two different spaces. Jonas. Vita Antonii. Tette Hofstra and Karin Olsen eds.. cols. 106-110. see AASS. See e. Dialogi. but he still represents a monastic ideal that is distinctly different from the one of the sancti patres. 51-67. was probably inspired by Dionysius Exiguus’ Vita Pachomii 127. 1969. ch. 13. Three central themes of the Vita Antonii were omitted by Jonas altogether : Anthony’s struggle with demons. 26. January. 764 does not mention his mother. 276-278. Jonas. Vita Simeonis stylitae. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 25 rium)’’ 121. but explaining at the same time why the new monastic heroes lived differently in many respects. p. the Carolingian revision comprises numerous post mortem-miracles. Liber in gloria confessorum. 9. 122. Institutiones VI. As impressive as Athanasius’ Anthony may have been. 132. 130. Jacques Fontaine and Nicole Dupré. By omitting the theme of demon fights and temptations and reducing demons to easy targets and victims of the saint’s exorcisms 125. prologus 6. pp. pp. 29-30 (57-58). Dionysius Exiguus. ch. 2005 (Germania Latina. Gregory I. 14.john of réôme. 59 (92). col. PL. 10-11 . but Jonas certainly used other texts on the monastic fathers as well. in Miracles and the Miraculous in Medieval Latin and Germanic Literature. 426-428. t. cols. ch. 31. 154 B-C . Vita Iohannis. 15. loco quem ipse predixerat. 152A-D . ch. La Vie Latine de saint Pachôme.. 157D-158A . his teachings on demons and his battles against heathens and heretics. 155A-156C . At least in the first version of the Vita Iohannis . PL. Groningen. 342 : Sepultusque est aut procul a cenobio infra terminos monasterii. ch. 126. See e. 125. pp. 154C-155A . Sulpicius Severus. H. ch. The chapter on Simeon in Gregory of Tours’. Vita Iohannis. pp. 131. p. Jonas. cols. col. ch. pp. 337. t. 260. 35-36 (63-64). 127. SC. 158-160. ch.

64 . 135. p. Columbanus. 1. p. 16. II. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’. 286. 2. 331 . diem 26 4. 15. . J. such as anxio corde/cordis 139. expressing the Columbanian attitude toward the role of the regula and notions of the separated monastic space 138. See also A. p. 331 . ch. art. 360. ch. ch. ed. 1999. In this way Jonas of Bobbio could convince his readers that these ideals were in fact not new and not introduced by the Irish monks but had thrived in Gaul before they had fallen into decay 134. the best overview of the sources on Columbanian or ‘Iro-Frankish’ monasticism is still F. 329 . Prinz. ch. privilege for Soissons (667). no. Vita Columbani I. p. 106. . Vita Columbani I. op. Vita Iohannis. Walker. 139. M. p. a saint sharing numerous habits with the vir Dei Columbanus . 272 and in numerous other Columbanian saints’ lives and rules. 21-104 and 369-485 . privilege for St. 164 . 361-378. ch.. ‘‘Les origines du monachisme dans le diocèse de Besançon (ve-xe siècles)’’. G. S. his monastic world reflects the same monastic ideals as Columbanian monasticism. 194 . cit. For parallels between Vita Iohannis and Vita Columbani. Jonas of Bobbio uses for his Vita Iohannis a set of terminology that appears partly exclusively. 262 . Restraint. B. 147-148. But this is not the end of the story and probably not the story Jonas of Bobbio wanted to tell. partly predominantly in texts related to Columbanian monasticism. Although his interpretations are sometimes doubtful. . ch. p. Gérard Moyse. 4. arrepto 133. pp. pp. pp. no. pp. See also II. 355. cit. His third and by far most important source for the construction of his saint was Columbanian monasticism as it was masterly depicted in his own Vita Columbani but also in quite a diverse corpus of monastic rules. Jonas. ‘‘Monks. p. II. SC. p.. 230. 66-73. pp. cit. ch. 166 . p. 339 . 121-185. 237 . Stöber. ch. nam penitentiae medicamenta et mortificationis amor vix vel paucis in ea repperiebatur locis. p. 4. t. 330 . cit. Some of these expressions. ‘‘Jonas. Dunn. ubi tunc vel ob frequentia hostium externorum vel neglegentia praesulum religionis virtus pene abolita habebatur. Jonas of Bobbio’s new Anthony is. 136. 4. 13. 5. ed.a. ardor mentis 140. Vita Iohannis. p.. op. See p. ch. Dié (before 678). Barbara Rosenwein. 134. 3. 17. 275. op. 331 . 1973. Besides these expressions the text contains numerous other terms that appear in both texts but rarely elsewhere. Vita Iohannis. see also F. See also M. Regula magistri. op. ch. A. 15. 39-41 . ibid. 340 . as it will be shown in this section. p. ch. Vita Columbani I. ch. The Emergence of Monasticism. p. 2. Wood. such as tenor regule 135. Vita Iohannis. Vita Galli I (833-834). 2. Walahfrid Strabo. Jonas. cit. 11. Negotiating Space : Power. Diem. ch.. ch. art. p. pp. 17. MGH. ibid. p. 137. 158-190 . Pardessus. Jonas. 7. ‘‘Zur Kritik’’. 173. 138. cit. 339 . pp. Frühes Mönchtum. 170 . I. ‘‘Was bedeutet Regula Columbani ?’’. no. II. p. Regula coenobialis. ch. 140. 138-141 . cit. ch. 2. ch.. SRM. ch. Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes. p. ch. Diem. p. 329 . 5. Krusch. 131. and Privileges of Immunity in Early Medieval Europe. M. charters and other hagiographic works 133. NY. septa monasterii 136 and septa coenubii 137 have a programmatic function. Vita Columbani I. p. p. Ithaca. the Merovingians’’. ch. 20. ch. Fides tantum manebat christiana. p. 19. 3. art. 16. 10. privilege for Rebais (636).. 161 : A Brittanicis ergo sinibus progressi. pp. A Columbanian monk avant la lettre Jonas wanted to give his readers the impression of the vir Dei John of Réôme as a new Anthony placed in a setting of a fifth-century Gaul. I. ch. Jonas. 268 . cit. ed.10. II. 13. p. ad Gallias tendunt. In order to stress parallels between the (constructed) monastic world of John and the Columbanian world. art.

339 . and vestigia magistri 159. ch. ch. SC. 17. I. 14. 16.16 . Vita Iohannis. 326 . ed.9. Id. p. 9. p. 1913 (MGH. p. 10. MGH. Jonas. ed. 168A. 328-329 . 158.9. ch. however. 3. 345. Krusch. ch. p. p. Vita Eligii II. ch. ch. 342 . MGH. ch 7. ch. ch. 4. p. Vita Columbani I. Walahfrid Strabo. cit. ed. Paris. ch. p. MGH. p. ch. Regula Isidori. 10. 251 . ch. 3. mentem polluere 148. pp. col. Vita Columbani I. 7. Vita Columbani I. 9. 14. p. viiiex). p. col.. 339 . p. II. Passio Praeiecti. ch. 204 . 155. 342 .. Vita Iohannis. ch. p. 259 . Vita Columbani. Vita Columbani I. p. 259 . 338 . 169 . p. 69. peracta oratione 153. Vita Columbani II. p. p. ch. 188 . damnum inferre 143. pp. ch. ch. Krusch. t. p. 280. ed. SRM. Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. MGH. 7. p. p. Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. Vita Columbani I. p. 5. 340. 7. SRM. evangelici praeconii 145. 282 . p. Audoin.55-56. 1. Vita Ansberti (s. 237. 376. p. ch. ch. SC. ch. ed.. SRM. SRM. Levison. 167. 146. Vita Radegundis. 337 . Jonas. 181. ch. 6. 17. MGH. 2. de Vogüé and J. peccatorum maculates 152.. 17. ch. Vita Columbani I. 20. ch.61-62. pp. Courreau. Vita Iohannis. p. 11. ch. II. p. 198 . MGH. p. ch. p. 333 . Hanover-Leipzig. ch. 2. 148. p. Vita Iohannis. 500 . 560 .1. 12. 19-20. 6.11. 518 . ch. 37. 40. 48. ch.6. 168A. Regula ad monachos. 14. I. ch 6. 16. Jonas. ‘Vereor’. p. 292. SRM. Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. Levison. Audoin. 332 . 460 . Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. sines ecclesiae 155. Campos Ruiz. cf. p. Vita Columbani I. 7. Vita Menelei. Ep. 2. 16. 6. 213 . p. p. 27. 6.14. 697 . Regula magistri. p. Vita Iohannis. tumido cordis 158. 11. 157. 4. Vita Iohannis. 398). p. Vita Iohannis. 19. Vita Iohannis. CCCM. 143. 3. pp. ch. Caesarius of Arles. ch. ed. ch. W. orationem pulsare 149. 251. 416 . CCCM. Vita Iohannis. 339 . 9. 41. p. 147. 5. Regula ad virgines. p. ch. p. p. II. ch.4. 25. p. ch. 19. 153. Vita Columbani II. ch. p. 144. CCCM. 30. 23. 340 . p. Regula Benedicti. p. of projecting Columbanian monastic ideals back into a preColumbanian past goes further than using new words for describing an ‘‘old’’ world. SC. p. p. 267. ch. SC. ed.. 172 . PL. p. 85-86. Regula Donati. MGH. 13. ch. Vita Iohannis. 337 . Vita Walarici. Vita Sadalbergae. ed. p. cf. Vita Iohannis. ch. 27. 208 . 25. fessa membra 146. ch. ch. 5. 58. ch.. 4. ed. 4. 14. 333 . Jonas. Jonas’ technique. Id. ch. 4. Jonas. Jonas. Caesarius of Arles. 156. ch. ch. II. 334 . 333 . ch. Vita Iohannis. 148A. Jonas. 5. 188 . p. ch. 338 . 333 . His main narrative technique consists of creating variations on well known and easily recognizable themes ¢ if not from the Vita Antonii or 141. p. ch. ch. Vita Columbani II. 339 . 370 . p. Jonas. 335 . . ch. II. 9. Vita Iohannis. 142. ch. 5. ch. 12. 150. 1. p. 105. 2. 330 . ch. ch. ch. p. 5. 7. 21. cit. 1994 (SC. ch. 22. SRM. MGH. 243. 152. Jonas. 5. ch. 223 . Vita Galli II. p. Vita Audoini. 334 . These expressions make the world assigned to John of Réôme at least semantically part of the Columbanian monastic world . MGH. 20. I. ch. p. ed. 7. 10. Krusch. 17. 6. 11. 103 . 159. Vita Eligii II. p. A. p. SRM. 337 . Vita Iohannis. Jonas. 162 . 268 . B. 5. ch. p. 3. p. p. ed. 15. p. 184 . 345. p. 285. 154 . stimulo elationis 157. Jonas. 1058C. ibid.11. 88. 488. ch. B. 16. ch. 16. ch. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 27 itinere 141. 5.john of réôme. oratione lectioneque incumbere 150. SRM. 333 . ch. J. p. ch. p. 151. ch. Jonas. MGH. 16. ch. 12. 6). Vita Iohannis. Vita Iohannis. 623 . p. ch. 145. 13. SRM. 1. new ed. Vita Iohannis. p. p. dedicatory letter. p.24. cultus religionis 142. cf. W. Jonas. Regula Donati. ch. 160 . ch.23. damnum negligentiae 144. B. 241 . Jonas. 230. 163. SRM. 25. ch. ch. 6.55-56. ch. 9. cf. p. SRM. MGH. p. Vita Columbani II. ch. ch. p. p. ch. 99 (PL. 259 . Adalbert de Vogüé and Joël Courreau. p. ch. 292 . sospitatem recipere 156. 343 . ed. 83. 23. Vita Columbani II. signo tacto 154. Vita Iohannis. II. Vita Iohannis. 154.. 21. ch. 4. 713 . op. 16. Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. 168A. ch. pavimento prostratus 151. ch. Vita Balthildis. Vita Columbani II. Jonas. t. p. 149. 7. p. p. 329 . ch. SRM. Venantius Fortunatus. ch. 15. II. 7. 147.10. p. p. 246. 339 . 154. 210 . in preparation. 875A) . cit. 4. ed. Vita Columbani I. 19. Vita Bertilae. ch. Id. I. 336 . Levison. Vita Anstrudis. SRM. 15. p. 16. ch. ch. Vita et Passio Haimhrammi. ch. ch. CCCM. p. 320 . p. MGH. 339 . Vita Columbani I. 235 . ch. infra/extra terminos monasterii 147.

discussed below). 22 (45). SC.53-56. . sine dubio addita et suae animae. 21-22. These two rules. however. p. and ch. 17. which is a combination and variation of well known themes. Almost every monastic rule emphasizes in a general way the responsibility of the abbot or abbess. or if one wants to say so. p. 2. 442 : Memor semper abbas quia doctrinae suae vel discipulorum oboedientiae. 352-354 . 161. 133 A-B . 8. SC. pp. again with some significant extra-messages : the motif of Lérins as a place of monastic training and learning is combined with the topos of a monk escaping fame and the crowd. cols. 105. 146C-147A . then usually appearing in his own Vita Columbani 160. Vita Antonii. since it was during Jonas’ lifetime that the Regula Benedicti left its first 160. t. 332-333 on John’s refusal to see his mother.] iudicium omnipotentis Dei de damno omisse hac derelicte plebes recipere metuerit. ch. 332 : studuit denuo salubria pocula sub regulare tenore. 2. A similar technique is applied in the episode of John’s stay at Lérins and forced return to Réôme. as it was developed in several places in the Vita Antonii 161 but especially in the Pinufius-Episode in Cassian’s Institutiones 162. 131B-C .. ch.... ch.6. agnoscat pro certo quia in die iudicii ipsarum omnium animarum est redditurus Domino rationem. 333-334 on John meeting a poor person while living in the wilderness as a hermit. Lérins receives in this episode a status similar to Tabenesi. 2.. pp. the message to be understood. pp. ch. utrarumque rerum.6-15. qui propriam perpotire cupiebat salutem.. Quite often the clue. cols. Sciatque abbas culpae pastoris incumbere quidquid in ovibus paterfamilias utilitatis minus potuerit invenire.. 23-25 (47-51). ch. 392. pp. 162. quam beatus Macharius indedit. ch. denuo caelestia preconia administrare. This can be read as a reference to one of the central new ideals of Columbanian monasticism : a combination of strict separation and the respected inaccessibility of monastic space on the one hand and a profound integration in secular and ecclesiastical structures of power on the other. but Jonas combines this with a statement on the responsibilities of the abbot.. John’s conversion is based on a biblical quotation implying that living an ascetic life does not mean a permanent separation but also includes the aspect of integration. Vita Iohannis. 14. 73.. et quantum sub cura sua fratrum se habere scierit numerum. 6. in tremendo iudicio Dei facienda erit discussio. nam damno communi particeps forent. It is quite possible that at this point he got his inspiration from the Regula Benedicti or the Regula magistri. col. 7. . 331-332 : . ch. [.] neclectam plebis curam. p. ne iudicium damnationis de omisione tantarum animarum adquireret. 7 (8). [. 4. ch. 450 : Sciatque quia qui suscipit animas regendas paret se ad rationem reddendam. See pp. diem from Gregory.28 a. is hidden in the variation rather than in the theme itself. p. Regula Benedicti. col. 181. Consequently this theme comes back at several other places in the Vita Iohannis (ch. monachis ministrare adque aeducatam in melius plebem ad caelestia gaudia provocare. ch. For reasons of space two chapters were omitted even though they would have provided more supportive arguments : ch. PL. The following analysis of episodes from the Vita Iohannis is almost exhaustive. See also Regula magistri. 5.. state ¢ just as the Vita Iohannis ¢ that the abbot has to give account at the last judgement for the salvation or damnation of those subordinate to him 163. 147B-149D. ch. preferring asceticism to leadership.37. One example for this narrative technique has already been given. 9.. A connection between Regula Benedicti and Vita Iohannis is certainly possible. John underwent the same conversion on the basis of a biblical phrase he heard in church as did Anthony. the regula. 163. Jonas.. 10 (11). .

332 : . no. p. 9. art. John appointed a representative. ch. 167-168 . more specifically.. parts of his life outside the community. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 29 traces within the Frankish world and. p.. ‘‘Monks. p. longevo floruit tempore. The first witnesses for the use of the Regula Benedicti in the Frankish world are the two Columbanian rules for nuns (Regula Donati and Regula cuiusdam ad virgines) and the first episcopal privileges issued to Columbanian monastic foundations. Liber vitae patrum IX. quo vos presules existitis. 2. pp. de quorum religione nihil dubitabatur. MGH. 172-173 . see A. especially the privilege for Rebais (636). Chapter seven describes how the monks were clearing land in order to turn it into farmland. 8. 275. I. pp. 5. but it is also expressed in the Vita Iohannis. 181-186 . 170 : Dedit gubernatores praepositus. 704-705 on saint Patroclus founding a monastery and living in its neighbourhood as a hermit. 1. ch. 1. John himself spent. 333-334 . I. 5. Spiritu sancto repletus condedit. ch. ch. pp. See also Gregory of Tours. which cover the major part of the saint’s life. 332 . ed. 155-157 . adnitente sibi monacho Filomere nomine. 19. ch. pp. eius successores fuerunt. p. Later they realized that someone had stolen their 164. His ergo in locis monachorum plebes constitutas. cit. 542-559. in the description of John’s successor Sylvester (ch. After his forced return. see Gregory of Tours. Pardessus. p... This representative may be identified with the senior mentioned on two occasions in Jonas’ text (ch. 39-41. Called by a senior they dropped their tools and immediately returned to the monastery. 342 . secundum Luxoviensis coenobii. I. M. ch.. 734. 12. SRM. dedicatory letter. as happens in many other hagiographical texts and especially in the works of Gregory of Tours. quam tenerent. 168. Jonas.. Liber vitae patrum XVIII. The following episode of the Vita Iohannis further elaborates on the theme of leadership. 216-217. I. p. who had to take care of everyday monastic life 165. 10. omni sanctitate et relegione deditum. The central part of the Vita Iohannis consists of a series of edifying stories and miracles. pp. Both Carolingian revisions of the Vita Iohannis changed the order of the miracle stories. 13. prudens lector vel auditor agnoscit. we can assume that Jonas of Bobbio wanted to make his point by telling some well chosen exemplary stories. SRM. qui magistri instituta suis plebibus servanda tradiderunt. 8. ch. ch. Similar : Vita Columbani I. in quam. 166. op. These episodes have neither a clear chronological order nor do they form a coherent narrative 168.2. pp. 165. ch. pp. This aspect plays a central role in the Vita Columbani. Therefore each episode appears to be worth a closer analysis. pp. I. On the motif of the absent saint. 145 on Columbanus’ successors : .john of réôme. 342) : Suffectusque est in loco eius abbas Silvester nomine. qualis et quantae disciplinae vir sanctus fuerit. For other representatives. living as a hermit. Jonas shows that both saints did not need to be physically present in order to rule their monasteries 166 ¢ which is crucial to ensure the continuity of the community after their death 167. at least partly. within Columbanian monasticism 164. caelestem praeconium tam monachis quam populo annuens absque delatione conferebat. showing that the leading role of a vir Dei has. like Columbanus. 3. Since they are limited in number. 167. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’. p.2. J. pp. 7. ch. Diem. 17. ch. 19. ch. 173-174 . ipse vicissim omnibus intererat regulamque. 27. Vita Iohannis. cit. pp. . cuius fultus auxilio. MGH. Vita Columbani I. ch. quem ipse antea vivens fratrum cetui preesse preciperat . Vita Iohannis. qui et religionis forma et regule tenore per vestigia magistri gradiens. Jonas. a symbolic character. rather than by proving the saint’s sanctity with an impressive number of spectacular miracles. esp. See also Vita Columbani. 16). 1. quorum primus Ebobiensis.

2-3. 171. 8. Ibid.. ad agrum properat et propere qui furti scelus patraverat venire conspicit : festinoque conamine ad vestigia beati viri curruit. The Vita Columbani tells at several occasions how the monks were engaged in rural work 173. 262-264 . Ibid. p. pp. CCCM. First Jonas repeats ¢ on the level of the monastic community ¢ the tension between oboedientia and negligentia that already played a central role in the episode on John’s escape to Lérins 176 : a wrong notion of oboedientia may harm the community.14. See ibid. peracta oboediencia.23. 334 . ch. Vita Iohannis. ch. pp. Ablatis furto securibus reperiunt adque neglegentiae damnum patri nuntianda properant. John showed his anger about the monks’ negligentia and urged them to pray. 20. 194-195. 142. ipse oratione innexus. 331 : quod si. ch. ch. pp. S.. Regula cuiusdam ad virgines.1-3. cf. iudicium omnipotentis Dei de damno omisse hac derelicte plebes recipere metuerit. ch. After the prayers he returned to the fields and found the thief who repented and handed him back the stolen sickles. CCCM. Miraculously no beer is spilled. ch. More remarkable is that this first ‘miracle’ of the entire saint’s life (finding a repenting thief) was actually not caused by the saint himself but by 169.. 4. 260. p. 177 . 90. Here as well Jonas uses oboedientia and negligentia as key expressions. 2. Jonas. Here as well.20. ch. 461. quo ager cultui redditus uberius deferret fructus. I. 16. 1. fratribus imperaret. op. Another repenting thief is mentioned in I. 174.6. ch. 36. pp. 173. modo ad agrum cura laborandi redire procurant. 3. 6. For example Jonas. MGH. SC. ch. I. pp. 310-311.15. Cumque ille eorum neglegentiam aegre ferens. cf. 52. patrati sceleris reatum denuntiat reformandaque praede absque dilatione horam pollicetur.30 a. The topic of negligentia with regard to tools is elaborated in the Regula coenobialis and in the Regula cuiusdam ad virgines171. Vita Columbani I. ch. 146.. qur hunc famulis suis patiatur damnum inferri. p. 168A.. Liber vitae patrum I. Dominum pulsando deposcit.5. Regula coenobialis. 13. 176. Moxque peracta oratione. Yet Jonas of Bobbio’s story has some more dimensions. 12.25. Tum ille et veniam postulanti et eologias non abnuit tribuere confitenti. diem sickles ¢ an incident that could have been life threatening for a young community dependent on the cultivation of land 169..34. This story is a dense collation of motifs from Columbanian texts. 2. 17. p.9. sentium frutecumque densitate amputanda processerat. ch. pp. 164-166 . Columbanus. cit. 175. facere neclexit. mox a seniore vocati. pp. Gregory of Tours. SC. John was accused of negligentia.2. . 9. In his own prayer he asked God why his monks had to suffer such damage. 79. 168A. ad coenobium remeant . Ibid. 4. opposita dilatione. 156.11. ch. G. 182-183. 15.21. 172. On monks cultivating land and on their tools. 15. The Regula cuiusdam ad virgines also prescribes how manual work has to be interrupted promptly and without any hesitation when the nuns are called for prayer 172. ch. even confirming his repentance with gifts to the monastery 170. see Vita patrum Iurensium. 324-326 . Walker. p. 3. ch. ed. ch. M. SRM. 7.. 4. neclectam plebis curam. 16. Dialogi II. ch. Finally the Vita Columbani also contains the theme of the caught and repenting thief 175. Neglegentia is a central theme in this rule. immediately following the call of his senior. 15. 333 : Eodem namque tempore fratrum coniventia ad rura purganda.. 179-180 : A monk left open the tub of a barrel of beer. 170. ch. pp. See ibid. A similar sickle-miracle (but without the theme of negligentia) can be found in Gregory I. ut oratione lectioneque incumberent. ch.22. The motif of negligence out of (an erroneous understanding of) obedience appears in the Vita Columbani as well 174. 5. Quo cum operis labore incumberent. 3. 23. 15. 178-179 : In this case it is a raven who stole a glove of Columbanus. pp. ch. 664-665. p. p. I.3. relictis oboediendo in opere securibus.

who wanted to enter the inner part of the monastery and therefore received a dramatic punishment for his violation of the monastic boundaries 180. He was allowed to enter the church but was asked to leave when the monks performed Mass. I. but Agrestius. cit. ibique intempesta nocte stratui obvolutus. 164. 16. The transfer of sanctity from the vir Dei to the community and the monastic space is one of the main themes of the first book of the Vita Columbani 178. Jonas. since it was their habit (mos) to celebrate the Eucharist undisturbed from the disturbance (tumultus) of the public. ad ore beati viri missarum solemnia audire cupiens expectabat.. ‘Agrestiae. 14.. ut foris eclesia egressi omnes. pp. Cumque iam hora adesset. p. ‘‘Monastic prisoners’’.. art. See A.. cit. ch. cit. 9. 181. pp. mutu animo. cit. ch. qualiter solita solemnia. 162. 167-169. vidit venerabilem virum dextera gemmam eucharistiae ferentem ante stratum adstare eique increpando dicere : ‘Cerne’. Diem. a man called Agrestius (certainly not by chance the same name as the person who launched an uprising within the Columbanian monasteries that challenged the liturgical practice of Columbanian monasteries) 181 visited the monastery in order to hear the Holy Mass. 13. Already during John’s lifetime a part of the miracles told in the Vita are rather related to the monastic space and to the community than to his own person (ch.john of réôme. See e. refused to wait and went home. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’. 5. 9.. See also A. si . p. suis consodalibus perageret atque hostias Deo absque populari tumultu offeret. p. 16. ch. . see below). The same can be stated about Columbanus. 9. Here Columbanus imposes prayer and fasting on the community in order to heal both a sick fellow monk and a sick woman. The next morning Agrestius returned to the monastery and asked the saint for forgiveness 182. Tumido cordis intimo domum repedat. ‘‘Monks. Id. ut eius mos erat. who received the fame of sanctity in first instance because of his lifestyle and not because of miracles. art. Vita Columbani II. Ibid. because of his refusal of the Eucharist. See e. his exemplary lifestyle and his teachings than on spectacular miraculous acts 179. I. ch. art. The following night John appeared in Agrestius’ dreams severely reprimanding his blasphemous behaviour and announcing that. Vita Iohannis. 532-535 . quia. foris progreditur nec subsistere ante fores neque oblationum sacramenta patetur expectare. 178. et pavimento prostratus uberis fundens praeces communem Dominum oratione pulsabat. ch. locum quieti tribuant. he would be denied it in future. 339.. Tandem a pavimento elevatus. 334-335 . 307-312 (with further references). Vita Columbani I. vir Dei imperat. ch. Chapter nine deals with a theme similar to the most dramatic episode of the Vita Columbani : the necessity of respecting the monastic boundaries.g. In the Vita Columbani Jonas describes the conflict between the saint and king Theuderic II. pp. pp. The same is the case in ibid. 19-20. 7. angry about this exclusion. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’. In the following episodes Jonas shows a similar hesitation to place John alone in the centre of attention as a performer of miracles.g. p. 182. 180. op. His status as a vir Dei is based rather on his authority. 179. inquid. 335 . M. 333-334 . Jonas. 187-198. 8. ch. After Mass the public was obviously allowed to return into the church to receive the Eucharist. In the Vita Iohannis. pp. 334-335 : Quidam etenim vir Agrestius nomine ad praefatum coenobium ad missarum solemnia audienda desiderio actus venerat. pp. ‘‘Monks. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 31 the prayer of the entire community 177. 177. At ille. pp. Vita Iohannis. 310-312. Jonas. ch. pp. ch. De Jong. Jonas. Das monastische Experiment. 10. Diem. 17.

See also Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. 335). 2. pilgrims and sick people. 22. at p. 8-12. CCCM. 2. 391 . 61. 4. AASS. Vita Iohannis. 1719. 96-97 . p. 6. AASS. p. p. Das monastische Experiment. Ille a somno consurgens. 16. July. cf. ch. Vita Carileffi. 184. Antwerp. ch. Pardessus. Antwerp. J. MGH. 3. SRM. 39-41. MGH. 1743. showing that the mos of excluding outsiders had already been established before Columbanus’ arrival 186. 185. 2. p. 190). Mass die exsterna blasphemare distulisses. p. but also in later hagiographic texts such as the Vita Agili. 3. pp. t. SRM. but he imposes a strict ‘natural’ enclosure on the female Jura monastery. 1.32 a. For the period before Columbanus. Jonas. John of Arles 184. 720 .2. The absolute necessity to respect monastic space has been elaborated on dramatically not only in the Vita Columbani. Vita Columbani II. The episode told in the Vita Iohannis focuses on one specific aspect of space and its accessibility. 5. Diem. pp. 9. 9. I’’. crowded with guests. ch. Generally. tibi spiritaliter largiretur .4. privilege for Rebais. 250 on the conflict with the rebellious monk Agrestius on how Mass has to be celebrated . Liber vitae patrum XIV. ch. 237-256. ch. no. 245. pp. 470 . SC 142. 70-71. See A. do not give the impression of monasteries as separated or inaccessible spaces. but Theuderic II reprimands Columbanus for violating the mores comprovinciales by denying the king access to the inner parts of the monastery (Id. the only rule for a community of monks that imposes strict enclosure and therefore prohibits outsiders to enter the monastic church. 304-306. 266-268 . spiritaliter tibi denegatur’. ch.. 71. pp. 26. 1. 12. The nuns live in an inaccessible valley that is sealed with a church as its only entrance. 2. ch. See Aurelianus of Arles. It is the mos of the community to perform the Eucharist without outsiders (Jonas. pre-Columbanian monastic hagiography. Regula ad monachos. B. 577 . 6. An especially illuminating example is given by the Vita patrum Iurensium. ch.g. ch. ch. The author describes the male communities as open spaces.23-24. See e. the accessibility of the church of the monastery and especially the Holy Mass performed by the monastic community ¢ an aspect most other early medieval monastic sources are silent about 187. 1975. ch. Vita Anstrudis. Exceptions are Vita Carileffi. pp. ‘‘Zur Komposition der Mönchsregel des Heiligen Aurelian von Arles. ch. ch. ed. 19. ch.. ed. 762. Krusch. Vita Columbani I. p. XIV. ch. 187. ed. Krusch. ch. op. 186. such as Gregory of Tours’ works. p. p. Albert Schmidt. M. MGH. nunc vero quia blasphemare praesumpsisti. SRM. pp. 17. Gregory of Tours’ hagiographic works give numerous examples of accessible monasteries. ch. 168A. noxae suae maculas abluere parat. p. It is remarkable that in both cases Jonas uses the expression mos. Liber in gloria confessorum. 275. II. the Vita patrum Iurensium and the works of Sulpicius Severus. cit. ed. The expression missarum solemnia is almost completely absent in Latin hagiography. 262 . 620-621 . the Vita Carileffi and the Vita Anstrudis 183. 266 ¢ most remarkably ¢ Vita Columbani II. pp. especially in the monastery St. 183. ch. 14. See Vita patrum Iurensium. pp. p. p. veniam postulando ablui culpas inplorat. 11. hac rediens ad virum Dei. ch. 3. at least not for people of the same sex 185. It is therefore likely that Jonas of Bobbio again projected a practice that was new and typical for Columbanian monasticism back into a pre-Columbanian past. Virtutes Geretrudis. op. 718-719 . except for the works of Gregory of Tours. we know descriptions of separated and inaccessible monastic space mainly in the context of cloistered communities of women. quamquam corporis ore eocharistie sacramento non accepisses. Vita Agili. August.27-29.5-11. MGH.. pp. Studia Monastica. diem This episode gives unique insight into the complicated tension between the accessibility and inaccessibility of monastic space. Aurelianus’ rule is deeply influenced by Caesarius’ Rule for Nuns. A single exception is the Rule for Monks of Aurelianus of Arles. SRM. B. cit. 14. 254-256 . 173-192 (with further references).

Liber vitae patrum XVI. Jonas. c. cit. Passio Leudegarii. 11-13. op. In the period before Columbanus’ arrival churches served as a place of asylum.. ut apicum seriem susciperet. Regula cuiusdam ad patris ad monachos. in Vita Balthildis.. Ille rei causam depromit. Vita Anstrudis. ad beatum virum ob noxam sceleris confugit.john of réôme. Regula coenobialis. 294 . 727 . et ferocia redens responsa. Passio Praeiecti. None of these texts gives insights in how far the public was allowed to be present at different parts of Mass and liturgy and which role monasteries in this period actually played in priestly care for the souls. 233. 1. MGH. t. Vita Columbani I. 193. p. p. his mouth and face were hit by divine punishment so heavily that he was not able to eat bread or even to receive Holy Communion for a long period 193. 190 : . Monasteries received this function (and the necessary juridical status) on a wider scale within the Columbanian monastic movement 194. SRM. The following episode (ch. ed. p. a continental-Irish text not directly connected to Columbanian monasticism 190. 10) deals both with the status of the vir Dei as arbiter in conflicts and protector of the weak ¢ according to Peter Brown one of the central functions of the holy man 192 ¢ and with the status of the monastery as place of asylum. MGH. Cumque Clarus nomen audisset. 15. M. ut per multa spacia temporum nec panis alimenta nec sacri corporis sacramenta capere possit. 162 . Again. repperit noxam rei commisse. 19. 17. cuius vocabulum erat Clarus. p. Cumque ergo Clarus oblatam a gerolo epistolam suscepisset. 5. See Peter Brown. A slave who had committed a crime obviously deserving capital punishment escaped to the saint. The Journal of Roman Studies. ed. as is shown on many occasions in Gregory of Tours’ Decem libri historiarum. et pro reatum miseri homines ad Clarum pergens. ch. ed. ch. ch.2.g. p. There are several examples of people seeking protection or being placed under safe custody in monasteries described in Columbanian saints’ lives. pp. ibid. 61. p. causam rei exquiret. in furore versus. 35. SRM. p. ch. ch. 495 . et ne veniam petenti misericordiam denegaret. Villegas. 194. p. 2. et vitam et veniam impetraret. Vita Columbani I. B. Vita Genovefae. Similarly Gregory of Tours. Slightly more detailed is the Regula cuiusdam patris ad monachos. ch. SRM. quae cum auctori acsi heresea tradita execrari debere. 3. asking for pardon for his slave. 9. 6. who sent a letter to his master. p. ‘‘The rise and function of the holy man in Late Antiquity’’. G. ch. ch. Walker. Krusch. The message of the Vita Iohannis is clear : the public is welcome in the church and allowed to receive the Holy Communion. p. 192. S. se consuetudinem non habere. MGH. 188. 184 : Columbanus gives the Holy Communion to a dying monk. at pp. ed. se scire Columbanum a ceterorum mores disciscere et ipsa missarum sollemnia multiplicatione orationum vel collectarum celebrare et multa alia superflua. MGH. gerolum exprevit. cit. 154 . When the master angrily refused. ch. ch. See also Jonas. SRM. 12. 189. B. beati viri epistolam salibo inlitam abiecit. ch. 162. See also . Jonas’ in Columbanian monasteries : At ille prorumpit. 26. p. Krusch. p. quo omnium hospitum adventus suscipiatur. 191. pp. op. pp. iubet cuidam. 85-92. 335 : Subsequente vero tempore quidam famulus cuiusdam viri. 43. 8. 71-72. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 33 is mentioned only marginally in the Vita Columbani 188 . 10. F.. 32. et quid se textus epistole vel gerolus vellit. Vita Iohannis. 190. 241 .. Cumque ille studiose reati culpam requireret. se et oportuna apatque loca ad hoc habere parata. 10. Columbanus. 156-158 . SRM. in the Regula coenobialis we find a few regulations on required purity for the performance of Mass 189. 1971. e. 13. Jonas. 81-101.. Nec dilata divina ultio ! Orem Clari faucisque ita vehemens perculit. but under the condition of respecting rituals and boundaries and especially the fact that Mass itself is performed withdrawn from the eyes of the public 191. MGH. ch. 4. ch. ut saecularium hominum et relegione alienis famulorum Dei habitationes pandant introitum .

Jacques Fontaine. Chicago.. Only a free man could B. In the first story a civil servant’s slave possessed by a demon was brought to the saint who successfully prayed for him to be healed. cit. 2. M. Another filius cuiusdam. ed.17. 14. MGH. SC. Jonas. ut vix angi catenis crederetur. 133). pro humani generis dispendio et iniqui hostis permisso oratione adque deprecatione intentionem dedit. Jonas uses the expression famulus both for slave (ch. Some of the most important propagators of the Columbanian monastic network described in the second part of the Vita Columbani had been healed or blessed by the saint himself a generation earlier. Martin. 10. 2. 50-68. cui nomen erat Nicasius. 37. who was mute by demonic possession received healing from the prayers of the saint as well. ch. misertus cruciatui. pp. . 2006 (Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters. 174-175 : Columbanus’ prayers helped the infertile noble woman Flavia to become pregnant. usu lingue sublatu. diversis cruciatibus vexatus. op. In ch. ch. p. qui eo tempore curam rei publicae administrabat. 142. 199. ch. Passio Iuliani. cit. 860 the healed slave was handed back to his owner. pp. ch. 36-41 . But even here. Negotiating Space. p. pulsaque daemonis peste.. See Jonas. Vita Martini. Krusch. The two healing miracles/exorcisms told in the next two chapters (ch. 340. The form of how the saint could take possession depended on the social status of the person who profited from the miracle. 333/510). art. diem monastery is depicted as Columbanian place long before Columbanian monasticism existed. De Jong. ad venerabilem virum Iohannem adductus hac obtutibus eius oblatus est. 196.2. ‘‘Monastic prisoners’’. eds.. the slave did not return to his master but stayed with John as a servant for a long period 196. 11. pp. homo reditur sanitatae. Vita Iohannis. p. sese in orationem dedit . ed. pp. 1967 (SC. 26. See also Peter Brown. Jonas adds an extra message. ‘‘The sanctity of the basilica of St. Stöber. Christina Pössel et al. 288. 12. 197. See for example Vita patrum Iurensium. Rob Meens. 195. 1981. thus not a slave. 312317. see Gregory of Tours. 209-210 Columbanus gave his blessings on the children of Burgundofara. Qui post incolomis multo tempore famulatui eius iunctus mansit. In both cases it seems that John’s success in calling on God’s mercy could imply a certain ‘right of possession’ regarding those who profited from his intercession ¢ an aspect we find in the Vita Columbani as well 198. Nec dilata diu divine pietatis bonitas : et sui famuli libens praeces suscepit et usum lingue damnato restituit. art. qui post fratrum coetu insertus. Jonas. 335/511) and for monk (ch. Quem intuens mestus.. Paris. pp. 1112) could be found similarly in Gregory’s hagiographic works and in many other places 195. pp. Rob Meens. This passage may be influenced by Sulpicius Severus. cit. 17. Rosenwein. sub obtentu relegionis eodem in loco usque ad finem permansit. in Texts and Identities in the Early Middle Ages. Richard Corradini. A slave probably stayed as a slave and served the community as such until released 199. Once purified. ch. 1. Vienna. 141-144. p. 388-394. 198. 336 : Post haec cuiusdam filius astu demonis captus. demones arte obsessus. 275-288 (on the development of church asylum) . 335-336 : Ac deinceps famulus cuiusdam. quemque longeva labiorum vexaverant silentia. ch. The miracles themselves confirm the picture of a vir Dei approachable by everybody in need of help and healing. pp. Vita Columbani I. 7. p. ch.1. Quem cum intuens vidisset. AASS. Her son Donatus grew up in the monastery and later became bishop of Besançon and founder of several Columbanian monasteries. B. In the Carolingian version I. Gregory of Tours and the practice of sanctuary in the Merovingian period’’. ad virum Dei deductus eique oblatus est. On monasteries having slaves. January. 12). See F. p. Vita Iohannis. He was admitted to the community and stayed in the monastery for the rest of his life 197. SRM.34 a. pp. 580. p. Ado and Dado (Audoin) who later became important founders of Columbanian monasteries as well. ‘‘Zur Kritik’’. The Cult of the Saints.

p. Cumque ergo turba aegentum pro aliquod temporis spatium ex eo vase alerentur. Here the Vita Iohannis provides us with details about monastic recruitment not given in the Vita Columbani or any other early medieval monastic texts. 1. Quod ita repertum est. 260. A counter example gives Gregory. 1. Ille gemens poscit sibi vas quem voluissent plenum segregari. the saint prayed for divine help and the barrel was found refilled miraculously 201. ch. 260. Jonas. ille adsuetum opus inpendens. sed totum imperiis tuis pauperibus est erogatum’. omnibus fenerabat. 202. SC. Gregory I. Quo audito. ch. ch. ed. 1. pauperibus tribuit. 374). p. 748749 . sed ille silendum esse imperat. See also Gregory I. Liber vitae patrum III. ch.g. Liber in gloria martyrum. SRM. cetera que habuissent usui fratrum proficerent. Dialogi II. Jonas emphasizes here that the care and economic support of the poor is an essential part of the monastery’s responsibilities within the world. Jonas. 22. Vita Columbani. 192-194. A similar miracle is described in Gregory of Tours.2. ch. quo ait : Frange esurienti panem tuum (Is 58. 17. Vita Columbani I. 204. SRM. Dialogi II. 337 : Quadam etenim nocte inter densa tenebrarum adveniens vir venerabilis Segonus ad cellula sua. tactoque signo sodales excitet. 336-337 : Quodam in tempore loca circummanentia valida famis torrebat ita vehemens. quosque advenire cerneret. 183. 22.2. Similar food argumentation miracles can be found e. Vita Severini. pp. Cumque iam undique egentum plebs crebrius adveniret. ch. I. Pergens minister. Moxque ille obplebere vas. ch. After the last barrel was empty. ut concito gradu pergat. Here Jonas of Bobbio combines two miracle stories of the Vita Columbani : the community giving away to the poor their very last supplies and receiving help 202. pp. 14. et : Omni petenti te tribue (Lc 6. John ordered to give away the food stored for the use of the monks themselves. Peractaque oratione. ‘vel perparvum in vase remansit. basilicam latenter introivit. Eugippius. 1991 (SC. 248-250 . largitorem omnium Dominum inplorat. necessaria ministrabat. p. ch. pp. ut nec spes vivendi plerumque foret. ch. The following episode (ch. Jonas. ch. ne elationis macula cumulum gratiae tollat. 28. .7). ait. 13. p. the saint saw in a vision what was happening outside and awakened the monks in order to welcome the brother with all honours 204. 1.2. 180-182. 10.3-4. 14. may have been inserted to 200.john of réôme. Ille mensuram consuetam dare iubet egenti. When the supplies designated for the poor were exhausted. 14) shows John’s visionary capacities. Liber vitae patrum V. 1. 9. 205. 677-679 on abbot Portianus. sumptaque mensura. quia frater communis Segonus abdite fores ecclesie penetrando Dominum orationibus pulsat. ille aeuangelicae praeconii dictum ante oculos ferens. ascitoque ministro imperat. 494-495. I. 17-18. 142. MGH. Cumque ergo ad virum Dei ob alimonia querenda properarent. pp. Quod divinitus viro Dei revelatum est. Tum unus e subditis ad patrem accedens. 28-29. Philippe Régerat. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 35 become a full member of the community 200. in Gregory of Tours. Vita patrum Iurensium. pp. repperit vas plenum. pp. se tanti farris cupiem non habere. Stronger than even in the Vita Columbani. oculos ad caelum adtollit. 201. inquid ‘cum fidei adminiculo deffer alimenta aegentum’. Liber in gloria confessorum. pp. inquid. 68-70. 200-204. quantum egentum poscebant quohortes. genuque flexo. ministro iubet : ‘Vade’. SRM. and the miraculously refilled granary after the community itself had run out of food 203. 673 . Deinde patri nuntianda credit. 13) shows a monastery rich enough to provide food for the surrounding population during a period of famine. pp. This miracle. pp. 203.30). ch. 314-318 . evenit ut quidam iuxta morem sibi dare necessaria poposcerit. giving John similar visionary abilities to Anthony 205. unde egentum alimenta preberentur. SC. ch. atque de industria venerando fratri ospitalitatis munus est impletum. Tum minister : ‘Nequaquam’. MGH. Vita Iohannis. 216-220 . MGH. SC. The next episode (ch. Paris. Vita Iohannis. capientem plus fere modia quinquies quinta . who started his monastic career as a fugitive slave. 204. Jonas. communem Dominum orationibus pulsabat. 7. 165-166 . ch. When the monk Segonus arrived at the monastery at night and entered the oratory.

The next story (ch. 336-338 : . celerque reversus. 15. See also Gregory I. germanus eius ad virum Dei properat. propria fruerentur potestate. factis tribus particulas vinoque infusis. postposita rei publice dominatione.. This interpretation is supported by the fact that Gregory of Tours. and that the Carolingian revision of the Vita Iohannis II. ch. 1.4-6. ch. festinans advenit donumque eulogiarum cum premessa ad Dominum oratione ad egri solamina humili prece deposcit. E. Dialogi II.1. sospitatem recepit. ipse ad propriam repedavit. Receptum munus celer ad germanum. 92. . deportasset. 61. John of Réôme could cause a miraculous healing without being present himself. cit. B. SC. This interpretation of this story is supported by the first sentence of the following chapter. 19. 207. p. 395 assumes that the sick man was actually a soldier who took part in Theudebert’s campaign.4. 32. Vita Iohannis.. Regula Benedicti. eum procul positum adveniente munus eger sensit. MGH.36 a. Italiam inquietaret . SC. Tum ille et orationem atque eulogiarum solamina dare non distulit. diem showthat the monastery was not only integrated in the secular landscape but also held close contact with the neighbouring communities.. pp. The brother received a piece of blessed bread and five apples. transactis Alpibus. 2. SC. dari sibi eologiarum munus deposcit. ch. A similarly description of Merovingian rule can be found in Vita patrum Iurensium. Decem Libri historiarum III. statim pulsa tabe. 142. January.. ch. pp. venit . 209. 861 makes him a soldier of Theudebert’s army as well. 1. demissis ducibus. ch. evenit. Clodovei condam filii. hac germanum requirens. We do not know if Jonas wanted to give the impression that the sick man actually took part in this campaign or if he simply inserted the reference to the campaign in order to criticize the Merovingian rulers 208. Jonas. pp. pp. First Jonas gives a rather disapproving description of Theudebert’s I Italian campaign and Merovingian rule in general. Cumque ille introiens. the saint showed his vigilance and awoke when an outsider threatened to cross the boundaries of the monastic confines. Mumoleno et Bucceleno.. bellum Italie inferret. 15) has already been discussed in the context of the question of the historical reliability. sublato imperii iure. filius Teuderici. 208. ch. Besides that. ‘‘Zwei Heiligenleben’’. p. John proved here that the miraculous effects of his intercession do not depend on his physical presence. 182. gubernacula ponerent et. The Italian campaign is not related to the miracle except for stating that the miracle happened at the same time. 260. 208. Krusch. p.1-3. SRM. ch. 22. Eo itaque in tempore quidam vir cum quartano inquomodo eger teneretur et pene ultimum anelitum dimissurus expectaretur. Then he tells a story about a sick man whose brother approached the saint asking for prayers and blessings for his brother. praising how the miracles of the saints can find their effects in all parts 206. 128 mentions the outbreak of fevers in Theudebert’s army. AASS. which indeed cured the sick man 207. 190-191 : Theuderic II could exile the saint but not escape his predictions. p. Cumque ovans cum fidei ardore eologiarum munus sumpsisset. Vita Columbani I.g. it may have been a discrete reference to the Regula Benedicti with its detailed regulations on how to welcome a monk from another community 206. Jonas. sed enim cuivis cum fidei ardore petenti suffragium porrexit : inlatum unum paximacio cum quinque pomorum numero egri deferri iussit. quibus summam bellorum commiserat. But even in the case of a visitor of goodwill. Another possible explanation for this rather odd construction could be a lacuna in the preserved text. 636-638. coram viro inlustri Galliae quondam patricio Hilperico ¢ sub condicione regia ius publicum tempore illo redactum est. ut Theudebertus. egro esurienti administravit. Just as Columbanus was able to cause divine punishment from a distance 209. [Here could have been a lacuna]. In any case. art. 337-338 : Cumque iam Gallias Francorum regis sue dictione.

ch.). art. cit. ch. p. 5306 does not have chapter divisions at all. p. SC. Ovans ille. The other ms of the original version. sodalium membra nimio occubuissent sopore. fidelibus notum est. increpans ait : ‘Nequaquam talia te vel corde tumido vidisse praesumas narrare! Quid enim fas est. cit. mentem pollueret. 714 . ch. a cock crowed and the community got up and went to prayer. signoque tacto. alifer gallus solitam vocem adtollens. MGH. imperio seniorum unus e fratribus Claudius nomine ad frugem custodiendam remansit. See also I. It would make more sense to write Qui cum somno caperent. This connection is usually hidden from man because of his sinfulness. mentis ardorem ad caelum tolleret iuxta illud : Ego enim dormio. coepit cogitare. See for example Liber vitae patrum II. elucubranti luce veritatis. Schmidt. 280 (on attending prayer) . p. 20. See Regula patrum secunda. 11748 omits these two chapter divisions. 339 : Cum eo in tempore segetis. SC. p. opusque per totius diei meta peractum adventus tetrae noctis proibuit. dum mirandi facta mens pavefacta pulsaret. sinibus eclesie in orbem terrarum diffuse personuit adque. 3. Negligentia is one of the key expressions in the context of monastic discipline. Walker. p. ch. Regula ad virgines. M. Glowing globes appear at numerous occasions in Gregory of Tours’ work. Paris. postquam lux dedeta mundo fuit. p. BnF. lat. It is mentioned occasionally in the context of discipline of prayer. 781 . ch. since ms Paris. Vita Iohannis. 249 (on falling asleep during vigils) . ne stimulo elacionis corruptus. 15. ad praecidendum in supradictum coenubio fuissent paratae. 238. 670 . 29.2). BnF. I would propose to change Krusch’s chapter and assign this sentence to chapter 15 211. 16 and 17 Krusch relied on the Carolingian version.2. For the chapter division of ch. ch. p. 213. Dialogi II. hac intempesta nocte evigilans. 1. 813. 338-339 : Quantaque sublimia miraculorum Domini in sanctis suis redoleant exempla. p. Since this statement is not related to the rest of chapter 16. While thinking about this. This third healing miracle is followed by an episode that emphasizes not so much John’s miraculous power as the role of the entire community. Vita Iohannis. Cumque omnes ad coenobium remeassent. 162 (on negligence in handling the Eucharist). Moxque. Ille. 760. ed. C. SRM. 345. A. but was here miraculously revealed in order to show 210. ne. concio fratrum ad segitem praecidendam catervatim properare studuit. ch. pp. vidit subito caelos apertos et micantem globum totum lustrare mundum. 214. ch. op.3. patri de industria. 15. 5. Regula coenobialis. When the monk told John about this vision. lest they deviate from the righteous path by negligence 212. omnis concio fratrum ad orationem cantosque peragendos ecleseam penetravit. ch. Columbanus. 161. quid viderit. Jonas. ut homo sub fragilitate positus et contagione peccatorum maculatus mereatur caelestia contemplare ?’ The expression Qui cum somno caperet is rather odd. XII. Liber in gloria confessorum. in aurore adventum iustum tramitis usum deferrent. nuntiavit. the saint urged him to keep silent about it. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 37 of the world 210. 16. p. . Shortly afterwards. Cumque hec anxio cordis animo trucinaret. 190 . neglectuque orationis usu. Aurelianus of Arles. fessus artus. he suddenly saw how the heavens opened and God enlightened earth by a glowing globe 213. Regula ad monachos. ch. SC 260.35-36. 35. S. Qui cum somno caperet. 3. 297. 211. Jonas. ch. annuam maturitatem confecte. p. p. although no version gives this reading. mundo venturam lucem nuntiavit. ch. p. since man weakened by the stain of his sins should not have deserved to see heavenly revelations 214.. this episode is in the first instance a statement about the absolute necessity of liturgical discipline and the fact that the monks’ prayer is indeed directly connected with the heavenly. See also Gregory I. since Jonas says in the same sentence that the monk stayed awake.john of réôme. 212. 16 (cont. ed. Besides giving a lively picture of the rural activities of the monastery. Caesarius. lat. et cor meum vigilat (Ct 5. 102. ch. A monk guarding the harvest on the fields at night became anxious as to whether the sleeping monks would awake in time for morning prayer. 58. 6..

ch. MGH. He received healing. How to overcome sinfulness : Jonas’ use of John Cassian After these miracles a chapter follows that deals predominantly with John’s virtues und teaching. 3. ut sibi de puteo. MGH. austaque eger. 862 . It starts by stating that it would occupy too much space to tell how much honour kings and the nobility attributed to the saint 217 ¢ a statement that Jonas might have avoided if he really had any evidence for contacts between John and members of royal or noble families. no. Discipline of prayer plays a role in most early monastic rules . 340 : Quanto iam onorae hac veneratione regum Francorum adque nobilium fulceretur. The Carolingian revision inserts at this point a reference to royal charters issued in favour of the saint. ch. p. adque suspitatem reditus. limpa deferretur : moxque se fidem haberae sospitatem recepturum. petiit. The verb pollulare is extremely rare and appears in the same period only in the works of Gregory of Tours. Vita Iohannis. not even by the saint himself (whose presence was not necessary any more. quem vir Dei benedixerat. 218. 47-49. ch. 1. quod passim per Galiae finibus dilatatum loca plurima pollulabat. 7-10 and no. It is possible that the author knew the two still-preserved forged privileges ascribed to Clovis and Clothar II 218. 340 : Quidam enim vir cum de Parius properae ad patriam remearet. Jonas. ch. AASS. John’s last miracle (ch. He approached the monastery and asked for water from the font that had been blessed by the holy man ¢ a font that was placed within the confines of the monastery (inter septa coenubii). laticem cum benedictionem deportat . p. 1. ch. 4. . since he had blessed the font) but by a serving monk of the monastery. p. pp.38 a. 54. 17. The blessed font itself is not accessible to the sick stranger. CCCM. vim doloris incendii vulnus craebuit. Carolingian version of Jonas. 2. Die Urkunden der Merowinger. pp. et inter septa coenubii sui situs erat. This miracle is one of the episodes that link the saint’s life with a well-known historical event. Vita Iohannis. It also shows ¢ this time without conflict ¢ the necessity of respecting the monastic boundaries.11 (as ch.1-2). forged royal charters ascribed to Clovis (to 498) and to Clothar II (to 516). vitam post incolomis cum superis egit. royal involvement in ascetic or monastic matters was the exception rather 215. Dericto ministro. 168A. diem the importance of discipline and synchrony of prayer. percussus ulcerae pessimo. In this way this healing miracle again emphasizes the transfer of sanctity from the saint himself to the monastic space and community.10. Vita Iohannis II. 15. 3. 9. enarrare longum est. Liber vitae patrum XIX. 468.11. 5. Before the arrival of Columbanus on the continent. 739-740. With this episode Jonas’ list of miraculous events in the life of John comes to an end. 216. Jonas. p. veniensque ad propriam.2. January. 217. 17) has again several layers of meaning. pp. 18. 8. SRM. A minister of the monastery brought him the water and healed him 216. cf. A man travelling from Paris was struck by a plague that at that time devastated Gaul (presumably the plague of 543). the necessity to start the hours of prayer at exactly the right time is emphasized especially in the Columbanian Regula cuiusdam ad virgines 215. A similar miracle (although with oil in place of water) is told in Gregory of Tours. Regula cuiusdam ad virgines. ch. For the Merovingian world of the fifth and sixth centuries this statement is rather anachronistic.

SC. 6. Oxford. Pichéry. Diesenberger. Berlin.. Vita patrum Iurensium.. 1959 (SC. New York. in which Cassian claims to make their teachings accessible to monasticism in Gaul. The Vita Sequani. 11. Diem. 235-239. Die Urkunden der Merowinger. ed. Das monastische Experiment. 1. cit. SRM. see O.. 112-128 . John Cassian. 55 . Das monastische Experiment. Instead of restricting himself to the usual lists of saintly virtues starting with Erat enim. Liber vitae patrum XX. pp. Conrad Leyser. The work forms a consistent monastic programme establishing and legitimizing ascetic techniques to overcome or at least to control human sinfulness and to approach a state of puritas cordis or perfectio 222.. cit. 182. The first twenty-one royal charters edited in MGH. John Cassian. 4-5. 3. 1958. cit. 1978. p. 42. Yet retrospective hagiographic texts and forged charters intended to give the impression that already after Clovis’ conversion the Merovingian royal family established close ties with monasteries 220. re-founded by the Burgundian king Sigibert († 575) and the monastic foundations of Brunhild († 615). ch. 33-61. In fact. pp. Sigibert I († 575).. See A. All important textual witnesses of Columbanian monasticism. Authority and Asceticism from Augustine to Gregory the Great. cit. ‘‘Bausteine der Erinnerung’’. Diem. Maurice d’Agaune. Authority. p. 1998 . 169-234 . pp. Later he proceeds to John of Réôme. 224. Ascetics. 223. pp. 186. see Columba Steward. 54. pp. 165-178 and 226-230. 75-79.. 221. Yet no Merovingian hagiographer used Cassian as intensely as Jonas of Bobbio did in the Vita Iohannis. Ph. 174.. 73. Jonas inserts a short but dense treatise on monastic theology and ascetic teaching. SC. H. pp. pp. p. Collationes. deal implicitly or explicitly with a problem that had 219. ch. September. Clothar I († 561). The rest of chapter 18 is dedicated to the habits and attitudes of the saint and his activities as a teacher of his monks. ch. 1. Childebert I († 558). In hagiographic texts John Cassian left a few traces 224. On the reception of Cassian. AASS. van Cranenburgh. Chilperic I († 584) and Guntram († 593). Both the fact that Jonas choose to insert Cassian’s thoughts and how he did so deserve a closer analysis. 1-62 are (with two exceptions not related to monasteries) forged monastic privileges and immunities ascribed to Clovis I († 511). 250-252 and ch. 142. The Conferences. E. See Leo Ueding.. The Regula Benedicti. Rousseau. Philip Rousseau. Oxford. Authority. pp. p.2. This treatise is inspired by a source not yet mentioned. op. 57).john of réôme. 742. E. art. 148-162 . de Vogüé. 426-428 . As such. Die Klostergründungen der Merowingerzeit. ed. 672 not only recommends the lecture of Cassian but the rule also contains not less than 268 allusions to Cassian. 1997 (Ancient Christian Writers. in SC. 1935. Chadwick. A.5. 37F tells how Sequanus first studies Cassian’s Collationes and Institutiones. 64) . cit. 1418-1424. and the Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian. the Collationes of John Cassian († ca 435) 221. Cassian had a deep impact on the further development of monasticism 223. Oxford. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 39 than the rule 219. and his influence was hardly diminished by the fact that his ideas on the effects of good works and ascetic acts and his implicit criticism of the doctrine of predestination placed him at the edge of orthodoxy. pp. . the monastery St. Paris. MGH. English translation by Boniface Ramsey. ch. pp. op. cit. 2000. A. 222. the Vita Columbani. 220. See also M. the Collationes are much more than just a Latin summary of eastern monastic teaching. Columbanus’ rules and especially the two Columbanian monastic rules for women. op. op. Vita Pachomii. op. Ascetics. John Cassian.g. Cassian the Monk. pp. There are only three significant exceptions : the foundation of Childebert I and bishop Aurelianus († 549) in Arles. On Cassian. 1955. Gregory of Tours. 117-125 on parallels between Cassian’s work and Dionysius Exiguus’. This work presents itself as twenty-four ‘interviews’ with famous desert fathers.

3-46 . 162-266. 180-193 . Siegfried Wenzel. The second and third of three parts of the Collationes were dedicated Honoratus. such as the sacralisation of space and regula. 1960. in Western Sexuality : Practice and Precept in Past and Present Times. The advice Cassian provided based on his analysis was excellent and almost unavoidable . Diem. Analysing these eight ‘vices’ and the way they were related to each other should provide a repertoire of ascetic techniques and rules suitable for receiving at least some control over human sinfulness and to limit its effects. NC. Oxford. Das monastische Experiment. How could monastic discipline be used to organize sanctity despite the inevitable sinfulness of man ? Many new features of Columbanian monasticism. cit. but rather because of his consistent emphasis on inevitable sinfulness and the ascetic’s life-long struggle. A. 226. Chapel Hill. The way how Jonas of Bobbio inserted Cassian’s ideas went beyond simply reproducing his thoughts : Jonas used Cassian (and his authority) to create his own distinct monastic programme. In his Institutiones and his Collationes Cassianus provides an ingenious analysis of human sinfulness. See also F. Columbanian monasticism was not so much interested in the problem of individual perfection but rather in the question of how to organize a perfect and holy community. pp.. op. The Sin of Sloth. Das monastische Experiment. 108-114.40 a. were related to the problem of overcoming individual sinfulness for the sake of collective sanctity 226. Here I analyse the contributions of Caesarius of Arles’s rules and the Columbanian monastic rules to the experiment to organize sanctity by means of monastic discipline. pp. Richard Newhauser. ‘‘The battle for chastity’’. For early medieval monastic writers. Cassian was not only one of the most important monastic theologians in Gaul . and the imposition of silence as means to avoid pollution. ascetic life and monastic discipline could only help to approach purity and to reach moments of control over one’s sinful state. diem already determined Cassian’s work. 14-25. Stöber. He stood in contact with John’s assigned teacher Honoratus and dedicated parts of his Collationes to him 228. but certainly not to gain a final victory. Turnhout. yet the doctrine connected with it was hard to digest for a 225. 68). See esp. he also fitted chronologically quite well with John’s (constructed) lifespan. Philippe Ariès and André Béjin eds. 1993 (Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental. 349. 228. the introduction of confession as a self-cleansing ritual. pp. John Cassian discussed this problem on the level of the individual’s battle for chastity and his life-long striving for a never completely attainable purity of the heart 225. p. For him the community was never more than a means to an end in this battle. . 1985. art. For Jonas of Bobbio it was therefore almost logical to refer to Cassian when describing John. although on a slightly different level : how to overcome or control human sinfulness by means of monastic discipline. Michel Foucault. Diem. This aspect is investigated extensively in A. The Treatise on Vices and Virtues in Latin and the Vernacular. Cassian’s work was not provocative so much because of his implicit critique of the Augustinian concept of predestination. 100-104. pp.. pp. cit.. cit. For him. ‘‘Zur Kritik’’. 227. His most important contribution to Western moral thought was to systematize the sinful state of man in a catalogue of eight ‘vices’ or maybe better ‘destructive powers’ that are inherent in every sinful human being 227. op..

Jonas basically uses two ideas of Cassian. deprived from the everlasting joy of the eternal light. that is idleness. ch. ne simili modo. per que conpareret Adam in paradiso deceptum. in quibus et Adam temptatus est. John Cassian. ieiuniis et orationibus aeque ut iuvenili aetate tulerat. as I speak plainly and truthfully. cum adhuc in illa inviolata dei imagine perduraret. id est gule. Vita Iohannis. simili modo immitatores eius. cit. p. Jonas. dum ventris ingluviae gule obediendo subcumbunt. vainglory. Jonas of Bobbio tells his readers that John especially aimed to protect his monks from the sins of gula/castrimagia (gluttony). xenodoxia/aelatio (vainglory) and arogantia/superbia (pride). vainglory. sicut Adam his tribus vitiis delapsus adque ad gaudia paradisi segraegatus et deiectus est. and with the souls once dedicated to God wounded by the evil of pride. In this way he wanted to prevent that they [fall] in a similar way as Adam had fallen by these three vices ¢ he. These were the capital vices through which Adam has been found caught in Paradise. dum elationis stimolo inbecillitate animi perturbantur. Giving himself as example he taught and convinced them that they should watch out in all possible ways from gluttony. 185. The Conferences. vainglory and pride is taken from the fifth book of Cassian’s Collationes : In illis enim passionibus etiam ipse temptari debuit incorruptam imaginem dei ac similitudinem possidens. 42. He wanted to prevent that [his monks] as imitators of him [Adam] would have been cut off from the community of the righteous and. truly holy communities and sacred places suitable for effective intercessory prayer. hoc est gastrimargia. op. 340-341. the chastising of the body. that is pride. ch. dum superbiae malum anime Deo dicatae vulnerantur. superbia. Jonas’ reading of Cassian in the Vita Iohannis shows a pragmatic way of turning this stumbling block of monastic heritage into something suitable for a new monastic programme fitting with the needs of organisable sanctity. and arrogance. omnimodis plebem subditam cavere suadebat. p. 18. and pride ¢ and not by those in which he entangled himself after having broken the commandment. that is greed. cenodoxiae. both related to the problem of the sinful state of man and the techniques to overcome it. First. when the image and likeness of God was violated as he had already fallen through his own fault’’ 231).john of réôme. lest his monks fall into damnation. 231. disturbed by the incitement of vainglory by the weakness of their mind. cenodoxia. id est superbiae. ut castrimargiae. 229. corporis castigatio . non in quibus post prevaricationem mandati imagine dei ac similitudine violata suo iam vitio devolutus involvitur 230. the ardour of all virtues. a consorcia iustorum abscise et omni gaudio perpetuae lucis private eterno cruciato damnerentur 229. Translated by B. arogantiae. . 6. (‘‘The one who possessed the incorruptible image and likeness of God had to be tempted himself by the same passions by which Adam also was tempted when he still enjoyed the inviolate image of God ¢ that is.’’) The idea that Adam’s Fall was based on gluttony. eodem modo et senile portabat : exemplum subditus edocens. by gluttony. vicia maxima. be damned in eternal torment.. Cassian. ut opido iurae dicam. omnium virtutum flagrantia. He took upon himself fasting and prayers in a similar way in his youthful age as he did it in his old age. 230. since these were the sins that caused Adam’s Fall and expulsion from paradise : Inerrat in eum. 193. Collationes V. pp. succumbing to the greediness of the stomach by obeying gluttony. Ramsey. (‘‘It was in him. SC. who has been separated from the joys of paradise and thrown out. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 41 monastic world that had to provide real saints. id est aelatione.

vultu hilaris et letus facie monebat. animi vigore corporis voluptate prohibuit.10].. Preoccupemus faciem eius in confessione et in psalmis iubilemus ei [Ps 94. sciens illud quod sibi quomodum religionis ordo convexerat. nec memoriam quidam penitus admisit. quam volo. pullulantibus virtutibus. Jonas went another way that probably would not have been supported by Cassian : since Adam was expelled from Paradise because of these three sins. omnibus inlecebris aelisis. among the many conferences. pp.127]. inter multas collationes precipue sancti Ysaac abbatis Scithae doctrinam meditans. ch. scurilitatis partier amputavit. Operi piisimo corde et corpore vacans. In this way he earned gradually to ascend by contemplation to divine and spiritual vision. sed. 341-342. ut ardeat ? [Lc 12. He cut off entirely any concern about fleshly matters just as other needs. vigils and continence and illustrating with a series of biblical quotations his fiery passion and his zeal to teach his monks 232. quicquid scilicet ipse a pube tenus ad senilem etatem perduxerat 233. Here Jonas’ text reads at first sight almost as a literal quotation from John Cassian.49] ut omnium virtutum fructus adtraheret. ut ignitum illo igne animi desiderium. 18 (cont. iubilemus Deo salutari nostro. hoc verbum semper corde et ore proferrens : Concupivit anima mea desiderare iustificationes tuas in omni tempore [Ps 118.1-2]. exultemus Domino. idle speech. especially on the teaching of abbot Ysaak from Scetis and he constrained himself for the love of Christ and he was not ashamed of the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ but he carried it. quia ipse est dominus Deus noster [Ps 94. because he knew the religious way of life that he had applied on himself. . Venite. avoiding them could prevent the monks from separating themselves from the community of the righteous and from running into eternal damnation. He cut away detraction. (‘‘And seeking the institutions of the holy fathers he meditated. this was just a starting point for developing the complete catalogue of eight capital vices. sed portavit. Jonas. Fratres cohortans. de quo igne Dominus ait : Ignem veni mittere in terram . p. Jonas gives the following text : Et requirens instituta sanctorum patrum. After this theologically rather controversial idea implying that teaching and discipline could keep monks with the consorcia iustorum. Detractionem. Ibid. With the next reference to Cassian Jonas touches the problem of how to achieve saintly virtues. adoremus et procidamus ante Dominum et ploremus ante Deum. vaniloquia seu multiloquia. talkativeness just as buffoonery. which is as provocative as it is simple.). 18. would as well be useful to be followed by others. ab omni lubrice impulsationis incursu animum inhibuit et ita paulatim ex contemplatione divina ac spiritali intuitu meruit sublimari. panem sine periculo non potuisset sumere [cf. he protected the spirit from all lascivious attacks from the exterior. qui fecit nos. One can even read in this passage that overcoming these three sins would place the community in a pre-Fall state ¢ a solution to ensure salvation and to organise sanctity.10]. and he did not allow neither the care nor the memory of any affairs and business to enter his mind. ch. 2 Thess 3. diem For Cassian. 341 : Ipse vero ieiuniis et vigiliis vacans.’’) 232.6-7]. memorabat sanctum Paulum dixisse.42 a. Semper habens profunde humilitatis inconcussa fundamina. Jonas of Bobbio returns to safe ground by prizing John’s achievements in fasting. pro Christi dilectione se coartavit et crucem domini nostri Iesu Christi non erubuit. dicens : Venite. just as he had exercised it from his youth to his old age. 233. si quis non laborasset. Sollicitudine rerum carnalium preter certas necessitatis generaliter abscidit et nullius negocii causaeve non solum curam. Always having the unshakable foundations of deep humility. Vita Iohannis. et item : Ideo dilexi mandata tua super auro et topazion [Ps 118. hoc aliis utile fore impleri.

The Conferences. irae prae omnibus sive tristitiae perturbatio funditus eruenda. deinde nullius negotii causaeve non solum cura. cit. . and the harmful shoot of fleshly lust and of avarice should be uprooted. in particular. so that prayer may be made with the fervour and purity that it deserves. quae scilicet turrem intraturam caelos valeant sustinere. Collationes IX. idle speech. curam negotii causaeve/sollicitudines amputare). Jonas of Bobbio ignores the general context of Cassian’s original text : an instruction for improving the ability to pray. vaniloquia seu multiloquia. are clearly different from Cassian’s ever struggling ascetics. iacienda sunt primum profundae humilitatis inconcussa fundamina. Et ita his ac similibus vitiis extrusis penitus et abscisis. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 43 Compare with John Cassian : Et idcirco ut eo fervore ac puritate qua debet emitti possit oratio. 3. which can support a tower that will penetrate the heavens.) John Cassian explained in this passage the permanent struggle against sins. op. haec sunt omnimodis observanda. the disturbance of anger. Translated by B. which is perfected in the purity of simplicity in innocence. the following things should be observed in every respect. and implicitly those following his rule and imitating his life. p. Jonas of Bobbio uses Cassian’s words but expresses a rather different attitude. so that this it could gradually begin to be elevated to the contemplation of God and to spiritual vision’’ 235. detraction. 41-42. 54. but certainly not a state that could be attained permanently. but a possession that simply has to be transmitted to other monks. talkativeness. 234. Striving to overcome these sins would eventually lead to a foundation of humilitas suitable for the building of a tower of virtues that could lead to a gradual ascent to the contemplation of God. concupiscentiae carnalis ac filargyriae noxius fomes radicitus evellendus. John possesses the inconcussa fundamina humilitatis which for Cassian can only be achieved as a result of an ascetic struggle. talique ut diximus repurgii emundatione praemissa. anxiety about fleshly matters should be completely cut off. and of sadness should be entirely torn out . not only the concern for but in fact even the memory of affairs and business should be refused all entry whatsoever .john of réôme. and buffoonery should also be done away with . Moreover. Then. quae hominum quoque possunt patere conspectibus. but for him these are just habits (semper habens) of the saint ¢ nothing to strive for. First. detractions and worldly concerns as a means to improve the efficacy of prayer. Then the spiritual structure of the virtues must be raised above it. sed ne memoria quidem penitus admittenda. detractationes. ut ita paulatim ad contemplationem dei ac spiritales intuitus incipiat sublimari 234. Primum sollicitudo rerum carnalium generaliter abscidenda est . The contemplation of God is a goal to strive towards. quae simplicitatis et innocentiae puritate perficitur. He puts a strong emphasis on the fact that this is a never ending process. and the mind must be restrained from all dangerous wandering and staying. scurrilitates quoque similiter amputandae. pp. 330. John Cassian. If prayer of any quality could only be produced through such struggle. And thus. Cassian. 235. ch. John. (‘‘Therefore. He clearly acknowledges the instruments provided by Cassian (sollicitudinem rerum carnalium abscidere. when these and similar vices that could also make their appearance among men have been completely thrust out and cut off and there has taken place a cleansing purgation such as we have spoken of. deinde superponenda virtutum spiritalis extructio et ab omni discursu atque evagatione lubrica animus inhibendus. Ramsey. the unshakable foundations of deep humility should be laid. SC..

Diem. Mummolinus. the unreachable state of castitas and the strive for puritas cordis becoming part of medieval monastic theology 236.). pp. For the period after John‘s death. pp. 112-128. 71-75 and 88-89 with sources on the appointment and elections of abbots in Columbanian monasteries. qui sepulcrum. art. As I have shown elsewhere. 239. had already been leading the community when John was still alive 237.. 424-428. was. ch. art. See A. Jonas. 237. 7. Jonas. See A. p. quem ipse antea vivens fratrum cetui preesse preciperat . Jonas’s way of adapting Cassian’s ideas is by no means exceptional in the early medieval world. his successors and eventually his translatio to his final resting place in his monastery’s church. The practice of appointing the first two abbots and then changing to a principle of election by the community finds its parallels in various Columbanian monasteries and may reflect the transition from a community in which authoritative members of the pioneer generation were still alive. op.44 a. while in the second book the saint is replaced by his regula. 19 (cont. Later he became bishop of Langres 240. By quoting him while avoiding him. The first book describes the role of the saint for monastic communities. 342-343 : Qui post Lingonice ecclesie pontifex electus. A general overview of adapting and ‘simplifying’ Cassian is early medieval monastic texts is given in A. 240. Jonas emphasises that Sylvester applied the same tenor regulae and forma religionis for maintaining the community’s sanctity. ch. in loco in quo nunc est mutavit. in loco suo Leubardinum cum consensu fratrum abbatem prefecit. kings and the transformation of sanctity’’.. 6. ch. A saint without bones : Jonas’ statement against a cult of relics The last two chapters of the Vita Iohannis deal with John’s death. Jonas. nor the wide and early manuscript distribution led to his central ideas on the permanent ascetic struggle. pp. Vita Iohannis. like Sylvester installed by his predecessor. 236. qui et religionis forma et regule tenore per vestigia magistri gradiens.). p. Vita Iohannis. cit. Das monastische Experiment. diem monasteries would hardly have been able to perform any successful intercessory prayer. 238. His successor Leubardinus was not just appointed but also chosen with the consent of the community 241. Vita Columbani II.. just as Eustasius. 242. ‘‘Was bedeutet Regula Columbani ?’’. cit. pp. 93. The next abbot. 546-559. The only monastic rule prescribing the appointment of a new abbot by his predecessor is Regula magistri. Diem. Jonas dealt with Cassian just as most other early medieval monastic authors had done. abbot Sylvester. neither the numerous references to Cassian as a great authority on asceticism and monastic theology in early medieval texts. pp. . ubi reliquie sancti corporis beati Iohannis condite erant. to a perpetual monastic institution 242. 342 : Post quem in supradicto cenobio Mumulinus ex iussu venerabilis viri Silvestri curam regiminis suscepit. 240-242. SC. In this sense he describes in short the same transition from a community gathered around a founding saint to a community based on a regula as it is described extensively in the Vita Columbani 239. Ibid. 19 (cont. was appointed by Columbanus to lead his monasteries after he had left 238. pp. 241. longevo floruit tempore. Jonas of Bobbio mentions three successors. 106. ch.. The first one. ‘‘Monks. 342 : Suffectusque est in loco eius abbas Silvester nomine. cit. 19. Diem. ch.

Furta Sacra. may not have pleased the monks of Réôme very much. esp. The translatio is mentioned in a martyrology of Réôme. translatio. The passages related to Réôme are edited by Bruno Krusch. 249. According to the Carolingian version. If we assume that the unmovable sarcophagus belongs to Jonas’ original text. Geary. According to P. Ead. 11748. Heilige und Reliquien. 292-311 . Jonas. Gregory of Tours may have served as a source of inspiration. [et sublata humo undique. Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom frühen Christentum bis zur Gegenwart. pp. que tunc in ea sunt acta commutatione 245. ad cuius reverentissimam turbam beneficia devote postulata multigena. Paris. 2. ‘‘Zum Reliquienwesen im früheren Mittelalter’’. op. 1978. 244. Beiträge zur Mediävistik. Right in the beginning. Turnhout. Stuttgart. ch. Robert A. op. see Arnold Angenendt. 18. Markus. p. in Id. 1999. pp. BnF. lat. t. 1990. Heilige und Reliquien. Therefore they decided to submit themselves to the three-day fast that usually precedes a translatio 246. Heinrich Fichtenau. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 45 The final chapter of the Vita Iohannis is dedicated to John’s translatio 243. Again. agree on the three-day fast before the translatio took place 249. See also A. Only one of the two manuscripts on which Krusch’s edition is based contains the episode on the translation. 549-649. Krusch himself regarded this aspect of the narrative as authentic and inserted it in his edition 248. cultes. an event that took place after Mummolinus’ appointment as bishop of Langres in 579/580. 343. however. 139-155. 13. For the Carolingian version. . 1979 (Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental. Furta Sacra. Princeton. 108-144 . January. It is a supplement of sorts.. 1. preserved in a fifteenth-century manuscript from Semur. P. cit. 20 (cont. Octobris. 1994. op. pp. pp. Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes. Bibl. Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages. Cambridge. 92-97 . ‘‘Reise nach Frankreich im Frühjahr 1892’’. 97-106. AASS. Unfortunately the preserved manuscripts give no clear evidence about one important element of the subsequent narrative : the saint’s resistance to his translatio. Angenendt. symboles. cit. All versions.john of réôme.. Vita Iohannis. It may therefore have been part of the active memory of the monks who instructed Jonas and probably insisted on including the translatio in his vita 244. starting with the opening sentence : Nec absurdum videtur huic operi inserere. esp. 863. ch. 246. and here the aspect of the immovable sarcophagus is missing 247. the period of three day fasting to overcome the saint’s resistance is a common hagiographic topos. 3-50 . the monks of Réôme were not able to move the excavated sarcophagus. Jonas makes clear that for him the transfer of John’s tomb does not form part of the saint’s life. 33) . p. p. 10 : 10 Kl. lat. 343 : Nam cum sepulcrum illud a loco in quo positum erat avellere ac commutare voluissent. he would not have invented this motif. Two episodes in his Liber vitae 243. Martin Heinzelmann. mun. Objets. Brown.). the text breaks off in the middle of chapter 18.1. pp. and Edina Bozóky eds. 1975. The Cult of the Saints. Turnhout. Munich.. cit. The End of Ancient Christianity. nequaquam tamen sarcofagum movere possent are missing in the Paris ms. 102-122 and 149-182 . Vita Iohannis. ‘‘Les inventions de reliques en Gaule du Nord’’. ms 24. 20. The way Jonas of Bobbio tells this story.. 173-174. 5306 contains the entire text. Neues Archiv. pp.. triduani ieiunii subire laborem consilii fuit.. In the other manuscript. On relic translations in general.. Jonas. see Vita Iohannis. p. 247. Patrick Geary. Et in Reomao cenobio translacio corporis sancti patris nostri beatissimi Iohannis conf. 1883. 1. pp. at p. ch. Anne-Marie Helvetius. The words et sublata humo undique. nequaquam tamen sarcofagum movere possent]. in Les reliques. BnF. however. pp. 248. 245.

Both forms of devotion are completely acceptable. however. SRM. Even without the motif of the saint’s refusal to move. cui est gloria per omnia secula seculorum. Here Jonas spends just two short sentences on death and burial of Columbanus at Bobbio mainly emphasizing that his power was preserved in his teaching (dicta) rather than in his bones 253. If the immovable sarcophagus belonged to the original text.. Neither episode indicates that the saint himself actively resisted his transfer ¢ an aspect that is at least implied in the Vita Iohannis. 780. Eligius was a nobleman. 782. Queen Balthild († 680) wanted to claim the body of the saint for her monastery. With this story he made a clear statement against combining the cult of relics with Columbanian monasticism.46 a. In his vita he appears both as a fervent supporter of the cult of relics and of Columbanian monasticism. ch. 252. Chelles. This network was ruled from Columbanus’ main foundation Luxeuil. Liber in gloria confessorum. whose Vita Columbani can be read as a strong statement against a monastic cult of relics as well. 37-38. Jonas described the translatio in a way that taught the monks at Réôme not to pay too much attention to their founder’s bones. Vita Columbani I. 56. animam membris solutam caelo reddidit VIII. in antedictu caenubio Ebobiensi vita beata functus. Gregory of Tours. After the three day fasting period. expleto anni circulo. The second book of his Vita Columbani ¢ usually the place where post mortem-miracles should take place ¢ tells the history of a monastic network based on Columbanus’ regula. ubi et virtutum decore pollent presole Christo. Ibid. 4. royal diplomat who later becam bishop of Noyon. MGH. We have to keep this in mind when reading how Jonas fulfilled his commission to describe John’s way to the altar. SRM. p. The next day the sarcophagus was found miraculously to have moved to its appropriate place 251. Eligius. written in its original version soon after the Vita Iohannis. 1. Vita Eligii II. Amen. Reliquiaeque eius eo habentur in loco conditae. Jonas. the vita most likely formed the model for a similar episode in the Vita Eligii by bishop Audoin of Rouen († 684). ch. ch. which 250. however clearly separating these two forms of devotion. Decembris. In another episode even 300 people were not able to move the sarcophagus of a holy chaste couple from one corner of the monastery to another. until it was decided to bury him in his own cathedral church at Noyon 252. 223-224 : Porro beatus Columbanus. where there was no need of the saint’s bones in order to keep his cult alive. 253. refused to become a monastic relic and remained immovable despite a three-day period of fasting and prayers. Cuius strenuitatem si quis nosse vellit. since the monks later received permission from the saint to finish the translatio. p. Kl. 721-722. Audoin. pp.2. ch. . After his death in 660. Bishop Palladius was not able to move the tomb of Martin of Saintes without the support of the saint himself 250. but monastic sanctity should not be based on the possession of holy bones but on the basis of the appropriate teaching and lifestyle. in eius dictis repperiet. He certainly shared this attitude with Jonas of Bobbio. 59. diem patrum describe immovable tombs. MGH. Audoin was not only author of the Vita Eligii and bishop of Rouen but also founder of Rebais and one of the first noble supporters of Columbanian monasticism. 251. 29. pp.

the exhausted monks returned to their beds after having sung the Matins. Geary. inquid. What the old man saw. pp. 325-365. Here he saw John surrounded by his successor Sylvester and several other people in white vestments standing in front of the tomb. pp. MGH. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 47 ended on September 22. was not described as a dream or a vision . op. ceptum opus cito peragant’. 20 (cont. Octobris. 256. 102-122 . The Cult of the Saints. Gregory of Tours. 255. 20 (cont. Jonas.. Following the wish and the permission of the saint. quid ageretur. ch. 254. p. who was possibly old enough to have met the first abbots of Réôme personally. ‘ausus ecclesiam introisti ? Sed quia simplici corde tuum cognovi introitum.. pp. 343 : Cum iam tercia dies a ieiunio illuxit. Furta Sacra. the monks moved the tomb to its final place without any problem 256. especially in Gregory’s Liber in gloria martyrum. Kals. p. His meetings simply take place at hours when the living monks usually do not enter the church. One monk. ¢ et fessa iam ieiunio membra post matutinos cantus rursum in sopore requiescerent. It seems that the old monk caught the saint when he was about to perform a tomb-moving miracle similar to the one described in Gregory’s Liber in gloria confessorum 255. cit. then he decided that the living monks should complete by themselves what they had begun. Translationsberichte. ch. Gregory emphasized the presence of the saint in his remains by telling numerous stories of translations revealing a corpus incorruptum. Hedwig Röckelein. Jonas’ unusual translatio does not only comprise an ironic allusion to Gregory of Tours. P. Brown. P. p. He and the other deceased monks come together in the church of the monastery. 18 . he first became angry and reproached the monk for entering the church illicitly. 1. a Iohanne. Ille cum suis ovans surrexit. in quo die veneranda festivitas beati Mauricii martiris cum sociis suis mundo clara nitescit. p. surgentes atque sepulcrum amoventes.).). his relics or his tomb. vade’. op. Jonas. Liber in gloria confessorum. Vita Iohannis. cit. eo in loco ubi nunc est commutarunt. op. ut sepulcrum moverent ac in locum ubi nunc est situm promoverint. when Jonas visited the monastery 254.2. but just the tomb (sepulcrum) just as if the object of the translatio had nothing to do with himself. ¢ erat enim X. Heinzelmann. John is not present in his bones or in his body 257. Moreover John did not give the order to move his body. it also provides a statement about the meaning of relics. ch. . Differently from the dozens of saints whose cult of relics is described in great detail. cernit beatos senes.. esp. did not return to sleep but entered the church of the monastery. Heilige und Reliquien. op. the feast of the church’s patron saint Mauricius. increpatus est : ‘Cur’. when the saint realized the presence of an unwished witness. it was the saint himself. albis vestitis stolis. Angenendt. regardless of where their body is actually located. Jahrhundert. However. Sigmaringen. ut ipse arbitrabatur. M. imperare. quidam senex ecclesiam introiens. 257. On the problem of the presence of the saint in the relics. He heard how John gave the order to move the tomb to the place ‘where it is now’.john of réôme. see A. pp. This passage is puzzling since it implies that John’s tomb had already been transferred into the church and was only awaiting movement to its final place. sibique videbatur Iohannem et Silvestrum ante sepulcrum adstare atque his qui cum eis inerant. tam Leubardino quam sodalibus excitatis.. 59. Festinus ille a Leubardinum abbatem cucurrit ac rei geste causam deprompsit. cit. that is. ‘et concito gradu. 86-105 . Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen im 9. 782. 343 : Cumque ille audaci animo cerneret. inquid.. cit. Vita Iohannis. 2002. 3340 .. ac agnita voluntate atque permissione proprie devocionis. SRM. telling how a typical Gregory-miracle could also go wrong .

Expressions such as ossa. ch. See also Vita patrum Iurensium. 258. 343-344 : . Vita Iohannis. ch. his relics or his bones 259. but little more. In fact. reliquiae and corpus belong to the repertoire used in translatio-records. pp.2. Of all information concerning Réôme. his monastic world and his visions. we eventually may accept the list of abbots and the fact of a translatio. 519-520. et ad sanctum altarium cum consilio episcoporum est situm. Here a mother of a dead monk regularly went to church in order to hear her son’s voice in the choir of the living monks. Liber in gloria martyrum. Besides that. the entire chapter deals with moving the sepulcrum or the sarcofagus. implying that the monastic community is really a community of the living and dead 258. SC. 259. 142.a. Jonas. Jonas emphasises his attitude toward relics by consistently not mentioning them. his body. there are hardly any dead saints acting outside their grave and showing a presence separated from their own physical remains. the Mass and the prayer of the monks. One of the few exceptions can be found in Gregory’s Liber in gloria martyrum. ubi et remedia egris et quorumque votis solamina beneficiorum accommodantur. attitudes and saintly virtues can be identified as being ‘recycled’ from older monastic texts.. his deeds. eo in loco ubi nunc est commutarunt.). ch. regardless of the actual spot of his grave. but not the bones in the altar. but this does not say anything about how this rule or rules in general were used in Lérins or Réôme. 75. SRM. Jonas’ expression sarcofagus is used regularly in the hagiographical works of Gregory of Tours but rarely in other Merovingian hagiographic texts. pp. If there is anything holy and causing miracles. 123. Here the sick and needy people received solace of the benefices of him who is honour and glory in eternity 260. but Jonas never speaks about the saint. Another story of dead priests singing with the living is told in ch. pp. The community of Réôme received permission to move John’s tomb at the moment when the old man ¢ and with him all the other monks ¢ had realized that John was already present in the church. 46. 260. it is the properly consecrated altar. Thus the Vita Iohannis may serve as an illuminating example of a hagiographical text that would be thoroughly misinterpreted by being read as a ‘historical’ or ¢ even worse ¢ biographical source. . 20 (cont. diem 48 In Gregory of Tour’s hagiographic works. 370-372. Sepulcrum appears more often but not as an object to be moved. 1. quo Christi hostiae litantur atque orationum officia persolvuntur. It does not give any reliable information about the founder of Réôme. Just as in the first book of the Vita Columbani Jonas uses the very last sentence of the work for a powerful summary of his critical attitude toward relics and his concept of sanctity. pp. 537-539. Jonas wanted his reader to identify the Regula quattuor patrum/Macharii as the rule used in Lérins. the Eucharist. MGH. Amen.. Conclusion Almost every detail about the life of John of Réôme. Gregory of Tours. At this altar they celebrated Eucharist and performed the offices of prayer. He tells how the monks installed a holy altar (sanctum altarium) with the proper consent of the bishops. cui est honor et gloria in seculorum secula.

had been abandoned before Columbanus’ arrival but was restored in his monastic foundations. His creativity may be outstanding. It gave him the opportunity to establish central aspects of Columbanian monasticism in the much less conflict-laden setting of a remote past. a severe reproach in a dream vision is enough. Hardly any of the motifs Jonas used retained their original meaning and function. Jonas’ attempt to provide his narrative with a trustworthy historic background cannot convince modern historians. historiographic and theological texts. By means of a couple well-chosen anachronisms Jonas simply showed that some of the main innovations of Columbanian monasticism had not been innovations at all. doctrinal correctness and metaphysical power of the new monastic movement initiated by Columbanus and his followers. In the Vita Iohannis it is not necessary to use the extinction of an entire branch of the Merovingian royal family for demonstrating the imperative to respect monastic boundaries . the transfer of sanctity from the vir Dei to the community. and even giving John a life span . aiming at convincing the readers of the social value. Jonas wanted to convince his audience that Columbanus’ monastic movement was by no means a break with monastic tradition but rather a return to an older and more ideal state of monastic life. the role of intercessory prayer. the Vita Columbani.john of réôme. In the case of the Vita Iohannis Jonas used the narrative form of a saint’s life as a wrapping for a highly elaborated monastic programme. has a strong apologetic character. Jonas’ main work. according to the Vita Columbani. despite their omnipresent references to sancti patres and auctoritates and their constant use of traditional metaphors and categories. an ‘‘iro-egyptian’’ monk 49 Nevertheless. the notion of a regula as basis for a monastic identity instead of relics. by no means as conservative as they may appear on first sight. but his technique of saying new things with old words was by no means exceptional and can teach us that medieval thinkers were. and the integration of the monastery into wider social structures. Being commissioned to write the Vita Iohannis gave Jonas a chance to construct this older ideal state of monastic life that. which is reflected in the Vita Columbani in a long series of conflict situations. Analysing how Jonas constantly gave his material a certain twist actually makes this text one of the most fascinating pieces of Merovingian hagiography. Jonas transformed these topoi into a language suitable for telling his very own story. The battle between Columbanus and Theuderic II/Brunhild over respect for monastic space and the monk Agrestius’ attack on the liturgical practice in Columbanian monasteries are only the most dramatic examples. Here no saint has to be exiled by force in order to explain the transition of virtus from the vir Dei to the community. such as the sacralisation of space. This programme comprises a wide ¢ although not entirely complete ¢ collection of aspects of typical Columbanian monasticism. the work Jonas was commissioned to write is certainly much more than just a collation of topoi grabbed from a remarkably rich repertoire of older hagiographical. The establishment of this new monastic movement was a controversial process.

For Jonas it was obviously more important to give his saint a past in Lérins and have him be trained by Honoratus than to keep a plausible chronology. The monks of Réôme asked John to write a vita. USA . diem 50 of 120 years did not overcome the factual contradictions.a. its programmatic and theological basis. the Regula quattuor patrum/Macharii as rule. though expressed in a different form. but what he gave him was in fact a regula. Cassian’s work as ascetic programme. One of the expressions that were certainly popularized. the Regula Columbani. to be precise. and the authority of founder and abbot. the Vita Antonii as hagiographical model. Written rules. He showed his narrative mastery by shaping a supposedly fifth-century but nevertheless Columbanian monastic world by using Lérins as stage. if not invented by Jonas of Bobbio is tenor regulae. texts such as the Vita Iohannis should probably be regarded as having a very similar function. such as the Regula quattuor patrum were just a written manifestation of this tenor regulae . Albrecht Diem Syracuse University. and Gregory of Tours’ work as a repertoire of history and miracles. Tenor regulae included the monastic lifestyle and discipline.