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Gender and Sociopolitical Change in Twentieth-Century Latin America

Sandra McGee Deutsch
The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 71, No. 2. (May, 1991), pp. 259-306.
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Gender and Sociopolitical Change in
Twentieth-Century Latin America
SANDRA MCGEE DEUTSCH

I

recent years gender has emerged as a subject of historical inquiry. It is a coinplex term, one not susceptible to
a single, facile definition. I11 a pathbreaking article, Joan
Scott offered a multifaceted explanation of gender. In the first part of her
definition, she viewed it as "a constitl~tiveelement of social relatio11ships
based on perceived differences between the sexes." This element, in turn,
rests on four others: "symbolic representations" of these differences; "normative concepts" interpreting these symbols; institutions that help determine the social relations between inen and women; and the ways in which
people slll~jectivelycreate their own identities. Scott tied this first part of
her explanation to another that is "interrelated but must he analytically
distinct"-that
gender also is "a primary way of signifying relationsl~ips
of power." She perceptively noted that "this part of the definition might
seem to helong in the normative section of the argument, yet it does not,
for concepts of power, though they inay build on gender, are not always
literally about gender itself."' Seen in this light, genderecl rhetoric and
policies can symbolize and express iinportant facets of the desired political
N

I thank Charles Anrhler, Rosemary Brana-Shute, Elsa Chaney. Alicia Frolrman. Donna Guy,
Linda Wall, Kathleeli Staudt. K. Lynn Stoner, and Maria Elena Valenzuela for sr~ggestiolrs
and materials; the UTEP Minigrant Progr'lm for its financial support; and, particularly,
Cheryl hlartin for her \aluable comments on tlie various dlxfts of tlris article. Tlrese peraons
are not. however. responsible for the opinions espressecl.
1. Joan Scott, "Gender: 4 Useful Category of Historical .\nalysis," A ~ n c r i c c lHisto,-icul
~~
Rcuiew, 91:s (Dec. 1986), 1067-1070. On definitions of gender alao are Susan C. Bourque,
"Gender and tlie State: Perspectives fro111 Latin .\mrrica," in \\'OJII~II,
the State, ci11t1Dccclopnlcnt, ed. Sue Ellen Cliarlton, Jana Everett, and Kathleen Staudt (Albany, 1989); "Editoor propositions as
rial," Signs, i 3 : 3 (Spring 1988). 399-402. 1"ly labeling of the co~npo~rents
first and second does not imply any ranking.

260

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S . i N D R i AICGEE DEUTSCH

and social order. Scott's linkage of these two propositions, as she called
thein, suggests that one cannot analyze either in isolation from the other.
The seconcl part of Scott's explanation also suggests that one cannot
separate politics from gender. Throughout history, people in all social
ranks have coinprehendecl, interpreted, and justified authority relations
in society by referring to what is close to them and readily understandable, nainely authority relations in the home. As Scott pointed out, those
who have lauded a hierarchical order have often seen the "well-ordered
family" as the microcosm of the "well-ordered state." In this regard, one
might cite the bourgeoisie in nineteenth-centurp Europe and the United
States, which viewed the nature and roles of the sexes as unchanging. Its
rigid definitions of mai~l~oocl
and woinanl~oocl,along with its narrow code
of proper sexual practices, helped to reinforce and justify the division of
labor along gencler and class lines in capitalist industrial society and the
bourgeois values of frugality, discipline, '~ndhard work. This is but one exanlple of the deeply iinbeclclecl tendency to express relationships of power
in gendered terms.'
Power relations and gender relations are, then, intertwined. This implies that those who would attempt to o\7erthro\\~the social hierarchy
would also need to break its synlbolic ties with the hierarchy within the
family and redefine gender in a inore clemocratic fashion. If, instead,
leaders ancl the inasses continue to define sex roles in traditional terins
and use this framework as a paradigin for the state and society, they may
undermine the entire process of political and social change.
Inspired by the ideals of socioecoi~onlicequality, inass clemocrac~y,and
self-determination, progressive governments and movements in twentiethcentury Latin Ainerica have sought to tr:insform their respective societies.
Their egalitarian goal has often incll~deda desire to change inherited gender roles and family structure.' Presumably, the degree to which they
2 . Scott. "Gender." 1071; also see 1070-1074. On the ~ r i n e t r e n t h - c e n t qbourgeoisie.
see George L. hloase, 5atiot~crlisrrla r ~ dSestrality. Ltli~ldle-Class
Jlorc~lity(1rlc1 Sescrcil Yorrrls
in &foderrl Europe (\ladison. 1985); Carroll Smith-Rosenbel-g, Disorderly Coridtrct. l'i.sio~~s
of Gerlder i n l'ictorian Air~er-ica( h e w York. 1985) Mary P. Ryan, 'Femininity ancl Capitalis111 in Antebellum America," in Capitcl1ist Patriot-chy arid the Case for Socialist Ferrlirlisrr~.
jNe\i~York, 1979). 151-172. For other eva~rrplesof this tendency sce
ed. Zillali R. Eise~rstei~r
Yatalie Davis, Society arrd Ctrlttrrc irl Early Jloderrl Frarlce (Stanford, 1975). 124-129.
3. Classic descriptions of the "traditional" gender s!,stem in Latiir America include
Evelyn Stevens, "Xlarianis~iio,the Other Face of Macliisino in Latin America," 89-101. and
Cornelia Butler Flor'~,"The Passive Fe~naleand Social Change: .I Cross-Cultural Comparison of \Vomen's hldgazine Fiction," 59-85, both in Ferr~crlca r ~ dJlale in Latin Arrzericc~.ed.
41111 Pescatello (Pittsburgh, 1973). Scliolars Irave freqnentl!. accepted the cult of nrotlierliood and other aspects of the gendrs systeni discussed in tlrese \i~orksils having persisted
u~lchangedo\.er centuries. Rigorous studies of the origiirs, e\olntion, and workings of the system are needed, pioneering \i~orksi~iclr~de
Silvia hlarina Arrom, The li'orrler~ of JJesico City,

GENDER AIVD SOCIOPOLITIC.4L CH4NGE

26 1

have revised sex roles and the gendered imagery they have used to express
ancl justify their political actions should help reveal the nature of their
reforn~programs. If for various reasons thry have decided to restrain the
process of change they initiated or encouraged, they may have used the
imagery of gender to express and justify these limits. One might also expect their opponents to have criticized the reforms ill terms of traditional
gender notions.
31y original aim was to write a historiographical essay assessing the secondary literature on gender in the context of political and social change. As
my case studies, I chose revolutionary hlexico (1gio-24), the first Peronist
administration in Argentina (1946-j5), Cuba under Fidel Castro (1959-),
and the Unidad Popular period in Chile (1970-73).;' Since the existing
works did not adequately cover the issues, I cleciclecl to add consideration of printed primary sources, suggest sonle tentative hypotheses, and
point out areas for future research. Thus what follows is a combination of
literature review and substantive article.
This essay covers the two parts of Scott's definition and the subtle ties
between them. I explore the nleaning of the first part, or, as Scott puts
it, "how politics constructs gender," by studying symbols, rhetoric, and
programs relating to the definition of lnale and female roles. The Cuban
and Chilean governments professed to welconle important chi~ngesin the
status of men and women, whereas the hIexican and Argentine envisioned
more limited changes. Considering the second part of the definition, "how
gender constructs politics," these distinctions are not surprising. for the
desired gender roles symbolized the desired social and political relations
as a
Deeper analysis of the second part, however, shows that
the statements and actions of protagonists in all four cases had implicit
meanings that at times contradicted the explicit messages. Their manipulation of gendered concepts for political ends leads one to question the
revolutionary character of the governments under study.
1790-1857 (Stanfhrd. 1985);Asuncibn Lc~vrin,ed., Sercrc~litf~
cirid Jlnrringc in Colonic111,citin
Ainericci (Lincoln, 1989); Ram611 4 . Gutiesrez, "Honor Ideolog\,, hlarsiage Kegotiatio~i,and
Class-Gender Do~ni~iatio~r
in New hlexico, 1690-1846," I , n t i ~ l ~ , ~ ~ e rI'crspccticcs,
icn~l
12:1
(Winter 1985), 81-104.
4, hltliougli tlie econoli~icand gender-related reibrms of the 1y:jos niiglrt have niacle it a
Period nrore vvorthy of study, I li~nit111yexa~ninationof Mexico to tlre epic re\.olution (191020) and the revolutionary governnrents of Yuc'ltBn (1915-18. 1922-24). I do so because of
the greater abundance of secondary literature on tliese years, ancl in order to depict ,I longer
period. I include staten~ents11). nienihers of the Partido Liberal SIexicano that p e d a t e d
1910 to provide additional i~rsiglrtinto the early revolution.
I discuss feminism and tlie incorporation of \\omen into tlie labor force olrly insofar as
they directly affected official gerrderecl rhetoric and programs.
5. Scott. "Gender," 1070.

1916).n rr~t~jrre11 In histor-io rle A!IP. the gender-related rhetoric and programs often belied the equality that X'fexican revolutionasies ostensibly sought. ig1G). "La familia.socic~l.The percentage is taken horn Turner. and inembership in the ai~arcl~osyi~clicalist Particlo Liberal Yfexicano (PLhl). They protested against the Porfirio Diaz governnlent (1876-1911) through strike action. Partl). Vaughan. 2 vols.): Mary K . and religious endeavors.~rado in El Primer Co~igrew feminist. I'rt~soicin y trnnspnrencicr.iiln C.ira Bermildez. hlaria El\.had become sharply cliflerentiatecl from those of illen: these wolnen found themselves enshrined within the cloillestic sphere.63- in Lntin Anierictr: An Anthology froiri Latiri A ~ r ~ e r i c Pcrspccticcs Gg. .( 262 H4HK / \LAY / S4KDR. Before the revoll~tion. They secognized that a re\rolution that undermined the social hierarchy would inevitably influence the relations between men and women.ados Alvarado of YucatAn (1915-18) and other spokespersol~sagreed that the re\. liberal and other progressive mo\7ements had attracted some femi~lesupporters.We\rertl~eless. Only 8.\ ~ l z .3-101: C ~ I . many hfexicans viewed women as the church's natural allies in the latter's conflict with the state. a tiny minority of the female popl~lation. Class. 198. such as President \7enustiano Carranza's (1917-20) allies.. 1 ~ ~ 1 5 In its epic phase (1910-20) and the first years that followed. and Education in hlexico. Herr. Cincueiltc~c~fiosdc recolucitirl. -Salvador hl\rarado. The duties of middleand upper-class women.).4 AICGEE DEUTSCH Mexico La historia prirnitiva de la mujer es contmria a1 estado social y politico que actualinente guarda. for this reason. 1880-1928. the Mexican Revolution contained many tendencies at \var n7ith each other. 7.s(i~rlbleu of dl8xico. 605. often disagreed on vital issues.' Women actively participated in the revolution from its beginnings. On hlexican women before 1910 see ASI-om.16:4 (April-June I$. 15.\lv." i l l 1. Turner.^ de Yucatdn.nlost h'lexican \\70111c11carried out their tasks within the honle or the family econoinic unit. 1989).ti rirlrr ." ill LIUrr~erz t~~l (Riverside.I ~ Ra~noa I ~ I I Escandon et al. Frederick C.olution would have far-reaching effects on gender roles.1961). 31. illesico C ~ t y . "Los efectos de la pasticipaci6n t'elue~linaen la revolucibn de 1910. a figure that ignores the labor of rural women in the fields alongside their hl~sbanclsand cllildren. Ar~trles dc ccti rri~r~~or-trble (Slerida.t~liridoC ~ I rrlotiuo I tlc los tcrrltis qtre lit111 dc t~brolccr-reel1 rl scglrndo Corigrcso Fe~r~iriisttrtie Ytrct~tcir~ (hI+rida.82 percent in lylo I~elongedto the work force. 604-60. Jean Franco. . Even n~enlbersof the same factions. (~. Estrrdio tle la Srtci.Yomen. education. 19.~~). the falnily." Historia J1c~xicaliti.ernor Sal\.xico (Xlexico Cit!. Yet Go\. 88. "\. Once the actual con6. P/ottirig \ l h ~ r t o i : Gentler cinrl Represeritc~tionin Mexico (Ne\v York.\Vorrlert. The gender notions of leading re\rolutionaries also exhibited these differences. Her1111laGalilldo. I. Nevertheless. . their tasks limited to the home. writings in the opposition press.

1979). pure. I11 sinlilar religiol~sterms. women themselves could not 1. and elnotional support for inen at the front. and. Guerrero praised female militants as delicate. sister of Felipc." in RegerlernciBn 19001918: La corriente i~ihrisraclical tle In recolrrcidii iilesiccjilcj (le i y i o 11 trcjvis de str peri6dico de co~rlbnte. The best-remembered fenlale activists. and even fighters.oluciona~. as Elizabeth Salas pointed out. England. 198-199 and 202. romantic figures like "La Adelita. and self-sacrificing. activa y abnegada que lleva a 10s apostoles a1 sacrificio." The writers of corridos converted the nanleless legions of courageous. PrAxeclis Guerrero.4rlstin. nurses. the women's task remained to inspire and aitl their inale comrades. I~isrrrgerltMexico (\liddlesex. These articles appeared in either Recolrrciciri or Piirlto Rojo brtween 1907 and 1910. lovers. . "Las re\. that PLhI leader Ricardo Flores &Iag6n echoed. a contribl~torto PI. spies. Myth nt-rd Ilistory (. lnedical care. 73. Revolutionaries may have been appealing to fenlale piety. The . woinen served as organizers. Guerrero. In reality. the distinction between the solr1adern. strong. "virile" (ciril)." Me11 characterized some well-known feinale soldiers and other woinen they col~lclnot fit into custoinary roles as nonfeminine. where it received official hacking. journalists. O r perhaps they could not free themselves of old ways of viewing uTomen or their own struggle. "\Vo~llelland the hlexican Re\<olution.jects of revolution. Prixedis 6. according to .kI newspapers. Even before the armed stage of the revolution. fundraisers. Sol(1ndercjs iii tllc Mexicciir Alilitary.a (hlexico City.s and feinale soldiers was not always clear-cut.' 8.' Male revolutionaries of various ideological persuasions interpreted feinale activisnl in ternls of u ~ m e n ' scustomary duties in the church and the home. feminine." The Arrlericns. 160. 9 . Despite the last three "masculine" qualities. 144. this terminology seems paradoxical.e the su1. or legitilnizing their anticlericalism.2 4by ) . 19io-ig4o (Palo . inen justified the revolutionary and feminist militancy of Elvia Carrillo Puerto.s.). rec1eml'tive struggle requiring "la pasi6n ardorosa. conscious.1.110 provided sustenance. Elizabeth Salas. 1990). 1910-igzo. exhorting the inasses in terms the latter could comprehend. the governor of Yucatan ( 1 ~ ~ 2 2 . 36:1 (Jt11y 1980). 217. yet also willful.41111" hlacias.4lto.ias"and "La mujer. reprint of 191. AI-mandoBdrt1. respectively.kl's hatred of the church. calling her "la Rlonja Roja. The revolution also proinpted the beginnings of a feminist movement.solclndera. and relatives.ed. however.\fericciii \ I ' ~ I I I ~\L I Strrd!/ I: o f H e r Participatioil ill the Recolution. significantly." He viewed their cause as a pure. beautiful. Shirlene Ann Soto. tough fenlale conlhatants and soldaderas into submissive.GENUEK AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 263 flict began in 1910. particularly in YucatAn. are the . 88-91. 9-32. 53-82: John Reed. trying to create new secular saints. manly. ed. a vie\$. and exceptional. used religious inlagery to tlescribe female roles in the enlergillg conflict: "la justicia elige por sacerdotisas alas heroinas qlle adoran el martirio. thus.u. 1977). eqp." Given the P1.

they did not advocate downright passivity." 89. R e ~ o l u t i o F'rof11 ~l Withorit: f'rrcatci~~. 12. Mexicalls on all sides of the revolution reve. 1982). Tllc Virgin of Guadalupe. Harvey L. T h e w spokesmen. No Ross. "The 1cleolog).of Xlichigan.4 hlexican National Symbol. 13. 44-45. clearly." According to Alvarado women were naturally loving. Sal\. whose banner accompanied Emiliano Zapata's army in combat. stressed fenldle self-denial.\lerico. 1919).." The phrase "el pueblo sufrido" appea~-s f r e ~ ~ i ~ e nint l corridos. 1900-1940. 237-239: Salas. it represented the noble sufferillg of the hlexican people ("el pueblo sufrido") and the attitude that revolutionary leaders wanted the lnasses to u p h o l ~ l .s roles. see Slarifran Carlson. Sept. enlbodied these hlnrian qualities and others as well.s o! Jloce~~lerlt Beginnings to Ecn Pel-611(Chicago. legislators during the Carrailza l>i-esidency noted that "la m ~ ~ j e yl . . whicll stood for more t h ~ n just a desirable trait in women.s de . Also see Ricardo Flores Slagon. 1983)." 235 (from Reger~ewcii.ASLIIIC~~II nism in the Southern Cone. 169 (1986). "Propaganda. . "Slarianismo. God. 129. 3 4 3 9 . 3 vols. 1 ' s \veil as the PL31 writers. Legislators quoted in Bermildez. No Husband: Anarchist Feminism in Nineteenth-Crnti~ryArgentina. TVith her indigenous identity and pre-Columhian associations. sweet. and the Institr~tionalizationof the Xlerican State. "The Virgin of Guadalupe: .4 h1CCEE U E U T S C I I This interpretation of women's activis~nresenlbled the traditional conception of the ideal female personality. Ilene Yirginia O'\lalley.ed the Virgin.nluy . Ln r-ecorl. and a symbol of hope and rebellion against the al~tl~oritni-ian Spanish "fatl~ers"and their legacy during independence. y 11.D. although not religiously inspired views of female ill Argcvlti~lcl FI-01111t. the hlyt1l of the Revolution.strucci6n de Mixico: 1111 lrler~. I11 terms of how gender constructs politics. 1910): Gilbert h I . especialmente la mujer mexicana. F e ~ l l i ~ ~ i sTllc~ ~ ~ ~\lh.~. 1988). indicating that she may have represented diverse values. ancl instinctive hut at the same time astute and tireless in glvlng of themselves to thelr fainllies. (Slexico Cit). O n Slarianism see Stevens. which also figured anloilg the Marian virtues yet would not serve the purpose of a nation in arms." Jourtlnl ofArnericnn Folklore. 1h8o-lgz4 (Cambridge. or \Iarianism. In their effort to control the revoll~tion.264 ( HAHK 1 hL4Y ( SANUR. "A la mujer.s(ije11 10s plreblo. Lnivexit).Virico.4lvarado. \Volf. a remembrance of tiines in u~hichnative hfexicans ruled themselves. 11." Loti11~\itiericnfl La\'rin. Anarchists else\vhere in the Americas held similarly conser\'ati\e.82-101. i 3 : i (\Vinter 198A\.. lo. she stood for the revolutioil itself. the cult of motherly devotion and self-sacrifice." \T1hatever its meaning. Eric R. 218. As such. "La F~~milia. 24.~. the \'irgin had enlerged as a protector of disinherited groups. h l a x i n ~\ l o l ~ ~ l e u ' i"No . the usage of Rartra.l'.of FemiPcrspcctitic. 1920-1940'' (PI1. es toda abnegaci6n y ternura.I (1958).ador .le. . ancl the egalitarian Zapatistas appropriated her mantle. 132-135: .. Solclurlarc~s.9. 293-294.. c~ndtlie I'llitrd Stnte. Joseph. 123-124.'' The iVilson Center Latin A~nerican Program. TVhen discussing the role of the state in protecting women's rights under marriage. 'While ~ they recollllnellded abnegation. this syrnbolisnl requires careft11 study. if'orking Paper no. cliss..Carrancistas attempted to steal her image from the rival Zapatistas. Johnson. "The Virgin of Guadalupe in .

O'hIalley.2lexicnn Constittrtioncll Coriceiltiorl of 1g16-lg17 (Austin. upright. loyal. This hypothesis requires research on such unexplored topics as tlle genderecl connotations !)f anticlericalism and of male nlotives for activism. Brief condemnations of priests' supposed encouragement of female promiscuity are forind in E . 12. hIexico. Qrretzalcontl and Gtradnlnpe: Tlie Forrncrtion of' Xfesicnrl S a t i o ~ ~ nCoilsciorl. Jr.3: research on the revol~~tionar) era is needed.'"C o n c i l i ~ r ~ lo2 ~ ~(i97. the revolution's effect on the conception of lilanllood may have threatened women's status. 8:1 (June 1g. ed. this association between social change and manliness implied that the equality of inen ulould entail fernale subordination. It also seeined to deny women the ability to become genuine revolutionaries. 102: Arntrico P. trans. and . 1976). in ternls of Scott's first proposition.icnil Ethilo/ogi. Cooper (II'aco.ondon." Ait~er. Jotrrilc~lof the Folklorc In. 25-33: Jacqi~es L. and constant." 239-247: FSBIICO. they also included other values. Nancy Steen. i974). as a Cultr~ralSymbol: 'The Power of the Po\i~erle\s. The Zapatista documents contained in El ejircito cclnlpesino del slrr (idcologicl. One might also ask whether priests. comments.." trans. Yet it inight help explain Ain6rico Parecles's assertion that exaggerated notions of unfettered machismo did not appear in Mexican folklore until the revolution. revolutionaries enlpllasized aggression and virility in their construction of the inale personality. 1982) did not reveal any interpretation of the Vil-gin. with their infll~enceover fenlale parishioners. among other things. Il'illia~ir R. 9. the male ideal was depicted in corridos of these years. Rrading. noted that tlre cult of the Virgin in this I.stitute. At any rate. 1. Recoltrtion nt Queritclro: The . Indeed. Taylor discllssed conflicting interpretations of the Virgin during the colonial and independence periods in "Tlre Virgin of Guadalupe in Kew Spain: An Inquiry into the Soci'11 History of hlarian Devotion. Virgil Elizondo.afaye. 17-37. ." in Religioil ii1 Latiil Arne.2lncllirino. Ilene Virginia O'hlalley suggested that the oppressive l~rerevoll~tionary order had enlasculated lower-class Mexican illen by denyiilg them equality and the ability to both support their fanlilies econoinically and protect their womenfolk from sexual abuse by upper-class men. the unity of tlre Xlexican colony under Xlexico City and its archbishop. V. 9-1.rrless. . l 1531-1813. "The United States. esp.3]. 2-5). seenlecl to linlit secular inale control over women. despite the potential opposition to patriarchy that some authors clainl she manifested.e~-iodrepresented.-icn: L t f ~ c111d Literattrre. Neime)-er. "Propaganda.12 If. incorruptible. ''0111. By attacking the church and the socioeconomic hierarchy. . in "Tridentine Catholicism and Enlightened Despotis111 in Bourbon hlexico" (loz~rnnlofl2otiil Ainericnir Strl(lics. u l l ~ i c lextolled ~ various revoll~tionaryfigures as fearless. Bro\vn Lady of Guadiilr~pe and IVilliam F.~t.4.yle C . 81. Plottiilg W'oinen.. Rarely stated explicitly in speeches or writings. The corridos also praised inen for the "\Iarian" virtues of gen- hlexican Culture. 299-300. 15:1 [\lay 198.i 4 : i (February 1987). revolutionaries inay have reclaiined their manhood. R e ~ ~ j ~ ~Keen r n i n (Chicago dnd L. orgclr~i:c~cicin11progrclincl) (Xlesico City.iredes. 190-20:3.l). 1980). 1-inda Hall and Cheryl hlartin. D.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 265 the Virgin did not prompt a radical alteration in the view of womanhood.).

\vhicli had tamed ~i-omeninto accepting their lot. See tlre sections on Yilla and Zapata in hlerle E ." S ~ I I . ic~:i). inclllding the vote. 250Socic~t!! d r ~ r . . Tlle l~revailingideas of u~onien'sliberation paralleled tlie narro\v view of the revolution as one tliat had au~arclecllneii freedoin fi." 44-46. as well as descriptions of Madero (and. the PLM. to justify paternalistic rule. Among them the most outspoken advocate of' \i7onlen's concerns \i7as Carranza's secretary.1-eflecting divergent popular attitudes on the subject.'llereas men had frowned on female autonomy. of Zapata) as a saintly hero.ading. legal.llotlt. after 1920. which had tlirust \i70men out of tlic home into degi. clerical.41bo bee Jesils Ro~iieroFlores. of tlic cliurch. the corritlos vieu~edillale r~utonomyamI~ivalently. selflessness. however. u~hiclihad enshrined women in their lowly position.1. wanted women to return to their rightful domesticity.5 A Sorircefor Interpretice Study of.' Such sentiments heralded the growing authoritarianisin of the revolution.h'l as the most radical current in tlie revolution. 134-171. On the other hand. \I. i c ~ ~ j .Scholars regard the PI.oiil al~ove. "Propaganda. Carranza and his s ~ ~ c c e s s o r s used this children-father paradigm. and its prescriptions for women seemed radical on thc surface.266 / HAHK I MAY I SANUM SICGEE DEUTSCH erosity. who defined felnale emancipation in broad terms. Sonle Carrancistas 1-iewed fenlinisnl inor(: favorably than the PLh. Katherine Anne Poster. respectively.i ~thr ~g 319. which he defined as turning woillen into men. although their motives may have been to reduce what they sa\i7as feniale opposition to tlie revo13. ) . and of laws and customs.The Jlerictr~~ Cor-r-ido(1. .olutionary leaders in John Hr~thel-ford.vicntln (XIexico City. however. and those on the re\. Cor-ridos tle la Recoliici6t/ Jle. and martyrdom.'.52 L ~(Xla? ~ . or Galindo also eii~pl~asized "defanaticizing" them.Jlc~rico~l Recoltition: A Liter-fir!! Approach (Oxford. She believed tliat women sliould posscss exactly tlie salne rights as men. like anarchists elsewhere. these quasi-religious traits served the cause. they also lauded Presidents Fr:tncisco hladero (1911-13) and Carranza as "fathers" of tlle llatioil who "gave" voting and other rights to inen previously stripped of these freedoins by cruel tyrants.157-158. Male revolutionaries within and outside Carrancista ranks seeined to equate this hi7ith lil)eration. they revered Emiliano Zapata and Panclio L'illa for strllggling independently for the oppressed Indians and against the United States. LIrhile it hoped to free \i70nienfrom economic.rt/ Jferico (1870-i")o) (Bloo~iii~igto~i. the freeing of v1onien fro111 priestly control. "Corridos. O n one hand. and should l ~ free e to assume roles outside the home. Vl'lietlier fhuncl ill inen or women. poorly remunerated labor. and sexual subjugation. 1977). Sim~nons. O'XIalley. Guerrero and Flores Magcin advocated the emancipation of uTomen from the shackles of capitalism. Guerrero opposed feminism. ic~zq). Herinila Galindo. Tlle songs implied that hlexicans were children who passively accepted these gifts-and cluite properly so.

Therefore. Alvarado and other leaders stressed women's moralizing roles in the home as a nleans of delegating the vital * .4 la mujer." Siglis." 2:35-2:37. 15. The governor wanted to tame disorderly inale conduct and curb workers' autoi~omyin order to contain the revolution and guide it ill a capitalist direction. disciplinetl values conducive to capitalist development. 011 i Z .rt to 1940 (\Vestport. f o ~ e l l l eill~ ~Itf e x i c ~ his social prograllls see . Anales. 1916. he thought. laws protecting feinale labor. 46-48.il\arado. efficient private holdings. 1920). Galindo. Franco. 14. Soto. rape.inns RIacias. and other aggressive behavior. reform meant installing bourgeois capitalism through such measures as the division of land into small. "The First Feminist Congress in XIexico.14 The Carrancista govcrnor of Yucatan. entuinecidas por la tradici6n y el convencionalismo. 1s. and the anticlerical revolutionaries did not want the church's assistance." Floses hlagon. Estrlclio. ' L a n ~ ~ ~ j e201-2~)3.a s e f f o rto t s iinpose austere. Yet while Alvarado believed that woinen performed useful functions outside the household. crime. Actrrcicid~l recol~rcionuriadel Generc11 Snlcclrlor Alcclrcldo el1 Ylrccltci~~ (Xlexico City. And the nlost important talent for them to use in the home was that of shaping men's character. Galindo. rather than to release woinen from religious strictures." IIe iinpleinented this goal through the broadening of educatioi~alopportunities for women. Emancil~referal~le pation meant enabling them to become bctter. rather than as mere prudery. Disorder inlpeded consolidating the state and implementing reform. Sal\. Yet state action did not suffice to coiltrol men. Thus it was that woinen devote themselves to inarriage and family.4utumn 1979).L n reconstrucci6n.~ 8 ) . more respected wives and inothers who could support theinselves honorably in case of dire need. and the consuinption of hard liquor and drugs-and similar actions by Plutarco Elias Calles as governor of Sonora (1917-19) and as president ( 1 ~ ~ ~ 4 . pimps. it was there. and it had also destroyed old habits of deference and obedience. gainhling. ". 49-56 O n the congresses see Alaide Foppa. also favored feinale emancipation. To Alvarado. The Mericn~llliorrltrn.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 267 lution or to replace clerical dominance over women \vith their own. 192-199. Estrlriio. 292-293. haci6ndola fuerte para luchar con la vicla y danclo vigor a sus alas. the con\location of two feminist congresses. 5 : i (.ldos . 9. Guerrero. 19821. cockfighting. Salvador Alvarado. The revolutionary cataclysnl had sanctioned bloodshed.'or~ler!.15 Not only tradition prompted such views. 299-302. and others. Al~arado. Agoilrst All Odcis: The Fr~~lir~i. pimps.\-is. 64-80. One may iilterpret his attenlpts to outlaw bordellos. Plotting ll. .Congreso. that they fulfilled their highest calling and developed their true talents. Primel. 296. which he described as "levantar y dignificar la condici6n de la inujer. revision of the civil code. r. and the banning of brothelsthus ostensibly freeing prostitutes from exploitation by madams.

ed. Recolr~ttoil. as Alvarado had done.268 / HAHR I \LAY I SANIIR4 XICGEE DEUTSCH task o f pacifying llnruly male behavior and stabilizing the re\lolution. Recollrtioii. They viewed the traditional family as an essential bulwark o f the capitalist order they wished to construct. 71: Soto. see his Act11aci611. 206.r. Despite Carrillo's egalit. 2 of his T/lr Jlcricnil 2 vols. Co~rnterrevol~rtim nird Recoi~sti-trctior~.crilcl Soci~t!!. Elvia and Felipe Carrillo encouraged lower-class \voinen to organize Ligas Feministas. Agoinst A// 0tlrl. 520. \-aughan. 222. The Cristero Rabellioll: The hleiccltl Peopl<. Alan Knight. Unlike Al\larado.bettceeii Chrri.orderly state. The Life.4. Felipe Carrillo Puerto.I ~ Z O . Neimeyer. "\%men. control o f women expressed and symbolized control o f the political system.ch c~nclState. hlichelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise L'~mphere(Stanford. Alvarado insisted that "mientras no elevemos a la inujer. Instead o f siinplp ol~tlawingbrothels and otherwise controlling prostitutes. Al\rarado. marriage reform (secular marriage regulated as little as possible by the state). to them. nos serli iinposible hacer patria.76: Joseph. Primer Congreso.er the 1916-17 collatitl~tioll~l convention. Heco/rctioil. 36-37. who showed little interest in mobilizing female workers or cainpesinas. ' ~ according to Scott's second proposition. "Is Female to XIale as Nat111-eIs to C:ultu~-er"'in \\'o~~zciiz. orderly family was a paradigm for the ~lnitecl. 522. (Canbridge.'" It seems that. ejircito. 1976). Anger over the disorder dlld illl~lloralit~ of the re~olutionhelped m o t i ~ a t ethe Criatel-o revolt: see Jean . 105. 45: Xlacias. 1 0 2 6 . coeducational schools. trans. vol. Joseplr. hleyer.' his divorce law still refiected the traditional double standard 16. 140-143. 1974). IIis plans to collectivize agriculture and efforts to 1nol)ilize the masses for change through the Ligas de Resistencia manifested his desire to radically redistribute wealth and power. sex education. see Niemeyer. Ortner. IIis views on prostitutioil and organizing \vomen contrasted sharply with those o f his predecessor. Alvarado's attempt to control the First Feininist Congress o f 1916 by formulating its agenda further illustrates this point. . Al\larado's successor. Recollrtion. whose inen~bershipreached fifty-five thousand by 1923. was an exception to this type o f paternalistic rule." His words. On (:arrcinza's dtte~llptedcontrol o\. and this was the pattern that other leaders tried to iinplant throughout h ~ l e x i ~ oAgain.ailanism.Cr~lture. Carrillo's support for birth control programs. 34. On \romcn a\ tamers see Sherr>-8 . His treatment o f \vomen was characteristic o f his re\lolution in YucatBn.111. Actlruci611.~icc~n '11'oi11(111. as well as soine o f his policies. Thinking o f the need to train women for their cloinesticating mission and to liinit the oppression o f fenlale workers. 154. . 67-87. Ancrler. 011 Alvarado's policies. 17. and the election o f women to office clemoilstrated that his policies for women aild the family were equally radical. 58-59. 19861. one that he directed froin above. Sote the preoccupation ~vithrape in El Heoolt~tio~l. he sought to ope11 1111 alternative e m ployment opportunities for \vomen. Richard Southern (New Yol-k. revealed a strong sense o f paternalism. the united. 71. ." 70-71.

401. To complenlent the divorce laws and promote equality within the family. '\\hmen. \\hlf: "\\hmen in \Iodesn hlesico. 152. altllough these measures. 56-64. 1 (197fj). Carranza wanted these regulations "to establish the family on a inore rational and equitable basis. Carranza. tory ntrd Society. The Constitutionalist leader sllpportcd the First Feminist Congress in Yucatiin and some of Galindo's feminist ideas. 19741. 19723. The views of his ally." HAHR. and by perinitting divorced inen to reinany sooner than divorced \von~en. . it still prevented wives from p ~ r suing a career \vitllol~ttheir l~usbands'agreement and single \vomen from leaving their parents' home without permission llntil age thirty. retained the sexual double standard. esp.~lreJaquette lrotetl in "Felnale Politic'11 Defense of ~narriageoften is a clc~ss . 50. 34. Robert E. Joseph. The Coir~iilg:'lilt1Procc. a matter that fell under state jurisdiction. Tlte blesicoit Hecolution: The Cot~stitrrtioitolistYeclrs (. iir IIir\llo~irnir. .~." 88-89. 196o). like Canillo's. of the Jlrriccri~Rel-olrltioil John \Idson Hart. Vaugh'~n. hlacias. (:umberl'~nd. Felipe Carrillo Puel-to. Soto. 66-67. 233-263. Quirk. Tlrc . Carrillo's progressivisin did not fit with the revolution's tendency to~vardconsolidating a capitalist order. Tlrc Alesicuir \Voi)taii. did. Recolrltioit. to inake the consorts aware of the great responsibility that society hat1 entrnsted to them"-that of raising a family. 22:1 (Feb. namely. 1987) position. "La familia. "The Influence of the Present \lexican Re\olution upon the Statr~sof hlexican \Volnen.~" Apart from his divorce legislation. Ifistoricl politiccl-rociol-crrlt~li. trans. Like Alvarado's.xiccliz Hecolrltion 1914-1915: The Coiroention of Ag~rcrsctrlieirtes(Bloolnington. '"The Se\v Yucatin.38. 212-213. 87-100. Carranza quoted in Donna \I. However. He wished to rationalize society by throwing off the weight of tradition that had impeded capitalist progress. On the coedu~ation~tl.col~tcidi~ socinl ell Alkrico (1921-10401.id L Raby.\ustin. Astelnisa Sdenz Ro)-o ("Xocl~itl"~. Lillian Eatelle Fibher. . the Law of Family Relations (1917) gave such additional rights to inarriecl women as authority over tlle children (pcltria potestacl) and control over lnarital property equal to that of men. 19421.sico 1914-1950 (XIexico Cit!." 71-72. 19.GENDER AXD SOCIOPOLITICAL CHASGE 269 h> treating inale adultery inore leniently than female..411 Otlds. T11c Jlez~c~liz 34-35.IS J. 37-.it)rieilto feineizirlo erz JfB. 383-384.(~l del 1)toc.Clany feminists were pleased wit11 Carranza's decree of 1914 legalizing divorce and the subsequent divorce provisions of the Constitution of 1917. (Berkeley and Los Angeles. decreasing the incidence of consensual unions and illegitimate births among the poor. C a s r . anticlerical schools see Da\. further indicated tlle l~ourgeoisiinplications of his programs.\le. In contrast to Carrillo's lil~ertarianism. except to marry.'" 18. Reuolrctionnr!/ Mexico." Strltliei. Soto. 387. 52 (hlay i c ~ ~ $138-142. Fisher (214) described the conbtitutional clause confel-I-ingeclrlal rights to all hlexicans. yet its intent was nationalistic rather than feminist. Beslllildez. hluch \\-ork remains to 11e done o n the gender i~n~lications of educational reform in r r \ olutionar) \ l e ~ i c o . Etlrrctlci6ir !/ rc.Carranza regarded inarriage as a civil contract." Stirre!/. 9-10. Agcriilst . One of Carranza's justifications for divorce legislation. his family policies reinforced and epitomized his broader social and economic aims. 1954). Roberto G o ~ n e zC i s i ~ a(Xlesico City. ~ n ~ apolitical 's and economic liber'11ism is discussed in: Clrarles C. zifj-zi(3.

Li~rdnB. disagreed with O'hlalley's emphasis on the conser\lative and manipulative implications of the mythification process. Tlze . Like Carranza. Rutherfor-d.evie~v ofthe published \erriou of O'Xlc~lley'stli\se~. 2-5:33. 230. Tork. 9 ~ 3(April : ~ 1988). or at least syrnl~olsof disorder. however. 1976).~icnrl Societ~y. Propagandists stripped their defiance of political and class overtones. \vl~opainted hiin as a villain since he had fought on the losing side. The Carrillos' innovative views on gender relations were a model for the democratic socialisin they envisioned." 95." in Se. .Alvarado and Carrailza placed on control and order in their gender and f. 98-99. according to O'hlalley.~' Revolutionary mythology and its functions are another field that calls for more research. the efforts of official propagandists.164.~milialnotions syinbolized the hierarchical political and econonlic order that prevailed in hlexico by the 1920s.x (iricl Closs i r i 1. IIa11.~tion. Thus. but also exaggerated prowess wit11 women and. the post-1920 national regime also used disorder. 1c)no-19. Considering the first part of Scott's definition. This survey of the early years oftlle revolution demonstrates how politics constructed gender and gender constructed politics.2l!/th O J R C L O /iitiorz: llero Czr/ts crrlcl the Irl. Leaders devised gender-related programs that suited their perceived political ends. In doing so. in Amcricnn Historicc~lRccicu. tends to support Hall's contei~tion. 0 ' ~ f a l l e yhas argued that the ruling elite encouraged the disaffected to identify writ11 such rebellious heroes as Zapata and Villa. noting that the hero cults predated 1920. particularly the legends that had grown around revolutionary figures and the association between the re\~olutionand manliness.2le. 245-24(<.ctitutiorln/izntior~of the. June Ndah dnd Helen Icken Satb (Ye\\ Yo&. 258: compare Lvith Smith-Rosen~~r. wild beha\lior. The genclered rhetoric and policies of hlexican revolutionaries also served as a pi-adigin for the preferred political and social order. 175.l!lC o ~ i c l ~ 90-108. O'hlalley. Alarico~nStcite. leaving only "masculinity. The emphasis that .. governments attenlpted to channel popular feelings of dissatisf:xction and political impotence into identification with tough: virile figures. Also see berg's discussion of tlre lla\!y Crockett m!th in Diro~-tl(. but they contii~ueclto employ revolutionary rhetoric to justify their power and ol~scurethe gap between the revolution's stated goals and actual achie\lements. ed.40 (Ne\\. "Propaganda. Presidents Alvaro Obregcin (1cpo-24) and Calles fi~vored capitalist developnlent and an authoritarian state. they and their followers drew upon themes already present in popular songs and literature.270 I HAHR I hlAY I SANDRA AICGEE DEUTSCII Paradoxically. 21. Linda B. in the case of Villa.ntitt Atrlcr-icn." This masculinity encoinpassed not only the traits previously illentioiled in corridos. . 20. the view of illale and Participation. 1986).r. not because of. 33 .t. ~.20Toll11 Ruthelford's observation that Villa's m\~thic reputation grew in spite of. IIall. to strengthen its coiltrol over the populace.

nlany of their policies had gender implications. RIortoll discussed the view of women as conser\~ative. which was also tied to the assumption of fenlale adherence to the church. (Barcelona. the idea that men and women had immutable personalities persisted. coino ellas. L'. "The hlexican Re\-olution. Alesico Reborn (Boston. was responsible for deilying X'lexican wonlen the vote at the federal level until 1955. u~hichin turn reflected perceived political exigencies. .le female revolutionaries also appeared from the epic period on. See Xlosse. but they ~le\ertlleless 111dicateofficial opinion. Eva Perhn. ti)r tl-e.. This notion. iCracias a el. Jlkjico clrltc. see Esperanza \'eliizqr~ez Bringas. J r .On women's radical x t i \ ity." 72. and progranls of Juan and Eva Per611. "\Vomell. sonle of thein situated to the left of the state. In ternls of Scott's second proposition.~tmentof the theme of immutnl~ilit!. 23. the v. \I'hile nlany exanlples of Cristeras and conservative women existed. L'erna Carleton hlillan.G E N D E R AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CIIANGE 271 female natures constructed by revolutionary spokespersons-of women as the tamers of men. . Nntio~ic~lis~. 164-167. 1939). Eva portrayed herself in the passage cited above as a leader 22. Leslie Bethell (Cambridge. and of men as inherently unruly and rehelliousseenlecl to beconle frozen in tiine. . c o n plex gendered rhetoric and appeals aboundetl. nota1. it also equated womanhood with conservatisn-and therefore. zd ed." Argentina Yo me siento nada lnQs que la humilde representante de todas las lnujeres del pueblo. es ahora justo.ed. hle siento. 1962). el "hogar" que a1 principio file l>ohre y desmantelado. comp. it mirrored the apparent iinmutability of the social order in the 1920s-the betrayal of the masses' dreams. 80-82. 72-78 Johll \L'omack."ill Tlle Cntttbridge Ilistory of Latin At~tericn.i. el ~ n ~ i t i d Ic/eologin o. see L'aug11'1n. 76. 1984). del presidente Pltrtcirco Elins Cnlles. 23 and passinr.Although the idelltificatioll of u70men with order gave them a task to perform for the revolution. 311. "51). . 152-153. Ln rnzdn tle ~ n ~. 0 1 1 the character of the I-evolution by the 1920s. ironically. : el gran hogar venturoso de esta Patria inia que conduce Per611 hacia sus 1115s altos destines. In terms of the second. also served as niodels for the couple's broader aims. 1927). a1 frente de 1111 hogar . with threats to the revolution. . these policies. writings. 1910-1~2o. as well as their marriage.. \Yard hI.rords cited here and elsewhere are not truly lrers.idn i (Buenos Aires. Ilowever contradictory to reality.is E\'a'uvorks were ghostwritten. . lihre y soberano! iTodo lo hizo kl! '' In the speeches. 111 IVoincin Stdfrnge in hlesico (Gainesville. In terms of Scott's first proposition.

ility.Peronists tagged fen~inistsas anti~lationalists. One possilde reason for this difference was the greater degree of fenlale participation in the Argentine economy vis-5vis that of earlv twentieth-century hlexico. "Peronismo !. Silent.and. Closer to the point.272 I HAHK / AMY 1 54NDR4 5ICGEE DEUTSCII \vho was nevertheless subordinate to her husl. Evidence also indicated that \vo111en were increasingly choosing to have fewer children.ier~'sTI-c~tlrC:rliorlisr~z:Corilpnrntice Nistoriccll E s ~ c i ~ l ed. diss. praised both workers' militancy and class harmony. shops. the Per6ns were keen to attract women to their cause.6 percent of the Argentine labor force. one that the Perhns wished to tap. 1974).sufra~iofenrenino: la ley electoral de lgq. and schools. According to the 194. The Per6ns wanted to distinguish their female adherents not only from their " 24. 11. women constituted 22. Soldon (\Vestport. albeit apprehensive about the possible impact of these changes on the f~1111ily. of Al. According to Susana Bianchi. s . ilnd representatives of imported 1 . Despite their interest in ~nohilizingfcinale sl~pport(an interest. tllus iinproving their prospects for mo1.." in The \170r. and appeared to synthesize leftist and rightist traits. that set them apart from preceding leaders). 265-266. attracted a nlulticlass constituency.~~ The issue of the vote had been on the political agenda for decades. 1 (1986)..i e w . see Nanc!. Susana Bianchi. and the Argentine . The Socialist party sponsored the first female suffrage bill in 1928. offices. Juan. the census also demonstrated a shift in female enlploynlent away from small family-centered enterprises toward factories. "Hidden. and of their relationship to each other-symbolized the ambiguitv of Peronism: a movement that con~bined democratic and au. On the Iristory of wolnen'a economic dctivities. fainily" as a free people who nevertheless owred everything to their benevolent Father.Caro 1-Iollander.Arlrinr. thoritarian elements. nlost feiniilists were affiliated with the Socialist party and other groups that opposed Perollism-grol~ps. h l a r y ~ aNavarl-o. Juan and Eva were anxious to distinguish their movement fro111 feminis~n. Argentine feminists were active long before the Peronist administration and lobbied actively for the vote in the 1930s and 1940% LVolnen f'ornled a potential voting constit~~ency. :It the same time. Lrni\er\it) of Califol-nia at Los Angeles. . that had not nlanaged to identify themselves with nationalism. women Lvere narrowing the gap in the literacy rate between then1 and men. In contrast to the h'lexican case.inollynroua: LVo~nen \Vorliers in the .io clel IEHS.oligarchs. where feminism began writ11 the revolution. moreover. In contrast to some h'lexican leaders.ltIof \Ifor.gentind" rPlr." .bgentine Trade Union Xlovement. \I'hile this figure represented a decline from earlier years. 1985). Norbert C . "\Vomen in the Political Econom). The ambiguity of Eva Per6n-as well as that of Juan Per611. and . the public's awareness of \vomen's new roles made it more receptive to the idea of female suffrage. like mobilizing workers' support. census. 165-1938 ..

Ldbol. "Si Evita Lriviera .11378).Although Eva tried to do so.ro~listci Fe~nenino.tcis(Buenos Ail-es. ljolj~~l(lr: Politiccl 11clrlt~lr(~ In Argentil~nper. 11352[?]). I.A11 won their seats." Lrniversity of Notre Ilame.~ Studies c111rl\Vorltl Aflnirs.America. Nicllolas Fraser and hlarysa Navarro.ic1. 0 1 1 ftlninisl~l. 386-397. ." in Li70nlen i11 Lntiri Ar~lericn. El Pnrtido P<. On Peronist Lvonren see Esteld dos Santos.or~istn1946-1955 [Buenos Airt." Todo Es Historicl.G E N D E R AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CIIANGE 273 political rivals.110. l o (llec. Cynthia Jefhess Little. "L'I mujer la politics. (Bi~ellosAires.108: Susana Bianchi and Norma Sancllis. 99-101. including nlostly working-class women previously uninvolved in politics. 1 : 2 (Fall 19891 88-116: Lavl-in. It also introduced many women to activities outside the home in a way that did not estrange them from their husbands.\rgentilla and Chile. 73. 1983).nnlqfl~iter-Ar~~ericci. Eva assured thein that she and other female Peronists had retained their femininity and did not hate men.\suncihn L A V I . .irtjerespero~ii. "Ideolog\-".s Hi~tor." Torlo E. .ci rnzdn.. at least in theory.s). 1968).'' Isis Interrzocioncil.5. 'A Peronist-dominated Congress passed a feinale suffrage law in 1947 and other nleasures favorable to women. A l i pciis !/ slrs ~nrtjeres(Buenos Aires. "Las luchas feministas.i.zo. Lns ~. Fe111ir1is1. Lns nil'jeres cle Arg~ritinn(Buenos Ail-es. Peronists encouraged female activism. the Perons collld not rightfillly clailn ex25.dlld the Left: .. . 1988). 1983). 1981).. The creation of the Partido Peronista Fenlenino (PPF) in 1949 as one of the three branches of the Peronist movement. . Kellogg Institute IVorking Paper no."\Voliieil. 17:4 (Nov.2 vols. E r n Per611(New York. 60 (Jan. i\lthough the male l ~ r a n c h . lo. 53: Peron. 1988). . "Rloral Reform and Feminisnl. giving . 1945-1955. like their nlale counterparts. 289-295: Nailcy Caro Hollnlldel. 11383). In inany ways. backed by Perbn." Journcll qf Li70t~ie~~'s Nistorly. After his victory thcy. marked a significant advance beyond the subordinate felninine sectors of other political parties in Latin .265-267. 7-2:3. e s p 30. hlaria del Carmen Feijoti.Argentina the highest number of elected female representatives in the l ~ e n ~ i s p l ~ e r e . Operating within an exclusively female organization gave politically inexperienced woinen the opportunity to develop skills.25: \'era Piellel. but from a stance that traditionalist supporters inight perceive as radical. refused to give her as lllaily slots as she requested.Vomen forined a prosuffrage group under Peron's auspices before his election and participated in his campaign. ' ~ Yet several factors detracted from this picture of female mobilization. 68-79. 183 (. no. Eva imposed six female candidates for senator and twenty-three for deputy on the Peronist ticket in 1951. 26. and an awareness of their o\vn needs. "La visible Eva Pertin y el invisil~lerol nismo: 194fj-1952. 37-42: Nornna Sdnchis. supposedly unlike ferninists."Jo~rr. 181-186: femenino en cl peroJulia Silvia Guivant.\lberto Ciria. hlaria Isabel Constenla !-hlaria A~lleliaReynoso. ~~~. autonomous froin and coequal writ11 those of men and the union confederation. \. Per'iil. I. 19. " ~ h l ~ ~ j een r e sIn politica o politica 'de mujeres'? Un anBlisi5 d e la experiencia de las mujeres peronistas.\ug. 1986). 189011325. Party menlbership reached an in~pressivehalf million by 1952. 128 (J'II~.. self-confidence.*j X'luch of Eva's gendered rhetoric served to justify her leadership and the roles of Peronist women in nonthreatening tcrms. formed local Peronist cells. La r-clzh~i.see Carlson.

Eva ruled the latter. hut as "social action. NGlida hle~rdilaharzutle hlachuili (Buenos Aires. Nevertheless. . Eva also charged thein with the duty of organizing const~mptionwithin tlle housel~old. under Peronism women were free to organize.15.El Partido.which 2 7 Rlarysa Na\arro. Juan and Eva justified their social Lvelfare policies by noting that these would enable ~vorking-classwomen to fulfill their true calling by staying home. such as clay care and the principle of equal pay for equal work. setting its agenda and picking as its leaders and congresswomen women lacking political credentials who would follow her orders.she characterized their duties not as "political action.ooks during tlle Peronist years depicted most women as house\vives and mothers. thanks to woinen's advances in einploynlent and education and to the efforts of anti-Peronist feminists. which had enjoyed sonle autonomy. 28. its time had come. The illale branch of the party was more democratic than tlle female. ? ~ The Pel6ns defined women's roles in a traditional manner. The various preexisting groups of Peronist women. in contrast to inen as jobholders." which was reserved for men. which. 1981). Orie could also argue that working within an all-female group inarginalized Peronist woinen." permissible for women." Exemplifying Scott's second proposition. school text1. By eliminating ambiguity from women's roles. the hierarch!. within the P P F synlholized the larger Peronist pattern of mobilizing the inasses while maintaining dominance over t l ~ e i n . Tf'hile she believed that Per611 had "liberated" women. until two years after its birth.They referred appro\.Nor did the creation of the P P F necessarily increase feinale independence. ditl not hold internal elections or congresses during Eva's lifetime and was not formally constituted.j. 91. ~o trans. she reduced the possibility for change in gender relations. this word had a narrow ineaning for her. although such measures were not a priority. although tlle foundation of fenlinine sections within the Socialist and other parties had formed a precedent for Peronists to follo~v. dissolved with the founding of the PPF. Peter U'aldrnann. Following a precedent set by conservative female activists in the early twentieth centl~ry. I . 67-68. while Marysa Navarro noted that Eva imitated her hushand's control over male Peronists. propagandize. unlike the former. 87. Thanks to the improved econoinic status of workers and to fenlale suffrage. El P e r o ~ l i s i ~1cjq3-1. so as to "Peronize" i"1mi1ies. 211. and assist other women and children. Thus. with officers. Bianchi and S~unclris. albeit with a political t~vist. 21:3. Ecitcl (Buenos Ail-e..ingly to women who worketl outside the home and implemented programs in their behalf. Eva segregated P P F women from inen so that the former would remain within their o\vn sphere and not assume "mascl~line" traits. 1981).274 I IIAfIR / AMY / SANDRA XtCGEE DEUTSCH clusive credit for feinale sufiage. it seeills that she outdid him.

4. Catalilra Wai~rermalr. ed. in terins of the first part expression in legi~lation. Occasionally. ." Dianchi also noted the importance Peronists placed on wonlei1 conserving the traditional values of religion and morality within the family setting. Percin. Navarro. para Ilevar adelante y afianzar su prograina d e acci6n cle gobierno. the transformation or Peronization of the home would serve as the basis for the larger social transformation. 284.st~rdios de cclso en Argenti~~cl. Catalina \Vaine~. Julia .and Xlaria del Cal-mrn Frijoo (hlexico City. I. Eva did not assign feinale workers a role in sponsoring change in the \vorkplace. 69-70.87-89." respectively. Eva seeinecl to call for changes within the family by denouncing dictatorial l~usbancls and advocating wages for house\vives.. 34.de 1c1s 111rrjet-es:Dos c. fulfill Peronist economic aims.El Pur-tido. Uianclii. 64:2 (XIay 19841. raise Peronist children.~' of Scott's definition. I.a F .ender Rolrs and tlie Right d that t h r IVing. 233-258. 279.man. "The Visible and In\isible Liga Patricitica rgelrtina. Eva saw herself as the mother ancl sister of the militants in 29. 289. 220. She did not coinpare the movement ancl the nation to the family. Julia Silvia Guivant thought that Peronism promoted a ne\v feinale role that transcended the old boundaries of the doinestic arena. "Per611 necesita clel baluarte inviolado clel hogas y clel iinpulso intuitivo y sustancialinente conser\~aclorcle la mujer. h l c c e e . 1975). "Pel-oniamo. they were the family-"la gran familia peronista" and "la fainilia national. La r-az6n. and assist in the perpetuation of Peronist control. 45. 198:3). Bialrclii and Sanclri5 (49) l ~ o i ~ i t eout Peronist nrobilization of women coliflicted with that of the c1ir11-cli. Significantly. Bianchi and Sancliis. Eva differetl from Liguistas. ho\vever. Eritn. D l ~ tEva Peldn and the P P F had a precursor: the female adherents of the antileftist Liga Patri6tica Argentina in the 1920s and ig3os.Airrs. in her words.. 1. 4 (19751.l'lie gender iniplication5 of tlie relationsliip between Peronism and the church need study. "Eva Percin: Ad\enturesa or Xlilitant'?" Pmccedin." in Del rleber.os of the PCCLAS. .GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 275 assunled importance with the economic stabilization plan of 1951. Their role was to inculcate Peronist doctrine. who had styled their ef-forts to coopt working-class wonien as "Argentinizing" the immigrant home. Jolly. Salrd1. El Paltido. but her ~vordsfound no concrete On the whole. 1919-1928: (.. 86. Bianchi and Sa~lcliir. Eva Per611 assigned great significance to these tasks. 30.(I raz611." H A H R ." 278-279. EGOPer611 l~ablnn Ins ~ ~ ~ t t j e r(Buelroa e.ser cl hacer. Julia Jolly observed that she saw the household as a "liberation front".Elizal~etlrJeli~i. Percin. the Per6ns favored few alterations in the family and gender systein beyond recruiting women into politics ~ ~ n dtheir e r tutelage. although she was inore optimistic about female willingness to participate than the Mexicans. feinale einancipation meant incorporating wonlen into the cause. As Eva put it." For Eva just as for some Mexican revolutionaries. in that she extended the l~ounclariesof the private sphere to include the public sphere. The First Five Year Plan of 1946 reinforced the "unviolated" nature of the home by supporting natalist measures and opposing divorce and abortion. ideas y 10s \alores: Xlujer y trabajo."El mulrdo de la. then.

the private." . Just as Eva suborcliilated herself to Juan. hence. Perhaps here Eva responded to the contradictions in her own public persona. charity." 5fj-57. El pueblo q~rieresclber de quC se trcitn (Buenoh . These qualities wcre not among the hIariail virtues. Peronist songs in Julio Dario . 111 the Peronist family." 306-307.611 h ~ justified d 5tate interference in tlre filmilc ill a speech ill 1944 see Juan Peson. Juan Pe1. 1951) 10.42. 1 : 2 (Aug. In this respect Eva could not serve as a model.praisrd both inrages of Era. thus also justif:\. \fcC. "Pero~rismo. i944!. inconresponsibility." 48. and willful beings.ing her political role. l'he "madom" appears." 277. the public. i953[.isible. Eco Per6n l~clblo. J .. Gui'allt. as Guivant poiilted out. a11d "E'ita capitam. 1950): E1.\ires. "La vi5ible. 1." 3?iinotl~ercontradiction lay in the fact that Eva demanded so much of female militants that the latter had no time for their own k~milies. for rxample. 44-45.\il-e5. Juan isolated two characteristics he considered female-intuition and attention to detail-as particularly 31.276 I HAHR ht4Y I SANDFM AICGEE DEUTSCH this family and Juan as their father. lauds the nili it ant Evita. like Eva. f~~naticism sistently. she assured men of their coiltiilued pi. . generosity.a Peron. that Peroilisill intruded in people's personal lives more than illany authors have It also indicated that Eva made no tlistiilctioll between her relatioilship with her husband. Eva set the model for feinale Peronists to follow. "llirz con5ignas pal-a la mujer peronista. 5. were to defeilcl and b e faithful to Juan.whereas Eva's unique partnership with Juan merged politics and marriage. 91. They were supposed to imitate Eva's Marian image of beauty. 1979). One illust note that Eva also praised women who possessed resolve.rica. women were to suborcliilate theinselves to their husbands. but all save the last fit the traditional view of women as nonthinking. In this sense and others. . such as love. and \vith the Peroilist state.ee. Eva Per6n: Tlle . the Leader. This equation of private and puldic demonstrated. ~llaterllallove. ~~nselfishness. Thus. ic~fj(ii. or Peronist doctrine.2it1rldo Peronisto. h l . "Tlie \.\ires. 5-6 iBuenos . "La \." y-q:i. yet also. 123.\ires.\ires. Ircn Peron hohltr.eeminence in the home and ill society. Guivant. the latter symbolized in her renunciation of the vice-presidency. a sense of for the movement. ant1 intuition. 89. e s p 86. e d . BiC~nchi. and peace seemed traditionally fenlinine. both through her exaillple and her explicit admonitioils to wornell. rational judgment. feeling.i5ible": E:ccl Per611sr~ficrlcr1. and the moveinent. Eco Pcrd~li~~n~ortcll Ecn Pel-6n nnd Her Socinl \\'ark (Ruenos .']): :jz. dynamism. Did the Pel6ns coilsicler the ideal feillale traits worthy of eml~lation by the inale sector? Many values of the Tercera Posicibn. Cn~lcionerotlelrrnr~Per611 y Ecci Per611 (Burnos . purity. cirgcntinn (Buenos .imi. the "madoila de 10s hnmildes" was at the same time the inore illilitailt "abanderada d e los descamisados. Taylor. she created a new family for them in Peronism. women. compassion. harmony.ilessandro. 12. ill "Eva de ..2iyths ($0 \l'onlon (Chicago. and self-sacrifice. humility. also for this reason.1 cclr~~i~lo del cicisnio n ((1 rnr!jer. 1951).

Peronist literature depicted Eva's or women's power as spiritual. Peronist ideologues drew upon middle.d. . "El niundo..ancl upper-class conceptions to formulate these ideas. 160. Evidently Eva was the only woman permitted to exhibit strength and authoritarianism. and fanatical. 1971).). As Julie Taylor demonstrated. in terms of power the Peronist propagandists' view of wonlen served as a paradigm for their view of the masses as a whole.l4 Moving to Scott's second proposition. certainly the Perons ue~ticalisi~zo valued these qualities in both sexes. and all Peronists should elnulate this behavior. 1987)." Nancy Hollantler found that Peronist songs asked women to offer their lives for Peronism but exhorted men sinlply to unite in the movement and share in its triumph. Along these lines. It tended to portray the masses in the saine manner. 31. 47-66. albeit less explicitly. Salicliis." 87-88. "hli~jeres. \Vainerniali. La tercera posici6n cirgentil~rr(Buenos .id. P e r d ~clnd ~ the E ~ ~ i g ~ no$Argriicrs firla (New York. 13.&lhuquerquc. (Buenos . she did not train women to elnulate her in this regard. 2d ed. Argentines were acllieving progress "without sacrifice or pain. Juan told nlale Peronists that leaders had to be cold ancl passionless. This differing attitude on ahnegation indicates that Peronism based itself on a dichotomy between Inen and women-one s>-mbolized in the division of labor between Juan and Eva." in Latin Arnericalz Populisrl~ill Coitlpclratice Persprctire. "Si E\itd.aciti~t politiccr y tloctrinoria porn la toltln del poder !Xladl.i Ndvarro described the dual leadership of Peronism in "Evita's Cliarismatic Leadership. 150-154. intelligent rank and file with some sense of 33. rational. emotional. 19821. Juan believed that leaders sacrificed tl~elnselvesfor others.&ires. loyalty. Yet men and women received different messages on warnlth and fervor. Perdm: Actclali. however. but simpl>-expected them to follow her c o n ~ m a n d s . intuitive. and Conducci6n politicrr. Juan Dolningo Peron. ancl obedience were ilnportant in both leaders and followers. He added that hllmility. :34 Peron. whereas Eva set the opposite example for prospective female leaders. They portrayed men as stern. On one hand. Peronist textbooks presented models of nlale behavior that varied nlarkedly from the female. 1974)~14. LVhile h e insisted that a successf~~l political organization required a disciplined.&ires.75. Xlichnel I. lo. strong. Conduccicit~. Juan frequently observed that under the Tercera Posici611. In this context.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 277 valuable in the art of leadership. Eva's renunciation of the vice-presidency prompted her hl~sbandto award her a special medal for embodying the highest qualities of a Peronist."96-98. 241: hIoviniir~rtoNacional Justicialistd. Per6n's words were equivocal. Cra5swelle1-. Hollander. On the other hand." 109 hI'~rys. 46. " ~ Tlle Per6ns' views on renunciation were ambiguous. clomi~leering fathers hut emphasized the Marian qualities in women. irrational. Conniff (. ed. Robert D. n.

" This reactive power. 24-25. he admitted that the latter had no "intrinsic value'' except in its "reactive power.36-37. His followers. . 11.reql~iringthe control of civilized men. Eva Per611 would probably have added that the ~vomen'stask was to civilize men and children.'V~Ielikewise inspired feelings of masculinity in his inale followers. (At the same tiine. 224-225.a psesidencia. 72-85. 152-156. the Argentine people were their children. hut as Eva 1-epeatedly noted. Peron took soine measures that happened to strengthen his masculine appeal. not so much through identification with his image as through 35. Cor~dtcccidr~. her detractors focused on what they regarded as her lack of femininity and maternalism. esp. many hrgel~tinescollsidered him attractive ancl virile in appearance. 6. ' ~ Like the consolidation of the hlexican state. while her sl~ppoi-tersl~l-aisedher 11). Joseph A. Sept. Pertin. :jo. Per611 engaged actively in and encouraged sports. the Per6ns may have seemed unsuitable for this task. PP 38-42. however. What is clear is that while the Pcr6ns justified their rule in gendered terms. Juan's iinage and the entire issue of' his appeal to luen require filrther investigation. Bia~lcliiand Sanchis. since he h:~dnever fathered a child. protective mother. 126. Nor dicl Eva necessarily fit the image of a mother. :339. pp. 113. \Valdrnann.19(i6.3).~adrl Prl. ." parts 16 and 17. As "First Sportsman" of the nation. Eoita. filrther proll~otillghis manly image. la prlmel.~ismo. Nd\rasro. Peronism would "domesticate" the workers. Taylor.J lytlts. althol~ghhe did not intentionally use this term in a gendel-cd c ~ n t e x t . and he dyed his hair. just as the brain activated the muscles.611: A Riogr-tlpll!i [New Yol-k. 291-292. or to a domineering woman like Eva. for the masses feel and intuit rather than think: leaders had to stiinulate their reaction. 13." Juan was all even odder choice for father of the nation than Eva may have been for mother. citing her beauty and her image as a strong. Ta?lo~-. 78-79. rz:j-r25. Some of his critics questioned his virility and manliness. 38.278 I HAI-IR LLI' I SANDlN hlCGEE DEUTSCH initiative. He exercised and dieted to remain in shape. Page. 324.) As Peter Waldlnann pointed out. 295. in turn. and Sept. 1966. E l Pcro. P'lge. ''Histol.M y t h s . El Portitlo." Like female power.\lyths. the domestication of the Argentine workers apparently required parental guidance."' Perhaps another reason for this perception was the apparent "femininity" of Peronist doctrine. Priinercl Plonn. indeed. as indicated above. depended on the leaders. Per6n. Ta>-lor.4 3 . and he tended to be attracted either to very young 01. 39. A childless couple. 36. passive women.o~l~\rno. the power of the masses was instinctive and natl~ral. may have thoilght that with his virility Jllan attracted young desirable women and rendered thein passive. 198. the Per6ns used falnilial metaphors to describe and reinforce their Icadership style. 37. 78-79. 4 . particularly boxing and motor-racing. their opponents used the saine ternls to disparage it. Po. 6. 293.

too. Per611 also expressed a regressive desire. Por eso todos lo ainamos. Besides the First Five Year Plan. El pueblo. Peshn.\pllntes no. 124. the Peronist program may have represented a step toward a new. tlel pet. and self-worth. . hefore the election of 1946 he advised his supporters to remain at home and to abstain from alcohol or festivities. Gonzalo Cdrdenas et al. hIedrano. e d s . I'oliticu.l apesolliai11o. 1973).40 If Percin helped stinlulate a sense of self-assertion and pride ailioilg workers. alao aee 36-37 41.~nr~tlt / ~ Argclifine e l\'orkirig C:la~s. Accordiilg to the constitution. 5. 1988).1946-1976 (Camhsidge.G E N D E R A S D SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 279 his actions on their behalf As may have been the case with the h~lexican Revolution. 29.0. fi~rtherencouraged Per6n's paternal image:" So. (Buenos Aires. La r-clz611.oi~isrr~o. 283-284: Peshll. The schoolbooks' identification of J l ~ a n Per6n with JosP de San hlartin. 219. Faust~noJ . 42.e d." 40.NaLar1. Cirid. Lns corlsfitll- . The state \vould go so far as to forin "la unidacl econ6inica familiar" and gl~arantee"el hien de fainilia. Although he paicl hoinage to the masses' struggle to obtain economic concessions." one laborer put it. yet at the saine time it \vould grant special attention to \vomen and children. dignity. Edllardo l i o l i ~ ~ ~ ". Quoted by 1)alnel James. 1969)." Along these lines. The first lines that children leariled to write in school incl~~decl "Per611 nos ama. Nos anla a todos. El /111eblo. however." presumably through Per6n's redistribution of incoine toward the workers. power by emphasizing his paternal qualities. to control laborers throl~ghsuch paternal admonitions as "de casa al trabajo y del trabajo a casa." These and siinilar se~ltencesrelating to Eva reinforced the view of the Percins as parents."in El p r o nisr~io. too. 35. his reforins and his mobilization of workers encouraged them to experience hope. the state would guarantee the equality of the spouses. Norlllail r ill LO ctilttir(~ sobre C L I ~ ~ L I Il. just as the kindly 11ut stern father of the Peronist texts would acljudicate clispl~teswithin the householcl.. the fither of his country. as the dispenser of such concessions. clid Eva's depiction of her husband as a father figure who possessed all the qllalitics shc lacked and of whom she had to prove herself worthy. "With Per611 we were all machos. 348 43. Per-611. A v ~ i ~ t c i l ~(111d c e Il~tcgrcition. was soinebody and could stand up to his employer.'" Peron's attenlpts to regulate the Argentine family also manifested his paternal role.'' Briski r t al.e d . 152. "La literatusa pero~iista. I l e assigned to himself and to the Peronist state the responsibility for harnlonizing the interests of labor and capital. Enlesto Goldas. Inore egalitarian family model. Peron also presented himself. iilcll~dingtheir allthority over their progeny. Leghn and Samuel \V. he sought to linlit their a ~ ~ t o n o mand ~ \ . the Constitution of 1949 and sonle of his speeches emphasized the family as the nucleus of society and the need for the state to protect it. Eoitn. In this sense. now the \vorking inan felt that he.~~I ~ p l ~!. 328. (Buenos Ail-es. with Eva's aid.Po-orlisr.

Sociologi~rdcl p c r o r ~ i ~ r(Buenos k 44. ." Juan's behavior after Eva's demise-his dalliance with young girls. . and his divorce legislation-challe11gecl bourgeois inores even further.-l-' or. one ciones dc In Snciciil. as one born out of wedlock and as Juan's mistress before their marriage.\Is0 see Tahlor. the bourgeoisie. and the foundations of bourgeois society. as described by Juan Josi: Scbreli. hard-working \voinan. 1953). 53-54. JU'IIIJosC: Sehreli. hatred of the oligarchy. and emergence from passivity. Sociologia. 59-61. the transmission of property. just as she had. industrialists. express a more egahtarian social order? Perhaps the) were preseiltiilg a new model of the family. in view of Scott's second proposition. The "seiiora burguesa" or "primera dama" of the early years was a passive wife who identified herself with RIarianism by taking the name of Maria Eva. 12. as hefitted an active.2lyths. Per-611. 76. also 11sed f. 28. and that the exainple of Eva. . may have contributed to feinalc and working-class conscio~~sness. Her identification with the masses.111d Imelda \larcos. This may not be unique in history.L4celifrrrcrn o ltrilitnl~tcr'z d e d . the workers. 480-4Si.lmily imagery.292. Page. Aires. according to Scbreli. The husband and wife seemed to represent different social groups: Eva. and middle sectors. The couple also challenged bourgeois morality. . Ferdi~l.41-gentilln (?latlrid. 126. but what is unusual is that many Argentines viewed this paternalistic movement as rcvolutionary. she coinml~nicatedthe inessage that workers could rise within the existing systein. ~ ~ Yet did the Percins' flouting of middle-class sexual norms prefigure a revolutionary appeal. Throllgh her luxuriol~sdress and newly attained status. ailloilg other leaders. 011 the fil'~c!i hlyth and Eca's sexuality. in Scott's terms. Both the bourgeois and lxoletarian characters of the illoveineilt also found their expression in Eva as the "seiiora bllrgl~esa''and CompaIiera Evita. 4 6 hlafhd.25. Julio \Iafud. Abhorrent as they were to the upper and middle classes. threatened the established fiamily. 31!ytlls. 30. 89-90. 78-79. Eva's persolla and her relationship with Juan epitomized tllesc contradictions.34.lnd. exemplified it. see Taylor. 1g6fji. 83-85. through his ties with the military. 40. 15. Ecn Peron. E o c ~ . wore plainer (althollgh no less elegant) clothing and a inore austere hairstyle. 90. his legalization of prostitution and illegitimacy. Resistn~icc. Peron's sexual habits may have strengthened his appeal to the l o ~ 7 e r . Janles. or. (Bneno\ Aires. and Juan. 1972). In this regard Sebreli noted that both Juail and Eva were illegitiinate children.280 I HAHR / >LAY / SANDKA XICGEE DEUTSCH Thus the Per6ns attempted to preside over the natioil as if it were their family. 15. CompaIiera Evita. SeLreli. whose image increasingly predominated in subsequent years.

anlple evidence shows Juan's and the elite's preoccupation wit11 the leftist specter. the corporatist state. \7e11ezrreln." 284. Thus. as well as Jl~an'swillingness to rely on Eva. we would 4. like the post-1920 4lexican leaders. their statements and programs reinforced the traditional gender roles. even these limited changes required Eva's presence. withol~t. The Per6ns' use of gender and hmilial concepts with ambiguous conte~ltwas tailor-made to serve a movement with a heterogeneous membership and essentially co~lservativeends. and they utilized conceptions of these roles to justif:\.-class fear of tlie left. The Peronist revolution. . It also seeills to have curtailed female activism ant1 tlie power of the PPF. C11~1rlesBergquist. I11 Reuersrrl of Deceloli~~iei~t irl L4rgo1ti1tn:P o ~ t [ c (C~ ~r i i ~ t i t e r i . Whether an actual threat existed or not.1986). IYaisnra~idescribed at length Peronist and uppel. The Per6ns attempted to ease women smootlily into public life and to offer them a somewhat broader vision of tlieir roles. Bianchi. Or.4111ericc1: Co~ttpar-(itice Essays on Chile.4i The Per6ns' record 011 gender was as contradictory as their overall achievements. particularly since she did not delegate authority. such as it was. however progressive some of tlie Per6ns' stands may have heen. 152-167. I11 turn (rcgarding Scott's second component). I-Ier death removed the nlodel of strong felnale leadership for other women to follow. .. Cuba This p h e ~ l o i n e n oof~ women's ~ participation in the revolution was a revoll~tionwithin a revolution . In other respects.G E S D E R AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 281 more in keeping with popular customs and more easily lnobilizecl than the conventional version. And if we were asked what tlie inost revolutionary thing is that the revolution is doing. may have weakened hut did not overturn capitalism. . . or male rule in the householcl. tlie legacy appears to liave heen brief. this reselnblecl their efforts to incorporate workers into the political and welfkre systems without questioning capitalist principles. discussed Pel-onist persecution of leftist u~iiolis. To what extent they may liave intended to restructure tlie family deserves further research.e ~ ~ i l ( IP~licies f i o ~ ~ u (rr1d r ~ ~ Tlieir Strrictur-01 Con. questioning the donlestic sphere. Nevertheless. noted Peronist desisrs to ~woidre\~olutionaryuphea\ral. Considering the first part of Scott's analysis. 1987). tlie "feminine" values found in Peronist doctrine. their hierarchical control and authority relations within the society.seqrrences iPrincrton. may have mildly challenged tlie traditional definition of manhood. CC~rlos H . in Labor iri Latin . orit1 Coloit~bici(Sta~iford. the Per6ns may have manipulated their sexual images to encourage popular identification with themselves and thus divert potential sentin~entsof class revolt. "Pesonismo. Argentina.however.

Elizabetli Stone (New York.1898-1958" (Ph." ed. Class.\I. nnd Color~ri i ~X i n e t e o ~ t h Centur-!I Cuba (Ne\v York. The results were sweeping laws on divorce. gender relations. Nor had feinale civil rights altered the traditional definitions of sex role^.s." in TT70~nerl. . maternity and other benefits for female workers. But the advances in feinale legal status and education did not necessarily reflect their position in society. Dominguez. only 17. all of which subsequently appeared in the Constitution of 1940.nnd Kccolt~tior~. "FI-om the House to the Streets: \Voman's hlovement for Legal Change in C u l ~ a .ll>sis" (I'll. diss. To what extent this legacy helped iilflueilce gender prograills after 1959 deserves scholarly attention. diss. K. L'~iiversity of Pittsburgh. civil equality with men. Brskin and Clara . continue to liinit the revolutioil within a revolution. "Revolutio~ratid Coilsciencicl: Ll'omrn in Cuba.ed. In i g j 3 . and ferninism I~rfore1~)59. as in hot11 Argentina aild hlexico. 1974) The figure comes from Cdsal." in Tl. in turn. as well as to politicians' need for allies in the unstable early years of the republic. "Images of \Tomen in P s e and Postse\~olutionary Cul)an Novels. (19871. Governments failed to enforce the impressive laws. 198o). his government has implemented many prograins for women. although they were vastly outilumhered in the universities. A dyilainic fenliilist inoveineilt had won inale politiciails over to its agenda. \'isginia R."Sexual Ideology in Pre-Castro Culm A Cultural Ati.'on~ctl (111d the C I L / I ( I R I Le u o l ~ ~ i i o ~ ~ : Spcecl1e. C~rbcinSiuclies.Jlorriage. 1969). I11 some respects Cuban m70111e11before lygy enjoyed a higher status than their counterparts in prerevol~~tionary Mexico and pre-Peronist Argentina. unskilled jobs.~llertllail that of' Argeiltiila ill 1947. ed. call into question the estent of transformation in broader power relationships. Vrsena hIarti~iez-Alies. a percentage sm.TT7nr-. Lovett (New Yosk. and.the probleins ficed by a besieged. and regarding the second.282 / HAHK / / . 196G Castro has consistently tied the revolution to the issue of feinale liberation.s otrrl D o c ~ r n ~ e n O!/ t s Firlel C(1sir. 12yi1i1 Stoner attributed this progressive legislation to the siinultaileous birth of (and links between) deinocratic nationalism and feminism. These liinits. T'il111oE.11.see Stoner. 19831. 1. Castro and his guerrilla army comrades. D . and tlle vote. ui~derdeveloped island. 48.olution.. Lousdes Casal. Casal. they were overrepresented in poorly paid.spi11. 49."189. 1981). "Revolr~tion. By the iyijos m70111e11had achieved a slightly higher literacy rate than men. as well as the legacy of traditional attitudes. Indiana University. 25-50: Llirta de la Torre hIr~lliare. its progressive view of male-female relations serves as a illode1 for the entire spectrum of' social change since 1959 Yet. Regarding Scott's first proposition. On women.. "The Krvolution within the Re\.o. Carol R. 185-189. nrrrl OiIle~. 48.\LAY SAXDIM SICGEE DEUTSCH answer that it is precisely this-the revolution that is occurring among the woinen of our country14" -Fidel Castro.^" \irl1e11 they assuinecl power.2 percent of m70111e11 worked as paid laborers outside the llonle.

261-262: Fidel Cosiro 011 Chile ( N e ~ Y v osk. the overthrow of capitalisill had created the conditions under which women could f?ee theillselves from the burdens of povertv and sexism." 48-ji: Susan Kaufman Purcell. Isabel Lasguia and John Dunioulin. It educated donlestic servants and prostitutes fbr alternative careers and placed them in other jobs. To ameliorate the "double day" ancl hegin to socialize household chores. university. The revolution's success depended on its ability to tap this resource. and easy entry into higher education. vocational training programs. and sewing and to carry the revolution back to their villages.and priority service for female workers at groceries and other enterprises. 127-128. workers' schools. Castro believed that. In the early 1960s it encouraged woinen to step out of the traditional sphere 11y participating in the literacy campaign. maternity leaves. Indeed. named for a nineteenthcentury Cuban feminist and independence advocate. "h~lodesriizingLfIomen for a Iloderri Society: The Cuban Case. wonlei1 were emancipating themselves and silnultaneously integrating thelnselves into socialism. Cuban programs for Ivomen arid tlre farllily Irave inspised a vast litel. . "Lf'onien's Equality . it established equal pay for equal work. Female liberation could only occur within socialism. to learn writing. and the Coinitirs de Defensa de la Revoluci6n (CDRs). 1982). in the case of domestics. the regime set up daycare centers: school. The agrarian refbrm laws gave women access to land and inembership in rural cooperative^. for example." in F e ~ ~ ~ c l l e and Male. reading.^' 50.ntuse. "hlodernizing". Pescatello.50 Starting in the early days of the revolution-and befbre the feminist resurgence in the United States and Latin America-the government took many aml>itious steps to iinplelnent both processes. women as a group had greater revolutionary potential than men. At the same time. see Castso. ed. integrating women into the labor force and inass organizations was necessary to insure popular support ancl increase production to meet popular needs. volunteer work in the countryside. ji. the militia and police. It sent rural wolnen to the Ana Betancourt schools. See. Purcell. doubly oppressed in the past on the basis of sex and class. and the Frente Femenino cle la Confederaci6n de Trabajadores Cubanos in 1969 to address problems faced by feinale workers. no revolution was possible without feinale participation. increased their wages and benefits. as Castro noted.understood that women's subordinate status contradicted the egalitarian goals of their struggle. and Castro considered these processes to be the nlost far-reaching aspects of the revolution. The government created the Federaci611 de llujeres Cubanas (FMC) in 1960 to bring women into the labor force and revolution. Moreover. "Tlie Re\~ol~ltion.GEh-DER A N D SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 283 including a few m70111en.\nlorig many stateruents to this efyect. and workplace luncl~rooins. Both in principle and in practice. through the deternlined efforts of'wolnen and men. or.

the FRlC's inagaziile Mtrjcres has consistently advised women to dress attractively yet soberly and noilprovocatively. 2 .)." Ctiba Internacionnl. 74.'^ His coinmitinent to feinale equality not\vithstailding." 199-203. clothing and sewing patterns covered froni i j to 18 percent of the total pages. Fotrr ii'ortlen: 1. An Oral History of' Co~rten~portiry C t ~ b akUrl>a~ra. the FRlC trained former prostitutes to dress and 1)ehave in a subdued femiiliile fashion as part of their education for a new life. On day care and etlucation.e!ed J1trjerc. The new image of womanhood as revolutionary but discreetly "feininine" exllil~itssoine of these contradictions. 1981).:4 (No\'.or-!d Affairs. I sur\. Children L4rethe Rrcolrition: Dc~yCare in Ctilxi."18. 5 : 4 (llec. I. hlargaret Kandall. "Col~fltle~rces in Social Change: Cuban \\'omen t ~ n dHealth Care.4zicri. tourist hotels and nig11tclul)s still feature scantily clad fem."Sfodernizing.-June 1986. Nevertheless. Cubail rulers have not fully confronted the issue of how far to associate the redefinition of society with the redefinition of gendcr roles. hfax . July-Dec."Bibliography. June Kash and Helen Saft~(South Hadley. lid C.r d . 1979). \'alder. 1974):Cuhcz Recierc.i'o~ne~rin Ctiha: Ttcolt!j Yecirs Ltrttzr (New Tor-k.Oscar Le\vis. Coiltests to pick carnival clueells took place at least until the mid-1~-jos. S~lsalrhl." Interirntionnl Journal of '\Vo~nen'sStrrtlies. While the first two are qualities traditionally associated with women. discipliile. these are revol~tionar~. RIar. and tlre Cuban Ke\olution. Childr-en of Che: Childcar-P and Edricutioi~ i l l Ctrhci (P'11o Alto. Lc\vis. Sourcrc on beat~tyronterts are licted in \'<~ldes."Kur.): entire ibsur of Ciibnir Sttrtlics. 401-402.2% / HAHK 1 hL4Y / bANDR4 AICGEE DEUTSCH Eve11 so. 1. Cliilr. Castro himself has betrayed ambivalei~ce. I.-June 1980." Criban Studies Set~slettcr-.-Feb." 267-268. Sept. i. concern for justice. "\Vo~rrel~'rDevelopnre~rtTlrrot~glr Revolutio~rary Slobilization: A Study of the Federation of Cuban \fJomen. Ctrbo Reuietc. 1978) For additional sources before 1974. and <:uba.4 : 2 (June 1974). the traits he wants men to last two are not. Ailoinalies in government rhetoric and action continue.). see \lar\in Leiner.31 \\omen and -\grarialr Reform in Peru..~tincl %. (198.s. 1980). In its fashion section. Jan. Jonathan Kozol." Jotirnal of Into--rlrtlericcin Studie. "PI\so a la estrella." 344-368.xle dancer^. 1984. ]an." 38.journi. 1978) Karen \\'aid. and Jan. moreover.n ~t~tcjcr cuba~laol el qtcchncer de la 11i. the revolutioil seemed to approve of \voinen displaying their bodies on cereinoilial occasions. 1978).. 1973. in Mhnrer~ N I I ~Change i r ~Ltiti~r An~ericci.au~-etteSrj. I. see Nelson P. H11t1rh l .although judges and audiences chose wiililers on the basis not only of physical bcm~tyhut of revolutionary attiparty tudes and participation. (Ne\v l'ork. \'irgi~rid Olesen. 1975).lrnren Diana I>ee~-e.rtor-in(hleuico City.tr nrtrjer en Crrba socialists (tlavana.. Criticism 1)y the FhIC and the Coini~~uilist led to the end o f t h e practice of choosing carnival queens. 4:2 (Sept. Similarly. zd ed. in Stone. In three issuer picked at randonr. p. Cltiltlrcn of the Rerolirtion: A Ycitlhec Tcaclrer irr tlze Ctrhcl~rSclrouls (New Tork. which occupies a significant portion of each issue. \\'oi~rpn." 102. 1981. Stone. and Communist Party of Cuba.4 Bibliogrnplry o ~ rCubalr \\'omen i ~ rthe T\ientietlr Century. 1-31. \. AlA. Rigdon. Paradoxically. 35: P~wcell." He has praised woinen for their abnegation. 1975)..19. "Tlresis: On tlre Full Exercise of \Vomerr's Eclualit!.Kepeatedly he denounced the bol~rgeoisview of m7ome11as sex ol~jectsaild "decorative figures.-Dec. 52.icing t l ~ eRcco!trtion. . and combativeness. 19. "Ir~troduction. ". 1 (Jan. 1985). 1978.

the military. "The Struggle for \\'ome~r's Equalit!.Such stateinents and role models helped prepare women for new undertakings. science. Tllc Political Erlucatio~zofthe C t ~ b a nRebel AI-~ny.3 (Boulcler. ancl revolutionaries." 68-72. the woinen ~ v h ostruggled for independence. sewing. coexist wit11 the old. 1988). and it has found female role lllodels who resemble these heroes. "Thesis. ancl the police. named themselves. The government has praised hard-working wonleil with nontraditional careers as National Heroines of Labor. a leadership. and Communist Party.ersies in Cttbanology. 'Breaking tlre hlold: The hlambisas and the C u l ~ a \Vass ~ r of Independence. Fidel Castro. Castro addresses women as comrades. Firm. it may suggest that the revolution has not altered women's lives as much as one might think. ~ ~ These new roles and images of women. however. and a state of both sexes. he has continued to refer to "the new man" as the embodiment of socialist virtues. ed. after whom Castro's female coinrades in the Sierra hlaestra. health.j3 The regime has selected role nlodels for the new inail froin the ranks of nationalists. cannot break out of old patterns of tl-~inking. This was true of Grajales." 75. just as he does inen.passim. Antoilio hlaceo's mother.195. a party. Andrew Zilllbalist (Boulder. Yet he also assumes that women are weaker physically than inell and that "proletarian manners" therefhre dictate special treatment of wornen on soine occasions. and other motherly " ~ 53. These persons receive special attention in Mlljeres. or that its leaders.Altljcres devotes more space to children. in Stone. ~ V V I ~ CC. Cuba and the Rccoltrtior~a~-y Afytlz.I I Fred : Judson. 126-129: M~rjeres.Perhaps the combined imagery of maternity and soldiering helps to justify women's new roles in traditional terms. and has declared that the ideal is a government. As l'irginia Olesen noted.: Carollee Bengelsdosf.tll!. implicitly excluding \\-omen from this category. and Slariana Grajales. revolutionary." in Crlbon Political Economy: Co~~troc. the maill contribution of many Xlambisas was to sacrifice tl~emselvesfor their revolutionary sons and husbands. like the PLM. These include the 1CIainbisas. the hlarianas. . and combative was how the F l l C described the icleal Cuban woman in its posters in 1979-tennsthat differed little from the officially sponsored iinage for Inen to upl~old. such as Aila Hetancourt. cooking.3-196. Stoner. \f70C'ornen who engage in community volunteer work belong to the RIoviilliel~tode 1CIadres Coinbatie~ltes. in recent years wolnen have constituted about half of the students in economics. 1984h esl)eci." ma. wllicll also has publicized women in sports. soldiers. Kosa la Hayainesa. "On the Problem of Studying \Vo~nenin Cuba. Alternatively. and some techllological discipli~lesnot customarily seen as feinininr:" areas of s t ~ ~ d y .285 GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE: emulate. Alld while Castro has criticized sexist language. or to dei~lonstratethe feasibility of merging such roles. 239 54. thus promoting their acceptance. hloreover.

1988). Maxine iclolyneux noted a similar enlplrasis 011 ~nothedroodi ~ other r socialist countries in "Soci'11ist Societies Old and New. "Teenage Pregnancy and Sex Ediication in Cliba.01. Being Seen: 'Portrait of Teresa. the government continues to assign to woinen such duties as food preparation. cleaning. therefore. The propaganda that also upholds discreet fernininity and illotherllood for women. IVhatever the stated reason. as Juliarlile Burton In conformity with these responsibilities. more cornmonly train for civil defense than for combat.New Orleans (SIar. 1-35. The descriptioils of the new socialist man. 8 (Summer 1981). For information in this and the next p. and h i s coverage seeilled typical for tlre magazi~re . debatable. however. see Olesen. education. "Seeing. IVhether it has encouragecl new illodels for inale bella\lior is even less clear." 191: Pastor Vega. The small numbers of women who have occupied leaclersllip positions-a significant fact in itself-have usually ad~ninistereclprograins related to the domestic sphere and have supervised fenlale workers and bureaucrats.AS. and social service also because precisely these sectors expanded with the revolution." 402-403. als of the latter often highlight their "fe~nininit~" The magazine A41~clzachasends a siinilar nlessage extolling n~otl~erl~oocl to the younger female generation. for example.sa (1979). Even the well-known film statement on gender equality. "Revolution. 0 1 1 Progress Towards IVome~r'sEnrc~~rcipatio~rP" the tendenc!. As Lourdes Casal has pointed out. however. "Confiuellcer. not only tradition is respoilsihle for the creation of these "supermadres". ree Elsa hl. women entered health. its portrayand illaternal devotion.4) uneetii~g. Retrc~tode Tei-e.286 / HAHR / XlAY / SAWDlt4 h I C G E E D E U T S C I I coilcerils than it does to fenlale workers or leaders. Stoner. 27. and the cult of the revolutionary martyrs seein to irlclicate that the ideal Cubail male is firm." Altljeres. J u l i a ~ ~ nbur e tor^. 198G). self-sacrificing. stresses virility 55. the work desigilated as female is usually lower in pay. director. Portrait of Tere. apparently they do not fear the prospect of siillilar danlage to male physiology. 79-95: Lois SI. 2G:4 (Apr. just like the female.' or Coiltradictionr of Sexual Politics in Contemporary Cuba. childcare.American Studies Association (L. Isolina TI-iay. .iragrapll.: Felnir~istRecietc. "Hilda del Carlllen: la realizc~ci6ntle un suefio. reinforced women's responsibilities within the home. female militia members. Casal. Smith." Sociul Test. 61. 1979). Being. 4 (Fall 1981).scl ( ~ C J ~ C J )iillplicitly . and combative. brave.-\pp~-o~ir~lately half of the hldrdr 1984 issiie of Altjeres was d e ~ o t e dto motherlrood. Eve11 within ilontraditioilal fields. Officials have given some jobs to nlen uilcler the pretext that they inigllt damage female reproductive capabilities. Occupational categories seenlirlgly unrelated to women's and men's customary tasks are nonetheless reserved for one or the other gender.of female bureaucrats to work in family-related matters. commentr. and education of the young.fanrilyrelated matters. well-disseminated pictures of male sports heroes. Chaney. The extent to which the regime has addressed Scott's first component of gender and proinoted new fenlale roles is." paper presented at Latin . h'foreover. women often perform chores considered appropriate to their sex. S~i~errrzndre: IVoir~erzin Politics in Latin rlit~ericn(Austin.

33.\lrotnen: Ana Maria Radaelli. "For The FUll Equality of IVo~nen./owma1 of Sport and Sociol Issues. The effect of this publicity is uncertain. "Una pareja de hoy. The leader of the Cuban Revolution serves as a illode1 of virility. Judsolr. inale revolutionaries need not be fathers. Oscar L. 20:6 (June 1980). The definition of inanhood may draw upon Castro's image as well as traditional notions. Castro. but.s in recent years. In terins of Scott's second component of gender. 58: Gladys Castaiio. like tlle exclusive category of the "new man. 18:: (July 1978). unlike their counterparts in Argentina. and husbands ~ v h otruly share household chores have received the praise of Mrfjere.~' 56." it iinplies that nlen (ire the revolutionaries. "Twenty Questions on Sex and Gender in Re~olutionaryCuba. 18 (1988).ewis's interviews indicated that as of 1970 inen of different ages strongly resisted gender role change. citing the need for more daycare centers and other f'acilities to help boost female participation in the labor force. h e has been single for inany years. "Teresa y hfanolo. 150. "Cuba's Political Involvement in Sport Since tlre Socialist Re~olution.1975)." While Castro offers an image of virility. reinforces his popularity anlong Cubans."Cubo Intertlntio~lal. E\lidently." 52-53. hlany photographs feature Castro engaged in sports or in tlle company of athletes. In 1966. Cuba. as in the Mexican case. The few existing works on male roles suggest sonle change over time. Alicia Cascaret. However." Ctiban Sttidies." Altijeres. perhaps this serves as a paradigill for a socialist government that has s o ~ ~ g l l t to destroy old l l i e r a r c h i e ~ . implying that h e did not en\lision illale f." . Fidel sobre el rleporte ( H a ~ a n a . Lois hl. do not need to alter their identity to join the revolutioi~. 15. clearly suggesting that one could perforin cloinestic chores and retain one's masculinity. h e does not portray lliinself as a paternal type or fanlily headunlike Juan Per6n. so they do not require special attention. pllotor of Castro in Fidel Castro. but apparently no study has measured attitudes since that date. "Revolution. This absence is in itself significant. in turn. at least one Cuban official has called for illore male l>erson~~el in daycare centers. .i : 4 (July i985)." Mujet-es. This. Bengelsdorf. 75. Castro asked who was going to prepare food and perform other housekeeping chores without such services. unlike woinen. Forii. 24-25: Lewis et al.~milymeinl~ersin that role. ~ B research ut is needed on Castro's image and its influence on inale roles under Cuban socialism. Smith and Alfred Padula. 36. Trevor Slack.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 287 and virtually ignores paternity for men. female revolutionaries must be mothers. It also iinplies that men. One article featured photographs of the subject in military uniform. 57. "Studying IVornen. as does his history of standing up to the United States. who affectionately call him "el caballo. G : 2 (Fall-IVinter 1982). and although h e has fi~thered cllilclren. His large physique and apparent attractiveness to women add to his masculine image. as in the h'lexican and Argentine cases." 1 3 5 n. The lack of communications inedia specifically directed toward men inlpedes the studv of inale roles.

ed. 279-280. 82. Fox." Tliis attitude has particularly characterized Castro's opponents.'' ill C u l ~ a :Ttoelity-Fice Yecrrs of Recolntio~~. 39." in Pescatello. especially fathers. a considerably higher percentage of Cubanas participates in the labor force in tlie Cliited States than in Cuba-55. \fen.) The exiles used tlicse charges to niohilize opposition to Castro within the Cuhan community in tlie United States..iYo111e1i. from outside tlie family. They claimed tliat Lvonlen no longer depended on inen economically. Stoner. (In Lewis's book.288 ( HAHR 1 XIAY I SANDRA MCGEE DECTSCII Tlie persistence of traditional gender patterns notwithstancling. By sending feiiiale as well as inale students into the hinterland to teacli peasants to read." as Alfred Padula and Lois Smitli put it." that is. Bourgeois parents. The state was challengi~igtlieir honor and. Industrialization and State Policy in Cuba. Sandor Halehsky and J o h ~ iX I . The ~ n a l erole in tlie Ilome 11as changed little. Such parents expected to cventually reunite their fanlilies either in exile or in a post-Castl-o Cuba. J u ~ .. Sliame and \flo:omen's Liheration in Cuha: \'ie\vs of IVorkingClass Emigri." C'ni\el-sitv of Notre d C:r. 1959-1984. have utilized gender and faniilial change as a metaphor for tlie social transformations tliey despise. already besieged by econonlic policies. "Cuba11 \flo~iienin the U. in tlie meantime." Cnbnr~Studies. "Honor." 1 2 3 . and the debates at varior~slevels of society over the Fanlily Code might be ubeful sources fola study of male roles. 'Gendel-. e ~ i t uKeGelde. Kellogg Inutitute Mbrking Paper (December 1989). 1959-1984. many Cubans have viewecl tlie re\lolutioii as tlie "revolution of \vonien. Paradoxically. see Scott. "T\irenty Questions. accordi~igto Safa. The literacy calnpaign and other prograins to remove \voinen and children from the hoine and integrate them into tlie revolution pronipted parents to send their children to hliami. Geoffrey E . since early in the revolution. Dame. and Bengelsdorf "Studying \Vomen. "\floi~ien in Socialist Cuba.Contemporary critics of the French re\ olutio~ialso equated it with promiscuity. tlie literacy calnpaigri of tlie early 1960s aroused opposition.4 lwrceiit versus 37. but ironically tliey decided that. Women. Four. 77. tlieir class standing. nor were tliey accountable to parents or liushancls. sonie inale supporters of the revolution ruefully agreed. For the figures o ~working i women. (potation on the "re\olution of \i~oiiien". one exile lamented.3 percent as of the mid-ly8os-and some Cuban fenlale workers in tlie United States indicated tliat their jobs have given tllem a sense of independence. resented the state for undermining "their role as guardians of their daughter's virtue.S.Lewis et al. "\\'omen. 17 (1987). see Yolanda Prieto." This information suggests that the inale exiles' gendered rhetoric is a critique more of the new power relatioiisliips 011 tlie island than of woiiie~i'sstatus per se. Padula and Smith. ultimately.crrlltlci. 287. Kirk (New York. who." 15. Fei~laleand . Cuban inale exiles in the late 1960s exaggerated tlie changes in women's roles and equated tlieni with promiscuity.\!ale. almost ruled tlie~nselvesor were ruled "from outside. Smitli and Padula. 58. Lal~orForce: Perspecti~eson the h'ature of Change. tlieir children were safer alone in the capitalist United States than supervised by revolutionaries in Cuba. 1985)." 1071.

The progressive yet largely unenforced 1940 constitution had recognized common-law marriages and renloved the stigma of illegitimacy. 131-134. Carlos Alherto Xlontaner. the Family Code of 1975 and family-related provisions of the Constitution of' 1976 recognized the "socialist family" as a group vital to the functioning of societv.Goand in favor of reconstituting the family. Krause. 1971). attack the double standard that has encouraged nlale and suppressed female sexuality. Krause. Accordingly. at least in female-oriented publications. 19831. the governnlent tightened divorce regulations and criticized irresponsible parents. 'Cuban Prisons. 24:3 (Mar. as well as the sex-education publications. Fidel Castr-o y lo r e ~ o l u c i d ic~rbana ~ (Barcelona. "Sex Education in cub‘^. 9:1-3 (June 1988). Kralrse is the coordin'ltor for the Grupo Naciondl de Trabajo de Educacibn Sexual (GNTES)." paper presented at LASA n~eeting. 9:4 (Summer 1984).15:161 (Apr. X101~11euxp ointed out that other socialist countsies ~. 257-261." Cuban C'pdatc?.h'ew Orleans (hlar. Part I.proclaiming an end to fenlale sexual passivity and ignorance-all within marriage. 1983). "Context and Posture: Notes on Socio-Cultural Aspects of LVomen's Roles and Family Policy in Contemporary Cuh. in many respects government policies on sexuality and marriage were more realistic and pernlissive than those of' previous regimes. "Homosexuality. "En defensa del nmos." 5."Jonrnal of . an exception to the tolerant go\ern~nent actions mentioned above. 1988). This policy may have reinforced the cult of motherhood. 28." Signs. "Los cuba~losy el '~mos. Leaders. as a sex education official put it.egasd homosexuality as a crime. Articles in Mttjeres and other periodicals infornl women on sexual f~ilfillment." Jfujeres. however. Over time the government established sex education in the schools and liberalized access to divorce.GENDEK AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 289 Although the extent of change in sexual Inores was hardly as sweeping as opponents claimed. and abortions. in "Socialist Societies. 32-34. Concerned over the stressful effvct of the revolution on familv life.ae crnd the Fainily.~. This sanle reaction also is related to the antihomosexr~alpolicy of the 1960s and i97os. See Lourdes Arguelles and B. "Pregnancy." Cuba Intcrnircior~al. Rub! Rich. Olesen. the government fully observed these provisions but encouraged couples to fbrlnalize their relationships. 18:6 [June 1978).) jY The emphasis on marriage. klonikd Krause. comments in discussion nt LASA session. Despite the apparent contradiction between the emerging socialist society and the nuclear family. H o n ~ o phobia. A Preliminary Report. Smith. (Whether men receive the same message linking sex with marriage is not clear. the governnlent decided that the latter deserved strengthening. 65. 52-53. At the same time. disordered" sexuality. The revolution had introduced so many changes that the leadership concluded that stability required the maintenance of a few traditions. but officials seem to have retained their apathy toward fatherhood." 1 1 . the new legislation aimed at weakening authority relations 59. . and Revolution: Notes Toward An Understanding of the Cuhan Lesbinn nnd Gay Xlale Experience.tfarricr. 33 (Aug. 60. 683-699. reinforced as it had been by capitalism. "Segunda cal-ta a 10s padres. birth control." Jlrljeres. 1984). 551-552. indicated a governlnent reaction against "disorganized.

" Cirba Keuietc. 10-11. and in this sense may have symbolized the new egalitarian social order. The heavy denland for labor that had characterized the 1960sand had proinpted the hiring of women-had reversed itself. "Cuba's New Generation: Coming of Age. Bengelsdorf. M J ~ Oincurred maternitv 1eal. 8 : 2 (June 1978).@' Under the coininunist systein the state had taken over some of the family's tasks of bringing up children and providing for the elderly and infirm." 122." 41-42: Belrgelsdorf. for inculcating socialist principles. Azicri. The texts of tlre Falnily Code nnd rele\-nnt artlcles 01' the constitution . in Muriel Nazzari's opinion set women's liberation back. These changes. the government increased prices for many goods and utilities and began to charge fees fbr claycare.Ire found in Lo lriiijer. and assigned husbands half the share of cloinestic chores. Just as in nineteenthcentury capitalist society. Xluriel Nazzari. 'IVolnen's Development. "Preglralrcy. to soine extent. "Studying If'omen. Under a new. respoilsible for s ~ ~ p p o r t i ntheir g children. including the family. the regime decided to give priority to inale over feinalc employment. Thus the regression from communism signified a conservative trend in family and gender policy. It declared that women and men had equal rights ~ ~ i t h i n all spheres of activity.2ft!jeres described the tlmily as the cell of socialist society 62. rather than society. Also see Smith. 258263: and Robert Colren. "The 'IVoman Question' in Cuba: An Analysis of hlaterial Constraints on Its Solution. 61. ~ ~ . decentralized nlanagerial system. y : z (\\'inter 1983)."' By the 1970s econon~icdilemmas had emerged \vhich also help explain the context of the Family Code and the new constitution. and other family members.290 I HAHR I RWY I SANDRA MCGEE DEUTSCII within the home. for information in this nnd the next paragrapll. i the th labor surplus. Cubans were earning good wages but the economy did not produce sufficient consumer goods for thein to purchase. it guaranteed jobs only to inen and to feinale heads of households. among other previously free services." 9-10. for it implied that women ~vouldhave to return home to assume these duties. it became disadvailtageous for enterprises expected to realize profits to hire woinen." Signs. Various artlcles in . resl~ectivel!.e or btheiurise were likely to miss work for family-related reasons. Productivity was low and absenteeisin high. Under the new socialist system." 121-122. parents.ilrg IVomen. Thus it also attempted to iinprove ~ ~ o i n e n ' s status and end the division of' labor \vithin tlle fanlily. "Str~d>. . To reduce the ainount of currency in circulation and spur productivity. the Family Code held individuals. 386-390. and. however. and inore broadly the substitution of a new socialist system of distribution according to work for the previous communist systein of distribution according to need. and. 281-3411. order in the sexual and familial realins suitecl econoinic policy and served as a metaphor for the new focus on discipline and hard work.

the highest political body. 1974-1976." 123. The figures are cited in Bengelsdorf. Villna Espin.^^ This review of gender notions and policies in Cuba enables us to uncler63. holds full meinhership in the Politbureau. "A \\'on~an's PLce . hloreover.. 4:2 (Sept. "Portrait of Teresa: An Inteniew with Pastor \tga nnd Daisy Granndos.crti~z At. the percentage of felnale Cominunist party members and leaders as well as trade union and government officials also increased significantly. the governinent has publicized them by sponsoring debates on their ramifications. it has lnobilized wonlen through the FRIC. 126-129. 66. ~ ~ o i n e nparticipation 's rose from 25. .i. Azicri. domination of women symbolizes and expresses doinination of the entire populace. Also. . ignored the very real strides Cuba has nlade toward gencler equality in the midst of' econonlic difficulties."" Nazzari ancl Azicri. Nevertheless. . \Vhen a labor surplus and a concern for efficiency developed. hlasjorie King. the lack of'household appliances. although it also sends conlplaints fronl the ranks up to the leadership.~c?riccr. 118-131. 64. i o : i (\\'inter 1979-80). the enlphasis on defense and on supporting revolutions overseas has diverted resources from the developnlent of goods and services needed by orki king MJo1nen. The government found that the onerous "double day" kept women from entering or staying in the labor force and fiom pursuing political office. comments. IVhile it does not enfbrce these laws.3 percent of the labor fbrce in 1975 to 37. This top-down style characterizes all of the nlass organizations. 1. 4. The transportation bottlenecks. (198. and coverage in other media. however. Despite tlle reversion to socialisin and the labor surplus. Heidi Steffens. while two are alternate^. 29. "LVomen's Development". only one woman. . "Cuba's Attack on \Yomen's Second Shift. in terms of' Scott's second proposition. . "Cuban IVomen and the Struggle for 'Conciencia'. Stoner. Also see 120-124. an institution that serves primarily as an official mouthpiece.\la]-ifeli PerezStable." Cinenste. filnls like Portrait of Teresa. it reduced its commitment. just as in revolutionary Mexico and Peronist Argentina. 24-25.3 percent in the mid-1980s. Vndoubteclly the greater cleinand fbr cash to pay for services and consumer goods helped influence women to work outside the home. the poor quality of foods and other consumption items-along with the absence of' domestic servants-impede ~ ~ o i n e nstruggles 's to free themselves from the home. Patricia Peyton and Carlos Broullon.4). It instituted the Falnilv Code and family-related sections of tlle constitution partly to tackle this probleln by encouraging nlen to share household duties. 1." Ct111ntl Str~dic?~. n . "Studying Women." in IVonzen i n I. During the same years." Cuba Recierc. ig.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 291 This evidence supports hlax Azicri's argument that the regime has set certain priorities above felnale liberation. Azicri claiinecl that it encouraged women to join the labor force as long as that policy coincided with the ol~jectiveof increasing production.

6cer de la libernci611 ticlcioncll. even thougl~one \venders at what point the authoritarianisin of rulers. Hnlebsky and Kirk. . Cubans probahly could not have achievecl the same measure of' social and gender change without the guidance of enliglrtenecl leaders linked to inass organizations. Chile Es gran tarea. LYhatever the degree of change."" 111this passage Salvador Allende revealed a central dilemma of'both the Chilean deinocratic road to socialisill and of the ruling coalition's gender 65.Gi According to the latter view and to Scott's second proposition. as in the Mexican case. the l'aternalisin of the revolutionary regiine is a metaphor for its larger autlroritarianisin. it is doubtful whether a revolution can rest on the immutability of' either gender. Sah. the g o v e r n m e ~ ~has t often supported transfbrmation of gender roles Inore staunchly than inuch of the public. Indeed. 110 matter how enlightened. "Honor. the freedoms and advances experienced by woinen illustrate the blessings of the revolution. has a stake in the deepening of'the revolution. it has replaced fathers and husbands rather than encourage them to redefine their roles. igXo). its symbolic iinportance is evident: for Castro. and she. "Crlban Political Structure: Valrguard Party and the hlasses. It has offered woinen new role inoclels and new arenas of' activity transcending by far the tiinid steps the Perons took in this direction. "\\'omen./ 292 HAHR 1 MAY 1 SANDRA XICGEE DEUTSCII stand the Cuban Revolution illore fully in various ways. This is an important question. Alejandro If'alker (lIe. the Cuban woinan unequivocally participates in public matters." 289. 250. soine have argued that just as the state replaced the capitalists." yo. Rhoda Pearl Rahkilr. ed. undermines their ideals. although it does not define equality of' the two sexes as the equating of' the sexes. I11 contrast to Mexico. Padula and Smith. 66. clearly the government has controlled it." in Ctrhn. The extent to which the governinent has redefined inale roles and activities is uncertain. Nevertheless. la d e conquistarla conscientemente. Also see Fou. Snlvcldor Allende 1908-1973: P1. for." 48. gender equality and sexual permissiveness represent its shortcomings. 255. along with the entire socialist family. denlollstrating its tendency to place the goal of inass participation below that of social transformation. ~ ~ h e t h eone r emphasizes the progressive or conservative aspects of the revolution's gender policy.xico City. whereas for his opponents. porque ella 10s tiene conquistados por el hecho de ser mafiana una mujer que construira una sociedad distinta. Salvador Allende. "If~on~en. para que ella [la mujer] entienda que su propio futuro clistinto est6 precisainente en esos derechos que se le negaron y que nosotros no le vanlos a regalar. Regarding Scott's first proposition. 267. ed.

and inany ~ ' o n l e i as l well as men expressed ambivalence about female political participation. "Icleology" ancl "\f'on~en". A siinplistic faith in socialism as the automatic solution to Chilean problems. identified itself with nationalisln.. Socirrlisrr~cztrd Poj~lrlisr.. As of 1969. "La p~rticip~~cicin politicd de la ~nu~jer chilena entse 10s afios 1 c ~ ( i ~ . If Chilean feminists reaped advantages from their alliance \ ~ i t l lthe nationalist cause. as well as the tendellcy of felnale public figures to devote themselves to education and other "feminine" concerns. Lorelld Lopresti XL~rtinez.i in Chile. 1968): La\. "Qurremos cotczr en Ins j~rdsir~znseleccioncs.l!ir. 23." in Chile: nitijer !/ sociednd. men of all classes disapproved of felnale integration into the labor force. Paz Covarrubias and Rola~ldoFranco (Santiago. pointed out the \\-idespread 1987). nlanifestecl a traditionalism of women's political involvement similar to that of Peronist women.1 pt:rcent of the economically active population was female. 1932-52 (Urbana. see Paul U~. they were nowhere as sweeping as those gleaned by their Cuban counterparts. \vllich managed to elect a congresswoinan and a fenlale senator. O n feminism and \vomen's statl~sbefore 1970.ement in the CEhIAS."" 67.\rlnand hlattelart ancl hlichi.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 293 policy. Froin the late 1940s on. view that Lvithin socialisnl women could dchieve liberation painleisly. in contrast to the Argentine. house~vivesorganized what became kilowll as Centros de Madres (CEMAS).\rtigas et al. ed. private commu~~ication. Ln rilrijer chilericr en lrri(r r~uecci sociecind. Bergquist noted the UP'S "un~ritic~ll acceptance of '1 hlasxist orthodox)" in Lahor i r ~Lntiri Arnericcr. 615-648: .6 hut less than the Argentine percentage in 1947. the LTPhoped to convince the electorate of the inherent logic of this belief. 7 ~ " Santiago.sin..le hlattel'lrt.ltist tendencies in Chilean socialism. once the UP had "conquered" themalso suggested the contradictiolls underlying official attitudes on gender ancl. Gaviol. a figure much higher than the Latin American average of 13. 79. despite widespread invol\. Chilean as well as Argentine feminists had emerged from the ranks of the left.. 1978b 68. This traditionalism may have reflected a world in \vhich nlost Lvolnen still ~vorkedwithin the home. for example. considering Scott's second proposition. "El movimiento Seminista chileno. At the same time. 13. in which they discussed their problems and developed political awareness.arrubiaa. on other issues.~Artigas et al.and Cl.6' The situation of \voine11 by 1970 reseml~leclaspects of the Argentine and Cuban experiences." Historin del n~ocitiiiertto feiilerlino cliiler~o1913-1952 (Santiago. 1978).1 ~jms. I. but the Chilean left. see CChaney.a.ludia Rojas X1il. E d d ~G a l iola Astigas.IIestudio esplorcrtorio crcercci de In situcrcidri e ii~lnger~ de In ntt!jer eti Chile (Santiago. "La participaci6n. By implementing reforms to aid wornen ancl other groups. and Xlaria Elena 1:alenzuela. 1986). Tlle formation of these groups. Lvornen won the right to vote at the nluilicipal level in 1934 but at the national level not until 1949. seemed to guide LTnidad Popular (UP). Allende's juxtapositioil of two conflicting ideas-that woinell would liberate themselves. includillg that of discrimination against women." . O n populist i u ~ dcorpor. Paz Co\. Suj~ertiic~dre: Gaviola . Cllilean \vomen organized the Partido Feinenino Chileno (1946-1953).

it needed to increase its following. particularly of the middle and upper classes. 1973). on liberalizing divorce laws. "Clrile: The I'owvr of Lb111e11 at tlre Polls. Ln tt~rijerci~ilo~rc (el npotte. But while the rightist party doct~inentemphasized feillale roles within the home. The figures comr fronr Sol Arguedas. Except for 81-85. ed. a hlinistry of the Family. legal equality for n~arriedwoinen. Salvador Allende ancl Carlos Altamirano. Alleizde. 108-110. I 50: .Kyle. 153: Chaney. secretary general of the Socialist party. equal pay for ec1ual work.itiinate children.\llencle's Chile. To relnain in office and fulfill its mandate. by granting them juridical personage. and on equalizing thc legal status of legitimate and illeg. Patl. 1976). and econonlic opportunities or econolnic security for housewives. 106. Carlos. Case of Peru and Chile. I11 addition. the majority of whom had voted for Christian Democrats and Nationalists in 1970 and previousyears.fettret~it~o (11 progr-oo rle Chile). According to hlicllael A. Jane S. 15jio1960 (Santiago.294 I IIhIIH I hIAY I SANDRA XICGEE DEYTSCH Like their ( h ~ h a npredecessors. 6 9 . Francis and Patricia A.The UP had assulnecl power through a tiny plurality of votes. ed.Decisidn rat-olrrciot~clriri(Santiago. it was only laying the grou~~clwork for socialism rather than creating it. with provisions on establishing cllildcare centers. ed. Pescatello. infornlatioll on female voting patter~ls.9. Both called fbr equal pay for equal work. and solne type of security for hol~sewives. 1974). not through arined struggle. This nleant recruiting women. 1973). \T7hile a majority of inen had also voted for the opposition in these elections.icia A. however.I. 70. OH." in \i'ot~letl it1 Politics. Allende endorsed full legal equality and educational ancl cultural opportni~itiesfor wornell. The Nationalist and Cl~ristianDeinocratic platforms of 1970 contained separate sections on women.the Cilristian Denlocrats had encouraged female activism. 255. the left had managed to secure a higher percentage of male votes tl~ailf e n ~ a l e . Xlichael Francis and Patricia . of the three parties only the Christian Democrats favored birth ~ontrol.111c1 ChC~lley. the Christian Delllocrats envisioned wolnell entering the public sphere.\llende. esp. 131. that all three political contenders sought women's support. to integrate them "in all levels of action and decisior~ ~ n a k i ~ ill l g the next governlnent.'~' The UP platform also addressed women's needs. 268-269: Challry. 127-1. UP leaders recognized the importance of incorporating women into their movement. promising. Their concern was more immediate and practical than that of the Cul~ans." in Feninle.\ltalni~-ano. stated on occasioll that the fate of the government would rest in female hands. 1962). ' ~ The neat division of the electorate into thirds and the resulting heavy colnpetition for votes meant." During the Eduardo Frei administration jiy64-.1. in fact. . Chile: Hocin el "\\hlllell in Llltin A~llerica~l Politia: The socic~listtzo(hIesico City. Jaquette (New York. Felicitas Klimpel. alcoholisln programs. "The Xlobilization of \Vomen ill ." in lntegrciting the Seglected Al(zjority: Cocet-l~rtlet~t Respoirses to Del~lni~rls for Yell: Sex Roles. Kyle. albeit within the traditionally organized CEhIAS. Kyle (Brunswick.--ly70). for example.

and provided school buses. On the other hand. 28. woineil were now eligible for nlemhership in agrarian cooperatives. Storiiz Ocer Chile: The Jtirztc~ rnrler Siege (u'estport. and Rojas. as Francis and Kyle charged. Decisid~i. ~ ' However. On one hand.. and it specified innovative means of integrating women into production. i972). It continued Frei's policy of opening daycare centers. 1970). and it required businesses over a certain size to set up their own claycare programs. 86: Gaviola Astigas et al. froze tuition for secondary education. perhaps. It even proinised access to family plailning and sex education. 162. 72. . the UP'S plans appeared less progressive than tlle Christian Democrats'. "Rnral \. or perhaps the UP'S thinking had evolved. disease.1nd cluring the Allende years. in \vhich it expanded upon themes broached in the platform. and malnutrition. if it came out afterward. The administration made primary education universally accessible and primary texts gratis.72 If. It constructed workers' housing and recreational centers.kin.. Lopresti. These lneasures reduced the rates of infant and maternal death. the UP w s determined to show that socialisin would help them. and they attributed the left's reluctance to focus on women to inale paterllalism and political o p p o r t ~ n i s i n . as it asserted. 24: Gaviola ~ l l l ~ j epoprllar r Artigas." 196197: Altarnil-ano. Unidad Popular. This work viewed female labor ambivalently. Doinestic servants benefitted from a law requiring employers to show due cause before firing t l ~ e m . "Chile-Centro de Xladres-iLa en movimiento?" Isis Inierncicioncil. 2 (No\'. capitalisin was responsible for tlle oppression of woinen and the family. Significantly. La ttrtjer en el gobierno de 10 rnidnd Populnr (Santiago. ellahling the poor to eat more-at least until food shortages commenced. 204: Pnlottz(i. It is unclear \vhether the puhlicatioil appeared before or after the election. Samuel Cha\.tJomen. Francis and Kyle claimed that the UP docnillent simply commented on wornell here and there. 73. 1985).. the UP did not publicize its views earlier for fear of alienatiilg the pliblic. ~ ' 7 1 Ibid. 1988). On the reforms thr UP implemented or planned. the UP did concentrate on wolnen in a separate work. see Drrrt. "La participaci6n. it blamed capitalisin for forcing women to work outside the home and thus abandoning their families to ruin. Quickly the government established free milk programs for children and mothers and free medical care in sluin areas. l o (Dec. Ln ~rz~ijer e n el gobierno de la Unidad Poprllnr. 110-111. It raised the wage scale. Excluded from agrarian reform under Frei. 199-202.GEKDEK AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 295 the statelnents on divorce and illegitimacy. it helped integrate CEMAS ineinhers into production hy offering vocational training in their facilities and supplying then1 with sewing machines and other eciuipment. it colnmitted the UP to helping women liberate themselves from house\vork through the establishnlent of coinmnnity services. 164-165. 195." More work is needed on policies to\\-ard \\-omen before .

4gotd(z 1971 (Santiago. ancl other health-related habits. women forinetl the Comando Nacional Femenino to counteract the rightist media's antigovernment propaganda and to work with sluin area residents.296 I HAHR I \MY I S A N D I U MCGEE DEUTSCH The UP was unable. and sanctions against hoarding food and speculating over food prices did not become law. Kyle ancl Francis. In its place. laundry. Chackin. Secci6n La11or Parlalnentaria. the adininistratioi1 issued an invitation to women over the radio to a meeting in downtown Santiago. Progrczlr~tzb6sico de In Cnitlrd Populnr. Storm. . legal equality for married women. It also proposed the full-scale transformation of CE hIAS into officially financed productive enterprises. divorce. John A. administered by six women. the UP'S own tepid support of these programs. "IVomen at the 13011s: The C.io cle la Fanlilia.11:3 (Oct. 12." in Citizert ntld Stcrte. The opposition in Congress delayed passage of the bill creating the LIinistry of the Family until the eve of the coup. Booth and Llitchell A. boosted female-and maleelectoral support for the UP." 272.. vol. and the short duration of the administration. and 3 (Dec.and Valenzuela. at least in its first six ll1onths in office. and other services to help working women. nor did they abandon hope of in1plementing the ui1fulfillecl aspects of the platform. Seligson. 7. Chaney. Santiago.lsr of ice Stt~dics. file on tlre SIinistel. some members of the goveri1iilg coalition had plans to push for food preparation. 6-7: Biblioteca clel Collgreso Nacional. 14. these programs and ideas. There." C o ~ ~ ~ p n r n tPoliticcd "1:oting in Chile: The Feminine Responae. lllanaged cooperatively hy the women who worked in them. "hlobilization. Chanry attributrd the failures to the UP'S decisiolr to as\igl> low priority to wolnen's issues. CEMAS multiplied rapidly and attracted an impressive one million members by 1973. ed. to a varirty of factors. Chile. Bills providing for maternity leave. 1972). Nevertheless. 1978). Different reasons have been suggested-its political rivals' hindrance. 1978). to the oppositiol>. Although the government did not fully meet this goal. I11 response to rank-and-file demand-and particularly after the rightist women's first "inarcha de cacerolas vacias" in late 197i-UP leaders called women to large public meetings and 74." The UP inohilized women for various causes. . (Nr\ir York. to ilnpleinent all of its policies oriented toward women. 1970-1971. Nouse. 1971): P t ~ l o n ~1( ~(No\. 306: Steven h I . The Colnando organized twenty thousand women by 1971 to distribute inilk and train @ELIAS rneinhers in the slums to improve their fainilies' dietary. as well as for the regulation of cottage labor. Despitc the failures. the government founded a less powerf~llNational Secretariat for \%'omen. . when it probably would have won approval. indicating the appeal of their new orientation. 1 of their Politiccll Participc~tiorii l i Latirl Artier-icn. in private comments. 2 \zols. sanitary. a widespread view that women's issues were less pressing than others and could be postponed. however. the reinoval of the stigina of illegitimacy. 128-144: Ulliclacl Popular. along with other socioeconoinic reforms. 1972). Only a few weeks after Allende's inauguration.

"Chile. supplies. that the UP inainly built upoil precedent. 161-162. 8 (Fel."tr<~ns. and the black market. and women playecl important roles in thein. 19731. 272. 65. Acticists Describe Their Esper-ic~~ccs Period (Atlantic Highlands. . on gendered rhetoric. "hIobilization. and they. and other "female" concerns. tended to work in health. Critics have focused not on the prograins but on the degree of commitment and. Rtgis Debray. (Slexico City. education. helped organize woinen in other kinds of neighborhood and local groups. Suplenlel>to.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHAKGE 297 discussed food shortages and other probleins with them. Alta~nirano. Storln."Ptlnto Final. ''LA mujer chilena en la transicibn a1 socialisn~o.'~ Existing studies have stressed the left's inability-of which there are 75. By 1973 wonlei1 and men. At one such meeting in 1971 with Pedro \.. 20. a Brazilian exile and governinent s!~mpathizer. and excluded thein from leadership. and subniit laws. Chaney. On the number of candidates. iy7z. The UP ran seventeen feinale candidates for the lower house and two for the senate in March 1973. Chavkin. 202-203. Chilean Voices. \vl>osr nunrber doubled between 1971 and 1973. "La participacibn. Angela Nevrr-Xacier de Brito. Allende eilcouraged woinen to lobby for. On the gro\vth of CEhlAS.'uscovic. had established al~outfifteen hundred JAPs. 195. June 22." Despite these indications. 154.Dccisi6n. qf the Poptrlar LTnity trans. which remained outside the ruling coalition.1. "Brazilian iVornen in Exile: The Quest for an Identit>-. Fenlale activists complained to Elsa Chaney that the UP postponed their agenda. however.. NJ. 81-82.Charlotte Stanley. I thank Verhnica Valdicla for the nurnbers of ~ictoriousfenlale candid'~trs. Anrallda PUZ. the plan arose to create Juntas de Abastecimiento y Precios (JAPs) to control food prices. concluded that the UP had not exerted enough effort to understand women's problems and inobilize them. nlostly in working-class neighborhoods. wonlen wrote the laws pertaining to divorce and illegitimacy. 1977). Vdnid Bambirra. Gaviol.) L'ania Bambirra. 105. see Gaviola Artigas et a]. The leftist coalition managed to elect one -feinale senator and ten feinale deputies. as well as the women inentioiled above. 5.." 31-33. (In this regard one might argue. and eds.2 . The UP and the hlovimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (hlIR). see Paloinn. 1 3 : ~ ( Spring 1986). while the opposition only presented five for deputy and none for the senate. Colin Henfi-ey and Bernardo Sorj. Concersacibn co11A l l ~ i ~ r l8th e .L(i ~ntijercchilena (Santiago. Johnson (Garden City. 139. Another Brazilian exile went further and condemned the Chilean left for what she saw as its fear of fenlale inilitai~cy. minister of the economy. Sonle critics also charged that the UP parties marginalized women by organizing thein separately horn men. 12.~Artigas et al. 76. most of the secondary literature and some participants have fouild fault with the UP'S record on women. a significant one-was \linister of Labor The principal exception-and Mire? Baltra. VUSCOV~C meeting in The Chilean Road to Socicrlis~t~: ed. 457-472. 1976)." 86. Dale L. draft. Latin Ai~lerican Perspectices." 269-270. 1971. 19731. 198-199.. especially. Allende appointed few woineil to highlevel positions. food distribution. undervalued their contributions. e d .

gd ed. see esp. the Chileila was also preoccupied with fashion. reaffirming a separate feinale sphere. and Cuba. a voluine on the Chilean woinail titled La tntger reassured its popular audience that she was. among other things. Y 61 que no la tenga." \Vomen's ulain duty. "hIobilizing \f'omen: Revolution in the Recolution. faithful. too. Ser politicci en Chile. This evidence suggests an official belief in the ilnlnutable nature of woinalllloocl that seemingly contradicted its programs as well as (in accordance with Scott's second proposition) the nature of a revolution. Argentina. 78. Given the Chilean left's familiarity with and admiration for the C u l ~ a nrevolution. una m ~ ~ j euna r .~9~ I HAHR I SIhY I SANDKA XICGEE DEUTSCH nunlerous examples-to conceive of female participation in the struggle for socialism. Quimantil also published a magazine for women. 147. Like leaders in Ilexico. La niujer. una hija. So. de su hennano. 91. did the UP program for 1971. 51. una coinpaiiera o nna amiga. 46. ~ ~ generosity. (Buenos Air-es. conciliatory. 121 and 134. ~ e r t t ~ a d r e . according to traditional views. At tiines Allende and others appealed to Inen to act as such. but aside from husband and home. Puz. soft yet strong in defending her family. inadre. . its limited vision was puzzling. resigned. de su padre y de su hijo. did not regard housewives as members of the proletariat. 35. loyalty. Norma Stoltz Chinchi!la. according to a Colnnlnnist conference in 1971. Although he aclclressecl some speeches to both "compaiieros" and "coinpaiieras. herinana. resignation and subn~issivenesswere not. reininding thein of appropriate nlale familial and sexual roles by noting that "cada uno cle ustedes tiene una madre. According to this work." the president regarded men as the true subjects of revolution when he said that the UP would win when." Like other Chileans. and s u b i ~ ~ i s s i vTVhile e . her prime concern was love. in orthodox fashion.cited this book in S ~ r . "priinero que nacla. 19731. 1986). their menfolk-increased production." although she was also becoining a worker ancl a citizen. Chanr!. Allende.e.. Palo7lzc1. 41. soine UP spokespersons had difficulty visualizing women outside the doinestic realm. La recol~rciciiiclzileiln. I11 such statements the UP ignored working women or. "la mujer chilena sepa d e nuestro llamado y se incorpore a la lucha de su hombre. some C P spokespersons seemed to view the nature of illen as immutable. Las feir~it~istas y 10s p a r i i d ~ s( Santiago." in U'oinen in L a t i r ~America. Released 11y the official publisher Quiinantil. jque se vaya de la Unidacl Popu77.aditionalism. which clescribecl women exclusively as housewives. was to insure that workers ancl peasants-i. 62. 4-12. The author described her in the nlost traditional terms: generous. Julieta Kirkwood. and self-sacrifice were useful traits to encourage in a revolutionary movement. as an example of UP t~. self-cleilying. The president blamed men for failing to recruit their womenfolli.

." In this context the president made the statement. teme. Clzileni~Voices. unlike women. the lack of official publications directed toward nlen indicated that the subjects of revolution were male and that they. 80. quoted above." and to new possibilities for female self-development within socialism. not just 79.H" On the other hand. Allerlde. ." Apparently a type of dolnination akin to sexual subordination would be necessary to insure their loyalty. d e que la nlujer no haya entendido que ella ser6 la beneficiada" of UP policies.17.e . through seduction. Allende used gendered language to express the need to attract supp o r t As indicated above.GENDER AKD SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 299 lar!" An activist affiliated with the h'lovimiento d e Acci6n Popular Unida (MAPU). una nueva relaci6n en el trato humane entre el hombre y la mujer. Through its redistribution of income and power.r . 136. 43. Allende quoted in A r g ~ e d ~Chile. if only the power to subvert the revolution. Allende.7' These exanlples suggest that the U P tended to use traditional conceptions of manhood to explain and popularize its goals. In this regard. 147. debate that might have led to changes in the gender system had the Chilean experiment in deniocratic socialisln continued beyo~ldthree short years. and h e led his students to the conclusion that the solution in both cases was the same-to "fix" the male lover as well as the bosses. "la m ~ ~ j . The president indicated that "a llli rile inquieta prof~~ndamente el hecho . the UP. 1. at least it indicates the extent of debate within the left. A hIIR organizer described how some working-class nlen nlanifested their new sense of pride and assertiveness by acting aggressively with women. like Per611 and the Mexican R<:volution. that the revolutionary's task was to "conquistarla conscientemente. as in Cuba. Altamirano further emphasized these possibilities. ~ s . a group that belonged to the UP. h e viewed the recruitment of women as a task for Inen to accomplish in traditional ways-indeed. . Also. resorted more overtly than Allende to the ilnagery of "machismo" in his worker education courses. Allende himself referred to the opportunity to create "una nueva moral. I n his speeches he addressed wonlen as workers and professionals. In his opinion.and Sorj. y telne a la revolucicin. may have strengthened nlale workers' feelings of masculinity. an exaniination of printed prinlary sources reveals a broad range of U P statenlents on gender that most existing studies have not taken into account. H e colnpared the situation of a Inan discovering his wife's adultery to that of workers discovering their exploitation. While the diversity of views does not necessarily belie the criticisnl of the UP. h e implicitly recognized fenlale power. Henfre)." In another speech he explained that "conquistar a la lllujer para Chile y la revolucion chilena" would entail speaking with women "con pasi6n" and "con ternura d e hombre. Arguedas. Chile. did not need to change. 255.

creative role. tu llanto d e inlpotencia en himnos de rebeldia. 8 (Fell. 1972). In the same newspaper Ruth Castillo. 157. claimed in La epopeyci rle las 0110s cacias (Santiago. secretary general of that party. Allende. 12-1 j.300 I HAHR 1 >MY / S A N D M MCGEE DEUTSCH as mothers and wives. ~ 82." is an exception to the tendency found in lllost of the s e c o ~ r d a rworks. but firnlly identified them with the left and with the subjects of the historical process. tus telnores en cantos d e victoria!" Rlore strikingly. 28. 255. 1974). warned the governlnent not to relegate wonlen to "el illtinlo rinc6n d e la cocina. 1. 8.29. clearly understood how gender expressed power relations. 1973). and questioned their abilities. a youth-oriented magazine. tu incertidumbre en decisi6n d e lucha. and hla!. 1) 9. Teresa Donoso Loero. An opponent of the UP. Rnrizonn. 156-161. denied them rights over their own bodies. ~ o l l El a . 1972. he used these stereotypes to construct an active fenlale image and genclered symbols with a progressive political connotation. women created new life. 1971. 74. 4-8. I). 167. also see 154.. 114-115. I>articularly women. inore than any other revolutionary figure in the four cases. 7. Allende. The official nledia also provided images of women as revolutionary actors. h e equated the revolution to motherhoocl. I l e implied that under socialism the wonla11 could alter her capitalist-inspired passivity. l o . 1972). a leader of the Central Onica d e Trabajadores (CUT)."" Her statelllent revealed both the prejudice against mobilizing women and women's determination to surmount such discriminat 1' 011. just as the fornler created a new society."" Here Altanlirano delnonstrated that he. ly73). 20. Siglo. Interviews with fenlale activists and government officeholders appeared in Pnlo7)l-a. hIdr. R a ~ . For Altamirano's quoted statemrnts in this and the following paragrap]>. Here Altamirano not only presented woinen in a vital. albeit a traditional one. 166-167. however. on the ilnportant fenlale role in constructing socialism. . when h e asked her to convert "tus liigrimas d e humillaci6n en sonrisas de esperanza. the universities. While Altamirano viewed women in some stereotypical Lvays. Also see the following issues of Palomci: 1 (Yov. Some nlelnbers of the leftist coalition. praised young women active in the labor force." Gaviola Artigas et al. "La participacibn." It did so by confusing "la estabilidacl d e su hmilia con la estabilidad del r6gimen capitalista. beliebed that the context of social transformation denlanded the redefinition of sex 81. The right tried to manipulate the woman. The Communist daily El Siglo cited Luis CorvalBn. 20 (Atig. to keep her "un objeto pasivo y a1 mismo tiempo como un agente activo-aunqne inconsciente-de la dominaci6n burguesa. The Socialist leader defended the adlninistration's record on wonien and argued that despite its rhetoric the right had never assisted them. and politics (although it said little or nothing about altering men's traditional activities). It had inlprisonecl them within the home. that Alt'ulliralro had characterized fe~u'devotes 1' s "second class. 2 (No\. 14. see Decisibn.

by doing so. 19721. the magazine devoted far less space to domestic concerns and fashion than its Cuban counterpart. Nevertheless. The Colnlnunist senator Julieta Campusano publicly called for men to share household chores with wonlen and insisted that. Vidal defined fernale liberation siulply as women's involvement in the creation of socialism. described the ill-fated projected law to grant legal equality to married women as a first step toward creating a socialist family within which nlen and women would enjoy equal rights and obligations. Virginia Vidal. as Chile moved toward socialism.~. Indeed. and sexual dissatisfaction. L'irginia Vidal. Pnlomu. often defen~ively. 1). Whether it attracted nlanv nlale readers is doubtful. it also invited nlen to a dialogue.'-' Other U P spokespersons did question the inlmutability of Inale roles and the family structure. pointed out the interdependence between feniale enlancipation and revolution to a proletarian female audience. 52 and 55. a UP affiliate. It also encouraged Inen to assume responsibility for birth control by interviewing a Inan who had had himself sterilized and highly recolnnlended the procedure to other men. While she cellsured machismo. productive lives. a feniale professional reported in Palorna that women were 83. 14. particularly. Nineteen percent of this issue \CIS devoted to motherhood. subordination." 19. The publication stressed the need to participate in social change and achieve more rights." Pnlomn provided examples of husbands who helped in the home and thus enabled their wives to participate in activities outside it. Interestingly. and 12 percent to hsl~ion. Congressman Luis hlaira of the Christian Left party. "la mistica d e la maternidad" for condelnning wonien to frustration. such as asserting their sexuality.and house\vife-related concerns. Such ideas appeared in Pnlorlza alongside traditional ones. 19721. inside cover. she criticized both machislno and. . 1 (Nov..The lnaiil theme of Pnlonza was that. In a significant departure from the gendered rhetoric found in all four countries. but it also discl~ssedother women's requisites.' Quimantti published another volume on women that differed nlarkeclly from La ~ 1 . Gaviola Artigas et al. 84. women were learni~lgto develop their talents and personalities and to express their needs. \Vhile Pnlolnc~ clirected itself nlainly to a fenlale audience. She added that wonien should not be expected to marry or have children in order to lead happy. she avoided the issue of male responsibility within the home and assigned traditional domestic tasks to either Mronlen or the state. as noted above. La ernarrcipacidt~rle In tn~ljer(Santiago. but the newer viewpoints predominated. "La participacicin. ~Mujeres. but some Inen wrote colnnlns reacting to changing mores. who also wrote for El Siglo.r ~ j eIts r . they need not feel "menoscabado en su condicion d e tal [hombre]. isolation.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 301 roles. author.colnpare to Altljerris.

' ~ This group included the feinale opponeiits of the government. Indeed. nationalization measures. did the UP's ineflectual cainpaign for educational reform. Ida epopeya. Alsosee the followi~rgissues of Pa2oi)zc~:1 (Nov. 1986).Sllende groups." N A C l A ' s 1. 011school refor~rrsee Joseph P. Beyond vague rhetoric on the schools' role in the creation of the "new socialist man" and the need to comhine work and learning. "Chile: The Feminine Side of tlre Coup Or \Vhen Bourgeois Women Take to the Streets."" Soine inemhers of P F fearecl that their title souilded feminist.and upper-class parents regarded it as a governinent atteinpt to indoctrinate ancl control their children." Latin Ainerican Perspectires. 65." indicating that other Cllileans hesides Altainirano linked authority relations in society with those \vithin the f ~ ~ i n i l y . and Maria Correa blorandc. sollie honrgeois \voineii had already declared their opposition to him. "El Poder Femenino: The hlohilization of \Vomen . 105. 10-13. 4. 196. Farrell. La gr~errorle 10s ~tzrrjeres(Santiago. 1975). j : q (Fall 1977). p . 1974). information on thc food shortages. p . El Siglo. Even before . Echoing Eva Perbn.Sllende's inauguration. bourgeois \vomen formed Poder Femenino (PF) and other anti-.3). 9:G (Sept. 154-155.citin Anxerica ond Enxpire Report. 5. 3. >lichGle >fattelart. impotent.\gainst Socialism in Chile. too. 14. 26. described the UP'S inultiple offensives against the class hierarchy as a hlarxist threat to the family. To combat this perceived threat. Nonetheless. 14-25: Ercilla. like anti-Casti-o Cubans. 1971. 11: 22 (Sept 4. eg-Sept. and homosexual 85. This was an exainple of how they. 47-48. i g p ) . 103-113. . an ideology they opposed." \vhere the! would oppose hfai-xisin by doing what Chilenas had always done-telling inen what to do. >lay 21. 29. 1984). Nathaniel Davis. 4 (Dec. proposed changes in fanlily law. In reaffirming the gender system they were hot11 nietaphorically and otherwise maintaining the socioeconomic systen~. ig. 86. 109. the edncational reform did not explicitly challenge the values of bourgeois hoines.o. Otlrer sources ilrclude Clraney.I11 their famous "inarchas de cacerolas vacias. The food shortages (whicli they helped create). in which it planned to enlist schools in the struggle for social transformation. and \la). and passim. they spent much of their time denouncing military officers and upper-class inales as cowardly.302 I HAHR \LA1 I S A K D l t l bfCGEE L)EUT\CH training their sons and l~ushanclsnot to he "u11 patron en el hogar. 1973). see accou~rtswritten by P F ~rre~rrbers: Do1roso 1. The Last T u o Yeci. 1972). The National Cnifret! School in Allentie's Chile.oel. On the UP's fernale opponents. The Rolr of Etiucc~tiollin tht. 46-48. Destructioll of a Rcuolutiorl (Vancouver. 1971. middle. They defined their ii~issioninstead in terins of traclitional "feminine power": their task was to challenge lneil to he trul!. and harsh UP responses to their demonstrations reinforced their fears of hlarxism.\ngeles Crumrnett. they identified homes as the "trenches. "masculine" and defend woinen and children against the leftist onslaught. So.m of Salocidor Alle~lde(Ithaca. hlaria d e 10s . 1989 (Aug." they criticized the governmei~t'seconomic policy for hindering women froin pelforming their f ~ ~ n c t i oofn feeding the family.

i97o). Caught between these diverging viewpoints \vithin its own ranks. they had summoned the n1e11 to action. Philip O'Bricn (New York. Dulles. Peter \Vinn. tid. Cnrest in Brazil. Universidacle Federal de Milras Gerais. one faction of the Socialist party. Pitria e Familia: As mulheres no golpe cle 1964" (blaster's thesis. such as the Cominunists. and groups of workers and landless peasants. '\17~acersof Reco/~rtioi~. Political-Jli/itc~. esp. of many Chileans influeilced tlle UP's gender policies and statements to some extent. F . Yet the leadership pressed other divisive issues. the former proved no inore successful than the latter. see John 15'. This review of gender notions in the lillende years underscores the contradictions of the democratic road to socialism. Allende. 272.-y Crises 1955-1964 (.2lerlscqe (1 /a ~ n ~ t j echilena r (Santiago. The rightist \vonien left the actual counterrevolution to men. A consideration as iniportant to U P leaders as limiting opposition was keeping their unruly coalition together. described . 173. Heloisa Xldria Xlurgel Starling. stressed government indecision and inal~ilityto restrain to con~promisewith the opposition. 0 s senhores rlas Cerc~is:0 s nocos inconfirlentes e o golpe de 1964 (Petscipolis. For various reasons. Ultimately. Augusto Pinochet recognized. The l'arnr Workers onri Chile's Road to Socialisnl (New York. indeed. The UP's atteinpted seduction and conquest of women seeillecl to serve as a paradigin for this larger effort to maintain the coalition. tlle U P was unahle to achieve these ends. "Dells. 1976[?]). 341-342. 5-7. including the Christian Left. Augurto Pinochet Ugarte. In terms of tlle second proposition." The diverse opinions on gender may well have reflected these divisions.'7 The traditionalism of PF and.\llende's conHict with workers who took over a factory. Eaultecl tile go\ernment for its moderation. some of its allies. tlle courts. Women played roles similar to those of the P F in other Latin American countries. and ending tlle excessive familism of bourgeois society. . and the media. to say nothing o f t h e opposition froin outside.\usti~l. Davis. such as the restructuring of tlle economy and agriculture. that its gender policy nlirroi-ed 87. advised restraint. hut as Gen. perhaps coulcl not afford to place itself too far ahead of popular opinion. 267268. 151-192. using education and the inedia to destroy sex roles. 1976). emphasized its f:~ill~re the various authors in Allencle's Chile.GENDER AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 303 for not overthrowing the government. i986). Farrell. 189-190. 1986). urged the governnlent to take illore radical stands and carried out provocative actions in the hope of forcing their will on Allende. School. Regarding Scott's first l~roposition. A precarious government that did not control the senate. 403-405. the armed forces. Others. in spite of tlle difficulties caused. 261. 1983) 88.Arinand and k l i c h ~ l eMattelart had warned the Chilean left in the late igGos that a successful revolution ~voulddepend on integrating hot11 \vonien and illen into revolutionary 01-ganizations. The MIR and some illemhers o f t h e alliance. 275-278. Sola~lgeD e Deus Sim6es. . unlike tlle Cuba11 regime. For fenlale participation in the events leacling to the coup of 1964 in Brazil. the regime tried desperately to conciliate and unite its beleagiiered forces. 184-195.

to return to their homes. . Governments and individuals that genuinely aspired to transcend authority relations in the puhlic realin attempted to do the same in the domestic realm."" I11 this lnanner Pinochet's regime removed whatever creative ambiguity existed in the definitions of masculinity and femininity in Allende's Chile. La nmjer. in some cases. Franz Hinkelmart. From the character of this relationship we can conclude how far man has become a species-being. slirprising is that the right. The Carrillos. Alvarado. e r p 87. gendered rhetoric expressed ancl symbolized their overall aims. Conclusion The immediate. a human being. 215-217. The notions of both components of gender expressed by the governments under study generally matched the nature of the administrations as a whole. 1987). perhaps. 207." in C l ~ i l ebajo lo J I I I (Ecornonzin I~~ y mciednci e n la ciictc~citrrclmilitclr. or society. (hladrid.~nuscri~ts. natural. and hlexican governinents of'the ~gzos-and of Castro's and Allende's opponents-translated 89. Galindo. 1844 As Marx indicated." (1844) in Karl hfaru: Selectecl WI-itings.\Jellsaje. At the saine time. . Castro. The belief in social hierarchy of'the Percins. and conceives of himself as such. In this relationshiu is sensuouslv revealed and reduced to an observable fi~cthow far for nlan his essence has l>ecome nature or nature has become man's human essence. . from this relationship the ~vllolecultural level of man call be judged. movement. While he dismantled most of the LTPref'orms. . and necessary relationship of human being to human being is the relationship of' man to woman. gender analysis is a useful nleans of' determining the true character of a particular regime. however incompletely the LTP had realized these goals. . as shown in Cuba. I. David hIcLellan ( K c w York. unlike soine of the left. Storrn.ci nlujer en el Chile rnilitclr. Luis Vargas et al. ic~7G\. 88. including the PF. Chabkin. hlattelart dllcl hlattelart. When General Pinochet took office h e iinmediately ordered women. IVhat is. ed. and to a liinited extent in Allende's Chile. Carranza. hlaria Eleira Valenzuela. his government prolnoted the figure of the soldier as the male ideal and the patriarchal family as the nlodel for the new political order."" -Karl klarx. Karl hlarx.ed. Thus. and Unidad Popular helieved that the new order could not coexist with the subordinate status of women. 1977). "La ideologia cle la Juntd klilitar. Pillochet. saw the nexus hetween gender change ancl broader socioecoi1oinic change. Their egalitarian gender policies and. thus tightening the identification between womanhood and motherhood.iGc~-igi. (Santiago. 90. "Economic and Philo~o~lricalhl. h e retained some of its programs for wolnell and children.chileuel).I HAHR I \MY I SANDRA SICGEE DEIJTSCH 304 its inability to unite its supporters and govern effectively is not surprising. in Yucatan under Carrillo.

Change has been limited not only in the first coinpoi~entof gender but in the second as well. appeared to use this notion effectively for conservative ends. As it followed the Cuhan revolution. the absence of explicit appeals to illen indicated that they. were the legitinlate occupiers of the public sphere and did not have to alter their roles. to some extent in all four countries. they eciuated womanl~oodwith motherhood. of the well-ordered fhinily. only Altainirano appeared to consciously grasp the idea that gender expresses power relationships. and it seeks to reshape existing institutions and ideas to construct a more egalitarian and just society. . Argentines. and in \'lexica. used tr. The perceived need to harness women's services for the revolution and to neutralize their potential opposition often outweighed the goal of altering kinale roles. Of' all the revolutionary leaders. I11 the other cases. V'hile Per6n's iinage in sonle ways challenged the old definition. Official spokespersons in the four countries continued to validate aiins of political consolidation and economic developnlent in terms of traditional manhood and womanhood.~ditional gendered imagery and prograins to clescrihe their political views. possibly unconsciously. Yet to soine extent even the most innovative governments and individuals under study have accepted the roles and personalities customarily assigned to inen and wornen.0111 the Mexicans. and Chileans who categorized women as conservative. Argentina. Their belief that wonlei1 possessed revolutionary traits inay have distinguished Altamirano and Castro fi. although the Rlexican leaders of the igzos. the Per611s. unlike women. the inability to address the issue of male roles has hampered even the inost radical efforts to change \voinen's status. and in turn the\. the Chilean case also reveals that governments did not necessarily adopt inore progressive gender policies and gendered language with the sinlple passage of time or through familiarity with other socialist experieilces. and Chile. Expediency teinpered all the programs oriented toward woinen and reduced the possibilities for gender change. and harely so. Also. The study highlights the contradictions of the UP administration's record on gender issues. nevertheless. although some of the obstacles the UP faced were beyond its control. In contrast. in the immutability of the social hierarchy. only the Cnhan Revolution atteinptetl to redefine manhood.GENDER -4ND SOCIOPOLITICAL CHANGE 305 into more conservati~egender notions. hloreover. the left does not accept the status quo as natural or given. The essence of'the political right is its helief in a given order of things. the econoinic system. like the latter. politicians and the masses inay have justified political and socioecononlic reforins as having restored traditional manliness. and the definitions of manl~oodand womanhood. and the opponents of change in Cuba and Chile.

lericas:A Sor~rceBook (New York. The ambiguity and disorder characterizing a revolutionary process contain potential for change. To what extent change from above is ultimately possible remains an ~lnsolvedquestion for Cuba. I11 practice. Also see Eric Hol~sh'~wm. as Marx suggested. The absence of work on lnen is striking. niost students of gender have overlooked the equally significant." O r perhaps even the nlost radical leaders have feared that colllplete liberation fro111 ger~derroles would threaten the nlodel of rule from above. Latillas ofthe A~. SmitliHosenberg. Scott discussed the use of conservative gendered language to justif) radical change hut did not delve into the contradictions. as mentioned above. 2 . 9 3 Stoner. Even the avowed socialists Castro and Allende failed to delegate control over change to the subjects of change. tiorr: The Proble~nof Constr~~ction and the Con5truction of a Problem. they all curtailed female-and male-autonomy. . at least in theory. 1966). a prospect that alarnls the right and.306 I HAHR ( l L 4 Y / SANDRA XICGEE DEUTSCH Perhaps." io73-107+ 92." in Tlte Ii~ccntiorl of Tradition. Disordrrly Condrrct: and especially SIary Douglas. Some Chileans used the imagery of Inale concjuest to express this attelnpted domination: Mexican and Argentine leaders employed the sanle symbol as well as that of parent-child. 1983). pleases the left. Hobsba~vmand Terence Rarrgel. e d . I11 addition. ed. perhaps the notion that thev are the subjects of historv. 21!ytlls. in "Gender. 300. "Introduction: In\enting Tradition. and Vir-ginia H. Karl Mars. and the fact that history once concentrated largely on male leaders."' This review has also indicated the state of the art of gender studies in the four cases. 114. 7-23. Smitli and P a d ~ ~ l "Twenty a. posed interesting questions about men in revolution‘^^-y Cuba. Thus in at least three of the four cases. the governnlents under study may have diminished the possibility of innovation. Only tllro~lghcareful examination of both can one see how pervasively gender constructs politic^." (1851) in Selected N7r-itings. Purity n11d Dai~grr-:At1 At~ulysisof Coizcepts of Pollt~tioncrlttl T(111oo (Middlesex. By confining their search to policies and messages directed toward women. governments resorted to gendered language to signify limits on initiative from below." C ~ l b a nStutlies.Taylor. and KevoluQuestions". These t h o ~ ~ g hhave t s been influenced by Mosse. "Gender. people creating a new societ! justify the changes hy cloaking then1 in traditional dress hecause they have not yet liberated themselves completely from old ways of thinking. 91.(Cambridge." 1073-1075. Also see Scott. i j (1987). Gender. 1989) provides the most current infor~nationon tlle state of the art of Latin Arneric'111 women's studies. D o m i n g ~ ~ e "Sex. England. by reducing the ambiguity in women's new roles. "The Eigliteentl~Bsuniaire of 12011i5Bonapal-te. z. have led researchers to assume that they need no additional attention."^ Further study of the second con~ponentof gender in Latin America \vollld surely reveal other po\verful examples of this phenomenon and thereby enhance our understanding of the region's past. . albeit less obvious ones aimed at men. Satiorlc11is1)z. 191.