UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
LIBRARY

WILLIAM

H.

DONNER

COLLECTION
purchased from

a

gift

hy

THE DONNER CANADIAN
FOUNDATION

^Llt-

tABTl— )/
y^'

THE JOURNAL
OF THX

BIHAR AND ORISSA

Research society.
Wfjl:

-

0;0

Ml-

1919.

PATNA
PnbUshed by tba"BIliar and OrlsM BMaareh
by

til*

8o«l««7.

8ap«rJBUad«at, Gorenuaent Piiattac Bthar'^aBd OrlsMu

JOURNAL
OF THE

BIHAR AND ORISSA RBSUARCH SOCIETY,
June

I9i9«

CONTENTS.
Leading Articlet.
I.

Literary History of

fadhyaya

n.
III.

the

PaUi Period, ly Idahamaho'

77 araprasad

Shastri, Id. A.,

CLE.

the Kamnstltra of VatsySyana, ly
CJiakladar, M.A.

Studies

A

in

R. C.

184—209

the

210—215

note on the statues of Saisunfika Empeiora in
Calcutta Museum, hy B. D. Bauerji, HI. A.

IV. Marathi Copper- plate of Puri, by

K, N.

Pial
171—183

Diksi.it,

M.A.

Y. Translation of Maharaja Kalyan Sinsh's Khulasat-utTawarikh. by X/ian Bahadur Sarfraz Husain

216—217
218

"PSiJ

Khan.
VI. A, General Account of the Pabria or Hill BhQiySs of
Bonai, 7ty Hai BaJiadur Saraf C7iandra Soy,

236—249

M.A.
VII.

Ho

VIII. The

Pviddles,

by Girindra Xat/t Sartar,

B A.

...

Mango tree in the Marriage Ritual of the Aborigines
of Chota Nagpur aad Santalia, by Sarat Ckandra

Mitra, M.A., B.L.
IX. Is Mahli a Real Caste-name, by Rat SaJtib Ckuni

25()— 258

259

— 271-

Lai

272—282

Ruins at Oholamara, by Anantaprashad Sastri, M.A..,.
Three Monuments at Samath, by Brindavun C. Bltattacharya, if. A.

288—294

Bai/,

B.A.
Miscellaneous Contributions.

I.

II. Identification of

...
Indiadyumna, by J. iV. Samaddar, B.A.
IV. Copper-plates in Bhnvanesvara Temples, by R. P.
Jayasual.
V. Kalijai, the goddess of the Chilka Lake, hy Bai Bahadur

III. Raja

VI.

A

Montnohan Roy.
seal of King Bhaskaiavarman Of Pragjyotisa fonnd at
Xalanda, by R. D. Banerji, M.A.

VII. Ferry Tolls in an Orisaan Copper-plate

...

...

283- -287

295—297
298—299
3tX)— 301

302

—306
307

JOURNAL
or THE

BIHAR AND OR^gSA RESBAJ^CH SOCIETY.
Si^pt^mber 1919.

CONTENTS.

Leading Article t.

Fxai
I.

II.

by Maha-

307—324

mahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, M.A.^CLJE.
The &tory of a Cotton Printed Fabric from Grissa [tcith

325—330

Contributions of Bengal t«

Hindu

Civilization,

plates'^, by O. C. Garxjoly.

III. Rajgir Jain Inscription,

IV. Maharaja

by P. C. Nahar, M.A., B.L....

331—343

— 363

by

344:

Organization of the Pabri Bluiyas [with
plate\ hy Rat Bahadur S. C, Soy, M.A.
TI. Weaver Castes and Sub-Caites in Runchi, by Bai Sahib
L. Boy, B.A.

364

Kalyan

'ingh's

Khan Bahadur

Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh,

Sarfaraz Husain Khan,

V. The Social

— 381

382-401

a

Miscellaneout Contributions.

—404

VII. S^aisunaka Statues, by B. C. Bhattacharya, M.A.
...
A Note on an Inscribed Cannon in the Patna Museum,

405—406

by J. N, Samaddar, B.A.
IX. The Agharias of Sambalpur, by M. N. Sen, B.A.
...
X. Obituary Notice: Db. Andrew Campbell, D.D.
...
XI. Proceedings of the Council Meeting of the 8th August

407—410
411—412
413—415

"VIII.

402

1919.

XII. Proceedings of a General Meeting of the 8th August

416

—421

1919.

XIII. List of Books

...

...

...

...

422—449

JOURNAL
OP THE
BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH SOCIETY.
December

1919

CONTENTS.

Jjeading Articles.

Page
I. Secret

W.
II.

and

Messages

Croohe,

Symbols

used in

India,

bv

451

—462

CLE., Hon. D. Sc, Oxon.

An

Examination of Fifty-eight Silver Punched Marked
found at Gorho Ghat {with plates), by
E. H. C. Walsh.

463—494

of Bengal to Hindu Civilization, by
Mahamahojaadki/aya Haraprasad Shastn, M.A.,

495—510

Coins

III. Contributions

CIJE.
IV. Chastana'fl Statue

and Date of Kaniskha.

...

Y, Saisunaka Statues I to IV . {with plates), by (1) Dr.
V. A. Smith, (2) Dr. Barnett, (3; Mr. Jayaswal,
:

(4)

Mr. Arun

511

512—549

Sen.

VI. Another Saisunaka Statue {circa 516 B.C.), by K.

P.

550—551

Mara-

552—563

Jaya&Vial.

VII.

VIU.

Sisunaga Statues, by Mahamahopadhyaya
prasad Shasiri, M.A., CLE.

A Copper-plate Grant

of Dandi Mahadevi {with plate)
by the Late S. Fanday, Ji.A,

—581

664

11

Pasb
IX. The
J.

Panchobh Copper-plate of Samgramaguptaj hy
N. SiJcdar, M.A.., and Amareswar Thakur,

— 596

582

M,A.
X. Travels in Bihar, 1608

A.D. hy

Jadunath Sarkar,

697—603

M.A.
XI. Translation of Maharajah Kalyan Singh's KhulasatKhan Bahadur Sarfaraz
ut-Tawarikh,
by

604

—617

Mussain Khan.
XII. Birth, Childhood and Puberty and Death Customs of
the Pabri Bhuiyas, {with plates) hy Rat Bahadur
Sarat Chandra Soy, M.A.
XIII. Use
J.

of Charms in Ancient
N. Samaddar, B.A.

Indian

618—629

hy

630—640

N. Samaddar,

641—642

History."

643—645

Literature,

Miscellaneous Contributions.
I.

The Gupta
B.A,

Pillar

at

Bihar,

by

J,

Reviews.

I.

II.

'•

The

Beginnings

of

South

Indian

...

Mr. Panna Lai on Mr. Bhandarkar's Lectures.
Obituaiy:

Habanandan Panday

646

...

...

647—648

•••

...

649

Meetings,

I.

Lecture by

Professor Foucher

Esq. G. MoPherson .S. cs. . K. and Nawab Shams-ul-'CJlima Prasad Shastri.A. Maharaja Sir fiir Mitrodaya Singh Deo.SJ.I. Patron His Honour Sir Edward Albert Gait.. P.(Oxoii. SecieUriee for Philology— Mahamabopadhyaya Paniit Hara MA. Oenrral Secretary. M. B. Raja Kamaleswari Prasad Singb.1 . D. Jajaswal. Kt^ LC...S. The Hon'ble Sir Edward Vere Leringe..A.C. E. The Hon'ble ICr.I. N.E. A -Rai Lahadur Sarat Chandra Roy.C*8.B^ I. Secretary for Anthropology and Folk-lore Diksbit. Prenieid.M.C. Joint Secretary.LSnOf Darbbanga.BL. and Section— K. Samaddar. O. K. B. Dr.C.C^ Vice. Bar.C.8.. H. Departmental Secretariet. K.I. M.A.I.. Imdad Imam« <^9ntinu«donjpag$$ofet§r») . Hari Cband Shastri.I. Lict.E^ of Sonepar State.E^ C. The Hon'ble Maharaja Bahadur Sir Haraneswar Prasad Singh. N.C.A.K^ of Gidbaur.i^ w.-at*Law. Sai^id •\ . The HoD'ble Sir William Henrj Hoare Vincent.». P. Secretary for Archseology and Numismatics— K.I^ CLE. K. ' I. 2Wa*i»rer Professor Jogindra Natb Samaddar.> Professor J.C. Esq. His Honour Sir Edward Albeit Gait. Secretaries for History Bavat Law.A.: - List of Officers and Members of Council OF THI BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH SOOBTY For the year 1919. Viee-PrettiUut.I.... I. Jayaswal. The Hon'ble Sir Thomas Fredrick Dawson Miller. M.O.Patrons..C. The Hon'ble Maharaja Bahadar Sir Rametwsr Singh.C.S. Esq. K. Kt« K.

^. VOL.I. On the other hand 28 new members have joined the containa nearly 1. C.!*.400 volumes. It has been enriched during the year by the purchase inter alia of 200 volumes of well-known editions of Sanskrit texts.^ ^ ' a great pleasure to meet yoa agtun at the end of the _^ ^ fourth year of our Society's existence and to Progress of i^i * * *** congratulate you once more on tbe Society. but the falling ofE than real. Gait.i^.*i"i.S/<> V» JOURNAL OF TH» BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH SOCIETY. By Bis Bononr I. CPABT VJ '- Annual Address. though they had joined the Society and received the Journal regularly. .OJB. It is due to the removal from the is is now ' only nominal lather of a number members who. . Our library now society.II* President of tlieScMdety. never paid their subscriptions and were roll of therefore a source of loss to us rather than gain. It is \ its the tangible directions. A. K. results continued progress and prosperity and on which have been achieved in yarious The number of members of all kinds 257 against 367 a year ago. Sir E. c s ' ' .

activity. and evidence to Mahamahoconfirm. when Uiey were succeeded by the Saisimaka dynasty. Mr.C.. was. The March number of the Journal contains a and Historv paper by ^"^ ^^ ^^^ chronology of the Bfihadratha From a dynasty of Magadlia. It was a period of great literary of orthodox Bactrian invasion.AJfNUAL ADDBfc88. r^ard Mr. the last of the Mauryas. and to it. whose gmeral he Mr. Geography. tha v^'hole dynasty reigning for one thousand years and the last tw^euty-Ecvun for line seven hundred ( or more accurately 697 ) years until 727 B. is rapidly making a name for himself as an investigator and epigraphist. K. to several papers P. Jayaswal deals with various questions concerning the Sunga ( dynasty. had been assassinated in tho sight of the whole army. and 1 have more than once received gratifying letters from England telUng which some of the pa^iers pubhshed in it have interest of the aroui^ed amougst Euiopean savants. He thinks that the revolution was the result of a Hindu reaction against Buddhism and of dissatisfaction with Brihadratha's inaction in the face of Menander's GiiBco- The p>wer of the S^unga dynasty was followed by a general persecution of the Buddhists and the revival Hinduism.OJti>* The Journal has contiuued lias The me Society's to appear with fair regularity. nation of the Matt^ya. exami- close Vayn and other Vuranas. Jayaswal. after another Bfihadratlxa. who This Is specially the case in by our talented Honorary Secretary. g tJJ>. gives padhyaya Uara Prashad Shastri's view that the S>ungas were Brahmans. Jayaswal coucloues that there were fifteen kings of this line before the MahabLarata ( in which grtat war Sahadeva of that fought and fell) and twenty -sjven after. which Pushya-Mitra founded about 1S7 B. is rise to to be ascribed the compilation of the Mahabhashya and the Manava-Dharma-^astraaud the Bruhmanical redactions of the great epics of the Mahabhirata and the Eamayai^a. Jayaswal supports.C. The 0Yer\s'eening claims pat forward in these worki ' . Under the heading " Kevised Note3 on the Brahman Empire" Mr. It maiutaincd the repulatiou which it had already fcalntd.

Mr. aud the in the Katnagiri 1659 to Sivaji'i Bombay death in 16S0. Purana in the course of his expiatory tour. in the fir^-t volume of our Journ»1| gave an account of Mir Jumla's invasion of Assam based on thai contained in the Fathit/ya-i-ibriyya of Shihabuddin Talishj has some contributed on the Topography of Garhgaon These notes should be very notes which was then the Assam CapilaL The same gentleman has compiled from the old factory records and original correspondence preserved in the Inlia OfEce a narrative of the relations between Sivaji. Sri Krisna's elder brother. Panita Lall has discussed the chronology of the Gupta in Emperors on the b^sis of the dates assigned to two of them in two inscriptions on images of Buddha discovered recently ai Sarnath near Benures in the coarse of excavations Arohseological Survey of India- Buddha Gupta. on whose Asiatic Society of Bengal I take him publicly. Jadunath Sarkar who. as I have already done privatvly. make a systematic search in the bazars for such coins. and the Pdi/fa^d . ("2) Vidyap.D. nature contained in (I) He the reviews by him on Gazetteer the information of this Brahmakhan^a of the Bhavi^ya in the fifteenth century . has continued The March to send valuable coutribulions to our JournaL number contains an Literature in instructive paper Sanskrit.iti's account written of the countries visited by Balarama. >0L. The Bajspur factory was closed about two district English of the Kajapur factory during th3 period from of years lat«r. who of coins of the whijie country from and urges that the Malwa made by the He comments on is now known the paucity to have ruled ovclr to Bengal from 477 to 49i> members of our Society should A.'AMNVAL ADDIUES3. Vm PT. Mihamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prashad election as President of the this opportunity to ofEer Shastri. are explained was power and that it had displaced a line of ^udra kings. useful to local antiquarians. L] ^ on behalf of the Brahmins^ and the ho-tility therein displayed to by the fact that a I'rahman dynasty the Sudras. my most hearty congratulations. (3) and (4) the Vikra' taatdga'^aj by some member of the Vaijala family. Mr.

a Chaohan Ja^irdar of four parganas round Patna^ died in the year 1650 A. The dis- latter district contains community kiown as Sukli. who is said to have been hatched out from the egg of a peahen^ and whose dynasty ruled the country the Mayurbhanj Stat^. The name of Kongada in Kalinga. are missing. who trace their origin to a place called Kodalaka. di§9%jaya bj Eamakayi. The last mentioned. script has yet been found.JUnnU&lODBBM} ^ C'AOXIi more than three centories old. of unknown provenance. as at least two donor on a missing of the oailodbhava plate. now forming . which ruled about the tenth century. whose land grants are already well known. whose patron Deva Vijala. trict There is a village of this name in the Hooghly on the border of Midnapore. but an interesting questkm is suggested by the fact that the land granted was in the village of Jara in the Radha country. no less than five hainng been published by the Pandit in the thinl volume of our The JonmaL to our knowledge present inscription does not add materially of the dynasty. both and finaUj (5) the DeiivalivivfiUt written by a learned BrShman named Jagamohan. The same learned Pandit contribnted to the Jane number papers on three more Ortssa copper-plates. king of West Beng^ The second plate is a grant of Banastambhadeva of the Sulki family. first. of the line of Virabhadra. and the quefitico is whether there is any connection between these names and the Snlki kings whose capital was at Kodilaka. and is of this family in the seventh century they owed allegiance to Susanka. The plate was found by some cowherds in the Bamanghati subdivision of that State. which is by far the least incomplete^ purports to giye an account of the iifty-six toontries (almost all in India) which comprised the world to the as- then known Unfortunately no complete copy of the manu> Uindns.D. is now in the It dates probably front possession of the Yuvaraja of Tekkali. but he seems to have been a member plates iamWj were not independent always of the The rulers princes . the eleventh century but the record is The incomplete. an influential The agricultural third plate bears record of a grant by Ranabhanja-deva.

son of Bakfatjar. a local notification of the fact. The grant was no doubt made through a regular ^atana or copper-plate and the inscription on the stone was merely intended as charter. It records the grant of a village to a Singhalese monk for the maintenance of a monas* tery by king Jaya Sena. and Several similar plates are already tlie present <m6 not add much to our prerions knowledge. taking the word aiita to refer to rdfft. six miles this inscription east of Bodh Gaya^ and has been presented to the Patnk Museum by the Mahant of that place. AHSUAL ASDBI88. must. the first instance that haa form of imprecation which is already common in Orissa and the adjaoent part <^ in Bihar of a to be fairly The . discussed conquered the town of Bihar in 1199 A. by III) Mr. is. for 1913. regards it as showing that Lakshmana Sena's reign had ceased before the inscription was made. T^ FT. there is no possibility of the era him having started with the reign of some predeand the ruler of the came name who fled from Navadip- the reign of known cessor after . it is clear that the country a few miles to the south remained for some time longer under the rule of a r<}ion of the Sena family. page 271.] | known. grant will discreditable parentage. Pandaj to the September number. B. at expressly stated to refer to Lakshmana Sena. therefore. The stone containing was found in the village of Janibigh&. Jayaswal argues the date given in this inscription is that.. The expression used in connection with this date is identical with that in two inscriptions ((I and m the J. and a sow below the violating the come to notice known inscription. X. In a separate note Mr. B. Banarji. A.D. Chota Nagpox. representation of a donkey as indicating that anyone be reborn of saoh an unnatural and I beliove. in the 83rd (expired) year of the reign of ma:^a Sena. It has howeVer enabled several misreadings in other plates to be corrected* An account of the Janibigha inscription is contributed by does Mr.TOIi. D. have been a descendant (probably grandson) of the original Lakshmana. who. Muhammad.. Buddha ruler of I'ithi (Magadha) and son of Lakdi- Sena.but as the date on the Janibigha inscription corresponds to 1202 A. S.D.

ascertained the name site of the of Kharavela's queen. gumpha. has given us an account some prehistoric rock paintings discovered by him in and near of two caves. not far Raigarh State. C'BAlJ/ also published a revised translation of a stone the infcription'on recently brought to the Palna Museum from the scnlplnre shed at Bodh Gaya. who in 1917 contributed a valuable paper on the stone implements found in the Prehistoric Antiqnities. Anderson. Panday ba« CYidence indicates that this fifth cenfnry A. Singhbhum district. among ambiguous symbol?.C. that "anusaip- " and not. as previously tour of inspection *\ Mr. Mr. has published in the Decem- of the currtnt year a fre?h recension of certain passages based on a close personal examination of the rock itself in the varying conditions of light and shade at different hours of the day. the pigment used being the red oxide of iron which xxxMn in v< ins throughout the rock. some marks which are . C. The drawings include "human being?. Jayaswal has also two papers on Asoka inscriptions. It were made by worship was inscription incised in the records that certain arrangements for the monk Prakhyata Kir(ti. tl.^ AHWAL ADDKXM. The palceographical Mr. He shows. a stag and other animals. Jayaswal. and proved that the Jains already had images as far Finally he has shown the well-known Banior rock-cut palace. for in the yana'* means rendered. a short distani^e from the site of the back as 460 B. several hunting scene?. whose important fafcrs on the Hfithigumphi in the Journal for 1917 inFcription of the emperor Kharavela have attracted widespread ber if sue interest. was inscription constructed by Kharavela as a temporary habitation for his queer. Mr. from the small village of Singanpur in the All the paintings but one ( in black ) are in a red colour. He has thus inter alia fixed more definitely the capital of the Musliikas.D. found that Kharji vela's army crossed the Ganges on elephant?. TV. in the hope of jtherehy acquiring merit and eventually aduining Buddhahood.e more ^and. who belonged to the royal family of Ceylon. " ** going out of " assembly or *' oflSce certain expressions used instance. .

or to the fact that copper axeheidfi continued to be manufactured for this purjiose after their use Peras implements had ceased owing (o the discovery of iron. were found in Mnyurbhanj.. 14 a primitive script. Walsh. coins were discovered in the Cape Copj)er Co.fQU T. t^hapcd like an axcbi ad. The page records of land grants are ordinarily inscribed on rectangular plates. and util'z^tion of 6 n. was undoubtedly chipped artificially. in the Darjeeliug district stone celts re still fabricated as part of the stock-in-trade of the local medicine men. this explanation was rejected in favour of the view that they were weapc ns intended I was recently. The by Raja Piirushtowards the end of the plate in question is figured opposite 361 of the December issue of our Journal. European the caves any direct single exci'ption of evidence of an agate human habitalion. For instance. as similar instances of the survival for ceremonial or superstitious use of superseded imple* meuts or materials are by no means rare. with the which Dr. f ADDBtM. regarding them which at Rakha in These coins have been examined by who has will appear in the next written a paper number. page 3S6 Home of the people on the spot suggested that <hey xirere in- tended for the record of land grants. When the large copper axeheads.illy I incline to the latter view. but there is one find which drservei hpecial notice. of a grant of land made to one of his ancestors dttama Dcva who ruled in Orissa fifteenth century. Hayden thinks flake. however. Tho year has not bei n very productive in the discovery of stone and copper impleraeitts. on which is inscribed the record for ceremonial use. They bave tbeir counterpart !n ih$ possibly wall paintings of Ibe prebistoric troglodytes of France and other The author has. > Some months ago 263 copper jiroperty of the SSf^^™* Dhalbhum. the Hou'ble Mr. however. and the question arises whether the use of a different shape for the purpose of this grant is due to the chance discovery ancient an old casting. failed to find in countries. shown by Maulavi AbdusSamad of the Provincial Executive Service a piece of copper. AXlTtfAL Pt. As no instances of their use for this purpose were then known. The coine • . figured opposite <f our Journal for 1 916.

These facts suggest that thej must have been made at a mint in the immediate neighbourhood." Walsh belonged. Indian archaeology. Spooner and Mr. which occurs on one (only) of these coins. Hoernle whose recent death is so deeply who but all are interested in by reg^tted. They bear on the obverse a standing figure find late with his right hand extended over a the reverse a figure of the moon god. W. Campbell. of the king.c. and thej were therefore designated Puri Knshan coins in his account of the Pun bv the Dr. interesting were current in India for several centuries after the extinction which they of the dynasty to ing paper by Mr. and their the Puri district a quarter of a century ago. this conclusion correct. like those found in in question slag heaps. the theory that the marks wore a£5xed haphazard by shroffs and others must tlierefore be abandoned. by Dr. marriage. M. Mr. the word Tanka. These coins. their religion. their *'^® detail t^^ their of describing in much death and funeral cus- Birhors. fire altar and on From character of the letters in the . They have many ancient institutions which other tribes . Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy has continued his account arrived at ^^ thnol<Mry ^^' toms. primitive tribes of a nomadic life preserved intact and Chota Nagpur. Walsh shows that the marks on the obverse side of these coins occur in certain regular and constant groups. and The Birhors are one of the most wfld and birth.8. As there would be no object is in an obsolete coinage. Walsh concludes that they cannot be earlier than the seventh century A. i. not only by his friends.D. and although other varying symbols were added. and most of them still lead live mainly on jungle products. childhood and puberty ceremonies. and it must be recognized that they constitute a regular Mr. E. Walsh thus supports the conclusion already coinage. the occurrence of these reg^ular combinations cannot have been fortuitous .were found close to old copper workings and edges had not been trimmed. it shows that the Kushan coins imitating if as. deals with coins found in a ghafa in the 108 Another interest- silver punch-marked bank of the Ganges. Mr. are imitations of the coins of the Knshan king Kanishka.

Syria. VOL. When our Society was inaugurated it was thought that it would be able to do a great deal in the way of commemorating former provincial worthies by means of biographical notices. Central Asia and The anoient Scythians wore similar headgear. to find that many ceremonies and beliefs of relatively advanced communities have their counteipurt amoDgst the Birhofs and may therefore be regarded as survivals fr< very ancient times. the Similar fashions are found it. which performed a wonderful march of 300 I am miles in thirteen days in the hot weather of 1760. Crooke conjectures that the Banjaras may have originated from one of the tribes which the Ephthalites. which is worn upright like a horn on the top of the head. S. however. The September number of the Journal contains a paper by Mr. " on The distinctive feature is a stick. and of tbcir cnslouis in therefore one of vei^r special the stndy On the other hand it is interesting importance to ethnologists. made is still Mr. who commanded the foroe deputed for the relief of Fatna. and the headthe headdrese of Banjara women.ANinrAL ADSBE88. the hair being wound round. during the He rightly of dress is notes. Mitra has furnished Fome notes on the neo of and worts Mr. the worthy of mention as a point. the well-known author of ** Tribes and Castes of the United Provinces. L] f haye forgotten or dianged almost out of recognition . glad to say. that the use not a sufficient basis for any definite conclusion. Himalayan region. and Mr. swallow possible relic of the the fact that the Birhors' ear-boring instmof that metal. C. of a single article joined in the invasion of White Huns. m A minor copper ment is age. thutthis year Zamir-ud-din Khan Bahadur Saiyid Ahmad has given an interesting account of D&nd . or the Christian era. cloth draped gracefully elsewhere. India by sixth century of however. S. C. Hill on Major Bandfurlie Knox. but the results in this direction have been diBapix)inting. Sukumar Haldar has given some further Ho folk stories. the only paper of the kind prior to the year under review being that by Mr. W. about 6 inches long. chiefly in over. Crooke. Tm PT.

Many of there have now been definitely identified. but first after become hopeless. .AVNTJAL ADDBSSS. In one of these papers Mr. transferred to the took part in the subsequently held charge in Subah operations against turn of the of ^ivaji. he trp-nsferred his allegianoe He fought on Auiangzeb's s'*de atzainst Shah Shujah . Mr. Sen discusses a number or sites in Rajgir. this an also given life Patna in the complete collection of to be found in the latna is Oriental Library. On his return journey he founded. . on the side of Dara Shikoh. The KhSn Bahadur has and writings of Golam AU who Basik. and when the latter retreated eastwards he was made Sabadar of Bihar. Daud Khan took an active part in the campaign which ended in the final defeat of Shah Shujah. where his descendants Bihar for still have their home.*' of Berar and Allahabad. ment the relationship between Buddhism and shows that both arose out of the Fame move- examines and of thought. thanks to the labours of Sir John Marshall.D. In the other paper sites Mr. Khandesh where he He Afler holding charge of Daud Khan was five yea's. the unreal and The Vedantist attains ephemeral ultimatdy lose themselves. Jackson and o! hers. the Bihar. the tx>wn of Daudnngar. In the Khan fought at Dara's cause ha<l to Aurangzeb. 10 KhSn C|JA1A most famons of the Moghal GovemoM of struggle between Sh&h Jahan'g sons Dand Quraiflhi.) where he captured without difficulty the Chcro Kaja's wellknown forts near BetU. on the bank of the Son'*. S(n Yedantism. resulting in the one case in the doctrine of a Transc« ndent Being in the background. in which the finite. Subah. The June number Miscellaneous. and in the other of a transocndeul state of being. ^^^' of our Journal ^' ^- ^*^^' contains two papers by P"°<^»pal ^^ *^e Bihar National College. salvation by contemplation and the Buddhist by right conduct. poet's voluminous writings : ocount of the lived at A latter half of the eighteenth century. which are associated with Buddha and his disciples. His next enterprise was the invasion of PaUlmau (1660 A.

There were ali^o immeroos hermits who gave instmction to their disciples in the ^ri*at forests with which the country at thai time was covered. while those who could not. of the students lived in residence.C. Spooner the valuable coUectioa of 231 seals found blcms on these by him seals at Basarh. M H iHlttJAt ADDBS88. Spooner's paper on Ibis statue has been somewhat delayed. "Walsh's intervention. Tlie most valuable is perhaps tie beautiful polishtxl si one statoe of a female. those who Moot could afford to pay the fees being treated as 8i>ns. .TOb « PT.. Bahfdur Joges Chandra Ray has described the sugar He snye that while there is no menindustry in ancient India. The Museum has also received from Dr. and as it could not have grown wild in northein India it must already have been cultivated there. Benares came next in imj)Ortance. Wahh*s address last year. From the frequency with which Taxila is mentioned^ he infen that that place was the chief intellectual c(n{re of the age. Sikdar reviews all tlie lefercnccs to ednoation which are to he found in the JataJtM. llai Yedas of any other than honey. continues to develop satisfactorily. The art uf nuin^faoturing guf and other products was alieady known in the fifth ' century B. Dr. *- The Patna Museum. the Museum has recently obtained from the Indian Museum in Calcutta a number of statues which had been sent there from Bihar many years ago. and it already of very interesting exhibits. In a pper in the Jane naml)er Mr. Discipline was strict and corporal unishment was in j vogue. performed menial 'luties in r<^lum for the insi ruction which they received. which was mentioned in Mr. in the establishment of which our Sodety took a prominent part.ccharine substance known. convey much The insoriptions valuable and cm« information instance they confirm the identification of Vaitfali with : for modem . to which studcnis flocked from all parts of northern India. contains a large but it number will appear in the next issue of the JouinaL Thimks to Mr. the occurrence of the wor»1 ikiJiu shows that the sugarcane was tion in the s.

My friend Dr. To revert to lection as is the Museum. show who lived kings of the ^aisunaka line who founded ijamely Udayin. Nandi Vardhana. 2^800 years ago. has and promised to depute an officer of the Geologi . hope shortly to get also the seals. and I am taking which bears a yellow trumpet-shaped steps to have this tree. of coins. The collection Coin Cabinet. planted out in various parts of the city. The Hon'ble Mr. that they represent two century B.U AKHVAL ADDBX88. the Patali tree {ttereoipermum tuaveolent) that mention I would Fatna owes its name. Walsh charge of the coin cabinet. on which he has recorded its detcription. in the fifth the city of Fatna. Sir late associated with from mentioning the remarkable discoyery just made by Mr.al Survey to prepare a proper catalogue of it and to make arrangements for filling in the gaps which still exist. though growing. whose name will be perIn this connexion this collection. Jayaswal that the inscriptions on two figures which were found a centaiy ago in a field near Kumrahar and are I cannot refrain now in the Calcutta Museum. This register already contains about 900 entries. has recently been found to which growing in the neighbourhood of Kumrahar.C. wealth. flower. C'AOA^ We Basarh. etc. terrawhich were dug up by Dr. and his son. and it should is be paid therefore to the very desirable that special attention mineralogical section of the Museum Hayden has recently inspected our collection. is is steadily now in lie has arranged every coin in a separate envelope. coins. I wish it were possible to get back these statues and set them up in the city where they ruled more than If I may be permitted a further digression. Spooner in the the excavations at Kumraliar which were paid cotta figures. still a small one. to be found copper implement& It anywhere in now contwns as good a col- India of ancient stone and It also contains a fair collection of articles of ethnogpi^phic interest and specimens of many different minThe hilly portion of Bihar and Orissa is rich in mineral erals. and has prepared a register in which all particulars regarding each coin are given in a very complete form. course of by the for manently Ratan Tata.. .

two years ago. A manuscript in the of kings of Mithila.:. This is probably the oldest manuscript on paper yet discovered in India. Another is that of a paper copy of the Bhaga" interesting find (in Patna) rata Purana dated Sariivat 1146 (1188 A.1441 A^D. Jayaswal.. A Vedic grammar {chhandovi/akarana) by one Javadasa and a new commentary on the Ramayana by Hari Pandit have also '""^ cometolight* . crossing the SS^^oloU^l ^^^^ south Survey.Another matter to which the Society has devoted attention is the sjgtematic examination of San« Search for Sanskrit Uannsoripts. and has discovered several of considerable importance. including one of the Prakjita Sarvasva by Markandeya. . who after photographing has just returned it to the owner.).D. . n^^ During the year which has elapsed since his appointment the Tirhut Pandit has catalogued 1. Another valuable discovery is a metrical history of the G^nga dynasty which was composed in . He feet long Spooner has driven a broad trench 1. has been lent by that gentleman to Sir George Grierson. and it was recently Tirhut. The Pandit has now catalogued nearly 6. respectively. which promises to whole series lead to fresh • . This manuscript which belongs to Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Sadasiv Misra of Pun. measure was urged upon the this Local Government by (he Council of our Society. Sir . .500 to north. Dr. qI stupas.000 manuscripts including 300 of works yet unpublishedj . has continued his excavations at Nalanda. The skrit importance of manuscripts in private librarias. Amongst which recently came to light poet Vidyapati*6 own handwriting has been purchaced by the Maharaja of Darbhanga. inspected by Mr. . with the result that two Pandits have been appointed to work in Orissa and The Orissa Pandit was appointed about His work has been supervised at intervals by Mahamahopadhyaya Hara Prashad Shastri. In 22 of these manuscripts t he colophons contain the names the unpublished manuscripts is a work on polities by Chandefivara entitled Bajanlti Ratnalcara which is now being edited by our Secretary. publishing a critical edition of this it George Grierson is important work.680 works of which 175 are unpublished.

a scholar. which form the subject matter of Mr. what I said on this subj&. I would appeal once more for fresh recruits and research workers.) to bu foaad. but the the number of re. In conclusion^ Gentlemen. To the archaeologist. and for Walsh refer. ia and that is shortly going on Mr. "Walsh has a high rcputji-> many years past he has rendered valuable services to the cause of Indian research.t in annual address.^ntioned as the bearing an inscription. discovcritsof inter* of ft rplcndid interci-t is that the capital of a consists of st. leave preparatory tion as I would again invite to retirement. the anthropologist and the geologist alike. If so^ there is ho]. of are etc. Panday Mauryan is pillar. the historian. He has done . There is one more matter to which I must the fact that our Vice-President Mr. search. while memb. Good progress is now being made with the preparation of an aroha)ological atlas for the province showing by means of conventional marks the places where ancient monuments various kinds (prehiLtoricj BuJdhist.ethat the pillar itself with the inscription may be found in the same locality.It bas already resulted in the discovery Another find of etonei-tatae of Avalokitcsvara. our province of the most interesting in India.rs who have contributed brief notes to the section provided at the end of the Journal for miscellancoot contributions has b^^en extremely the attention of all our my first members to small.\l workers are There still is a wide field is one for re- very few in numl*er. made by Mr. it two pairs of bulh at Saleinpur near Hajipnr of of fine-grained sandstone and to back. Mr. Ajiderson's paper mentioned by me above. Panday bas back set which appears to belong also found the head of a stone lion to Mauryan ix)riod and is possibly the capital of tlie pilbr near MaEarh in the Shababad district which Hiucn T^ang m. Arrange- ments have recently been made with the Director-General of Archaeology for the deputation of the Curator of the Miiseum to make a further examinai ion of the traces of human habitation and ruddle drawings at Singanpnr. and also of some other caves which have been reported near in the caves Bhotas and Harehok'\.

.-.u 15 ANNUAL iODBESS* TOL.':/- . Mr. gap which will leave a and I think it wouU be well tunity to pass a vote of thanks to him if it will bo extremely we took this for all that oppor- he has done to Research Society. V^PT. Patna of the as President of the coinraittce of mana^ment a Museum. LJ and also great deal of mos^t useful wo k for our Society. Walsh hard to fill. promote the welfare of the Bihar and Orissa .

were found in Jnlj. ^ and The reason for this large amount of copper is due to the These coinB are in the Bihar and Oriaim Ccia Cabinet in th« Patna an aeriala.// LEADING ARTICLES. I. when found. 34-12-0 and after the and dirt was removed their total weight Rs. 43-14-0 of which broken fragments. The 108 punch-marked Walsh. or nearly 13 per cent. which gave them the appearance of having been paint-ed over with green paint. that some of them contained an alloy of copper. They were described in the Polioe report of their discovery as " round thin plates (patar) resembling broken pice.^ The ghafa was unearthed owing been scoured away. The pliara had become filled with earth.S. of the weight of the coins after they were thick coating of verdigris is cleaned. which shows.—An Examination of a Find of PanchMarked Coins in Patna City." The weight of the ccinj when found was Rs. C.L silver coins which are described in the present paper. which were notlforwarded with the present coins. about 16 feet below the present surface of the ground above the river bank. 80-11-0. W. C. with Reference to the Subject of PunchMarked Coins Generally. were all covered with a smooth dark green coating of verdig^ and mud. Noa. and the coins. 1917. ' By E. of the Oeaeral Regiater—B. 783 to 830. as also appears from an examination of the coins. 4-1-0. H. weighed Rs. The weight of the present coins was therefore Rs. UoMom . H. 9-2-0. and a to the bank of the river having woman who went to bathe in the morning saw the earthen pot projecting from the remaining The place where the (^hafa was found is portion of the bank. buried in an earthen ghar» in the bank of the Granges at Golakhpur in Patna City. The verdigris deposit therefore weighed Rs.

lix. Theobald. page lKl| the Symbols on the Karshapvia Coinage. • J. 18U1. B. Part I. ub. Calcutta. He also mentions examples of /^urdnaj which had been plated with silver over copper.. Shamaaastri.ir. by reraising Chanakya into and amassed eighty Kofii of each Kahapana eight. J. VoL A lit.) Notes on Some of tbe Symbjls (onnd on tbe Pancb>mar1ced Coins of Hindus* and tbeir relationship to tbe archaic symbolism of otber races and distani lands. eereral of the coins have been debased hy the addition o£ molten foci that..B..A. psges 1-9.S.B. * CaUlogQ« of the Coios m-X4|.^ > Kaa^ilys't Arthft Government Oriental Sastra. J. Bangalore OoTernment Prets. known that such debasing of the coinage took place^ The Artha Sastra.8. . '' . l!io»87( Park II. • and have been very fully * by B. ' refers to a passage in the Maha- Num. 1901.. That this was subsequently added is make np for shown by <h9 fact that it remains over the noticeable punch mirka. page 41. 1890. « ^ • J. 37).A. Yolam« 1« „ pages .. In some others {e. 88 and the reverse of lO-lr.a.A. in the Indiao Museom. ILBA.A. T. Orient.B. LI ». which was written by Kautily^.* Punched-marked coins have been described by Cunningham. from any proportion of alloy in the coin. 62. PT. described In Vol.B.ff. that a view to with resources. 1890. I. No. presumably to \s'eight. 75. page 68. by W.JLS. HaJorGeneral Sir A. and description of many additional symbol* W.8.^ better known as Chanakya. page 38. Vincent Smith. Theobald.S..!. Part I. M.. BibUoth«ca Samkrita.A. the silver appears to hava been different Theobald plated over copper.PCVCH lUBSED COIKS VOL. Part I.' by Professor Eapson. 1916. paga 182.L. 18.8. Cannirgbam (CXI.* £ahapanas" by Theobald. * tan. converted. the Brahman Minister who overthrew the last of It is placed Chandragupti Maurya on the throne. discussed by Mr. translated Library Series. a|4krt copper to the original silver coin. 1898). coining vamsa quoted by Thomas I. *CoiDa of Ancient Indii by pagea 64^3.R. This is particularly on coins 11. c. 1890. and Revision of by • Indian Coins (Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Phllologie. and which gives such detailed information regarding the government and state of Eociety in his time.8. refers to tho Nanda dynasty and the methods of debasing the currency..

on 68 of the coins (No. 102. forming a constant group of four marks. being smaller and thicker. Sub-class I contains 18 coins (Ncs. which I have called Class A. alternately. 5). as given in the List. and that ^he present coins in fact constitute a "coinage.s8 7. 23-26) . does not occur on one coin." On examination of the present coins. the above regular combinations which cannot have been fortuitous. 3) and (4) two 'ntcikccd triangles {ftg. it is probable ih&t the emblem ii the same and that these two sub-classes are really one class. and three ovak.rrXCH 3CABKED Ig COIfft. occur.IA The interest of the present find lies in the fact that an exami* nation of the marks on them shows that (he/ occnr in certain constant and regular groups on the ohverse. 43) one (No. they apj^ear to be more recent. 30-37) and 3 is but as the in each case a plant. each of these coins bears a fifth mark. two other marks. No. j . In addition. and as this coin and aUo Nos. but as 1 and one other mark. sub-class 2 contains five sub-class 3. sub-class 9. four (Nos. and according to which I have divided Class A. 6ub-cla. 46) . . 27-35) additional thougb really mark . in sub-classes 2 two (Nos. C8-42) feub-cla^s 8. 99 to this coin bears only fig. In addition to the above. two (Nos. five (Nos. 18-22) nine (Nos. 1 found that two marks namely (I) a figure of three ehhatrm^ are found on all the coins. The sun (Plate V\Fig. j coins (Xos. 4).others. 1) and (2) the Sun (Phtte IV. which only contains two marks. shows that the theory that these marks were affixed haphazard by sbroSs and moneycrs through whose hand^ the coins passed cannot be maintained. one (No. 105 and 107 appear to be of a difEerent type to the . 108. which varies on different coins. 1-17 and 61) which bear a fifth mark of elephant right {Fig. i^). round a central circle. 2). and that this particular coin was not completed. sub-class 6. and have evidently iiot had the same amount of wear it is possible as the others. of a different design. or umbrell<js. sub-rclass 5.BlO. sub-class 4. Fig. and although other varjing svmbols were added to these constant groups. [J. i-63). elephant /a rirt^ left {Fig. into 20 sub-classes. 44-45) . namely (3) a pot of foliage {Fig.

mark of interlaced triangles^ but in its place have as a fourth sub-classes 12 to 19. Two of these (sub-class 2) have also am mark of a branch {Fig.) 70-89). have a constant group of marks {Fi^. Fipt. D. elephant le/i {Fig. which I have called Class C. 9). . have not got the fourth: bearing the above marks 1. Six coins (No".. D. as in the previous Classes. 2. 8). two (Nos. PI. 1 and Fig. W MABKEDCOIK^ PtfJICH • t.) Eleven coins (Nou. have a constant group of four marks. four (Nos. Fig. BhanJarkar came to a similar conclusion from the examination of a find of 83 punch-marked coins found during the excavation at Besnagar (5 1 of which were found at Kham Baba and 82 at Ganeshpura). have additional a fourth mark of a triangle with three dots in it.The fourth mark in the other coins of this class is different in each of the four sub-classes. The coins in the latter case were copper. 63). 7) and Twenty neck. Five of these. namely. 2). I subsequently came to know that Dr. 64-69) which 1 have called Class B. One coin (No. one each mark a humped bull /aciw^ /^/ (/iV. two (Nos. . the two other majks being a lion. Seven coins (Nos.. 101-107). white 2 and 3. 51-52). a bull's or cow's head with a garland round the' {Fiff. G. 1 and 2. . snbclasg 11.Vo. which I have called Class D. together' with additional mark 2. coins (Nos.Ll sub-class 10. which were fotmd at Peshawar in 1 906 and are described and illustrated by him in the Annual Report of to the the Archaeological Survey of India for 1905-06 (page 150) . and Mr. lOS) does not bear I have therefore placed this coin in a separate class. sub-class 1. 90-100). 62. which he has described and illustrated in the Annual Report of the Archasological Survey of India for 1913-14 (pages 210-213 and 220-226). B. When marks which vary. 13. 6.. I made the above classification I was not aware that a similar conclusion that the marks on punch-marked coins occur in regular groups had hedn arrived at frooa the examination o£ previous finds. 1 and Fig. R. 47-50) . which I have called Class Eji have the two fixed marks {Fig. {Fiff. Spooner came same conclusion from the examination of a find of 6t punch-marked coins. sub-class 20.) and a third mark. 42.

regularly in each dharmacakra.collection tends dircqtly to a refnta-^ The above-mentioned group of 5 symbols tion of this view. the Treasure Trove and have not yet been received back from him .. and to time by these different authorities as they chanced to come are arbitrary figures. occurs on 20 of the 61 coins in the collection. Banerji hu classified these oias in the Treuare Trore Report ton^ttiai his letter 452 I. their courses. so I have not Mr.450 Thick sqnare. ^ Mr. Another extensive and important find of ^.' we have an Mr. to the same Campbell. are great excavators. U 2.245 pnnch-marked coins. Spooner came from the examination of the Peshawar coins is as follows *' It has been stated by varions authorities tLat the symbols The conclusion to : — marks of particular moneyeis. Rivers the water. W. D.879. symbol and one. U. The been able to examine them. R. what Cunningham ^ ^ith called the ' Taxila mark. the arbitrary But my tabulation of the marks occurring of the the coins on present. were that punched into these coins from time they perhaps.873 punch-marked coins was found at Patraha in the Purnea district of this Province in 1913 in the bed of a small river which had been scoured out bjr in India. which frequently change These coins were sent to Officer for this Province. M.cs. of 1. with like regularity the on one edge and overlappin<y the corner. classification in the Treasure Trove Report has. conclusion t<f JLOJM. with one into their hands. i. only been made with reference to the * size and shape of the coins. 215 Thin roond 788 Thick round*. found at Paila in important find the Kheri district of the United TroTinces.rVnCE MltKEO COOTS. foUow*:— "1. Banerji. liaa also eome from the examination of a most extensive and E. dited the 2ad Korember 1916. They should be systematically examined with regard to the marka on themt which Df. . 420 Thin squire. however. impressed This alone would have rendered the old theory doubtful^ but when it is added that in every case where the punch-mark on the reverse was decipherable it was found to be nearest two..

TOl. ..

».

PlTirCH

I )

VABEGD

COINS.

81

lavariable 6<^ncomitance established between a particular ^onp
of 5 symbols on the obverse and a particular ' mint mark ' on

Ihe reverse, which cannot conceivably be lacking in significance
and which points decidedly to these coins having been tha

coinage of some one accepted central authority, and the
symbols or their selection the recognized insignia of the same,
not the private marks of individaal moneyers impressed
regrular

haphazard from time to time."*
The mark which Dr. Spooner then considered to be ttd

" dharmachakra "

is the sun mark {Fig.
2) . Dr. Spooner subse*
as
revised
his
to
this
mark, and now ctiasideni
opinion
quently

to be the sun

it

there can be

;

as

it

has always been considered, and which

no doubt that

'

it is.

Mr. Cainpbell has kindly let me see his Treasure Trove
Keport and his notes on the Faila coins. He has found that
they bear a group of 4 marks on the obverse, which is constant
for each class of coins, and has classified them according id

such groups, as follows

:—

Class I, 291 coins; Class II, 481 coins; Class III, 5^54 coins;
Class IV, 5 coins J Class IV-A, 6 coins; Class V, 44 coins;

VI, 4 coins ; Class VIT^ ^

coins ; Class VIII, 1 coin ;
II
or
III, but with distinctive
I,
symbol missing or obscure, 138 coins; the remainder beings
12 broken pieces and 7 corroded.

Class

Coins of the type of Class

Mr. Campbell has also
the marks on these coins,i

let

me

see the list of the

^gares ol

be hoped that he will publish the result of hh
examination, which will be a most valuable contribution to the
It

is

to

subject.

"With reference to the Systematic occurrence of constant
groups of marks, it is interesting to note that three of the coins
illustrated

by Cunningham

(C. A. I., Plate I, Figt. 2,

contain a variety of the present mark. Fig. 1;
'

Ftf;» 2;

4 and

5)

elephant

-

.

*

ArcbsBological Surrey of India Aannai Report (A.S.B.), 190S-06, p. 15S.

*

The Zoro&itriaa Period ol ladiaa H'aiorj hj D. B. SpooBer, J(B.A<8<#

1915, p. 418.

PUNCH KABKED COINS.

t'^.B.OJt.S.

;

right, Fig. 5,

mark which

is

and bow and arrow, ftg, 47 ; with an additional
tha same on 4 and 5. This is the same group o£

four marks as on coins of

Class D,

snb^class 2

97 and

(Coins

,98) except that the elephant on the coins figured by Cunningham faces right, (like Fig* 5) while on the present coins men*

tioned

it

faces left.

would seem probable that the occurrence of this group of
four marks on the coins mentioned raaj be due to the same
cause as their occurrence together on the coins of Class D, subIt

class 2,

and that they are therefore coins from the same

state

or

Unfortunately, the provenance of those coins is not given.
It is accepted that punch-marked coins are the oldest form

area.

of coinage in India^ and that it was an indigenous coinage,
and not derived from, or based on, the coinage of other countries.
The proof of the independent origin of this coinage in

India has been summarized by Professor Kapson in J.R.A.S.,
1895, p. 869. This coinage had been in existence long b3fora
the time of Buddha, as
(''ancient^') is

is

given to

shown by the faot that the mmfypurana
them in the stories of Buddha intbe Jata-

As noted by Mr. Vincent

Smith,^ the fact that they have
been found in one of the very ancient earthen tamuli at LauriyaNandangarh in Champaran and in the ancient tombs known by
kas.

the

name

of Pundtt-kulis in Coimbatore shows that they

to very early time?.

coinage

originated

Cunningham

The

latter fact

go back
may, possibly, show that this

during the early Dravidian civilization.

refers to

''

two monumental evidences of

the

antiquity of these square Indian coins in the Buddhist sculpture
of Mahabodhi and Bharhut. The former is as old as Asoka
himself, 250

B.

C, having been executed during

the latter are somewhat later, or about 150
of these there

is

B. C.

his

reign

;

In both

a representation of the famous story of the Jetaby the merchant

vana, or purchase of the garden of Prince Jeta

Anatha.

According to the legend the purchaser had to cover
the whole surface of the garden with a layer of gold coins. In
both sculptures the servants of Anatha are seen laying the
coins,
*LM.C.,Vol,L,p.

1€5.

VOL. Tn PT.

PUNCH

I.}

If

ABKED

COINS.

%i

the inscription states. As all the pieces are
tie pnuch-niarked money that was
square, they clearly represent
of
Asoka.'*'*
time
in
current
tl^e
to edge, as

edcre

Cunningham
marked

Antitnachus II,

of

mentions that some much worn punch
wero found " in company with hemi-drachms
Philoxenus, Lysias, Antialkidas and Menan*

also

silver coins

which proves that these coins were old but current in
about 200 B. C.

der/''

punch-marked coins are of two types

Silver

i

Square, being lengths cut out of a bar of the metal and the
clipped, if necessary, to reduce the coin to the re*

corners then

weight; or oval, as in the case of the present coins. The
copper coins are always of the square form.
They were the aignatum argeitum presented by Omphis to

quired

Alexander at Taxila in 326 B.C. and the fact that their symbols
were continued on the square cast copper coins leads to the
inference that they
of that coinage.

were

still

current

at the

commencement

Cunningham stated that punch-marked coins are found
" from the
Himalaya Mountains to Cape Comoria and from
Seistan to the mouth of the Ganges."' Few finds, however, have
been recorded west of the Indus. There is the Peshawar find
*
has described
already referred to, and Mr. R. D. Banerji
44 coins said

have been found in Afghanistan, which were
obtained from His Majesty the Amir when in Calcutta. The

locality

to

from which these coiLS were obtained

With

coins of this class extending over such

and such extended

area, results obtained

from

of coins of a particular period, or locality,
be applicable to coins of other periods or

which other forms of government and
have prevailed.
»

C. A.

I.,

p. 62.

»

C. A.

I.,

p. 64.

*

C. A.

I.,

p. 48.

«

not stated.

is

J.A.8.B., 1910, p. 2a6.

a long period

the

examination

will not

necessarily
distant localities, ia
other conditions may

fvsca MASKED con/s.

fl

C^AOlM.

of the vreiglit
CannlngHain has fully discussed the question
These early coins were hased on
of the punch-marked coins.
of
Indian
the
weights as given in Mann, VIII., 132
pystem
Professor
which
el teq.
Rapson summarizes as follows :
" The basis of this system is the rati (raktika). or
^Mjya
*
is estimated at 1*83 grains= *118
of
which
the
weight
berry,
the lurarna of 80 ratU
grammes. Of the gold standard coin,

= 143*4

grains or 9*48

grammes, no specimens

known

are

j

=58 56 grains
but of the silver />»ra«a or dharana
or 3*79 gramme?, and of the copper kdhapana of 80 ratii
of 32 ratit

(

same weight

tvvarna), and of varions

as the

subdivisions of these, numerous examples have
•"*
in almost every part of India.

The

theoretical

attained in the

weight of 58 56 grains

known

multiples and

been

is,

discovered

however, tarely

The weight of those of the
and
less worn vary from 53*4
complete

specimens.

present coins that are
to 52* g^ins ; and the weights of the coins in the India

Catalogue

also

follow practically

Mnteom

the Fame variation as in the

present coins.

The

essential

stamped on them.

part of the coinage was the f-upa, or marks
Mr. E. D. fihandark-ar rc^rs to the expres-

ripda eiMnditra katamatako, or rupam simM(»
(hapeiva kaia mataio vjied hj the Commentaiy Sc mania pa M'
It is these marks itamjied <»i
dikd on the Nisaggiya pdchitija.
He purana or hanhapana, which constituted the coinage. *
sions such as

Until our present sources of information are added to, the
significance of the marks on punch-marked coins must remain the
subject of speculation

and sumiise.

Mr. Bhandarkar quotes a passage from the Vmuddiinagga
o/ Buddiagkoiia on tbe subject and notes t
" The
purport of it is to describe how a lot of coins lying on

a wooden

would

strike

a raw boy, a rustic and shroff

*

Alrm$ preeatorims.

*

Indiaa Coini, p. S.
Bftpcon.
• Kxc»T«tioiu at
»»
B«in*gar
ty B. D.

*

p.

slab

no.

'

BhandwUr,

'

'

;

and

Mi-, iL.S.B / Isls-H

YOL.'.Y«'PT.

we

U

tmca VAEKED COlkt,

^|(

are told that the Ix)/ would notice
nmpijr tliat some eoidf

were oblong, some round and some elongated insbape, tbat tl^d
rustic would know all tliis and also that the coins were
Hkegemi,
worthj objects of enjoyment to mankind, but that the shroff
not only would be conversant with all these matters but
also

would be in a position

to decide, after handling the coins

in

a variety of ways, which of them were struck at which villsige,
borough, town, mountain and river ^bank, and also by what
mint master.

was issued had

It

is

thus clear that every place whose
coinage

own

its

in confirmation of it

mark stamped on it, and
be noted that on the majority of

disting^uishing

may

kanhajpanat unearthed at Besnagar the device of the river

prominently noticeable,
(

Betwa

indicative probably of the VetravatiL

Consequently,

).

if

we may

'safely

conclude 'that these

vfhxch. have the mountain or the river on them,
were struck at those places and in order that the different mountains and rivers may be distinguished we find them differently

kaftlapami

figured.

article ( J.

attempt

46-52 on Plate VIII of Mr. Theobald's

Pigures

is

B. A.

made

S., Vol.'

LIX.,

to distinguish

PL

I

), e. g.

shows liow an

one mountain from another
'

The

symbols of one and ihe kanie
of
the
ancient
the
shroff
day was of course conver^ani
object
with, and could tell from what different mountains or nven

on karshapamt.

the coins came.

different

It would be

interesting to

know what the

,
; >;, iji,
symbols representative of a village or town were.
" Another
is
the
on
noticeable
devices
of
karshapat^at
group
are the
and
which
of
tvasiika
marks
nandipada
auspicious

most conspicuous. Both these are met with also in old c^y^.
or end with them/'*
..^
inscriptions, which either begin
The Artha Sastra,* in referring to the duties of the Collector
General of Revenue, mentions, together with taxes and other
-

matters, fMft'yta, the

meaning of which appears to be

>

"gzcArailona at Beinagar"

s

Anba

Siatrt, p. 66.

1>j

pr^iiita,

B. D. mftDatfturiCA.~A.9.1l^~19I8*14i p. ttS.

rCXCH MAEXXD CODtf.

10

It also enumerates
or seigoorage on coins.
as follows :—
Mint
of
the
Superintendent

" The
Superintendent

Mint (lakshanadhjakshah) shall
silver coins (rupyarupa) made
up

thikshna, trapu,

metals,

the duties of tba

of

carry on the manufacture of
of four parts of copper and one^ sixteenth

one of the

UJBJUJLj^

.

slsa^

shall he a pana, half a pana, a quarter

part

and

(masha)

of any

anjaiia.

There

and one^eighth.

"

Copper coins (tamrarupa) made up of four parts of an alloy
(padajivam) shall be a mashaka, half a mashaka, kakai^i, and
half a kakani.

" The examiner of coins
(rupadarsaka) shall regulate currency
of
as
a
medium
both
exchange {vyavaharikim) and as legal tender
admissible into the treasury
(kosapravesyam) ; The premia
on coins paid into the Treasury shall be eight per cent,

leyied

known- as rupika, 5 per

cent,

known

as vyaji, one-eight paDa per

cent* as parikshika (testing charge), besides (cha) a fine of 26
pana to be imposed on offenders other than the manufacturer,
the seller, the purchaser and the examiner/''*

It would, therefore, appear that the reason for the

mark

the sanpia, or village union, in which the coin was in use

of

may

marks on every coin in
which it had levied seignorage, and that no coin on which Eeignorage had not been so levied was allowed to circulate within its
be that the local authority aflSxed

its

jurisdiction.

An

indication of the order in which the marks were punched
in some cases by certain marks being
is shown

on the coins

Thus,~ the mark of interlaced triangles^
has been punched over marks, pot of foliage, Fig. 3, and

punched over
Fig* 4,

others.

Elephant right. Fig.
coin No. 57.

Mark

on coin No. 23

;

5,

on coin No. 4

;

and over mark. Fig,

1,

on

Fig. 10 has been punched over mark, Fig. 4,

mark. Fig, 20, has been punched over mark

Fig. 1 on coin No. 50 ; mark. Fig. 26, has been punched over the

sun mark, Fig.

2,

on coin 57 ; and an

indistinct

punched over mark, lig. 1, on coin No. 68.
I

IrthaSMtr*,^

96.

mark has been

VOL. T^ FT.

PUNCH MARKED

I.]

'

COINS.

{f

The Artba Sastra also enumerates the duties
of the

of the goldsmith

mint in regard to the mintage of gold coins Suvarna and

gold ornaments (page 107).
It therefore appears that in the Artha Sastra, which deals with
matters of the
carried

on

Mauryan

age, coinage

in the roj'al mints.

was

a royal

The marks on the

prerogative
coins

would

therefore primarily be royal or state marks and not the marks of

individual moneyers through whose hands the coins passed.
It

may

be suggested, to account for a constant group of marks,
may represent the state, one the reigning king,

that one mark

one the place where the coin was struck, and perhaps one a relig^*
ous mark recognizing the presiding deity (like the dei gratia on

English coins) ; also the master of the mint may have had
his mark, which would fix his responsibility for the coin, and the
additional varying

marks may have those of the sangiat, village

which the coin was current, affixed at the time
the rupiya or local tax on it was levied on its admission to circuAnd the various and unsystematio
lation in that jurisdiction.

oammunities, in

may have been the marks of private shrolEs

punches on the reverse

and moneyers through whose hands the coin passed in the course
of circivlation.

In

Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has

this connection

tion to a rule laid

down hy PSimai;

^'

called

my

atten-

Sah^hssania-laJtiianetkv

^afi-yaii'inam=an*' the meaning of o^hich is "a^-suffix takes
place in nouns ending in an, yafi a& in the case of (»'.«. to denote)
ankas and laksha^as of sa&ghas ;" which shows that a Safiglui
had its anka or laiaham, which latter Mr. Jayaswal would iden«
or heraldio crest of later Sanskrit.
tify with the Idnchhana,

The word Rdia-dnkd, " the royal mark,''

or the

"

king's arms

*'

occurs in the Artha Sastra, and would therefore appear to be the
personal mark of the ruler. In the same way while- each siAgha

bad

its

own

the elected body of rulers for the time

laksha]|^a,

have had

being may
use during its term of

its

own

personal anka which remained

in'

and was given up when that body
This would account for the large number
office

went out of

office.

of different

marks which are found on punch-marked

coins.

PUNCH MAtiXID COnrS.

2g

IJ.BLQJU.

in this connection Mr. Jayaswal also notes that the Harappi
ican area, have the
8«Js, which are found in a well-known repuhl
permanent figure of a peculiar animal^ with changing legends, in
which the animal maj he lakthana and the legend correspond
to the ahka.

That the ahka.was the personal mark or emblem adopted bj
the individual, the king in the case of a state and the governing
body in the case of a sangha, woul d also seem to be borne out

by the

inscription

" Srimananka

" and "
" on
Srigunanka

Cunninghaoi in Figr\ 1

early coins of

Nepal figured by
on plate XIII of Coint of Ancient India,
taken

the.<^e

to be the

are given in the

Deva.
(mark)

names of the

Nepal dynastic

Cunningham

respective kings.

lists as

the

and

2

has

But they

Mana Deva and Ouna

*'
the anka
I would therefore read these two legends as
"
"
»
and the anka of Sri Guna."
of Sri Mana

Professor Eapson has also held the view that the

marks on

"punch-marked coins were stamped

by the village communities,
"
it seems probable that such matters as the issue of
and that
were
regulated by local authorities money-changers or
coinage
not by the imjperial authority. The veiy great
and
merchants

variety of early Indian coins would thus be naturally explained,
and such inscriptions as are found on them have been interpreted

by Dr. Biihler in a senfee which entirely supports this view."
*'
In the case of later inscribed coins, which bear the word nega-

xna

-"

("the traders*') on the reverse, Professor

Rapson considers
and
were
that they wel"e issu2lby guilds
guild tokens.' These,
Tiowever, are obviously coins 6f a very mach latsr date, baing
strack with a single stamp, and do not therefore necessarily
imply that the primary marks on the early punch-marked coins

were of this nature.
the

mmting

cannot therefore
^

And

the Artha'Sastra clearly sh^ws that

was the function of the state. And it
be held that the primary marks on them were

of coins

Ex&mplct of these coins are als3 girea in

KepaV

J .R.A.S, 1908, p. 669, tt:

mj

paper on

**

The Coioage of

ttq.—E. Hi W.

- Coubter Wrict on Feraltn and Indian Coins
^ bj E. J. Bapaoi^
871.
J.B.i.S, 1806,
a

>

JUd.

sca.'

rrnCH KIBKXD CO NS

T0L7^H'«U

ifl)

sanghas, except in the case where eiicb saiighu
independent or semi-independent governing bodies ; thought

thTse oE the
xrete

shown bj the Yissuddbimagga thej also bore the marka
the Sanghas, which may show that the Sanghas were allowed

as is

of

mint for the State, or they may have been allowed to affix
them for the purpose of levying their royalty on the coint
came within their jurisdiction, and confirming their
that
to

currency.

The number of

different marks found on punch-marked coins
has described and figured 277 which
Theobald
18 very great.
^
He subsebe obtained from the examination of 150 coins.
the
revised
list by
that
symbols on the
excluding
quently

Ujain and Eran, which reduced the number o{
svmbolsof the older coinage to 24<7, to which he added furtheiT

later coin^^ge

of

The number of marks, however,
marks, making a total of 342.
and
new finds bring fresh marks
that
exceeds
number,
greatly
to light.

For instance

:

out of the 83 marks on the present coIds

on Plate IV, only 16 correspond to marks illustrated
by Theobald, or are varieties of them,' and his Fig. 124 (six

illustrated

might perhaps be the upper portion of present Fig.

dots)

mark were incomplete on the

8, if

coin he referred to.

-The
remaining 66 marks are not amongst those illustrated by him.
A$ the meaning of some of the marks is not clear and

the

-

them may be mistaken, and a mark
may ako be misleading when incompletely punched on a parti-

individual interpretation of

cnlar

coin,

I have giveh illustrations of the coins so as to Bhovr

almost every one of the marks which occur on them.
^s an example of the above remarks I would refer to the

mark Fig.

32, which I firbt took to be a separate

mark and

figured

accordingly, but oq further examination found to be a pQi;tion of the mark elephant riglitf Fig. 5.
Also Fig. 38, which

it

\ at
>

took to be a separate mark, but which I subsequently on
~
".
S.B, Part I., 1890, p. 26S, Platcf VIII-XL

~

first

J.A.

>
- Fig. 92 of Theobald Fig. % - 188, 139
Ftg. 1 on Plate IV
- 3; 9 - 11; 12 - 64} 13 - 68j 16 - 167; 18 - 14S( 20
23 - 29 ; 85 -< 31| 86 - 95; i7 - ^i 63 -> 163 wA 6i - U6.
;

8

]

S

-

10

}

'^Wl

PUNCH MASKED

t'AOX^,

(JOlSS.

g^j

a part of Fig.
punched, and with the

fortber examination think

is

4,

interlaced

angle shown
angles, only partly
rounded. I also think that Theobald's interpretation o! some

tri-

as

of

the marks which be figures is doubtfuL*
I do not propose in the present paper to discass the possible
meaning of the various marks which are found on punch-marked

than those which occur on the present coins. But I
would remark that I agree with Mr. Bhagwan Lai Indraji and
Mr. R. D. Bhandarkar that the mark which in itslsimplest form

coins, other

an arch sup?rimposed on two other arches, and which
baa been considered by Cunningham to ba a ehaitya and by
consists of

Theobald as a tlupa

is

really intended to represent a mountain.

The passage quoted from ,the Vissuddhimagga that coins sometimes bore a mark indicating mountains also supports this
This conclusion is of importance ; as it shows that it is
view.
not necessary to presume any necessary connection of the coins on
which it occurs, with the Buddhist religion, or that, conEeqae:itly,
such coins would not, therefore, be anterior to the Buddhist
religion.

Similarly, the larger

of a large

number

pyramid formed, in the same manner,
would represent

of such superimposed arches

a higher or larger group of hills, as the distinguishing feature
of the place where the coin was struck, which is in accordance
\vith the passage in the Vissuddhimagga ; or may, possibly, in

Mount Mem, as has been suggested by
Dr. S|)ooner * who notes that combined with a crescent on its
apex, it is the recognized symbol of the Jains to represent one
other cases represent

*As an example, TheobjJd's No. 118,

whicb he describes as "a rnde homaa
Abore it are fire dotd and these arc probably intended to rcpr>?seQt fire heads. As the liny am has sometimes five kead(»
"
this figure is probably intended for 5«ta
(J. A. S. B., Part 1, 1890, p. 234),
"
"
hull's or cuw's head with
would
to be the
8 of
fig. 3,

figure holding a club in the left hand.

the present
appear
garland
Fig.
looked at the wrong way up; the fire dots being the garland, and tha " dub "
one of the eart. Also iThejb^'a Fiy. 216, which he desrrtbss as " Ornamental
"
Fillet or Bib'^on
appears to be the Eran riTcr*mark. And thero are other*

e<Hns,

of which the description giren appear* to b> doubtful.— E.
>

The Zotoastrian Period of Indian

H. W.

History, J.B.A.B., 1915, p. 418.

TOL. T.,

rU

PCNCH MASKED C0IK8.

I.]

SX'

and is called by them " Mount Mem." It
some cases be a mark of power and strength^'
" eternal
the
hills,'' similar to the symbols of the sun and moon.
I would note that this mark occurs on the lower end of the
of the Tirthankars

may, therefore, in

pillar

as Dr.

that has

been excavated at Kumrahar in the

Spooner shows there

Palace of

Chaudragupta

*

site

whichj

good reason to believe, was the
Maurya, where it could not, therefore,
is

have any Buddhistic significance ;
as that religion had not then been adopted by the Maorya
kingdom. Even if this palace were the later place of ^soka,
the same observation would equally apply ; as the Buddhist
refer to Vkstupa or cliatiya, or

had not then been officially recognized and its symbols
I think, therefore^ that this
would not have been adopted.
must
be
as having the above
abandoned
symbol
definitely

religion

Buddhist or any special religious significance.
The fact that this mark does not occur on the present ooins

no

the neighlx)urhood though it
might be expected to occur on coins struck at Rajgir.
As the passage in the Yissuddhimagga says that the shroff
natural, a3 there are

is

hills in

on examining the coin would know- at which village, borough|
town, mountain and river bank t^e coin was struck, where, there^
other marks are combined with the hill-mark they would
appear to inaicate which particular hill or group of hills was
fore,

Theobald gives a number of such hill-marks {Figa

intended.

Fig. 49, the peacock over
turtles under
the
52
and
the
tree
over
(?) river
Fig.
Ftg. 50,
Fig* 53, appear to be such distinguishing marks. Theobald'f
46-53), in which the animal over

Ftg* 59,. three

arches side

by

side, w<Juld also

appear to be

*
another variety of the hill-mark.
"
' "
Excavationa at Pataliputra
by D. B. Spooner, A.S.B., 1912-13, pp. 63-83,
,

Plato

XLIX.

p. 78.

" No. 61. Three bati, the central
Theobald described this mark
being
the largcU," etc., J. A. 8. B., Part 1, 1890, p. 237.
Aisuming this to be i variety of the hill-mark, which I think it i>, there woold
appear to be an interesting example of the later nte of this symbol to represent
hills on the three coins in a row on • coin of the Pnri Knahnn typo which b
" found at Rakha, in the
described in my paper on " Puri Kushan Coins
preaent

u

*

camber of

this

Jonmal.

(J. B. 0. K. S., Vol. V., p.

79)— E.

H. W.

pOxch MASKco

H.

eonri.

C'AOJ.6.

There also does not appear to be anj sufficient ground for
considering a simple branch, sooh ae iV^f. 10, 11, 12, 12 (a),
13 and S3 and reverse Fig, 81 necessarilj to represent the hodki
with the Bgure
tree, though it majr do so when it is combined
or more

consisting of foof
represent a rail

;

squares,

as in that form

it

which
is

is

considered to

found on the coins of

Taxila and other coins together with other Buddhist emblems.
Even in the latter case it docs not always represent the hodhi
tree, as is
*'

shown by

Theobald'ti Fig.

223 which he described ai

Jackal looking up at a tree, protected by a railing."
The figure called a "rail," Fig. 53, also occurs in a variety of

marks

in combination with various other objects besides trees.

on certain of the present coins does
with the Buddhist religion.
connection
not, therefore, imply any
wheels Fig. 55, appears on one coin. No. 102, bat it has
a double circumference and it difters from the accepted form

The

existence of a branch

A

of the Dharmaeiakra and there
it is

intended to represent

is

no reason to suppose that

it.

With reg^d to the remark of the YiBsuddhimagga, that
shrofE would know at which river bank the coin was struck,
mark of two wavy

lines representing

the
the

a river ocoura on the

square copper coins found at Eran and Besnagar, and as this
symbol is also found on the cast copper coins which succeeded
the above, the presumption

is

that those coins were current

when

succeeded by the cast coins and are therefore of much later date
than the silver puranav. The Yissuddhimagga was written in
Ceylon at same date before 450 A.D., and, therefore, refers to

punch-marked

coins,

of a

much

later date

coinage continued in Southern India

;

as this

much longer than

form

of

in other

As far as I know, the rirer-mark has not been
found on any of the early silver punch-marked coins. If sach
mark had then been in general use to represent a river it might,
perhaps, have been expected to have been found on the present
Pataliputra coins, but it does not occur.
ptuts of India.

In the present stage of knowledge regarding punch-marked
it is not
possible to judge their probable age except on

corns

general consideration!.

ptvCR

v.. fir. 1.]

foio

H

xixm> ddtin:

would appear to be a reasonable inferand those composed of more
are
later
than
one
more simple design and
than
symbol
those of one symbol. This statement cannot, however, at
Speaking generally^

present

a mnch

it

more elaborate

ence that

designs,

made with
larger number of
be

certainty without

an examination of

coins than have been so far

examined

and without the assistance of the nature of their provenance
in each case.

The present coins would appear to be

of early date

from

(1)

th6 depth at which they were found ; (2) the fact that their mazki
are all of a simple nature ; (3) the absence of any marks whicb

the Buddhist religion which might be expected to be

indicate

found on coins later than Asoka.

There are two marks whioh somewbat resemble the

Bmbmt

Oa, namely Fig. iZ on coin No. 54 and Fig, 23 on coin 56.
But an examination of these shows that they differ from the
form of that letter found in inscriptions and on other coins, e. g.letter

word negatna on the square copper coins of Taxila. ^
Some indication of their period may, however, be inferred

in the

from the fact that amongst the objects found in the excavations
of Pataliputra carried out by Dr* Spooner at Bulandibagh, in
which what are believed

to be the old

wooden oity

walli^

by Megasthenes, have been discovered, amongst th4L
numerous fragments of antiquities which have been found in the
earth, with which the space between the two wooden palisadet

described

I have seen a smill square-shaped piece of light green
opaque glass, or other vitreous material about the same size as
a small square punch-marked coin, on one side of which this mark

was

filled)

\Fij, 1 )

very clearly moulded, exactly similar to the mark
on these coins. These excavations have as yet been only proBut, I believe, that Sir John. Marshall
visionally described.
is

of opinion that this infilling between the palisades may hav«
been made in part from older rubbish-heaps. If this idea ui
is

correct,

the mark in connection with P&taliputra

is

earlier

erea

than Chandragupta.
»

C. A. I,

PlaU

III,

Figf. 8, 9; IQ.

'.

".

^

-

PUJfCB Jf^IJWO COIN*.

III

Fig,

Aeparate

UjHOUji^

on eoin 54, th^ two slopiBg strokes are
23, on coin h\, the cbaraeter doe? Q^t

22,

»d<1 in Fig,

;

form an angle but is distinctly roundei] at the top, jaod tbfi
line is not of uniform thieknees, aa in the letter Ga, ibut
right hand portion ewells out and is distinctly and, apparentlj,

^

icteutionally thicker than the rest of the ehara^ter.

If, tb^er

would appear to b*
an older form than in the inscriptions at present known.
There is also another mark on coin 5$, which naj be tha
fore, these fignres represent the

Srahmi
as

The mark has

letter to.

did not, at

letter

Ga,

it

not been given

xm

Plajbe

IV,

It viU,possible signifioan^«
grasp
however, be seen on the upper margin of coin .88, Plate JJ, b/
looking at the coin from the lefthand aide.
1

its

first,

The predominant symbols on

the coins are

(1)

t^

tiirea

tWairoi and three ovals alternately round « central ciscU
2 ). These t^ro marks also
\ Fif. 1 ) and ( 2 ) the sun ( Fig,
61
the
60
coins found at Peshawar
out
of
on
occur together
*
by Dr. Spooner and pne or oth«r of ^bem oecurs ot
the remaining coins. They also occur generally together on

described

,

several of the punch-marked coins which have been desoribed.'
They do not, however, occur on any of the 1,226 coins found

at Paila, though other forms of the solar symbol appear oo the
reverse of

some of those

coins.

Several varieties of the

Theobald,

who

notes that

that it was found by
*
excavations at Troy.

f^i

1A.B.

B..

E.g>, I.

190S^.p.l5«,

M. C. Vol

I,

I, figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8

symbol

{Fig. X) are

^Iven by

"
1&7.

Plate

and

first

great antiquity is shown hj ths
SchUepian ^n the lowest ^ir^oiD QlQi9
its

XIX, figure* 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11. 41«o
PUte II (Taxila) flgt.1 and 2.

C-i^LPUto

13,

***%!. Central Spbece lapportiog three 'Ch'ttra$f,

*

Umteella*' ^Mr'Broii

^

feel
alio ocean in the lowest stratum >t Troy
erraeolta whorli mixed with stone implements. In thil
" chatra" i« direpted inwarda iosteai
arcbaic form of the symbol the apex of the
**
tlnUr^t ' xe4
the
inner
disk oo which tba
nttnre
of
pf 9utw^tdSi fod the aol^r
(as it were topsytorry) is placed beyond doubt by the numerous ra<li#ti^ lio**

The tame tjpe of lymbol

ImIow

iti

tarfsce in

turrouudiug it

i

(Schlieman's Troy, page 80.)

^^. 19. of the coins. the *' '• with the upper projecting liinb cot off. 101^ 108 . e. yofc. Plate XLltl^ antiquity of thia tg. as is dona examples of that animal on later Indian coins.. I. In either case I am not aware of either lion or tiger occurring on other silver punchin the —— marked u £oiDs. 75. clearly seen on some is. the presence of that animal 0|i« the present coins is very interesting. A.. 7) to be a lion. the bull less frequently^ the I believe. . 3. a Uger.>iS»). There is. 20. 95. page 227). 21. 73. 83.V4 t*. 20.on subsequent copper coinages of Taxila. 4) is a mark which I haT# on other coins.. ' though it is found . form ef the symbol it proTcd by thia identical pattero being ** found in Troy.103. the elephant freqoentl/ on occurs silver pstranas.B. not aware that the Hon has been humped bull's or cow's head with garland Theobald's Fig.^C. W4 . i. 3) occurs in most of the The concave corns as an oval boss with six dots over it. —r—— " > ^ ' - . as already noted| is.> ? „^. 21.) 3| . I have taken the animal (^1/.1900.puunL - • ' '- 100.. r B^boi 27 with tkree owl beads. JPi^. 40.^ ^. 7 is a lion. ]pag«a 316^17. and reverse marks 62. 88.8. But I am found on the silver puranat which have hitherto been described.^i. Fi^. be intended for tiger. which leaves no doubt as to i(i# significance* The interlaced triangles not jseen It {Fig. " The " Pot of Foliage (Fig.g. figures 9I. and it a may./ " In tbit variuit the " ch\traa are separated by three iaterrening halU. J. Plate IX. rather than If.^S. ^ not clear what object is is intended to be represented 23. 76 and 80. Of the animals on the present ooins. cqrve of the mouth of the ghaTa however. no attempt to indicate the mane. tUXCH MA9KED COISl. 31. therefore. Part 1. /V^. on account of the comparatively large size oE the head. ligt. '• - : •• "* • Symbol 27 with throa intenreniDg bills. ii| 30. Nos. however. 19. 43.. 65. 46. only the' balls and " arrows (as Sefalieman cills then) are rattged on the ierraeotta whoris in fours instead of threes (Schlieman'a Troy. • : . v . 22. In ** this " dl3. " balls are replaced by a Symbol wUdi may b« form. ' "' ' i' ! » "'• . ISA.„ . an^d the 28. . 49 aod 50. 71. 25. It ik described as the flrcek letter phi etientially the same as occurs on symbol 20 and is also foucd on Trojiui pottery and has been designated " owl's head" (Schliemsn's Troy.. consequently.A.

i36 and 87 and on the reverse of coins 26. p. letter S. and on the viz.' The EhroS theory. a " 8nake" fur Naga Sea. Except the above. Fig. 28 and 44). ***Th« old monej clung«n m!gTii btre bad lyinbolt referring to tb*Ir ewB Damei. Fig. and are less deeply punched. 74 and 79 .A.M-57. 16..A. and Fig. there may. 24 which occors on the obverse 56 and on the reverse of coin 103. * or that another explanation was possible or even probable that they were shroS marks. the tortoise {Fig. 20 . 6.C. an egg Cunningham suggested that the marks on the puranai might be punning allusions to tho names of the rulers or places. They may also indicate the names of places. be a Dravidian between the animals adopted as lahhaiioM and the totems of clans. and that the animals found on those coins might be adopted by the shroffs as indicating their nnmes. And when they represent the same objects they are smaller than the similar obverse mark. {F>g. or be the an^ai of particular rulen or governing bodies. possibly. % Palm txce (KbsJQr). e. the capital of the Faitat. 36). of a different design to Fig.pp. 19* . which occurs on the obverse of coins 4. as is invari* ably found in pnnch-marked coins. for instance the Mababharata says that the standard of the Brihatratha dynasty of Magadha which came to iriat ' or an end aboat 727 B. The animals on purinat may be the lakiha^ emblems of the tahghat. as already noted. a bull or a cow (Sk.» Dai . if the early punch-marked coinage was the outcome of tho connection civilization. Vatta^Vaeea) a very common symbol on the coins of Kosambi. 18 which occurs on the obverse of one coin only.. Only three obverse marks of the same size occur on the teverse.PbNCH MABKXD COIKf. thoa : the ** San " for Sar. No. 41. are amongst the marks illufit rated hf Theobald. in the form of the t'JieJjI. The marks on the reverse of the present coins.g.I. reverse of coin of coin No. 85) and with the humped bnU.I. 3^^ The snake. " »C. C. and aa " " *• £lephant for Gaj Sirgk Bir Deo might hare Lad a Soldier/' Qopal a fioIV " •ad Khajar Varma. {Figt. bore a bnll on it. are of an entirely different type to those on the obverse. cannot stand as regards the obverse marks. 43.

" acd he thinks that coins were included in this injunction. or ether the term nfipa. 4. the half the size of the similar mark {Fiff.TOlk Ta T> PUKOfl I) XASKID COIHf . they are either tre the same in design are smaller. Only one mark. If where the same marks occur on the reverse as on the obverse. and even where they Thus the interlaced triangles on the reverse of coin 105 is" smaller than the obverse mark bull's or cow's head with garland {Fig. on the other hand. which objects. to 81. '* 403. phallns {Fiff. petalled flower. at the time of periodical official included He therefore considers that " the testing of the currency. the nine- A is intact. the reverse of this coin may possible suggestion might be that have been used as a test for trybg various obvers9 punches. 68 ' apparently entirely distinct and even where they the same 69 and 79. . Fi$». 68. as will be seen from Fig». They are punched indiscriminately over each other. 77) is about Ji>. represent appear to be intended for the suu. e. snake obverse on mark the similar {Fi^. eWef authority in had dimply to isabmit the district. and appear to be all of similar ma. merchants or money-changeri to whom we have attributed the affixed prince. are Professor Rapson refers to the injunction of Manu. that AH weights and measures must be duly marked. 2) on the obverse.g. somewhat different in design. are The marks on the obverse of this coin. 8) on the obverse. 66. the nftpj. and the the somewhat 6S) is only half the size of the on the obverse. There are eleven marks on it. the prince) re-examine them. they are quite distinct from the sun mark (/ty. in obverse punch-ma k. and that the marks on the revcrsa are perhaps the marks " by the " the governor of the district. 85). and once in six months let him (Le.k reverse of this cofa the nature of obverse marks and are deeply punched into the coin in the manner of marki on the obverse. is much smaller than JVy. more lightly punched than those on the reverse* The remaining reverse marks. VIII. {Fijf* 54-) Coin 103 •re full size is The marks on the peculiar. also in shape of the letter S. who their coins to rejected the^ such as wcra .

however. weight or quality of metal. at any rate."* officially tested The theory that the marks on the obverse were affixed by th« merchants or money-changers through whose handdthe (ioins happened to pass. whioli deficient in perhaps be identified with the solitary punch-mark so often found in the centre of the reverse. there is no gehcral marks on the coins found in tho - . The theory that the of reverse marks were the official stamp the local authority and indicated that the coin had been tested and sanctioned for currency within that area appears.' ^ PUNCH MIBKZD COtlT^ UMiJLM. than amongst obverse marks which according to the above theory were affixed by merchants or money-changen through whose hands the coins passed* Neither of these conditions. and the coins found at Eran. be maintained in view of the occurrence of certain coobtant groups of those marks oa a number of coins. and consequently to have beea of more more than once. and there would also be far greater uniformity amongst were generally the reverse marks. tho official test and currency mark be Would expected to be found on all coins that had been in circulation. is found to exist in the punch-marked coins that have hitherto been to If we exclude the coins of Taxila and the light. the majority of which bear the *' Taxila mark/' case of the old silver which has hitherto been considered to be a mint mark. cannot. punch marks do not occur on the reverse of &I1 the old silver puranat. to be subject to equally material objections. which would appear to be of later date. and uniformity amongst same locality. . and sanctioned each tut were approved by marking them with his official stamp. on the very great majority of them. however. brought Peshawar find. The occasional occnrrence may than one of these reverse punch-marks on a coki ig naturally explained by supposing the coin to have passed corrent in more than one district. or. when they do the reverse ooour. as a general If this statement. which were affixed on all coins current withia a given area. the case. on the jeverse.

and the one shown as the Plate the the of being top reverse at bottom of the Plate being the obverse. 66) occurs twice. and b no uniformity amongst them. m. no less than 89 marks. . F. Caldwell. 227. of the S9 rectangular coins 11> namely one*fourth. and thd: others are marks which occur only once. the coins from Afghanistan described by Mr. and his list of marks.A. p.. by The one shown as the obverse at the been mistake.«t. as already noted. show that while.d. but that it has been punched with the identical jpnneh* The on the plates are not are '92 of the actual size of the coins. in which also varieties of the all same object have been included under one number. which he has kindly let me see. ^' tlie ohverse and reverse of coin 103 have... . occur on the reverse. U f^ f OXCH HAKKtD COIXM Sf Keverse marlis are foand on only S8 of the present coins. F.S. having kindly weighed the present coins. mark The marks on the reverse may be the marks of merchants and money-changers through whose hands the coins passed. one mark {Fig. One mark on the reverse of the present coins {Fig. -•••*' . and has. found in Table IIL A description of the will be marks That there is also marks is no general uniformity amongst the reverse the case in the coins found at Paila. 1910.sc.P. bear no the on reverse. 62) on three coins. "^ the obverse marks. They quite are due to Dr..a.C. PH.a. occurring on the reverse of coin 103. for F. as a close examination of it shows that this mark on the reverse of coins Nos. " bear no mark on the reverse. » J.. 18. out 13ancrji.. and out of the 5 Roughly Circular Among i or Oval Coins " two^ namely more than one-third. 42 and 83 not only it it the same mark.U. illustrations of the coins full size. tbere 59 and obverse Fig. 16) occurs on four coins. Camp- beirs Treasure Trove Keport. My thanks ' • On Now. 69) is very interesting. lig.226 coins.* M. reverse . Mr.l. transposed. one mark {Pig.f)^. been shown amongst Plate III. by mistake. - . on^y 13 marks occur in certain fixed groups on the obverse of 1. B.D. B. Only two marks {Fig. On Plate IV. D. 66 is a reverte mark.

tMJUMM . court. PUNCH-MARKED COINS.mrcH MAAKEo LIST OP Va.

FT. T. FUXCH MABXIO 00C(«.J No.lot.' it . 1.

».pmrcff iriursD caisK Sol W.n. .B.«.

r.. Obrer>e< Itcrenc . 1. PT.^^fi^riiiiMM Ka Weight and •ize.1 ptfvcd tfARttD c(ri^: .TOL.

3. 65. A nineleaved branch. PL S7 48S 1-02 X I). M 49-1 -93 Ik MarVs 1. PL 61-4 coivi. 12.nmcs xABXxo CLASS CIAO. as oa rererst of coins 23 and 7U.tto It X -95 62-8 1*02 X -90 The impreis'on of tbe tddi* Ditto feiooal tn&rk. Marks 1. 4—c«»/i. JY^. A n:Le-leared branch. 2. Fiff. Scb-Cliu AJoneoia27. . 12a. 63 . Mark aiFi^. U U-1 101 K -96 Aa on coin 27 with mn ad* dltional mirk of % star or wheel without • rim. mark. Al5o •:x Impression of an imem$$ l«k the mark la ind:stin«. Dit'* ISjPLL Fis- Sm-CziBi 6. Mvk Ff'f. nine* leaved branch with a b^s* «t the base (Fig. III.IJV A. 14. PI. mark of a small bos« in tho ceutre of s i»eu»»i circnUr PL L Withft-'dittonal mark. extra aarkt two dot< roand a central -. is faint on this coin and only h&f of it shows on tb« edge of the coin. Fij. D. 4 with additional mark.2. . I llx-90 BUnk. W tb Add't'onal mark . and an drjt. tinct indisFi^ 16. 3 and 4 with -ga additional 12(a). Ft'f. 11.t.

rcSCH UAAKKD TOL. 4» COIXl. OVreiM. . B«rnie. 14 VTeight »nd 63 1 105 X tise.T^ PT.

mark of and lines a hor'sontal line. 8. BxTB-CzkU With 48 49 SO 501 115 x-71 VarVsl. site. An mark additional .ruKca MAircD 4« Na Weight tad conri. rrr^^ t . 68 . lines (Jf>. Bevefif. 4 and 19 end this { (PL mark ia incon* I). are coin vertical 9. and mark with OTjd PI. ^iA«. nark. 3.AB« 8. 46 M-5 1-1 K lUrka 1. l'i>. -{lif. 9. additional a snake. Ditto Ditto Ditto -98 The additional mark (Fiy. 43).M ObrwM. 63-5 1 X -90 52-3 X -96 62-6 Ditto Ditto DHto M 1 X 10. 2. 4 and fire vertical lioce Fnnchee Sl-8 1 « -84 { in which only ihree of th« Tertical lines show in the mark on this coin. 1. 3.) S2-8 X -93 44 Marks 1. IIL i. 19. CLA£SA. disUnot ontUoe PL L 19. <flS PLI. 20) has been punched oret itarkl. 2. possibly 20. % figure reaembliog a fleaf^ on a EorixoDtal de*Iyt line over fire vettk-al Blank. It also has an extra mark of three ptrallel Hoes joii^ at one pletc 45 8.. resembling a comb {Fi^.2. SrB-Ci. 4 and 43. The dearlj shown en this as in Fij additional aeven 8Ur..) 47 Blaak. 4 and 20: P'Mi PLl. Bcb-Class With 19.

8. . Additional 81-7 Panebet ). I^I. 8. MarVs I. 4 And PI. 61-7 21. T^ PI. i ' . ^nk. dse. 2. Obvent. 62-8 Pnncbea r04 K -96 PLL 1. 69i tiini* lar star bat feWer rayt 'and act 80 carved j and imall circular boss.J. 21.OL. I. Sitb-Clabs 13. JVy. CLASS A. 8. Fig. Fij. .it. PI.4Ma fl^ PL 1 l»-78 Oitta »^ 8rB-CLi88 14. 8» : i 4 . 6S1 llx-90 0!i PI (be m&rgio ol tb« e«ilL L ' " - rorved line with ceutra. 44.V . SCB-ClAU 11. Fig.' Additional Mark. 2.F*^. Kr»rksl«S. Marks— fita^ Thrcp of carved rayi. PLL 0-M :. Varka 1.. Mark. Additiojul M«rlc «0 tbpwo ia . wA Ditto 44.3 Wfigbt und 41 BtTrn*. PONCB MA9XED 0OIN& 1.^ 8. 4 and 33. 23.»/ Mark of oral boM in Additional i2 9 •9dx-94 ? .. 2. 4 and 2U Mark 21 •ppean only pvtlj 3UBk.

puxcH MAirEO coiira. CJJ». .o.i.4S No.i.

' rt.Tofc.3 PtmCR MARKED COINS. No. 1. . .

If) Xo. l3.K0.tJL . PtTNCH MARKED COf X8.

U PUNCH MmCKO coins: St . PT.TOt T. No.

Ti$. Wei^t and fJ. With an Additional mai% of a triangle. 29. IS No. 7. I|. the which is not 73. 8 (as en coin 70) and 36. rf Fig. 3«. Fig.iAlj ObrerM. a monkey. Harks 1. PL IL An object. 8 and 85. 70)acd29i 8 (as R. 35k 8tni. CLASS BerqiM. which rcsemblef a ttood* figure without shown a with io^ b-at tl« tell bead scpArfttfly. C. This by tlie idt'nticsl on the rererae 18 a|. 7. S. PI. 7. 2. 7.d 42 ScirCLASg K 53-1 •96X-89 a 1 1% pamh as of coins III. pf-tals.PUaCH JUBKBO COXVI. 8 tod 84 i and a small indistinct object IB a circolar i»euM. 2. 2. Marls 1. Fig. Witb IdJlUoul Vark. PI. 83 62-5 •94 X -9? Marks 1.CLlu 6. With sn Additional Uark resrmbliag i-V. is made mtrk i tortpise. on coin Flower of seven 59. Blan^ Ditto Also aa additional mark } a snake in shape of the Ictur K i Fig. SCB-Cl>AM 4. II. A. 84 ei 93 E2A 96 X SO S2$ 1-25 X 74 Ifarkal. ptrhap* . . IlL nceaning clear .

60. So-CiAtt M With of 7> additional nark a tls petalM flowrtf PI. JL mJ^nU ttsrk of a eroai in a roandod ineuti similar to the mark on the obtnraa of this eoia b'\it nnaller. 1. •iM. ft PI. 7. CLASS 85 COlVt. 37 . 1-U4X 97 SwCxJuM 8i addlticnal marl of a wheel irith sixtpokM* bnt withoot a t'xw. 16. . WHIi an TfaUcoin piece 86 51-4 Harki l» U broken and miaslng. 440 '5ft Obrme.14. JFiy. flower of •ix petals. II» A tnake \t tbe formal 8 and IS. J^5. 14. timilar to reverse mark. 2. 1X-9S letter 8. 2. J'tjr. or star of six rijt ending in dot«. XJ PITKCB Wfight and MASrtD ftretie* C. Marka 1. 7. Fis. 8 and 37» Reverte mark 60. IL 8 ahd 2. Fig» •i SvB^Ciiss 9»' 66 1 tb» fL IIL \ Witb two additional tntrka | witb tii d6ta rouftd 1*1(7.%ttd a rros* in roond eOroered a central dot i»cUt0i 87 525 105 K CO Marka PL IL 1. and a orou io sqnara inctut. Blaok.fOl* Vo. 7.74. T^ W.

BAl. .*. mj:. C'.u N».ch >uuced coixs.

made with tl^a might have been another identical panch. Similar to the alwTd bat BO triangle mark Ffg. 76 . there apparently. mark.41 Mark 42 U Ditto.l88 S. is missing.76. SVB-CLJkSS S. 2. PUXCH MABKCD COINS. as on the reverse of coins 18. 43 and 83. No. shows that a portion.Il. Blank. CLASS D. mark ) bow Fi^. 47. on which. 9 and 47 } a dot at eaeb apei. and. t«o scpitratf J'i>. 2. SrB-CLXU l—eo»eltL S3 61S lx-88 PL Blank. 2. With Addit!oDat and arrpw. Wt'f.ll«Tcra«. is panelled in two placet on this coin. . 1. two and Traces of worn very ttiut. Fi</. Ditto.- IM. Harlcal. II. 69. The son mark. 63-4 •93 X -90 &nd 42.Y01.Pl. i^i^. Fl. 42.i. PL IIJ.9.9aad. -coin 8VB-Cl. . The shape of thi«: Pkrwer of seven petals.j Weight and 6S Obrerte. 2. »7 62-6 •86X-84 Maries PLJI.V.41 (bat not 42).m. The coi&t are both incomplete in ihape and the triangle mark may be on the auising portioe* 96 B2-5 91 X -86 St 611 •95 X '91 Marls 1. p%t}i» 'N* ti^isUoict te decipher. rr. and a flgnre coDSistii g of an oral atid four parallel lines anitdd by a line at right angles | Ellipse with pos&ib'y marks.

pvsrca M4iKBJ> So. CJJtjo. . com.ij.

T^W. pDXCH MAEno coias.3 No.VOl.1. W: .

tl^OJLS.sr So. FCXCU XIKKED COINS. .

.TOL. t9 .T. rONCH SIABKED COIXS.VTJ.| So.

0JU. . C13.M PUXCB lUBKBO COINS.

Y^ PT.TOL. 61 . rj rUXCH MABKZO COISS.

<s PDKCB MAUCBD COlXi. Ci^B^J^ .

J' M f-i S 1 1 3 w .«^ . t«.S» k.5* K . PUKtH MASKED COIXS 1.^ .<»k h. ^t Pt.3 It ^ •^ K o <5 o n Q M »5 ^ a s s & e< -h'i. t.TOl. ft. ft. •? : es i-« (H i-i r4 . . b.

of coin C'A<UJ. . CoIds with ^larks on the Reverse. Serial Ko.M rtrxcH VASXZD TABLE coiiu. II.

The marks on the . Sj ' 76 77) 98 D. 78 J and ono obseare nurk in eirenlar incutt small roabd panch.tol. FigpreinPUtflf. £. or. W CI n 79 C. 8 68 87 C. 6 • --:- ''t 18. a mark of five dots round the upper of a lemon-shaped object . ft would appear that this coin maj is intact. obrerse Fig. also anotber similar flower bat witb nine petals t also another similar eigbt-petalled flower. rUKCn VABKED I. are more lightly punched thaa those on the reverse.. 4 101 103 E.8 83 C. Serial pt. mark central dot . as they ar« all fall size and appear to be all of the nature of obverse marks. the nine-pctallcd flower. Only one mark. > 3j £9 D. Indistinct mark ud in circnlar i»eut»» 70 Eleven marka. Figs. 24. 66 and 79. 2 ObrerM mark 80 . and are deeply punched into the coin in the manner of marks on the obverse. poesibly. Coin. 72 :•. as the petals or (?) spokes ar« of foar large dots round a straight. D2 59 75 97 D.£ -art" en C. They are punched indiscriminately over each other. and three other pnrt indistinct marks. The marks on this coin are pecnliar . v.] Clauaad of coin intbe List ^ CDIS8. obverse of this coin. wheel. No. 9 74 94 Dl 96 Traces of tvo indistinct marks. on the other hand. have been used as a test for trying varioos pnnchpt.

of coin iatb« Ll«t COIICI* tJJLOJU. .PCKCH MAKKXD SemlKo.

This is clearest on coin 19.. and six dots ronnd them within the outer angles. flowers. lefl berries perltaps. leaves rising boss. a . AU lOS A. Two interlaced inanities with a circle inside tbein in the centre .. represented 9 10 Elephant facing A plant with by dots.E 108 ISO 63 A. represented by an OTal boss sarmcnnted by A. 11 A la A branch of nine leaves 12a or. 13 A branch of seven leaves 14 Six-pointed flower with hollow centre. 1-20 63 Three ovale and three ci>afra« alternately ronnd » central circle with a dot in the " centre. without berries. f^ FT.J TABLE Description of the COIXf. six dots. IV. FUNCR MABKID I. 7..VOL." The San mark with rays ronnd in the centre. A branch of nine from a clrcnlar . Marks on the Coins as illustrated on PI. mwk plant of different design. of coina Nnnib«»s of on which the coins ia the mark appears. A. circle and a dot it Pot of foliage . the Troy mark. if ITI. ifab'clas*. the list. Ball's or cow's head.1 Elephant facing right Hnmped boll facing Lion left £or (P) tiger] ^facing right. with garland. PUtelV. Nnmber CUsf and Fignr* on Description of Mark. .

the m«rk Bfpeart. Sab-clMt. IS Kaml«T« of tLe coin* \% tb«lttt . coi:?b.ruxca vjascD i% CH«s on FUtelTJ C'. of cjina on whicb Detcripttos of Mark.MX*.

PUNC9 UABKKO COINdk 6) .vouT.3 on put* IV. rf.f.

70 Fi^nre on piaunr.B.0. .V. rUNCH MABKED COINS. 1J.

* w.vol. U Fignr* on Plate IV. n . PUNCH VABKED COINS.

rtrirctt vifiKSO Cdiis.-71 rrgnre on PlaUlV.- UMJtli. .

J*O.IT »j i> vn. OHVRiMK. IIM.<>ilcMtU.l»|». . Phota-t-mtrmrctf * • iiriBied at *«*#••••• thr omnii »f ihi> ••• Hunr) i» ••• • of lii(lla.K*.rjt» \_»Jii>».111 A nA.

c:t "l. .^ • • .• • •«/ ••• •• ••• • • . !*• < • * • .«.

. riiiK<ik-riitfr»v<'<l A *.8.' liitlia.I»1». iHiuiiHl at iIm.oi1lr«i« of ihc .'i\|'.K.:• Aurvc) of •] . .•./.V I10. iWculU. Obverse. l»l».J«. .

:•• • •••.•• .

: •*• niot4^-«airniV(i) it prinu-d at iIh. :. .|t. IMcal la.* *.j^&0.iLH.• :\: J .\ ut India.. Reverse.-io »l tin- • • nun.) •.||.offl. I»l» .

rn^Vi .

IZ^ "Vt^- 1ft It [OO! 28 M 17 :.89 V:* 88 TO 48 41 C^J 49 (9) ifi' doo 64 58 Oy^*^ .v. v€^- (.^: .81 M Sfl E^ 40 V._J ri>\TB IV.e.

.

C. W. Rakha Hills Mines.l They were found buried about one foot below the surThree of the coins were lying exposed to face. An Mint [stood near the place vrhere the old road runs past the place of find in close proximity to a small river. 1893.—" Puri Kashan ** Coins. Smill fragments of a broken clay pot were found with the ooins.. ^ The coina which are illattratcd on the Plato to the present Paper. Nothing coritJSmould was discovered. in the General * tcndent ci tha Cape Copper Company." so Called trimmed lends a measure of The from the fact that a number o! those coins were found in the Puri District in 1893 and were described by Dr. Walsh.II. thut a coins were found.. and the balance a few from them.S. 831 to Register— E. and no evidence has been later. whoM . Soperin- 842. and might or might not have been used originally to contain the coins. Ltd. By £. It is possible that the spot. within fining lease the place. C. within a quarter of a mile of ancient copper workings and surrounded by copper-slag heaps. U. The pieces coins of pot are. ? r^oceodiogs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. In all. The above iuformation has b^n kindly ftamiahcd hj Mr. Oldeo. pp. pondlng to a discovered. 363 were discovereJ lying together. so small that no conclusions can be drawn The coins were found in one place . the major portion were discovered on May 81st. view. days upon a further search being made.H. is situated.' Mint might have been erected near the The fact that the edges of the coins had not been feupport to this possibility. " Puri coins are of the type kno^irn as Kushan. 1917. Nos. C. as yet.L Th(5 coins which are described in the present paper were found on tha northern slope of the Rakha Hills in the district of Singhbhura. however. Hoerule in the ' Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1895. and this led to further search by the removal of the top soil. are in th« Bihar and Orlssa Coin Cabinet in the Patnia llnacam and are aerials. 61-05. where the coins were foond.

worn down by usage. show two standing figures. and in trace of the it is its impossible to be quite certain of the but the resemblance of the figures on both the obverses and reverses to those on the corresponding Kanerld coins is very identity . p. of this class were of five varieties according to the position of the figures. AEPO."* These latter and were " Puri Kushan " coins were of difEerent Tarietiea classified — No Clou 1. coins of this class 'were of seven varieties according to the position of the figures* Clau III. The coins by Dr. sufficient remains to identify them with coins of the Indo-Scythian class. B. The obverse shows the well-known standing figure of king Khanishka pointing with his right hand down to the fire-alter . one on each face of the are cast coins. however. They consisted of two distinct 47 of the coma were die-struck but were varieties. They all There is no l^end coin. —43 The — coins. . 1895. while excavating earthworks at Gurbai Salt Factory at Manikaratna in the Puri District. 74- The [iJlOlB. two feet below thd surface. "With crescent on the reverse in the left top of the field. On some so much are bare- of them. that the designs on most of them " ly discernible. of marked with a crescent placed in varying but most them are parts of the field. — With crescent on reverse in right top of field. the reverses or MIIPO. Clatt 11. I consisted of 548 copper coins. The coins of this class were of three varieties according to the position of the figures. The whole of the remainder striking of the coins and very crude imitations of those of Kanerki. 63. » Proc A. 8. which find in that case were found buried in a small earthen pot. may Accordingly they be distributed into the following classes and varieties. —84 coiita. as seen show figures of MAO on Eanerki No coins. of course. absence. legend remains. Hoemle on either crescent :— as follows side.— S09 coins.rVXI XUSHAlf C0VS9. and OADO. with their arms in varying positions.

TOL. All are represents one of the '' light '' much worn. PDBI iVSUAir COIKt. but most the following wood-cut perfect. being a striking resemblance to group. —Witb crescent fSf on both obverse aud reverse. presenting close to an extensive Kanerki. 7.AJuiliary Asiatic Series. but it is hardly possible to look at the traces of design in the above and not figure to identify it with those im- of that race. 1858. • .—! coia*. 1. The the cut. M. and the left down* No it is the Scythian domination have hitherto been met with so far to the south. and the left up. With crescent on head of reverse figure.1 CiiUt IF. surrounded by the debris of a lofty walL" The coins are described as follows :— '' In the neighbourhood of this place numbers of copper coins. 1858). Clast V. more especially to the ooint those of the Indo-Scythian of of Pandya now deserted town. Walter Elliot in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science. • I. jig. been a previous find of coins of this the tvpe in district Ganjam 1658 which are described bj in Mr. Society. PT. whereas which should be raised. — There had. " it is Mr. p^ 92-98. Vincent Smith notes impossible to fix the date of from Puri and Ganjam.T. April to September..— - 19 coins. of which the excessively rude coins in aud an : * The Madras Jonrnsl of Literature and Science edited by the Committee ot tb« Madraa Literary Society (No. the in case were found about 4 miles to the west coins in that figure on the obverse and reverse is the same. of a type different from any other hitherto met with. however. New and. 14. Pages 75*77 and 78. C„ Vol I. the right hand represented down. found. The coins of this class were of seven varieties according to the position of the figures.1 The Porushottampur in the of modem district village of but are " Ganjam where are the remains of but Southern India. but in the position of the arms has been reversed.'' pressed on the money Nine of the Puri coins in the India Museum are described Vincent Smith's Catalogue of Coins in the India Museum* illustration of one is given in Plate XIV.

note that Kashan coins have been Kanchi places in the district. appear that the site of the find was a Mint. They maj have been 14. Hoemle. All numismatists acknowledge that they issued ralers of by it is possible exhibit a reminiscence of the characteristic Khosan type. Hoemle noted that Kushan coins were not Dr. come under class III " with crescent on reverse in right top of field " which class also com- number of the coins found in the Puri district."* Dr. pp. It will. therefore. and they do not. the site of an ancient shrine and place of pilgrimage might account for it. I would recently found at different where there is no reason to suppose that they |might havebeen brought by pilgrims. similar to certain imitations the Punjab." Professor Rapson also refers to the above coins.an example is shown in Plate XIV. and that they may have been struck only for use ai temple oEerings. frillj of metal from the edges of the mould remain attached. "With the exception of the two coins shown in figs. all the coins of the present find. 18. prised the greater the edges of all the coins are rough and. appear to have been in circulation. as will be seen irom the plate. Hoernle. Hoem!e noted that as that was the had been found first dicesion on which kushan coins in the extreme East of India. » * L M. Possibly they may by yaudeya coins found in have been only intended ai ornaments. VoL IcdUa Colot I. with the exception of the unique coin shown in fig. have been cast as they with some attachment.. 2 of the Plate. 1 and 2. the fact of their being found near Puri. They may have been meant to be used as temple-ofEerings of pilgrims. C. in many cases. where these coins were cast. the in coins current as ordinary sense may not be quite certain. and that as regards the ** whether they were intended to pass present type of cost coins. ]t is also ornaments .83. therefore. improbable that tley were cast for the purpo-e of would probably. 64.' With regard to the abovo remark of Dr. . Following the lines of classification adopted by Dr. Kalinga in the fourth or fifth century. in that case. p. by which they could be worn.

with the ^ and 88 of tlie T-IU. -as in 'figs.) and (fig. coins have the arms curved Any more downwards/ as ia such cla'^sifieation.-C..).' 8 to'tf. 1S03. therefore. the figure of the god on the reverse resemblance to that of the Ku^han coins. As Kifti i.' according^o the ^sition by which dassifiea- of the arms of the figure on the obverse.'i)p «*^». 6$.' (l-52-7e grs.S. fini. Vol. as in the other coins. I. rr.howeVer. there ^mo king on the obv^!«e. also. apart is shown 2 (T616 grs.B.( jot. Picc. two varieties. viz. • . in which 'the Variations noted wcu!d ifather appear to be accidental variations "in the The weights in1ig. type the weights of grs. figs. 'figure stafE or spear in his of the male moon-god. 6) to S9 83 grs. excludiag the new from the type. 1 of tlie coins.: i ^^^ '\ . two varieties of the coins. ti^on 2lS of the coins have the figure of the king on the obverie left arm of est^nded horizontally. be roughly also may dassi fixation Adopted arrslugted on the lines </f by Dr. . on the ohscrve on the reverse is now illustrated. p. hand. as in fig. appears to be of ao Value in'the case of such rude imitations.i in the cMc of rusnAx cdnw. some tfcondly. and. Z. 2). very rude known the well Vvith extended over a left 88 inclicated by the . A. which of a. '5-12. on the reverse. There are roughly where the clothing of bears and holding^ a fire-altar. the present tlie imUatlon of the coinj^e of Kanishka fi^uTC of the king with his righfc hand coins are. with the boots shorter and turned up ns'ia figs a and 4 and with the boots shown at -much greater leogt^ horizontally The ii8 coiiis -r in fi^s. clearly. grs. a sirialler vary from 211 to 106 The Coins froni »7'lO of 'C6in than those found in th^d Puri '^^hfch two fig. in which the wearipg a coat similar to that of the In regard to the boots. Hoernle. vary They'arc. yj coins ^rclVioaslydesoriWS.'*^ interest of the present find. figure and the crescent. ^ » l-M.. (Fig. disti-ict. single-uoin- in the fact that it lies extends the area over which this class of coins has been found.>:..

Table FV. IV. 11.' fmi KtSRAN 7g (JAO. of the "Puri Kushan" typo than the seventh century. line 11 of Biihler's Tables. it 1896. as noted by Dr. as * Pioc A. The coin shown new type of a in ^ff.I). however. baa bMQ recently foand in the Earn thaM .B J. fig. {ibid. sent hills.8^ tod a eopper eoin of Eanitblc* timilar to that illn>tnii«d {> gold eoin of tl« I. This would appear to show be of a later period. the coins of the present find are later than the date hitherto assumed. 2 shows that it continued until considerably latet. Inscription. and to which the coins of these type and tlie inscription extended.D. COIMS. the earliest . is by side. still that these rude There would have been no object in copying an obsolete coinage. that this typa <rf Chota •of Nagpur. 1.that the present find of corns of the not earlier The symbol of three cones side ytrj interesting. column I. to represent hills. but on the obverse. * A T6L B^ S. as in fig. pp. although the present coin shown in^^. which may possibly repre. I. line 17). in place of the figure of ' the Kushan king. 2 is particularly interesting. Hoernle. p.lf..C. nJta is similar to that in the <»r« S75 A. therefore. the reverse there is the figure of the moon-god with crescent and wearing turned up boots. HnTJtbka Flata XT. are three cones.O. iype. coin existed from the time of the currency of Kushan coins. 635 A. Hoemle. figured The Allahabad Prashashti in table letter ^. as being On not hitherto found.B. column XVII. appears to example of this form given by BUhler being that in the Amsuvarman Inscription. YoL I. and below them the word The aiihara faiti^.B. it made imitations would not have been coins had may be assumed unless the Indo-Scythian been current in Northern India. * Kushan coins have been found at different parts of the Ranchi district * Although. 281-2. at Belvsdag U detcribed in J. is would appear to bo a survival of the M. ume ditiriet. on coin 2 famishes material for fixing the date of the present find. it would seem probable. As noted hy Dr.

K.B. 1 M An Ezamioation of a Piod of Poach Hsrked Coixu in Fatn» City..^ Since this paper was written. the left arm of the figure.?UBI KlTSBAir COIHS. C. there was one coin in the crescent rose^ as in the Kushan coins from the shoulders. and which also occurs in the form of three bj side^ as in the case of the cones on the which symbol. A coin with this figure if given for the purpose of comparison at fig. in which the that they were copied figure crescent rose from his shoulders. Banerji in a paper which appears in the present number of this JonmaL The crescent on the reverse of the remaining coins shows from those Kushan coins which bore the of the Moon-god MAO on the reverse. to make room for it on the coin. L] fg sjmbol of one arch superimposed on two others hitherto considered to be a ehaitya or itupaj found on punch-marked coins and early cast coins. H. and. tl. W»lah J. would appear to have been intended to represent a hill.O. By . as I have noted with regard to those arches placed side present coin . has been entirelj crescent is omitted. which In the coins formed in Puri. It is a gold coin of kanishka as I have not been able to obtain a cart of a copper coin of this type. Tolom* T« p.B.S. TOL. T« PT. this coin has also been described coins. ** X. In these imitations the shown detached from the figure. by Mr. B. IS on the Plate.

132-70 ni& 73 29 ^*r C6-5a m^ 8710 7 .We-ght Pig-ire.

the India Muhrum. .i^JUjv1.'^^ C6PPER COINS OF THE "PURl KuSHAN" TYPE. FOUND AT UAKHA SiNGHBHUM DISTRICT Gold coin of Kanihhka IN Fig. in 1 — 12).•'?fv^-sc~"'^^'"^y'^r-'" ' . 'daSai^«iiiJbb.'dk:wfj. 18. (FiGS.

.

L] PartieuJatt Figurt nnu of t\$ KUBRiir conrf. eoint ikoion on tho Piatt .you « n. $1 —contd.

1] have been found in large numbers all over Northern India. A. II. coin was found belongs to Raja dighi Lord who presented Carmichael cpecimen is it to Mani Lai Singh Roy of Chak- Lord Carmichael. So. V. and type of B. V4L ' ' ' /' I. . 120. Smith. PI. but on the other hand it is a much better specimen. By R.— S'amudragupta—Speabmih Ti?i. No. : I.K IU. Smith p. No. 11.—Ya<as. No. Banker and Reis of Fatna. The name under the right armpit is clearly Catalogue of Coioi in ihe Indian Moieam. M. He possesses a specimen of that king of doubtful identity the only known specimen of whose coinage is in the cabinet of the Indian Museum. late Gx)vemor of BengaL It possession of was found some years ago while a tank was being excavated at The land in which the Chakdighi in the Burd\ran District.^ The Patna coin is a duplicate of the specimen described by Mr. but so far very few coins have been found in Bengal proper. The remarkable for the exceptional purity of its metal is a very well preserved specimen of th« It weighs 117 grs. D. A coin of this type I found in the Lord Carmichael. The recorded finds of Imperial Gupta coins in Bengal do not include a specimen of this type. the legends on which are clearly legible. C.~Notes on Indian Numismatics. page 1. 1 (standard type). cabinet which is exceptionally rich in Ghipta possesses a coin coins. . B&ndrjt. Calcutta. Calcatti. for permission I am indebted to to publish this coin. Allan. Rai Radhakrishna Jalan Bahadur. ToL XVI. Coins of this type of the gold coinage of Samudragupta [Plate 1. 1. ^ Y. A.

^K.] Annual Report of the Archaeological Sanrey of * Indian Coins.IJ name was Ya&)gupta. •Ibid. Calcatta. they were found in company with bronze Ku^ana It has been suggested coins struck in the ordinary manner". V. Vol. Calcutta. states that these coins were issued by the f?) kings of Kalinga (Pun and Ganjam) (?) of fourth and fifth century A. VOt. 14.T. JT. J. P.—E. Smith in his Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum.* The same authority informs ua that *' in the case of the chief recorded discovery of these coins in the Pari District. III. p.* Professor Rapson allots these. They are known as Puri-knshans. 9S. 19I8«14.* the same authority that they were in circulation along with by the original Kusana bronze coinage from which they have been Professor Rapson concludes his short description of this copied. India. Professor Rapson " Indian Coins " states " inlhis they bear no inscriptions . A. no other Numismatist has expressed his opinion about the probable date of this class of coinage. Ifl/fl reverse is legend on the in my previous note on the subject.* The " Narenira Vinata " as I have stated Possibly the full or Yaio. •Ibid. and 98 ' I. 260.D. '* in cither case they class of coinage by stating that probably belong to that part of the Kufana period which lies between the reign of Kani§ka and the end". P. but their borrowed from those of the bronze Ku$ana types are evidently Coins of the time of Kani? ka". [Sm ao(« in this Jooroal by tho HonH)!* Mr. pi. » * One sent stven of these coins to of these coins though belonging me to for this [Probably Tai'odharmait.'' In 1917 Hi« far as I Honour Sir Edward Gait examination. 83 —An The metal is very impure • Inscribed Pusi-Kussan Coin. LXVL pag« 13.] pages 64^5 . Large numbers of copper coins struck in imitation of the Kushans have been discovered in Orissa copper coins of the Great and Ganjam.* gold. coins to the first three centuries of the Christian era but Mr.XdTES OX INDIAN NUMISMATICS.* So know. Walsh. * Catalogao of Coiot in iha Indian Maieam. PT.

. 274 So But far by the ^ ' . " This inscription is the most important part of this which ought to be put on find It provides ns with a TahiaY*.)* The alphabet of the Bodb.. In this inscription the lower I'mb of ia is still without the acute angle which is the characteristic of this letter in This later form of ia appears for the first the seventh century. The word Tani^ means "a stamped of four maslia8. On this coin we have a Lunian fi^nre and a crescent on one side The reverse has three cones ranged in a line in the upper half of the circle ani an inscription consisting of two syllables in only. It may safely be asserted now that the Puri-Kusban coins were issued some time before the middle of the seventh century A. 80p. . Wright. the coin is octagonal. Intcrlptioni^ p..D. Aphsand inscripti<)n 672 A. N. .i —AMoHAEOP . page 38. Alaiiddin The collection in i. as our knowledge goes octagonal coins were issued only I » Fleet : Gapta Ibid.E.. krishna Jalan of Patna contains some unique coins. instead of being round in shape. tho possession of . 2C9.. 191). Rii Bahadur Radha*.5 . The legend on the obverse is complete and quite clear. in examination would be out of place here palmographical detailed but I possibly . am A the sixth century.v. t'AO^K particular chss of coinage differed considerabl/ in one respect. time in North-Eastern India in the Bodh Gaja inscription of Mahanaman (G. sure that the last-named date will not be found very. era weight IV. On« of these is a muhar of Alauddin Muhammad Shah of the Khilji dynasty of Delhi (H. . record.'f. The 'inscription datum which was wanting ic so long from which the correct date of this class of coins can be deduced.D. 5S8 A.XOTZS OS {4 IN* DIA5 KVan9XATIC9.D. I. II. p. EESiaucK .C. wide of the mark.M. No.:.ij MuHAUUiD Shah / IS Assam.)* and the of Aditya'ena (H.E. 63. the lower.. inscription appears to be Gaya rather too late for the sixth of the Aphsand inscription may be century and therefore that taken to be a fixed point. coiu'*.

'''••9mif^'''i''i''^mmm^m)mmimfm»'i*mm'timmmmm^ •ill .. r-i -::'> J ' ~^l iifti«Mi«MiMrijliii*UiiaHiiiiliii^^ HMii^^Mpii^MMaaiiMMiririMatfMiiMiil ..

•- • •••.• ••.• • • •• .

to tb* P. bore this v. f^ As -am who minted boih gold and silver 'in this The older Ahom coins bore Ah 3m legends p. sumamed dynisty of liajo. in 1895 and dcscr. however. B . (both script Ahom kings of and Bengali script took the place of AhomwilhtheInd!anization Ahom legends were probably used for of these Shan princes.'ho No Perso-Arabic words. 8. v.jrlicr. This coin was issued in Saka 1510-1 5 J8 A. Vol. Tiio only prince reigned in He was tha son of S'ukladhvaja.VOL. Only one coin* appease him narayana.lar shape.M. whore we have tho name Ragh(u)narayapa (?) below some British. I. coins of Sunefipha or Promatha Simha Vol. page 298). . VJI.. of this prince is known which has been described by me (Journal and Proceedings of the A. But later on. " the Kite king'^ who was the younger brother of NaraSilarai R ighudeva was given a portion of the kingdom of as it sto^d in the days of Naranarayana in order to Bihir Kuch when a son was born to the latter.D and like all coins of Koch kings is round in shape. N'OtES T^t. a time Righudeva The name too It is imitat-ed the is RaghudevanJlrSyapa quite probable. (V. page 4£). thu King 86. But the octagonal Smith. Gold coins of the independent Sultans of Bengal are extremely * [Tb:i is not correct. B. The name may have been shortened oi account of the small size of the coin. I. ciiu of 1S05. rare. SB. its illegible bare the Ahom prince of the who dynasty Assam and name Raghu was Raghudevanarayapa of the Koch nam3. shape was retained till the annexation of the kingdom bj the the time on the last A The gold coin of AUuddin Muhammad Shah prjbablv shape when it came to Assam and was restruck by changed The rcstriking was done on the reverse only the Ahom kings. Smskrit language and language). coin also belongs to Rai Bahadur Ra4^'' knshna Jalan of Patna. and not Raghunarayaoa.] .I-] OK INDIAX MCUI8MAT1C8. p.. that for Ahom form of coinage.bji This coin is an exact replica of the Edwanl Gait gavo ore it in Proc. /. X. Sir 1. S.— Gold Coin Like No.— E.C. opJGhiyasuddin IV this Mahmud Shah op Bengal. So far as is known no other Muhammadan coin has been restruck by Koch or Ahom kings.

pages 141-142). 948 A..M. Vol.A.. a mint very well known from the coins of the Independent Sultans of Bengal^ from the time of Sultan Sbamsuddin Ilyas SJiah. I.M. 4i8 silver coins of Sher Shah were received for examination from the Collector of Shahabad. (1) (1) : — ^ Sher Sljah's coins. The find contained some tmiqae coins of the following mints (2) Paaduah. He was defeated and besieged bj S^er Khan (afterwards Sher Shah) in the fort of Ganr. bad find the name of the mint is to be found on the obverse.. has been generally taken to be Pandaa. Bihar and Oriesa. thesis. No. the last C<I3. H. Coins of the Pandua mint^ belongfto two different types :— But in the ShahaVol. Chanarh or Chtmarh . page 179. just below the Kalima but inside the square. no mint var. is A'l. a town to the north of Gaur which of Danuja-marddanadeva who appears as a mint on the corns 1417 A.Trans. 222. II. English .) In July 1917. There no date on this coin but it resembles I. (fl) I.C.N0TK8 UX INOUH MUXIBMATICS^ 81 silver coins of Ghijasuddin Mahmud Alauddia Hosain Sbah who was the Sbah.0. — coniemporary of Jalaluddin Muhammad Shah son of Raja Kanj* of Bengal. (Plate II. but no definite proof has ever been adduced in favour of this It has succeeded yery well as a working hypoidentification. —Nkw Mints and Types op Shx£ Juab's Coujaqe.|JIL younger son of independent Snitan of Bengal. . 655. (3) Kilpi. or its immediate neighbonrhood appear to be of Bengal capital The Shahabad find contains no less than three coins from the mint of Papduah. Firozabad. Unmajun came into with Sher Shah by marching to Bengal to conflict Mahmud Shah. relieve ^fahmud Shah died at Kahalgaon near Bhagal- pur (Rijaz-us-salatin.C. were minted mostly at Fathabsd Sha- But no coins min^«d from the rifabad and Satgaon in Bengal.D and was thus a ruled over Bengal in Saka 1339 known.

i>: *• ' {""' •!. 'I '.XOXES ON INDIAN NUMISViTlCS.. I.' The coin was not how termine illustrated at that the three coins issued form is time so it - to de- is difficult name was spelt. . 889.I.. 636-686... ./* " • -^ . p.li ". p. 653. I.- — '. •*.. This is the first known coin with circular areas from that mint. • - * ' '-"^l <% ': . .. Chronicles of tho Pathan ^ings of Delhi..''•. .. Here also th« mint name has been added in the same place. -«• •- .C.- . ^-^ - .* . 87. No.T«PT.•. . 369.1 37 M. the Hindi equivalent <A. from the mint of Cbanarh.i'* • ' • : . This a contraction of Charapagadh. The coins of Sber Sljah (3) its of circle issued from the KaJpi mint generally have square areas.. 4* r':\- ' '. 947 A. B..:_o.H. • . .':. Vol.M. Thomas in his Chronicles of Pathan Kings of Belhi where the name of the mint is spelt Chunar. The Shahabad find contains in 91)9 A. C. .. 0!i..st . No mint. 402. . the ancient Charan-adri^durgga.': . No. ']']:<{ m A v^/ o.' • .» «4 -.* ^ « Chronicles of the Pathan Eingt of HclLi. p.'. The coin of the Kalpi mint is notable for intertwined double-linea. i. . Kos. II.. -I .H. 364 . II. I' • --'-t » •'» . (1) Only one (2) silver coin of Sher Sljah issued from the mint of Chunar was described by E. var.

^ Ur. About the year 1879 they wei« reiiiQved to the Indian Museum. £r9Si kit . the then Director-General of the ArchaoJ. about 1812. C. wbo Joarnal. B. Jayaswal.) By K. century citizcni of Patna found ^^^ ®' ihiee statues. One of which was still imbedded in the original site. Beglar brought them to the notice of the late Sir Alexander Cunningham. whose brother. * back. Over in its pages. It if possible that the day ttatne ia still aomewhere in the neighbourhood of the Agama as Koaa. according to Buchanan. presented them to the Asiatic Society of BengaL There they lay neglected for forty years hidden amongst the foliage until D. The other he rescued from the bed of the Ganges to which it had been dedicated by ihero.e^ XV. logical The called the monnted was found by Cunningham near the old well " Agama Kuan to the south of Patna City. Discovery of the Stataes. Tbeis^ statue third '' with a new head it was being worshipped in his Mata-ilal by the villagers. in 1820. ^ He did not see the third figure. Subsequently the tvro figures recovered by Buchanan seem to have come in the possession of one Dr. in a field to the south of Patna Citjr. Since the fouadatlon of this Journal maaj nosolTed problem! of the pre-Mauryan period have been partiallj or whollj solved and 1 am glad to get a fresh opportanitj to attempt once asrain to add to the known history nf that period. M. gWen to me bj Mr.P. Calcutt-^ where they are at present installed on raised pedestals in the Bharhut gallery.—Statues of Two Saisunaka Emperord (483-409 B. Tytler. Survey of India. Buchanan had taken oat and removed. Y. kindljr drew joantal my attootion to thl« (oarce. rricdpil of Patna CuUcge. Jackson it \» idiking Bocbanaa'c The wImI* axtrMi printed UixJtec M. the citizens. Jackson.

a »!»»»• of comt arfitea. last that aocidently I examined the inscriptions on the statuet and found them to estahlish the identity of the statues. Coiipt •rtwtot attended upon the king w. articU pablltbcd ii> th!a tMoe of tb« JooraaL Spooner't The photoprapbg d> not orii g onfc th« easy pose of the right leg .0JL8^ I. and claim for them a high place amongst the hest specimens of earl/ Indian art. lAlfVNAKA STATU It. is the figure of a handsome Indo-Axyaa woman. prepared for (*' Mauryan ") Museum. the my f.decoratlT* flgor* npreg^ating a gafiki. on the other hand. however.• the graat conqueror Nandi-Vardhana (419-409 B. itUaet (Jatftlc)!. distingolshed from the classical (European) by rounded ohin » notice and heavy bosom J. and the . ' : it title I objected to the nomenclature intended lift.. * 6e« tha pUtet to Dr.B.] |g General Cunningham was primarily attracted to the stattiM Qwing to their highly gloBsj polish *' Maurjran''). for in a (called describing them in Vol. probably have been examined SSSsaid^thJC PalssosTsrapliy. in 1919. XV. tip to this tirnt realized their artistic significance to He.). They represent two emperors of the STaiiuuaka dynasty.%\ttm dtn>ting.jewelled. one of whon^ Udayiu (4S3-4i67 B. the statues have been really It was in the month of January discovered nnw. ademi-god).)." Though discovered in 1812 or 1819. originallj placed in a royal eoork.?male of Yaksha. Tboy wero richly be.yal cntirta we:« drooratrd with lifelike frafii]« itK&dioii the left. The new PatnaDIdarganj statue. Now the conventional repn«en« tation of Yaksha and Yakshini in Indian art is marked with snob nose and raised chsek bones. 67. inscriptions on the And statues.). ^T.C. - ' .C.'. Thepe fem<«l< s are eUlrd mnifihat {Ilid. I. attracted the they would not bat for the by me In January last newly-discovered now at the statue. bore the a label female Fatna Tahkirfi (i. 123). was the founder of Pataliputra. These JJUaka and Artha-Siatm dats iTJ^Test the idcntifichtion of the Didarganj •'^atae at m . great extent. VI.. a^cordiig to the Arthvtast»a (p. 2-3) he summed up with this remark : " the easy attitude and of the figures are still the calm and dignified repose conspicuous. following incident. v. of hit- Arcbseological Surrey Reports (pp.e.TOL.th emblfna of royalty on certnin cer nj^nlal occKlons (Ibid. the f gar* BSoda r. 432).*) Since the time of Cunningham no one re-examined the other.

inscriptions on them. wherenpon the precedent of tbe two Fataa statnes in the Indian Museum vas cited in that thej were described by Cunningham as Yakshas on the authority of the for ihMt elegant fignre. Cunningham had however. I consulted Mr. Patna Museum impressions were practically worthless. more archaic than The archaism was letters. agreed with Vice-President Hon'ble Mr. It seems that the artist thought it profanity in art to cut the letters After a long scrutiny I came to the conclusion that the letters had been carved before the parallel lines to into the body. which I had to visit of &e same month. presented to They did not of known to Indian vith characters yet any period folly tally first at one While letter. me the moment I showed the impressions to him. yet they sufficiently showed that the alleged " Taksha " was in neither inscription. Arun Sen^ Lecturer in Indian Art to the University of Calcutta. Aaoka. / and to be new forms. dk. a few days until I went final for deferred and judgment reading on business. could be aaagned only on presuming them to be ancestors of such A4^"i letters to which the latter can be earned back on I arrived at a tentative principles of epigraphic evolution. The letters. the oldest madded that four appeared to all others disclosed forms known Brahmi me characters. I utilized the inscriptions on the statues during <m di&rent days. a view in which the of the Society. and he confirmed my view. Walsh. being badly taken on angle sheets. This made me desirous of examining Copies of those inscriptions prepared for the chanced to have arrived at the time. These tho£8 inscriptions. denote folds on the scarf were chiselled. The inscriptions are on the my spare time in Calcutta six folds of the scarf just shoulders on the back of each statue below the ( see photograph D ). towards the end that opportunity and examined to Calcutta. which me declared to be later than a wonderful problem. sight appeared to Ejxgraphy. on the point.SAISUXIKA STITVES. The fold-lines have continued in spite of the letters. To them value so t. *. beloDg to a later age. Over the letters they have been- . afterwards identified as b^. 10 t-f^AM.

while the Aiokan bh tends to be done in two strokes Biihler's (cf.A. column VI .. very delicately handled : while the symmetry of the lines is kept on. thanks to Mr. It is indeed not possible to take it as any other . The is on the statue with the head on inscription as follows B^a^e JCUO The aksharas ACUO are larger than others. The upward The first letter. in capitals. and the 5A'« have been written in the The Aiokan led to the introduction of the upper right-hand vortical line was drawn first. (figure :— hh.] Qt. The point can be clearly projection : the^ by a to the bh in the Sohgaura plate where the are In the' two divisions (J. Our three-stroke letter on the statue is thus older initial end became in evolution. Bhandarkar. projection of the top line a* Aiokan bh is not present here. 1907) separate. R.!. strokes. one word. letter).S. draw the top line and the left-hand line together. TOkT^PT. the the courtesy of those impressions and verified and Museum. the forms of the letters have not been interfered with. line 31. and then in one flourish commencing over the t'Op of the right-hand line the rest of the letter was completed. That is a later The letter in our iascription is written in three evolution. the pen being set and takgn off three times. One can verify this by to produce the letter with ease on the principle of the attempting Sohgaura bh. D.R. as if they are put separately to make. is grouped separately. the strokes of the letters being scrupulously avoided original kept separate. the attempt to followed reference pointed upwards. letter than &i. Bhattiproltt way which following Table II. the left-hand it appears in and the right-hand strokes having] been drawn independently of the top line.mSUNAKA 8T1TCJKS. I had six impressions of each section of the archseological inscription taken. The first title bhage is grouped is ACHO again to be taken A) chhonVdhUe. officer in My from the actual charge of the reading is based on letters inscribed on the statues.

in our record consists of three strokes. at Kalsi. As composed of three strokes. The penultimate letter is done in three strokes. composed of two lines. The g. line being produced b Jaugada and Siddapur.lAISCXAKA tTATVM. the straight line and the lifting off the pen. is again composed of three strokes as against two of the Asokan. two lines drawn down from one point and a base-line joining the twj.stroke letter in Anoka's e. while the Asokan tends to a two-stroke composition. a left-hand line projecting and then aright-hand. consists in that it ii a haok. The latter letter. n. strokes still one uneven linger at Bhattiptolo. II The peculiarity of the second [i. <. The Aiokait letter on the other hand is made up of two inro eqnal and convenient parts or it begins to be written Delhi and Siddapur. stroke. ^Ik line. e. to this in The A^oka ch'* is the third sixth character. elk. slightly cnnred line drawn from top to bottom. The third letter. g. at Jaugada. The next letter.//. a. drawn a compromise between our dh and the Aiokan. upside dcwn The ) is There the strokes canaol be an « oa accoant of tb« rowel-mark atiocbed ta ii* . Its similarity with later n is more for later n't are really two-stroke letters. The only is base exception specimen at Gimar which is in to our eh the whole range of Indian the nearest approach epigraphy. It is a new form.* Here again the Aiokan much form— than easier— decayed in —a written in only two strokes Bhattlprolu dk ( BUhler letter {dk) is this dh^ the former being curve and a straight 26. fourth has a special feature in its perpendicular independently of the lower body. The g. and assuming a previous history to the Aiokan dh our letter can only be ancestor to the latter. to in would be recognized at once by epigraphis'g I may only point out that the two ears which are so widely apart in our letter.BAl. tend to coalesce and to lose their curve and become a two. the other two and t being excluded by their actual occurpossible cases of g rence in the inscription. done without against this the Aiokan eh strokes. be an old form. apparent than real . xir. made up of only two diagram.l letter. time.

%kWa»AXk fTATOtS. more original and last letter is still some time. floarish ends on the level of the base of the letters and does not that the tarn upwards. a natter of and then by its its identification was A long perpendicular line is drawn first about the middle. The legs. but original form a distinct The 'still ft the right-hand line begins to cnrre. T« rt. sh. The lower equally. the rock a discovered on elbow joint upwards inscription.C) two-stroke k but the absence of seraph and the lower flourish together with the number of strokei would dislodge that proposal. composed prodactd by a orack la tiw . tend to hang down. I was first Dr. This from the line is so thin impressions do not reproduce it sufficiently. while they hang on in the Saisunaka letter. At firet sight one would be inclined to take it as a fourth century (A. L] are Btni three. probable that the letter is a dental 9. It is or more. It is radically diiferent from i. Tht survives in the Andhra group though with tendency to a two-stroke form. its In all we find the Asokan figures having reached much less exertion than the S^ailunaka onef . 37. The right-hand sponding upper flourish > The eontinottion of th« rccki } it it line is separated it is therefore part not obiMlltd. is by a small of the next letter. again. or to adopt an art expression. the inclined to take it as an whom I consulted about the fine chiselled ^ line to the fold-line above. II) and Bhattlprolu / (Buhler. we can on palsographic considerations trace the ancestry of the A^okan (Buhler. TOL. Mazumdar. 37. A^kan and Budradaman's. upper portion totally disappdarin^^ and the lower still remain* ing longer than the sidal legs. to the palasog^phy of the second a new form. a fork. If wo follow the methoi of presuming an earlier form. two hooks are added in sides. theso cases a stage which costs Tbey are much easier. they are decadent as compared with our letters. oa the rock. mwk Uyond The whole tht Ua« k letter is ridge Thecorre«. two separate strokes. XIVj to The pivotal line has been contracted in the latter. this letter. The degree of evolutional decay between our letters and the Asokan is nearly the same as between the Coming first letter is older form of letter.

The next the first inscription^ drawn in three strokes. g^ of three sections. already lost and the letter becomes lessening the conre. the top vertical line. n. i^ is .SAISUXJULi STATVXS. curvish in form. . The right-hand one is drawn from top to bottom and the left-hand one from bottom to top. hand line becomes shorter The The left^ third again. The side strokes. are only two-stroke forms. Mathura and Hathignmpha. is Qf time in being a combination of tiro a straight base. is like the Aiokan letter. put on separately. it line is groups. v. The fourth letter (/) touches the quadrilateral In the Aiokan the much latter detail ii easier in shape. P's in Alokaa i. All Aiokan and later ^'s. and the middle stroke ceises to be straight The second made up letter is of three distinct strokes : the right-hand. Our letter has a faithful descendent in the Kalsi letter mark (BUhler.BX>AjB. The hook in our letter almost and has a nose to the right. two making consists of three parts. kh^ time. first (J. but that also bears the a two-stroke diagram. as in last letter. Bharhut and Hathigumpha. and. and the left-hand lines. finally. the The older form persists at Delhi left-hand end becoming shorL and later at Pabhosa.. the base. round and with the vertical line a two-stroke character. except the Delhi letter. and finiUy a ver* The Aiokan c becomes completely tical line above the body. XIV). on the other hand. The sixth (Biihler. but there the curte in each case has long disappeared and a straight line taken its place. In As'okan alphabet both the upper gtroke above the elbow. The is. are produced in one stroke. form nearest to our letter is preserved in a Bhattiprolu variety The older form lii^iB at Mathura. has an older feature. III). dental and cerebral S's are produced in two strokes. character.e. 36. which becomes round or tends to disappear in Anoka's letter. then the crescent commencing at the elbow joint dnd ending by the bottom of the horizontil line of the next letter. The next one. 23. still as time proceeds. up. has the composition of f as against /. The body is formed of four lines. one. /. the legs and one. The left-hand a shade shorter than the right-hand one. the fork commencing with the inner line.

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. all the other and later ones generally tend to be one-stroka characters. Maur jan times there had been two collateral branches of writing It descended is from an common earlier ancestor. .•^. very probable. I should say. on post-Mauryan appears found on Mauryan worts.e'-^ . -Sii^i. gave represented by our present letters Pabhosa and Hathigumpha rise to the Southern. one of which became the imperial script under the Mauryas.C. It maj be that the two Tarietiei bore the two naaec. the polish showi| cannot be that the statues post-Mauryan. * * on of him Mr. Mr. the naines with Uie had been inscribed before the statueb*' were given the finishing touches. W. to whom I showed the statues without disclosing to declared them art The at opinion Cambridge art.* It is statues . T^ in oldest again 9f form^ done in three strokes. Art to the University of Calcutta. Again. and carries weight. while the oth^ in the fifth century B. Arun Sen. Mathura.* Both In BndtBiitt and Jaina books we hear of a writlog called PacuhkartidI •OfiFef*. and it is difficult to derive them all from a coiiimon Brahmv oJE the ifaird variations.ihe ntroke over i\ is Bot connected and doe* not leem' to be paitof ihe letter. who has received made a special study Sen. has of the inscription^ in his training of Mauryan any case on the evidence of the Or. 1*3 VOL. the data considerations But to be pre-Manryan. Lecturer in Hind-o. The complete inscription I read : Sapa^-khate* Vata' Naipdi I here note a view which occurs to may me after the aboT9 probable. Or. lo the Aiokaii letters once more the Delhi letter is nearer our present form.C. certain that the inscriptions are contemporary in fact.81I8UKAKA STATUES. kk(e?) te. century B. that in preanalysis. The polish never monuments while it is invariably.* side by sido with Brabml. 8h»pa. The variations in contemporary writings of post^lauryan period are really variations in basic principles.

fik.O. It ii earlier times. the script of the Manryan the script on the statues is not that. Maaryan times. 1^ polish. age definitely by establishing the historical identity of the statues and by recalling to our mind the Hindu custom recorded by Bhasa * of giving statues to departed sovereigns Eoon after the demise of the last king. complete region. Brak* Bachanan in 1812. As to khatet if we take the doubtful form khete the meaning would verbally.B.lAlStTNAKA ITAtOBV. Brahm&iiLda and Matsya was the son of Udayih ( Udaydfva in the Vishnu). for Kthetra in the seose Kiietrah). 1. Pataa. VardhanCk is an imperial title I have already 'and pointed out. not part of the name. the meaning would not change. change : i. In the Puranas amount the Sai^unaka kings of Patca' As we have Nandi-Vardhana. The most be stataes therefore earlier ' in age than Aioka's period. •J. EariA)]. though not " of Sapa-Kkete (Skt. Nor would the Sanskrit restoration " be altered whether we read the word •* Varta f>jfa or Fa(a. meaning Gracious lord (noun. region of empire or region to be governed)." JrtAa-^attra. 7) calls Nandi. the stataes And and the infcriptions cannot be each detaiU in almost later than th« We know..? The translation of the second inscription {Sapa-Hate Faft Jfandt) will be NANDL" " Of complete empire Whether the first letter is VAETA (dominion).Vardhana Aja * SMinfnu *Tbe Bindas never nana of Patna gave likewise la forgot that thia Fi^lipntn was identic*! witli Patna. (cf. dental or cerebral. we shall know their - ." Bhage as an adjective comes only in " " Vedio literature. C'>BAlj|.I. ^rr»" Possessor of the whole e. " materially. Tha Jaina haTt identification to that centnry given the SthfUahhadn at Onlxarbagb. page 388.78. Nandi (Vardhana) according to the Vayu. "majesty"). Now.' name (Pi^lipnra) on their memorial !• .B. The " son of " Bhagavata (12. The translation of the inscription on statue {Bkage A ehkorVdhUe) Srstltue^ ^^' "HU will be AGHO Graexout ^'"^ ^^^' Oter-EuUr of the liajettf ZAND (or. however.

'. Iltlft •«•. (L. ..-^ . ^6^ On the Statue ok Vabta-Nandi. Itit. ^||liP^'. ••••• •• Olc OlcutU. -/>-'':>' .^'^ >v K>-**«tf<saai I. iiPiPPipppppiippMf .np!'.:.. ¥hMfy-min%yr& t prinu-4 ai lhl•)»fl\)^(T a{ t(i> Harvir n( India.L SAISUNAKA IN8CRIPTIONS (ReLIRP 81DK).. J|lll || l l| l (a) ll Hi ^ Ox THE Statue of Aja-Udayim.>. 8cal« ) 61 oririiMd.

• •• • • •••••••••• •-• • .' • >.

his son.6iid in ifid t^xeb^ding \iii€ in jptace of Udajin ii gives ooents also in (he Fiadyota lilt ot whiA mc&nf. the Matsaya to have heeh a ^aisunaka.O. of names which t had regai\^ed as corhipt (e. ' ^.8^t. tjfe^a) ifd.iily stated in of (see • an old reading (dated 1729. havehima? - Hdhi'Ndndaf «s was later times - Sabttrti ' andhis son (Pnrani^ or MihiL-Nanda^r him. Brahmai. There his fafher again Is A j a hy the Vayu.^ Fifuii. I. n. Nandi in ' jj . is In fact bur inscriptioni' enhance the value of the Puranio record. jitoUbljr. * Nandi-Vaidhaua succeeded (o the throno that th eaflifer paper. Vhri^ The variant d^tail^ Idio tarn out to be based on real history.8S-M. as already pointed oat ia thd Avinti king«. ^ The Vajn gives a variant of N^ndi's name in its Avanti It calls him Firti-Fardiana instead of Nandi^Vurdhafia^ liBt. tt. th* ICaiija ««iisUBB • J.ida and Vishnu called A j ak a and Text hy Pargiter. Wilson No. Qt 90m out of wbich Ajft Pvl^ts • temns to ba io Farpter'a Tttt. IT.O..tpML .300 inscription.- father in > CI ** -A'<tii/fa Mah&. Ib any tite the rtile It Bok Hmittfd to Um •sunenUon wbich li sot ezhtiutirc. orght to b^ Vdrld and not Vdrli is now proved by oar Difference of a vowel-mark proditced itt 4. Boileiin . bnog ta Ainti'Oaift.. and \ai inscription kS3 the fbtttf grddp ooataioi tniiii^ ^p^ fiioU om.B.. ** • Compaj Jja ^i (Smr^) b* who it itpatad m A^ ".g.Nandi The Jains count the Nandas". p. tiffin la till Fis4}!^ IbV . 19) anl the latter is oxpli.B^L. TU Khftravels's • North^ Bnddhiitl' called Ifdnda. The foraois show that different Purfii^ drew upon independent data. as historical ineisnalsi to a very great degree by confirmation of their var!tot deUiU.. S5) of y DO douht that Nandi's father by the Pura^jai.^ • Hence. J. 21 Pargiter. is both Aja and Udayin called Both ttese names mfean ** the Sun*'. Hence ther« 19.B. yeari That it of manuscript writing excusable.^ «llMidas. Nandi-V^dhans Avamti (capital Ujjain) as well. 123.&.79^p.. Kov Varii would be Prakrit fbrih of the Vatti and Vati.

"^ and wonders "whether" .. Act p._.76. This is Nandi. defeated by Chandragupta. for "expression and stones its movements >J. and there H? adjnires "the of images. meaning thereby the early Nandas aa opposed to the Neo»Nandas.8t<^ut.116-6.* has a fascinating drama '' The Statues " {Pratima) on the entitled by Bamayana story. - -^ (Tr»vtneor« QoremBiial •ditiMk|'' ''^ * * ^.*"•• • Thulvbh»di».. it temple. iO of Nandi.O. 1918. 8 years of Munda and 9 years of AnurudThe later two were eridently elder brothers of Vart* dha. 35 of Maha-Nanda. The Puranas also.'^ 1 '^'^ J '^ .* introduces him. The hundred years' aggregate is made up of the 8 years of the sons of Maha-Nanda. Pntimi. call him a " Nanda" when Han da. Bharata is first century B.^ later. his mat€> Having been brought up by his maternal relatives he is a stranger to the kingdom of his father. will. the Vardhana. Bharata enters open to the public. no signs of a temple. Vol «m6 IV. The Saisunaka Nandas were distinguished from the illegitimate Nandas by adding the word Nava ( = New). 289. was no gate-keeper. . 110. borne out by a Jaina text which designates the last *' Nava-Nanda ". . AbbidMna-Bijcndrt ' ' (ItjOitl ' •• » * J JLS. they give 100 years as the aggregate of the reign-periods of the Nandas. He has not be^n To break the news the dramatist told that his father was dead.M.RO. a temple in all appearance outward other and It was bells bore no flag. to a temporal but not a pldce of worship. " Bnasaratha. On the death of Daiscalled by the ministers from Kekaya.BA. 1.. C'A0. • . outside the capital.^ - :n Jaint Frtkrtts Rc^tlllvCa Kalpa-tvlodiili.* Nanda. nal home. as Bhasa whose date I have suggested as the end of the Drama ._- .1J. in the portrait forma. ciUd " ' ". tAlWHAIA STlTtrii. on his way home. ".n. indirectl/.B.--^^. iS. III. number a the temf>le and sees " " for the exquisiteness of execution ".C..

niii«> iiiiiiii Statue of Aja-Udayin.»'lA<. k •riatrdattiN.•»* mtim '').Plate . . I. fb). Statue of VartaNandi (Vardhana).'«y<>r {lH-siir}>/ mt lD|lfijl^i»r4l{a^J|il«.g. VHma^^tufnrri ""J-*»i-n ^- Hofmnnn.a »*.

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the sovereigns of Ayodhyft. makes Bharata suspect that the last statue was of his own " Do father and he puts the question people give statues to living This : The kings ?" rata reply '* was knows the truth and the royal ladies No. realistic. .1 STATCEJ. (" the Keeper of their the Curator. the founder of this capital. He wor« Personal Appearance of the Two Emperors. The SlaCuet " by Bhasa information regarding a custom of maintaining a royal gallery of portrait statues.kings of the l§ai^unaka ed dynastjr from the who. Since the foundation of this capital and before the Nava-Nandas there had been five. had. for similarity between them and Bharata is noticed by the Curator.a. The moment he were not of gods hut of sovereigns.* Probably the last one did not get a statuo Nava-Nanda usurper (Maha-Padma). 9» is going ito how down to tham^ " Deva-Kulika ". The statues contemplated here are portrait statues.B. At that moment is appear on the scene with the Prime Minister come there to see how the new statue has been executed. was.B. Bhastruck with grief. It was cubtomarj to respect them but not to bow to them Statues of four generations are placed there in order of succession and the Curator introIu.o.ioo.1. j. (III. 6 feet in height. PT. King Udayin.i. on the evidence of the statue. therefore. only to the departed ones ".f AlSrjTAKA TOL.mled. Tvho all aad Bharata the late *' is compared by the Prime Minister to Cthe statue of king endowed with speech. tlius gives Patna statues are 1 ike wis 3 also explained Three of these. by Bhasa. indies te the existence of a temporal temple as describe . called the enters Court and ") stops hia doing so. He Four It ^&^r some done and decorated according to but was clean shaven. as the figures MajestyB* they were gods. least. discovered together. must have formed the group.es ea3h of them in order. 13). Tha portraits of several generations of the early Satavfihana kingB at Nanaghat are now explained in the Th$ light of Bhasa.T. according to the sculpture. u6-e. find > is statues at possible to one day the fourth one near Agama Ruan. a double chin. definite style.

Blstory. Hnd that of Nandi. 102 ).G. The dates of the statues may.K.ijeel aad "bronze the name wa» givfin b/ paifnfc^ j)rob»bl» to the great ph/slcal streagth of tbe p^({9. in the cose of B.ias. I. f^ The initial date Thn J>nt9B of Two lAp of Udayin-Aja is 483 B. Saiiunaka chronology I had. 1.C. bit.eL. and the initial dOf °^ Naudi. places XJdayin's reign after the house of PaUka in \t| Kanda chapter (J. according t4» the Puranas. be fixe4 eirta 467-449 B. if I i^ that time recognized the identity of Aja with Udayin^ fof the Pura].. « J3.B.449B. in the case of statu? A and.B.0.C.C. as is now clear.. Do. Statues. I cou^ not uuderstaQ^ did so and thought that here was a case of di^ersnc^ between the Puranic and Jaina data.slMttW be regarded as identical with Aryaka-Gopalaka. for I had taken Nandi then why (^anda) kingdom it Vardhana to have been the conqueror of the ancieo| I would hard seen of Ayanti according to the Purapas. place Aja the ^aisun&Iok in thd en^ We must now take it as a fact that ITdayii| of the Avanti list.» Aja. in view The final datft o| of the Buddhist 4^ UdaTi^ * is 46? an4 B.C. Magadha becamt of without a rival by breaking Avanti which had beAi over* hadowing Magadha for nearly a century. to record that tin Jaina chronology. 409 B.C. the agreement between the Puranio and Jaina data. and according to the Puraflasi.^ The line of Pradyota ended with ViiSHiayQJW -^rltc^.S. CfVcf 409 B.vq^ oivin^ iroz) phjsiqae is evident from the st^tne* .C. Vixap^rvTB A little digression ^^^ Udayina&d may be historical permitted here to daU sum up thf furnished b^ th% 8tatQe% ^antt ^^^ otheiwise. was the king who conquered Avanti and extended the empirf Magadha from Bengal to the Arabian Sea. which u| the chronology of In writing my f^l^ <^ th% ATanti. 7«i llfct The' tattef^ . 449 B. therefore.O.

«»>» II. iHiwtfwiiiiiMii^^ (e). Aja-Udatim.] • fMograpked tig Phnlo. and position of inKription.lOO . ont view: Tassel ends and fd).-rairniv«Hl • • A |«rtiil«4MVM-. [Back view showing detaitn of the gown. Varta-Nandl.] legs are restored in plaster.0<V''*<>'»>i*'KdrVr{J>*>ftf.x Platk «.V{iUu>til(^hiMi .«.

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After Naodi tbara vara Ct%' " NaodM " iadndiDg iha later Nandac (J..) Against this the Jaina chz^nology^ howeter^ gives onlj 60 or 64 years. the old repub* of the Lichehhavis. 102) and the interval between the sixth ye& of the twelfth of Udayin is of 74 jears (J. ftheSfalU^a *^5S jekr* **'. fo^ the Fut^w il yeai's t6 A ja in ATanti amd 83 jeara to Uda/in i» giV^ Magadha. eloBis of the AvanU line seems to have happened abot^ the tv^elftb jdarof Udajin (fir«a 471 B. C). fire I'r&^Nindyat ncceedel.9^ and Ajata'^tru ^ovr the reign*periodfl attnbuted to Palaka and I. •mat WliUe its to' gplr* a Beparat* fgregtkU io ijaui^ iodiVidaal periodi for tbe two ling* are Nin^ VjiU aland Sd (t^ aeaib to ta j tlikt fkt^ieti-if. 1. .B. This.B. 44) afWr tba 6f f^urt. VS). of the the rei^ of his Otherwise there would be no sense in the scheme of the Porania record.S. 6aght to give 74 /ears to Fftlak* Thtf and hia brother. 116)..O.Bhlei tod the l^eeofdhsg to fott Katb&saritfi&gaiA.R. He is described Naadir.' Undef Nandi a second capital seems Stftfimd Cftsf* tal tiadd^ •^'^'^ ^^ Ganges lioan city to have been e8t>abli8hed at Valsali. ol Prad^cfti end aecoiding to tiie met t&0 lecOvi^ MriohoKhakatiksj tn6xfAti ViUU (J.B. if eorrect.O.aka accordmg to the Jaiai chronologj came to the throne in the siith jear of A}ata*&tftf . or a mistake m^de by counting the poct« F&li&a yeai6 from the yeaf of accession of Udayin in Magadha iiMt^d of in Atanti. Vilakhayupa. by Taranatba as ruling at Vailsli and as the The Sutta-NipaU of the Pali canon. 106-107).R^. It fall seema that by the continuation of the Avanti list after th» of hef dynasty the Purarias imply that the separate entity Avanti kingdom was maiotainod by Aja-Udayiu for life and up to the 30th year by his son Nandi. ^oiattofi^i ot the iitk$j% (Pargiter. 1 Vifekbaj^pa lA the Fnra^as make apexaotlj (244-50) 74 jreaHb ^ Paxgittfr^ page 19. Il5}< (J.B. 1. o..O.E. for Pa'.S. .O..r. king o^ VailaU.! v^hich eitha denotef tf iea ^eaiV subordination of Vlsakhajupa before his death to (Celt Udayia ol M^gadha.

cf. is known to the official Pali(cf. Sd. called It seems to have been a step in the direction He added Orissa to him " Vardhana *\ ' Magadha and history rightlj Nandi seems the Increaser ". to have patronized learning as according to Buddhist tradition Panini came to his court. but rery re excccdinglj tiiflicg- liltle else. f&chana= prajana) later Prakrita and to Asoka's inscription [rrachanti^vrojanti). veiy lore traces of a probably their original would ba interesting to read here what Buchanan says about their recovery. I. seems the Insorip* ^OUB. Vasali empire at of that policy. are to be fcund OB.B » IVH. eihuddho = ithvdr aJi) . VJS mentioni •lio Vaisali as the cvpitui cff t-»AOJUl Magadha about th« was daring his reign that the Second ConNandi after his father grcBs of Buddhism was held at Vaisali. It quote below the whole extract kindly given ine by jVfr.) soft*. Jackson. S2. I. The Sandhi tatl.?. » J. not Sanskrit. 1 Bcva-kula. The place where the statues were found Buchanan en the Statues. : ai-.d irbere the rir^r wishes awaj the banlr. {eihnVdiUfJ is in perfect accoal with The use of Vedic Urm bho^a and the archaie in ellont-ai-hlsa Pali grammar.* consolidated the and the second seat of tie greatlr empire period of Nandi. use of when the inscriptions were carred.9A19CS1XA STATTU. The change of^ language under the 6aisainto ek {Aeho-=Ajo) which grammarians regard as charactei-i&tic of the Northwestern dialect. . ^ )i^\b been the official nakas. iikatra speak in favour of the ancient age of the inThese words were still current in their old sense •criptions. Similarly the change of & into^ (saf-a^sarvfj is found in Pali {p japdti^pTaja" The cicg of itk into ehh is occasional in Pali as ii our inscriptions {chhoni .' The language of the inscription is the vernacular which we Language of ^^^ ^° canonical Pali. ss it carries the history of the statues further back than that known to The f Cunningham traces that : — can ba comadered as belonging to the Hindu eitj Evcrjfrlere in ciggirg brcLen potr. l>*'Jck-built house. That.

Buchanan arc the same which are before us The device on the right shoulder of the of Nandt which Buchanan and Cunningham took to-. remain. that on the larger is totally illegible. and that many years ago a Mr. was. 2 the images have been reprcscntel with the inscription on the smaller. to-day. . from whence it has been cut. opposite to the nborbe above the town I fonnd a stone image lying by the water's edge. and com 3 On its removed. found part of tho arras right shouMer is This to represent a Tibet bull's tail. no doubt that the statues described as above bj. i6| old welli are laid open . 132 have been these to that intended ai an ornament the images suppose temple^ of Jain. informed me that it had been rome years ago taken from a on the fi'ld south side of the suburbs. There *. They alto informed me that in the same field the feet of another image projected from but that a great the ground. Tht 60 or 60 On have been removed. It has represented m male standing with two many :ann8 and one head. which the shoulders. " or I could *' ehowri " not come Mr. On going to the place I could plainly discover that there had been a small building of brick. arms and feet It is nearly of a have been broken. Hawkins has removed a jhird. I feet in length . In the Ganges. and to represent the attendants destroyed. natural size. is "ChowrL . but the head has placed something which is beoa seems intended an insignia of the Yatis or priests but in other respects the images have little resemblance to sneh I rather persons one of whom is represented in the Drawing No. bat nothing has been diseoTered to indioat* Urge or magnificent building* .. — on some 6oJ. bat somewhat larger. whose image has been In the drawing No. but the alsois much mutilated.rot. and not carved in relief with its hinder parts adhering to th« block. our idea that tail If it was a c\otori (//oicrt-bcaring denotes nccessaTily an attendant . and too much defaced to admit of being copied with absoSome labourers employed to bring this image to my house lute precision. Ou the back part of the scarf. are some letters which I have not been able to passes round have explained. when the river was at the lowest. ^t 'V* U 8AI817NAK A STATUES. Bhandarkar considered very doubtful to have been a ehowri. materials fire perhaps similar to that which feet are entire. The face and very clumsy^ and differs from most Hindu images that I hare seen in being completely foimed. bnt most of th« digging I found the imago to be exactly on the river. and had been intended forai object of worship : having happened on the day when it was remoTe^« the people were afraid and threw it into the sacred river. statue be a representation of is to it bj no means clear *' a Tibetan bull's owing a decision as to what it to mutilation.

546). the force of the evid^ice of the^ statues Polish and Its ^j^^t change our view on the origin of this Now Origin. Aja's le^s hav^ usual ugly style o| restorations. for two swans a lady. statues are The utilized also by Asoka been restored in the monoliths. and also according to |ome other evidence which Mr. Then I when. to It is seated are . probably on his thrones. Smith has not yot p^blistod (J.n^ufV 99^.A»S. primitive That vajra destroyed recalled the slight polish on stones.R. They. last evidence now comes in the shape of these statues which The • * Some otlnr AjaQki p rtotings well thfotr rery great <loQbt oa the tbeoiy that& fljwliuk QUi^ neoes^artlj-iadicat* « dependent {>o«ition of tb« holdr^ la & pcla^iaprof Mnbamnnclaa tioiei » fljrwhiik U hold at a fa*bio&abl* decoratioa (k* ri»(« LVI. cliapg^. bear a higU and shining polish.Q in his private collection * known as Vajra takably ' Roy some time back showed a nco'ithic piece which is generally Sarat Chandra (thunderbolt) with the polish p3inted to and developed from the theory in tjie my That unmis- art of pre-historic: times. now at the Indian Museum. minJ.. CorlotLsly enough I fpupd fiimultaneouslr in a palotlog copied from Ajanta in the house of Sir John WoodroSe a prince holding a ci^wri pa hig shoulder. is presenting lotuses on a tray. soap-stone vases of the Sakya tope. so-called "Mauryan '^polish. whom queen. p. man devoted much attention to his thft I an Indian origin of the polish coming down. as already stated. Cortntlion Durbar. referred to 1918.. Xoa» £rhibiti9H </ dniiiuUi$t. cut iu the round. Buchanan. made of Mirzapur sandstone which was The statues are in cutting his columns. and Nandi was a Jain as evidenced by Kbi avela's inscription. V. My (now Rai Ba'iadur) m. we Then * consideration the Jain practice o| must carrying also take into ehotori or flywhisk by Dr. evidently the king in the ffamsa-Jafaia. Before the I had already come across a discovery of these statues evidence which had greatly shaken my piece of belief in the current archsological theory which ascribed the art (undoubtedly in the friend Baba absence of pre-Mauryan monuments) to Persia. I9II) .

it seems to me. It tho principle of is done. On the arm different hands. there On have the^figure which is Aja to be seen earrings./ (ioj the art tvro centunes back from tbo dat^ Alleged tU for The origin of the art^ im opinion^ if t9 import £roDa Persia. The over- tied in a bow. Sen had not to think long in declaring them the statues. " Pre-Mauryan I Without doubt ". an SarUer Aft" iUusionism. The decadencil which marks the imperial art of Atfoka does not even begin in Mr. and beneath it there is a vest 'intended to be of evident by the line at the waist and diaphanous texture. in Vedic literature. 9itira The general vigour and realism of the statues makes om ^iga a pre~Mauryan period to the monuments. down to the heels. mantle-like. The embroidered neck has passes a cord which is tied There is a studied two different designs on the two statues. . The ears of of alligators and with goldsmith's designs is an upper garment. the whbh a previous IListory found on the head of Aja. as is the treatment of the navel. Yet the status emphatically prove a previous history of the art of the Indian sculptor* A point of importanoQ is the attempt of the artist t9 . Details in the of the two statues show two same school. be sought in the art of Drayidian India which shaped (hf my polished and not in Persia. g. sculptor and This fact «f the perfect fcuniliaxity a conventional represenUtian of hair with . girdle loop and tassel ends. These two garments are mentioned in Coronation fastened at the waist hanging down in front in an by a elaborate ceremony. though is an armlet of the father there on sculptures of kings on Bharhut railings. Statnet as Evidence of *bow the waves in the royal gowns or mantles. extending back to some hair laid great stress oo drew my attention to the conventional a previous history of the sculptor's art its significance as telling art in the country. garment is e. Aran Sen who centuries. prove it of hia Mr. hanging on the back. On the arm of the son there is an ornament with mouths all over. The over-garment has got an embroidered neck beneath which behind.

their shoes of the feet (they are intact only in one statue) the most unsuccessful from the modeller's point of view. in side is with earliest and probably explainable view of the fact that while in court Hindu kings took o5 and that feet were objects of reverence by convention.ii •ttempt to show tbe feet and make it b&re by makings the gown The convention of artist shorter at the front than at the back. PAO. falling far too Does the execution of the feet indicate an earlier cycle inferior.tAtsClf AKA 101 tTATVU. It The execution is not in confor jiity with the rest of the work. and poets in describing bare feet side bj continued references to the use of shoes. i. is of convention and decay in art on the whole in producing the ? The efEect of have succeeded majesty with masterly artists chiseL As historic monuments they remains in are not only the most important India but have to be classed amongst the important pieces of the world. .': J^xe^i?* .

Tuo esajt situation ii W.asul. led to the disclosing of a complete and fairly large-sized statue. which attracted the attention of Maulavi Qazi Saiyid Muham- mad Azioiul aliai Ghulam Kasal. anticipating that the stone might Instead of this prove to be one suitable for domestic purposes. '* '* DiJargaaj imagfd by accident on the bank of the Ganges neai* Fatna on ths ISth October^ 1917.. however. known as Didarganj Kadam B. which falls in the Malsalami Thana in the It appears that owing to ero>ion of the east of Patna CItjr. earth it Eoon became apparent that the portion first uncovered was merely part of a pedestal. described as river bank at this place a small portion of a square block of stone had been dbclosod at a point fairly high up the face of (he slope.^ .. wliich was At firet raised Theuce it is up erect near the s}x>t where it had laid. Fortunately young man proceeded to scrape away the rtliat concerned. under a canopy improvised on Here it was again four bamboos. that the general public are indebted for bringing the find . reported it in due course in the It is to Professor Samaddar of Patna College proper quarter. B. Ph. which was so speedily invested with the character set up. son of Maulavi Qazi Saiyid Muhammad for all Afzal Ghulam Mohi-ud-din. Spooner. which^ being followed up. alleged to have Ix-cn removed by unauthorized and persons to a spot i^et some few hundred yards further np the river. has come to be kuovm as the : . this time an incipient shrine. the from this projecting bit.D.1B discovered NasirpurTajpur Hissa Khurd. before the fact of the discovery but the Police.— Tho Didarganj Image ndw in PatnA Museum* By Wbat D.v. that tentative worship had been instituted (under the mistaken notion that the figure was a Hindu deity) of was brought to the notice of any who.

brought it in aafetj aud triumph within the walls of the Patni Musean before th» close of the year.DIDABOAiri tXAtfli lot to notice. roughly dressod and: unpolished' block. except the left side. Walsh proceeded without the Patna delaj to inspdct the find-spot and the statae itself. and the characterenergetic steps which Mr.This mirror-like polish extended origioaHy of our tha ^tire surface of the statue.basement. Mosenm Committee. and the angles are now slightly damaged. r^AOCVtl bearing o! the matter from a student' in the this enthaslastlc aatiqaarlaa reported it to Collegeu UonoarabU Mr. 2^ ins. a may from the highest point of which thtf head has a height of 1 ft. measuring 5 ft. Member of the Board of Rsvenae and President of. permitlia^ the writer to a^compiny hiii. a rough deposit of da^iah hue whieh' over obscures . whtch* presumably fitted into a socket in eova» huge altir or other solid. 6| ioa. Ther3 let us hope that it may long renuia add lustre to an institution whoso chiefest treasure it ia. nor entitled any kind by any community . It ia lift* size.. where ii would not haV4 met the eye in the normal course . exclusively to the Mauryan Period oi ludiaa History. back. • As has already been mentioned. when tha importance of the trea* sure was at once disclosed. The aide* itself pedestal ia a. io tikely to constitute" for years to come. with a measurement <^ to the top of the pedestal. and is as near as 1 ft. be square in plan. Walsh proceeded to tak» to worship of istically towards the recovery or rescue of the image. the image is th^t of at female chowri-bearer or attendant on some divine or royal fignre> a{M>» whose proper right the present statue must have stood. By good fortane it waa exsy ' to show that the figure wa3 merely an attendant. the ahowioft piost the left fact to ^een a- considerable^ extent. Both it and the rtatue it» supports are.portion! at present* are ^ei^ right aide of Uie shouJderr tha right arm and thigh^ and hc^ portioni' of .cnt ont of a single piece of speckled Chanar saad^ polish assigned. but portions are now aadly encrusted with. Mr. 8 ina. anl thns clearly no member of the Hinda pantheon. the Walsh. in the present stat9 8tone> bearing the high knowledge. bearidg a chovny. The.

gurvir t<t Udta. W .-d * |. inii^<i-rnif «» .rtBt«-«l »l th. OdratM.mmw Z^- I wmm m Thk Dedawjanj Image. omcrt <>r Um.

in the daM df tilV tiered ft is images.feat by the two standing figures from Patna and thcr hdge fetn&le figxife &oni Besnagar. It that hKtitaei matter of speeial interest to note that. Chiinar ibateHa*. of which are assignable only te %\x& earliest ttme detail enables ns to study tktf drapery an4 all The the coiffure. t&y brilliadtljr. fall gracefully to the feet< The^ left oaught hip show* so'mo' kind of knot from whicb one end of the (JoAtitai^ lidetaal back. Vriih. none bat the ^tsnrjaA scnlptott faf to which. folds. eommonl/ high . )uv« *^sf aontrlVed to produce on this StadeoU of Indiafi Art are aware of the fact that. sculptural represeDtatioils in this conntrjf' Sometimes we find loW' teliefs.k«rmgihftiippar portion ol thebod^^HiM^ tt^eev^re^f Avjewelleryibe %b« #ete*^a» eliibflvattf at^ hig^' iioSf§f . bhirmshe^ i^MiM ^a u* ^ fio^ known.iU back whete t^ Utter ft bol dra^ . Vi^ {{W etceptions indeed. Pidarganj imagfe. and the disfignred Farkham imag^ •I Muttra . in all »! wIinA pMti6)si ih&t gad peculiar highlj. id thtf ^s^ ti «ogaged in some frequently the aureole itself. being one in long loop. and period. the figure is sculptured entirely A oiycumstanee which iasociates it at once iaportast group represented iii the rdnn^. liow in thi Indian Mnsenm at Calcutta. but almost always the back of the fi^tire ii kind of bae^gronnd. which tbeugh these qualities are better remembered by the artist fir of the image than in bisr treatment? orf tk& iashioniiig tke ^nt It is wont^ wrapped rotind the hipe dhaif^ into elaborate foMi^ in frOnth i(rh|ehi< gathered fashion. mottf take the fornS of reliefs. to whtoce it tho babk to b» eatighi &F fsdl^ at fir^twitE iwie<usip the groiiad. to gauge the sciUptor'* poWer a^ • laodellef^ 1^ than oould have bees don^ in the ea«^ of BA^ Wtter adrantige es^g^d fignre in reliel The drape^ is intereslmg^ and retninifeeiit of the drapery ott ether very early statues and on early terraeott* figurixiea. it thin And cUiigiitg^ garotent. it drawn then ttp obliquely across the fold of the Tight elbow. which. ^Ith that email. T!k^ is apparently iii one piece.

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surprising .. and uj» of in- view ^f -its . at either side pi the central These fasteners we may of the girdle seTeral strands are composed of. being concefved as a unit. though*..- •' ^- * In^jpint of modenipg. which passe* and flaring bell-sbaped fasteners disposed two opposed through pendent folds described abofre.. . it fourteen ?) batigles. are extraordinarily massive and distend the lobe enormously. so that it appears equally convincing froo) all sides and angles. which are shaped .. but gathered to a Bingle rope in front. ' the statue shows a necklace of three strands of pearl-like beads. and lifelike to aii unusnal ^ . to-quiti Peruvian dimensions. Tha right forearm shows thirteen (or if ^ withia prominent armlet near the elbow.: ll(^ |l. .'ehortpr loop around the neck. cpmpiete the adornment of a:figurej which.parting to find tresses .btOABOUU IMAM. ^rly work in. not perhaps. -they* are backwards i4 a thence led .of fastening .the breasts. . like agate or cornelian..»ji^ : tbe hips.' natural.6 Jimptu^usness. . all in all. separate ed each from each by two round beads . The face is diatincfly feminine .»A. the coiffure behind. double line ' along the. and represcntf an art far beyond the incipient'or experimental stage. • The head ' is certainly good.bells or other jingling qbieets. and -rieally in the round. above a large and: pnn minent oval di^k of some kind placed Of atrally over the. the statue it 'fkiHy paradoxical atid partakes of the oharacterislics of both elasses of ..both these constituent features being commonly met with in our etcavaiions in early Besides this beautiful and effective oniament sites in India. fprehead.or double drumj with the lower tncmber ending in an -inverted cone. something like an hour-glass. ! . flat lozengesj doubtless of semi-precious stones. two of which strands -are of substantial lerigth and fall pendii* lously between .-= ^ ^ ^ in some lirtyf i< .C * . Large aud^ ruff-like anklets made what may or may not -be little . the deflnltely indigenous and the supposedly exotic" The pose is easy.beneath the loxuriant. India. while the third is disposed in a The earrings.. }inm. '^hile even the ^ead itself is wreathed with ropes of beads ot pearls caught up to a point in front. '. • i : V. is elaborated: - with. degree. presume were madeof gold^ but the.ble character as a chowri-bearer.

(MkM «i« the Mnrvctr «< I«<«l^ Cilcittia. i .•0iMMn l«nwi«i!n«mnii«mPM<p*wmM«Bv -—n if A 'J- 1 . IVM . * iirinu^ M Uh.i*y i? 15!^^ /: "•J w^tflMlMa i^ The Dedaroaxj Phota-ramniTed .0^ '-.^tM [.g^iJliltiuiiliKgitmm Imaob.

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and even of the fleshy folds at the waist. less difiEerenoe in girth between the knees and the hips than the normal female figure ought. the work is less successful. Hampton in the case of the slant the Mauryan head unearthed by me at What significance may or may me by has been recently verified for I am not prepared No. and the figure as a whole preserves that softness of contour and rotundity without muscular prominences which are " appropriate to the subject. the knees thc<M:etically. however. definite statue. but I hardly if at all above the diameter arc good. the latter but the most interesting folds or creases. The undraped portions of the proportions biite not attach io this detail (which conformmg figure are well modelled. T.fOb « 'T. the Honourable Mr. am in which not sure that since altogether unsuccessful. and the bae)E A a whole is - • . an upward glance. unsuccessful treatment of the lower drapery. ihongli a fraciaie to the nose has sadlj disfigured it . Walsh). eyes disclose. ' to Ear.e. and it is noticeable that the line of the eyes (although the two are not exactly even) of the facial phowing carious . the apparent defect. which reminds one of the slanting eyei.3 jj^^ and pleasing. in general to even the canons for the female form. which somehow may it it this is would be represented fair to call it seems to give the face be in some way contributory to the general look of animation which is one of the charms of the TN'hat is more remarkable still is the. is is The chin and the neck ovoid. naturalistic The way feature of all is the eye. DiDABOANJ IMAQB. particularly heavy and almost wooden. but this may be partly due to the highly: which exaggerates in the baok. noticed by the sculptor Mr. with most moderii' Some attempt even has been made muscular delineation in the umbilical region. i. Kumrahaf. 1. to phow . but the attempt ia' at softened restrained. This portion of the figure shows the square angles and the preternaturally shallow depth characteristic of primitive art in all countries. there is perhaps less narrowness across than could be desired. to me. There' none of that " knock-knee '' which is supposedly characteristio of the female figure. is In other respects. where the forov in.

fofmativ^. .U liai bcJea slid aBove Hool kboiifc fte of the drtr^rf being better I'emfembefed cfiaphandtis quality bf in tid sculptor dealing with the honi at the statoe than trit^ th^ bther 8ides^-=a fdct iHnstrited by the through th^ ]^atelU shdwfl Bick we md oxdy is ffii^ht ft folds by schematic §4eh from thd rear. granting away ii him the l>ey6nd the ** memory p!o> usual Indian predilection for firmness and rotundity in the breasts.r If *>. foltfT tBr pxoMem.<> *•-»- <^ iiiiiiaiMid irtM *»^' '- . ih6 statTie flattened tfeft-tnmfc.d. Ill iihiiii ^idli t>^rij^ C&d ^Kls df couree Is iii line it irBidft {6^ iftist etrljr fitafS ^lih whaf t^J.btbiiStStiHtm. Is the disparity due merely to his having paid more attentioi^ It may be so . as the facial modelling. A possible ftnce of correct failure failure we are dealing with the work explanation of the paradox is that of an artist of the primitive school represented by the Parkham imago. well portions of ff . back angles. ft especially tne whole' undfaped id criterioB art. whielraro treats formally or sdiematically throirghout. n ^Vrifa* . because failure of this kind to realize the impoit- and convincing modelling throughout. and.* '« . f €iiM<i9 jlp0l«Ki» li if » &(*. a post. W im jBe_„^s_i ». It H pafailoticiil: ^ifts. who ftdded certain touches in the nmshing or even modelled certain parts fe.gw the head) himself. of which makes the statue as The upper ii 6f /or early aiid primitive. Hght^ a mere find front stage and. measi fts a whole . H and it. of should 1 this fact whereas or either of the be living hoiaah fonh drapery in which th^ way shapeless and impervious mass. is not uiitrue to nature. this dualitj' tore " is an accented say. The curious distortion of the right hand and the extraordinary clumsiness of the feet. ai weD betray nothing of this cluinsiJess and Here the artist lack of skill iBd iehoUy artificiai character. working under the tutelage of a Mauryan master. df n€Bri^mttfoRirwidtk froiir front tt> baol^ show no attempl- fffiftl^^a^a^'oi^ios/ would bear dut in ideft of this kind. and even that explanation to these parts ? ^et will not suffice. |j> m. and it is this very ti> grasp his subject which brands the modelling as primitive.

etc-. edly or a knitted scarf which fall to is and the hair case of nent beads. may be Here we are dealing with what cited. and all in all. For purposes of comparison. the figure from Besnaga r is not unlike our Dedarganj image. US DIDABOAKJ tUXQE. matter of costume.TOL. is generally accepted la where several of the characteristics of primitive art appear. comparison The to face in particular is any there any trace of the Besnagar figure is far more on the stone. as a product of the early indigenous school. however. but nowhere however. while for the remaining portions the^ comparison is rather with the two colossi from Patna also in the the statue Bharhut Gallery in Calcutta. But may be merely due to the image being more worn than our recent find. . and convincing in their limbs are and lower por- and in this are closely allied to the chowri-bearer of our That all three are of the same general school and period' theme. but I am not yet tions. polish latter. and the edges of the compo- make-up of the girdle are less sharp. bear definite affinities is The lower portions of the with the same portions of from Besnagar. least successful They themselves. far too obliterated for be drawn . But the head-dress is markdivergent. V^ P*' 'J rwrcsent very varying and disparate Btages of artistic power. but the final explanation of this fact I cannot as yet essay to give. however. the colossal female figure from Besnagar presented by His Highness the Maharaja Scindia to the Indian Museum. so far as the mutilated condition the Here again we find a manyetranded girdle worn in similar way. in the this plaited in the top of the girdle in the back. satisfied myself that ]» hardly to be doubted. as the Besnagar statue wears what is either a wig of the former permits of judgment. me they seem most probably transitional. clamsy than the one from Dedarganj.^ • .. the inconsistencies To of all three have been finally explained as yetk. meet lower in the shown is two braids The relief Besnagar.

Belgaum.— Shivaji in South Konkan and Kanara. By Professor Jadtmath Sarkar. which ruled directly over the 03iststrip from Karwar (south of Goa) to Mirjan (14'S0 N. Kolhapur. A Muslim officer with the hereditary title of Bustam-i-Zamaa was the viceroy of the south-west corner of the Bijapnr His charge extended on the west coast from the Batnagiri town. In the seventeenth century. English had factories. the extensive couatrj along otir west coast. Lai). " The best popper In the world known in England by [the name is of] In both towns the of the growth of Suuda Karwar pepper. through which the trade of the rich inland places flowed to Europe. North Kanara (now included in the Bombay Presidency) owned the overlordship of Bijapur. while landwards it included ths kingdom. going round the Portuguese territory of Goi^ to Karwar and Mirjan. M A. a bit of Dharwar and the western corner of the North Kanara His was at Miraj. means of his the by agents flourishing ports of Bajapur in the north and Karwar in the south. The portion of Kanara that lay south of Mirjaa formed a large and independent principality under the Keladi dynasty. districts the Nay the in a ks of hands of feudatory Sunda were the most important. whose capital was then at Bednur. Kanara. southern part of tho Batnagiri district. leaving the inland among whom chiefs. was held by various Hindu chieftains. Shivaji's dealings with the English merchants oE Kaj&par hare been described ia our December 19 IS number. Heit we shall narrate his doings in Kanara. though . The fort of Panhala lay within his province but it was governed by a commandant district scat He administered directly under the orders of the Sultan.VI.

After the disastrous failure of Afzal Khan.-k:. 2. "The finest musUns of western The weaving country was India were exported from here. journey distant from days' thence. a district annexed by Bcdnur.) Gersappi. Surat and Europe." Indeed.-11. X V^. of call for ships and the Persian of the from Batavia. Kar^-ar Its (Fryer.000 weavers/' {Bombay Gazitteer. east of the the to at Hubli (in the Dharwar iulaod. agents and employed as many as 50." {Bombaf X. 1659) with 3. his King. Rustam-i-Zamao had marched against Shivaji (October. that induced the English Company to open a Vingurla was spoken of in 1660 as a great placio factory there. {Ibid. in earnest. This country Gateiteer.V.:.) In 10+9 the pepper and cardamom trade of Rnjapurwas the chief attraction. a port twenty miles south-east of Karwar.000 horse.tOL. Japan and Ceylon on the one side Gulf and the Red Sea on the other.) became the greatest port Bijapuron the west coaEt.. victory over AfzaPs army by Panhala and capturing that fort. and coarse lac.. 124. I. 123-125. of district).. and betelnut were shipped for Surat.. fact was well known to the country around and even the But even if Rustam had been English factors had heard of it. U. Bari Sahiba.- .. Then he entered *' take possession of all the Ratnagiri district and began to puBhing on the his to . PT.- 4. {Ibid. *' which grain coming out of Kanara is sent by sea to Persia. saltpetre 383. he Thi» had made a secret alliance with Shivaji fpr self-protection. .. is the storehouse for all its neighbours. and at other had Company where the English East India centres. i he could have done little Shivaji had followed up his with his small army. Y. pepper. pp. bat this show of hostility was made simply to save his credit with The queen-regent. after the losj of Chaul. being enemy. Sahyadrls.] five 6HITAJI IN SOUTH KONKA27. 175. All the ports Ratnagirl district did much trade also in calicoes.) At Mirjan. 42. Pt. silks. though pepper was their chief export. ••'.) • . was so famous for its that the Portuguese used to call its Rani " tho pepper pepper Queen".

366) dixcct. K Bijapuri invasion of Kanara had already Surat 103. of these placet " becanse it Rajapur. 1 0th October 1659. from the Karnatak. who is a friend of Shivaji''. though not without the loss of SOO horse and himself wounded '\ (Gyflord to Surat..EJ. B. begun. A lett<?t from hia to Sarat. The Bijapnri governors port and inland towns". which wjs at first spared.) fled to In March 16G3.) II. Rustam met litutenant-general ". . had lai^ Mnghal division of as to force him to march this army near Bijapnr and to commander give up the chase as **that Mughal country was dangerous for any strange army to march iiL likewise promising them to go himself and follow hira. who came by forced marches and waited on the King on the bank of the Warda (an affluent of officers the Tungabhadra). {F.aJJITAJI IK llf COUTU KOKIL&V. Snr*t.Ii. Vol. Sm-at. 30(h March and 8th April 1663.. 20lh July 1668. though he continued to be deprived of his command for The some time. But the gates were soon opened to the in whose fief it lay.Otii July 1663) * F. B. rich port of Karwar. 8th April. Bahlol and Shahji were at once arrested and placed in chains (end of June 1663). Surat 103. SOtb March. C'J. Shahji and other King.8. Rajipur. Shah 9th October. were at first deuied entrjince by the mother of Abdur Rahim Bahlol Khan. 160-164 fire league* of Bijapor (aUo B. tay» that the Adil Shabi coart went there in fear of the Moghali who had come within Tarikh-i-Ali II. [F. but Shahji was released in two days. Rnstam-i-Zaman did another friendly turn " to ShivajL Netaji Palkai* Shiva's raided the imperial territory. for capital Ali Adil Bankapur. F.O. with There they all his court.) This reverse defeated Shivaji's plan of raiding North Kanara and penetrating to the R.* 2. Adil Shah summoned Bahlol Khan. VoL 103. 000 cavalry pursued him so close 45 or 50 miles a day. by persuaded the which deceit Netaji got escaped. On left Ist his March 1663.. (Rajapur to Surat. GyfEord to Surat. F. Bat *• that Ali went to Binkapor in ien<nk to .the operation! against the sajra Bajah of Bednor in pnnalt cf Kctaji. but a 7. belonged to Rustam-i-Zaman. Gyfford to Sorat.

tbe CTiginiil nnine of tlic founder of the dytaaij. Shivappa Nayak mike no stand against the combined resources of the entire Bijapur kingdom . Bat the English factJry recjrdi prore that ha di<d at the close of 1688. 122. placet 101670. Pt. . AVhile"Ali was engngcd in the struggle with Bednur. He belonging to vassals of Adil Shah and hxd thas come collision forts danf^erously close to Bankapnr. Vol. and promising &n indemnity of 7 lakhs of /(an to On 21st November the victorious Ali II..S. "all the way. lOi. At river. II. Karwarto Surat. first (1618-1063). liody that takes his qaul^ which promise [F. abo July 1063. \ll-\lZ.) The Bomb ly Gatetteer.. mtrcbed to Vingurla (May \Kk. the north-west corner of Mysore. (Surat. th« Rajvh of Malnad. and could ibrmer chief Adil Shah. SniTAJI IX SOUTH KOXKAK. promising them that neither he nor his soMiers shall in the least do any wrong to any he hitherto hath kept". Vol. E. now turn to the activities of Sbivaji in this region. XV. which ia a Kanarese word meaning " XV hill Bkadrapf. K^rw&r to 8arat. 28ih January and 27th February.) i\ . Shivaji had AVe been active in Kanara the South Konkan and in the north-western dis rict. pp. 20lh io his capital. he Kolliapur and 1663) .) along. R. from H« it there nyled eonatry". Bednur and many other was forced to make peace by restoring Sunda to its forts.. p.R. 1663. tlie whole and of North Kanara up to the Gangavati Mirjan. returned {B. 103. as he goes By way of he gives h's qaut (assurance). 23C. Gj^-fford to Sula^. Shlvippi Nayak. {Mytort hia death Ocuttter. 368-370. Surat 103. Gyfford to Surat. the fortress of asylum of the sultans in the soath-wcstern comer of their kingdom* Bljapuri Gazetteer. Surat.) [Bombay AU Adil Shili's campaign against the Bednnr Rajah was short but vigorous and an unbroken success. forty-five yeart had extended his tiiWom on all sides hy his c:»nquests and stretched his sway over of South Kanari. put 2. 1J7 III. ' In th) reitiin hittJriea of Bijtpnr be U cUled Bltadraiya. F. he lost Sunda.) IV. 18th April 166i. 24th May.\t of Kudil. U TOt. including the fort ambition brought him into had conquered Sanrla and some other the close of his life his with BijapuT. * Bednur for wlio govjined as regent an-J then as king. W".

Shaibta Khan had defeated a Maratha army. evidently an old man. and therefore the King sent them 2kfarma% promising that tiey would be left in peace at Karwarand would have to pay no other duties than they had formerly done.) lu July the Bijapur Government ordered the Governor of Phouda to join forces with the Savant of Vadi and other petty Kajahs and try to drive Shivaji's men out of Rajapur and But nothing was done. Co. {F.ibhul and Chipiun were given to Fa/l Khan. 1CC4 the war with Bednur was renewed. 22nd June 1GC3.ui. Jt. Shlraji late got possession of Ilajapur at in his own hands. and an infant grandson named BafeaVa was xet up on the throne under the regency of his mother Chennaauna^ . killing more than 200 men. In June Shivaji returned from Vingurla after Shortly before this leaving a gariison of 2. Surat.000 sohb'ers there. the eldest son of the the Province to Khan-i-Khnnan Ikhlas Khn a and brother of Khawas Khan. died soon after his defeat by the Bijapuris in 1663. the Sultan dismissed him from his viceroyalty and gave Muhammad Ikhlas Kh»:n. Adil Shah and Kustam-i-Zamau alike were sensible so »t to of tks loss of revenue caused by such molestation of traders. Gylford to Surat. wasmoN dered by his Brahmaus. and he remained {Uid^ 20th possej^scd of all". In punishment oc Rnstam-i-Za man's secret friendship xrith betv e A''ol. n them. 20: h November to Surat 86. Then the factory was re>cs(ablifehed at Karwar. 1X0 C^Aaxi^ His going down the coast caused such alarm that " all tbe Muhammadan governors as far as Simgclay [ ?Chaaknli in Savantvadi] and Dutchole [ = Dicholi in Goa] were fled'*. Soma Shekhar. as "there was jajgllnj Kharcpal. 14th August 1668. and in consequence the petty robbers on the route became more active than usual. Shiva. His son and successor.) In V.BHiTAJi IN sorrH Koxriir. [Ibil. Vol. 2. Consult.. {Ibii this <i lime and kept it permanentlj ) Bustiim's agent at Karwar fleeced the English factors there severely that in July 10G3 they were ordered by the Council Surat to remove themselves and the Company's goods quietly Hubli. Shivappa Nayak. 24Lh Muy.) July 16G3. IGui. while D.

FT. lOi. king against king and and Shivaji reigns victoriously and una terror to all the kings and princes round country against country. He reacbod tracts Kudal at the end of August but did nothing. a favdurite toddy-seller. Khan in crushing the coasts are all embroiled in civil wars. (April 1601. Before Jai Singh arrired. an crvoy to Adil Shah to leg his co-operation with Jai Singh in the war with Shira. Kanara and these Kadra and other places in North were given to three of Rustam's EOaa. II. Fryer. to invade Bednur from two sides.) Any by Adil Shah on Shivaji was now renderwas diverted to Bednur. Karwar to Surat. meet them overland with a flying army of The news of him at present are that he Is intercepted whilst he intends to horse journey down to his fleet by a party of this king's army and fought. (/'. Shiva bearing of it began to cIom the monatain pass^i in safety aad (y&af#). more vessels and sent them down to hath now fitted up four Bhatkal and thereabouts. I. where between them six thousand men were slain. R^ Surat 101.. was so incensed realm. and lier Hf SUIVAJI IX SOUTH KOXKAX. croased the 873*375 *' : Anrangzib sent gM . he sent his generals. ^luhammad Ikhlas to have relumed to Khan was ' transferred from the government of Karwar and his friends from that of Aakola. Adil Shah sent an araj ander Khawaa Khan. In August Ru=tam himself was ordered to go to that region with two other Bijapuri generals and try to expel Shiva ji. that he is He about. Karwar 23rd July and Hubli 28th August 1661. but Khawas.] tliat By this time Rastam-i-Zaman seems favour at Court. " Deccan and till the south As the English merchants write. 41-12. R. by aoaking rapid marches.) [ F.] Timmaya Nayak.YOU T. ISth April 1G64. himself worsted * and forced to fly to a castle [not named] in his ' It is evidently this battle that !• referred to in the Bcualin't'Salhtin. Bahlol Khan and Syed Illyas Sharza Khan. controlled. Surat. Shiveshwar(or Halekot}. he wanted to march in person with 12. who " by bb " cunning policy raised himself to be general and protector of the At this revolution Ali Adil Shah II. Throughout the second half of 1661 the coast region was in an unhappy condition.000 horee serious attack ed impossible as the Sultan's attention whither after the Detoali festival (October) and co-operate with Sharaaf Kanara Rajah. daily increasing in strength.

e.) And 12th March 1665). burning and robwherefore it \i certainany opposition. The raiders were said io hare been assisted by some of Kustam's soldiers . 26th November " The him 16C4. wher* the Bijftpari armjr had lok tpac« enough to more aboat or cren to marsh^ the rank*. had sent only three hundred horsemen to Hubli.. and other officers. Surat. from vessels yearly etc.. when Khawaa Kbaa charged sword in hand . Shaikh Miran and sons The defeat of the Moslims seemed imminent. JR.ddi Sarwar (the Abyssinian ge. and many hath possessed himself of the most considerable ports belonging ta Deccan [i. that he shares w^ith the said rebel in all hia his country without bing ly concluded by all rapines. but these did their work so thoroughly that the town " was little better tlian sjwiled ". Shivaji plundered Vingurla. ** as the English remarked." YL in Early December 1664 Shivaji looted Hubli and many other rich towns of that region. where this army following in pursuit liath very strictly girt him in that he cannot stir. liad begun in tasle the sweetnesa of short in a time he would get a habit of it".** . 85.«HITAJI IN 80UTH KOXCAV.*. 6hira}i was defeated and pat to fiighi. Ehaim called hii officers together and heairtened them in the midst of their dcspa'r. even after the departure of the Marathas. that noble. unanimously cry out against again (on subjects [of Adil Shah] for suffering Shivaji to forage to and fro. The Maratltas the Bijaporis adTacced to close qoartert and fought a aer ere battle losing S. The merchants who had fled at the attack were too frightened to return there soon.eril). The rebel Shivaji hath committed notorious and great robberies since that of Surat. that plunder [so] Soon afterwards. Mochi.. opened fire . or nme. Surat to Co. whence he sets out from every port Bijapur] to the number of eight two or three or more trading to Persia. an important sea- desceoded [into Eonlsa P] TMiile tiM segligent Khswai Ehiui did not eren know of ShiTft'a position. Vol.. 120 t'AOJ." {F. Basra. holding several eminent mer- He chants prisoners for ransom. Shah Uazrit. the latter with hi* foil force taipriaed him and completaly hcmceil him roond in an inttlcite hilly placo.. so that all tr:ide is lost. his troops followed him fearless' jr ia one body. so that the whole country is in a confused condition meicbants flying from one place to another to preserve themselves.

I.TOL. Surat 104. 23rd March. having got early news of hii coming from the had 83ut out. . w. 86. which ho detained for transporting his North Konkan. and sent a messenger to Shiva in the night warning him not to enter the town as he would resist him to forliii3d the utmost. Tm PT. then lying in the river. Bahlol Khan. with the exceplion of twelve frigates. Tha Eoglish factors. put all the Company's ready money epics they and portable goods on board a small hundred-ton ship belonging to the Imam of Maskat. back to On army over the rivers on his way the 2ind he came to Karwar. his shrank from provoking him. and after much condescended to go a little out of the way. making havoo " Shiva wherever he comes. therefore. With himself as well as he could to protect the goods he had brought down. port 8HITAJI IN SOUTH KONKAK. from which he carried away vast riches. lie next marched to Ankola (nine miles northwards) with 4. and landed at the holy city of loCo. sending all his fleet back.t8 " one of the potentest m^n in tho Kingdom of Bijapur". At the beginning of February 1665 Shiva ji loft Maiwan vrith a fleet of 85 frigates and three large ships. Taylor to Surat. discussion * ** The cause of Zamia kii to convey Bahlol coming to Karwar vra* to cbart«r a ablp of Riut«m*l* Kban'a motbcr to Mecca. in Ikhlas kept floating. to take part in the holy bath festival before the great temple of Mahablesh* waron Shivaratri day (5th February). Karwar to Surat. Gokarna. R. with fire and sword. and his scouts range all over the country. Sunvt 2nd January 1665). Vol. and so Shivaji. its captain Emanud Donnavado promising or his vessel the ship. Sher Khan was famous throughout the country for valour and ruling capacity. on the coast. arrived in the without knowing anything of Shivaji'i the help of his escort of 500 men he quickly town that very night approach. Sher Khan." {F. sailed past Goa to Basrur. Khan and The * to defend it as long as he lived factors themselves took refuge a son of the late Khan-i-Khanan a sub3rdinate of Bahlol Khan. 6th January 1635. and his chief.] JSl and trade centre. which he plundered.000 infantry. 14th December 1661 . 22 miles south of Karwar. Surat to Karwar.

SHITAJI 122 came and encamped with I!r Lis eOUTH KOMKAX. Surat. : at this time.O. which the governor of the town hearing.IJ. hunting at the some such design. YoL Sabh. ii. being sent news this to the Shivaji did so exasperate him that he said he would have ns before he departed. at the anny Ci. Khan had spoiled a time he generally attempt! is * Thence the disippointed Maratha chief returned to Vinguila But soon afterwards Jai Singh's siege of March) Purundar and vigorous invasion of the neighbouring countrj called away Shivaji to the defence of his home. Canara Oatrtliif. 70-71 j Chit 101» 69-70. enjoyed peace for some time* VII." which Ilolif 14th £1U. K^rwar to Surat." 8. By left the treaty Shivaji free of affairs t Bijapur to Surat. deliver permit him to revenge himself on them.r to place he sant an envoy to Sher Khan. Sher Khan sent styled his inveterate enemies". asking tha English merchants up to him or.000 hun' 80 as English contributed Company's property this February. E. fell and into visit to confusion Earwar January and 14th March 1685. F. retiring " whom* he English and desired to know their final answer. four milej east of Coondapur in the South Canara District. Vol. which lay on this blackmail the not to endanger the "With worth 8. also kcown " The principal port of the Eednore Bajahs. 104. they persuaded all the merchants to agree to send him [Shivaji] to a present lest he should recall his of Salsette/' {F. March To 1635. in Karwar. on 23rd departed Shivaji very unwillingly.) fleet. to Shlraji*! loot of Basror Karwar (13th June 1665) the Mughuli Shahi Tal Konkan. 28tb BasTur is annex Adil also 242. which was that they had nothing on board except powder and bullets which Shivaji might come and fetch if he thought they " This our answer would serve him instead of gold. and Kanart (early in .B. From this him eith. saying that Sher his this side R. himself. The of Purandar . sparing the town. Sarat. month at the river " Kalanadi. The Ma:athl lalhars sf«Utbe ttxae as Sainur or Sdtunr. as Bareelore.

\F. R. which the Sultan fanned and utilized to seize The affairs of the royal drunkard at Eome from bad to worse. and 21 th November 1666 and 15th January 2l8t September 1666. who bad lost his fort. The Sultai beingf Kban Bahlol from illness (HeJ of bis large force. dissension between his tv\-o sons and nephew.) . Karwar to Bijapnr pasted Surat. kept them at peace. by poisoned. From . game. V^ FI. had reconquered ally slaying 2. the all Muhammad Khan il. SHITAJI IX SOUTH KOMKAV. VIII. He bad come to Bijapur the Kiraatak war at the king's call. Adil was it afterwai-ds Shah^ soon su^clod. including several Kudal and waite. fort that ed (August 1665^ many other places in South Shivaji. plundeiing the small Murtaza Beg. Shivaji had His assault on that fort (I6th been detached against Panhala.000 men of note.rot. there.l for Sharza stich very Khan to soldiers of The Khan Muhammad fell back on reinforce him. {Ibid. but died of only eight days after his arrival. Bat no aid oime.000 brave Aff>bans. I. able and upright man. while Shivaji held (or Gharapar ?) subjected to constant pillage by the soldiers of Shivaji*8 garrison who used to leave their forts and roam about in a band of 200 men up and down the country. In the course of Jai Singh's war with Bijapur.l 123 June or July. and immediately bitter quarrels broke out between the two sons Khan. a But he was Iravc. as Jai Singh began his invasion of Bijapur that month and Ikhlas Khan had to hasten from Kndat to But Vingutla and Kudal continued Raj ipur and Kharepatan The country about Karwar was at this time the defence of the capib in He had Konkan from the attack- latter were busy fighlii)g Jai Singh. also took to towns. plunder with hi? retainers. 10. January 1666) failed and then he went off to Khelna. v. of snd the Governor of ^lirjan rebelled. recovered Dabhul and ^larathas. while But by November of the Mughals. jealous sow to tried Sher Kban. 29th August. .o\c next an country after that Ikbbs. Bijipuri hands.) The Bij tpuii Governor of Ilubli fell into disfavour at Court of Bablol their jagin. I9i\ August 1665.

immediately sent to^Bijapnr. Banda. he surprised acd left in the siege camp. hith quite broken the long continued friendship between Rustam-i-Zamaa and ShivajL Rustam hath taken now Fbonda.0. Suncle [= it is Chaukuli] and Dcchele [= Dicholi in Goa territory]. cavalrj.000 horse and 1. force.and cut off 200 Lack he way intercepted Shivaji's friendly letters to be which Boslam. 114 ibis place be sent 2. Sunt 104. Abdul Aziz (the son of Siddi Jaahar) and HuHami-Zaman to tbe Panbala region Thej formed a plan for nir- prising Shivaji.sHiTui IX soriH KOXrASI. nnder Rastam. vrho kiy on tbe top of the bill overIookin<» Konkan.000 foot nnder SIddi Hasaud. Tint aieg* of Phondrn : F.tamtben wrote save Thonda by all means. generally thought. " Dcccta New* ". and sent word to the general of Shivaji that he had only come %o look after his own country. Khan to be raised the This vras Muhammad effected by a Muhammad Khan could get together only i sjuU with which he went acd sat down in a town of h'u stratagem. ary and i^Ia^cb). as bit mister and Rustim were friends lie went with bis 3iuslim soldiery to a hill a mile off in order to £ay his prayers in publie. killing 500 ^laratbas.R. approached be beat his drums and sounded bis trumpets and thus gave bis frieod But Mat^ud chased tbt timely earning to escape. Shivaji . and after a long and wtU contested fight defeated the rest of the Maratha army who bad hurried back from the hilL Thus the siege of Phooda was raised routed the soldiers after the poor tbree days. Maralhas with COO chosen the enemy. At this Adil Rustara to that though he reluctantly pardoned Shah wTote On of the this act of disloyalty. Mnbammadan officer U * Tbe garrison resisted for two months (Febra. » .14. followisf • UtUr from Karwar. In the meantime tbe Bijapnn Government bad sent 5. siego of Phonda. beiicge Fbonda. men in " This it had been driven to eat leaves for the last business. and finalljr agreed to surrender in six bonrs. ^tuhammad Khan seized this cpportnnity. d«t(d 24th Aprl ICCft. ttoless to his agent maitcr'a about tliree miles from Phonda. he would dismiss him Ru. Kudal. Tbe general suspected no stiatagcm. When their van.000 men under a CJ.B.

Surat. Shivaji assembled an army hor^e. from Shlvaji/' All Fhonda and Dlcholi are in Savant-vadL five |2( these places except IX. F.R Surat 105. and admit him before the Portuguese could raise a sufBc-icntly large army for defence.) Late unsuccessful attempt to stratagem. He smuggled into conquer the territory of Goa by the towns of this State 403 to 500 of his soldiers in small at difterect times and under various disguises. and then '' in December returned to Ilajgarh as he found the Portuguese give him a hot reception". his opponents during this interral and the Siddis. But either the plot leaked out or the Portuguese Viceroy's suspicion was roused.came his rupture with the Mughalt^ which kept him busy in other quarters and prolonged the peace in Kacara ii till the close of 1672.) well prepared to 12th At the beginning of 1670. FT. with his own hand gave him two or three cuffs in the ear.JR. tJ to Soon afterwards.. and turned him and the Marat ha prisoners out On of his territory. changing their men and putting in [fresh] provisions and ammunition'''. threatening to lead them against hearing of and 1.roU T* tUITAJl IX SOCTH KOKKAJI. L] iowos of note. seize one of the pascer. Then he and sent] for Shivaji's ambassador.000 foot it Goa in person. For the next four years he gave no trouble the Bij^puri Konkan or Kanara . Shivaji went Mughal court. hoping parties that when their number wis doubled they would suddenly rise one night. inspected all his forts in that quarter. and of his credit as decreasing during these years of inactivity while the "country being the Portuguese «•' all about was in great tranquillity ". November and 16th December 1668. 105. He made a narrow search in airestcd the 400 or 500 men evidently extorted the truth from all his towns. (Gyfford to Surat. when.000 of 10. taking advantage of the . of Shivaji at various places. The English merchants of Kanvar repeatedly speak of Shiva in 16G8 and 1G69 as being " and " veiT quiet keeping stiU at Rajgarh". From the north of Bajapur he marched to " Vinguria. t^iem. in October 1C6S Shivaji made an {F. at tbe end of ^farcb 1686.

—the forts of Mirjan and Ankola alone holding out for several months more. Slat October 671. ' The oommerclal importance of BabU cia ht jadged from the folloviof " jemarka of the Eogliih merchants HDbli. Rustara-i-Zaman had broken in rebellion against his master. 3779. With the underhand help of Shivaji. the crowning act of which was the surrender of one of the king's forts to the Marathas. Eabhuad70haa only eight Uneafor the eraoti 87. Surat. in September 1671. 17tb ch:istised Pebruary 1675. he occupied Bljapuri a year. chit 70 (nine linos only .R. the mart of oor Karirar factory. Karwar to Co. depredations in Bijapor tcrritorj. lit November. who iuvdded the Bijapur territory across their frontiers. But within a month the royal troops crushed the rebellion. sacking many Their general Pratap Rao the most important inland mart of the province. Sarat : — November 167S. ^ rebel chiefs (Nayakwaris) of Shivesh- X. The death of 2«h November AliiAdU Shah II (on ]6?2)Tra8 followed by the rebellion of the Rajahs of Sunda and Bednnr.) This rebellion had been hardly suppressed when the Marathas made their first incursion into Bij ipuri and forts rich cities in ihat region. And now he took up hope of intimidating the Government to reinstate him. may refer to 1678 or 1675). 20th September. . raided Hubli. lOthandlOth Jaly. By the middle of 1672 Muzaffar Khar. Wtk Jmne I67S. £. onfc Meantime.5. tho new Adil Shahi Viceroy of the Kanara coast.He had at last hun deprived of his viceroyaltj and jasir for his treacherons intimacj with Shiva.I. . SaiatS.. lat of 1673-75 . An army under Muzaffar Sunda from its Khan them (February. previotislj sacked by the Marathas. VoL 87." (F. death of All 11^ he renewed his UAO. {F. .IM 8UI7AJI IH SOITTH KOSKIX.) " Hubli a great isroad [= inland] town and a mart of " (0 C. rague. had made peace with the war and Kadra. yielding three lakhs of Aun arms in the burnt Raibagh. completing the ruin of that port. Sarat 106. F. S.C» S77d and 3800.S. a^thMay. bn mU and of the we mo«t «h?re j gooda ihat port afforda 41a. 106. Karwar to Sarak. O.) Maratha iiivaaion of Kanara in 1673: J. and plandere<l and territory. » * Kanara. rerj eonaiderable trade Conaalt. 16 73) and wrested Rijah. Sarat to Persia.

in the scene away property of the 127 The Marathas tion. solicited under Bahadur Khan (September). he denied that was done by his soldiers. soldiers. 899. promptly came to the with 5. like Rustam-i-Zaman. forcing all their roving bands to leave the Karwar country.TOli. pressing of fearful his own condition. He also talked of invading South Koukan and recovering Rajapur In August he is still spoken and other towns next autumn. his irreconcilable help was enemy. Shivaji's gains during year included the strong forts of Fanhala (5th March) and Satara (early September). Belgaum remained in his hands and also many strong places between Goa and Kanara (June 1673). with what booty they leaving several goods out in the streets fled " precipitately had already packed up. F. for immediately afterwards all the nobles under his command and a secret most of his own ment removed him from his rebellion and he him and the Bijapur GovernThis drove him into viceroyalty. which they had not time to capy away. factors they it to their general who sat Muzaffar Khan.S. Bombay to Sarat.] a loss o! 7. Adil Shah sent a large army to reduce Belgaum in case Muzaffar declined The great fort of compromise offered to him. Muzaffar missed the Alaratha raiders by just He was probably suspected of having entered into one day. it understanding with them.000 cavalry and saved the town from total destrucbazar.^ elon this ^O. B.S.C. however. 1673. 16tli and mh . " hard of as upon Shivaji. causing SHIVAJI IX SOUTH KOXKAK. • fT. 1. In June Balilol Khan with a large Bijapuri army held Kolhapur and defeated the Marathas in several encounters." But soon afterwards being the fell ill at Miraj and the Shivaji's by Bijapur and Golkanda Governments to defend them from a threatened Mughal inva« Bahlol Khan. forsook tried force to retain possession of his fiefs. Sora( 109. fei>tcmbcr 3800 and 3832. who supplicates for peace." When the English at Surat complained to Shiva about the outrage.) The entered and dug up. At Hubli.894 AhA to the English besides the private Company's house carrying was the all the first broadcloth in Company alone. (Ma/ 1673.

R^ Surat 106. Vol. do qaal<tiroa moiU riqaeu por aisiatiiem Ic** There U a CXaudra-guti. (Shimoga district Mftort Oateiteer V« tht place meant ii. Though Kanara had been freed from the Marathas. II. Karwar to Surat.BHITAJl Vt t6irtSL KOXIAK. . Karwar. ** more plunder in those rich towns to bear army". and he himself made peace on * The Portngoeso Vida do. the faujdar of Karwar province enjoyed no peace.Setaffjf (Lisbon. with the rebel's wife in By it. it is said (instigated by Shiva). raised for also sewed 20.000 horse and stayed there for four days.000 foot Bankapur and Chandaguiri (? Chandraguti) respectively forced him to evacuate Kan^ra quickly. p. Bustam-i-Zaman II. this Mian Sahib's followers deserted him forts. But two severe defeats at the hands of Bahlol and Sharza Khan at 4. robbe-i many rich towns and then penetrated into Kanara. 35 miles Dortb-eait of Satara. Ankola and Shiveshwar) all surrendered without a blow.* {F. Bombay to Surat.000 sacks of cotton for conveying the plunder he expected to seize But on the dasahara day I (early October) an auspicious time with the Hindus for setting oat on campaigns he sallied forth en a long expedition into Bijapuri territorr. I. cannot .. rebelled and Adil Shah had to conduct a long war bafore he could be suppresstd. 805) xr. E^rly in December he reached to get the expenses of his Kadra (20 miles north-east of Karwar) with a division of and 2. 369-) Chandan-^arh. with 25. his forts (Kadra. 36 milci eonth-wtit of Bankapnr.. that Mian Saliib.000 men. 3910. " "long and tedious rebellion was of Abu Khan. 128 of September we find Shivaji at the head of % "some notable attempt against the Mughal. The Uvo Bides continued to have skirmishes with varying success. 29th September and 10th October. speak* of "gnodt lagar cbamedo CXandagara. Dutch lUc. C. 31^ No. 1730). Fryer. 17th December. at last as the for lack of pay . 22nd April but he held out obstinately in his other ended by the arrival new viceroy. la the 1074 February royal troops captured Sunda. The bulk of his forces occupied a hill near Hubli.** At the fnd great army He t'-BAlJ. 88.

841. Rnstam-i- II.he seized vate friendship with the Marathas.. he extort :d forced loans from another.000 soldiers to Phonda. PT. all the rich men of Karwar- and its neighbourhood that he conld lay hands on. to Bijapur . the new Ru?tana In October as he feared that his post would be given to^ vazir. '* the great Khans were at difference. Karwar to Surat. V. {F.R. "in Kudal about hours [journey] from here [Vingurla]. SuiatST. Orme. asking for the pardon of the ^fughol Government through the Khan's mediation and the forts he to cede had imperial promising recently conquered as by sending twenty-three forts of his own ttathe had once before Jai Singh's time. Karwar to Snrat. 14th February and a parts/' 22nd April IB?!-. after his visit to the capital evidently lost his viceroy- This was Shivaji's opportunity and he -conquered Kanara First. a march from Karwar "going to build a castle upon day'^ from which he may very much annoy thosa very high hill. before he went R. At Bijapur everything was in confusion . No. subject of Shiva. Hth and 22nd At>ril. but Mamet Khan who was there armed him* so that the aforesaid pandit accomplished self. 8tb Fboida and (l€i&). alty. In the beginning of September. was summoned by Khawas Khan. and.) Bee. 1. (F. 35.) four generals fortress called Annaji came with 3.3 condition of hJg wife Itft Shivaji was then only being released. ^ to Ir.) Unlike his father.ara ai:d cnjitotorf Sn %t. surprise the nothing. a rich mcrchtint. one of Shivaji'f October 1674. Surat 88. the new Rustam-i-Zaman did not culti* In August 1674. By these insincere negotiations for the time being averted the risk of a Mughal attack Shivaji on his territory and began his Invasion of Bijapuri Kanara • with well an the yielded in ^ (omposure of mind. from Fhonda) . he befooled the Mughal viceroy Bahadur Khan good. Surat 88.VOL. S^iUi iinj. •HiviJi TS noxrtn koxiav." The worthless wazir Khawas Khan was driven to hard Zaman straits by the Afghan faction in the State. for him a pretended offer of peace. living at Narsa (16 miles and the Maratha King prepared for retaliation." {Duiei Vol.Vksion of Kar. JPff. Eajapnr Kanrav to Bnt$t^ . 2nd September and 27th away. 84.

0l4 XIL In March 1675 he got together an army of 15. Irt and 2011i Orme. But Muhammad or men to attempt the raising of the siege. defcribed. 343 and 358. ordering forty small ships to go to Vin. besides He many rich persons held to ransom". within a day^s journey Phonda. 38. Wtl* Phonda 401. carrying away great division of his deal of riches.U00 and made arrangemente for sitting down began the siege of horse and 7. and Both carts Raja- being in his hands. . etc. Delative peac« offer to Hogbalt. B. and unaided heroic defenoe. 2l8t and 31st Maraths accoontt Oaxttteer. While he was prosecuting district army plundered Atgiri in Adil Shahi territory and "a two other lai^ cities near Haidarabad. Phonda on 9th April 1675 with 2. Khan made a against overwhelming odds. 80 gentle its gradient. B^ 40}« 0. and early in April laid siege to the lastnamed place. . and in one year from Rajipur crossed pur and the Kolharpur it convenient ( is its situation now been made has it 1877 ) nearly practicable thousand fifty on the way to the Deccan. U»j . it was nccesdirect connection between them bj secure to for Shivaji tary the siege.0. 167 «. in Sabhaaad. Bomhay 40. 3rd and 14th Jane.>HIT Ail IK SOUTH KOffKAHl 110 ttJ. Next gurla with all si)eed and there he marched to his town of Kudal. before the fort even during the coming rainy season in order starve the garrison into surrender* Muhammad Khan had to onlj four months' provisions within the walls j there was no hope of even from the Portuguese who now lelief from Bijapur or the for safety of Goi and appeased Shivaji trembled b/ Rustam-i'Zaman II. April . 70 (icantj). 338. The hill fort of Phonda commands one of the of easiest passes Konkan into the Deccan plateau beyond the lending from South Western Ghats and estiblishing direct communication between So Rujapur and Kolharpur. 3rd. X.000 caralry. 14. crow-ban and hatchets.000 pioneers with pickaxes.000 infantry and 10. another taking Phonda. had too little money promising neutrality.000 foot.. wait for fresh command*. Arriving at Bajapur ( £2nJ March ). that f©r artillery.8. he spent three days there.

in aid of but they were intercepted by Sluvaji and the Viceroy of Goa disavowed the act. each bracelet to the forlorn hope who would attempt the escalade. with a heavy loss of men him. In feaz of death the all five others adjoining parti Khan wrote to the ploilan of these forts to yield them to the Marathas. The siege was pressed with vigour. Inayat at first declined.3 «BITAJI . May the country as far south as the Oang»> river had passed out of Bijapuri possession into his hand*. but they So the Khan was kept in chains. In a few days had been Shiveshwar (which besi^ed by 3. At All who were found length the fort fell about the 6th of May. Vol. The Portuguese. fearing that own Goa would secretly sent ten boatloads of provisions the besieged (middle of April) be as good as and some men lost. (which alone had made a short stand).« FT. being certain of heavy loss and even an utter to his base. Karwar. tilled the ditcb^ and made 500 ladders and 500 gold weighing half a seer. lately held seized the by Muhammad Khan and country and forts placed his own men in ^em. and by the 25th of . returned activity during the siege was imputed to bribery by Shiva. Khan. with the exception Khan. for presentation bracelets. Kadra jMunded and gave up the forts for money. 1. but he could make no stand against Shivaji whose forces He therefore comwere now set free by the fall of Phonda. to Bahlol Khan. who was at Miraj with 15.000 Maratha Ankola. but Shiva had filled up the passages with trees cut down and lined the stockades with his men.000 troops^ wanted come down and relieve Phonda. who saved his own life and those of four or the by promising to put into Shiva's hands belong^g to Bijapur. lati all capitulated to Shivaji. By the beginning of 31 ay Shivaji had taken possession of two outworks. to He then threw up an earthen wall only 12 feet from the fort and his soldiers lay sheltered behind Shiva took Fhonda their if it. of Muhammad in it were put to the sword. III eOffTH KOVCAII. but they were all- counter-mined. and Bhalol. horse and some foot soldiers since 24th April). ilX Shivaji ran four mines under the walls. the faujdcr oi Ankola. His inrepulse if he tried to force them.

Shivaji for protection. the fort of Karwar surrendered to the Marathast The rainy season now put an end to the campaign. seven all miles south of Ankola] to take custom duty on goods passing that way.in IHIYUI Vt SOUTH lOKXiV. XIII. disgusts with him. This general. but soon upon Supa and Whurwa belonging to the Rajah. The people were conquests I and in forced them to retire to the extreme misery in Shivaji's new hn 8queeze4 the detait f who in their turn squeezed . Shiva the rains in a fort on the thought of cantoning for changed his mind and returned to Raigarh. had aided Shivaji local in the But now (1675). or lieutenant of the detai who had been the Bijapuri Governor of North Kanara. 27th August 1676. while he The Rani then appealed to pay him an annual tribute. A party of Marathas that was posted at BurbuDe detait [Varhulli. passing Rajapur on 11th June. 70. lea^nng his army at Miraj. Faying that he would restore his former master. was now forced to withdraw. On had 26th April one of Shiva's generals and "burnt the town in punishment of the English factory went bai'k in a visited a house effectually. resident at her Court. Karwar standing^' The holding out. after the fall of Phonda. [lAOJtJ.) The dahi. (August Rajapur to Surat." I)lvi) (? in concert attacked the But Khizr Khan Pani and the Maratha garrisons there. the dahi was moving about the country with a force. Khan went back at first Bahlol toBijapur. leaving not fort of Karwar not molested. held the real power of the State. was few days. agreed and admitted a mere being a to to peace cypher. but had been compelled with him she (August).) The dowager Rani of Bednur had quarrelled with her 1675. ^lai-atha make {Thid and Chit. . however.) {Ibid. He attacked Shivaji'i conquest of that district. still But next month. A Maratha force was detached into the Sunda Rajah's coun" They finding no great opposition seized try at the end of May. Karwar town guards in castle. frontier of Sunda. killed 800 of the men and recovered both the places. colleague Timmaya.

TV. the ryots. FY.3 [Bombay Gazetteer. in the grip of a civil war. t. the Aiiil Shivaji's But Bijapur wag Shahi State possession of SoUih Konkan and North Kanara remained unchallenged his death.VoL X. hastening to a dissolution. pt. was now Ul SHltiJl IN EOUTE KONKAK. 1. and 128). till after .

By Girindra Nath Sarkar. at But when the time delivery draws near she is strictly forbidden to places supposed to be presided oyar by the bongdf frequent the for the (spirits). The Hos believe that children are born by the will of Sing- honga (The Sun-god). has a great desire for a child memory alive after his death him food.VII. but they ceive without intercourse that the The souls of deail are The Hos with a man. Barren women are despised and supposed to be cursed by to give Sing-bongd (the Snn-god). recognized in the new-born semblance which they bear to the former. holds from .— Birth and Funeral Ceremonies among^ the Hos. Unlike the Hindus no ceremonies are observed seventh or other month of pregnancy.vo nea who are su-p3jted of soroery and avolAs coming out after darkt and witohorift herself aloof . among the Hos. (I) Like —BiETH other people a all Ho ipecially a male oae to keep his and BJL Customs. drink. the kaed creeper and if she conceives she ties the root round her waist as a charm against all evils tha*^ might befall the child in the womb. Barrenness is generally attributed to bad morals or some sin committed by the woman in her previoua But measures life. The woman is made are taken to make a barren woman to drink a decoction of the root of fmitfnl. but are reborn in infants. A Ho woman takes pregnancy a? a matter of course and does not take any particular care as to her diet or behaviour durmg the first few months. children by the Thus when a child resembles his grandfather the father says that his father again believe is bom to grace his family. also tha dead never die. They say Sing bonga emetana (God gives are all aware of the fact that a woman cannot conit). and comfort in his old age.

The Birth* born she sits down . windowless and therefore entirely safe from any cold blast. Delay in delivery believed. in a kneeling down posture . that midwives through their magic power protract the delivery so that they may be called to facilitate it.a sharp edge. The father cuts the umbilical cord with the skin of the maize which has . When the time for delivery arrives the room is reserved for The huts ol the Hos the expectant mother and her husband. mother picks it up in her hands. and gives out the name of the lover who is asked to reveal the Now a [Hropitiatory sacrifice. of now gives the child back to its with which the mother mother and prepares hot water and her child. is offered to Thus the labour Sing-bonga. m and sit ordinarily on the verandah about three feet wide. BIBTH AXD FUNEBAL CEBBMONUft. to be caused by the eye of some evil spirit or the and its is marriage the mother had intercourse with some other than her lawfully married husband who cursed fact that before joang man her for having been taken away firom him and united with In the latter case she confesses her misconduct another man. generally a fowl. which 18 This is is necessary for daily the bed-room as well as the store- their meals a raised floor mistress of the whew keeps everjthing that life. and the are lessened becomes Sometimes delivery pains easy. When the would-be m:>ther is conscious that baby is about to be it is also _ believed . The would-be mother and the father enter the lying-in-room are is door shut against all other persons. trath and he does so at once.TfL. Her husband supstretching her tiiighs wide. L] Each familj generally has one hut with a single room The it lying' in-room. T» ft. the wall. The motheir bathes herself . They cook room. The cutting the babe's body if found covered with membranes with a piece rag and after handing over the child to her husband proceeds The father to remove the after-birth anj to clean the floor. As soon as the from behind Isanin^j against ports h3r child comes down on the floor the. The master and the honsc sleep in the hut with all their children. Hos do not use plant {gangdi singi) a knife for this purpose lest the navel-string might take septic of the umbilical cord over the mother wipes poison.

after being released Even well as the father has to t ike certain precautions. •' ^^^^^ ^^^ dalciof birth. like a 'sort of lottery by dropping grains of QraODfl. iS6 [J^. the xnony.BiBTH AND FUKE&AL CEBEMOKll^S. of a Ho child takes place in some cases oa the -tenth day and in other cases on the twentieth _^ Nam©" Cere. Just a month after delivery comes the time for Enda-chatu (throwing away of the eaiihen vessels). Being firm vers in the principle of re-birth. stale meatj but is is after-birth forbidden to tike pot-herb. their children after their * grandmothers In choosing a name for the new-born child the Hos. They should not ease themselves in places where Bongas are supposed bathe in tanks lest the Nage-Bonga to live nor should they (water-deity) The llx© . earthen pitchers and vessels that were used in ^^^ confinement room for cooking rice.. . She takes hot rice instead of She rice. so to speak. on is it carefully covered with earth so that no to do harm to the child. The mother and her husband bathe every day with tepid water throughout the month of their confinement.^J name . boilino- water and keeping drink are thrown away. Nobodv would touch either their be-d or clothes. to the child. is allowed to reraain in the confinement room the wife and the child who are. to be careful Bonga from confinement the mother when they go (water-deity) to bathe in tanks might do some hirra They lest as have the N.. except the husband. perform the rice . The r v 1. secluded for a month and are regarded as ceremonially unclean. ably might do some harm Hos belie- invari- deceased grandfathers or and great-grandfathers or great-grandmothers. strictly and fish fall may The buried under ground somewhere outside the con- room and finement evil eve is allowed to drink mild rice-beer as a stimulant.ige- to the child.O^J^ mat and lies down on it suckling the spreads a palm-leaf and ca>ks rice for himself and batlies then father The child* now Nobodv his wife. Tho walls and the and the parents with floor of the hut are daubed with cowdung the child are re-admitted into society and feast is given to all the relatives. naming. eli&tu da- Car©' mony.

'timcs as soon as a destined for the child. then it second parallel indicated th teriously the it n im3 su^ j23t«i S^m. ^^^^ ^^® "^'^ ^*8* When cholera or pox —but epidemic diseases are very rare in Ho number of the dead swells terribly. tOL. is over. Buspccted that son^e and throw a tliem to ceremony the help of a air with away beyond the man Ho 1 fellow-villagers all drive the evil spirit reputed for As soon as a the a body with in go villagers their used village. Those from rice both boiled and fried — until the cremation So also do the agnates of the deceased. if it is is The the child. found process continues until found even. died of breaks out in a village ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^7 natural decay. the number is ceremony. who do not join the mourning pirty are looked upon as The widow will put oCE all her jewellery and abstain enemies. a pot into droppv^J a name with water and simultaneously filled \A BlBTH AND FaMERAL CEEEMOMlES. (II) Premature death De\th Customs. it is villages— and the In such a case the evil spirit is at work. for him. A secoud the of husked rloe is of grain rice is into dropped the is s suggested. . number of grains or husked rice are taken on the palm of the ban! and then the whole number is determined to bo odd or even by putting the grains on the ground two by two.A fgrain into water. 1. the name is name is j^iven to rejected. failing which the name of some great man is selected with the unanimous consent of influential and The name-giving is attended by no special the community. where they perform away from the scaring breathes his earthen vessels away last. If ime pot. If a certain the number tventhe found odd. FT. and lie fi:st oie grain t)a^h9» the to it at the bottom of the vessel.1 has name closely is mys- been preis uttered. female relatives rent oud wailings which declare the death. generally ascribed to the evil-eye or <o the anger of some spirit ( bonga) . But when . V. is Funeral Cere- ^^ ^^^ monies. his village with spirits. Other instantly come to the deceased's house and weep For this act of sympathy they get some reward.

f JJ4JUL tbe dead which thej oall kand»» prepared after the death has coffin for is actaallj and sometimes before death. • .BlBTH llTD Its The Hos prepare a Sometimes iicL it raVUAL CXBXM05Itfl. More wool is piled over the coffin."ound to the east and doe^ the same. horse to be a beast of The corpse is is the reason why the Hos take the omen. to thoroughly cover which and is fire is then appli^ b/ two poor wo am it. The womiu stindiug on the easi side goes round to the west of the pile and applies h^r kin lie:! log. the Perhaps this coffin. eyen when In order to make a coffin. together with some rice silver ones are placed in copper coins. living tree cut down. These two are fixed at the two ends the stump of the tree. occurred. it the request of the dying man. and fonr planks are sawn out of is its The plank which is fixed at the bottom of the coffin The plank which is meant for the lid or the is called Gtniti.»n account of the member of is re- affec- the family. ill of ready. eajh with a kialljJ bg of wool in herhiad. whic h go by the name of Ardirn. If the pile does not take it is fire. The woman standing on the west goes . cover is called BdMrup. Then remiin to be prepared a horse's head and a horse's tail. The face is clean coffin shaven and the painted with alternate dot marki in water. and sometime even coffin which is then closed and carried by the relatives of and the the deceased burning place—generally an open plot of ground within the village bouodary. Frequently old men have their coffins made. It is then placed floor diluted and rice of vermilion with it« head towards the horse's head. % there is no sign of any illness. One other to the west. hired for the of them stands to the east of the pila and the parpose. allowed to remainln the house until the is Cremation. luctant to have tion which it it* ballevei ihxi the sjuI of the deceased formw biJy burn\ bears to some particular . out of trunk. Logs of wood already gathered are heaped to form a low platform on the centre of to the placed the coffin with the head towards the south. carefully in the coffin foreJiead is All the clothes of the deceased. The rema'ning two are fixed lengthwise and are called /aMr.

This bath is called edthe corpse Bigidkdnabu which means. CIBlMOKn* '0 1|^ all the family members go round tbe pile vree^ing. This empty vessel — " You have been taken away by till your God We shall take yon home now. member fof the family. The bones are then picked out from tha ashes. ed new of cloth over a string-bedstead. ThoM h0m the decease! was mach attached. and take a purificatory bath. takes his seat in one corner of the room. and carry the vessel of bones to the house of the deceased bang it and from the thatch of the hut. ^^le on A resides. and plaoej After they are dried till noon en a pieod on a winnowing fan. and a female member. are dry. anoint tbeir limbs with turmeric and oil. party take boiled rice and rice-beer at lit there for some time. it is said^ then at o&o« takes fire. Another new and empty covered and within it the disembodied the with leaves 'of earthen vessel is similarly of the deceased is ipirit is addressed thug and are : isolated from us up " on the third supposed to reside. the literally and therefore we bathe. family deity of the deceased male the floor of this room. the funeral party bury this thus. spread the ashes are buried and the place where the corpse was burnt is cleansed and After the bonet besmeared with cowdung diluted in water. we touch* After the bath. when the fire is eztingoisb* by sprinkling water on it with twigs of a peepul tree. The party now go to a neighbouring stream or pool. they are kept in a new earthen pitcher and conrered Otrong plant. wash their faces with Then to water and sprinkle on the it whioh pile. After having consoled the departed spirit empty vessel under the etrth day. The dead are cremated at night and the foneral pfldi» allowed to bum until next mornin?. the house of the deceased. either the brother or the father. BIBTH AND FUmSBll. retain On the third night after the Ra-a-nadar takes Ra-a-Kadar Ashes are spread a ceremony called place in the room where death.33 TOLt^W. either th« sister) or the widow of the deceased. sits in another oonier* . bereaved family and then the consoling home.

the -deceased Sibi. The door of tbe room from sprinkling' water and scattering boiled an J rice the other spade against a ploughshare and thus producing a tinkling tound. and the two men outside will again go back to the burning place and the same process is repeated until some sign signifiying the entrance of some creature into the room is traced.BA is carefully sbui from witliin. engage barbers or washermen except as a recent innovation near villages. the shave their beards with a razor.BIRTH AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES. two men One of them comes proceed towards tbe door of the room. The next day takes place tbe ceremony calledlHurIng relatives * pared. sitting in the corner. 240 [J. Marang following. then the man. If she finds the footprints of a bird. and may say that The Hos never produces a painful sensation during shaving.O. are generally I of manufactured by themselves in their own have examined one such razor. The woman sitting in one corner cf the room. If the would forthwith begin offering a sacriHce to the presiding deity. . replies " Sukuila " (not spirit entered). at once lights a him follows striking a lamp already kept ready before her and examines the ashes oa the floor. ^ter which they are readmitted into the society. if the footprints of a particular animal is in next his has birth the footprint of a is then found. it believed that is become such an human being determined that the deceased the animal deceased and if is discovered on the ashes. Now. have their hair cut and nails be noted here that the razors which the Hos use. it is at once bslievod that the deceased has been re-bom as a bird . it is re-born as a human beini?.B. I it Cbaibassa. woman. tbe place whore the dead bo. sitting in another corner of the room. The ceremony Marang Sibi. On reaching the doDr of tbe room " •" Sukuila ki Dukuila ? (Entered or not entered). . The ^^ ^^^^^ Sibi takes place the day relatives of the deceased wash called clothes and take a purificatory bath. * It may . in order to discover the footprints of any creature whose entrance into the room has been expected. they ask.ly was burnt. on being asked if the of the deceased has entered or not.

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to the pj're. which literlaly means " We'll bury. The hollow thus made already in th^ . we'll bury. These three women followed by a number of drummers. or a year Jang-topam. and it continues until the bones are carried to the doors of the rest of the relatives.] 2il Jang-top&m. the procession returns to the burial-place which is usually fixed within the even within the boundary of village. we'll bury. If the deceased has relatives living in villages. A third woman carries on her head a bamboo at the two ends of which are fastened two bells. grave has been dug four feet deep.TOL. start from the deceased^s house in a long procession. I. visits as of many them as possible up to the evening. iopdm. puts made other of Shola (cork) and carries woman usually can-Ies an empty water pot. takes out the bones from the earthen vessel that was kept hanging from the decorated with artificial flowers this tray The on her head. the party villages also. Another ceremony called Jang-asan (caiTying the bones) One of the two women who set fire just precedes Jang-topam. or the burying of bones. so that the bones may rest •afoly within it. After the Ja ng-dsdn ^ ' place. BIITU AVD FUNEBAL CfBEMOlHES. and then The solemn d incing march begins again next day. the village and stops at procession solemnly advances through the door of every relative who comes out of his house weeping their heads to and offer some quantity of rice to the deceased. four feet in length. takes place either on the fourth day after the Ea-a-nadar. topam. and the relatives and the neighbours of the deceased. and the same in breadth." The three women dance a mourning dance and the men nod In this way the the beating of the drums. the procession must visit those If the number of such villages be large. them on a bamboo-tray roof. as it suits the oonvenience of members of the deceased's family. the ^^ ^^^ afterwards. and homestead lands. PT. The drums at once begin to sound : — Topam. The day before the idng" a iopdin. stops for the night. v. is over. (opdmjJdng-topam. bones we*ll bury.

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the Hos slab guns. at the four comers of the grave.O. collected itogether with any xmbumt at the crema- of the bamboo-tray and This jar is placed in a ne.v and entirely red earthenware jar. the reports of which announce to the public the entrance of the relics of the deceased to their last resting place. then painted with a paste of rice flour and covered with a piece of red cloth. fire . are next taken out it CJJ.filSTB ^42 ground is AND rOMESAL C£BEM02«I£S. after which of stale rice jar. rice. is Four pieces of small stones also are put under the over as supports. prepared.BJ. it. At the time of internment. besmeared with_cowdug and sanctified during the bone-carrying is first ornaments of the deceased that remained put into The bones tion. from which beer The grave is then placed in the it is A quantity put just besides the in and a big slab of stone is placed is filled grave.

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I— Inscription of Udayas'ri (Patna Museum). G. will be found together with Patna in the Dr.MISCELLANEOUS COKTRIBUTIONS. They bear a close affinity with the characters of the Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi. Majumdar. IncL. installation One {Bhagavdn) by a certain . B. now is the Annual Report of the 1908-09.* a Queen of the Gahadavala King Qovindachandra whom we for The f (an object of the short epigraph image individual > have dates ranging from 1114 to 1168 A. Arch(tologieal a notice of the inscription It lation. By N. p. entitled he could not trace the image itself.D. a space of 9|"xli".A. IX. p. the of) named Blessed is to record the Udayas'rij a pilgrim from Ceylon. This inscription was discovered by tlie late Dr. some correction. 157. lines only which make up a single verse. It and trans- is read- therefore Te-edited here. The l-ib). 2iots8 Bodh Ga^a. EjH. Bloch ing given by in needs Museum its transcript (No. 819 ft. Vol. Theodor Hloch on the pedestal of a Buddhist image at Bodh Gaya though In his paper. published on Survey of India.wnVtn^ covers The characters belong to the North Indian Sanskrit. It consists of of alphabet two the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The language is The .

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* The Dew reading has been comitired by Mr.jagad-uttara 2. "This [image of the] Lord was caused to be ma'le by Udaya^ri.03 s.-'E. No facsimile it publiBhcd. ]4i t'. from Ceylon. neehchliava ' |).B. Tbakslation. Karito Bhagavan-esha Salmhalen-Odayasriya dnl^kh- * ambhonidbl-nirmmagna. H« Panday with the original aod foand correct.nrSOBIPTIOK Of uoatababi." * Uloch re^d nirtnagna. . » Bloch read %ddhdru'«c\e\h\/a. Tew * 1. J. with a desire to deliver the world sub- merged in an ocean of woe. P.

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S. IV. is therefore the only date which rest« on good evidence. 1905.II. Ant. tbis Journal for 1918 (Vol. l' s 1 tao** cited in the plUe. Panday. p.— The Janibigha Inscription and Bisapi Grant. discussing the date of the Janibigha inscription I alluded to the evidence of the Bisapi grant of Siva-Simha which put the commencement of the Lakshmana-Sena Saihvat thirteen Sir George Grierson years earlier than the accepted date for it. J. nerer exitUd — K. *^ . when B. B^ 1899. P. namely. who first brought the grant to light in 1885 ^ has kindly drawn by him in the Journal of th$ which he has shown that the grant attention to subsequent papers Asiaiic Society of Bengal in The date of the commenceis a palpable and clumsy forgery. 98 note.C. ment the Kielhom. 100. M . is thus. » J. The date of the Janibigha inscription 1202 A.C. p..A.] "PmU ?? November. By H. 228 [The George point* oat. the 7th October. Sir A. In the September number of page 275). as stated in my first 1885. 1119 A.* era arrived of Lakshmana-Sena at by the late Dr. p. Mnd.

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B.III. King his to whom he was very fondly attached.--'Panisliottaina By The Deva. one of the most conspicuous Kings of Orissa.3^ VoL IV. had by to turn his back exclaiming at the sight of her network of grand religious edifices. repulsed the Orissan forces. for human conquest/' Purushottama Deva Gajapathi. and bad it. Among numerous sons Kapilendra Deva had decided beforehand that his mantle should f. Purushottama Deva had at the qualities of head outset to encounter with numberless difficulties brothers. ruled the vast country left to him by his father. said to at the ap2)roach hordes and taken shelter in Orissa till of the his death.D. where he was incessantly engaged in several wars and was crowned as the of Orissa by the Orissa armies at the very place.— P. Tarini Charan Rath. p. past glories of Orissa achieved by her later independent Hindu Kings men.B. » I8t« J.ing to his very superior and heart. ELing on a similar occasion suppliantly Muhammadan The Telingana approached the Orissan monarch to lend him a helping hand. He was present by the side of his brave father when the latter died at Kondapalli on the banks of the river Krishna. 266 ff K..] from his .O. during the last quarter of the fifteenth century. Even the brave general of Emperor Akbar so late as l580 A.S. King of Orissa.ill on Purushottama Deva. are still fresh in the memory of our countryOrissa alone asserted boldly her independence for full four centuries long after the most of India succumbed to the feet of the sturdy Hindu Muhammadan prince of Bengal back-<ioor of his palace ^ is The last independent have escaped through the invaders. J. the youngest. venerable rivers '^ This is the land of gods and no fit subject and strong forts. ov. Kapilendra Deva.A.

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- which immediately followed while the King was actually sweeping the car of the famous deity of ^ri Jagannatha." This wise minister took on the of pity lovely girl royal birth.FUBU8H0T1AMA DEYA.YoL -I. held in the month of Ashadha^ with to during the car festival a golden broomstick. The King of Karuata subsequently learnt that it is customary . This the former regarded. . as an act derogaof a Kshatriya. Purushottama DeVa who was by this time already pacified accepted the beautiful daughter of the Padmavathi or Rupambika in marriage. the lovely daughter of the King of Kamata.'' but the second time he fully succeeded. Ptf U] The most remarkable event Deva Gajapathi is liis expedition " *' Kanchi-Kaveri as the in tte reign of Purusliottama to the south known in Orissa The eventual expedition. achieved by the King itf therein together with hie snccess marriage with Padmavathi or Rnpambika. taking his daughter a prisoner ing her actually to a real failed ** In the chapdala. first He and marryattempt he then sacked Kanchi. The event is so popular that it is talked of in almost every household with no small pride. took Padmavathi a prisoner and returned He then entrusted her to his minister " for being married to a chandala. [} The aame * story differing in a few detaiUi* givta in Hunter's Or«#«a. and at the next car festival to his capital victorious. offered him Kamata King to marry. for the Orifsan King sweep the car of Sri Jagannatha at Puri days. The daughter of the King of Kamata or Vijayanagara named above had been betrothed to King Purushottama Deva Gajapathi. At insulted and this a " chapdala ^' (sweeper) as characterized Purushottama Deva considered himself highly resolved to punish the King of Kamata by fighting against him. It would be highly interesting to give a brief account of the same. and 'refused to give his daughtory to the position ter in marriage to such by him. T. has left a landmark in the history of ancient Orissa. laid waste the country as far as the river Kaveri. VOL. the modern Conjeeveram.

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(3) The '* Sarasvathi-Vilasa. left in charge of the fort at Udayagiri. The South Indian images of Sakhi Gopala and Ganesa brought by the King during the expedition from Kanchi are to' be seen to this day conse- crated at Satyavadi and Furi resiKJctively. The temple archives known as " Madala Panji " pre. served in the temple of Sri Jagannatha in palm leaf." Muhanimadan Kings make mention of the expedition.O.PUBU8H0TTAMA DEVA» 14$ [JJ. son of Orissan Deva and Padmavathi. This Tirumalappa Raya was obviously a maternal uncle of the Orissan King and a descendant of the first ruling dynasty of Vizianagar. makes in the intixxluction in unmistakcable terms mention of the expedition of his father and his marriage. -^- ." of the Purushottama the huge legal compilation Sing Pratapaiudra Deva. (4-) In the contemporary Tamil inscriptions of South India this is referred to as the (5) The contemporary of Gulbarga (6) Two Oddiyan Kalai>am. " (7) i' King Purushottama Deva during '^^-n phant his victorious return from Kanchi rewarded generals who had helped him them petty chiefs with small in the trium- most of his war by making tr^icts of land and their descendants are to be found even to this day in the Oriya-gpeaking tracts of the district of • Ganjam. records of the also inscriptions *' at Udayagiri (Nellore District) in Krishna Deva Kaya after certain made grants having defeated Prataparudra Deva Gajapathi of Orissa and taken prisoner the on the foi-t hill state that. — Evidence in proof of this is obtained from " Kanchi-Kaveri (1) The old book entitled. make clear mention of these facts.&i. (2) " written four hundred years back in Orissa graphically describes the event though probably with some exaggeration. the latter's uncle Tirumalappa Raya iu Salivahana Saka 1436 or 1514 A.D.

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PT. his second Purushottama Deva during campaign against the Kamata kingdom obviously did till he advanced as far south as not meet with any opposition Kanchi.D. to why the so far south In the first King failed place it Kings of Orissa were not fond of names permanent brothers in the as in stone inscriptions like their their conquests beyond the Secondly. fell in spite of the brave defence by Saluva Nara- Purushottama Deva appears to have extended hig Kaveri river before he conquests this time as far south as the returned to his invaded There capital. the last king of the first ruling dynasty of Vizianagar. the South. his licentious.Vol. was an important stronghold of the in repelling Vizianagar Kings in the South. soon after his accession. the language being quite f oreigx) thefe. Vimpaksha Deva Raya. . I. to A. Nellore District were but merely military occupations. Lastly. to 1496 to He was weak and 1486 A. During chief general and minister. the Orissan King from Vizianagar in his first to offer any effective resistance when the latter failed but attempt advanced a second time and met him at Kanchi. was his time all powerThis general in fact usurped the throne of Vizianagar for himself and founded a new dynasly.D. It is PUSU8H0TTAMA D£VA. Kanchi^ or the modem Conjeeveram. Kamata is reason to believe that he So the year of the as 1470 or 1480 A.. have not yet been picked up and deciphered. I think.D.D. Oriya inscriptions. Saluva Narasiipha succeeded ful. which slipba Raya.D. Some people would be inclined to ask of Orissa who had extended his conquests to leave behind him any has to be observed that making their inscriptions. ip said to have ruled from 1466 A. Kanchi-Kaveri expedition may be fixed The King of Kamata with whom he fought would be Vimpaksha Deva Uaya. 1479 A. or according to some from 1469 vathi he married. if any in the South.D.] rather difficult at with precision the fix Kanchi-Kaveri expedition of King Purushottama date of this Deva and present to I^g the name of his contemporary King of Kamata with whom he waged war and whose daughter Padmafind out Purushottama Deva ruled over Orissa from 15'H A. T. Saluva Narasiqiharaja.

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referred to above. Cape Copper Company. the layers carbon in the charcoal to combine with the oxygen in the oxides. process in Central Africa and Central but I know this is the Borneo by natives who have no knowledge of modern practice. I shall copper time. of which I imagine their method must have iklso I have found portions. my piirt. Olden. and have been process by which the ancients successful 80 far in discovering segments of a clay circle which I should belonged to an oven about 2 feet or 2 feet 6 inches in say diameter^ with which were connected clay blast-pipes. Limited.. continue to look for other relics of the ancient industry of which I will advise you from time to . viz :— The oxidized ores from the i^rtions of the lode above Permanent water level may have been smelted between alternate (1) and copper being about 6 inches thick. while liquating or sweating out shots of copper. When the was extinguished. and ignited from the bottom. This would have the effect of causing the charcoal layers of ores. shot copper with oh^rcoal was melted and (2) fire poured into shapes or moulds to This is purely a surmise on I suit requiremenis. been as follows. the pile being brought to the shape of a cone. By C. Snparintendent. I have foT a long time been searcliing for evidence of the smelted their copper. giving off CO and C02.IV.—Note on a Discovery of Ancient Copper Smelting Apparatus at Kakha in the Dalbhum Pargana of Singhbhum. suggest the copper shots were collected and put into a receptacle. by means of an air-blast. and.

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its 151 evidently app-earance ai. I 1. PT.d general properties. . have found some pieces of native manufactured by the ancients. I suggest that they were able to produce a very fine class of metallic copper suitable for beatinpr into various forms. Y. and from copper.YOL.1 COPPEB SMELTIKG APPABATU8 AT BAZHA.

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IZ' NOTES OP THE QUARTER.cs. Jayaswal. Thft Hon'ble Mr. Cuttack. 1. attend the meeting. Bhateja. regretting that he is unable to 2. Professor J. (4) (3) Professor (5) Kay Bahadur Baroda Kant Ganguly. c. R. Letter from Mr. at the Society's Office. Calcutta. M. (1) Pandit elected : — Professor. The proceedings of the last meeting .E. H.. Samaddar. B. Honorary Secretary. Yatindra Nath Choudhari.i.L. • The following new members were Kashi Nath Das. C. The Hon'ble Mr. Baranagore. N. Patna College. F.s.... Calcutta. ? E. (2) Kumar Hari Kri&hna Dev... H. J.s. E. Professor Jagannath Prasad Pandey.. Walsh. b.i. i. Honorary Treasurer. W.s. Jennings. E. (7) N. Present : The Hon*ble Mr. Chowringhee.. .c.l.. KuthiRai (8) ghata Road.^ Munsif.E. i. C.. Sobha Bazar. c. m. was read.s. trate. 41. u«i. (9^ Babu Eamanugrah Narayan Singh. Oldham. Eavenshaw College. c. Deputy Magis- (6) Babu Suparra Das Gupta.m. I.were read and con1.i.A..Ef. Arrah. G. Patua College. Esq. 3.S. Chatterji. Central Jain Library. ila. A. Patna.—Proceedings of a Meeting of the Council of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society held on the 25th January 1919 at 3 p.a>.A. Calcutta. firmed. B.e.

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b. conveying sanction to Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy. Vakil. 1. dated the 7th November letter ijnios. was resolved that the number of copies of the Journal be reduced from 7 50 to 550... dated the 17th 1918. i. 8 a month for the Honorary Treasurer in place of the present allowance of Rs. 2nd 400 for cataloguing Sanskrit manuscripts in the Bihar districts . M.s. .. Brahman P. 8 a month be appointed. The appointment of an addition il peon for the office \v»a It was resolved that an additional peon on Rs. b.a. Shastrl. Dehra Dun. Ambika Projid Upadhyaya. 8 a month be appointed..l. Greer Bhumlhar m.A. The appointment locally of a peon on it would be and the extra peon Rs. Bhawanlpur. Patna. 5. Esq. to m. 46-1 RnssaRoad. 1927E. Calcutta.ir the Society's Library . The following letters were read and recorded (1) Government letter No. It 7. or whether better to get bookbinding done would do the Duftri's routine work. Anthropological Secretary^ attend the meetings of the Indian Sc^encQ C^ong^ress at Bon^bay. and Government letter No.. h a. b.. High Court. it for the is necessary to retain the post of Duftri. making a grant of Rs. No. November 1918.a. Novem- (2) Government (3) ber 1918. M. 1877E.YALV. It was resolved that a x>eon on Rs. North. Prosad.} ' (10) Professor Radhagovlnda Basak. Vakil. Honorary Secretary's work. making an :^ dated the extra grant of Rs. Patna. It was also resolved that the Honorary Secrjtary be asked to report whether in view of the appointment of the extra peon. Ui ootmoiL usETuro. (14) Pandit m. (11) Professor A. 4 granted to him for the purpose was considered... Ugh Court... I.000 for the purchase of books f.l.. (12) Panna (18) Babu Rajendra Lai.a..c. 6. College. Muzaffarpur. considered.. The other peon will then be ayailable 4.l.

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as the present daftry is an expert bookbinder and also cuts the pages of the Library books on receipt and affixes the number-labels It them to and does other work which could not be done by a peon packing and despatch of the Journals. Mr.. Small Cause Court. Esq. Mr. Calcutta. Eoad. Mookerjee. The Hon'ble The Hon'ble 4. President. Sen. Jayaswal thought that the extra peon will not be reIt was resolved that the extra quired for the next six months. 2. W. was resolved that the daftry should be retained.. E. The Hon'ble xMr. Esq.—Proceedings of Meeting of the Council of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society held on the 25th March 1919. o. P.s. C..c. C. Samaddar. regretting that he was unable to attend the meeting on account of a meeting of the Syndicate. i. 88. Oldham.i. N.. High High Court./cry 11. (2) The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.. (1) A letter from the Hon'ble Mr. Sir A. Jennings was read. etc. Calcutta. Esq. A.. Honorary Secretary.as. Lower Circular • . Kai Bahadur Radha Krishna Jalan. Calcutta. Professor J. Barrister-at-law. • Sir J. Arun Sen. : (tj) 3. i. K. Peesbnt : The Hon'ble Mr. c. Judge. Jackson was also unable to attend. Calcutta. H.s. Walsh. E. and that the matter be reconsidered at the end of that period.t. Court. — The following new members were elected 1. in addition to the peon should not be retained for the next six months.* Barrister-at-law. " ' • ' 6.s. Honorary Treasurer. N. C. Woodroffe. Jayaswal. Patna.

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Sree Nath Mill.000 in May next. but that notice of this resolution be gent to the defaulters before this is done. M. Cuttack. (4) The question proposing Honorary Members at the General Meeting was considered* Resolved that the following names be proposed i— M.600 be invested in the Bihar and Orissa Provincial Co-operative Bank. K. It Seyne Brothers and the Honorary Secretary and advise as to what legal action the Council should take in the matter. 10. J The draft of the Annual Report was (5) approved. Foucher. (9) It Societies was resolved that the be adopted and that a names have been struck publishsd in the off for practice list of other learned of the defaulters whose nonpayment of subscription be Proceedings. 2. (6) The question of the investment of the funds of the The balance at the close of last year Society was considered. Sylvain Levi. Manager. Babu U. R..l. 3.a. 3. FT. Professor Bhate. Resolved that after a final revision by Mr. one year at 4 per cent.000 in fixed deposit fo. 3. 166 Calcntta. PH. High Court. 7. b. Patna. Calcutta. was Rs. Babu Nirsu Narayan Singh. D. Majumdar. "^ } Honorary Members. V. Patna. (7) The preparation of the Library Catalogue was considered. b. M. Jayaswal and Mr. Resolved that on the expiry of the term of deposit of May Rs. 1.3 Dr. to giye them the .TOk OOUKCIL HISTINO. considered. Rs.. High Court. to them for the Brothers on account of purchase of money advanced paper for printing of Plates was was resolved that the Honorary Treasurer be asked to examine the accounts and correspondence with Messrs. 6.» 8. Samaddar the proof of the Catalogue be printed. T. Babu Ramehandra Prosad Varma.. Translator. 9. Das. the Society from (8) The question of the balance due to K. Senart. Seyne Messrs.449-7-8 in current deposit account. from 1918 and Rs.

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The other payments made on SUh December 1916. The Honorary Treasurer stated that the counterfoil receipts show only four payments as made.1&6 COUVCIL M EETlKa. each case for the previous year. in Maroh lyl8 and 5th February 1919 were. com- made five paynients of annual subscription but has only received receipts for four payments. there- llesolved that the Honorary Secretary should inform Mr. for the pi*oceding y. letter dated addressed to 17th February 1919 from Mr. for each of which a receipt has been given. lication of their (10) names as Read a M. Mr. (11) grain Read application from compensation allowance. .B. N. three peons and daftry for Resolved that they be given grain compensation allowance at the Government rate from Ist March and the sweeper who is a half-time servant be given an extra 8 annas a month.OJl. therefore. plaining that he has Mukharji states that he paid in advance but he was elected in 1915 and the first payment was made in February 191C which was. opportnnity of paying up their arrears.8 so as to prevent the pub- defaulters. Mukharji • t^. the Honorary Secretary. 26th fore. Mukharji accordingly.^ar and was not an advance payment for 1916.

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202-8-3. the result of the healthy prooess of Aveeding for three members whom we lost. hope to be more punctual in 1919. number At the end Honorary Members and nine Ordinary Members on the roll. besides the 245 have been published in the year under review completing Vol. as will be seen from the fact that the cash sale of the The Journal. it is gratifying by some of the learned Societiea Journal amounted to Rs. 1918. Al' Mezuberst a has decrease in there been the great though number of members. Four from other parts of India.rease lately in the and number of it is applications received hoped that our in the near future. by it is out. But death. to note. Owing to the winding up of the firm who used to prepare blocks for the Society. Twenty-eight new members have been elected. The year under review has been one of solid progress for the Society in more than one direction. some since the very establishment of the Society. issues of the Journal Tbere has been a growing demand for the Journal. the publication of the Journal for December was somewhat delayed. There has been a marked in. is all the more regrettable are holding responsible of these defaulters positions and had been regularly receiving the Journal.. we i*egret to say. We.— Annual Report of the douncil of tlie Bihar and Orissa Research Society. . IV of the series. will be substantially stronger of the year there are eight Life Members. has been wtll received of other countries.III. from 367 at the end of 1917 to 245 at the end of 1918. however. and 10 who resigned that large number had been com- posed of persistent defaulters failed to clear off their that many who in spite of repeated reminders It duos.

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five meetings of the Council. when These monuments are now proved the two Emperors flourished. they have a per- historical treasures We have the great . very Two of these ultimately found their likely near Agara Kuan. The value of these journals is once more testified to by the s extract from iff l3. according to Bkiia an ancient dramatist} soon after their demise.satisfaction of re-finding them. Djringthe year there were „ . not this have also the Satisfaction of bringing Province M'ght t hem back and erecting them once mora in their original capital ? sonal interest.A^KTTAL BKPOBT OF COUNCIL. tues were given to Hindu Kings. Jayaswal examined the inscriptions on the two statues and found that one of the monuments was a statue given to King Aja-Udayin. the original seat of the statues. it on the Saisunaka Statues which being published in the March issue of our Journal. way to the the Indian known Asiatic Society. 158 Jackson Principal Bacnanan is working at bis new edition of still Buchanan Hamilton's journals. and Stathe other represented his son. Museum. stand amongst the greatest To us at Patna. . Jayaswal read a paper on " Hinda As the paper forms part of a book by the author Republics. Calcutta. The statues of the Patna emperors will therefore date back to the fifth century B. their identity to statues have thus been was discovered only the other day when Mr.B. These statues are of such historical importance that a brief notice of their discovery and identification baisunaisa may given here.0JUi. The statues are at present in tho Indian Museum. the original founder of th. which transferred them Although the two for over a century. the great conqueror Nandi. The import" -^q ance with which they are now might suggest to the invested Three life-size statues of Society some action regarding them. male figures were discovered about 1812 outside Patna City. One ordinary meeting was held on the i'Znd April at which Mr. to be amongst the oldest royal statues in Asia and Europe and of the world.C. s capital." which is being printed by the Calcutta University it has not been published in the Journal. Calcutta.

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in Orissa are mediaeval. PT. I. Vedic law and reward our . . Sachidananda Sinha. works a work on of Hindu Mithila has of the interest politics. It _ is AKNTTAL BEPOBT OF COUNCIL. The total numb. It is hoped that by thj end of 1919 the Library will be one of the most efficient coUections in the Province for the purposes of Indian researches. Da^pam. been given an assistant. The search An in ancient copy books. A short time of the original Harichand intends editing work. has brought to light some Two commentaries on the rhetoric work Sihitya useful books. Thacker Spink and Company to supply new copies of 37 books on the subjects in which the Society is have already been received. have Dr. has placed an order with Messrs. one of commentary on the mathematical work LUavatl has come to light.461-6-9 have been purchased during the year and a catalogue of the Library has been prepired. His work has been fairly The majority of the unpublished works yet found composed under the Gajapati kings and later. . One book on hunting and one on war and the army and a new commentary on the Rama- these commentaries. satisfactory. better several Hindu others.. on Nyaya and amongst . ten of whicli The search hoth in Oiissa and Mithila under the direction" Search for manuscripts ^^ ^^^ General Secretary. 066. A large number of Sanskrit and standard works of reference have texts have been ordered been scut for from England.'r of books is 1. 1.VOL. results. for Sanskrit manuscripts has been conducted interested. yielded Vishnu still Purana.] a matter o£ satisfaction made has been . yana are amongst the Orissa one Vcdic are a book on Jayadasa and a history grammar by of which no of the Ganga dynasty ( Gang a Vamidnucliarita) written history has hitherto been found. Mr. T. The search. worth Rs. The Orissa Pandit has . useful More noteworthy works finds. composed within a been found. however. in place of had icindly proinioed t) prasanb ^ro n hU own the books which he iibrary. Ig^ Council that progress to the Books in respect of the Library.

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1918. has been discovered in MitKila. 500 for his office establishment. and in Mithila 1. The manuscripts Several copies Mithila are of higher antiquity. further allowance of Rs. 1. Samaddar. while the names of the energy of the realized to defaulters have been struck o5. Government have mainly financed the work of search for manuscripts. The work in Mithila has only been taken in hand since April. both with regard to the Excavation of AiuT The Report of "the AnthopDlogical . of the cover the cost of Arrangements will have to be made for the publication of some of the new texts discovered by our search. 3. thanks to Government for the grant Government have also made a of Rs. The 1918) — number of manuscripti noticed in Orissa (1917 Out of the former some 5. have been noted. recover the Brihatkatha has failed up to this time. total is 300 manuscripts are of unpublished works and out of the latter the unpublished works would be about 125. 500 for the excavation of Asur sites* of the Anthropological Sa^retary on his work during the year. a great extent.000 of Bengal.536.500 to cover the travelling expense* The Council offer their Secretary and Rb. The arrears.000 for the Library. already paid It is also to be for.525. 2. been traced. Mr. the year deposit in the thanks to the have been permanent Uank During has been placed in fixed Rs. the Setubandha (some five centuries old). manuscript in The Council COtJNClL. which are five hundred year^ old Only one of the noticed in Prakrit work.fti: handwriting of Vidyapati has informed that a complete collection the is songs of Vidyapati is recoverable. noted that the paper almost the whole of 191 in stock. will last for 9.AKKUAL BEPOBT OF 160 A labour. Honorary Treasurer. and Rs. An abstract statement is appended to this report. Government have been considering the request Society to enhance the grant to travelling in the case of the Mithila Pandit. tJAD. The salaries of the two Pandits have been paid by Government. Likewise in Orissa the Prakrita Sarvasva Our attempts to is the sole Prakrit work yet on our record.

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000 Grant for 600 mannscripts in Bihtr. Pay GoTcrnmeDt of excavation Postage Grant of pnblication Journal.740 8 10 .iroi.„ 8.945 h Subscription from 1 a.600 .ogical Travelling AltMy*a lowance. Giant for Paid S. Secre* Ethuo. AKNUAL KKPOBT OF COUNCIL. „ PT.. C.694 ing the price of cycle. 1918.. . 8. auce %i the Bank at tbe end of 1917.717 16 2 600 Boy. 9' 150 retary. p. a. C. Grant for Ethnological allowance paid to Bai Bahadnr ti.600 600 Ethnological Gorernment Assistant to Price of Typewriter for Sec* Anthropolugical 2..000 the Ethnological Research. 8. and that otheri The Council hope follow the generous example [ I' Raja Kamaleshwari Prasad of Singh of Monghyr. Office cxpcnditore includ* p. OoTcrament of the Orissa Pandit.. Carried over . Boy. Library. 21. that the work of the Societj will be more will generally appreciated in the Province. GoTernment . Bjy for Ethno- 2. Lj and burial eites . 7 Pay and Travelling Al- lowance of the iiihar Pandit for search of bers. Government tlic Asar Sites. Carried over to ing Asur Sites. 161 is Ethnological enquiries^ annexed aa as Appendix.1>412 7 6 logical Besearch Office of expenditure Ethnological Secretary paid to Bai Bahadnr 1. Grant for 1.. 9 7 770 11 9 1.000 8. . €k>Ternment for 20 4 192 .6 2 mem* 3. 8 2 Rs. C. Donation from Baja Earn* aleshwari Prosad Singh for the Library. Bs. 6. C. Abstract of AccoutU from Jonuurjf to December. Bai Bahadnr Boy 600 for excavat- allowance Travelling paid to Bai Bahadur S.600 Grant for 8«cre< tar^s Office establish* ment.

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519 13 6 journals.e adsame.165 4 1. 6 . a. and art paper for tl. SCO to K.IKNtAL BEPORT OP COUNCIL. Seyne and port payment of R«. Bronghfc forward Sale of the Journal Other Misc«jlaDCoa« Ro- a.939 11 6 to GoTemmcitt Press for print.. i-g tbe Paid 1. Total 21.160 6 Juorn'il. 81. inc'iuding vance of Ks. p. seroipta.. 9 10 421 10 6 2.E£. BrongLt forward Paid to Priucipal Jack* con for KuchaQau't 8. Cost of innkiug llocks and printings plates. Bs.717 15 2 202 8 3 10 4 133X>. Paper for the Joamal.740 p. 100 for work done. V. -'162 Kb.

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(3) (4) Bronze and copper finger rings (B) (6) „ » ^ « pottery...102 . These urns are of toe rings bead* . v...» .. The following metal orna- Fragments of bronze and copper bracelet! . and contain small have been found in these graves and Museum : — Bronze and copper bracelets . both in the and Lad up some information Birhor settlement at district. 62 •«.. 1919.. -each 8^^^^ containing from two to twelve or thirteen earthenware burial urns.. the places and regular excavations at the Asur graveyard at Khuntitoli and some excavations at a supposed Asur building site. . After sufEered for about a month from malaria fever contracted to state I From the jungles of Bonai. J 10$ . and to visit the Madras Museum on the way. was in Orissa to the 2nd to the lOtli study the pastoral tribe [of DecemberGours who to stand in a peculiar relation to the Hill appear Bhuiyas (who do not intermarry with any other tribe or caste but may take Gour women as wives without fear of excommunication). From 25th September to the 20th October I was out on tour in the Bonai that in I study the customs of the Hill Bhuiyas there. at the ment* and other two (1) different shapes g^^^ ^^1^ articles deposited in Patna spouts.. I also p iid a day's visit in May and two days"* November in visit two days' visit in to a Birlior settlement called Birhortoli June to another Kanchi Sosotoli. I the Todas In February I visited the ruins of a fort attributed to the ancient Kol Rajas at Sherghatti. to collect about certain religious ceremonies of the Birbors.. ANKXTAL BEPORT OV COUNCIL. FT. As !• was deputed by Government to attend the Indian Science Congress in January.. . near Baragain. 8 -. to compare them with the ruins attributed to the Asurs* At the Khuntitoli Asur graveyard I opened 56 Excavation Asur graveyard at KhuntitoU. Bronze anklets (2) graves. 28 . availed myself of the opportunity to see a little of and other aborigmal tribes of the Nilgiri hills. and to study the matriarchal system of the Nayars of the Malabar coast..VOL... ». ... 83 . I. S ..

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) I also found two copper-plate grants in a t-emple in the Bonai State. Two stone celts have also been found there. . 1 (12) Iron bracelets or armlets .• . (sbells) ..... ••• . and with the help of the Feudatory Chief of Bonai secured them for the Museum... a few stone beads. the at I expect to find Karra thana of the Ranclii district. copper coins (8) Unstamped (9) Bronie car ornaments . ... 3 .. . (This was made over to the Hon'ble Vice-President.. If^ Bronze (T) ankle bells ... .. .ANNUAL BEPO&T OF COUNCIL.... plates (broke into powder when bandied. .. I have just secured another copper axe-head dug up by a cultivator in the Ranchi district.) ancient building site near Baragain in the Ranchi district (popularly attributed to the ancient Asurs) a few old iron From an implements... (14) Iron arrow beads (16) Frngments of tbree bronze (16) Cowrie (17) Indistingnishable fragments of bronze or copper... .... ... They are now with Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad Shastri to whom His Honour sent them for purposes of decipherment.. 2 .. 1&2 . 2 ••• ••• ••• 4 ....... a number of earthenware dishes and cones (resembling Siva lingam) have been collected. £J3. iThese I have with me more objects there and then take the whole collection to the Museum.. .0JtJ.... .. ... (10) Stone beads large (11) Bone bead (1 8) small (174) .. 10 .) A Kushan copper coin was found in an Asur building site in still.... 8 (13) Iron rings . .

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Jayaswal. — His Honour Sir E. which were distributed among Council. — Hon'ble Mr. 157 post.^ The Vice-President invited special 2.— Minutes of the Annual General Meeting. Hari Chand Shastry. ^ —Professor Jogindra Nath Samaddar. The following OflBcers and Members of the Counoil were proposed for 1919 and were nnanimously elected President. Jackson were not able to be re-elected for the current year.. Vice-President. President. printed copies members. Patna. . His Honour Sir Ed<vard Gait. P. : — k.. Walsh. Oldham and Mr. His Honour the President then delivered his Presidential S. Esq.c. Address. Printed at p. I'rintedatp. A.1. H.a. . The Annual Report of the 1. Joint-Secretary. 3.^ry in the Asur Burial sites.l. aiJB. Dr. He referred to Council proposed the election of oflBce-bearers. c. — Treasurer.* The Hon'ble Mr. of attention to the reference Report to the Saia'unaka Statues and to their importance in view of the revised reading of the inscriptions on them by in the Mr. and also to the discoveries made by Rai Bahadur C.i I v. General Secretary. Gait. b. k. d. was t-aken as read.—^K.l b. on behalf of the 4. McPherson.. Roy. Fice-Pretident.a. m. in Chair. Ethnological Secr.litt. leaving India. Jayaswal .o.s. He He he as also regretted that is he was not able to stand for reflection. as they would be absent from India on Lave. 1 ante. regretted that the Hon'ble Mr.. the good work of the Honorary Secretary and Honorary Treasurer. held on the 29th March 1919 at the Chamber of Government Council House.s.

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C. — K.i. Roy. Hon^ble Sir Ali Imam. d. Gait. K. Departmental Secretarigg. Esq. ^ 8. Nawab Shams-ul-ulama 3. A. of the Council (other than the President. 7.a. Ganga Xath Jha. MePherson— Vice-President. — iMaharaaliopadliyaya Pandit tri. b. the General Secretary and the Treasurer.cs.A. Professor J. Philology. Members Shastri. mjl-.Jadu Nath Sarkar. ^QQ [J^. Professor Jadu Nath Sarkar. ATchceology and Numist/mtict.A. 10..a. Dikshit. c. D.' S. — Rai lore.. N. — Har Purasad Shaa- CLE. Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit k. Anthropology and Folk —K..ANNUAL OSNEBAL UKETING.. m. M.i..A.i. Samaddar.A. Anthropology. Esq.a. Member i oj Smtion Comfnittee*. Esq.A. Professor . 'Bar-at-Law. 9. P. Jayaswal. — His Honour Sir E. m. Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. —Mahamahopadhyaya.OJt. P.i. Eaq. N. Dr.) 1. Esq. Esq.. S. c. Saiyid Imdad Imam. P. Philology.. c. S. m. N. CLE. Saiyid Imdad Imam.a.... Jennings. ic. M. m.a. Dikshit.. k.cs. Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad M. 6. Esq. Barrister-at-Law. Nawab Shams-ul-ulama History. Eiitorif Section* — K. Fawcus. Sinha.a. K. litt. Bahadur. H.e. Archaoloay. m.a. The Hon'ble Mr. 5. I Kennedy.S. Sinha. The Hon'ble Mr.i.e. ci. M. Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad Shastri. G. Ganga Nath Jha. 3. MJk. B. Jayaswal. 'Esq.e. 4.L.e. Lltt. Hara Prasad Shastri.

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B. Esq . The proposal was seconded by Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad Shastri who spoke in support of the proposal as follows : — M. Senart came out to India in 188S and I saw Aniiquarj/. J Chand Dr. N. The Vice-President then proposed on behalf of the Council ] 4'. much of which has been in rendered into English by Sir George Grierson in the Indian M..L. The inscriptions notes and translations Senart gives a grammar of this langu- were deciphered in two volumes with French. Shastri. d.. Sylvain Levi M. v. Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy. Jloernle's place. Foucher. Gatha dialect by Raja Rajendra Lai because it was first called found From M. The work is Avritten in It has been is distinct from Pali. one of the two sects into which the Buddhist community was split up at the Vaisali Council about death. Prakrit and Sanskrit. . Senart made a name by his edition.a. Hai-i 3. It gives superhuman character. litt. Dikshit. Babu Ram Gopal Singh Chaudhury. 11. tiom desele Pi^adasi age. Pali. 'W ANKfUAL OBNEBAL MEETlNO. in the Gathas of Lalita the old Vistara. with critical notes and indices. la. that the f ollomng distinguished Orientalists be elected Honorary Members : — M.A. M. ij M.YOB. PT. jected tour in Lidia owing But he had to abandon his pro- to the illness of his wife. 5. The one hundred particular school of the work represents is the Lokottara ye*rs after Buddha's Mahasanghikas which this Buddha a a language which Vadius. him at Dr. an4 extraction. K. Senart it has got " a name which is favoured by name of mixed Sanskrit /' In his now famous work entitled Inscrip' Sanskrit authors. of Mahavastu Avadana which is the only work extant of the once powerful sect of the Mahasanghikas. m. Professor Sylvain Levi is a French gentleman of oriental He made a name as a teacher of Sanskrit. Senart M.

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M. superfluous to speak anything on the would He only add that 3»Ir. personal garded Professor J. Professor J. my "Palm-leaf Manuscripts in the Durbar Library.A. the work In doing so.B. and his investigations into Chinese and Central Indian Uterature for facts of Indian history. his visit was to examine of Nepal and specimens illusti*ations in of Buddhist icho- nography and art.OJt. He was the heart and soul of the While in the Far East he organized the Hanoi i'aris Congress. Congress to which most of the Savants of Europe were invited. Foucher is a pupil of Professor Sylvain Levi. Other Indian subjects. and he is the smartest Orientalist I have many seen. Nepal. his work on the Hindu Theatre. many of which he has He was only 34 published with French translations and notes. The motion was carried unanimously. when he came here. Walsh should also be elected an Honorary Member. N.B. etc. [J. came to Calcutta. Samaddar on behalf of the Council proposed that the Hon'ble Mr. During his short stay there he made himself very popular with the Buddhists and collected together important and unique manuscripts. Walsh always disresubject. Indian antiquity. N.S. He came out to India in 1898 just before the Congress of Orientalists at Paris. Some of his important contributions to our knowledge of ancient India are: his great work on Nepal. because I know from personal experience how their presence electrified our young men who devoted themI support selves to follow their example in searching for truths of history. his comforts to serve the Society and its int-erests. his edition and translation of the Sutralaukai*a. he observed that after the reference to by His Honour in the Presidenwould be tial address. the nominations of these great scholars to the Honorary membership. when in 1897 appeared in J. Sarkar seconded the proposal which wai of the Vice-President it carried with acclamation. The object of old Palm-leaf MSS. He published a great book two years ago. article entitled for India. and is planning others on the same line. His great work on Buddhist ichonography was the result of his visit.'' the Professor started at once and then went to Nepal. He is an expert on Indian Art.JLKKTJAL Igg OBCBEiL MIETINO. .8.

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and anthropology of India in the midst of his multifarious duties as the ruler of a large province in the course of formation. literature. the collection of old manu- script* exhibited by Pandit Balgovind Malaviya amongst which was a manuscript of the Srimadbhagavat. Roy.. part IV of the Journal . Part II for 1913-14. Darbhanga copper-plate grant presented to J. Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit H. P.D. The exhibits were then inspected by the gentlemen present. and abiding. He referred to the copper axe-head inscribed as a copper-plate grant. Shastri . m. the copper axchead recently obtained by Rai Bahadur S. then in the proposed a hearty vote of thanks to the chair. an account of which was given by His Honour in Volume IV. continuous. dated corresponding to 1 the 14-6 . and described in the Report of the Archaeological Survey. His Honour to the study of these fascinating subjects is likely to last much longer than the life to bear beneficial consequences.\. that the historian of of the present generation. P. 5. The first four years of the Society coincided with the four years of the devastating War which Grait. . Spooner at liesarh. c. the museum by Mr. N Sikdar. and It is a fortunate circumstance Assam was put at the head of two provinces. for the interest he is taking in the welfare of this Society It is and in the history. 6. L] 169 Mr. and a selection of the ancient seals tions discovered by Dr.l7. C.i. yOIi. Walsh thanked the Society for the xmexpected honour which they had conferred on him. which are now museum. Shastri. spoke as follows : — In doing so he now ray pleasant duty to thank His Honour the President. But did not certainly afford mush leisure to Sir his interest in the Society did not flag.. and said that his interest in the Society would always continue. some copper-plate inscrip- which are being deciphered for the Journal bv Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit H. antiquity. Walsh then brought to the notice of the meeting the various interesting and valuable exhibits which were on the table in the hall.b. deep. presented to His Honour the President. PT.AITNUIL GENERAL MEBTIN(J. Edward It was The impetus given by steady.. The Hon'ble Mr.a.

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thanking His Honour may be expected of him. 4 p.ANNUAL GENEBAL MEETING. of these cities Pataliputra and the other is of the foundation of Pataliputra is well is Tosali. Its Maurya and the Gupta periods is well known. mjide to fill them up. and again secured From the eighth to the eleventh century four dynasties reigned there. AO. and again fell in the It regained independence.is wrest-ed by the Muhammadans. and efforts should be however. the Kesaris. with a One cities.C. the Somivansis. feeble hand it w. With these words I resume for all that he has B.) my all seat. namely. the Gajapatis independence. Last came the Telengas from whose the Granges. The dat« is [J^. gaps in its continuous history. been Sir Edward some of these blanks have up duiing the first four years of the existence of his But still there are others which require Society. . investigation.8. O P. most interesting. If His Honour so thinks he may apjwint so that a number of scholars to prepare a not« of what is known. 170 the history of which which may. periods in its continuous history which are abso- position during the But there ai-e Thanks to lutely blank. what is not yet known. study and The is case It existed same the with Tosali. done and for (M. known. There are. people may This will concentrate their attention to ^rive a new impetus and is likely to stimulate patriotic study. a prey to Magadha ambition. tUat No. 16—11-4-1919.0Jl. and the capitals of be termed eternal bit of oriental hyperbole. filled before the conquest of Kalinga by the Magadha kings early part of the fifth century B.

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The majority of the Brahmanas of Bengal came from the by a king named Adisura. -Literary History of the Psila Period. falls Vernacular Buddhist Literature Literary history under three heads. They tolerated the on loose rather sat but their Buddhism their rule lasted of the professors of other joined state and supported them by of this period naturally Brahmanic Brahmaiias^ often religions^ they respected them their sacrifices. Bengal in the rulers of CLE. and treated in this There was a Vernacular Brahmanic Literature no books of that literature have yet been discovered. Sanskrit . order. in the services of the grants of land.d.A. also.. till Buddhist they will be viz. By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad The Palas became the Shastri.111 JOURNAL OF TDE bihar and orissa Iresearch society. and eighth century were Buddhist by religion quarter of the twelfth century. Sanskrit Literature. last quarter the first a. M. [PART II. They them. utilized in Literature. LEADING ARTICLES I. The Kulasastras or heraldry of the Brahmanas give indeed the names of a number west.. It is said that they were invited . but Sanskrit Brahmanic Literature. But history knows nothing about this king.

The number of generations which passed between their first advent in Bengal and the time of Vallala Sena who granted them certain privileges also favour the same conclusion.S. but insisted'! on knowing their meaning and so they early felt the of a system of interpretation of the Vedas and necessity also oJj a commentary. Old manuscripts 732 and 1032 of the Christian favour 732 and one of the earliest writers on Brahmanic heraldry distinctly says that the Pulas came to power in Bengal shortly after the advent of these Brahmanas. that is. tlie a dynasty and regard [J. era. They comprehend these Adisura as their progenitor. and. The Brahmanas came here they were men differed to perform "\~edie sacrifices learned in the Vedas. word Sura. i'MA VEKIOD.ge Epigraphic records^ of the advent of the ilve Brahmnnas The chronogram has two versy. of the one Vedas. S'ake and Yedavananka-S'ake. believed that the settlement of Brahmanas in Bengal} due to the impetus given by them. however. Ir professed. knowledge of the Vedas study Brahmanas Avidelj'- to —so j They transmitted their But their mode oi their posterity. They memorized only such of the Mantrad as were used in their religious performances. curiously enough. speak of three kings in AVestern Bengal M'iih their names ending in Sura.iriSTORY OF 172 of kings ending in into kings Jli:. The f. Tiicy adopted the system of intei-pretation giverj not by Kumarila but by his Gura Prabhakara. from that of other provinces where they memorized the Vedas or at least that Veda which thej But they cared very little for the meaning. is also a matter of contro- different readings : — Vedavanaga- meaning 654 or 95 i of the S'aka era. led to and is it also the settlement of is these Brahmanas in in various parts of India. so far obtained.B. these names are found in the Kiilasastra lists.O. The revival Bengal is not an isolated of Vedic learnins and Vedic sacrifices under the influence of the Reformer Kumarila and his successors in Bengal. Not that there were no Brahmanas when these came. and it is »ij . (he Brahmanas never memorized ever] Bengal.E. for dha and it is well their successors known that the Gupta Emperors of Magamade sporadic attempts to settle Brahmanas The advent of fact.

These commentators refer This is the earliest commentary on to him as their authority. named Govindaraja. rho however. Sayaaa is at least three hundred years )sterIor to Nugada. II.d. all professed the Samareda. evidently of There was one phat school. who lived in Western Bengal. Later on. The descendants of.hita. the standard School of Hindu Law as administered in the Tustlce. a king of the coast countries of Bengal and Orissa. from that current \r\ It Jlmuta- work of the Bengal British Courts of His Idea of inheritance other parts of India. As a community. are often found in modern works. many works that there was a Gaudiya School of Diligent search has hitherto been unsuccessful in finding works of this school. con- itra. >ut ^reat writer. Salika written. v.the" first settlers. intras used by them. He is . contemporarujs of Laksmana the Sena. but the author's IS come down name is Nugada. settled iturgy of the professors of the "White Yajurveda. This commentary settled the liturgy Samavedin Brahmanas. Halayudha rrote id Pasupati. 1145. thefonn of a commentary on Yajiiavalkya^s work.>0L. though the names of authors. a contemporary iporary of Devapahi. rahana.d. They must make a Smrti of their for the regulation of their domestic and social affairs and rith )wn is found in jit Imrti. l^f Hari Varma.. has recently jreat sen discovered. the Brahmanas of Bengal could not subsist the Yedic schools only. niSTOET OF THI PALA PECIOD. He had a large his followers iy of followers ive 173 and some commentaries written by the present day. a number of works for the same purpose.] that ?ord Natha's work belonging to tbe They also made a commentary on It is not known when tliis commentary they studied rabhakara's School. ie Vedas yet known. son of ^Sfadhava Bhatta. His was already known work. a compreheuslvo compilation of domestic and social jgulatlons. Bhavadeva. and per- prmed their religious ceremonies according to the Sutras of that ^eda . for his commentary on !Manusaip. PT. presumably for the Bengali Brahmanas. in The manuscript was copied in a. the author of Dayabhaga. and they early felt the necessity of a commentary of that Such a commentary was written by Narayaua. lived In fdlffcrs in toto the eleventh century a.

doubtful whether the author of the Venisamhara was really They it is a Bengali. the word Arya Visvamitra of The character meaning a married Buddhist priest. Astakas. But the Candakausika by a do honour to the greatest poets of the world. 174 [J. Arya Ksemisvara. India and as a groat rival of the celestial garden Nandana. But it wrote would be a libel on Bengal poets to say that they nothing but one-verse poetry. His work on Indian jurisprudence is a -very clear and comprehensive work. like poetry during this period \vith the poetry in other parts of India. excellent lyrics and They wrote beautiful some of the finest short pieces. . dramas. There are etc. of Kalidfisa's unselfish The poem exquisite devotion to Pavanaduta. &. The last of the Bengal anthologies was written in the year 1205. work duty might though an the Meghaduta. but it depends upon remaining alive at the time of the death of the predecessor in interest.HISTOEY or THE PALA PEHIOD. The word Narayana Bhattaraka in the Khalimpur grant does not refer to any human being. Jimutavahana wrote a work on the determination of Kala"or the time proper for In this book are recorded religious ceremonies. Some scholars think that this preference of Jimutavahana for personal property may be due to the Buddhist influence in the country for which he writes the book.«> strongly opposed to the idea of family property which the owners cannot alienate. the gems of composition by the poets and poetesses of the time. Of dramas tried their hand in history and panegyric also. is drawn there with a consistency and thoroughness which would Narayana.B. He is all for personal property. He is relentless in realizing his dues from Raja Harischandra in order that the Raja's character be shown to the imitation for best.O. does not mean right of property from the very birth. The Hindus cultivated But success. Inheritance^ according to him. it was mostly one-verse poetry. but to the great god was written undoubtedly there Bengali poet. and sacrifices many astrono- mical observances by himself and his predecessors. is as the'garden of It describes Bengal written with groat power. bundled into Satkas. many anthologies of the period giving S'atakas.

II. the Brahmana settlers of Bengal had to fight hard with the Philosophy of Buddhism. . and these they assailed with the weapons of logic and with persistency and power. Both the authors had intimate knowledge of Buddhist Philosophy' and mude themselves thoroughly acquainted with the weak points o£ the rival system.PT. Logic and Physical Science.] But the most Gitagovinda. the managed to give it a very attractive In order to demolish such a Brahmanas had recourse to realism. that gradually the Buddhist monism went to the wall and Nyaya-^ and faots Vaisesika remained master of the field.HISTOEy OF VOL. that popular. for the Buddhists sensuous form. And Gitagovinda is only one sublime of. During the ascendency of the Palas. But which for want of a better word was termed Sunyavada. V. The consequence waa. exquisite work TIIK FALA FERIOD. Tattvacln- tamani. strong' system. of this period 175 the immortal is Later on.d. to The Nyaya and work written by a Bengali pandit of this period on philosophy was a commentary on the Vaisesika system. It the sports of describes Vrndavana and the charming full-moon nfght of the beautiful Indian autumn with all that is delightful The work is to the senses and fascinating to the imagination. Sunyavada again developed into Advayavada or Non-dual It was not only highly intellectual but exceedingly system. at The works o£that time a. arch of Brahmanic Philosophy was this period The coping-stone of the- placed about the end of by GaHgeia Upadhyaya's admirable work. manifestation of that enthusiasm. the vernacular lyrics would be treated showing how enthusiastically the ancient Bengalis cultivated music and song. earliest Vacaspati Misra and Udayana also belong to the same period. Vaisesika.. viz. That philosophy metaphysical had already made resulting speculations in marvellous progress in an absolute monism. famous seat of Sanskrit learning. divided into four chapters according to the four evidences. that is. Krsna and Radha still at sang in the temple of Jagannatha at Puri and sends the audience into raptures. 991 at Bhursut in the district of Howrah. It was written in Saka 913 or a.

he is what that essence was and so Nagarjuna was preaching Nihilism. gives a history of the struggle between the Palas and Kaiyartasin Northern Bengal for about two generations during the middle of the eleventh century. To understand the importance of this commentary it would be necessary to recapitulate the history of the Mahayac: About the end of systems of philosophy from the beginning. the second King of the Pala Dynasty.K. King of Hindu a son of commentator of Philosox)hy.d. who established his part of India.d. who bloomed of in later life as the supposed to have is the six all systems The Kamacarita by Sandhyi.UISTORT OF THE PALA PERIOD. the minister of peace and war of llama Pain. the second century Nagarj Madhyamakakarlkas leading to Sunyavada which may be translated as Nihilism. But it is not really Nihilism.O. wrote una well-known work the a. The panegyric was written by a young scholar named Vachaspati MIsr?. patronized a learned ascendency over the greater Bhiksu named Haribhadra and encouraged him to write a commentary on the Astasahasrika Prajnaparamita. . Sanskrit Buddhist Literatare. as that literature profoundly influenced thencighbourino" countries of Tibet. In order to popularize his said to have recovered from the nether regions a. four centuries were therefore a continuous struggle between the Buddhist and the Brahmanist for ascendency in philosophy in Bengal. Nyaya School and 'embodying all that was best in Nyaya and The author in the preamble gives the object Vaisesika system. Dharma Pala. it really meant the absoi-ptlon of the human soul into the essence of Buddha. irauda.S. entitled Abhisamayalafika ravaloka. These of his work to be the refutation of the Buddhist system. The panegyric embodied In the stone tablet at the Ananta Vasudeva temple at Bhuvaneivara throws a good deal of light on the state of learning and state of society in Bengal at the end of the tenth century a. The Sanskrit literature of the Buddhists of this period deserves deep study.kara Nandi. 176 of the [J.B. Mongolia and Eastern Peninsula. But it did not define accused of system.

V„ FT. tvo. A century later. This Saukara's theories failed to take root in Bengal. In order to put Dharma Pala encouraged Haribhadra to write a commentary on the Supreme Wisdom of eight thousand slokas. The words Sunyavada and Vijnana-vada seem to have died out from this time the war cry of the sects — — and another word came into currency ^^^thoutthe sectarian sting. the Madhyamaka and the Yogacara. the Goddess Soulless. This is Advayavada. the supreme slokas of thousand thirty-two eight called pyllables each. of The absorption of the enlightened human soul into the essence Buddha was later on symbolized as the jumping of the human soul into the embrace of Nairatma Devi. When the weapon used against the Buddhists by the was logic. according to the principles laid down in a stop to this struggle ^laitreyanatha's Karikas. for centuries and polemical works were on both sides in large numbers. in order to popularize his system. IT. powers who fought The stniggle naitten lasted with each other with groat acrimony.] which Buddha preaches Sunyavada Sanskrit. It is a cmious fact however that when Haribhadra was writing this commentary. cultivated logic with enthusiasm and . Sankara wrote the Sarirakabhasya on the Vedanta aphorisms which is knowTi as Advaitavada or monism. work in HlSTOrvY OF TIIE PALA PERIOD. They. it is not probable that the Brahmanas. Buddhists in their turn would not undei-stand the importance of their opponents. with numerous adherents of great intellectual five thousand. IBjferikas ^^preme Wisdom in eight thousand slokas into one of twentySo two schools were formed. or monism. and its extent is is 177 to his disclpks m Prajnaparamita.VOL. which JMaitreyanatha wrote the Abhisamayalankara the essence of Buddha as intelligence defined transformed the ^jnana) and he. it in controversy. This work wisdom. This symbolism later on was transformed into various sensuous forms and made the Advayavada of the Buddhists infinitely mora attractive than the philosophic is one of the reasons why Advaitavada of Saiikara.

or schools. It can aho bo lo'. if Ihe whole literature on this subject were preserved . It would have been very fortunate and very interesting. 178 tJ.P. At one time they even agreed to discard analogy as useless. The later Buddhists developed several yanas. the only work is known is a commentary on the Bodhi- of considerable size that caryavatara. too. and the controversy that grew up produced numbers of manuals or treatises on both sides. bent upon supreme knowledge.O. la this they were virulently opposed by the realists— the Brahmanas.HISTORY OF THE TALA PERIOD. their idea of monism on the symbolical representation of the human mind. Of other important philosophical works. An explanation of these mysticdoctrines would neither be edifying nor interesting to the general public. Brahmanas had great difficulty in maintaining these two sources of knowledge. knowledge of the world and extent of information which is really wonderful. in which no uddharana can be had. Ratnakarasanti's work on t^-anscendental logic. The text gives a lucid summary of the religion and philosophy of the Mahayana School and the commentary in elucidating the doctrines preached in the text shows an amount of breadth of view. and the controversy that ensued an amusing reading as is not only an intellectual treat but also of railleries and innuendoes The it is full ! Brahmanas believed in genus and species and in individuals.dly as^eited that in . but it may be boldly asserted that these schools made the dry philosophy of Mahayana attractive and kept up the interest of the peo2>le in Buddhism. the Buddhists refused to heheve that the parts and the whole are different. which are more or less mystic. They wrote their books also in a mystic language. be instanced as a specimen of Buddhist logic of this The Buddhists seem to have taken up the original works may on Nyaya of the Brahmanas. but the Buddhists would never do it. These Buddhists based scholarship. But they soon discarded the evidence of analogy and authority as useless in higher spheres of metaphysics and even in life.E. period. wrote some of the finest works during this period. as a female deity. as a male deity and the essence of Buddha.B. True to the instinct of monism. which they called Sandhya bhasa or twilight language. we have but mere fragments.

. the Buddhists became thoroughgoing worshippers of images. But in these later days they were exceedingly anxious for rich people joining them. iters Jripts. One of They men and them concludes also manu- preached beasts but also to his long treatise all by say- ing that religion consists of only one word and that is Para-uara '' SerTe others '\ The Buddhists were that is Para-upakara. the priestly writers. the wall and the united deities of strange and wild . in fact numerous deities Gradually with the development symbolism. For when a world. and Manjusri. PT. and united with their s'aktis. man who renoQnces the world to serve all sentient beings a should also bring the whole of his property for the same purpose. HISTORY OF THE PALA PERIOD. The deities of later Alahayana. that is always very anxious that people should join their monasteries and renounce the world. Thus they developed the ideas of Vajrasattva. the to etc. stupas.. in Hindu law he is regarded as civilly man renounces the dead and his heirs take his property. is Dana thing preached by these priestly or gifts of monasteries. gardens. according to Buddhists. who made Buddhism popular in the He is leventh century. Buddhist Church. Avalokitesvara. chief irma. II. but. Once admitting the symbolical union of the human mind bent on Bodhi and the essence of one is not stu-e Buddha. who hailed from Magadha and had great luence not only in the court of Rama Pala Deva but amongst The ^s subjects too.J 1^ ropounding the mystic doctrines^ learned men amongst the shown not only learning and scholarship. but also luddhists have t profound knowledge of iman human nature in the different strata of society. and these images not of always a very decent kind. the personifi- of cation of now go to Karma. benevolence not only to RSentient beings. the personification of Prajna. Of Lbhayakara Gupta. and inheritance to the monastery When symbolism takes root in a community and develops where it will end. the Buddhist priests developed the same idea in a variety of spheres of life in a variety of ways and with a variety of methods. one name is too prominent to omit.rOL. v. Adi Buddha and Yajravaraha.

acquired their influence on the people and strengthened that influence by the practice of magicians and by priests writing numerous the on such treatises volume of topics. with the inflaeuce [J. short pieces They consist chiefly couplets. written in a mystic language. To them the only way to supreme bliss is to enjoy the world after receiving an initiation from the Guru.B. The initiated is a privileged being As I and his best privilege is to attain suprt^ne bliss. They addressed the masses. They wanted charms. Vernacular Buddhist Literature. They ridiculed the priests of other religions and poohpoohed the doctrines of their opponents. The vernacular literature of the Buddhists mainly treat of the symbolical union spoken of before. worship of malignant The influences. 180 more and more popular shapes become in tlie temples and without saying that the priest had more ordinary j^eople than with the cultured^ It goes holy places. They wrote in a style exceedingly musical and in a language as homely as possible. The Siddhacaryas or wizards who composed these songs were men of some ability and learning. They ridiculed even the Hiuayanists and Mahayanists. This . life. of propitiation deities or warding-off of the . They preached praised They enjoined absolute reliance on the Suju-cme Wisdom the Guru. have said before. there was a Brahmanical Vernacular Literature previous to vernacular literature of the Buddhists.S.'consequences of their ire. The initiated is not affected by sin as the uninitiated. and the ordinary people eared more for their welfare in this world than in the next. They the futility of a strict and abstemious the enjoyments of the sweets of the world.HISTORY OF THE PALA PEEIOD. incantations. One would be and our magician wonder goes deeper when we think that the original preacher of this religion denounced even the astrologers as unworthy of struck at this literature entering the brotherhood of monks. benevolent amulets. They preached the evanescent character of the world.O. and of songs.S. they lung them to lyre and other instruments of music. They believed in the doctrine of Mahasukha of or Supreme Delight of the Union.

is to be grammatical a said. that thought at the time of lies Tliey. ill all. The works mentaries on Buddhist vernacular works. sent They when He revealed by the nine earth. Their chief practice was Ilathayoga or to fix mind on one thing while the body the union. ridicule the accuracy. HISTORY or TUE PALA PEEIOD. the Goddess. IS . Its position has not yet been identified but it founded by Rama Pala . 3'ar from being asbamed of their bad Sanskrit. been men highly educated.L.worshipx)ed Siva and Sakti various gymnastic postures. as famous Buddhist literature as the celebrated monasteries of Nalanda and Vikramsila. II. some by Bengalis. In one sense it was much more important than the well-known Viharas'. his chief disciple Mafcsyendra's chief disciple Goraksa. the doctrine to His cousoi't are symbolize 1 who brought down the doctrine on been said before that no work of the original Nathas It has Nathas have yet been discovered. Buddhist writers of Sanskrit. of Sanskrit literature of the of this sect as well as of the Siddhacaryas are written in a sort which might be termed pidgin Sanskrit in the same way as the coast people in China speak pidgin English. the nine of organs God and union of the in in senses.of Magadha. It was was close to the capital the chief resort of Tibetan India. Brahmanas They say if for their puni^tillious care for something good language that will be understood by not for the language. The Bengali monks monks coming to of this place knew learn Sanskrit in to read and write Tibetan and this was the place where hundreds of Sanskrit books were trauslated into the Tibetan language. and they seemed to have been drawn from amongst fishermen and others. .T the literature of ^hth century by Nathisirij preaclied about ISl tlie end of the Matsyendra and These do not seem to have Minanatha. Jagaddala. and the Gaiiga and Karatoya flowed past it. the existence of this vernacular literature is known only by a few quotations in the comThere is a large body Nathas dealing mainly with Hathayoga written during the ascendency of the Palas. V„ ri. tell It in — Care for the sense and There was a big monastery in Beugal.

He went to Tibet and from thence to Mongolia. t .O. possessed of large num- ber of manuscripts. Dipankara Srijnana. to* he became the chief priest of the Vikramasila Vihara. son of and early in Abhisamaya-vibhaiiga in of the SIddhacarya sect. They were asked to correct the translations made by others. 1038. jalaces of pilgrimage.B. was the Magadha.E. Vibhuti Candra was a His knowledge of the later-day Buddhist was extensive and he had treatises on all subjects in Sanskrit writer too. had another important function to perform. He had interest. when he was 58 years of age. stand one Vibliuti Candra them collaborated with the Tibetans in translating Sanskrit works. read scholars to Bengal a good library of him and belonging manuscript. has recently come to Calcutta. Sakyasri Bhiksu was one of the few Bhlksus who escaped the massacre of Buddhists by the early Muhammadan invasion of Bengal. Nada He or as the Tibetans callied him the Raja of Vikramanlpura.d. a work to India. copied for his library. In the year a. ta deposited in the is The Tibetans used Cambridge University Library. entitled the founder the Eastern Peninsula Coming back study Mahayana doctrines.182 HISTORY OP THE PALA PERIOD. of translation.S. He is regarded The in Tibet as the great reformer of religion in that country. A and on paper. east of received his education in his native city from Pandit. Preachers. in Bengali character scripts. for the Sthiramati Pandit is Bengal and collected a good to send welI-> purpose of collecting manu^ one of those scholars library. he was invited to Tibet to reform the existing Buddhism tliere. One of his who came to manuscripts Scholars. the son of Changia Khan. where he converted Kublai Khan. some hy Tibetans and some by prominent in the matter and tbe other Danairla Two names collaboration. even up to this day. literature which these Buddhists took manuscripts. life he wrote collaboration with He went to Lui. villages hallowed regarded as by the dust of his feet are. He went to western Tibet and laboured there unremittingly for fourteen yeai-s. — both of [J. Atisa.

priest from Tamralipti went to Pegu and in collaboration He went iih four others refonned the Buddhist faith there. and so the founder of . Vn PT. HISTORY OF THE PALA PERIOD.] became the chief Buddhism priest of 183 Mongolia there. 11.i . own doctrine. !st .VOL. About the beginning of the twelfth century. f i^t to Ceylon and to the Mahavihara there and introduced in and practices of the Mahavihara. another Bud. gan the doctrines .

Date and Place of MA. at great lengt of Indi: provinces in the Afchens ( as Pericles.—Studies in the Kamasutra of Vatsyayana. occupied a no very mean or insignificant positic in society. what particular period in the long history of the peojile it depicts and represents. his many-sided culture and refinement. its interior and surround ings. Origin. his courtship and peccadillos. Chabladar.Il. are described local details for the various The Kamasutra shows. may be. may be hoped. the mistress of the and conduct of a devoted India: household and the controller of h£ It describes the daily life of husband's purse. moreover. the abuses and intrigiK prevailing among high officials and princes and the evils pra^ gay Lotharios tised in their and often with crowded harems. But first of all it is necessary to determine. The book thus throws light on Indian life froi and an analysis of this important work will. and for this investigation Indir it

Related Interests

. wiles ( and merry maidens. the actress an the danceuse. By H. a young ma of fashion. the hetajrae skilled in the arts. the artiste. The the great value of Vatsyayana^s Kamasutra for studyinj condition of the Indian peoj^le iu ancient times <vOcial i to be realized^ but the abundant wealth c gradually coming It furnishes its contents has not yet been fully explored. as closely ology. C. that. the sports and pastimes he revelled in. various sides . beautiful picture of the Indian home. Introductory. It delineates the life wife. be of immense value to students of Indian soc. tl parties and clubs The wanton he associated with.

. :e to I whom mention the authorities he cites and discusses. PT. .UOL. 4. Some them may however be of on the selection of a bride (^wf^yi«iysh^«!f*{} W!{\ ^^1 the same 10. II. but debt by in the other cases he has not cared to acknowledge his mentioning the source.] 1S3 useful to ascertain Vatsyayana's pla<?e In Tudlau literatnre and xamine tlie few historical facts that may be gleaned from his ivas. Benares edition. p. f^sTcTT =^ f^fizt Ilf^TTT — ff^^ Trfij^rfl I The quotations from the Kamasutra hare been made throughout from the Benares edition. to his predecessors in the science of erotics. The arrangement of the chapters and the numbering of the sutras is not quite tho same in the three editions and the readings vary translation occasionally. edited by Pandit Sri Chowkhamba Damodarlal Gosvavni and published in the Anotber edition of the Sanskrit text had been published by Pandit Dnrgapnsid of Jaipur but as it is not available in the market I Sanskrit Series. 183. GriJiyasiitra edited by Dr. Vatsyayana has quoted freely from ihors not only in his own the works of previous subject but also in other co-ordinate When referbearing on the social life of the people. pp. hive made use of the former. There is the commentary with an ehborate Bengali also a Bengali edition of the text and published by Babn Mabes Chandra Pal. v.' f^r^^frprTt as g?:% U B by Apastamba in his The next two sutras show only slight but making allowance for differences in reading are exactly identical. 3. STUDIES IN THE KA3IASUTEA. In his chapter ^ Kamasutra has the This is exactly Grihyasutra I. p. Winternitz. 187. M. 3 The Ajoastamliya * Benares edition. I Vatsyayana's Indebtedness to Earlier Sanskrit Literature. 187. liiey indicated. The references are to the pages of the Benares ' edition. Vatsyayana has : J^\ T^ ^^t^ T^lf^RTT Tg^T^t TftTPft T^^*^ ^ XTf^C^^ Ml that given odifications. he has taken jjects 2.

i?f^»T^t^^: ¥l.is..^T5I'^^3* 'gT?. Benares edition.B. 8sutra has— ^*TIcT^f%?:T^rr^:r:^nzTI ^'^'g^^* '^TT^T^^I^^'kT'flT: . but this time with hii Dharmasutra.^% ^^^m g 5^5^ ?:f^43T^ 11 5 Winternltz. G. Ap. ^ 1 Vatsyayana show a wonderful agreement with Apastamba.^ same thing in his Dharmasutra. 20. c. H . 188. p. 186 fJ.E. i II ' ' th( l 13.. Ap. 5. cd. p. Qr. 11. 167. T. Gr. 3. Ap. Gr. 191. Bnbler. Benares edition.. and Winternitz. ^ ^ 1" 4. 1. Su. III. p. Benares ^*^ted bjr Dr.S Apastamba reads— Ttclt TTT#t* ffl^t 5^5it g-^^lft* "qr ^^^^g 'I'gwTTm 'ift'nin ^'^'n^ri^ Jifim-. ^TTT^Jprrfflllf^^^l^nPnTmW trf^T^cT Apastamliya DhartnasHtr"'^ " Benares edition.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA.. Ai^astamba reads About the : — f^i. p. n ^^ Wij*Jii=i T^^ ^q^cT cf I Benares edition. ^^^ ^qf^i^Tit^n^r ^T^ irf^^^^ as The next sutra of The sutra of the next li \ II ii i^^ ii ^ ii i^ ii Vatsyayana again reads exactly the sam( Apastamba's Grihyasutra. p. Vatsyayana after giving a definition of Dharm: says that it should be learnt who know from the Vedas and from th( he says tha Dharma/ the Kamasastra should be learnt from the books on the subjec assembly of those the just as Apastamba says much and the assembly of the citizens.QT^Ftn:^wf sources of the D/iarma also.l.O. ^^^J TR'^'^^f'f^^^^T first chapter of the Kamasutra is agaii The Kama the same as in Apastamba^s Grihyasutra. p. p. and Winteruitz.^*^ In another chapter Vatsyayana quotes a verse referring simply to the Smrti (^'Sf^cf:) — m. 8. p. p..

p. by Dr. edited Vishnnsmriti. Jolly. 8. I. *' The Bodhduana Dharmasu4ram. >ine further modifications it is found in the Samhitas of Manu^* ad Visbnu^^ . 2P. is easier to celebrate> lea with Baudhayana. reads edited by L. 11. " Manava " " " I'* Bodhayana Dh^riuasastrn. 73. J. 4. ch. 1. 49.ihabliarata. p. 16. 137. Calcutta edition. V. . . 77.^ This idea we also find in the Mahabharata.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. PT. Again. FuUrir.. edited by Dr. is the best of Baudhayana refers to it as the opinion of some authorities. in a verse II his chapter on marriage. forms in so? nany works shows that it must have been borrowed from som& [jmmon and ancient authority on Dharma.- by Dr. p. Its ocenrrenee in almost identical also.. XXIII. p. M. A. 11. Bodhayana. Mysore edition. H. ^^ From the above it is clear that Vatsyayana has embodied in his work at least five sutras from the Grihyasutra of Apastamba though we cannot feel ^ The Tdtishtka Dharmaadtram. A. ch. therefore Gandharva form which has its basis in love. S.es edition. Ad'parv. Mysore.] This verse is found XlJ Dharmasutras of Vasishtha in the ^ ancl With audhayaua^'' with very slight and immaterial variations. editei Bcna. 223. 49. 130. 67. etween a couple tie ud is free llj^^Jind is from the technicalities of a long wooing. Jolly. Srinivasacharya. Vatsyayana shows an agreement in Vatsyayana says that as mutual affection the object of all forms of marriage.V. J.

See also A Note on the Supposed Identity of Vdtsjayana and Kautilj/a I Mr.c Vatsyayana has also embodied in his book certain passages fror a work whose date is more definitely known. Sliastry has. she should be propitiated by reciting to her such storie those of Ahalya.B. These sutra works are generally assigned to the period from 600 to 200 b. verse 72. 11.. from the Arthasas tra of Kautilya^^ written about 300 B. 2(i5. Shama Shastry hvs brought together sastra and the KaaiasaHtra. Jayaswal has placed about the middle of the firs in the Buddhacharlta. Shama Sbastry/B. Srisdiandra Vasu Vidyarnava quotes the following verse from the Abhidhdr Chintmnani — . p. On this Vcitstjdyana. 271. VJ. 21 216. 12) whci the parallel passages in the Arth 20 Sec the Modern Review (Calcutta). I ^T^^H^^f 1913. March. 82.^^ The story o Ahalya is given in the Ramayana and is alluded to by Asvaghosh as ^^ Avimaraka^s stor IV. and he has followed th method of Kautilya throughout the Kamasufcra. however. ficcci ted without ([uesticn the identity of t authors of the Kamasutra and the Nyayivbliashya. 274. April.S. 72. Ind. R. Benares edition. whej Mr.O. 15. however. forms the subject-matter of one of the dramas of Bhasa whoc Mr. author of the Nyayabhdshya by Mahamahopadhyaya Vidyabhushana. viz.C. P. Avimaraka and Sakuntala. . Vol. in the Journal of t'lo Mythic Society. This has led t the absui-d identification of Kautilya with Vatsyayana and a hos some of the koshas of other authors in or lexicons. all Vatsyayan (pp...S quite certain with reg^ard to his debt to Baudhayana. R.STUDIES IN THE KAMASOTBA. pj). A. K. « Chaud . '^r^^t question Satis H^T B p. Buddhacharita. 188 [J. Mr. p. 1918. He saj that when a woman shows an inclination to listen to the proposal of a lover.. canto century B.B. cannot ^* See the English translation of that Kautilya^a Artlusastra Mr. "^ ^ ^^TT^^T^lfH ?flcl«^^ g^: " J. Ant 1915. p. ^^ We be sure.A.C.^ There are som references to secular literature also in Vatsyayana's book. IV.

Jayamangala.. R. 273. Benares edition. P. because Bhasa's treatment of latter was a v/ell-known -ras to indicate that it 189 it story like that of ^* and. by Mr. as well as the Bengali edition names. 68 fE.] from the erived it Javana . ertaialy reminds us of the story of I>uhshanta and Sakuntala.. I. Pavolini in the Giornale della Societa p.A. referred to is his chapter should paint out to the girl courted the cases p says that the wooer like who sltuitid in the same circum^akuatala maidens if other jiiances as herselr. volume Vcntesimor. First See alsj note p. 7... '^cT: a in his English translation of th& .*' This refers to the story of thelovff ^ere happy by ietween Sikuatala and Dahshanta as we know it from the t lebted to Vatsjayiui wis certainly not in** given very fully in the Mahabharata. of ths is named Jayamarigala in the Benares edition and Panlit Durgapraial's. obtained husbands of their own and free choice such anion. the commentator. Vol. but drami "eat him for it it is . p. E. Brahmana portion viz. besides. II. by Vatsyayana it on th3 courtship of a maiden. whom He was Menaka. v. 20. STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTP. work. . No.OL.* rhe legend ihe however was known in period " The th^ composition of the more ancient times. 297. calls Ghrltcichi le was led astray instead by an Apsaras Visvamitra. ChJmcrs Volume of the Jatika. of Kalidasa. comineDtafor hive followad lie of still it.>me The S'akuntala story of In Lother place also. ch. This h%5 been pointed out by Signor Asiatica Italiana. conmeatator YiloJhara «nd calls the commentary Jayamangala. Buddhacharita IV. 29. ^'S^'^lWlSm^ ''^ Faxisbol'i's ^cTT^T^:r9T€r Jatika. gives particulars that are wanting in the drama. p idiparva. Isvaghoshi in the Buddhacharita also narrates Jakantala's father. PT..^" of how however evidently The Katththati Jabaka cqualnted with the story of Sikaatala.

the 5. commentator. wl ere Saknntala was nurture!. aswe from the GatUas quoted above chanting the great achievements of the eponymil hero Bharata. 4. 18) makes a distinction bctw i | the Riks and the Gathas. fairly large number in the Brahmanas s the Vedic literature generally.®^ ~ 2» XIII. and even the Satipafcha Brahman ^^ connecte quotes the legend as having been sung in Gratbas •with the great hero who gave his name to the wbole continer So that the story appears to belong to tl It may hei farliesfc stock of stories of the Indian Aryans.i. 1.STtmrcs 190* m the kamasutka. !af| spirit | the temporal from the very earliest times. "* Harisvamln. Sarphita. saying that the former refer to the gods and the Brahmins who placed It is no wonder that with the to men. was ty J. The Aitareya Brahmana (VII.B/j. '^ ^'5^J^ •^IXrar^— Vajasanoyi Taltt. [j. footnote 2. and they are referred to in the earliest portions the Rigveda itself (I. these Gathas contaih histor matter. 4. that explains called Nadapit. singing ahout the mighty deeds of great heroes in still oldet tiiYies. 11-14.). XV. In the Satapatba Brahmana ^almntala is spokeii of a ^^ the at borne Bhavata who is also calle great Nadapit having ^9 there the son of Diihshant. 3. Eggeling of the Satapatlia Brahmana. p. the litorat i with the deeds of mere men fell into comparative neglect and i preserved with the same care as was bestowed upon the Riks.irj VeJas. 399. thoil concerns far above dealing not cecasional verses " Jt^RRT were preserved in memory and transmitted orally. etc. bo pointed out that Sakuntala^s mother. Saip. 10. 2 j Wjutrayani Satp. For the most part. 190. Menaka^ is mentione of Bharatavarsbac as an Apsaras in both the White and the Black Yajurvedas. . ^^ The Gdthas are quoted in a the hermitngo of Kan See the English translati Part V. 118. 4.

the request of the courtesans of Pataliputra wrote a separate treatise dealing with the Vaisika section of Babhravya. II.~ervation of his umanlife^ viz. Jaeing huge in bulk. that the first two of (and Vriha«pati resand the of atteaJaat Xandi. Mahadeva.. as is also quite evident fram the frequent references that he makes '* Vide Chapter I of As «4lr*4|l4i^-«y3fiXl^ Kamasutra. His \ hundred and — exainple was followed by six other writers Charayanaj Suvai-naoabha.rk the end of the learned Kamasutra again Yatsyayana says that having his ( from the meaning of the sutras of Babhravya teachers. ^^ Towards of mo. p.'* He thus admits that the greafc work of Babhravya formed the groundwork of his own book. Yatsyayana proposes to give subject in a single wo. STUDIES IN THE KAMASCTRA. took up the third Hveiy h he dealt with in a thousand chapters. Gonardlya^ Gonikaputra.lerate one would in the case of a sacred text or pondered over them in his Agama ) and mind he composed the Kamasutra in the right method. 381. As the science treated in this fragmentary fashion hj numerous writers was about to be mangled and spoiled and «s t4i€ work of Babhravya. Benares edition. Dharoia^ Artha and hese subjects were next taken •^ Kama Manu . Vatsyayaaa :i in speaking of the origin of tlie of his book the begianiiig that at 1§1 first the Kamasastra says Prajapati for the progeny composed a huge encyclopaedia in Imndred thousand chapters dealing with the three objects of ro.] Works on Vatsyayana's Reference to Earlier Kama^astra. . ^rW»^ ^^ifwf^J Benarea edition. pp. into five The work up by hundred chapters by ^vetaketu the son of of S'vetaketu was further at)ridged into fifty chapters and divided into seven sections by a Next Dattaka at Babhravya. was difficult to study. 4—7. as having an epitome of the whole dimensions. and Kuchumara. Y^ IT. each of whom took up a section af Babhravya and wrote a monograph on it. native of the Fan3ala country. This last work was leased LUdalaka. Ohotakamukha.

to have access to treatise speciall belonging to Babhravya's school. took a leading part in and arranging the text of the Rigveda. 94. 40. pp. p. One [J*B. the Samprayogika. opinions ' some therefore. [Babhravya'fl 8' editioi I •^ * tha says Benares edition. Babhravya has been referred ^"^ nU^n^'RI '<li«h*4lftl ^^ and were U«t?irtlVm 79. History of Indian Literature. Besides. P. 279 verses — Babhraviyah glokah— at pp. collectively calle Benarea Besides. pp. covering about a fourth part of th whole book. traushtcd by J. ZacliariaC. fixinj This connexion of th Pancala people with the Rigveda receives a confirmation fron connexion with the sixty-foti tells us in what Vatsyayana varieties connubial of they belonged to the Pancala country '* ir^cTT p.B. 192 to it in every part of tlie Kamasutra. T. He samprayoga. "" the school to.^^ There can. It was m^f^^ "^ '^lyf^iMU. therefore. called Pancala by Uvata. J. is i mentioned in th Rik-pratisakhya as the author of the Krama-patha of the Rigved and Professor Weber ^'^ holds that this Babhravya Pancala. .] Mann and Popular edition.! out of his seve sections. 10 and 34. current as Li — K. is entirely taken from Babhravya as he says i the end of that section. work ought to be recovered one day. indi A Babhravya who eating that it was considerably ancient.O. 'g?T:'?f%* 182. ^T*3m'^ at 68. also quotes severa of the followers of Babhravya. ng the composition of Pancha-sayalca which quotes it. the commentator. ani the Pancala people through him. p.STODIES IN THE KAMAStJTBA. The commentator Jayamangala verses stating the and he seems. a work of holy scripture. be no doul that Vatsyayana had before him the great work of Babhravy Paiicala. 87. he quotes eight 238 and 296 fi'STcr Tf^ H Benares edition.^ It may be noted that Vatsyayana speaks of having mastere Babhravya^s book as an Agama. 88.

. the Asvamedha country. The Pancala country where Babhravya flourished appears to have been the part of India where the science of erotics was have seen how great wis the debt of spaclally cultivated. and besides) b8cau. STUDIES IN THE KAMASCTBA. v. the sciences that the Kamas'astra embraces in its scope.. PT. '.*** doubtful whether the science of erotics could have been systemamust be admitted that erotics and tized so early . " See Weber.*^ The seem have originated in the Pancala Pancala people were evidently credited in ancient sacrifice to " J^'^q-'ilnTW* '^^•^f^f^^n^^'^ '^5:yGl. had received particular attention from the Rishis at the time of composition of the hymas of the A. p.U*i«i(«<H I \ Benares edition. many of which and charms to S3cure love and drive away the ra^ias for obtaining good aul healthy children deal with philtres jealousy. though it eugenics. Benares edition. wlt'i and other allied matters. the followers of the iligveda.5e they are it Bahvrichas. 114-3.tharvavedi. ed the Chatahshashti (being divided into eight Ashtakas of iuAshashti^^ sixty-four'' of chapters each) and the same principle holds in the case ic Samprayogas too (as they ar e divided into eight times eight both connected with the arleties) . 92. op. 94..] —"The 393 — from analogy with the He avers that the Riks collected in ten mandalas are \eda.3L. have out of resx)ect given this appellation of ChatukPaiiaala country. the writer of the work on the Kamasastra. II. pp. But it is uhen he has to be placed in a very early age indeed.kashti to them. Vatsyayana section dealing We Babhravya Pancala to specially with regard to the with Samprayoga. is the same as the great author of the Kramapatha. therefore the If Babhravya. the subject-matter proper of Some of the most objectionable ceremonies iu the Kamasastra. pp. cifc. 93.

she Jayamangala explains that in the case of Draupadi this limit was not passad especially as the five were all her husbands. found to her husband. with extraordinary powers in connexion witli matters relating to the sexes extending even to the change of the natural sex as we see in the case of Sikhandin the son of the Pancala king.R. she (in addition to showing that .*^ lut SVetaketu the son of Uddalaka cessors of bear *^ Mahabbarata. . was considered was not decent for a woman to go. Udyoga Parva. Chapters 190-194. may be regarded as once an ancient institution of the Paflcala country and the Pandava brothers belonging as they did to the allied tribe of the Kurug^ as we from fcheoomotton Vedio phrase see Kiira'Fariollu.B. " rST^'^^'^T ITJJ'^T ^if'^^f^ ^W^^l: II Benares edition. a woman may be explains Jayamangala **) to Pafiaala as respected lovers five the limit beyond which she did so.*^ "We thus see that explaining this it is peculiar not necessary of case to go to Tibet for Of polyandry.*^ Polyandry^ as we seeiit in the caselof Draupadi Paficali. as and could be approached like a fallen woman. were certainly familiar with it and could have bo In this connexion a Sutra of Vatdifficulty in acceding to it. Artha and Sautiparva.S. Chii}>ter 59.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. Kama is work in oiie hnsdred thonsftEd cbaptrs aUo vouched for by tho Mahabharata. tiiiifes Brupada. p. the prede- Babhravya mentioned by Vatsyayana the earlier ones mythical r. 68. syayana is lowers of Babhravya. it *^ when five we have is foi-- seeft. 134 [J.ames. says that according to the who belonged hot have intimacy with if He very significant. '•• The fttifhorBhip of PrajSptti to a dealing Mrith i>haTTna.O.

STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA.*^ This refers to a primitive stage of that this Svetaketu society. I Benares <difi6n. 76. (Benares edition. f^Tlf^. 78) two of Tat^jayana'a not 'kxlo^vn on what authority. -321. it is in^-'PrciJlOu^Mlf^if^ I Benares edition. and it is hardly possible. certain opinions must been current in Yatsyayana^s time among the teachers of the case he ha're whom he frequently refers to as the Ackarjasas having come down from the reputed human founder of the science. However. p.II. Mahabharati. Chapter 122. ^ f^^^^^. but ' Benares edition. pp. 27S. p. . the opinions of Auddalaki are referred to by Vatsyayana in three places in his Kamasutra. 74. p. V^ PT. p. Benares edition. VOL. mentioned in the Mahabharata is (Adi- having established a fixity in sexual which before him were entirely free and promiseuous as parva. like those Auddalaki could have been the author of the work in five hundred by Vatsyayana. The monographs written by the successors of Babhravya. Adiparva.] is better He known. by Jayamangala who quotes a sutra of to have been availed of Dattaka^® where Vatsyayana has translated the substance of *^ it. chapter 122) relations 195 of natiuul animals. as in that woald have made an ampler use of it.^^ It does not necessarily imply that Vatsyiiyana had chapters referred to access to Auddalaki's \vork in five hundred chapters. I am afraid. Dattaka and othere are quoted by Vatsyayana in the respective Dattaka^s book on the courtesans appears chapters of kis book.T^T^^"^5m^Wi^T^Tf%: T<*n<Hl*'*s:^'5I^^TlTn: The commentator refers Sutras to Anddalaki. the institution of marriage having not yet come into existence. 353. or the Karaasaslra legend of Auddalaki and his opinions might have been taken from the work of Babhravya on whom Vatsyayana mainly depends. We may mention here that in the Chhandogya and Brihadaranyaka Upanishads we meet with a Svetaketu who however seems to have no connexian at all with our Svetaketu. 5IW*tQC1 'nC^ ^a^i^i^rf^ : l iesj.

in inordinate of the voluptuary indulgence Kalidasa has often followed the description in the using even in verse 16 its For Professor Jacobi's opinions 050.S. are probably the same persons as the Charayana and Ghotakamukha of Vatsyayana . XIX. Kamasutra. the which is word used there in the very same soe Sitzang. RUinirnaya and speaks of Kuchamara^ The latter is as having dealt with ihe Aupanishadika Beciion.9C3. Wieacn-' . as also in that of Gonardiya jali himself is known.. them must be thrown back of course. and Dattaka and Babhravya who preceded to a much earlier date. p. Professor Jacobi holds. they would. viz. 105 Of J3. Dattaka. and on the Raghu- the other wrlterS) in his gloss on the vamsa. therefore. technical expressions.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTRA. 30. e.g. We shall take into account only those sutra that will date of Vatsyayana. the identification of But Vatsyayana. have lived prior to the fourth century B. Gonardiya has been quoted by Mallinatha Kumarasambhava.B. there being nothing extraordinary in the that the fact sections dealing with the secrets and mysteries and erotics should coalesce. could not have lived when B. 95.C. d. evidently the same as Vatsyayana's Kuchumara. Kouigl. by which name Patanis ^ rather doubtful.C. Kajasekhara in Series. Vll. References to Kamasdtra in Later Literature. pp. Kauti- (upanishad) of both poetics lya in the Arthasastra (Adhikarana 5. 51) as a former grammarian and Professor Jacobi is inclined to believe that he is the sams person as the Goaikaputra in his case. 5) has quoted Dlrgha CharayanazxA Ghotamukkavf\iO. 29. Goaikaputra is mentioned by Patanjali (on Paaini I. describing Agnivarna. the author of a monograph on the Aupanishadi/ca portion of the Kamasastra and most probably one and the same work has been referred to by the two authors. Sandhayah *" enable us to the arrive at a In canto XIX references to Kama- determination of the of the Raghuvams'a. "' PrcuSi Akad. Bchafteii. 1911.R. 1) refers to his Kavyamimaijisa (Gaekwad's Oriental Suvarnanabha a& the author of a treatise on -jjL a branch of poetics. 4. Pataliputra came than the earlier fifth into being as capital of century Magadha.0.

^* The more strongly that Kalidasa had a knowledge of Vatsyayana's work and made use of it.. IT. however. H^^ is The Benares edition reads 323. IT. tlie ft^^T^W^I^. saying that it was Hara. very : =. fe^^n^f^: fQ. 4. "" " w^ cT etc." hair is stood on end on the we almost the same and not serve him quite right when memoiy he wrote the Kiimarsambhava passage and that he improved himthiuk Jacobi holds.?^x. there is a more sense as that given pralisandhana. Kalidasa has reversed this order. STDDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. Agnivarna under similar circumstances Kalidasa in describing the definite on the means of as one of the indications of such stage fiT?I3i<i(*{nf^f|[ uses Fis'trnd same language fiT^l<2l?nTf^^ mTaTcT Ilf^5rf Another cWI^f^?T fs^ very striking agreement has been pointed out by Mallinatha and dilated upon by modem scholars. did Kalidasa's in the Raghuvaqisa.^^ Here Mallinatha quotes Vatsyayana who speaks of exactly the same thing happening under the same circumstances. . Describing the marriage of Aja and Indumati.'' In the Kumarsambhava. 77. the bridegroom. connection. bride's who perspired and the But the language hand. and verbal agreement. ^* Die Epen Kalidasa's. . see R. In this Beitrage zur Indischeu Erotik. violation in the one case only proves '' Tliis is reiding given by Mallinatha.] l97 by Vatsyayana in his chapter on In verse 31. 5.. p. v.i^ " ^fkr'ratHk* MCl^d ^ h^ This passage \ slightly different from the reading f^^^T^^WT^f^: fe^l^^^ ^ i in the printed editions H^^ I Benares edition. p. Arguing from a similar agreement in another passage of Kalidasa. TT^m^rrrnr^ T^^ ^"trnf^^ quoted by Mallinatha where we have p. VII. Schmidt. 266. pp. Kalidasa says that the two touched each other's hands the hair on the bride- when groom^B forearm stood on end and the maiden had her fingers wet with perspiration. 1902. Professor as self. Vatsyayana knowing a lover who is in his chapter growing cold ( Firakta'pratipaiti) gives ^Epsr?T ^cT^^. OL. 153. however..

the third we have already had.S. cl siitras Benares edition. p. Vatsyayana of this Hara agreement evidently Mahamahopadhaaya Prasad Shastri has also stated in this Journal that KaliJasa's " knowledge of the 6» Kallda8a*3 Kamasastra was very Sakuotala. definite conclusion that Vatsya* He refers to the following considered to be one of the best in his the poet. Kalldasa has translated the ideas of Vatsyayana bat In the third On the authority line he has followed our author verbally. Dr.'^^! tlf^^% ^if^WJTT^ lit^-^c^^: II Vatsyayana devotes tbe wliolc of Chapter III of the the mutual conduct of co-wives (p. 109. p 230. Vatsyayana has W^ffsBI^^T ^^cf ^» J. the Bengala Keccnslon. j ^^^ ir^TT^Tlfi. ^^ on Dr.B. 1S3 Dr.B.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTRA. of the verse. H 234 ff). part II. Peterson bere evidently refers to tho fjUowing tbe duties of a wife etc. XVIir. precepts here are take a verbally from our sutra . 89.B..O. Vatsyayana HTKcI^^nfl^Tf^Tf^clTj 3n??^q'^TT^ f^f^^^^f^cTI Vol. 0.. 465 j see also J. R S. Peterson then goes on to say " The : third and fourth first. by IV) which is S'akuntala. Benares edition. 185. 1891.S. quoting Vatsyayana. th3 second occurs elsewhere in our book . Scholars mu3t judge but : it seems to me to be almost certain a fact. with a . of the second IM^* Hi 'On"?W' . BMryddhiJeariJca section to] Corresponding to 227. B. p. " Joura\l of tbe Antbrapaloglcal Society of Bombxy.R. Vol. edited deep indeed/'' by Richard ^ Piscbcl. if it be a fact.''•'^'^ It will be our author which invests great antiquity that Kalidasa is observed from an examination of ^^ that In the first two the corresponding sutras of lines of the verse quoted above.A. II. pp.. Peterson vana is come to the lias quoted there verse (in Act [J. 110.fi. p. p.

) MahamahopadhyajTi Haraprasad Shastri has sought to place Kalidasa ab. Waksh Oius ^' before they had been ^^ In pushed towards the west or towards the Indian frontier. all likelihood Kalldasi lived during the reigning period of the ® *' or the See Benares edibion. 195.mt the middle of the sixth century A. she should mutter rather inaadibly " and " I never say any such thing speak in half-finished senis solicited tences to speak for herself. with a smile. when. ia Baetria. p.rable lover.i then .c. than the middle of the fifth century he places the Huaas on the banks of the Vakkshu. however. kinydvisrcirnhha. this is insisted upon. which remiads the 193 Vatsyayana^s chapter op reader at once of the act of Kalidasa's S'akantala as will bo seen from the f5:rst transk(.f^^f][Vief5rin^^ versei 67 and 68. of Vallabha's text as in the case of the compared wiih that of Mallinatha has been fully established all those verses that had b3en accepted by Megbaduta where Mallinatha as genuine but had been rejected as spurious by modern critics like Chandra Vidyasagar. depending on the wrong reading of Mallinatha who reads Sindhu 35fE.c. Now Kalida-a CDuId not have lived later. then when the #fl^-/iZ is set aside and she she should keep silent.] There moreover. confidence of both when the %akh. she should take her to task ** mfchi.. There great authi^rity of Pandit ShastrT.tioiii here given When a girl sees that she i& sought after by a ae=i. jKJges of this instead of Vahkshu in the line quoted ahjve. at the lover/ no doubt that the Kamasutra was known to Kalidasa and that he had made verbal quotations from the work. "^30^^!^% J^V Eaghu^^ t^^« and Journal (volume II. conversation should be set up through a sympathetic ' : who has (female) friend {sahh%\ she should smile looking the downward? . PT. however. because A. east sidelong glances ^^ etc. and the unquestioned genuicencss and reliability cannot be not Sindhu. STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. shoald say she has not done so. With all due deference to the woull venture lo differ from him here. T.rOL. the This was said by her. beginning -f5[. The passages of Kalidasa referred Taihsv to here arc Canto IV. The superiority of Vallabha's text thus established . exaggerates and dispute with her .'^ even when matters. a set of sutras in is. Gildemeiiter and Stenzler are found to be Pamlifc Isvar abBcnb from the text of Vallabha. n. reads Vankshu. From what we have said above there can be . sometimes she should. I doubt that VaAkshu is th* coTcct reading here and any Vallabhadeva of Kashmir who lived about five centurits earlier than Mallinatha. pages 391ff.

mentions learned by the young to have been written Winternitz. p.. in fact. drew pointed attention to Vallabha's reading (Ind. pp. Vikramaditya in the early years of the Chandragupta fifth a. Sumativijaya. 199). byDr. Lefmann.c.. etc. p. To an fourteenth or fifteenth cen- tury. Bhandarkar therefore that the Commemoration Volume. three Band 2G6) as one of the scripts We after II. Dharmameru and Vijayagani. viz. it Huns had middle of the (Dr. a river in Bactria. 20). 222-3). G.O. most of the great old commentators follow Vallabha and adopt the older reading. p. was an unfamiliar. Chavannes his shown from Chinese sources that the great power in the basin of the Oxus towards the (Document sur leg Toukiue Occidentaux. VahJcshu or Vakshv. Modi has shown from SUn^-lipi (JuSi.p. Dinakara.. The Vankshu is a well-known river. the Vasavadatta of SubandhU. Chrift acquired fifth do century A. and the ^introduction to his Meghadiita) that Kshirasvamin who lived It first 265fE. 71-76). B. Siddhartha (Lalitavistara edited Dr. outlandish name. Raghuvariisa. forgetting though that would have been geographically absurd for Raghu to frontier and met the Hunas on the it have marched northwards from the Persian Indus. S. not know yefc But there can valley. as has been shown by Professor K. 1913.R. Again an examination of the variants given in Mr. Vatsj'ayana the author of the Kamasutra is mentioned by name. p. and he had no hesitation in substituting for it Sindhu. about four centuries earlier than Mallinatha speaks in his commentary on the Amarakosha of Bactria as the province that is referred to in this passage of Kaltdasajthis shows that so late as the eleventh century.B. 61.S. which was nearer home. 126). G. volume I. J. when the Hunas settled thoraselves in the Oxus exactly be no doubt that the tioned by about Hunas wore known M.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. Chavannes.^'^' in the case of editor Meghaduta name the proper is Mallanaga applies with equal force to the like Mallixiatha living in the far south in the our of author. Bactria tlirough whit h the river Vankshu or Oxns flows was considered to be the country where Kalidasa placed the Hiiiias. India even before the time men- The Lalita-vistara. ^'^ M. Besides. "While describing the Vindhya mountains " It was filled with Subandhu says elephants and was : fragrant from the perfume of its jungles as the Kamasutra was written by Mallanaga and contains the delight and enjoyment. ^^ century In another work of the same period. R. Geschichto der Ant. Nandargikar's splendid edition of Raghuvamsa shows that Charitravardhana. thought hundred years Indischen Litteratur. 200 [J. Ant. 1912. Babhaparva.O. who is significant again. It stands to reason bo known to the Indians also^ cspcciuHy since their Haas should . in the Mahabharata (cf. J. Psltbak. an examination of passages in the Avesta that the Huns were known in Persia as a wandering or pillaging nation or tribe not later than the seventh century before Christ (R.

oconpation Oxas of the valley. J. 14. Gray. 7. This position that seeing Bactria Vatsyayana and wva considered a part of India so when Varahim'hira wrote his Vrihat Saqihita. 9 Harvard 0. II. ^T^^Tra^^f^f^TT Das Pancatantra.®^ fifth Subandhu we can feel definitely certain that the Kamasutra was written before 400 a. Hertel. F. 2.c. 1. p. at least. which Vatsyayana is mentioned by name. v. p. " •« *' J. in the third centuiy the sister sciences of about 300 a. p. and p.^ Tantrakhyayika which is considered to be the name recension of the Panchatantra. p.c. Hertel. PT.. in^i^ ^mai l Hanard O. edited by Dr.. had not was very well known to Ajvalayana Srauta Sutra. ^€t A. see also note 5. translated by Dr. the earliest. obtained an Dharma and Artha as that princes were required to acquire. 353. p. . B. Bibliotheca ludica. 17 I it lato as the sixth century Vdtavadatid. p. Faucatantra. — 875. p. 6 JTtfrt^ '" ^^i*'^^ edition. S. 1. und Lanman's sclnc Vcrbrcitang introductiou to von the J. ** . S.] name ^'atsyayana being his gotra or family the commentator and as by Jayamangala some of the lexicons. also Professor vol. ^J^^^Xf'S ^ Id^l^cit.^^ supposed to have been written it shows.. see S. of Vatsyayana does not occur. by vol. Panchatantra. p. Dr. p. XII.. 1914.op.c. Artha and Kama Sastras in the Kamasastra in The Tantrakhyayika has been a. but in enumerating the usual subjects of study it mentions first grammar and then the Dharma.c. 10. 14. 1905. 38. STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA. that the science of erotics had. edited PaScatantra.^' The mention of general.VOL. 69. Louis H. W^. p. ^^^ Schniidt. ^jlfshltX*^ *' equal footing with branches of learning ^fa ^mf%— Tt« seine Geschichte X.^ Two branches 201 out as pointed corroborated is by the Vatsagotra to of which our author belongs are mentioned by Asvalayana in his rautasutra/^ Mahamahopadhyaya Hara Prasad Shastri holds if Subandhu must that ha

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e flourished in the beginning of the century about the same time as Chandragupta VlkramThus from the evidence ofEered by Kalidasa and aditya.. A. . Kielhom. Some editions of the Panchatantra have two passages in in the However. 6.

when Kautilya. Lefmanu'a edition). can come to a more definite determination of Vatsyayana's date.. G. at the parting of th3 hair (Simanta). because does not find a place it where we science which was almost extinct {utsan- find Dharma. mean " a Andhra mouarch I b-'g leave to " as translated by a kind of stroke Sir submit that Eartari R. pair of scissors a technical term to denote or both of his hands at It 10. Kautiya's Artliisastra. that there are in the third century strong reasons to believe that it was known From the historical data that the Kamasutra affords we A. 117 —9.. 202 300 in attained B. and Akhyana (narratives) but not the Kamasastra. f^l^TT) Benares edition.STUDIES IN THE KAMAbUTKA. 31.'* In view of the fact therefore that it was Vatsyayana who in Kautilya^s list made popular the naprdija ) in his time. that the Lalita Vistar^ knows only Kama^astra such as Strilakshana. Shama this connexion Sli-sstry. though Kama objects of human interest as we see CJ. but not tbe etc. edited by R. Be. The well-known passage Kuntala . Artha. pp. Sastra as a whole (p. p.BAB. the presumption Tantrakhyayika had his Kamasutra the passage above referred to. cd. based on the dates of Kalidasaand Subandhu and. further.^atakarni first ''^ referring to the pointed out by Sir R.8..c. Vatsyayana says thit these strokes are in vogue among the people cf the South (DiikhsinatyaTiain) and he condemns tliem as they sometimes proved fatal The case of Kuntala Sataktirnl is au example iu point. from the Arthasastra of had been recognized as one of the [irivarga)j it had not as yet a loeus standi as a science worth study. p. is in that the author of the mind when he wrote We thus see that from the literary data given above the Kamasutra may be earlier limit to the composition of the from the assigned on the basis of 'Vatsyayana''s quotations Grihya and Dharma Sutras and the Arthasastra of Kautilya. Bhandarkar. Historical Data about the Date of Vatsyayana. Purushalakshana. and that the lower limit may be fixed at circa 400 a. . 149 History of the Deccan..C. man with oi. Itihasa. G..c.e a woman's head. is Kignificanfc '^ in some of the sections of the Vaisika. 156. dealt by a Bhandarkar. ^' Early here does not but it is p. Furana.

the third monarch in this family. descent from I THE STITDIES IN PT. Then again. in his of in on women confined the conduct harems. J. P..A. Jenarea edition. ifter correct.. '^ Kuntala is separated from him by . According to the Puranic list of the^ Kuntala Sati or Svatikama is the thirteenth- important data. pp. mentioned as a ruling sovereign in ae of the Nasik inscriptions and is thought to have reigned if tlie a the third latta is " " is Mahaksbatrapa Isvaraconsidered on very reasonable grounds to have Leon century a. othei-s. m an expedition was undertaken by Kharavela 171 B.O. Sri ^f all»has been i&ntified hj of the list..B.c.irnishes JKAMASlTTRi..who was killed a washerman employed by his brother. page 103. Jayaswal with the Satakarni mentioned in the Hathiimpha inscription of Kharaveli and it has been shown by him- Ir. Professor p. 4i]. 442.r>. pp. III. I

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. may and first the fifth centuries next attempt to come to a closer approxl- natlou.'^ Besides.3 v. 430.R.adhra monarchs. J. p.B. Benares " Jayalscaa Arcbseologicai Surrey of Western laiia. This is then the pper limit of the composilion of the Kamasutra which was as substantially aid aerefore written between the We Christ. 291. son abuses practised in among Abhira Si vadatta. Ho speaks of an •y side at the same time Lbhtra Kottaraja^ "'^ a kingot. S.S. 287- fboin very little is 38—10.C. p. J.B. Dynasties of the Kali Age. See also XXL. 38 years according to the Puranic enumeration '* which is lat Kuntala therefore reigned about lie very beginning of the Christian era. . Vol. Simuka the founder atakarni.. about known. 11. Bbandarkar's p:\per on the Gurjaras.^Dst this Satakarni. . Pargitcr. Vol. Vatsyayana mentions the Abhlras and the Andhras as ruling side in South-West India.Kotta in Gujerat. edition..R. K. King Isvaraseua. Vatsyayana meutions a Kasiraja ). Vatsyahapter )y •ana describes "ibhira kings the '" the seraglio of the Now.

135. Vatsyayana describes various forms of abuses practised by kings. The Andhra Andhras. circa 336 a. 126.c.c. the kings of the Aparantabelong to referred the kas.— K. social customs and practices of the Andhra people are described There is no reference various other parts of the book also. by E. in the the fourth century a. some he reigned time About a century later. n3ai?4a Puranas read Bhigwanlal Coins Catalogue of the [Mention of Abhiras in literature Benares edition.^'' evidently ruled over the Andlira and the peoj)le proper. among which the most considerable were those ruled over by the Andhrabhrityas. etc.E. is much Benares edition. 45. the the Vatsagulmakas monarchs here referred to Saurashtrakas.c. A. 8. 287 288. * who The Western Kshatrapas by J. p. the J. V. Vatsyayana is that when the line of the great Andlira emperors had come to an end and the country was split up .* on epigraphic and numismatic grounds. viz. the of Abhiras were met by Samudragupta"^ The period when the Abhiras most flourished. See 657ff. or dynasties sprung up from the officers of the imperial Andhras. Pargiter. Dynasties of the Kali Age.c. chapter on Isvarakamita.. —-g^FaTit ^"%1^ ^H oarlier. the Sakas evidently ruled over a limited the the Abhiras. P. Inscriptions. R.O. the Matsya.. Rapson.S. TV^ ^^ Vayn and Brah >?(gT?^T iT^TH'i^''?ifq ¥i^Ti:'^T^T^S^ gH §XTT: I . '» some Andhras. pp. therefore. also p. or '^The Lust of Rulers '*.. Flccfc. p. 204 an Abhira^ and his coins show between circa 236 and 239 a.into a number of small kingdoms. pp.^^ Kamasutra the to exercising suzerain in in the position of the Andhras as sovereigns The time therefore described by sway."^ years early tliat [J. •*" Gardabhinas.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. are also referred to and it is significant that mentioned rulers here the all are by the names of the people they ruled over and to South-Western India. Among them the Puranas mention and also '** 1890. 287. cxxxiii J. S. J-] p. was the third century a. Andhra Dynasty ff. The Andhra rulers by Vatsyayana but certainly as mere local In his kings. ^^ Gupta 81 «2 Patidit of ludraji. and the Vaidarbhas.B.

. His identificaof much tion of Nagara with Fatal ipntra is not worthy because consideration his geography of the of knowledge Eastern India was anything but accurate . e. 127. ^^ Besides. PT. p.irts time referred the therefore is and the Abhiras The time when Vatsyayana to. OL. or It hardly any justification for this belief in the book itself. 163. ^n^: <*W-tsrM*l: Srr^rf^^T: Benares edition. when the Guptas there hem is no mention in the Kamasutra. II. It has beea held by some that Vatsyayana wrote his Kamamodern Patna . l ^^ *' ^f^Tfl ifi^sf^^^^ WT ^f%<2n^ ^ p. explanation offered by the commentator depends upon the ^' word Nagarikyah of the one passaoe of Vatsyayana by Pdtaliputrikyah and of Nagarakah^ in a second Jayamahgala passage by in Jayamangala has not stated on Pdtaliputrakdh. 295.c. JT^TrajI: ^^ I - Benarei i edition. century The Place of Composition of the Kamasutra. what authority this explanation of his is based. v.c.•eginning of the fourth century A.c.^'' of the hesitation in rejecting his gU3Ss.^: Senarts edition. Andhi-a later circa 225 a. were again uniting Nor- India under a aevitable that the of the third common From this sway.' STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTBA..] erritory at the lourished ^ings i. ^%^ 'II I ^^ I Benares edition. 295. when period ruled of "Western India. ^* T 5 '^^T^ft^fr^^WT^f^ «1UlicfiI: Benares edition. g. there cl^rr^T Gauda this ^:^ is We ^^ he says further or Brahmaputra and . I ^' p. but there is sutra at the city of Patalipatra. that 205 these over different simultaneously subsequent to is. the conclusion is Kamasutra was composed about the middle a. he explains the Gauddh as a kind of Eastern people living in Kdmarupa ^' and that Kaliaga that Vanga Anga to the tto is to the south of lies to east the east of the Lohitya Mahanadi. I p. 295. p. can therefore have identification as a mere haphazard evidence offered by the book its3lf which if f% tnn^^ llirfl. -hen the line of the great Andhras disappeared and before the of whom .

. Lata. 10 He Vats. Aparanta. ci f^^H ^ ^c^^?fl* ^TW TUTTT. the Konkan and For example. he mentions twice th( ^^ and the Andhras Vatsagulmakas. and mentioned are Abhiras and the again again . 206 [J . resided page 288. p.15. The people in the th< south he knows onlv as the Dakshiaatyas and their country as Dakshinapathj and he once mentions the Bravldas and a Cholaraja. ®* f^T^^^'cit 8). nam and not Naff ari/cdndm &s he might be expected to do on the analogy of the other two passages. Saurashtra (i. In the first plaeCj Vatsyayanaj not refer to in another passage of the Kamasutra. the to know Gaudas and he makes a collective but he seems mention of Vangangakalinga in one "^ patha Ifc^lcl: passage. .118. Maharashtra. of the people living the watercourses of the six riven in the regions lying between including the Indus. eastern and western Malwa).' courtesans of that city. ' in the east he speaks of as the Prdchvas. Ch. The peopit " the eastern people. etc. Vanavasi. coast he speaks of almost all the various provinces Vidarbha. does nJ in the Dakshini was called Vatsngulmaka The 'Varaliainibira along with Vidarbha and Andlira (Kern. -g 1 iftir^I'Tl^lI^m Bcnaros cJitioD. he speaks of Avanti and Malav£ peoples. use Bhould Next we more or less different see that to possess though Yatsyiiyana appears of all parts of India yet he knowledge iu is acquaint- ed more thoroughly with Western India than with the othei Of the coTintry from Rajputana to the south up tc portions. Vrbataaiphita aays clrSiTf^ p. yamlmdmtS (op.e. shows that the two words referred to above do Pataliputra.i country is ^t^^ltn mentioned gft'fe^fsr^^lgfr^pEf^f^^i Raja^okhara in his K. Vahlika ^^ and he even describes the customs of country or Bactria.0. of the countriei to the north-west he speaks of the Sindhns.STUDIES IN THE KAMAStJTItA. 126. mentions Pataliputra by name when he speaks of Dattaka as having written a monograph at the request of the He expressly says there Paialiputrika. there is no reason why he words in sj)eaking of the same place different parts of his book. a people living in the south. JayamaiigaU says that tWo princes Vatda and Gulma lived . XIV. tlic > country whcroHthcy Benares edition.

the seen that Vatsyayana is more familiar with Western India than with the other parts of »• ^ He capital of the also refers to a Kaiirdja. Nagarikyah. Jayaniangala names are that referring to a particular proper they holding womeu or men of a city in general place and do not mean the be evident from the context in which they occur. v. Apastamba Dharmasutra..keta or Ayodhya. it we are led to expect Benares edition. n. 207 STUDIES IS THE KAMA5UTBA. the latter in the order Ahichhatrikah. little MagadhatoRajputanahehas very once each of the S'aurasenas he s'peaks of tbe iladhya^esa and of Saketa and Ahichhatra. the former in the order Andhryah.f VOL. Dravidyah. p. Nagara . 2S7- BuUer. proper there In contrast between the town any Both the words are used in connexion with is names. That Vatsyayana belonged Western India may also be guessed from the fa^t that he number of quotations from Apastamba's makes a large Grihyasutra as we have shown before. as will neither of the cases and the her village. and as we have known towns. and the conclusion becomes irresistible that Xagara is also the name of a particular town. the capital of northern and the people * This meagre mention of the countries of the cenand eastern portions of Northern India and the detailed of the customs of Western India make it abundantly PancalS tral description 1^^ that Vatsyayana had pergonal knowledge of the western that his information about the eastern regions ^OTtion alone and was pi-obably derived from the works of his predeces-ors like that of Dattaka of Pataliputra. found that the names are those of well- North Pancala. Nagarakah. Yanavasikyah.. xxxiii. Introdoction. 11] the entire country from even once speak of Magadha and of Once only to say. shtrikyah.^^ in the land India specially The question next presents itself as to what may be the meaning of the words Nagarikyah and Nagarakah in the two A^edic school of is certainly right in passages referred to above. and . p. Ahichhatra. etc. the second case it is Saketah. and it is known that the Apastambins flourished in Western the of the Andhras.

34. XIV. Carlleyle. p. 1911. 2-95. Vol. 25 miles to the south-south-east of Tonk and 45 miles to the north-north-east of Bundi. p." He consider* NagarTcot or Kdnyda a« the Nagar from which the Nagar Brahmana« dsrived their uame. ' ^iT?m'^'^ U ^HW Panini.^^ era this but called think the former I was called evidently is also claim identity with Vatsyayana^'s might city Saiiivat. Nagara as the name of a town. also Inscriptions. ** Cunningham. pp. says in the Indian Antiquary. Indian Antiquary.^^ Mr.P..A.A. 180—183.B. Cunningham. Carlleyle. Bhandarkar. L.R. 200 ff . 161. etc. .^'* The city far from Malwa and we think the democratic " '* speaking of the Triumph of the Malava people celebrated now Malavagana the who are known There is not very coin leffeni refers to the have used to the another ancient city eleven miles Tamvabati or north of Chitore) Nagari (about Nagri with the been identified which has Madhyamika of Patanjali . known Nagara as the name of a particular city as it appears in the Gam or group Kattryadi referred to in one of his The Kasika commentary enumerates sutras. 208 We tiere. of the many punch-marked variety and many bearing the legend Ja^a Malavana in Brahmi characters. IV. the more probable one as the latter is Majhamika or Madhyamika ^" about Panini appears to have the beginning of the Christian era. op. 150. Cunninghiui pp.R. 202.. Carlleyle. A. Fleet. 1913. pp. " the great ancient find here the ruins of which now scattered lie [J. C... 146. 1913. R. 1013. The coins found here bear the legend Majkamikaya Hiiijanapadasa.S. . Vol. " and 1914. Thomas. p. picked up here several thousands of the most ancient types of coins ever found in India.*^ «' Mr. op. Bhandarkar. 162. E. ** These coins are described by Mr.STUDIES IN THE KAMASUTEA. 161 " •^ Gupta p. »» Ibid. who firil drew attention to this sQtra.S. p. 1914. pp. footnote " 45. cit. city of *' Nagara ^^ over an area of nearly four square miles in extent in the territory of the Maharajah of Jeypore. cit. pp. Vol. who made an archaeological survey of the place. ibid. 162. 747. was known to the author of Kasika. XIV. 87 and 158 . p. J. 1012. Professor D. p.3. 995-998. Carlleyle and also Ly Sir A.^" Nagara. Professor D. Carlleyle in CunniDghaiii's Report fifteen of the names as Archasological Survey of India. VI.0. J. pp.

appears from what the Kasika says in connexion with another sutra of Panini (IV. it is in Bihar and has no connexion with oar city. ^[JX^ it will The Kasika in here. This shows that the Nagara Brahmanis were known is to the Kasika. cannot therefore however.. Vatsyayana composed his work. he must have belonged Ganardjya or a democratic government like the city of This is also apparent from the to the assembly of citizens (Nagarikahe attaches importance to a the Malavas described above. last part would have Sagareyaka as the correct form of deriratiTe to Vatsyayana has apparently not designate a citizen of this particular Nagira. II. that the word Nagara in this Gana is older than the Kasika and is a proper name. IV. STUDIES IN THE EAMASHTBA. 1"^ There is Nagara mentioned a district or bhukti called Baranark inscriptions of Jivitasrupta (Fleet Gupta Inscriptions. states there that it gionp as the designation of Nagara read in the Kattryadi it occurs in is a particular city as company with other such names there. TTJl^^T^firf^ of ^wm% qnotation I. it being only one of the many places that he has mentioned in illustrating his sutras .^ Nagara also the of a existence ^\e city There questioned. we can say is that from the uncompromising. accordance with the siitra down of Panini here lays to signify abuse or expert that tbe form Iiagaraka is knowledge (Sd*i«iyi«fl*l^^Oj be Nagara and the example given to illustrate this potni ^['^jUj:-. Samavaya) alluded to before. : in the Deo- p. PT. manner in which he has exposed the e^^Is the utmost that straightforwai-d by kings. practised officials and queens. Nagara we the that From a city called Nagari alphabet may have derived called Nagara ^^ its name. bit . but followed Panini from nagara derived otherwise. v.] 209 lelonging to this class . " ^x^nf^i g this ^rr^m^ ^r^ ^cS tfl'^l gTT (Kasika on Panini. xr^it crf^RiT Tbe IHS).VOL. no justification for holding have referred to was the city where is. 2. perhaps in deference to popular practice. 12S) . 216).

rests on very solid grounds.— A Note on the Statues of Saisunaka £lmperors in the Calcutta Museum. Jayasv/al's reading*^ Aco and Fata Naikdi identification of these two pieces images and as statues of two S'aisunaka Emperors. Jayaswal sculpture.heir known period identification pieces of Indian sculpture belong to the of Indian Plastic Art. not be two opinions tlie about and therefore Mr. first of all and then in the front garden of the Asiatic about a century ago Society of Bengal fifty years back. A- By The statues which were discovered in Patna. which are There cannot be any doubt about the oldest statues in India. P. was the oldest known statue in India. had puzzled more than half a century. Before the ivlentification of these two specimens the statue of the Kushan Emperor of Kaniska I. of these two their Even if we specimens the reject other evidence about the date script backs would be sufficient Kaniska is to the short inscriptions on prove that the statae of of decidedly later in date than the Patna ones.a. M. the fact that these two oldest i. 88. Barrister-at-law/has really discovered these two statues.III. have been discovered for a third time in the well known Bharhut gallery of the Calcutta Musenm * It must be admitted that Mr. * Ante.. artists The question of and antiquarians for may be difference of opinion Jayaswal's theory but there can- There ^about the different parts of ISIr. Aja-Udayin and Varta-Nandin. m. K. D. p. R. of sculpture as statues as against known Indian statues and has them with two Emperors of the S'aisunaka has really discovered the oldest correctly identified dynasty of Northern India. Consequently it has to be admitted that in these two specimens of Indian Mr. Jayaswal. . Banerji.

v.. did not publish the restilt of his researches as he was not sure of his interpretation. did this work I tmder Dr. In 1913 Eastern Dr. this and not pa. late vh. I read because i<x we which faintly wrongly failed to is faintly . D. PT. SAISUXAKA STATUE5. Bloch^s supervision but the result of my investigationSj too. {sarva). He was Bculptares. the word in both ba I examined the original very carefully once again in Calcutta and I find that the top bar of the square la is traceable on the the word as yakha first discern the discernible stone. TaTc^a ). As the to the reading of Mr. B. script me the monuments. Circle. But thev baffled his attempt.. were not published at that time at his request. me now seems to it in the short records on used that most probably the inscriptions date than the time that probably assigning a later date to the inscrip- correct in on which the records are tions than the sculptures what incised. Spoonerj then me consulted of opinion Mauryan Art and thought When them. is as with on the statue only one defect in record the second syllable of the The meaning I agree entirely scriptions reading of the inscription in his of i In it. if the inscriptions turn out to be post-Mauryan..X). made an attempt to decipher the inscriptions on these two statues. The word ^aikdi could be deciphered by hioi with portions of the other words. vertical on the partly distinct and in part In 1903 Dr. Spooner was I did not agree with sculptures. upper limb of the stone. There is not affected in the is cases remains to be the same word first least.] In 1913 the 2X1 Dr. however. He. TLeodor Bloch. of the Calcutta 3yiuseum_. II. It was at that time that the palaeo- graphy of the records was carefully examined. Bloch and ( Skt. he told him later in at that date of these two were specimens of that they because of the high polish on I pointed out to him. OL. the peculiarities of 1 then considered a later were so Superintendent of the about the but Dr. Jayaswal Yarta-Nandin.

Jayaswal with the statue of as hlia in hhage sure results. 198. century Mauryan inscription This vertical is from Mathura^ disappears in the inscription of ^odasa. p. 199. The oldest known form of the palatal sibilant is to be found in the record.c.d.C.. incised in one of the caves at ' This form very nearly resembles Ramgarh in Sirguja State. on the original. Jayasv/al as dlil in the last word of this record appears to me to be m. is hJia later vertical upper not Even band there it Mr.SAISUNAKA STATUES. syllable as well as is visible the form same word The Keil stroke.^ The syllable read appears to be which later first is Ko by Mr. On the a short covered hook attached to the left it is is on the upper corner which cannot be explained. 'Ibid. No.> ^ been really ^e then the resemblance between the Jogimara form of the palatal ^a and this one would have been easily noticeable. Ind. in resem- The I .O. because The characteristic is Aja for the and dhl and first of this of syllable has some resemblance to Mauryan hha but the absence which the of the right consonant is in the present though other by him syllables read && in ckhonldhl^e are hhage on of the inscription Bhattiprolu records the upper vertical left instead of right. — be may Mauryan and missing.R. 1903-4. The of other letters in the same inscription indicate that it should not be read as /(?. Annual. I atn afraid I cannot agree entirely in his reading following reasons (1) The -. p. Jayaswal as Chhonulhlse The forms of the majority of letters in both of the lions show that the records should be regarded as I shall take them in order and show their date. 128. or a. word read by Mr. pi. probably pre-Mauryan..S. 212 CJ. » 3 Arcli. Had the last syllable of thei the later form of Punic shin. p. (2) The syllable read by Mr. form of the as Se in the of the first century B. Vol II. 1. Epi. XLIII b. inscrlp* later blance to forms in other inscriptions of undisputed date. No.B. Va lost the upper vertical line on the top in the be found in the to but it (3) b. Jayaswal the precursor of the serif. 2.

the top of this letter is round. inscription II. V„ PT. cf.i). Cf. II. p. also . Vol. V.. 'Ibid. (6) i^ first ^ certainly much later. 176fF.VIII. as the Xo. Patna inscription resembles that in a Mathura eha In vdchal-aiya inscription of the year 52 of the Kusanaeraj cf. n. In the same word the form of ea in the second syllable A.. vacklputraaa. *Ibid.C. e and/. XVIII.] 213 first word on the statue of Aja is read It is correct but the form of the letter 2^ Mr. VIII. The form inl. With this compare gA in PAagw ^ at the yasjsa in an inscription which must have been incised second letter of the same time as the record of the year 72 of the reign of Sodasa.SUSUNAKA STATUES. : — (a) The triangle instead of a round figure or circle base of kha in khate.. 203. Chatra In the Kusana Buddhist inscription from Sarnath. In the base line of the form of na in Namdi. p. 200. p. persisted for a long time. p. The Asokan form by a vertical straight line which projects above the upper periphery of the circle whereas here we have a vertical straight with two ellipsoid curves consists of a circle bisected to attached lower extremity. (7) in the 3 The form of cha Choni in is also later. (i) An (c) The curvature isosceles triangle as va In cTiouulho. p. this inscription also century B. Jayaswal by The Mauryan gi has an a^ute angle at its top whereas is late. 1 Epi. > Ibid.C. Asokan form ^ The The in the Patna Inscription resembles the Kusa^a form.Vol. The Mauryan form is quite different. No.199. Ind. Examined palseographically the ^B U^frta-Nandin ts also point to indicate that Her than the first inscription on the statue of The following should not be regarded the same conclusion. A in Asvaghosasya. VOL. na in chonl . 171. one its on each side. I.. Vol. resembles in form the (5) The vowel A In Aco very closely same vowel in the Sarnath inscription of the or century B. Vol. ^ form cf. g^. cf.. 2. No. 'Ib:d.

Banerji-'s note. two different forms of va are to be read in the inscriptions.- angles instead of a semi-circle in the back of da. not pre-Mauryan. not triangular. however. the Long after. somebody connected with the Art gallery had the names on the monuments in an inconspicuous jjlace. at all. late script theory the letter which I read as dhl cannot be read agree that the Ramgarh inscription (Jogimara) is pre" " is Asokan.^aisunaka letter. see Siddapur in Biihler's Chart. I the . peculiar of comx)Osed is and consequently the whole word late theory. 1. that the statues wefe finished and exhibited in a gallerj of tbe sort described in when people had begun the to Pratimd forget who nataJcaTk.O. The letter which I read as bh is not explained by Ml*. If vlko is read instead of my dJil^e (or dh'iso). has a quadrilateral base. The Asoka ga 3. as in Mr. It is Then it is not correct to say that the par(s. Saisunakas were. which again impossible to be explained on tbe late senpt theory. on the unread 2. The Kushan and Western and very probably a under Asoka. chhonl-viko gives no meaning.SAISUNAKA StATOE3. older forms officially letters preserve the different style tradition of than that adoj^ted . 4. We do not know any other examples of pre-Mauryan art and consequently wo cannot make comparison. It is radically different from the later ka's. But to call it the oldest known The Kalsi and Giruar §a 8 are nearer to beg the very question.S. which is inadmissible.R. {hhage) . the result is a senseless word. §14 Two riglifc {d) fJiB. composition of ga is not noticed. is Kha two always angular . chiselled NOTE ON THE A OVE. one with the On the top-bar and the other without it. being a three -stroke letter. Then. The letter has to remain unidentified. It appears to me. A to careful scrutiny of the original inscribed surface enables finisliing of the sculptor's me were incised on the statues after the assert that the records work. Banerji and cannot be explained on the theory of a late script.

very glad to see that Mr. I the am not prepared to accept that hypothesis. SAISlTXASA STATu'ES. think that it is axiomatic that a three-stroke letter mast be My the I stroke-effort older in origin than a one-stroke or two-stroke representative thereof. . Until read all and unless the letters all can be identified and explained on hypothesis of a late script. arguments on the evolution of the letters based on have not been considered by Mr. !Mr. P. Banerji. with me result.] 215 Banerji leans to the conservative view. Banerji agrees in the reading of the proper names and in the general I am. II.V„ FT. however. K. J. but he fails to the letters on his hypothesis and to give any sensible ineanin? to his new readings wherever he differs from me. 5.

By The plate K. as a son was born to Raghunathrao Baji Rao II. '^^^^ epithet marks the close of the address proper. at the request of one Jagaunatha Harihara. Banda still to never actually succeed- during the adoption. a record on is MA. the Muhammadan calendar.«f. which is even current in the Maratha country. the last Peshwa.). as the Tirthopadhyaya for his family. The language now is Marathi and the script Modi.IV. an agent of the Tirthopadbyaya who saw the Peshwa in his camp. It reads thus ^ " = '%^flfcT = Tft^T^ 3 ed to : — i abbreviate! form of address for learned Brahinans. *'-H^|. The Marathas continued though to use in a corrupt fashion. metal (dimensions 9''' x 6|") of the usual agreement given by a pilgrim to a ministering priest at places of pilgrimage by which the latter is to be recognized as the ^ ^^^nwi^ by any one of the pilgrim's family who may visit the place (subject to the turning up of a similar promise of an earlier date) . Dikshit.P. . Amritrao Raghunath of the Peshwa family hereby recognized Qauranga Pande resident at Jagannath-puri or Purl. N. Amritrao retired on a British and his lineal descendants are in after He spell the troubles —the notorious pension offered by the bj found at Karwi or Chitrakut District (U. The adopted son of the Peshwa Raghunathrao.— Marathi Copper-plate of Puri. the throne of the Peshwas (except for a of 1802).

To Gaurang Pande. Pr. who requested request of Jagannatha AWrao of his Tii-thofor the conferring of the dignity same.TOL..] .] 8 c: t H^T t^^ i I 1 yyi^4i XiW ci+^W ^Ct ^STPR^ 217 «IRT^ ififT ^RT^cH g- ^fl f^^ ^^ 5*^% ^ "^^ ^^ ^5! ^ g^fW^ Translation. (Kshetra) informs that at the Raglmuatha. II. ?. your agent. Let this be known. MARATHI COPPEB-PLATE OF PUBI. His Hai-ihara. seat resident of the eacred of Pm-ushottama Jagannatha. (conferring the same priesthood) by any continue to' patronize you. v^hh compliments. |y of Shawal . to confer on you in Nvriting the padhTava. [The end of the writing. he is pleased will Hence if anv of our familv visit this sacred place they grace in camp This charter should be considered to produce a document null and void if any one else is able 1st of our forefathers.

lived with her father. wife were strained and Jafar and planned • The MS. After this. uiy hands by Syed Khurscd Naw»b=^ . a court noble. Account of the Nazims op Bengal from the Eeign J AFAR Kuan to 1227 Hijrah.— Translation of Maharajah Kalyan Singh's Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh. whoso real name was Murshid Quli Khan. He was a good admini. and along with her son Sarfai-az Khan Alauddaula Jafar Khan brought up his grandson. Grandson op Mahabat Jang. Mohammad Aur- angzeb. to of this since deceased. of have him appointed his successor work was placed Pntua City. of Bengal devolved on office princes of the royal blood. Jafar Khan all along continued as Dewan last prince After the death of Mohiuddin of Bengal.) By Khan Bahadur Sarfaraz Husain Khan. Azimushshan chose to remain with his father. In the time of he was appointed to the of MoLammad Dewan of the Aurangzeb Government Estates in Bengal. city of Murshidabad in his the son of Shujauddaula and the son- But the relations between husband and Khan's daughter separated froiu her husband. oi? Some Anecdotes of Mahasat Jang. the till at Azimushshan. in in office. Jafar Khan.* (I.-:The Viceroyalt} trator and worked with caution and sagacity. ani of Serajuddaula Bahadur. Jafar Khan was Jafar Khan. name. was appointed Subedar of Bengal. and got Jafar Khan appointed to the Subedari of Bengal. Bihar and Orissa as well as to the Dewanship of Bengal.v. After gaining victory in this battle. the son of Bahadur Shah. laid the foundation of the Sarfaraz Khan was in-law of Jafar Khan. Subedar of Bengal. Azimushshan hurried to the assistance of his father Bahadur Shah ia his struggle with Azam Shah.

it so died. He Dewan of the province of Bengal. The two brothers were men their services to Shujauddaula conduced muoh to the stability . SAujauddauIa. Shujauddaula became Subedar of Orissa or a Deputy of Jafar Khan.. Mirza Moj. The mother of Ali Verdi Khan Mahabat Jang belonged to the " tribe of Afshas" and was related to Shujauddaula. class of Turks of Khorasan. but was really an inhabitant of Burhanpur " which is a belonged to the Afshas/'. was in the service of the Emperor Azim Shah. With the political rise of Jafar Khm. Having proceeded from Shahjahanabad condition and made his heard his this. so much so that during the Viceroyalty of Jafar Khan. and they Haji all travelled safe Ahmad also from Shahjahanathe service of of great merit and got into Shujauddaula. to Orissa in appearance before Shujauddaula kept him also Shujauddaula and his father. of Shujauddaula and rose travelling expenses. Shujauddaula also rose. Mirza Mohammad Ali Mahabat Jang was a in talented man. presented himself before service.VOL. After the death Azim Shah. He soon ingratiated himself into the favour to a high position in his service. bad to Orisia. He then sent for his brother Haji Ahmad with his family and He remitted to them a decent amount for their relatives. the son-in-law of Jafar Khan^ resided in the province of Orissa. the During stay of Aurangzeb in the Deccan.] %IQ inasmuch as in his lifetime he had asked the reigning sovereign for the grant of the sanad and other necessary orders sanctioning his succession grandson's happened that he fell ill and in the But Viceroyalty. Ali Verdi Khan was reduced to straitened circums_of tances and lived a retired life. he married the daughter of Jafar Khan. the father of Mahabat Jang. v. and accompanied him. his service. together with his father and his brother Haji Ahmad. Shujauddaula. KHOLASAT-UT-TAWABIKH^ II. In the beginning of the reign of Mohammad Shah. the then in the Decoan. Mababat Jang. PT. Shujauddaula and got into him Shujauddaula treated Mahabat Jang a most wretched well.ammad.

as the roads were then almost impassable on account of the rainy season. He named the place where he From there he received this auspicious news Mubarak Manzil. while the royal sanads conferring upon him the Viceroyalty of Bengal and Orissa also reached him. tJ. who was suffering from a fatal disease. travelled partly hurried to Murshidabad. But Jafar Khan was displeased with Shujauddaula. who It was said could not live for more than five or six days. and in view of his ill-health he was anxious that Alauddaula Sarfaraz Khan that he asked should succeed him in office. It was therefoi'e His Majesty through to Khan who was then the Dewan of Bengal his representatives appoint Sarfaraz to act as the consulted With Viceroy of Bangal. and of the apprgachlng death of Jafar Khan. made a representation to the King. their advice he with a magnificent present. But on his way he heard the news of Jafar Khan's death.* 820 KHtJLASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. his son deputy. one from Orissa to Shahjahanabad for a reply from the tation King and the other from Orissa to Murshidabad with a view information of the health of Jafar Khan. by In Orissa he his second wife. Ostensibly he dismissed some to get timely of his military officers and sent them to Murshidabad to remain in different He made extensive places and await his arrival. and himself Ali Verdi Khan and Mohammad by boat and partly by land. be pleased to confer upon him the His to asking Majesty He submitted this represenViceroyalty of Bengal and Orlssa. to act for proceeded to him Murshidabad with He left Mohammad as his Taqi.B. arrangements for boats. Shujauddaula recommended him to the Emperor for a suitable post and the title of Mohammad Ali Verdi Khan.B. Mohammad Hearing this Shujauddaula Ali Verdi Khan and Hajl Ahmad. and held court In Ckchlul ScUOfif tbe .O. brother and other nobles of ShujauddauWs court. and anxiously waited for an opportunity till at last he received the intelligence of the despatch of the royal sanad. He then arranged for two daks. By virtnre of his courage and judgment Mirza Mohammad All Mahabat Jang rose to a much higher position than his father.B» of his government. other nobles.

and He appointed Jagat Seth experienced revenue officer (Dewan) Fateh Chand. royal manner with Sai-faraz Khan of rejoicing his consulted his men as soon as he heard the sounds and was informed of the Without a facts. Ehan presents from the residents of the place. and treated him so affectionately and with so much distinction that both he and his mother forgot the death of I Jafar It ! I Khan and is resigned to their lot« true that no one loves anybody as felt much as he does After finishing his domestic business and conciliating the family and relatives of Jafar Khan he busied himself in his son. He moreover bestowed favours on his son. of Bengal. ir.. management of state affairs and attempted to act indepenIn some matters he also consulted Mohammad Ali dently. and took the royal ginads. His son. He summany of the Zamindars and Talukdarg of therefore that the public moned before him Bengal who were all along in prison since the time of Jafar a gave patient hearing to them. tiie clever. the Khan and Haji Ahmad Khan. the only coui*se of the royal sanads Sarfaraz Khan then rode. and released them on of Jagat Seth Fat eh Chand and their taking security Khan I I . and administered Once in a week he heard even-handed It was justice. He made himself the head of the judicial department and personally the parties disposed of civil cases. offering his congratulations. Verdi He took revenue and settlement departments in his hands. who was a millionaire and the most famous . sat in a right companions and ordered the Dewan to read He ordered rejoicings to be made. tient voice all said that after to his father and. as a cashier of the state and companion.] hall of public audience made by He Jafar Khan. Shujauddaula seated his son on his lap. and confirmed him in his post of Dewan of the Khalsa Sharifa present (Government lands. Sarfaraz Allauddaula was then two miles distant from the scene of action.' ' I I VOL. v. made a to him. banker of his time. PT. and worked with the assistance of ilai Alam Chand. dissen- inasmuch as his father was in possession and of the state treasury. was very grateful to him. and went open to him was to submit. Ml KHULASAt-UT-TAWAEIKH. an old. .

two sons-in-law with him. and leaving . her and consequently was unwilling to separate her son from asked her husband to appoint Mohammad Ali Verdi Khan Mahabat Jang to act as Khan. Khan to act the daughter of Jafar in his then as own name appointing appointed his son his deputy. positions in society. Behar the ofHce in state. fJ. a palki with an embroidered covering and magnificent khilat confered upon. the Faujdar of Rangpore. Syed appointed Ahmad Khan. the the title permission of of Shujauddaula. son of Zain-ud-din Ahmad Haji Ahmad. the youngest son of Haji Ahmad and son-in-law of Mahabat Jang. oaths of allegiance. Shujauddanla took this opportunity the Emperor for a sanai him the Subedar of Behar. Alam Chand and Jagat Setli Fateh Chand had a hand in all administrative and revenue matters and did their work properly.S. of Panj A¥ith Mahabat Jang took his Hazari. and a Verdi Khan by her son Sarfaraz Khan. This reign was philanthropy He appointed his son-in-law Murshid Quli very peaceful.B. Zebunnissah then had an elephant. Haji Ahmad. Khan Bahadur Rustam Jang the administrator of Jahangirrespective nagar. He of asking Alauddaula Sarfaraz nissah. Shujauddanla also gave the Mahabat Jang Bahadur and the privilege of keeping the flag (Alam) and Thus it was that Mahabat Jang left for the band (Nakkara). was appointed the Faujdar of Rajmahal and Nawazish Muhammad Khan. Ali jewels given to. He not only released them from confinement but also conferred khilat upon them according to their Such nets of magnanimity and him made exceedingly popular. Khan and Btit Zcbun- wife of Shujauddanla.O B.322 KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. the Bakhshi Mohammad of the army. He Dacca. Ali Khan Mahabat Jang. At her instance Ali Verdi Khan became the recipient of these very things at the hands of Shujauddanla as Khan well. the nephew and eldest son-in-law of Mahabat Jang. Khan. It was at this time that Fakhruddaula was transferred by the order of the Emperor from the Subedarship of Behar. of her son Sarfaraz the Subedar The said of Behar as a deputy Khan was then summoned at the entrance to the female department.

. with Haji interfere with Though he did not Ahmad or with Jagat Mir Murtaza. was received by to Murshidabad. therefore secretly applied through Mohammad Ishak Yar Khan. Haji Latf Ali Khan and Ali Khan who were his old friends and who owed Seth Fateh Chand. time of the entry in Shahjahanabad.l Marshidabad Azimabad reached 223 (Patna). He successfully administered the province oF Behar and after one year returned He waited on Shujaiiddaula. II. Behar and in the himself busied and management of the affairs of the own lights. Mahabat Jang's He subdued short administration oF Behar was a great success. always spoke ill of him. yet ^ilardan Haji Ahmad a grudge. province according to his Rai Alara Chand. the unruly Zamindars and rewarded those who were loyal and He submissive. and then returned to his province. AUauddaula Sarfaraz Khan. wrote to his brother all Feeling that had happened to him. Haji Ahmad it over to Mir Murtaza. who was at that time a great favourite of Mohammad Shah Badshah and was an old friend of Mahabat Jang.VOL. succeeded to the niusnad of Orissa after his father's death Viceroyalty of Bengal. to obtain the Viceroyalty of Bengal. Mahabat Jang saw the change and confusion that had taken place in the affairs of the Indian Empire. Behar and Orissa in his own . KHULASAT-UT. him warmly. They represented enmity and opposition that really existed between Haji Ahraa I and the:nsolves and ]K)isoned the mind of AUaud laula the against Haji Ahmad to such an extent that AUauddaula at last took from him the seal of Dewani which had been with him from Shujauddaula's time and made greatly insulted. all that is necessary for a man in his and provided himself with position. of Nadir Shah till to keep himself in the good books of at last the latter died at the. filled the posts with able and competent men. Allauddaula Sarfaraz Khan. the son of Shujauddaula and the grandson of Jafar Khan. PT.TAWABDCH. v. After ShuJHuddaula's death he saw that the time was most opportime furthering the treacherous designs that he had entertained for He . He managed Shujauddaula.

friends who and if it on oath that you I plunge into of fire enemies and my or water.O. Ahmad who him all tion given him by treacherous persons like Jagat Seth Fateh that was Chand and transpiring at Murshidabad and the informa- other nobles of Murshidabad who had joined him were the chief cause of his enmity with Sarfaraz Khan. till one year and one month of the rule of AUauddaula had elapsed. all the young and old Hindus and Muhammadans He summoned before him. friends to help me. His request of tlie was granted by the King and he sent the Sanad of Viceroyalty He now began to him.S. been writing to master. followed suit and entered into a ready to accept <jbtained security the friendship solemn of The new employers agreement and became Mahabat Jang. death of Shiijauddaula and he also promised to pay one crore of rupees as Peshkask and to send all the wealth and money of Shujauddaula^s house. With a view to fight with Sarfaraz Khan he marched out of the the pretext city of Azimabad and encamped near the tank of Waris Khan. —" a solemn declaration from yourselves for my to follow me even that you would remain of my friends and that you will officers the sincere He have such tinxstworthy and old friends as If you wish to remain my friends enemies The I wish to satisfaction. Unanimously and as -voice. his they exclaimed loudly that they were ready to accept friendship and to show their bravery. When hands of the Muhammadans and Ganga of the said : all had assembled he gave the Quoraii in the water in the hands H Indus and asked them to take oaths of I am going to fight with my enemy. and help me you should solemnly declare would not refuse allegiance. on this point he disclosed the Having real fact to themi ." with the soldiers were together real be ever ready well-wishers of Mahabat Jang. Mahabat Jang began to muster an army and to collect wea] ons of war on of marching aginst the zamindars of Bhojpore. the had.R. name from the time [J. of the army. the conditions and took very strict oaths on the gladly accepted if with one Quoran and Ganga water.B.224 KHULASAT-UT-TAWAEIKH. and of entertain the idea of ruling Bengal to killing the son of his Complaints of his brother own Haji Apart from this.

n. The ^^aguard of ^lahabat Jang entered the Pass and the same day of Jagat Seth Fateh Chand got Mahabat Jang's Seth on calculating the days from the time letter. having in the evening. VOL. When he reached marched towards Murshidabad. When he arrived place. two hundred horses and footmen together with the Paricaha and Dastak which bore the seal of Sarfaraz Khan and which had been sent ere He this.. passport for his army and Khan to enter the Pass after showing it to its were who about a hundred or two hundred footmen and keepers. Mustafa Khan sent the Dastak and the Parwana through a The Mutasaddi (clerk) of the Pass ordered the follower of his. represented the to call a certain Parwana to bea Jamadar to Murshidabad. son-in-law Zainuddin Khan as his naib in Patna. the keepers. to pass through difiScult in case of vtry army which would have been the opposition of in the valley and sent ^Mustafa its keepers. As they had ah-eady entered into the solemn compact they had no alternative but that of believing his statements and helping him. Mustafa Khan gave the appointed signal and sounded the drum loudly. The Darbar ended left his The next morning. the vanguard of Mahabat Jang^s army advanced in a body from the valley with much splendour.] ' 225 H» related to his brother and himself and then informed them of them how Sarfaraz Khan had been disgracing his intentions. ordered Mustafa near the Pass. Confused and perplexed receive men will be killed on the all of all remained where they were and the you spot. On hearing this. the the Pass of Shahabad. Jagat Mahabat Jang . V. as usual. he The arrangements regarding reached Murshidabad at that that no letter so were strict way time and no traveller could outdistance him. Mustafa Khan acted upon the order. Having entered it. ordered him to stop. the drum of his camel after reaching that and sound Barkandazes. he Khan Afghan left his with.-" Mustafa Khan opened the gate of the Pass.KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. The keepers were confused and were about to move when Mustafa Khan " Take care cried with a loud voice budge an inch and you will : : due punishment . PT. Pass to be opened after seeing the Parwana and Bastak and allowed the men to enter.

there he reached mauzah Karmak which the Bhagirathi and encamped there. its of my brother Haji Ahmad has now reached to down to this that see come I have. Haji along with his family and dependents Ahmad after his arrival repeatedly sent representatives to Sarfaraz submitted that Mahabat Jang still owned allegiance to Sarfaraz Khan. protected. He also called Haji Ahmad and admonished him.O. On is this side on the bank of Mahabat Jang .KHTJLASAT-UT-TAWAEiKH. city. be to Sarfaraz to presented Khan and informed him of " The disgrace petition ran thus the state of affairs. all his relatives great as well as at the : I hope that you will allow and dependents to depart. others Ghaus Khan. Haji Ahmad began to talk the occasion and proas suited very politely and mildly of the mised that he would at once ask Mahabat Jang to return if he Some were not disposed to grant obtained leave to go to him.B. came out of Murshidabad with his AUauddaula men and en- After three or four marches he reached Kahamara." common folk were much surprised Khan called together the nobles army and all his well-wishers. Khan camped there. who was a respectable Sirdar of Sarfaraz Khan and him was a brave man. leave as they thought the statement of Haji Ahmad to be were disposed to believe in it. 2^6 his journey understood began that he [J. Sarfaraz Khan facts to him Mahabat Jang would Ahmad and came believed in the representation of Haji of the city out of the Sarfaraz . and that Sarfaraz Khan should not therefore think of marching against him but that he should come out Khan and having audience and representing certain return.S. climax. therefore. must have entered Telia- reach Murshidabad in five or six days garh that day and would He himself submitted the petition which was intended time. Sarfaraz Khan approved of his suggestion and sent Haji Ahmad to Mahabat Jang. From after On the 22 Muharram 1153 Hijra. submitted that Haji Ahmad be sent along with his family and his dependents to Mahabat Jang and that if he did not fulfil his promise he would be punished for his treacherous act. place my The (fair name) prestige Haji Ahmad The with is the Sarfaraz news. But Gholam deceptive .fe.

the driver that his master was killed and that it was his corpse that he the The horseman returned and informed Gholam Ghaus Khan of the matter. rear of Both sides Gholam Ghaus Khan showed such conspicuous opened bravery and fought so intrepidly that Rang Lall was killed with a large body of his men and the rest took to flight. riding on an elephant. In the same way other generals Khan fought with Mahabat Jang-'s army. and sent his brother Haji Ahmad towards Murshidabad. etc. he divided his army into three parts. to face Gbulam Ghaus Khan. who was a good Sirdar. also came nearer and KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIK PT. till at last he was hinself killed together with his two sons and his friends and lion his went to the everlasting Heaven. But fire.] distributed 227 . On hearing the news the bright world looked dark to this brave. ammunition the same night. Khan were in the thick of the with combat a bullet killed elephant. v. battle-field killed him on. he thought his master was taking to flight owing to his cowardice. Haji Ahmad with the rapidity wind and lightning reached Mushidabad and proclaimed the rule of Mahabat Jang by beat of drum. possessed himself of his tents. The driver of Sarfaraz Khan's Khan and Khan was Khan's of Sarfaraz "When Gholam Ghaus Khan's eyes fell on his master's elephant. seeing his master dead..n. suddenly the army of Mahabat Jan^ attacked the rear of Sarfaraz Khan and caused much confusion while Mahabat Jang men and his attacked Sarfaraz fight some famous generals a very large following and struck Sarfaraz Sarfaraz also In this double front. and Maha- of Sarfaraz bat Jang gained victory over the son of his master. Khan and Sarfaraz crossed one of which he sent the to Bhagirathi the with the other faced his front. and himself with two divisions. The next morning. horseman came alongside the elephant. The ai-my of defeated. furniture.the spot.OL. He removed the confu- of . and posted Rang Lall. With a his men he sprang on the and proved army of Mahabat Jang like manliness and bravery. was taking back.. conscientious and faithful general. took the elephant out of the and advanced towards Murshidabad. and he therefore When said sent a horseman to bring the elephant before him.

Behar and Orissa and ordered public The aristocracy of the city were granted audience rejoicings. The of Hisam-ud-daula and gave him him the title King conferred upon the mansab of Haft Hazari and the privilege of keeping Mahi fiscating the house of Sarfaraz and Maralib. descrip- It is not necessary to re-narrate In short. Mahabat Jang obtained all the wealth and treasures that had been amassed by Jafar Khaa. two days after the death of Sarfaraz Khan. and asked for him the Bahadur Haibat Jang. to Mohammad Shah.O.lar. Jhalar. the mansab of Haft Hazari (keeping 7. In this shorf. which he had gained on con- Khan. in the middle of the month of Safar 1152 Hijra Mahabat Jang entered Murshidabad with great pomp and splendour and with much magnificence and grandeur sat on the masnad of the Viceroyalty of Bengal. jJ.B. it here. and treasury of Sarfaraz Klian in At the sad news of the death of Sarfaraz Khan^ all the^ offices the cries and wailings of his family were heard. whose real name was Mohammad AH Verdi Khan. Shujauddaula and Sarfaraz Khan. Maratib and Nawzish Naubat Mohammad and Alam. Jang. 228 sioii liis and brought possession. Khan. which were worth more than a hundred crores.S^. he For asked Haft Hazari (7. and presented His Excellency with nazars. How and through what influence he came to Nawab Mahabat Bengal from Hindustan has already been related in the tion of Shujauddaula^s rule.000 men) and for the title of Ihtishamuddaula Bahadur Shahamat Jang and confen-ed upon him these titles and privileges together with the office of Jahangimagar the office of . narrative it would be difficult to dwell on the straits to which Alkuddaula^s family were reduced lamentable circumstance.000 men) and the privilege of keeping his elder Mahi. was in the beginning one of the office bearers of the King^s Court. in consequence of this Accounts of Nawab Mahabat Jang Bahadur. and a title Palki. He gave the permanent {Subadari) governorship of Behar to his younger son-in-law Zainuddin Ahmad Khan whom he had left at Azimabad of Ihtishamuddaula as his Deputy. son-in-law. He sent one crore in cash and some other valuables worth about a crore.KHUJLASAT-UT-T^WiJBlKH.

Bxit as a punishment for his act of dlling the daughter's son of Jafar dlled Khan.] 29 Diwaui of (Khalsa Sharifa) Khas Mahal of Bengal.mina Sirajuddaula. while Raja Janki Ram. the bujauddaula. the son-in-law of Shujauddaula. as his son. v. Rai Alam Chand. Bengal and Orissa and devoted his energies to the financial and administration of the country and worked with great irmness and ability. jf After this Mahabat Jang got possession of the whole of Behar. rhis is what he wished. the Deputy Governor of Orissa. He marched against Murshid QuU Khan. Mir ^fohammad Jafar Khan. his younger daughter and gave him a princely education.. was given the Dewanship of the other .OL. discharged the duties of his high office honourably and from 1153 Hijra with great firmness For about ten years during this period he had to ruled for sixteen years Jid vigour. He also collected all the things necessary 'or a ^o^e^nor and a noble for himself as well as for his nephews. emain engaged in fighting with Raghuji Mabratta and with . 3e wished ardently that Providence in his merciful way may ionfer the A'ieei-oyalty of Bengal and Orissa on his grandson. was appointed to the office of Dewanship and was iv( n the title of Rai Rayan. jm barked on board a ship and going towards the Deccan ended lis life peacefully and in good circumstances under the protection the Nizam-ul-mulk. wife and children and all Murshid Quli Khan together with the wealth and treasures he had. be given elsewhere. the son-in-law of >hujauddaula.•apartments. PT. KHCLASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. II. by kffair will. the son of Begum. and obtained ^ over irictory lis him in a battle. le He God his daughter's son An was account of this willing. X)litical Ble adopted \. He 1 lionoared the other officers of his army who were concerned Khan Dewan of blood of their innocent master Sarfaraz >uedding the . thii-d nephew. ith other titles and offices. Syed Ahmad Khan he gave the ahore pri- the III I is and the es of title Mohamuddaula Bahadur Saulat Jang uave him the Depnty Governorship of Orissa after taking it Murshid Quii Khan. the old )e\van of Mahabat Jang.

and moreover of i in this small volume. th< Trul. It is a slave mad that girl. 230 CJ. whom Jafar army month.B. talk of full inquiry befor He paid sycophants. He always showed bravery some o£ his treacherous employes such as and manliness and was for the most part successful At last on account of old age he made peace in battle and victorious. and wa financial problems He had a brave warrior he took He made of his time.BA Mustafa Khan.i Bengal All alonj he discharged the onerous duties of his exalted position witi much credit. Shatnsher Khan and Sardar Khan bj whose hands his son-in-law Zainuddin Khan had been killed. he wa' . and ard proved himself a capable Governoi thorough acquaintance with military affairs. Shah Khamim. and by the force of his character raised himself ii the estimation of not only his friends but also of his enemies. b to Mir Mohan he had given in marriage giving him the post of BukkshI of of his forces) hi on a salary of Rs.000 But being a shrewd observer of human nature. and dinates always bestowed favours upon them. Governor of Bengal^ \va' He had a keen insight into administrativ a very wise man. been born to Internal peace reigned throughout his not rule dominions. of Mir Mohamraa( Nawab Mahabat Jang (Nazim).KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. It woulc require another book by events and adventures itself if I were to write about all th( Mahabat Jang. of any judicial notice attention slightest speaking he to seemed the to idle have facts.O. six years protecting the country anc the property of his subjects and lived with ease and comfort anc He was very kind to his faithful suborwith a peaceful mind. with Raghuji and made over to him the province of Orissa in lieu of Chauth. He thus saved himself from the Mahratta' and his subjects from their ravages and after the peace^ he spent his life in For loot. he said Khan by (i)aymaster had a step-sisfcer. 5. But T relate some of the events of the Navvab' would be out of place rule with the view of Jafar Khan's life making these events more clear. and I therefore satisfy much this and trust to futurity for the completioi with myself of this work.

and at last died. Sirajuddaula and he asked the epresentatives of the English seud Dewan to Calcutta fled such as Mr. men sent his of Bullabh).KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH.PT.- fchey against the A. the Raj Kishen Bullabh ang. cowardice and meanness. jcended the masnad of the Viceroyalty of Benj^al a Heavenhis j — He ke Province. aid no attention to the Jidvice given him by his grandfather od became the cause of his own downfall and death. his treachery. fatal disease Kanchin of the and made over the Viceroyalty a mere then youth. and captured the they could not had sought protection were ready to make made by him (Kishen marched in present him at once together with his wanted their own safety for otherwise the person of the lamzan 1169 where high English to inder the iddaula at last Kishen Mahabat othei-s bey would have to reap the consequences nd undue interference.ocd the defalcations this indiscretion matters became more and short. Meeran alias Sadiq Ali Khan. English Siraj- on the 2:2nd factoiy of Calcutta which . son fficers 'his the ire of Kishen Bullabh if elongings they really ttore aake complicated.] 231 of Mir Mohamrnai Jafar Khan. advising grandson Sirajuddaula pn specially not to fight with the English. Mir Mohammad J ifai Khan kept two women named lan. reaped the consequence of his indolence He ad dissipation. mui I. He 'ispicious I his ^ys took FromShih Khanum a middle course. iawab Sirajuddaula. Drake and provoked Bajnagai. The English whi. Sirajuddaula lullabh. In his court of replied that man Company^s flag but that .to to Bullabh.n. arrest of the late took him under protection. Mahabat of fear He Nawab Mahabat Jang till secret. neither honoured him too mach nor disgraced him.wab p/ed Begum and Bahoo Begum them most Ing kept from a ifEered but through passionately. and a daughter bed Fatima Begiun who was marriedjto Mir Mohammad Kasim Towards the close of Nawab Mahabat Jang's rule. matter the caste.H. . and incessantly movements and kept an eje over all his acts. after the death of his grandfather. there wore n a son. over who weri.

E. The spif delivered the letters to the addressees. Drake fled on board a ship and Calcutta cam He posted a largi the possession of Sirajuddaula." is At settled last alter some further correspondence everything wi parties and the soleum compact was signe between the giving to Meer Mohammad ship of the Province. To be short. letters through Having anchore spies to Nawab Jafa Ali Khan.B. cutta reached commander mad Madras.KHULA8AT. and they therefore looked upo' the letters received from Clive as a God-sent blessing aii entertained a secret love for the East India Company. CHvC. a ship with the men under his command. Clive also sent a despatch t England giving a graphic account of the recent doings of Sira. Mahfab Chand^s brothei Maharaja Sarup Chand. Jagat Seth. from Calcul MuiTshidabad there were fought scTjral battles bctwe. Calcutta till From Jafar Khan this place at last he reached near thj Jiy a night attack he defeated the permanent Subeda Clive niaxched lowar Makhui Sirajuddaula's Police-statiOi men who we posted on the spot. detailed account of the affair wou A be jbo rallier too lengthy for this work. Nazim of Arcot. The cruelty of Sirajuci Nawab Mir Muhammad Jaiar Khan ani men of the city did not consider the] daula wag such that other the great and properties secure. On entering Calcutta with his parly he occupi the vacated bungalows. the at The remaining English into force in the Makhua Police -stition with the object of arrestin] the advance of the English if they came and himself went t When the ship conveying the English from Cal Murshidabad.S time contained only a few men under Mr.^u Sim . he sent friendly sailed for Calcutta. whos names the author does not remember at this time. Fakhrul Tujjar and others. Mahtab Chand. But after further consultation he embarked on boar uddaula. and without waitin Ali for orders from at sea England. then Nawab Mohani of the English forces sent to help Khan.TAWABIKH. To " Tt Clivers letters they simply sent this couplet in reply Be kind and come becausj th pupils of our eyes are thy nest lives : — M : house thine. 281 CJ.UT.O. they were invited by Mr.

wealth of which the Meer Mohammad Jafar ban promised to pay to the English only three crores of rupees. -nt of the I c it took place perhaps in 1768 a. IHrtASAT-TJT. the intention of the author to give a more the occurrence. PT. id brought the whole of Bengal and Bihar in his possession d control. English ascended the maittad of Viceroyalty. Jafar [td felt Nawab Meer Mohammad d the other English Jafar officers at Khan now met Major Clive Casslmbazar. men and Sirajaddaula'3 one of the English. t|8 Bat in almost were victorioas and Sirajudtowards tlie north. Mursbid Qnli Khan id Khan and considerably increased by Ali Verdi once into the hands of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan Sarfaiaz ban fell at hen he was placed on the throne by Major Clive and the other T^e English Qglish officials after the death of Sirajuddaula. and mercilessly put him to death together with brother Mirza Mehdi. these the English was defeated. le sake of continuitv he will ieer To the best of the author''s recollection all the vast treasure lat had been amassed by Jafar Khan. and with the con.] ila. e amount that had been looted from their factory at Calcutta. But for first mention a few facts of Nawab Mohammad Jafar Khan^s reign after which he will narrate le events of Mohammad Kasim^s life. in which will also be troduced some accounts of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. But Nawab Meer Moham- near i Khan no regard for the past farours shown to him Sirajuddaula.d. This incident enhanced the power and prestige of the East The author does not remember the exact date adia Company. d no idea of the vastness of w viceroy became the this hoarded possessor.TAWABIKH. but ! As it is detailed »ount of the reign of Meer Mohammad Kasim.7. he does not ke to dwell at great length on other cognate matters. n of Meeran alias Mohammad Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan w»s the Khan from his miaki Sadiq Ali . n.. Nawab Meer ohammad litire Jafar Klian signed a treaty giving 6 annas of the revenue of the province to the English. But at last he fled till Rajmahal he fell into the hands of Meer Mohammad Khan and was made prisoner.

Khan came from Murshidabad Hearing all this Saddiq A and with the help the English army defeated the King's force first in Behar ai then near Burdwan and thence returned to Murshidaljad.OA Khanum. and there was a great dislocation of both public and pi Much loss of life and property was caused vate business. But Divine revenge fell upon hir — for his cruel act. the author leaves them for the present a \ relates only Khau« such events as relate to Meer Mohammad Kas | . an account of which is given below : General consternation prevailed in Behar owing to the arriv of Shah Alam in its vicinity.UT^AWAEIKH. the Amil of Purneah. King on the throne through Maharaja Shitab Rai Bahadur a the treaty between the Company and the king through Maharsj i Shitab Rai Bahadur. Kamgar Khan. the accession of t . i consequence of this disturbance. executed without any fault. a loyal zamind of Behar.ZHULASAT.B.g. As the events of the viceroy alty of Meer Mohammad Jaf Khan and Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan are long". of arrival at Raja Ram Patna for the purpose of confiscating the for Narain. the retu of Meeran from Murshidabad to Patna for the purpose of fightii with Khadim Hossain Khan. This young man was by nature unscn and H pulons intriguing and had a great hold on his father. together with Nawab Hidayet Ali some respectable Khans of Patn i. Mir Mohammad Jal Khan's etc. an account of which cannot be fully narratl even in two volumes.. to Patna. vi others went over to the King Khan and army. the wars of Shah Alam. the interview of officer of the Azimabad Factory. the alliance entered into li Colonel Clive and some other English officials with Mahara Shitab Rai Bahadur. Auiyatt. 234 [J. the death Meeran on the way by a lightning stroke. thesenij nel Clive Sabit Jang. He meddled unnecessarily with the administrative an financial affairs of the country specially some women of and had some innocent person Nawab Mahabat Jang's famil. Raja Ram Narain's peace with Co Maharaja Shitab Rai Ball dur with Colonel Clive Sabit Jang through Mr. was appointed the deputy of the Viceroy during his father^ s Uft wife S'hah time. e.

Bahadur. Meeran with British troops under the command of Colonel Clive marched to Patna and thence towards pa ran. Mir M'lhammad Jafar Khan^s subordinate at Purneah.l factory (perhaps temporary) From Madi-as he sent Mr. died. Meer Jafar Khan felt very sad and disturbed in conse- quence of the death of his son and could not therefore attend to his business. v. to Calcutta. Meeran was struck by lightning on the way and Colonel Clive drove Khadim Hossain Khan out of the with the corpse of Meeran returned to Patna and country After a few days Colonel Clive went thence to Murshidabad.. which were highly commended and appreciated by the English. PT. the senior officer and himself Henry sailed to England* Vansittart Shamauddaula of Mr. made Mr. and was eminently fitted for the Vansittart was a capable officer Mr. was at transferred to as a junior officer Calcutta senior the Patni. gave battle to Khadim Hossain Khan and defeated him completely. and led to the rise of Meer Mohammad Qasim. which as a matter of course caused much disorder. looted Pumeahj and in the hope of gaining the goodwill of the king came to Hajipux. 2^ KHULASAT-DT-TAWABIEH. Captain Knox and Maharaja Shitab Rai Bahadur with their men Ali Klian broke with crossed the river Ganges. possessed riches amassed by previous governors and misappropriated the revenues He had appointed some eight thousand men of the Perganahs. honourable post to which he was newly appointed. member of the Council and Mr. After his defeat Khadim Hossain Khan went towards Cham- j A few days after. Apes became the senior officer at Patna. Drake a senior officer of the Calcutta an-.. Champaran. Thl Tlie author remembers that Khadim Hossain Khan. to Calcutta. Madras. (liorse as and through the fear of well as foot) Nawab Saddic[ Meer Jafar Khan. Captain Knox says that Maharaja Shitab Rai Bahadur displayed much courage and bravery during the fight. Amyatt. .

— A General Aecount of the Pabris or Hill Bhuiyas of Bonui. the Bonai and Keonjhar states with the exception of the Juangs of Keonjhar. are. in this between 21° 39' and 22° lies . M. and on the East by tlie Feudatory State of Keonjhar. and it Is in these tractt that the Hindulzed Bhuiyas. and form the of the Plains call themselves or the Gonds . By Rai Bahadai* Sarat Chandra I— Habitat. of the Chota Niigpar rivers this Sankh and the South Koel enters the Bonai State near village Brahniaiii river which Banki and traverses the into halves.VI. the various aboriginal tribes inliabiting the tributary Pabri (Pahari) or Hill Bhuiyas of the states of Orissa. I took advantage of the last Puja vacation to make a j^reliminary study of the Hill Bhuiyas of the Bonai state and the result of my enquiries The is and following chapters. cither It bank of the is is state mainly river and from the nortli to south open tracts of tlie hill ranges dividing iik land betweeti tbait rise a few miles beyond on the east and west of the river which is bv^ able for regular wet cultivation of rice. The of Bamra and Pal Lahara^ on formed by the union. IS bounded on the North b}' the SarandS summarizid state of Bonai ^^ ^ ^ The Country. ethnologically most interesting. Of Roy. too. tribes and a few Hindu castes Pdnc/i Said (P'ive live. 8' North Latitude and 85° 23' feast Lohg-itude and ^t ^ «. and other Hinduiz^ The Hindulzed Bhuiyai Khanddii (swordsmen) Bhuiyai Hundred) Bhuiyas.A. Pargaua of the Slnghbhum district and the Nagra ParganS the Feudatory States of Gangpur. by the Bamra State. at village iPanposh in the Gangpur State. the Feudatory States of the West.

imitate ' Bhuiyas ]>huiyas The Pabri ^feth I Hill Bhu'yas occupy the mile after the Capital of the state. PABEl BetTltA. sls The Hill Bhuiyas in their turn do not eat at the ivages. as ther are called. if possible. of this tract known as Kuira tion of rice and call there can be no doubt that they were Bhuiyas like the originally Pabyis Bhuiyas of Pabri Pargana. and look wn upon the Hill Bhuiyas or Pabris. the forests in tiger. " Taler hands of the Hindnized Bhuiyas? whom they call " or " of the lowlands ''.. the panther. the to the easternmost limits of the state i passing beyond the Bonsi state into the i this large tract only jungle-covered and north-east from about the extending east regions hilly or s ate of and Of Keonjhar. for some stray human victim . a small portion to the north-east around and the Bhuiyas Parana practise regular wet cultiva*' themselves '* Panch Saia Bhuiyas although village Kuira forms a fairly well watered valley. The land of the Pabri Bhuiyas still above the central valley of the a series of most inaccessible hill which the nses several hundred Bi-ahmani and consists feet of ranges covered with tangled hyena and the wild dog prowl about for their animal prey and. The more well-to-do amongst those fihui\ as of the Kuira Pargana now seek the aid of Brahman priests at their Pabri also disclaim relationship with the marriages and Bhuiyas. A few settlements of Pabri Bhuiyas are with iu the Kumri Pargana to the south-east of met Pabri Pargana. where the wild elephant. v. the wild pig {Sus Indicus) and the bear roam about in search of food and occasionally cause great damage to the scanty maize . In this paper I shall deal mainly with the genuine Pabri Bhuiyas of the Hills of Bjnai aid refer only Bhuiyas of the state to have diverged from the primitive customs incidentally to the customs of the other show how the latter obtaining among the Pabris. up BrahmanT crossed is at Bonaigarh. the bifon.Y3L. It] 23/ many Hindu customs. and they or Hill still form marriige alliances with the latter and follow practically the same customs and usages. PT. militia of the state.

on a much higher elevation than the plains of Bonai and is cou- of the Pabri Bhuiyas ^ Glimate. marsupium). I heard frequent complaints damiging the crops and vege- and my in journey tlirough these and fresh footprints excrement of wild elephants were pointed out to me as indicating the recent presence of those animals .. The aritoteln).R. and one of my party succeeded in bagging a huge wild pig which required four strong men to Wild fowl of various kinds are abundant carry the carcase. During my stay in these parts Pabri my jungle-covered hill fric-nds.B. in these jungles.PABRIBHUIYA.500 feet above sea to the presence of certain and pleasanter. most people are the rains. edible roots and wild herbs of /i few varieties found in their native jungles are utilized by the Hill Bhuiyas to supplement their scanty stock of food. 2f8 [J. and certain herbs and roots of their jungles by them for medicinal used are jmrposcs. The home _. sequently hills rise to level. and other crops and vegetables grown on the Pabri Bhuiya. diet.S. {Balbergia Tlie 6aZ {S/iorca robuata) and among other important sissoo). unhealthy and malarious. ranges. the chithal or spotted nilgai {Portex the pictus).000 to over 3. Js'in and {Terminalia predominates in trees are the Sisu Kusiun tomentosa). Jungle fruits. is much an elevation of from Owing however the 'climate is at seasons although the indigenous population than outsiders. deer hill elopes {Axis by sambar the {Rusa maculatus). resist children attacks of is malaria not fever. . cooler heavy tangled forests. Piaml {Pterocarpus {Schleichera tritiga). much better uncommon and especially after . the mouse deer (Afetninnd Indica) and the four-horned antelope {Fatrecerus quadricorniii) are jungles. these in for the Hill game on vegetable of wild elephants and wild pigs tables of common pretty occasional heavy Biiuiyas. however. and constitute live chiefly who.O. Spleen liable among to The 2. these forests.

this Each villages shifting Iold of a about dozen to from about 40 houses.— A Pabri Settlement. (Auspicious post) " Gain-Sri-khunta " or or the post representing the tutelary "When a new village site is selected. .y [ -jL. ally rectangular in In the middle of the settlement is a decent and commodious hut Mattd^ Ghar which is the dormitory for bachelors serves as an occasional guest house. large tract of forest land within the limits of which the village site is shifted from time to time. . or tambourines.] 239 II. V. Some of these changt are supported against the wall. bound up with and the prosperity this post. In front of Manda Ghar is a spacious yard which is called the durbar or meeting grmnd where danses are held in the evenings and where the tribal panchdyati sit when occasion arises. each house consists of from one to four huts. Arranged round called the and also the inner walls of played upon by the this hut are the changs. generally close to one of the numerous tiny bouldercovered hill-streams that trickle down the valleys. Each settlement owns a . goddess of the village. The settlements of the Pabris or Pahari Houses and ^^' _ tents. the village site must be forthwith changed as otherwise dire misfortune . They leave one site when all the trees on it have been cut remove down and the koman and ddhi lands exhausted^ and to another site within the area. PT PABBI BHUITA. and village consists ! I i site trees The huts aregenerwith two roofs. this post is first stuck will be described in a up in its centre subsequent or otherwise of the village is with ceremonies which chapter . On one side of this the yard is a round woolen post from 3j to 4^ feet high affixed to the ground which is called the SibJi'i Khuntd. In some of sites is done once every ten years. Bhuiyas nestle in the valleys between successive hill ranges. when new They again return to the have grown up to some height. If it is blown down by the wind or is otherwise uprooted. The walls are shape sloping made of logs of wood planted vertically on the ground and plastered over with mud from inside . while others are suspended with string from deer horns affixed to the walls. .II. and the roofs are thatched. young men in their dances.

_ All around are the huts of the other families of the settlement. but the generality have none eat is from leaf plates and drink from three or four whatsoever. combined kitchen and sleeping room. Close to the Mar}i Gliar are the houses of the village headmen—the is Na^k. ttO \vill overtake tlie settlement. secular. leaving an opening at one corner.O. which is to the north of the first and also faces east. is called .PABEI BHUITA. No outsider this room. the hearths being in front of the door and close to the western wall. The northern compartment is north to south. leaf cups or TJiey pumpkin gourds . Narrow lanes and by-paths run between rows of houses. utensils and store of maize.B. The second hut. The used as a southern compartment is used as the bhitar or " inner " tabernacle where the ancestor-spirits are believed to have their seat and where o€erings are made to them. clothes. and the Dihuri. which runs from is divided into two compartments by a partition of wooden posts placed side by side. and valued possessions of the familj) money. are stored there. or sacerdotal. scanty between the hill The following a headman of a descrij^lion of the house of the^Hduses. beans. The admitted into in the rice shape of and other Coins and clothes are kept in a bamboo richest family rarely owns more than brass utensils. Qtitside the older settlements are settlements are a number of jaok-fruit trees and close to the hills on whose slopes the villagers have their On cultivation. headman. cooking vessels are all of earthenware. Palmleaf mats form their only bed. In a large settlement of nearly forty houses only two string beds could be found. By tlie side CJ. the comparatively more level ground and the group of huts the villagers slopes some such as grow vegetables pumpkins. The entrance to this hut is through a wooden door moving on a socket in the eastern wall. four huts. consists of house of the Dihuri of village The main hut. box. Pabri settlement will give an idea of the mate^^*^ condition of a comparatively well-to-do Pabri Raonta The family. and yams.BJ of the Mat)4a Gh generallj another smaller hut which serves as the seat temple of the mother-goddess Thakurani. grains.

separate dhenJci ghar. A cattle ' hole for husking grain with the wooden pestle is usually made in the floor of the compartment used as the kitchen.] 241 Mela-gkar in wkieli X found a few eartliea vessels for the wing of rice beer. some ropes. huts have doors made of split bamboo. v. one kotrd or curved axe for cutting undergrowth in the jungle. Manda a visit. The averao-e Pabri has no separate storeroom and the bkitar or inner compart- . when they come on this The bachelore of the village also sleep In front of Ghar is occupied by guests. one bow rop<? sling charging stones at small birds that eat and four arrows. and one bugle made away elephants in the jungles. II.. FT. in it when the these huts are two other huts. PABBI BHUITA. such as a married daughter and her husbiud. of planks of of a gourd for scaring This hut has also a door made wood joined together and moving on a socket. wo brooms. ment own occasional two or three men in a bio* settle- and plough. one earthen tijd butter) also meant for the rasad of public jar of gkee (clariofficers. and the others who require the use of a plough borrow it from some neighbour. small bamboo basket suspended with strings at one end of the wooden beam on which notches have been cut to indicate a seer (two pounds) and fractions of a seer.. two bamboo lunbrellas with handles ud one umbrella made of iiali leaves and having no handle. three to pumpkin gourds. few empty bamboo baskets^ a small pura or straw-rope 4 for rice containing ecoptacle supplying rasad^ or provisions public officers visiting the village which the headman collects from contribution by the villagers. one used as a cattle-shed and the other as fowl pen and dhenki ghar where rice is husked with a mortar and pestle. some chop {Bahinia uandens) fibres. side by The cattle-shed has a floor side over the earthen made of logs of wood placed These two floor. In hut are sometimes accommodated relatives of the family. The average Pabrl Bhuiya has no and only a few Pabrls own cattle and require a cattle-shed. one winnowing basket. only one. one ploughshare {lohd). one axe {budtd or tdngi). one biadk weighing beam or with^p. OL. There were also in this room one (^hur puni) for disup grain put out to dry in the sun. one palmleaf mat.

But the Pabris are mostly which fairer lips are the Hill westernmost extremity Bhuiyas exchange the grains once than the the face. . lighter tint Their heads are dolioocephalic. and rather light build. men. and can stand fatigue well and travel great weekly market held every Saturday at village of at prognathous. their noses are broad root as among most and Orissa. Khutgaon The on Pabri country where the and vegetables tobacco and cloth with the lowlanders is for attended by salt. The hair is black and plentiful on the liead. women as well as men from the end of Pabri Pargana. And I have seen several Pabri Bhuiyas bearing heavy loads on canying poles slung across their shoulders walk at a fair pace across the jungles and hills of the Kuira and Pabri parganas a whole day with only a couple of hours' rest on the way. the projecting cheeks and jawbones giving a certain squareness to The Nagpur shows a much agile distances. but the walls are sometimes coated over with a kind of yellowish earth with which the Pabri's scanty clothes are also dyed. of medium height.S.OJl. though men with good tures beards and whiskers are occasionally seen* The hair is ordinarily and I met straight but sometimes it has a tendency to curl. lumber room. one or two men with distinctly curly or rather woolly hair.242 I'ABRl BHtJITA. and women are well-proportioned. but generally scanty on the rest of the body. The womon are even strikes the observer. ment also serves as the store [J^B. Both sexes are rery generally rather thick. Men . The mouth and medium of teeth are well formed size. but not so broad nor so depressed at the other aboriginal tribes of Chota The skin brown and the eyes are straight and sometimes small. a distance of twenty miles. Ill— Physical Features aad Mental Characteristics. of the Pabri Bhulya than that of the This is also average Dravidian and a trait Munda-speaking aborigines. or Decorations to the houseu or drawings on the wall are practically unknown.

social offender and is IV-— Dress and Ornaments. fiiendly i I the a closer acquaintance with them I foimd and hospitable. and irried of excitable. At mj first visit Khutgaon bazar a number of Pabri jmen and some young men fled at sight of the stranger. At home loin cloth and the poorer men wear only . ( even with the highest authorities They assume an air of superiority to the Kols their intercourse — Oraonand other immigrants from Chota '^ who have settled in the and elsewhere. and an air of equality comes natural to people in authority bspect. Although they are respectand to those they consider worthy of not servile. Pabri spoilt by contact with a superior civilization. ting leinous le easily both sexes. Both sexes bathe daily Bhulyas are an industrious people. extremely voluble and talkative. truthful. 248 The Pabri Bhuija lental Char- is cheerful. On letn frank. and even gay i^ the presence of acquaintances.Jt. These " Kols 'agpur abri villages with the permission of the headmen have to carry lirdens and render certain other services at their bidding.. The I they call the Muada. and it with difficulty that a few could be induced to allow me to to graph them. auiyas are on the Lse t abborn.ri or most tribes. no PABBI BflUITA. simple. lighthearted.ey know. the but and honest whole timid. _ most men wear only a very short round the waist. married or unmarried. wrong with a person of a different tribe is regarded as punished with excommunication. PT. v. villages I On visited impressed certain points about me as which a Pabii huiya decided to withhold information from me. men are addicted to drink but women abstain from it. he remained •m even when though he was otherLike aboriginal tribes in a state of drunkenness. In intelligence they clean and their houses tidy. The dress of the Pabri Bhuiyas is of the simplest. •mpare favourably with abri id iest of one of the Pabri :ceptionally intelligent. they are them in r. although shy . they keep other hill The Dihv.3terlstics- and timid before strangers. A They value chastity in the male or a female.

to other places. turban. As most women have only one cloth. An adult Pabrl female uses a cloth about twelve cubits Ion ^ which is worn as a combined skirt and have each only one such which cloth. and the Pabri Maha-Naek or sword and shio headman appointed by the for the whole Pabri Pai-gana has also been presented with a of honour by hiip.BJ. ^^^ fingers. wrist. belt. The men and women cloths of are all dye a light yellow with a'kind of yellowish earth which is abundai in the country. whereas a smaller waist cloth is is worn Poorer womej used while going ou shawl. each man has two full-sized cloths one worn round the waist and' another as an upper garmenl These however are used only on special occasions and during visiti knees. Girls and young women wear a number of thick brass brae lets {bera) on both arms. Boys and girls place by a string round th{ to the age of twelve or thirteen almosj kept in strip of perineal cloth up [J. T headmen of villages use no head-dress and are not distinguish by any But the Pabri Garh-Njj headman appointed by the Raja for i particular insignia of office. they take it c before entering the water. its invariably wear such perineal cloths which the girls change fft a longer cloth only when strangers visit the village or when the^ dance in the evenings. i re 3 are not the recognized social r . R. of village Kuira. one or two wristlets [tdf) on ea' and one or more bead necklaces {mdri) made of brass Most young men wear bead necklac< lac (pahura). g|4 a waist. one bra anklet {pahur) on each leg. These men i . in the house. or both. cliapkan.O.B. a number of toe rings (J hutia). a larger number on the left ha than on the right. Neither tattooing of the body nor cicatrization is practised. the whole of the Kuira Pargana consisting of twenty-nine villag has been presented by the Raja of Bonai with a costly silk dr consisting of paijama. Young men at their dances and festival: wear long loin cloths with one end hanging down below th( Except the poorest. brass rings {mudi) Omamen .PABBI BHUITA. Womt have generally a separate bathing place a little apart from that the men.

PT. nil slope is selected for down and arranged : ^hen the trees are all in rows reduced to ashes the land is dug up and ready for the cultivation of upland {ff3rd) riee. v. of Magh (January) to Baisakh (April). e dahi process of clearing land is as follows portion of The ii : A clearance and all the trees on it are and a large number of bushes d shrubs are also cut down and placed round the trees. upland rice is sown. known practised. (beans) are planted so that the dhvkk creepers may go up the pees. : A plot of hill slope is selected bushes and shrubs growing on the site is as purpose and are cut down and for the the foot of each tree on the selected plot. and on the ashes at the feet of the standaother ig lid trunks of trees. plot. and on •ally on one portion inches and twigs of the such crops as malta (maize). Wet cultivation rhich is full of hills of the hills a little wet s Bll dhdn. f is paddy cultivation the Pabri pargand In a few villages at the foot rare of in low-land paddy. ir. daily life of the men is largely devoted to the prodncof food by the Adman and the ddhi system of cultivation.— Daily Life. vegetable creepers such as sim. and jaced in heaps at If in the meanwhile other bushes ft to dry for a month or so. lese are left for some time to dry and then they are set fire to. From the now month is and jungles. • • shrubs have sprouted they are also cleared. men re engaged in the preparation of ddhi and komdn fields.PABRI BHUITA. between Falgun (March) and Baisakh (May) both men and .l 246 MS heftdmen far their influence as r«^)e<?tive parganas but lliey wield intermediary between the people and tlie "ija. and fire all these heaps of bushes and shrubs so as to burn is set all the The ashes are now spread trees. The hoindn process of preparing lands for cultivation |ide ! lllows \. is Genthe komdn 1 over the ready for cultivation. marud {Eleusine corocana) od kdngu are grown. and of a /towa ft.

maAi a few and and other vegetables are sown on grains (maize) gora or rice is rasi t uplands in them. In these mont in also the taken to men down from cut theii fields and burnt the jungles trees which s for ash-manure . are embanked to store wa In Aswin (September-October) both men and wom harvest the gora (upland) rice. t In Asarh (Ja the hll lands. yams and tube As soon as there is a shower of rain the men plough th fields .PABRI BHUIYA. this is generally done with axe-handles. if any.Ojt It is not pe carry cattle-dung manure to their fields. and men a more particularly women dig for edible roots. and in Kartik (October) the 1 r i 1 . Boys and girls gi such help to their parents as they can in household and fie They also draw water and lo 3k after the cattle. These ceremonies will be describ' a subsequent chapter. and wet lands. In Sraban and Bhado (August-September) bci J men and women weed the rice fields. Bet we work.B. men a after the lowlands. In Baisakh and Jaist Magh and is sown by the men with paddy. harvested and In Bhado (Augu ) upland {sesamum). Women are not allowed to cut tre or plough the fields. but they may break clods of earth in t. when the streams are almost di boys and men catch fish with their hands. burning into manure or apply cattle-dung mam In the months of Chait and Baisakh (Marc May) men also go out to hunt deer. 246 women missible [J. fields . . and then again when the weather is dry they bring to t fields to wood the for fields. if any. the months of building of houses June) the (April — is fields are uplands being sown transplantation women both Baisakh the work of repairing a also undertaken. have been j)erformed. to cut down trees or manure the fields until t' new mango blossoms have come out and the Magh-jat January as well as the Am-nua cereijiony. reploughing and levelling of the fields are the business of t men alone. whii follows shortly afterwards. wild pigs or other anima Between March and May. and pad< in festival cannot be sown unless the Tzr^ta-^ww/t ceremony has been ce brated in Baisakh (April). made in but the subsequi taking part in the operations. if any.

is The Am-nua . is. etc. it and offered to the festival of the new mango which alone the fields blos- may the Tirtia-muti festival in April on which day sow- operations have to be commenced with a ceremonial sowing Aikdri Pujii in July when iities milk over only after this ceremony that the forest celebrated in February. PT. if any. d rice 2l7 threshed and winnowed. be g rice is boiled in It felled. besmearing their forehead and horns with . In the day-time imen too may be seen helping the mea to protect the ripening On a day in October when I arrived •n from birds and beasts.J In Aglian (November) the harvested lowSuch is the yearly routine. the Gamha Punai festival in August hen the Pabri celebrates his temporary respite from agricultural hours by making a feast of id giving absolute rest for rice-flour cakes two days to the and other delicacies cattle of the village. such as the This arduous round of duties ' id [e 'agh-jatra festival in January when old new extingu^sheil and in fire all the hoas?s ceremonially kindled by friction two pieces of wood by the Dihuri with eyes covered over with all tho villagers kindle their own new fire from jcfiour cakes.) for rains and good crops. lud) rice. elephants. however. after manured le fire is . is perched resting-place of the are kept burning at the foot of the serve as the men by turns warm themselves.. some tree in the fitld to and logs of wood lichers. relieved now then by pujas and festivals which mark the termination of stage of labour and the beginning of another. Most of the le population of a ^*illage have to be in their fields at night 3 protect the crops from the ravages of wild A kind of rude scaffolding js and other animals. noon at a Pabri settlement of about forty families. sacrifices are offered to the tutelary {Grum-Srl. and the Bihira same time after which alone transplantation of lowland uja at the ee may be undertaken . PABBl BHUITA. I found e where the a whole adult male population and many of the women thus gaged in their fields. is sacred fire and icestor spirits. is period between the sprouting of the crops and the harvesting one of great anxiety and sleepless vigilance. II. ees may •ms is . ashing their hoofs.

and after offei'ing the the Kardm-jatrd festival in sheaves of upland first fiild and new finally in rice some o. The Pab-ri family during fa>mily consisted of my visit to their villai Chandan Pabri.PABEl BHUIYA. The Chandan and his brother took a plough and went to the thrcsl kig who where they threshed gdrd rice.da-ghar save in the montl of Bhadra. and in the winter at spring their girls weave mats of wild date palms (i^ct^ta? s^lvestris During vesselsj The girls from respite bamboo of sticks a village go in a body to the jung-los and collet sal leaves. home they dance at the dathdr ground after the evening mes Bachelors sleep together in the Mav. washed the fire that is ahvi^ {phiica) ia the kept burningin the house so long as there is anyone in it. fuel. At cockcrow the two lighted a sal-leaf cigarette brothei's got wp. the former aftCT the harvesting but before the three ing of the rice crops and the latter after the ri<>e has bat jatfd. «< bacbelo When dancing. 0|g [J T and pouaded turmeric and giving them raw rk> well as fried rioe {Mai) to eat and burning eartlien lamps at n' in the cattle-slieds tlie Bar and Niid-kMi festivals in Septe. As they had harvested their gord pa tit! and had no wot cultiv^ion they were not required to guMd tlu aaid fields. wooden pestles^ moi-tars ar the threshing apparatus called dhenki . From Magh Womeai make cups and (January) to Baisakh plates of the (iipnl). threshed and garnered. sesamum oil . faces. fcs-tiva field labours men make gourd drinkiD and bows. festival in These feasts and harvested. when with appropriate ceremonies tbe are reaped by each cultivator from his same to the gods . got up shortly After her husbant floor . gone through by a in Octobta:. and gather yams for food as date-palm leaves and' dry leaves for leaves. will be described in detail in a subsequent chapter. Aswin and Kartik (middle of August lo middles aaid maidens often visit oiher villages for i November) when they mostly guard their komdn cuHivati!:' The following is the pio^ramme of a day^s work that ^v. bis \ a younger ibrother. villau October or November and the i 1'oh December^ both pure festivals of rejoicing ar merriment. Chandan^s wif a had baby in her arms.

etc. After taking their meals ev went to sleep. PT. the husband apart from the wife.PABBI BHOTYA. head. Chandan and collect fuel. of which different varieties are latter to dig for ea for food.ill 24^ and went with a winnowing basket to and husked the threshed a bundle {^et) which the The men rice. as custom Js a Pabri Bhuiya to sleep with his wife so long as she — ' mues to suckle her babv. the woman boiled rice d «a^-leaves for the evening meal. consisted of boiled oiled first fe lie took their meals and then the women. On their return home. n. the former to yams. and to gather guch fraits as jungle-figs {duaar). raifjaulua. .] I ihid her face "liug flooFj e rice in r .wood then went to the jungle. or pumpkin sliced After all had had their midday bath the in wat^r. woman carried th-? tied home Chandan's wife then prepared the mid.day meal rice and baiiara.

say what it is. tell Answer. complexion a giil black au earthen pot carried on her head.] A girl of fair coniplexioji carried a black earthen pot on her you know. By kui cliatu hende dupilana. " Society is a marking nut. Adaa redom chlkana mar If you know what it is [ kajlmc'^ . say. it is say.l cannot devour pot-herb cooked [by] you know. " Jour. No.. {Continued f7'om pa(/e SbS. Adan ud d aia a kam Jiam tikit a Grandmother cooked pot-herb not [you] devour can redom c hikana mar [k ajime] If you know what 25. last issue of the Sonffsotie/. say head. Asel Of fair II.VII. Answer. it is. me what — Bo^-ub^ * The answer to ridcllo the Bihar and Orissa are usod hy the Uos to If (hair^ of the head^). Jiam doya Grandmother^s back not [you] climb up can chikana mar [kajime]. A. You .) Girindra Nath Sarkar. volume 23. 12 published in the Research mean grandmother. Soso * (a marking nut). If you it is. [_Translaiion.— Ho Riddles. — Ginil (a wall}.'] You cannot climb know. ITranslaiion.ial of Both SousoDg and Soso . say wh^t Answer. redom Adan know what If you it is. de kam daia 24. If — \_Tran8laiion. up [your] grandmother^s back. B.

[Translation. v. — Renta with the sacred thread on. say what Answer. by the hand except with the help of jo^) (Frult^ of the [It can never be broken a If you grandmother. PT. [by] it is. Answer. ' '. Dwarf Asan tree^). chakada t Jeje te fruits with will tempt ba karbate ba of carved shape will make you recede. n. ITranglaiion. [Translation. spoken by the people of Dbalbhnm acd Manbham The point of differeace between the two words is the " u " which comes in ' one case after p and in another. * jo jo'.— Bdkdra 29.HO BIDDLIS. th« . ' ' are the cornipt forma of the two word* t The two words je je ' ' plnral f jrm of jo meaning a fruit. an iron bar.] bamea poitakan a Brahmin with the saored thread on.] rOL.'] you with It will tempt with its its fruits but will make you recede thorns. Adan redom cbikana 26. 28.'] A dwarf Brahmin Answer. (a spinning wbeel). ho te babako runia men with Twenty thirty paddy are grinding honda-biurea Midogre is stirring and only one moving HisI dosi [Translation-] Twenty or thirty men and moving it. (plum) [Zizi/pltis jttjuha].'] You cannot open a lock locked know. 251 kam ni daia Jiam kulputad kulpu^ a lock: not Ljouj open can locked Grandmother mar [kajime] . Answer Ddtdko dnde Is stirring * A in the — similar wo\-d ChotaNagpar position of the letter before ' p " " are grinding te{\i) paddy and only oae man (Teeth and tongue). kalwp is Division. know what If you it is say. — {Hatana-^ piece of stone or Tnika 27..

Nedar On pii-e that held is foreign to the Hos of Singhbhum. the head of an animal]). Answer.S.'] On yonder field.B. the if daughter-in- the clothes of the father-in-law are kept within a room.re gdngdi ho dtdtdore — (maize is sdri/dnd sounding within a broken earthen pot^ at the time of being fried). Hdpud chdtu. two are kicking. herea are sowing teko iria mouth with are reaping {Translaiion-I sowing it with their hands on a white ground and are reaping it with their mouths. undure and read the ramiko hollow of a tree in parrots letters with their lips.HO RIDDLES. l^Trandaiton'] On a wooden seat.B. two kites are kicking each other.) che omeo are chirping. the daughter-in-law may enter it but would not touch them and vice versa. a father-in-law and his daughter-in-law are sitting together but the one does not touch the other. 352 Fund i White 30. Answer.] kuid king tepegatiina. kites [Translation.'\ Parrots are chirping within the hollow of a tree. within a room.O. touch [each other] . . 51 pTindl ere white ground on Tee teko hands with A^a [J. Mlat 32. — Diringking [When the father-in-law law would not enter it ( Two horns [on is and . one Tlonarea gandure on wooden seat father-in-law Kiminia dubaking are sitting daiighter-in-law Kaking do not k epeda. The idea of the one touching the person of the other 33. are They — (They write on white papers Kukurn 31. \_Trandation. Fundi Sdkdmre teeleJcb died d'd teko pdrdod. Answer.

Hos on two sides take over. two two winnows in their hands and fan ofE the particles of dust. look like two kites kicking One Ho man eda tuire Mido 34-. n. and fighting each other.] — Hdtd Answer. is — Sdr^ Enga hunch-ba3ked. (a 25| winnowing fan).. The two. 36. Ho who possesses paddy-fields. kud banga do Enga hunch-backed !Mother honkodoko sengera children straight [Translation. PT. En ho do mdndi dndo pundi pufu do ddtdf'^9 a is — (The man 35. After the paddy is cut from the field. HO RIDDLES.] pundi white g«tu ta hill up to being taken up senoa ae teo. Answer.e will go further of himself [Translation. then. on being taken up to the white hill. is food and the white the bill is number of teeth). still. has got a piece of This land they keep dry and tidy to serve the purpose of a thrashing floor. Y. tingu hapakanoa stands still Mother Honko doko Luring huringta children Hoy oe ^ little little susuna redoeko when wind blows dance [TransIation. When .l The mother Answer.il The mother stands wind blows they dance.VOL. The thrashing thrashed and the corns are beaten out. but the children are straight.^ There man who. will climb further upwards of himself. Her children are little.winnowing fans. straw and such other useless things that are mixed up with the corn. ddsdr'^ (bow do and arrows^). it is brought to the thrashing ground where it is [Every land beside them.

account for the greater beauty of the Hos as compared with other Kols. matia jnr jur a small earthen pot Oii smooth [^Translation. — -39.O.'] One by same one will the fruits appear and they will ripen at the time.S» tree) \Ficus religiosd]. Miat miat One one te mata-6a Misate at the joa will fructify by same time will ripen [Translation. "l A smooth and small earthen pot for Urimuta (nose of an ox).] 37. oil. Answer. the children axe the leaves. earthen vessels are formed one by one. and this may p. Answer. and the Sanskrit word is patiasa. Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of IJcngal. Ansioer. and for thfcir <S>> ''V having in use a number of common vocables of Sanskrit origin. —*Pdrdsd ddru (The jack tree) \^Artocar^us integri- /olia]. But [In a pottery. — ChaUi/co (earthen vessels) .'* . t'he peepul tree. " It is also 177. Honkodo hapakanoa stHT" stands esuiko Children • The Oriya word for tinf^u it is quarrelsome poroso. Modo One Honko eratani barhisi woman two scores apehisi three scores heb daia can take into her armpitfl children [^Tramlatii)n»'\ There a is woman who can take into her armpits two to three scores of her children at a time.so BIDDIES.] do Mother Enga 40. Colonel probable that that conquered their.B. Swnum 38. they are put into the fire at the same time to be burnt and hardened. — Besa 3aru (peepul [The mother is the trunk of T J. many (Hos) were eperanga very abs'^rbod into the family cf.ft. 254 Answer.

. standing on the bank near by. .'} when it sits on a upwards and. Mido One 43. n. a peacock dances on the wafer .'} A blacksmith dives into water .^^Mdrchi still .j [Trandation. [Translation. do tdnsi. do Kamar nnumai 42« Blacksmith dives into water There is terior a creature tree. mdrd do mdtd ind ondo ho do a man catches and gathers Answer.'] There is a creature [which earth and raises its is] boneless excrements upwards.] Mido One 41. the man is the fish-hook. Bdduri (a Bat) . man who peacock is the angles with line and hook). it makes holes in the . her children are very quarrekomei (chilli). HO BIDDLEBr PT. kaejangana boneless Otere unduea makes hole in the earth Sirmate e'e rakabea Upwards excrements raises [Trandation. Jmwer.toL. [The mother is the marchi plant ^ving a hot pungent taste. — Kdmdr fish hdhuhdniitdni (Blacksmith is the peacock's feather. its mouth downwards. damre dnbian rege dabuia sits latar pate downwaids turns the mouth tUTHS the posterior Upwards the children are the marckit^ when he on tree Sinn ate . V :. it turns its pos- — Mara do da Peacock Ho Man water do chetan kuti bank on dances le pa tinofuakan a stands on near Hakukoe susnna re above sab-undia Fishes catches gathers [TranS'Ofion.'] The stands motlier Answer.

It never puts the stick aside.'] There is creature with a curved stick fixed to its rump."] It goes silently it makes great from the village . forest . and is in form upside downwards.] Gara gara te In every river rombakapi goakad bent sword carries {TranslationJ] There is a creature which carries curved swords from river to river. made when turned a pointed that sister.M6 HO KIDDLES. Answer. 44.'-'Zdndad (an earth-worm). of bamboo.O.] Undite suffering from not boil is your aunt duhdaia sit can [Translation. is suffering like a hollow down. ^ tJ. sota komchong Mi^o One a stick with a curved end 1 Dubuire into the a thick stick horsed ta fixed rump Misad even once kae emea not gives up ITranslalion. -^KdtJcdm (a crab) . She cannot boil. — Chala [This sieve conoid is 46. Seta (dog). but on reaching the noise.E. sit is to say. — [The creature the dog and the stick is A-am 45. (sieve to filtrate rice beer with).] ete hapakante senoa the village silently goes Burure In the forest esuikaklaa makes great noise {Translation.'} Your mother's from Answer. Your mother's gaonme that sister kae u] ugaot anae is is its tail. Hatu From legs. your aunt. Answer.S. [Curved swords mean the crab's forked 47.B. Answer. with a circular brim and base.

52. II.###BOT_TEXT###L. Answer.l An elephant's bowels are lying in a rich man's house. Answer. — Mido A creature setare in the Tara singi do At noon Aubtanre do ^n the evening do morning upuniakatate with four legs senea walks bariakatate senea with two legs walks apeakatat€ with three legs senea walks . enters straight into the* stomach. trap to catch fish with). the axe made of iron The hills.. PT. Answer. mara ng. v. — Sdie (an Burnchi 4S. — Hake hill is (an axe).'} The Is the hill big or the tree big ? Answer. Kumbdd (A bamboo — Mundako 51.} ^Translation. daru big tree Hill' is it Dam mara ng ? big marang tree big [Translation. tree is tree is big. Bar bdydr (A long thick rope made of straw). HO BIDDLBS.] Answer.] 50. — Mdndi dundu [Cooked rice (cooked when swallowed rice). which comes out of or© the wooden handle of the Pundi diri sarlagate boloa White stone straight enters axe. jidko the living one Gajakani The dead one udkoae devours [TranslationJ] The dead devours the living. SiST- axe). [The found in 49.'] A number of white stones are entering straight through. ranchare A ric h man^s house in borakena Hati-lai Elephant^s bowels are lying along [Translation.

'] A creature walks with four legs in the mornittg. when grown up.] lie in . with two at noon and with three legs in the legs Answer. man — Ho evening. when he becomes old. his childhood [A goes on all fours .tfi.SSr \_Tra7islation.25S l£0 BIDfitESf. he takes the help of a stick which serves the purpose oi a third leg. t^. (a man). walks with two legs.

1912. the bridegroom has. Thfc Citj Book Society. to go Then Chota Nagpur and through the travesty of a wedding with a mango tree. of all. which being answered. we come across a very curious feature thereof. it stops at the first mango tree Bound the trunk of this tree. M. Among the Mundas. before the actual marriage with the human wife takes place. first of Chota the main ceremony of the marriage.. the bridegroom {uli) on the way. the When the Munda marriage procession leaves the bridegroom's village. By Sarat Chandra Mitra.Vni. After chewing the mango-twig he gives the chewings to his mother who swallows the whole mass and blesses her boy. the latter puts into his own mouth mango-twig and molasses. the Birhors and the If Bhumij. B. The bridegroom's mother then sits down thereunder with the bridegroom on her knees. we examine the marriage-rittials of the aborigines of Chota Nagpur and Santalia.A. the Santals of the rites ancillary to Let Mundas OS. ^ Similarly on the occasion of a a little. the bride the performance of the bride's of female relatives next proceeds in the a number her with 1 The Mundat and Their Country. .L.—The Man^o Tree in the Marriage-^ Ritual of the Aborigines of Chota Nagpur and Santalia. She then asks certain questions of her son. the twigs or leaves mango tree are used largely in the performance of various again. among the Mundas and the Birhors of who live in the Santal Parganas. namely. puts a mark of rice-flour dissolved in water and ties up a thread. the more or less important part pfeyed by the mango tree therein. Calcutta : By Sarat Chandra Roy. r- ^^5. deal with the marriage-ritual of Nagpur. all of whom are now in a primitive state of culture and live on the Chota Nagpur plateau. ' ' Uli-Sdkhi ceremony.

. as will appear from the xmdermentioned incident the Asurs led the Toro Kora towards as a sacrifice to appease up the in Lutkum Haram and Lutkum Buna. who way should fast for should work the furnaces with bellows newly made of white goat-skin. No mark of vermilion over my brow. After her arrival there. when the Munda bridegroom arrives at the courtyard of the bride's house. By Sarat Chandra Roy. bidding defiance to — all social restrictions. Munda legend him The Toro Kora had their furnaces to Sing Bonga.. " If jestingly saying you prove covetous. mango-twigs the said water used for T\e MUndds and Their Counirg.R. cit. Op. JVo sprinkling of water with mango-twic/s I'll need.. offer previously given the following instructions about the correct of performing this sacrifice.MANGO TREE IN ABORIGINAL MARRIAGE. each carrying a brass lotd filled with water and a pestle. and furnished with new bellowhandles and with a new bellow-nozzle.O. And mih Op. vacated by the bridegroom.ST.^' * This custom of you : sprinkling the bridegroom with water by means of mango-twigs is alluded to in a Munda folk-song wherein a Munda youth." • is This practice of performing the lustration with mango-twigs also resorted to on other ceremonial occasions. 517. three days and nights. Uey should sprinkle water on the furnaces and thereby 1 ' f all the days put out the fire. the bride puts a mark on the tree and ties up a thread around its trunk. if you prove a thief.B. a number of female relatives come out to meet him. and After the expiry of the prescribed three p. These bellows should be worked continuously and without any stoppage all the days. eit. p. 446. palanquin. Two of It is stated therein that virgins. Each of these women first sprinkles water on the with moistened rice-flour bridegroom with a mango-twig and then brandishes the pestle. nights long. 260 [J. to a neighbouring manga tree. says " For a bride I shall seek where affection will lead. 447. p. My : wishes alone the sole guide that I know. will be beaten thus with a pestle. made a witness {sdkhi) to the marriage. ^ This tree is thus Then again.

S. or twigs thereof. of the tree Then some one of the party strikes the branches with a stick or club and fetches down some leaves Then a few twigs or stalks of the mango-leaves are handed over to the bridegroom who chews them a little and makes over the chewed mass to his mother. woman of the party winds a strand of the unbleached thread five times round the trunk of the mango tree just below the a vermilion-mark. with After reaching the the little finger of his right hand. mixes the chewed mass of twigs or leaf-stalks Tvith molasses and swallows the same.. elder sister's taken to a mango lota or leaf-cups. of these She. groom.E.O. While his little finger is still in contact with the tree. foot of the tree. and several rice-flour. ^ placed over head-cushions made whether the custom of [I have not yet been able to ascertain the Uli-SakM is in vogue among the Oraons of Chota performing Perhaps.] IN ABORIGINAL MABElAGE. 33 (Appendix II)- . This ceremony is repeated five times [note that five is a sacred number] and known as the bridegroom's Uli-SakM ceremony. p. three or five [note that three and five are ^The Munddt and Their Country. the bridegroom makes. who husband and is is cai-ried two his accompanied by folk of his tanda or settlement. 261 be brought in new earthen pitchers sprinkling over the fire should of cotton-thread. first The women take with them a leaf-platters molasses. in her turn.] Nagpur. 78. of all. tree. This quaint rite is performed in the same way as amongst the Mundas of among them almost of the same province. a vermilion-mark on the trunk thereof. p. PT. IV. arms of the in is.. MAWGO TREE ir.* When the bridegroom arrives in procession before the hut of the bride's father.B. which contains and some unbleached thread. each vermilion his mother and other women- of jug of water. By Sarat Chandra Roy.VOL. as will appear from the following account On his way to the bride's village. future researches into the marriage-customs of this interesting people will throw light on this point. The ceremony the Birhors peoples who of the Uli-Sdkhi are one of the is also performed most savage of the among jungle- Chota Nagpur. the Birhor bridethereof. I J. v. Yol.

^ said water On this occa^bride's Vli'Sahhi ceremony. with her right hand. Vol. holds one of the lighted torches steeped in oil leaves. Then the torches are cast off by the women. smears a little of the Then he. 79. his mother and other companions at his own Uli-Sdkhi. pp. a mango-branch is planted in the ground in the prescribed direction. besmears turmeric-paste over his temples. the temples of these women with the turmeric-paste with his right Land. If a mango tree fulthis condition be not found. the arms of one of these latter women. sprinkle the all over the body of the bridegroom.MANGO TREE 262 tS ABOBianJAL HAEBrAGE.OJS'. ot the ceremony of welcoming known the bridegroom. In his own or one two a lotol of the in turn. one after the other. in her left hand. her mother and other female comfilling panions perform the same ceremonies as have been performed by the bridegroom. accompanied by the bride and several other women. » The twig or leaf of the macgo tree also plays part in other ceremonies connected with the the Birhors.S. the bride being carried in Then comes the sion. tank or spring with the performance of some rites. and... ^ » • J. in his turn. ^ After the bridegroom has been introduced to the female relatives of his bride by the Archha'Parchhd ceremony. an important wedding-ritual of . This is as the Arckha-Parehha. Ihid. Under this mango tree or branch.R. Ibid.O.B. 80. the bride. 80. two girls come out with two pitchers of water brought from some neighbouring stream.S^ sacred numbers] females come out to welcome him. each one of these women. and. It is a sine qua non of in the direction of should be not this ceremony that this tree the bridegroom's tdndd or encampment.B. These women carry a new basket containing pounded turmeric and three or five torches made out of rags and twisted round the stalks or twigs of mangO' Taking her stand before the bridegroom. p. [J. IV.. mango-twigs bridegroom dips water brought to him by one of his own party. p. dipping a few small mango-twigs in these jptteiers. &1. goes to a mango tree.. the bride's mother.

IV. Two of these six garlands are worn by the bridegroom. placing anew winnowing fan (with certain ceremonial articles in it) on her head. II. who has. TFith these two girls sprinkle water from the two pitchers over the hiidegroom who thereafter bathes in the water of one twigt. Thereafter two girls dip which have been brought by the husband s elder the sister. and the remaining two by his mother. sits down in the other. 78.] 268 of the Take. for instance. the bridegroom's sister's husband excavates a miniature tank and plants a young planOn its we?tem margin. husband of the bridegroom's elder sister then twists into the shape of cigarettes each of the mango-leaves with which water has been previously sprinkled on the bridegroom^ and weaves them into six garlands. . HANGO TBEE IX ABOBIGINAL MABBUGE. The confronting his mother on the outer side of the doorstep. in the meantime. one being worn on an arm and the other on a leg by each of them ^ Similar garlands of mango-leaves appear also to be worn by For it would appear that. formance of the ceremony known as the " Exchange of Blood " which takes place at the bride's place and in the course of which ceremony the bridegroom touches the bride with his own " sindi " or blood-stained rag and the bride touches him with I J. women from a neighbouring spring or stream.. Vol. While the bridegroom.S. a slab of tain tree on its eastern bank. V„ PT. pp. taken his meal. in two pitchers containing cerem(y ef bridegroom' been has which nial water previously brought by some other twigs of the mango tree. two by his father. sits down at the door of her hut just inside the doorstep.R. the occasion of this On this placed over three bundles of thatching-grass.VOL. the rites performed on the occasion takes which plaee on generally hridegroom^s Adhibds ceremony the morning of the day which is fixed for the marriage and on which day the bridegroom's party is to go to the bride's village. On ceremony.O.. 77. bridegroom stone is their faces turned towards the east. the of these two pitchers. with seats take their mother and his the stone slab. each garland being made of three twisted mango-leaves. and his mother does so in that contained Thereafter his mother. on the occasion of the per- the bride.B.

First of all. on the occasion of the Choutha-Chouthi Ceremony which performed on the morning of the day next to that on which the is bridegroom with the bride returns their turmeric-dyed to his cloths. 87. the bridegrG.. has to place his footsteps on each of these mango-leaves. own place.f on each of these round fiijures. 82. she puts 1 " down upon J. 88. Vol. 81. the bridegroom and the bride enter the hut. boundary of her husband^'s the ground her basket and lotn . Then another woman blindfolds the bride with her hands s and.. wherein the leaves of the mango tree figure largely. Thereafter he is followed by the bride in a similar toay. the tank. the latter has to search for the buried garland of mango-leaves with her hands and fish out the sarne frora. p. Taking up in his hands a bow and an arrow and a leafy twig of mango. however. performed among the Kawan clan of the Birhors.S bridegroom and bride exchange their garlands 0/ mango- leaves. a its blood is sprinkled on them.. IV. Ibid.^ On house.or». from her. Then the and bridegroom^s mother draws with rice-flour steeped in water a chain of round figures from the courtyard right up to the door of this hut.B. both of them Thereafter the bride places change on her head a basket containing about twenty pellets of clay and takes up in her hand a lota filled with water and covered up with a leaf-cup holding some molasses. the return of the bridegroom with the bride to his own one of his womenfolk shuts his eyes with her hands. fowl Before is sacrificed. With these she wends her way to her father's tanda or encampment. in going up to the door of this hut. always remaining at a little distance As soon as the bride arrives at the encampment.p.R. pp. the bridegroom goes after his bride.^ A quaint ceremony is.MANQO TBEE IN ABOBIQINAL M ABSlAGE.O. »I6ti. 264 herSj the [J3. to take off from his arm the aforementioned garland of three twisted mango-leaves and buries it with his hands in the water of the aforesaid miniature tank. and places a mango-lest..03. Then he has.'^ Then.S. thus blindfolded. in this blindfold state.

strikes his back thrice with her closed " From fists. he leati her on her the mango-twig which he holds in hii hands oxiA takes her back to the place where she had left where the womenfolk of own encampment his her basket and had. 86.^'' places her present on the plate before the bridegroom and goes away.. Se^ own turn. she pulls the bridegroom by the ears. sisters and cousins of the bride have performed the Chumdn or Symbolical "Kissing'^ Ceremony of which the details need not be given here. the ceremony which marks the begin- ning of the taboo between a Birhor and the elder sisters and After the elder cousins of the wife. Vol.. pp.pp..B. the J. she now deal with the Bhumlj or the Bhumij-Kols ethnic and linguistic affinities with the Mundas. of water MAKGO TBEE n. each of them tells him her own name. nor other. and sprinkles therewith a little As each of these elder sisters and cousins of the water over her. and thereafter. in the mean- [Thereafter other ceremonies are performed with time. IV.S. dipping a leafy mango-twig in a bowl of water ^ sprinkles therewith a Utile of this toaier on ike hridegroom. each of them. 85. reaches her. dips a mingo-ttoig in water contained in a brass in his plate which is placed before him.. Henceforth his he and Jeth-sds must not utter each other's name. shall who have » do not utter sit together on the same mat. . he enquires of them their respective names. gathered. and tells him to-day regard me as your Jeth'sds . nor talk to 11 sten well with your ears After each other.O. bride finishes this ceremonial sprinkling of water. JJirf. and pursues her till he settlement. with biiiioeis Catching hold of her hand. the mango-twig figures conspicuously in that quaint and curious ritual^ namely.VOU v. by turn. In reply to his question. : my name again with your making llps.R. PT. ] Lastly. 89.^ which we are not concerned. nor come near each ^ We 1 .] IM ABORIGINAL and commences to run MAEBUGE. " " What is asks the bridegroom: your name ? After communicating to them his own name. this remark. 265 in the direction of her father^s Thereupon the bridegroom places his bow and arrow near the basket put down by his wife. 88.

pp.li a (or the Marriage with the the quaint ceremony Mango Tree). is chewed with molasses by the chewed mass is then handed over to his mother who gulps it down. : this tree.'^'Where are you going to with so much eclat — Bridegroom. they return home to perform. Then Birhors. however. It is performed aa follows Before going to the bride's place. the twig the bridegroom . relatives. arrives at her place. I is also used in the funeral ceremony of the After the corpse of a deceased Bhumij has been placed J. She. Manbhum examining the marriage -ritual of among them also. marked with streaks of rice-flour steeped in water Then the bridegroom breaks a twig from touches it with his lips. neighbouring mango tree and with rice-flour dissolved in water and with vermilion. we this people.MINGO TEEE 265 Hos and triofc IN ABORIGINAL MABEIAGE. 277 X.R. the following dialogue takes place between the Bhumij bridegroom and his mother : — Mother. the chews part of it and then throws it Mundas and the Blrhors. the Santals and whose of Chota On Nagpur. of Am-Blha. and then hands it over to his mother. the Bhumij bridegroom and his mother have to go to a mango tree and sit thereunder.B. it They then accompanied by her mother and goes to a some female streaks As has to perform the same soon as the bridegroom's party al«o. mother. find thatj home is in the [J. the bride. UlhSdkhi of the Mundas almost identical with the Dis- — which is and the is prevalent. The latter chews it with her teeth and then throws it away.S. in her turn ceremony of the Am-Bibdhd. .B.] After the foregoing rite has been performed. this tree is and with vermilion.O. in her turn. The Bhumij bride. the actual marriageceremony. Then the bride touches a mango- twig with her lips and hands it over to her mother. for September 1916. sit under this tree. ^ [The mango-twig Bhumij. After this has been done. I am ? going to fttch a female slave for you.B. and the whole of [Among away.S.O.

^ On called 1 • » foregoing descriptions of the soMarriage with the Mango Tree. J. ii. is decorated strings in which leaves of the mango tree have been also stretched overhead across the streets in tied threes places nja are [mark a sacred number]. pp. In the same way. upon a itANao tree in abobiqixal mabbiage. it or torappgd up in a piece of new clotk This ticig is then clarified batter. 231. awaits her coming. 316.^ Lastly.] pile of 267 wood. [mark that three After this rite is a sacred number] has been performed. while still seated in the of them sprinklt each means of a sprig of the mango basket. the fact that the leaves of the mango tree are used tcith the celebration of ihe Sdntal's marriage' thereof. the eldest son returns borne direct. leaving his relatives set fire to the funeral pyre].O. is lifted up by that three is certain bearers. the deceased's eldest son procures a twig of tie mango or palds free.O. bride. for instance..S. also rigged out with wreaths made of mango-leaves.R. courtyards of the to ith festoons of the leaves of the mango tree.B.'^ we are struck with two a careful study of the '' J. and gets previously soaked in glii lighted and applied thrice to the decease i's mouth. and is raised.Vol. the mdndtod or the marriagewedding-ritual. we come across of ceremony of the Uli-Sdkhi nor that of the Am-Bibaha forms a But we find another interesting feature part and parcel thereof. which is erected in the houses of both the Santal bridegroom and Santals.B.^ to the Santals Then we come who have and friends to their home in the marriage-ritual of this On an examination Santalia. 311.S.R. 312. for September 1916. booth of the This booth. pp. the entrances to their houses from the streets are Then again. taken out into the street where the Santal bride- groom. to the level of the bridegroom.. namely. pt. both other three times with water hi/ tree. 315. Jiid. for September 19X6. connection in •9eremony-and in the performance of a rite subsidiary to the main Take. . v. sitting astride on the shoulder of his brother-in-law or uncle. the fact that neither the aboriginal people. when the Santal bride takes her seat in a new large and flat basket. p.

there arises the question : Why. If we look performed in connection with "a mango mock-marriage with a tree or as is the indicated plant'*. if a desirous of marrying a third or fourth human wife. for Juue 1918. in person is has. that looked upon by the Muuda?. and influences by various other races of over India. a scarcr of people all it is habitation of their tribal godlings.MANaO TREE IN AB6RIGIHAL MABEIAGB. and a cultivator goes at daybreak to one of his a brass lota full * Vide my article " On the Use of the Stcallow-worls in the Bitiial. For T have already shown (a) the upon the ritual tree in the light of elsewhere in this /citrna? that. a branch of the mango tree.R. or (i) we may consider it as the instance of a ceremony for enabling the tribal godlings resident in the mango tree to witness and thereby sanctify the actual marriage with the human wife. [a) that we may either take the aforementioned rite as an instance of the widely-spread Indian custom of entering icto a mock-marriage with a tree or plant. pp. he of all. of all other mango tree should be selected as a suitable substitute for a human wife for performing the ceremony of the Uli-Sdkhi or the Am'Blldhd with ? trees. noteworthy features thereof. the Birhors and to shall try mango tree is Bhumi] as the that. by reasoning set forth infra. therefore.H. Sorcery and Leechcraft of the Hindus and the pre-Islailiitic Arabs " in J.O. we are supported in our view by a considerable mass of Indian evidence on the point. Festival In Rohilkhand. and This tree is also looked upon as sacred. to go through the travesty of a marriage with the babul tree {Acacia arabica) or the dk plant or the gigjintic swallow-wart {Calotropis gigantea) ? Then again. first various parts of India. the We the the show.?. on the occasion of pujda and other festive celebrations on the house-door. I'. on the occasion (The Festival of "The Undying of the Akhtij Third''). taking with him of water.S.O.109. . and its twigs and leaves are used for evil spirits making the aspersion at sundry rural ceremonies in different Wreaths made of its leaves are hung up parts of this country. 198. by Bhumij term Am-JBzbd/id applied to it.B. namely. ^8 IJ. the fields.

. as conduct. ^ Crooke's An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore cf Sorthern India (Allahabad Edition of 1894) pp. p. for instance. among the of their leaves of their sacred trees. [b) the If we Mango look Tree upon the '' as the rite of the so-called instance " Marriage with of a ceremony for enabling to witness and thereby the tribal godlings. cit. cit. secondly. 3 Op.] in Northern India.^ the Pola Festival held in Berar.VOL. 369. proves supported by ample among several wild tribes of India.] The attendant spade. This having been done^ the peasant digs up fve clods of earth with his spade^ and then sprluklts the water from the lota five times with the branch of the mango tree into At the trench. 378. VT. the bullocks of the whole village under a sacred rope made of twisted gra?s are led in procession and covered over with mango-leaves. sanctify the actual marriage with the human wife. ^ a It sacredness of the mango tree consequently possessing the property of scaring that the twigs or leaves spirits and influences its evil away of on account of the also is and of a rope of straw into practice to used in the performance of various rites ancillary to the main marriage-rituals of the Munda*. play the role of judges of their conduct and punish them for their misdeeds.. who dwell witnesses firstly. deeds and scrutinizers of their and. 269 then makes certain calculations priest and ascertains the spot where the first digging should be done. act. v.. of the belief that their tribal is godlings. . and of the Santals tree are so largely this of Santalia. the pipal tree {Iicus religiosa). It is regarded throughout India as sacred to the deities who are Take. it is which mango hang up leaves have been strung. over the roadway by which the cattle enter or leave the village on their way to the grazing-ground.* [Compare this sacred rope v/ith the SanlaPs strings in which mango-leaves have been tied up and which are stretched overhead across the Whenever cattle-murrain breaks out common streets in three placer. 377. ' Op. II. MANGO TBEE IN JWOBIGINAL MAEBUGE. p. 370. the Birhors and the Bhumij of Chota Nagpur. our theory evidence the which existence. resident in this tree. if any.

^he people of this district or village have their eyes always fixed upon these godlings . If preside over their said courts. should he happen He then plucks and the truth. and leaves made by the to hear "While giving witness takes rustling of its foliage. liable to if he has already told or is about to tell a he has already given or is about to give false testimony. and. In their own courts held under the pipal or the silk-cotton and dearest kinsmen. evidence before a court. the Hindu or aboriginal the music a pipal leaf in his hands and invokes the deities. and every one of them is fully aware be hauled up before the tribunal that he is. a witness told a falsehood. or. who were believed by them to were generally supposed to do. * 270 believed to take delight in sitting among its (. but to depose to -anything crushes the leaf and deposes to what he has to state.j. perhaps. to crush him or his nearest and dearest relatives in the leaf in his hand. are able to institute a far more searching enquiry into the conduct of every around them.MANGO fBEE IN ABOBiaiNAL MARRIAGE. and Mahesvara — Destroyer whose duty tendence over the silk-cotton and other who is affairs some believed to be inhabited —by Brahma or Siva the supposed to be to exercise superinBut the the whole universe. having their faculty less engaged. if the imagination of the aforementioned jimgle-peoples very often did what their godlings. of trees are believed to be the homes of the are entrusted with the task of looking after lesser godlings the affairs of only a single district. who sat . who sit above him. the lofty red silk-cotton is malaharicum) tree {Bombax the jungle-tribes of India as the regarded by godlings who are far more terrible by reason of the fact that the latter are superstitiously believed to favourite seat of their keep watch and ward exclusively over the people living in the of superintendence vicinity of this tree.B. same way as he crushes the In the same way.OJt«S. he believed that the godling. of a single village. The man and woman who pipal tree is dwell immediately one or other of the three gods of the Hindu Trinity the Creator. lie. Vishnu the Preserver. at any and be compelled to undergo the to of these their minor deities. or tree. punishment meted out by the latter to himself or to his nearest time.

must have come to know of his misdemeanour. no accident happened to him or to his relatives.VOL. to propound the theories (1) that the aborigines. and he constantly feared that the enraged godling would punish him If any accident befell him or those nearest and dearest to him. (i) that these lesser deities. his now and then j his sinful guilty conscience pricked him every heart did not afford him any rest . and the Santals of Santaha regard the mango tree as the habitation oi their tribal godlings . On a consideration of the foregoing evidence. for his misconduct. the Birhors and the Bhumij of Chota Nagpur. his own and troubled conscience was sure to bring about some guilty Even if ^ •ther evil to himself. witness and thereby sanctify the actual marriages aboriginal bridegrooms with their it is . 271 on the leafy throne above him and seratinized the heart of every man. IL] v. Vol. from their leafy homes. and of the (3) that Chota Nagpur first-named three aboriginal perform the ceremony of the Uli-Sdkki an^Tthe Am-B'ihdhd with the 1 brides for these reasons that the tribes of pp. . MANGO TBEE PT. SamlUs and mango Recollections tree. human Sleemaii's 111—113.. we venture namely. it was looked upon in the light of a punishment inflicted upon him or his kinsmen by the offended godling. the Mundas. of a» iMiian Official. From that time forth. U. IN aBOBIGINAL MABBIAGE.

language of the it was pretty . This aroused my curiosity. and that although they might be shown as belonging to the same caste.A. I me was told. and advised of Mahlis as " Mahlis '^ simply In The average enumerator would probably tbe enumeration book. were no better than ^ language Doms and Turis. evidently It was an exaggeration to say that the Patars was not intelligible to Ors. the told that Patars similarly assured rae that they could not follow the of the Ors who. he asked me to follow spoke him to the next village. which I did. He district. they said. There he called a number men and arranged them Into two groups. whose gibberish they could not understand . was oil-pressing. but so was not my interrogator. one class calling themselves Or Mahlis or Bans Mahlis and basket-weavers by profession.IX. and I enquired of the enumerator If he could take me to any place where I could see both classes of Mahlis . although dialect and watched them speaking . I asked members of each class to speak In their own and I found that. to describe both classes in the enumeration distinguish of Mahlis subcastes were not viz. and vice versa. I was camping Rahe (thana Sonahatuj Subdivision Khunti. how this. B.—Is Mahli a Real Caste-name By Rai Saheb Chuni A few montlis before the ? Lai Ray. it would certainly be Incorrect to state that the two classes said that the classes the same language.. of whose principal Or Mahlis occupation. The they were not the same caste as the unclean Patars. the other class known as Patars or Patar Mahlis. Census of 1911. District Ranchi) when one of the census enumerators of the village came to me at and sought advice my book between the two were him satisfied with two which he said there I gave him the stereotyped to be entered. spoke two different languages. that have been to classes that part of the in answer.

Burn aingaga where question Eahe. reaping paddy. Bundu. bnra cetaure. There are no relatives of mine on the bills (i. m< Ing kaing sariana Aingaga : as Silli their How many you children hare ? kutams (relatives by Ors and Tatars named numerous Panch Pargana (the five Parganas and Basantpur) and the adjoining the Ors spoke also of kutum^ in. known Manbhum am going (to the field) to reap paddy..e. of the villages mentioned by the Patars Khunti. both yillages am Aing kaing itnana Cimirang ama'k honko mena'kkoa. Jonha and Ranchi thanas. I hazarded a guess. VOL. V. on thftRanohi plateaa). Baba I banu'kkoa pera my in what is do cot know. Khanghar . like the Patars. a place that I had passed a few before and where I had come across a colony of Mundas days was Takra in thana who were. Horoing irkaaa Hero iring seno'k kana Eabaing irtana I . hopon In answer to aing seno'tana. Or Patar Mahlis.. the Or ]\Iahlis contained a number of words dialect of which were common San tali but were not used in Mundari.. I marriage) could be found. Atna'k eiminang mena'kkoa. and asked them if they knew anything about the Khanghar Mundas of Takra. One district . PT. oil-pressers by profession and who.. so far as I could make out. in exactly the same dialect of ^lundari as is used by Mundas in that part in Thus of the country. Tamar. while the Patar Mahlis were speaking. irte cetanre k'jpalko banko. English eqairalent. while the Patars spoke of kutiims tothauas of wards Ehunti. I had been told. were known by the distinctive name of Khanghar Mundas.MAQLI. 11] 27? The clear that tlicj spoke distinctly different dialects. Malilia. to which they that Khanghars of Takra were iheiv kutu-t s at once replied and that Patar and Khanghar were but different names used in different localities for one and the same caste.

get his name reality the the day births.na Tamar). is. and the shaving but the first tuft a an is generally completed by Oraon. for instance. the that — theoretically the marriages and deaths newborn Oraon after sixth day day on w^hich the pots of pachwai for set after the child's birth are ready — the Goralt has to to shave the child's head the name pinjna.B. leaf. known of also as Goraits. barber. the Gorait takes a cup with water. (name-giving) of the scalp generally not an adept in shaving. or The shaving leaves. Muudas whom I subsquently came across in Bundu and Khunti thanas acknowledged their identity with Patars (Rakhal Khanghar^ chaukidar of Labga in thana Bundu.MAHLI. Goraits are ordinarily described as village watchmen and runners by profession or as drummers or as makers of kakaes (combs) or as fishermen . Kochedega and Kurdeg) the term " Mahli " stands for quite another class. takes his rice in his hands. Tamarias and am I I had Mahli- or not in a for its correctness. or of hair must be removed by the over. sonin-law of Tui Patar of Maipa in thana Tamar and Lala Pahn.O. after I West alias meet vouch district. on the ground. to Singhbhum themselves returned to in men the that Khanghar Mundas no occasion. Kanre Pahn.8. Mundas . I have been told that the caste known by is Tamaria viz. name another still and Mahlis. placing it with a small quantity of it Gorait''s made of a hands. therefore.R. Ranchi town. thanas in Torpa Mahli-Mundas as Patar either got the information. and. and Basia are . ths. who are neither basket-weavers like the Ors nor oil-pressers like the Patars. Amru Pahn of Takra are related to Thakur Patar and Gahan Patar of Nuridi. and child birth. is to but in brewing be called in to take a very important part in The Gorait is ceremony. but probably their most important function in the social organization in Oraon villages is the services reqiiired of these Goraits in ceremonies connected with the On of Oraons. 274 [J. also who however. position. fills it seat before Names for the . in the area which alone is locally as recognized Nagpur proper and in Borwe (thanas Chainpur and Bishunpur) and in Biru (thanas Simdega.

the Gorait man equally Oraon 's the invited to funeral necessary. besides pride themselves as being for the Oraons what the Brahmans are to the Hindu caates. and two more grains of is process pair of grains of rice. woman had been when the bridegroom other's foreheads. getting as they do. and as drops two grains of rice into the water from two opposite sides of the cup and watches if the grains meet as they sink to the bottom. the hair of the bridegroom and of the bride. with his newly-wedded wife is the isun and vermilion) ceremony. At Oraon marriages it is the Gorait's wife whose services are The first thing to be done when the bridegroom required. and not till an equally essenthis is can over the newly-wedded pair salute the bridegroom's parents and other seniors in the bridegroom's village and obtain their blessings. v. food spirit And for a full meal. The Gorait's wife is and she comes with a new kakae with which she parts returns to his house sindur (oil called in. She then beand and oil heads bodies with then smears their applies tindur (vermilion) to the heads of both.m IL. if the relatives of Goraits very often the deceased are well-to-do.] by the parents child are suggested name 275 or their relatives . a new brass vessel (a chhipi) and some money. tial Although the sindtcrdan by preceded by another at the bride''s and bride applied sindvr to each this second isun-sindur is item of the marriage rites. and also. In connection with Gorait's services are is over. I[. food and dakhina the Oraons are to perform properly any of their social ceremoOraons on the other hand assert that the Goraits are mere nies. do not meet. MAHLI. the Gorait place. the name must be given up and a fresh name has to be suggested The water. and so on.. If the grains each is the Gorait suggested. till the same instant the at of rice dropped rice dropped into the with another name and another repeated meeting of two grains proclaims the particular name which the child is to bear in life. must be fed and can be servetl out to of the dead the ceremonies propitiated first before assembled relatives or to the return to his the After the cremation old home. a piece of cloth. if . this service the Gorait gets. PT.

however. Lapung. and the word uBcd by the basketj weaving Turis themselves. has no luch acccntu . however. subdivisions and in scattered villages Gumla and Simdeo-a in thanas Tapkara.) others as Turis but also describe themselves as Turis. is pronounced with the accent the Sadan word Turi. Karra. the expression Turi is rather loosely used by Sadans indiscriminately for all baskat-weaving castes but most of these so-called Turis are found on tinct class . the dewaii. which they said was also the Turi equivalent for man. known are call as himself a Tun. and that the name Lohardaga side do not. Kuru and Lohardaga that one comes across a class who are not only known t.B. in return for the present gift. Turis of the call themselves Hor and Budhua Turi of Sarango. Bero. It is only disclaim further to the west or to the in south. told mo is that Huse't. Huse't Turis moans of split caste name. Mandar. Turis Turi tlic first BIrsa Tarl and Paurua Turi '* the syllable whom I met at whom I met Rood.S who take upon themselves. told me that the term Hor is merely equivalent to the common noun man. themselves other hand. who is.O.B. conneation with Tarts. at Birda • on '* (thana Karra). and among Sadans (non-aboriginals and others who speak in Gaonwari Hindi) the expression Turi* stands for quite a dis- who are basket-weavers by profession. Be that as it may.MAHLI. by which Turis Birda. Burmu. on the describe . the sins of the deceased . question- ing to be really and they all Doms or Mirdhas or Bans Mahlls or Ghasis. said that in their own language they called themselves Hor. in the panchai/et of the caste for Korambe Pargana. a village Oraon equivalent for Gorait. Near about Ranchi and in the eastern thanas. thana Kochedega. No Gorait social scale. the of no doubt that Turis there Lohardaga side as well as those of Birda and Karra. 276 mercenaries and money [J. Goraits Oraons. Some men of this class whom I met at Birda in thana whom Karra and some others I met at Meromdega. would. and of Gumla and Biru form one bamboo and cannot possibly be a is endogamous group. Pargana Biru. and in fact the Goraits occupy a comparatively inferior position in the In the tribal language of the Turiyar or Turis.

Jamgain) men Chorea.VOL. and Kanhai Turi of Borgaon (near thana all Mandar). Kanjgi. T. PT. Bassia and Bano . Knlukera. Both near Kuril and Loharchga and near Kochedega I found the Turis " Kote'e '' ". Icha. except in thanas Kolebira. and that Mundas will say " Kaji (word) '• " '' while they would say "Katha". Bangru. Bero Kood (villages Beyasi. Jhiko. Jojo "and of Lohars as speaking of Oraons as I have not come acr(^s any Turis of this class or heard of any of them living east of a I'ne running from Chorea in thana south-east to Hasbera near thana Karra and then Mandar south through Torpa. II»] very close to Kuru on 277 the thirty-third mile of the Ranchi-Lohar- daga road. translated '' I am going " — '^ by " Ing seno^tanaing " Am seno'tana" " luiko sentana '' whom " You are going by He is going " by and when I asked them how their language differed at all from Mundari. Birsa Turi and Panrua Turi of Birda in thana Karra. they could give me nothing more than that they would " Kae emtana " (He does not give) where Mundas will say say " Kae omjada ''. Kit a). .. Kasmar. I met at their village outstill. MAHLI. Mahuri. Thus. In the same area in which the Turis mother caste of basket-weavers. Dewaki. (I may here mention that em is " and that " to the Santali equivalent for Mundari o>n give Kdthd is the Santali equivalent for Kdji in Mundari). as well as in Ghaghra and Bishunpur thanas (villages Sarango. who call live is to be found themselves Ors (the same name by which the Bans Mahlis of the Panch Parganas and oi Jonha and Ranchi sometimes describe themselves) These . Tero. Mandar. but the language which the Turis speak resembles Mundari very closely. Dongapani) and Biru (at Tamra near SIradega). West of this line Oraoi^s are the predominating caste and Mundas are very few ia number. Gumla in spoke of relationship with Bandhu Turi of Beyasi (thana The Birda men spoke also of relatives in Torpa and Lapxmg thanas (at Tapkara and of relatives in spoke A rmai) thanas the Sarangloya). while the Bargaon man spoke of his relatives in parganas Palkot (villages Baghima. Kolebira and Bano thanas.

S Turis. and that they call themselves Bans Mahlis. that term signifying feel offended if Goraits in the area in which these western Ors are found. at Umcdanda.K. but not ore //^ as. they said they had never heard of the name Rausa Turis. Or Mahlis they or These Ors have no knowledge of the Bans Mahlis of the eastern part of the district . were the same caste as the Bans Mahlis or Or Mahlis of the Chaitu knew of the basket-weaving Turis of Nagpur .O. and it is on this account. that they are called Ors . as the real Turis call themselves when distinguishing from Rausa Turis. this caste. at Chaitu east. they say. Turis make siip^i (winnowing fans). take and Lenga Soma Turi of Bharno added . have employed a Brahmin priest on the occasion of his son^s marriage. The Gasa^'k Turis. they near Champi. nachuas. and one of Lohangdi near Silam. but only by the halkatti form of marriage. water from the latter that it was also possible for a Gasa'k Turi to have a wife from the Rausa Turi caste. and haUcatti marriage between these Nagpur Turis and Bans Mahlis would be permissible. is reported to by Hindus. members of which caste could be found at Dhoura Nawadi near Champi (thana Lohardaga) and Patratu near Sons (thana Mandar). whom they mentioned Mahli Somra and Hatma) as their relatives. at Dhoura Nawadi men were to be found eastwards. they say. with whom they are in any way allied are the Eausa Turis. water touched call themselves god being Tanginath. not Turis. though Chaitu Mahli could not quote any actual instance where this had taken place. Ors disclaim whom their all connection with the they would not drink. The only caste. Bans Mahlis could take water from those Nagpur Turis. at Ranchi. said that they and these Patratu relatives of theirs east. further Mahli of Ranchi (tola and Tatisilway of Tatisilway. They had relations. I saw the basket -weavers at Patratu near Sons . principal Dhanpat Or of They CJ. and they are called Mahlis. Turis also disclaim all connection with these Ors of the west and would not drink water which an Or has touched. Oreyi/ds (baskets of a particular shape and make) are the only things that they would make out of bamboo. .B.278 MAHLI. but most of their castesaid.

mushroom). while ihe Larka Kol of Singbbhum . although I am not quite sure on this point. the himself Hor.] marriage between two grotips of halJcatii possibility 279 which do not ordinarily intermarry can. the Names Or Mablis or Bans Toiis. Ind (a fisb. Ind alias Hasda'k (a of Baghwa (the tiger). Hor stands *' man " by such of the very same word is used for himself a " man'' for Munda thus. (although there is much Lot positive evidence in support of this) that the Ors of the west are yet another subcaste who have come under to a greater extent than the hazard the suggestion that the further 1 would Hinduism the influence of subcagtes. himself Horo. fisb. also Baghwa (tiger. the Ho. The MAHLI. ll. " stands for Santal calls calls man ''. Lapung (a village and some avijoining villages in thana J onha) as near Angara have not yet the same word forgotten their tribal language. Or Mahlis of Nagpur proper. Very probably relatives further to the east. I believe^ be generally regarded as good evidence of these two groups having Oxiginally and I think would not be unjustifiable to hold that the basket-weaving Tuns of Nagpur and the Bans formed one caste . also a mush- room). thanas. themselves by the expression which in their special dialect . and the western Ors things tabooed are also noted. it Mahlis or Or Mahlis of the eastern thanas are merely snbcastes It is also possible of what originally formed one caste. calls In the language of the Turis. PT.VOL. the Bans Mahlis of Tatisllway . Or other name not derived from the term Oreyya.. . alfo squirrel) eastern of the where these could be ascertained: Ors of western liahlis. as the Ors suggested converse is probably tiue the name Oreyya being derived is (the from Or) but that it is only a corruption of the expression Hor Practically all the main groups of the Kharwar race call or man. V. in is used by their admitted Bundu and Tamar. Hasda'k. thanas. The following that came to my are the notice names of Gotras (exogamous groups) among Turis.

B.MA Hit. 2S0 Turis.03.3. . [J.

kinship than have Santals. as the census tables that year show only castes of which the provincial aggregate of It is in 1901 had been 50. Koiris and Bedeas in Chota Nagpur and by Babhans in Mr. degraded offshoot of the Muadas but were now a caste by themselves. but he does not appear to have been aware of the identity That Mahli..000 in any single Deputy Commissioner for in over.^Mundas alias with the Patar Mahlis. printed as Appendix VIII to the 1901 Census Report for Bengal). divitied into the two subcastes. for he would have found it very difficult to reconcile his theory of Streatfeild had been knew of Dosadhs with the other Goraits being theory that all the various groups were allied to each other and were known by the name Mahli Munda sfock.629. Mahli-Mundas and Khanghar Mundas. Streatfeild held the opinion that Mahlis were a Behar. but this did not made by the exception made meet with success. it has tions of the Kharwar group. Hos. or which had numbered over district. .000 or 26. and told that these all of were identical with each other. Patars and Ors . he were Dosadhs who had merely taken a new name with their new occupation in Chota Nagpur and had also held that Goraits taken to beef and pork (vide his letter No. At whom as many as 6. of either Khanghar Mundas alias Patar Mahlis alias Tamarias are degraded offshoot of the Mundas there can be little doubt but in all probability the Or Mahlis have not with the Mundas a greater degree of . 265-C. dated the 1st October 1901. v. Mr. the census of 1901. A request was of Ranchi to have a special in favour of Goraits.] term Mahto jnst as the is 281 used indiscriminately by Kurmis. not possible to say what was th3 total number of Goraits the district or in the province in 1911. reporting on certain castes in Eanchi.277 were from the district of Ranchi. still at to be acertained whether they are of the Kharwar group all. II. Ahirs. . PT. Apparently he did not know that Goraits also very often call themselves Mahlis. the total number of parsons returned as Goraits in the area now forming Bihar and Orissa was 7. Turis.VOL. aiAHLi. Asurs or other main secAs for Gorait Mahlis.

O. who regard each other untouchables almost. while.953 Tamarias in the whole Province. so that members of admittedly the same caste were shown. and also to include in the same column the figures for Taraarlas as well. The Superintendent of Census Operations had also been requested to have a separate column in the caste table for Patar Mahlis and Khanghar Mundas. It is not known whether any between further enquiries were undertaken to test the allegation about identity of Tamarias with Patars . under Mundas. Patar Mahlis and or Mahlis. number of Mahllg in Ranchi shown in the 1911 Table is 22. Singhhbum if further investigation in district established the alleged identity Patars and Taraarias. as in 1901.54-9 Mahlia were returned) Patars as well as Ors and Bans Mahlis* Khanghar Mundas were apparently again included. 283 y.011 and apparently includes as in 1901 (when only 13. on the other hand.MAHLt.ft. some as Mundas and others as Mahlis . but the Tables show only 8. of whom all but 118 were returned in The Singhbhum and the Orissa and Chota Nagpur States.§. " heading Mahli '\ as were mixed up under one common .B.

and are laid upon one another with a very thin layer of cement between them. and evidently at first there were two of them. the majority being cultivator. They show clear signs of decay. B. I. Sahib Chuni Lai Bay. to the south of Purulia in village of Charra. In fact. 1 would refer the reader to the Kandarya distance. to fure by E. M. ralher rough and unpolished. sikhara. Plate XCII. The stone pieces are of a rectangular shape. A rectangular opening in the front the sacrarium ox gaibhngriha which. Indian SrchiteeThe similarity extends. in its or Mahadeva temple at Kbajvutiho. which we found lying at a was at one time upon the larger one which is even now For the general design of the top original position. It bears traces contains a girls' school and a boys' school. The shorter one. of the stone wall leads into now full of rubbish. .— Ruins at Gholamara. The stone is of a dull wliite colour. large village containing many * Even of the district at present it well-to-do farailies is a —a few belong- It ing to the higher classes. A. the sloping shape of . By Anautaprasad About four miles Manbhum is the Sastri. Manbhom. Ha veil. to some extent. about 2 feet long and 1 foot broad. of a flourishing pist. and many of the relics that are still extant appear to be some of interest to students of Indian antiquities.ihe body. of the temple is adorned with a stone wheel or chakra. at one The top time contained the image. about 50 feet high. the complete absence of figure sculpture in the decorative treatment of the building is ^ The trip to Charra and Gholamara waa led by Rai Saperintendent of Excise and Salt.(MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS. The most notable are two stone temples.

including those of Jaina Tirthankaras which we found scattered through the village. one of the god than what is in vogue. also noticeable. the different proportion.RUINS AT GHOLAMARA. It is about 5 feet high. lacking the sense of stone-carver^ s attempts of grey block stone. Bdneatoar is a well-known name of S'iva. furnishes us with a different conception tation of ^iva. of a blackish stone and I was informed by a local man that it was found imbedded in the mud under water and taken out and kept in its very smooth. he »B. cannot have been very ancient. Its author hm\ag. is lauding an image of a female deity surrounded by there smaller ones. If really a represenvillage-people and the spot is held sacred. The image is in a bad condition and extremely crude and primithe large there tive in its workmanship. one of its striking features.O. on the bank of a pond. 281 IJJ. may 195. The image is evidently the representation of the Hindu Goddess Sfitah&ufd with weapons in her several hands and accompanied The by contour of the central figure and the bold lines of the minor ones are unmi&takeably the handiwork of a her retinue. B. Just at the entrance to the village. it It has ten hands. holding something like an armour or chair a and presumably the other hands also had different sorts of weapons in them. but this name was possibly attributed long after The image is still worshipped by the neighbouring the image. Uavell. From number of stones lying about the image we think that must have been a small temple there which had fallen down. are master craftsman. Havell we might regard them Hindu architecture of the fifteenth or sixteenth noted instances of century.H The two temples at Charra are of of one them has suffered more from type though From a similarity of the effects of time than the other. p. present position by people who were clearing the pond. fine Other images.It. Indian Architecture. it have flourished much . Being betrays an inferior at creating an object of art. the same tihe peculiarities as ^ by Mr. About a mile from Charra we found an image which was called Bdnestoar by the villagers.

very smooth and off. about 3 feet being broken out with magnificent strength and breadth of modelling. high. B. The image there central is of black stone. about tenth century a. 34. on a some- what elevated piece of land..«0L. infinite philosopher ''. the rest lying The clean force of the chisel is visible however tiny. Havell. the whole figure different to quote intuition which. All the ports evince perfect proportion. Coomarisvramy. A. Both of them represent the god buried underground. E. p. 2alnti*g in the Tar Eatt. its two hands but the remains suffice to impress upon one its majestic beauty. surrounded by open tracts and inside a grove we found ruins. Binyon when " the Indian ideal is the that he savs beauty of contemplation all the three is the same. They corroborate Mr. impassive. The in there a difference evident is posture. proves in the sculptor that " the the vision the artist and of Dr. shady and retired.3 later BTrnirs than the who artists at gholaAaba. the smaller two matted heap shape from all the Universal are clothed with an ascetic robe of depicted with vigour > « . Coomaraswamy. though quite small figures at the two sides of the central image from Borobudur similarity ^ neat. p. Two miles to the north-west is Gholamara. p. the in lineament. is imagi* j\ation of the natural Calm. PL IL 'Lawrence Binjon. 2.d. The Ideal's of Indian Art. head-formation of The action ". Aims of Indian Art. Only the heads are visible. in perfect communion with Soul. in every feature rapt in contemplation —the clear.^ not of on a the of the in hair top . It gives us a really noble conception carried dark. serene face of the sage. the sculptor who hewed out of a mass of insensible rock his vision of Is the god certainly inherent in spirit not in matter ". The site is picturesque. which the wavy - Dr. 22. inner-iuforming spirit pervading the pity every whole phvsique. Here. freed wordly passions and desires. 285 built the stone temples and the image at Charra. It is sadly mutilated. this figure knew that is The two are very beauty The physique and motif oi remind us of the splendid statue of Aval okites vara ' in Java. PT. K. L. n. lines are . v.

p. the wavy mane. An It is The was found carved on a slab half-buried a very simple one and reads Srz Ddnapaii Sadhokasya. 386 There are something like two The whole place Is central image. It is about 9 seers in welghi and covered with vermilion which proves that the body wit! the head must have been an object of worship to the vil figure. Prasasti of abou Deopara . inscription letters closely are resemble Nagari of the those of the there The. Th< this lion belongs to the class of sculptor who carved the fine features. It is imbedded in th< of about ground in an oblique position and must originally have belonge( to the principal heap but was probably carried tliither and lef by posterior hands.RUINB AT GHOLAMABA. The sculpture o The the bull at Mamallapuran (se* HavelPs The Ideals of Indian Art. proto-Bengali type.%^ standing behind th< with slabs of stones more than probable that a temple stoo( Besides these we found on< there as the abode of the images. At a distance main 20 yards from the above-mentione( a lion ruins there lies {over a goddess. plate XXIII) The lion is of the same black stone as the other figures. The lion is of special interest. big and small.B.0. the magnificent chest and the life-like legs seems to have belonge( created thi to the school to which the other sculptors who above images belonged. belonging to the same body the other limbs of which (and possibly other figures too) are now lying under the heap of stones there. The head is of the same blackish stone as that of the centra highly polished and glossy. The whole face is distinguished by an exquisite of Buddha. and it is head and an arm in all likelihood pillars filled 13. The fine curve of the mane and the face have suffered severely from the effeeti of time and the goddess below with her eight hands holding a sword and other weapons has become almost indiscernible suggestive mien and forceful proportions together with th( majestic posture of the lion are very impressive. purity of sentiment. 158) and the elephants ai Konaraka (see HavelTs The Ideals of Indian Art. But it is apparently a heac lagers and that not very long ago.

so much BO that we read in Mr.XIX. Iniian PaltEography.D. 1080-90 1 from the similarity with the Borobudur Bculpture— or ninth eighth century A. XVIIL PL V.Col. It would. T. . when Jain sculpture began to be scarce. and on the other hand the fourteenth. The palaeography of the short inscrip- tion also points to about the tenth century or a little later. V.. » George «IJiVf. "We might obtain many new pieces of evidence if the site were excavated and we have published this note with the hope of inducing j)eople to undertake the task of unearthing these buried and forgotten remains. C.. landmarks » : century A. To come to an approximate date of the ruins. be of interest to lovers of Indian Art to study' these remains. PT.d. Col.. the worship of images was forbidden by several Jaina religious teachers.70 L. 131.D. D.D...* So arrive at the approximate period from the ninth century to we the fourteenth century. Barodia.. ' BiihlM-.. Hittory and Literature of Jainitm. moreover. p. "We get two definite A. by which much interesting light might be thrown on an obscure page of the history of Manbhum. BU1N8 AT GHOLAMAEJl. IL3 287 and of the land grant of Vaidjadeva a. 1142 * It gives us the name of the donor (Danapati).D. PI. Barodia's History and Literature of Jainism that about the fifteenth century A.

In Hiuen-tsiang's travels these monuments are mentioned as intact. the Mahlpala Inscription. (2) Jagat Singh Stupa (3) the About these three we posses* two ancient accounts of two clear after : One is Hiuen-tsiang^s description of Sarnath. They may be taken to be (1) The Asoka " and Main Shrine '\ Pillar. and between these two and the topography of the newly discovered monuments. needs to be which would possibly be of some started service to future researches. At the outset the nature of the problem should be made having explained what the three monuments just mentioned are. A fresh discussion of the subject. whereas the Mahldifferent another . M. Na of coaclusion finality having been attained.n. endeavour has hitherto been made to establish the equation between Hiuen-tsiang^s account with the Mahlpala Inscription. A. We shall presently attempt such an identification in the light of our up-to-date knowledge of the ruins at Sarnath. great diversity of opiniaa pi-evails amang antiquarians with regard to three monuments discovered at Sarnath. they certainly existed in the time when the Pala officers were engaged in the repairs of the Sarnath monastery in . therefore.— Identification of Three Monuments at Sarnath. they have only been content with a partial solution of the problem. no discovered those described by Hiuen-tsiang. As the monuments seen by Hiuen-tsiang have come down to us. is Inscription mentions attempt to compare the likely newly their ruined of repairs complicated problem was to condition. have arisen from the monuments with But none the less. By Bxindava^ . Bhattacharya.pala A ages. A C. as a whole.

examine now how and sparkles far the present like^ remaius with the monuments mentioned in the above we — — propose the following identifications '•' " the Main Shrine and its Vihai-a iOU ft. pp. The foundations of the building are of stone.TDBNTlFICrnON OP SAE5ATH MONTTMEJTTS. EC. VII. altogether a& bright as jadet Eght . But the towers and niches are of brick. TOI.*****''! Next we may can be extract identifix^d . 45. B. there are still 100 feet or more of the wall remaining. 11.. In front of the The. v. been something like this Entering the site where the Assuming above the : — ''Main Shrine" now stands and where the old shrine facing " Divine One the east stood and contained an image of the '\ the Chinese pilgrim would retire keeping right hand {Fradaksinena) and moving to the shrine on hia the south he would " " BaMhifct Record of i the Western World (Popular Edition). the Its J3gj li To the we come to writes :^-'* or s©. Bk. above connected bv a porfiom (sections) In the great enclosure is a the roof is a golden -covered figure of the Amra fruit.. A. as given here. Vol. Beal's " On Taan Watter's Also Chwang's Travels ". II. Vihara. high — original foundations^ ^' " A stone the Jagat Singh stnpa : = A = John to Sir C— " A stone stupar (according Mai-shall's conclusion). is 100 ftct instead of 200 fe^t of other versions. he is represented as turning the wheel of the law. of Beal'3 "Life Hiucn-tsiang ". to be true. iii so far as iia how understand the Chinese Pilgrim's accoxinfc He concerns oar discussion. 99. PT.46. Vihara is a figure of Buddha made Although the foundations have given way.3 Let general.. . '' pillar = the Asoka Pillar. To the southwest of the Vihara is a stone stupa built by Asoka-raja. precincts are divided into et'^iit * * *: surrounding wall ^ 200 Vihara about feet high. In the middle of the of (native copper) * *. p. about 10 Sangharama of Luve. and the staiis also. it Borth-east of the river Varana. It is glistening. the actual equations sacred round the precincts might have progress of the pilgrim.stone is btiilding is a stone pillar about 700 feet high. Tbe height of thft p.

" Guide " to the Buddhist Rnina of Sarnath by D.B. 445—7. C. Vol. 291—3. 1907-8. p. The description left by Hiuen-tsiang of the pillar " a " fits in with the Asoka — having dazzling brightness now now under exactly a shade. however. Vol. Indian Antiquary. upon close examination of the struchas ascribed the Jagat Singh Stupa to the Asokan period. namely. XIV.). 124. p. discuss presently. A. But nearly all his questions Dr. turning to the Mahlpala inscriptions we note that many years after Iliuen-tsiang's visit to Sarnath. an inscription was engraved in MahlpaPs reign to the effect that some repairs have been made of the ruins of Sarnath (1026 A.A. pp. J. oan be noticed — identified certainly with by Hiuen-tsiang.IDENTIFICATION OP SABNATH MONUMENTS. » • * pp. * * the s Again. We have Mr. we may have no hesitation in asserting that that was the stupa which the Chinese pilgrim noticed to the southwest of the main building. questioned this identity. Sahui.).O. IX. — Anybody examining the come paratively recent time and as main present to the conclusion that its erection its original site is shrine carefully rather of a com- was a much larger one can be inferred from the pavement extending towards the it which was undoubtedly the direction of its main gate. those at pillar Shrine.S then como to " Jagat Singh Stupa " and moving round. Asoka (Second Edition). (N S. 290 tJ.^ ture.D. R. p. Smith's opinion in his " Asoka " accept'ng the same identity. Vol. 74. ^ As to who built the room of the present main shrine |we shall east . — Sir John Marshall. Ind.. Therefore. will ".B. standing. 1906» . B. . * * * * ^ ^ Hiuen-tsiang speaks of Sanghdrama generally as Laving the "djors " Record of the Western World " open towards the cast.B.8. We quote here the passage " Only two of the ten inscribed pillars known. Vogel has tried to answer. 139 Kpi. Sir : JKuramiudei monuments and Sarnath." Bcal's (Popular edition) p. 9. he would finally look on the A^oka Pillaa' he stood and to the west of the to the true north from where Main Shrine \[ A. II. to the west of the Main John Marshall. keeping it also to the right. V.

Much IDENTIFICATION OF SABNATH MONUMENTS. 554. ^loreover. as stated by Dtttfd.000 Dharmardjikdt built by Aioka Dharmaraja. . We shall now attempt establish their identity. from Dharmeksa rather than Vogel has finally abandoned his Archaologists have. and epigraphic finds. light. already been was of the Asokan age. Fahien (translated by Laidlay) pp..^ therefore. I The Pilgrimage of . pointed out that the Jagat Singh Stupa It It has word DharmardHkd refers to the original structure of the Jagat Singh's Stupa. ^ 84. to tried Vogel with the present inscrip- Venis' true view that Dr. Cowell and Neil. belonging to the eight great places. ascertained that the identification. that the is inferable. p. in the light of and Hiuen- tsiang's travels. 379) quoted by Foucher. the travels of Fahien that he saw a stupa where the Fanchavaggiyai paid reverence to the Buddha and to the we gather from north the of Law it '^* was the famous Judging from site this.Mahasthcina ^aila Ganddha Kutlm.l may be shown. Ico. 307-S. Dhamekh Stupa belongs to the Gupta period and not to the Aaokan period. the most important is part of Tau Dharmarajikdni Sdihgim Dharmachakram punarnavam. made of stone. The word Dharmarajika again was used to denote the Asokan stupas generally. But — Dr." Translation :— " They (Sthirapala and Vasantapala) repaired the Dharmarajika and the Dharmachakra (vihara ?) including the accessories. it under review by The couplet. identify the " of the Dharmarajika since the publication of from Dharmardjikd. D/iarmardjiM " Dhamekh tion. however. '' Stupa " the word Dhattiekh was derived Dr. " to examine these we as far as monuments can. PT. " (a) " Kriavaniau (b) 291 eha Navlndmasta. I of ''Turning the "Wheel of am inclined to believe that the Dliarmardjika or the Js^at Singh was meant by that stupa by Fahien.VOL. p. the record — : " thrown on the monuineDts is certain passages of this inscription. we quote below. tadana (Ed. Boudhique. ir. as well as the Gandhakuti.

112. — ^ In tbo we find tint Sarnath has been called inscription of Kuiuiiradovi Saddtarma-chakra Vihara. which of formerly which Sarnath the surmounted the fragments ^ the Museum. » Sir John Marshall's Annual ReJ)ort.R.chah'amudrd. p.. 36. to mean the accessories. discovered in the the monastery of of course excavation 5?t51^ IlP^flPSlt Wr«r^ at It inscribed is Sarnath^ ^ I ^?^WliT*^^ us toconsequently used be to called monastery may the conclusion that the whole lead Saddharmachakra and a chapel within its was known.IDENTIFICATION OF SABNATH MONUMeNTS. as Mulagandhakuti (Main Shrine). S. is are lion capital of now being exact in the practice of adorning the lion capital object Asoka and preserved which is in the denoted Mahipala Inscription. p. . p.B/). is Society. and even the name Vliarmachah'avihdr a denoting Sarnath. Dr. we find the same thing on the A^oka Therefore nothing can be said with certainty either the whole as to the object which was repaired monastery or pillar at Safichi. k. ' Hargre vve's Annual Progress Report for 1915. 1904-'. The of Asoka with the Dharma- chakra symbol was not an uncommon feature in ancient days. of the Varendra Research of opinion that the Dharmachakra symbol. 4. like Buddha that the the fact " the Wheel of the Law " have at Sarnath turned originated in later times the Dharma-chakra symbol or the symbol of the Wheel. 2)^ tihar'rno'kah'a. DharmachaJcram. by the foregoing expression . appears very one. present Teda Sdhga take the meaning ^adangd-Veclcc^ Sdngam DkarmachMkra expression DJiarmachakra together with its variousrof Dharmachakra remains now to be- The meaning From settled.Sv mention has been made in the Mahip&la Its Sahgam Bhtirmachakrafn. the l)h(irma. as a matter of fact. A. K. The late Dr. as a whole.^ In a seal. together with has been meant by the expression Sdngamits accessories. vide the present writer's " History of Sarnath ". inscription as word sahgam — J. and. Vebis seemed to have accepted his rendering evidently in the absence of it This renderings in my opinion. precincts From we maydeduce that the present monastery. Maitra. We meet to better with an expression we may Likewise. Vogel took th^^ mean " complete •". doubtful and therefore deserves to be examined. all! this Mr.

The word ^^ Thus. Cf. v. FT. be no be can To work at expression the details.B. II. (X. ' Mr. late learned doctor. of course. 1 Gandhakuti seal. the component parts would JrW4M^<!<?)fxT ***iW. ** Shrine is has put forth the following careful interpretation made of stone and in the shrine are. however previously men- bearing the legend ^t^'g^f^rqUt IT ^TTT^^f^ us with the information that " in the Mula Mahipala Inscription. : this grammar. Vogel Asta-makdstidna-Saila Gandhakuti. it Shrine existing to-day.S.i>. Venis' compound from eight great the The latest. .. it may rightly ba supposed. 447. Drs. is was under rajika were all in a ruinous The Pala condition. in a letter to me expressed the same view—-" Its explonatioa. several the h the explanation far from being appears that the " Saila-Gandhakuti " here. Hargreaves. compound : —^r? consider JTTI^H^r (or now whether this of shall the topography of other grounds. or to it belong. We f^Jcft) Sarnath as well as Jholds hitherto other Then. I am.' word the interpretation suits good on heard from scholars that B>emark& have been advanced than ^ «Jl4l't*f dl *. Dr. IDENTIFICATION OF SABNATH MONUMENTS.Dasakamara Cbarita. Saddharmachaki-a much anterior Vihara''''. furnishes Gandhakuti which was etc. refers to the Main satisfactory. are traceable in the ruins and the the style of this building.VOL. elsewhere. II. Again. p. undertook to repair all of them. no doubt.. Hultzsch. to that of the find that the relation which tie 9. brothers. afraid. been discussed tioned earthen ^pff^cTT. Archaeological Survey. Saperiutendent. ' The age of ' f^*j<#(<j^ situate in the this epigraph is J. most always remaia doubtful. eight ^'^ According to the rules of Sanskrit great places (positions). ". for architectural characteristics of twelfth century A. the has. expounding of erected the stone brought on the ground of Sanskrit grammar.] 293 not nnlikely that the whole monsster/ repairs along with the repairs of the Dharnia-rajika inasmuch as the monastery. of impossibility Gandha-kuti the as the is having shown after this expression. we No.).S. places. the Gandha-Kuti and the Dharmathe Aioka It pillar. .A. — and Yenis have offered various interpretations to Of these. Vol.

That chapel the monastery may have 'gradually used to be called " Gandliakuti '' and the whole monastery passed Our names. been carried that direction. enclosed within one wall. c.O. 294 Dharmaohakra Gandhakuti Round Vihara or been has a whole monastery bore to the the matter of the chapel in which considerable antiquity. meaning " central " or " from the fact that the points that Asia mahasthdna was the original had as it set up was chiefly built of si Buddha '*. II. Sangharama having And distinct divisions received the true designation of Asta mahasthdna. Vol. The word. " This ostablishmcnt. in eight divisiona.B. No spadework has. was Watter's." be siys. I portions (sections) '\^ of the Sangharama eight this that these eight parts of time developed into eight great places or sthdnas or monasteries which very probably this constituted the whole establishment. 77. In the traveller's account one thing appears to be specially striking and on which he seemed to Sangharama was divided conjecture from in course have into laid much " The stress.^ image of Buddha therein represented in the Dharmachakramudrd. all Watter'fl version. his first residence there. in courao'of time.e which signified awas ^ gandhakuti SahgharSma an old stone building situated probably in the middle of the Sahghardma and therefore called at one time Mula. p 60.IDENTIPICATTON OP SARNATH MONUMENTS.. . Buddha dwelt an extensive come into being. he also saw the whole monastery and a high many different attention We shall find there that building made There was an of stone. viz. CJ. C. and at another time "^dila '* one. Das. I was also informed by a Superinten- dent of the Indian Archselogical Department that probable of more viharas still lay hidden on the east of the sangha- sites rama.E. The Buddhist literature informs us that the room where the Buddha dwelt was usually made fragrant by burning some incense and thus it received the name of Gandhakuti. p. may be turned again by so to Hiuen-tsiang^s account just for the sake of comparison. ^ ' Cf. has been modified into Oandbola and came to be used in a similar sense in Tibetan baoks— " Pag-Sam" Jon-Zang by S. for some reasons. Curiously enough it is have that monasteries six distinct to note already been exhumed by modern exploration. again.E.i.S. We on in nevertheless arrive at these conclusive may name given to the whole and ail the nam.

) still pointed out in The Archaological .'^ {EUtory. On my return to the came know there command. are 401. peregrinations I found an Orira priest making some excavations on a small ridge in the village of Jaynagore near Lakhisarai in the Monghyr district. Purl. Jagannatha had revealed to him the place of the treasure on condition that he would build a temple there.d. My curiosity being intensified. The presence of an Oriya priest at that place naturally excited my curiosity and on enquiry I came to know from him that he believed to have had received a mandate 11*^1^^ while asleep from the god Jagannatha to build a temple there and so he had come all the way from his native district.N- Saxnaddar. the pavement was clear. on further enquiry a tradition in that part of the country that close to the top of the northern ridge in that village. one king named Indradyumna had his treasure which I was to that is magic seal and that a number of fruitless this been made in the past to discover staled with a attempts had It was said that the Orija priest had come there as treasure. which he Dak Bungalow. to carry out the proposed to do by begging. the Monghyr Forts attributed to district. rivalling the temple at Puri. I went to the ridge the next day. A. the ruler of Magadha at the time of the Muhammadan conquest in a.— Raja Indradyumiia.III. and as fortunately the priest was then absent I was able to take a more minute observation of the excavation (?) which was going on and found that underneath the grass some pavement was indeed discernible and portions of the grass having been removed in some places. V. By In one of my J. 1197 was Indra- dyumna Pala. BA. Smith in his History referring to the Pala kings " observes that According to tradition. Mr. him p.

O. but . evidently to protect the city.^"' (A. 296 also Survey Reports who held out the fort Mohemedans " (A.S. or Indradyumna river against the nagar is said to " the mention [J. over both of which he is said in the said to adjacent parts have been King.lf the dyumna retired with his universally agreed army and family that the to Jagannath. as quoted by Martin in Vol. Indrato contend himse. or not Indradyumna was therd a prince of this name a person of the family of the Pala rajas or a person who on their fall had seized on Magadha. Finding unahle with these /erociom invaders. a Raja Indradyumna. There is a small called Jaynagar. after Muhammadans had obtained possession of Delhi. He was ed by the Makhdun Maulana Nur.E. Vol. I cannot ascertain. IS*) and " Jay- have been the stronghold of the Hindu Prince last Magadha named Inderdaun or Indradyumna. This King Indradyumna to ganda pukoor " whom is attributed " Attara- (seventy-two tanks) . But the most interesting legend relating to the King is what has been mentioned by Buchanan Hamilton. II of Eastern India^ who says "the last Hindu prince of whom I find any traces was has left considerable traces in the of consequence.S.1 suspect that Indradyumna was the ancestor of Pratap Rudra who retired to the aaciewt dominioas of Andhra and having collected the . Ill. It is was founded by temple Whether. to which Indradyumna is said to have retired after his defeat by the Mohemedans. but the name belongs properly to the defeat- of village strong military position on the south. while another of his forts is located at Indappe. 159). who western part of the district and it is of Bihar. has also his traditions in the neighbouring village of Uren which is also said to be one of his forts. beginning several of my mounds a few the ridge mentioned in the note are to be seen a large mud rampart and Close to which appear to have been massive works. I think that the former is most probable . miles from Gidhour.S.B.*AJA INDEADYUMNA. Ill. last Inderdaum king of Jaynagar on the Kiyul Vol.

therefore. and collect the sculptures (near and around Jaynagar) which forojer existence of a powerful Hindu prince in [Piobably the ancient name of Jaynagar was Jayapura which appears in an inscription of the twelfth century A. ( VoL also I. I. the temple was built or re.) The founder of the Jagannath temple is named Indradyumna whom Wilson regards as one of the Kings of him a prince Ellora. p. of course. 23. places the date of the temple in 1198. while Purushottama-Mahatyatn makes traditional who of the Solar dynasty Malawa. K. BAJA IXDBADYUMNA. II.'' ( Vol. But tradition of Jagannath was Architecture. P. If therefore the Oriya priest from Pun can really find out the reputed treasure and build a temple at Jaynagar. p. (Vol..] .D..VOL. another 1198 of the Orissa historians.^ clearly the show the locality. Indradyumna p. from Darbhang. more than what I can say. Eajendra Lai Mitra who differs from Hunter as to the founder. v. while Dr. 93). pp. to be published shortly in this Journal. t)}ere built the temple. but the Archaeological Department may notice the fact of digging by the Oriya Brah- min. practically accepts the same date. 24. ll.a. II. As to whether hj? would be permitted to do so i^. it might be Orissa's paying back to Bihar the debt which she owes to her companion. J.J 297 powerful remnants of an overgrown empire may "have actually founded Jagannath. If.built in 1198 as some accounts attribute the is quite possible may that Buchanan Hamilton's be correct and that the defeat at the hands tradition it and theory King of the Pala line after his Muhammadans may have fled to time immune from t-he attacks of the last of the Orissa which was at that Muhammadans.. finished in in the country of points that the temple 1198 ( Fergusson's History of Vol. PT. and authorship to Indradyumna. reigned at Aranti history apart. 592 ) and Hunter also in his Orista 102) assigns the same date and names the second as the rebuilder of tlie temple in Stirling.

it is sure to contain the copper-plate with the necessary till information in regard to its construction. So if the structure has been left intact in an old temple. I The Temple Committee to render a service of Bhuvanesvara have to history it from the Linga-raja for a short time and getting It will not only settle the in their power by taking out the copper-plate question of it deciphered.— Copper-piates Bhuvanesvar^ in Temples. collected would. technically tnown as the Kothnomuddo. At any rate this seems to have been invariably the practice about one hundred years back. Last October when I was in Orissa I heard from the at Bhuvanesvara that there is priests a copper-plate deposited at the top of the Linga Raja temple. 1917) in an " writes headed " Orisaan Temples and Copper-plate Inscriptions correspondent of the Euglish article — among other things to the following effect •' The construction of the top of a (emple marks its finishing point. gold. the existence of the believed to have been deposited in the hole under the Amalaka by the original builder of the temple Amongst the papers of the Society I found an extract sent by the Hon'ble Mr. silver festivity. To these also used to be added an inscribed copper-plate. Such copper-plates have been found in this portion of the superotracture of several old temples.chain Bhuvanesvara which alleged copper-plate is and set speaks to up the temple flag. rest the dlfEerence of opinion in regard to certain existing ancient Orissa. the authorship (yet . Ganjam. It is performed with much ceremony. precious stones.IV. By It. and that it is well known to the man whose hereditary business is to get up to the top by the help of the hanging Everybody at iron. furniih much These valuable records if properly accurate historical information and set at famous temples of think the buildings would not at all be damaged or profaned '* by the process of recovering records which will be lost to us in course of time. pomp and Then the str nctnre is filled with paddy. P. 18th January. I think. Jayas-wal. LeMesurier in 1917 from Orissa which bears on the subject and runs A as follows : — Ash a (Berhampore. : giving the names and ancestry of the builder and architect with date and other necessary information. and other valuables.

be fulfilling that pious object by . PT. v. nknown) of that gem of architecture. II. and of the ae I will also shed light 299 le Temple Committee will ringing the record to light.OL.3 bhtjvAnesvaba temIpLes. post-Gupta period depositing the copper-plate was to tell the people the history the temple and its builder when that history is forgotten. but I on The object history of Orissa..

v. The goddess is believec amongst to exercise miraculous powers. makes a is i height of sticky paste on which are plastered large numbers o with a pice in the middle of each bangles of glass or silver Some cowries are similarly aflixed to the stone.— Kalijai. maximum is earlier construction to the present Raja of Parikud. such as raising or lulling stormi are are or save boats sink in order to containing peoj)Ie offended or propitiated her. goes thither only thre Raja or four times a year. regarded as undei' her especial protection anc her most ardent votaries. however. both Telugi is worship and Oriya. but the present tempk on the its site of an it is clear temple which had fallen into ruins. the Goddess of the Chilka Lake. namel. as the case may be. and the votaries wh conduct their own worship. By Rai Bahadur Monznohan Roy. whiul image. Th From merely an irregular block of stone with 4 feet and a breadth of 3^ feet. owe that the goddess is now identified her nam with Kali. No the temple. unless a Brahmai priest is attached to frequent it happens to be present. The local boatmen and fishermen. who hayi The Rajas of Parikud and Khallikot both claim that the firs temple was constructed by their ancestors. The daily worship of the goddess i thus performed before a representative or substitute. in which case he is asked to ofliciate go very frequently to th Parikud and of even the island. The ston smeared over with a mixture of oil and vermilion. It is impossible for worshippers to a block of stone on an embankment of the like clos>: to the Uaj . A rocky island iu the Chilka Lake about eight miles sciith west of Balugaon contains a temple of the goddess Kalijai who regarded as the tutelary deity of the lake and whos( is much in vogue among all classes of the people in th( neighbourhood.

and fowls.J of Parikud^s residence. goats on People wishing the for or recovery from disease. which is not capable of being moved. and in consultation with the Raja of Parikud and the Mahants and Pandits of Puri. it has been arranged to imagined than described. of a son of sheep. the fate of these unfortunate animals can be better This inhuman practice has recently come to notice. As the herbage dries up during the hot weather and the water in the lake at that season is undrinkable. II. GODDESS OF CHILKA. occasion a boon. T„ PT. Lingaraj. is represented Asokastami birth by Chandra Sekhav festival. Thus the god Jagannath of Purl represented by the minor god Madan Mohan on the occasion stitute is is of the Chandan Jatra which is performed in the Xarendra tank . make the votive offerings These animals are not tut are marooned on the island. KALIJAI. remove the animals at frequent intervals to the main land and let them loose there after affiiing to them some distinguishing mark to indicate the fact of their dedication. and in Bhubaneshvar the principal god. This practice 301 of worshipping a sub- widespread in Orissa.T0L. . whose image is a phallic symbol. of such as the sacrificed.

. Spooner at Nalanda. D. Spooner at J^alanda. king of Prag- who was a contemporary and ally of Harsavarddhana. The Dynasty of Pusyavarman of Assam. M. Dikshit had succeeded if for in me to write this short identifying the seal of the third dynasty of kings mentioned above. The seal described by Mr. jyotisa this prince was known to us from the meagre account by Bana ia the Ilarsacarita and the mention of the prince in Hiucn Tsiang's Dr. Dikshit. with names ending in vartnan ". N. K. Dr.VI. m.A. and Pushkasavarman. The Maukhari Dynasty of the Middle Country. This seal is one of Bhaskaravarman. Chandramuthvarman. describes some of the most important finds discovered iy Dr. Spooner's Nalanda find is the second record of Itinerary.a. Officiating Superintendent of that Circle. An unknown dynasty of kings. Mr. Dikshit on page 45 of the Annual Report is undoubtedly the most important of the civic seals discovered by Dr. Bhaskaravarman and of the dynasty of Pusyavarman that has come to light as yet. Eastern Circle.— A Seal of King Bhaskaravarman of Fragjyotisa found at Nalanda. Further names Narayanavarman. would not have been necessary Mr. By R. Dikshit " Another seal introduces us to a hitherto unstates fragmentary known on ho genealogy. B. Spoonerhas brought to light seals of three different dynasties (1) (2) (3) (4) Ifc note : — The Vais Dynasty of Thanesar. Hanerji. D. In his description of this seal Mr. as also Yajnavati Supratisthitavarman and Nayanaioblui are not known so far to belong to any North states ''the Indian dynasty of the late Gupta period '\ . Before the discovery of the Nidhanpur grant of Bhaskaravarman. In the Annual Report for the Archaeological Survey.

[ Ganapati ]varma Sr [ i ] Yajnavatya[ dravarma ]. 2. Professor Padmanatha Bhattacharya has given a complete the identify rojal genealogy of the dynasty of Pusyavarman from the founder to Bhaskaravarman. offer 1.$ri-Narayanavarma. any according ] [S'ri- Sn-Supratisthita. certainly wrong in reading 3 and but as 5 1. 107. "With the aid of the Is idhanpur grant I am able to restore the inscriptions on the Candramukhavarman. Nayanasobha tisthitavarman are not altogether unknown. Sri vatyam Caudramukhavarma . suggestion.). to Suthltavarmman is Nayauadevi according to the but according to the Nalanda seal it is NayanaNidlianpur grant sobha. A reference to this would have shown that the dynasty not a is new one and the names Narayanavarman. am I I restoring Pnskara in not have sure not of seen ^ri-Ko instead instead of his reading the Bhas- lakshmyaifa original I cannot ought to be S n-$yamadevyam.. I have been able to his readings correct am and to mentioned in this record. Nalanda some extent seal to — : 1. It the Nidhanpur The name of the grant. [. We have a similar abbreviation of a proper name in mother of Gupta genealogies. 1903-1 (p.^ri-Sthitava Susthitavarma 5. Jskara-varmeti. and SnpraYajnavati. m] [ i^ri-Vijnana ] Sri Sri [ [ Mahen- Devavatyam ]. Dikshit of ^ri-Bho in kara iji tena ]rma in 1. 4.^ri- Bho [ga vatyam].VOL. If FT. [ Varma ^ri-Bha ^Ir. v. II. is 6. . Sri-Nayanasobhayam ].] Mr. personages On page 69 of the twelfth volume of the Epigrap^tia Indica. Sri-Mahabhutavarma 3. A SEAL OF BUASKABAVABMAN. L ^ri-Syamadevyjirii 6. The name of the queen of Candragupti II and the mother of Kumaragupta I is Dhruvadevi in inscriptionfl but her full name was Dhruvasvamini as found by earlv Bloch in one of his Basarh Seals. [^ri-Suvra]tayam .^ \ AuEual Report gf the Arch»ologkal Survey of India. XL.figrajpJiia Indica. pi. Dikshit had looked Bure he would 803 into the T.

SV In conclusion I venture to^ggest that it would be highlyconvenient for Indian Epigraphists and students if important records like this are reproduced in the Annual which they are described.B.A SEAL OF BHASKAEAVAKMAN". 304 [J. Reports ia .B.O.

. . . ~.. one lahnngi m^n and one torch-bearer Oue bahuKfft .. but there is in Oriya the nothing to show was prepared..— Ferry Tolls A copper-plate measuring 10. ..in an Orissan Copperplate. For each sheep and goat i>» . its ... Superintendent of Museum by Police. . .. TABLE OF RATES. s.... ..^'^ x 8" and provided with a ring means of which it could be suspended was recently found by at !Manikpatna in the Puri District. . the riJer and others If the elephant wades through water.. „ If the horse wades through Wkter.. t. .. For each person . ..... For each palanquin with erght bearer?. . ... . . .. Bullock cart with bullocks ...... 4 attendants using . .t ..... 10 . .... . . It contains it This plate has been presented to the Patna Rai Bahadur Sakhi Chand...... man with lead For each horse with rider . If camel wades through water..... under-mentioned table of the date even now... As the rates would be high probably refers to some old feiTy across the Chilka when it rates.. the boat . Bullock and „ For a „ los<l nss „ with load without load of earth .. ... (and) rider uses the boat For each elephant with load For each camel with the rider .... VII.......... Lake...

- 'l *^^ .

v.— Contributions of Bengal to Hindu Civilization. in three of ^ which Saranacarva '' mean ''T^^^cII ff^^'. "When the Vedic Aryans came the elephant. as used in the remaining two places means a big graminivorous interprets it to animal. " Hastin '* occurs in five places only. for this animal is India they did not knosv not found in the norlh-wcsteni to In the Rg-Yeda. (1) Jlf^TRt infef^'^lTT'I^ fin ^ f%5T: 5^^m ^T . Shastri. the word. LEADING ARTICLES I.. OP THE [PAST VOIi. By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad MJ^. most ancient literary record of the Aryans. framing and Treatment of Elephants. perhaps an enormous deer.m^f^ ^f?^^5it^X " " According to the same authority the word priests with hands.JOURNAL BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH SOCIETY.] III. which constitutes the parts of ihe country. CLE. The First Contribution.

but the African breed is Sumatra and other islands.B.CONTEIBDTIONS OF BENGAL gOg ^ ^mi (2) O (1) wonderful.K. Similarly the Vedic Aryans knew the deer. that it Europeans brought into the country other animals.O. " Hastin quells the power of others. Borneo. or has been as the supposed to be. they gave all horses. as ferocious as a lion it increases in when you before brilliance. Even in these places it is to be (Small in size. horses being called neighing swine. If with a hand '% the animal had been described . O (2) the Sun. found up to Dehra Dun in Western India and in Mysore and Ceylon in Southern. This is significant. and so on. even are armed. dogs. It can be From these facts it is practically certain that knew little of elephants. Tndra^ instead of You become " when you appear with your splendour being dimmed. You eat forests like the up the [J. It shows that the Aryans at the time of the composition of these verses came into contact with the animal for the first time and thought belonged to the deer species. I have said that " Hastin " 03Curs twice in the Rg-Veda in the sense of an elephant.S. Lend your strength to the rosy quarters of the globe. When there- came to India and saw the elephant for the did not hesitate to call it the deer with a trunk. " Hastin " animals. Burma. fore they first time. a species of deer. they The elephant is a native of Bengal. sheep and these animals the appellation of swine. for they were skilled in hunting. sheep bleating swine. the Vedic Aryans doubted whether this instead of " deer is the real signification of the word. Your lustre Is You are self-sufRcient like the mountains. n^ ^m^ MarataSj you are great and learned. Africa also abounds with elephants. '^ In these two places " Hastin has been likened to. In the Otahiti island When therefore in Polynesia the natives knew swine only. dogs barking swine.

VOL. The name Himavanta occurs once in the tenth Mandala meaning the mountain covered with ice. the question arose as to what particular animal should be sacrificed before a particular god and it was decided that the in flesh eleven gods should receive the sacrifice of According to some. "Kariu". serpents. CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENGAL. and (^ mj^Ti). king the sacrifice of a be given worm ( ^ fi? ). are many synonyms for ''• . III. black. PT. is mention of elephants in the Rg-Veda mentioned in the Taittirlya Samhita. of the eleven gods and of the animals which should be sacrificed before them are as follows : King Indra should receive the — sacrifice of the hog. . two From it is evident that these facts enjoined when Aryans had made at the time. must be propitiated with the Iff and the God Rsabha with The tiger.. wild animals should be sacrificed. but none of these words are to be found " Airavata "* finds no in the Rg-Veda^ in which even the word When the Vedic Rsis knew not elephants that were place. should Sindhuraja is to receive the and Himavan the elephant. should receive king Nilanga. and the sacrifice of the elephant with which the Aryans became subsequently familiar in his honour.] " " trunked deer doubt is all 309 doubts would have been removed. etc. afterwards raised to the dignity of a god. that of the antelope W^ white deer iflT while the '511. " Gaja/' Dvipa ". they are When treating of Asvamedha. the considerable progress in the country. Himavan was porpoise ( f\U. Batakbird should be king of men the monkey. the king of drugs. The King Yama King Varuna. or the of and of the birds. In the Rg-Veda there is no god bearing the name Himavan. the Taittiriya Samhita was composed. a fawn(^i^^). The sacrificed before the king of vultures. is to receive the nilgai. how could they be expected to be familiar with those which were white ? But whether there or not. as v. the king of the forest. these animals first is sufficient. the wild animals. According and blood and not sacrifice to their effigies The names of effigies of others.^JlR ). further strengthened This the fact that in Sanskrit there by " Hastin " such as " Matanga ''. while Soma.

moving. By the sixth century B.ina had a huge fell was turned into a well. of wild elephants. vances for capturing wild They also Pradyota had elaborate contri- elephants.C.S^ how Himavan as to not formerly a god became one afterwards.lepliant_. the training The capturing and taming oF these animals for war. — where did all This question admits of one answer It is Bengal that fi:-st subdu?d and ta nod these huge only. He did not . elephant to ride/^ But there was one ditfioultv. The name of Lomapada.R.n. King of Ari<. It was here that a great man flourished. in turn. his brother Devadatta elephant.^'' or the science gave birth to what is called the about elephants. and.CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. 810 The VIsnu Purana gives an explanation who was [J. The country which is bounded on the one side by the beasts. Is faniilinr to tlio He adopted . of elephants .. walking living and eating with these beasts. had large elephant-stabLs. in a word.O. serving them in every possible way. Buddha one day elephant an his with while trying strength elephant. the taming and domesticating became widely prevalent. called " '' Both he and Canda Naiaglri. Purana Prajapati says production performance i^^f^TWTl^^ of : —" I hav<3 Somalata and Himalaya for the the necessary This led Kalidasi to say *'^^T^- of sacrifices/^ ^^ '\ created the In this other herbs for which means that divluity was subsequently iipon Himalaya and that the latter's conferred by Pfajapati portion in yajnas was also allotted in a subsequent age. loved. Da^avatha. Btrvcd and fed he was by these animals and nursed by them when ill. transiorming himself into an elephant. trunk and threw The King Uday. He was. the daugliter of King people of Bengal. seized it by the at it some The spot where the be^st distance. who from lis childhood associated with elephants.B. nursing and treating them during their illness. Lord Buddha tad an had also one. their treatment. so T will have an said. On one occasion ho took a fancy to elephants and " As Indra in heaven rides an (. etc. these useful arls originate ? Himalaya and on two other sides by the Laulvltya and the Sea " Hastlvldya.Saiitr>.

The Muni.. The Rsis came he did not respond. The king then himself came. to their Then. h3 the hawever. gave following account of himself " In the which borders on the ELimalaya and through oountry^ ho maintaiueJ his : — which the Lauhitya fl. shown to th:!ra. having instituted a vigorous search which lasted for many Campanagara where he traced his animals in.1 know how and for to subdue the beast.^ there lived a Muni. but still men next. Ott own country they reported. and applied the same to the affected The latter were grateful for the kindness into ointments parts of the boasts. afterthat his elephants were all gone. Th© hesd which was there waa driven by the. various diseases. They elephants. being desirous to know who he was. He immedi- days. and looked like being affected with. but he did not speak a word. CONTBIBUTIONS OF BSNOAL. He was my father^ my mother being a Kirenu or she-elephants 1 live and move with and companions. relatives^ I take care of . My name is are my Palakapya. These men arrived at a big ds'rama which. They had sores all over the body. friends. On being persistently entreated. at the suggestion of the Rsis. sent bis him .. PT. this 3it iavited all reascto much deliberation^ the Rsis to give him advice. roots of plants and other herbs. when he returned put. and serve! him. a stable and they were supplied to his asratna. the king witk his array arrived at the But he did not meet with the Muni who had gone ta dsrama..king to his own capital Campanagara. they The king heard this and. came to a stable. He wept bitterly and. The latter. skeletons. to the king all satisfied that the coming back they had seen. them a Muni. They stat<xl to were be *' Muni was the protector of tho herd. in many ways. to silence. is after under the protection of the King of mountain* " There they and where the Lauliitya flaws towards the sea. ately broug'it a ground them few leaves. Both he and were to see each other after a long interval. 1II. Here. very gild. found wa. sent emissaries to all parts of the country in quest of a herd of elephants.ows towards the sea.s built in which the beasts were with food. a distant place on a mission for the benefit of elephants. found a large number of elephants and with. v.VOL.

''' ''"We will explain. elephants and nourish and cherish them. '•* The only difference between the Pala- Modern sutras consist kapya and the ancient sutras consists in the fact that in the former the sutras are written in the form of a dialogue between the King and the Muni.B.i. work It appears that there in prose. which contains names of about 4'. " The king on hearing this asked him many qestions about elephants. of sentences formed by suffixes only. in dialogue and in verse. He was born Palakapya was an inhabitant Bengal. I am ancient sutras in prose and verse but the latter predominates. From this it is evident that it is not one of the gotras prevalent among the Aryans. The ancient sutras however abounded with verbs and each chapter begins with the promise " ^I^T^T??. how could then Palakapya belong to the Kapya gotra and how could he be regarded as a Brahmana ? It may be said by waT of explanation that as the A^valayana. has been There is no other ancient dialogue.S. Baudhayana and other sutras do not mention the name of Kapya as one of the Munis who founded a gotra. and educated in a country watered by the Lauhitya. any it The Kapya gotra seems to be supposed that Palagotras recognized by the to is of the have been prevalent only in of Bsngal. Now. c. It " the Gotra-pravara-nibandha-kadamChenshall Rao. hence and the suffix Kapya denotes the mv name is Pala.. therefore. '' veda'' or Palakapya/-' This treatise is written in the form of I was born. They have no verbs. and he in reply explained to him the veterinary science This science is called " Hastyayurrelating to these animals. written in this form.e.B. The question arises.500 gotras. does not mention the Kapya gotra. appears bakam " the Muni however that collected towards the end " says by the I was born in the Kapya " golra. kapya did not belong to Aryans.O. family in which gotra or an expert in the treatment of elephants. the ancient prose being imbedded in it as in the Bharata-Natya- Sastra. or the . 312 [J.CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENGAL. written in the for n of a sutra which is ancient sutra Bharata-Natya-Sastra^ too. but that it was was an in a subsequent age transformed into the form of a Purana.

v. he himself was a Bengali. it that if in the fifth or sixth cen- alvaucad in the science of the treatreflects no small credit on our country. PT. The antiquity not now possible to ascertain. between the Himalaya and the Sea. In the sixth canto of Eaghuvamia. A close warrant the supposition that ifc is a from other some translation language and that it does not always study of Palakapya will follow the rules of Sanskrit it is Grammar.VOL.nga. Kalidasa calls it of the work an ancient Sutra. hence it that he eajoyj» on earth the prosperity of Indra. identical with what Mas Miiller calls the suira period. From this the the treatment of Kautllya's The time. it is inference is the duty of the physician to treat irresistible that the scienca elephants had been in existence before form in which the sutras in of It. Sunanda alluding to the " Raja of Anga says." In Kautilya"'s Artha-Sastra there is a chapter headed *• Hastipracara'.] 3|3 Brahmaputra. According to Biihler the sutras of Vasistha and Gautama were anterior to those composed by Apistamba and Baudhayana and sixth centuries fifth B.? of mankind and that it domesticated and utilized in the was here that the mode of its treatment was discovered.C. servic. however unnecessary to enter into a discussion on this subject. Although. his treatise was written and published in Campanagara. we learn from an ancient tradition that the Sutrakars themselves train the elephants of the is king . the Palakapya are writtsn also shows the antiquity of the work. the capital of A.. ment Bengal was of elephmts.C. sufficient to observe here B. so far . in the Palakapya seems to belong to this age. therefore. in which we find mention of elephant physicians. Its sutras were composed at a time. Kautilya says that if an elephant while going from one place to another is suddenly taken ill or disabled or if mada flows from its temples. Indian It is It is tury scholai's fix the sutra' period at an earlier ao'e still. CONTBIBOTIONS OP BESOAL. III. tion of these facts we From a considera- are driven to the conclusion that was in it Bengal that such a huge beast as the elephant was first trained.

S. old age and death. aud is divorced from the world. hoiS been made are all unanimous iu iucalcatc the da(y of forsaking and misery. which is full of shall free mankind from th3 bondage of hlvth. tUo last being that of a Khiksu. All upon that is said is that the Bhiksu should live by begging. Variety of Religious Opinions. that is heyond the limits of tha countries with which the Aryans were closely connected. wor in the Bruhmanas nor in the Sutras. ])erceives equality in all beings compassion. 314 [J.CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. in Bengal and Magadha and among the Chcras. the soul it becomes %2igj (absolute and unca. four stages. the religions which received from the Buddhists *'' or the Heretical Systems. one has to engige in the con" templation of Who I am.B.S. In achieving this goal." Some but say that as a result of this contemplalion. Others say that it 1'0.Veda does not teach indifference. exists. the appellation of "Tairthikias were founded upon the customs. Thoy appertain to the . The Second Coniribulion. old age and death. whence I came. The them All of religion of the inculcate Vedic Aryans the doctrine of is a religion pre- The Ug. But even indiiforenee is not es^oeciilly enjoined. But the into the Bliiksu religions of which mention preaching renunciation. indifference. morals and religioug Ajivakism and all opinions prevalent in ancient times in Bengal and Magaiha and among the people known as the Chcra. one chapter of them being distinctly " called Grhya-Sutras. usages.:!S at this stage its self-consciousness ( ^ll^TT ) and becomes universal. the=?e religions had their origin in Eastern India. There are many reasons for supposing that this All is so. enjoin a course of life that They all homo. It then and becomes the seat of supremo These doctrines are not to be found in (he Vedas. The Sutras also treat of the same religion. I havG hintsd in many places that Jalnlsm^ Buddhism. and why I came. arriving at a stage beyond tte reach of birth.OJt.^' The Sutras divide the life of a Brahmana eminently of the householder.inected). The other Vedas mostly deal with rites and ceremonies which also constltutG the religion of the householder.

Jains and the followers of the other persuasions derive these novelties? They could not h ive picked from the Aryans.. The Aryans. but made a clean cut. for there is the eternal barrier. The Buddhists kept no such tuft. Many Jain were proud to assume the title Maladharin in or the holder ascetics The Aryans put on a head-dress and wore slippers and the sacred thread. njr pared their nails. and managed with a single dioSi and chaddar. always shaved. taking daily and must neither bathe nor rub dirt or filth out of the body. kept a tuft in the middle of the heud. Neither could these novelties have travelled from the smth. The Aryans used to lie down on be 1 steads i but the Buddhists fiung themselves on the barj ground. for there is absolutely no evidence t3 show that these people had even any connexion with that le^Ion. they had to remain without food till the next day.] Darsana and Yo^a systems thinking 815 and arc tha products of profound c Even on a superficial the customs and the conparlson of these religions religious practices of with the Aryans. once in the day and once in the night. The Aryans enjoin and insist on wearing clean clothes and The Jains think we should remain naked. nor cut their hair. The Aryans read and wrote Sanskrit. when they cut the hair. but the followers of these religions neither shaved. In the night they could not take any food except milk or any other liquid food. The Aryans ate twice. v. while the followers of these religions did their reading and writing in th^ respeative languages of their own country. and failing to do so on any particular day. They could not have imbibed them from the north. PT. CONTBIBUnONB OF BENGAL. Whence did Buddhists. for these novelties were opposed to the them up Aryan usages. baths. The Buddhists ate before twelve o'clock. It could not have leen possible for them ta have had close connexion with people living oa the north of the Himalayas. On the other hand it is more consistent with . The Aryans of filth. find there is pergonal cleanliness Mahavira bore what was called the burden of filth. the Himalaya. The Jains were bareheaded and barefooted. III. we no harmony between them.VOL.

probability to suppose that there could be no such connexion. the Vindhya range standing as a barrier. they had their origin in the East.B. Silk. after living for a of Vaisall. consisted in the manufacture of service of ancient the silk. The Buddhists say that the Jains out-samkhyaed the Sanikhya. According to S'ankara. the Samkhya doctrines should not be accepted by He the learned. places that the and hence I desist T//e T/iird Contribution. remained incognito for a home in his few divs in the Jain templo period of twelve years. left his thirtieth year.O. 316 rJ.B. there Is Samkhya system originated in the East from dwelling on that point any longer. in his thirtieth year. travelled in and particularly in the East. as he himself disinctly said. Following these doctrines. The conclusion thereis irresistible that all these customs and usages must have been derived from the East where we find considerable traces of fore them still existing. ^firfa'ST^ in many W^Wt. does not admit that they are to be found in He explains away the Samkhya element in Kapila. Manu and others as well as some of the later Upanisads having approved of these doctrines. or Pareshnath hill. In the many and parts last part of he lived in the Sametagiii. These Sainkhya doctrines do not belong to the Aryans . ^^!i3J^^T'C^'?ft- a mention of faiicaslkha going to the I have said court of Janaka and imparting instruction to him. the author of Saijikhya. his life. All these religions owe their origin to the Sai|ikhya doctrines. the last of the Jain Tirthankars. in the verses beginning with them. the Jains wanted to become Kevalas.CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL. the Mahabharata. in advancing the world. lived in the eastern part la the Santiparva of of the country and so did Panoasikha. The third civilization of Bengal.S. Sankara attempted to refute them. and. His predecessor Parsvanatha after leaving his of the country home was born in BenareS. where the majority of his twenty-two predecessors had also lived and died. the Upanisads. . Mahavira. After an absence of twelve years he returned to Vaisali. Dur- ing this time he travelled to the eastern parts of the country and acquired wisdom.

excellence of every should contain.^ Hlt'^ " The word j^ here does not mean jewels and diamonds It means what constitute the alone. contbibuiions of bengal. Many suppjse that in India the Saka kings of the Punjab put gold circulation in menced her silk industry consequence of the long after silk coiiis into extensive trade.] 317 Europeans brought silkworms from China ai. with considerable difficulty. These Patrornas used to be manufac- — tured in three places: Magadha. Europe com- this. China carried oh by land an first or second century a.. The finest silk cloths were called Patrorna. . The Chinese. The Japanese. pt. but kept its secrets to themselves as their Upanisad or hidden science. But we learn from the Artha-Sastra of Kautilya that the manufacture of silk was extensively carried on in Bengal in the third or fourth century B. one of their queens introduced the cultivation of the mulberry plant into China. and Vata or yellow banyan or other silk. The Nagavrksa worms produced while those of Likuca and Vakula wheat-coloured stuffs respectively.C. Vakula.d after attempts made during ing their industry. Shortly after this a Chinese princess commenced its manufacture in India. which gives a list of the finest things which the Royal Treasury The chapter is entitled ^Y^^^^iT^. however. learnt from Korea the manufacture of silk in the third century ad. an elaborate literature on the Eame boast. subject of silk industry from very ancient times. v. in. In the extensive silk trade with Europe. wool of leaves. and white trees.T). There has been.Vol. Of all the varieties. the finest was that manufactured in Suvarnakudya. silk The account given above has been mostly ti-anslated from It is to be found towards the end of the chapter Artha-Sastra. '* description of property and includei " ^I{\ " (aloe-wood) . The worms were reared on Nagavrksa. never taught the industry to foreigners. Likuca.C. It many is centuries succeeded their impression that The Chinese themselves rejieated in build- China was the also make the They say that in 2640 B. in that country. birthplace of silk. The banyan-tree-worms spun resembling butter in colour. Paundra and Suvarnakudya.

silk being indapcndent no reason to suppos3 that Bengal bDrrowed the art from China. Magadha is identical is ' is. I to Karna-Suvarna which includes think. Vakula and banyan trees do the same and they are well known. not correct. Kiutilya does not say that the manufacture of manufacture of though silk it was carried and Bengal.CONTRIBUTIONS OF BENGAL 318 " " '^'^ the places of South B\har and Paundra with where is eloths Magadha. The ancient The question interpreters say that Kamarupa. [J. it would seem that he gives preference to the The Artha-Sastra does not furnish the Bengal-made things. Paundra and Siivarnakudya where silk was produced. It appears from a stone inscription discovered in Mandasor and set up in a. muit be confessed that the Tequlsitioning of tha mulberry trees for this purpose spread from China to different parts of the world.?. above mention as jute-made (sanclalwood). From goods of manner in which Kautilja mentions the silk pfece China. the stuff tliat is produced excellent. tho of mulberry plants. made silk pieces.B.d. country was called Karna-Suvarna. To put the matter clearly. situated near It wovild appear therefore that the surmise of The name Suvarnakudya was. 476 that a number of merchants from Saura^tra came there and started silk business and that . ous J)art8 of India. evidence to show that the into trees minufacture of silk was introduced The Bengal Bengal from China. manufactured here. Kiran-Suvarna or Suvarna Tikakaras the is Sill^ is still Kudya. Paundra and He Suvarnakudya only.ept Magadha mentions the names of Magadha. Suvarnakudya ? is North Bengal.B. But the silk manufacSuvarnakudya tured in the neighbourhood of Kamarupa is produced from the is castor plants. Likuca means Madar tree (well known in Bengal) or which also rears and supports the worms. the and The Murshidabad Rajraahal. subsequently changed soil here being red like gold. Nagavrksa Nagakesar grow here in being abundance. of which the After Kautilya's time silk last two are situated was manufactured in in vari- Bengal.O. leather. there is silk was carried oa both in Bengal and Cliina. In the portion of the work translated and cotton p'ece-goods. on in any other part of India ex. .

Itl. be supposed that the Chinese were the first in the ifc must be said to the credit of the Bengalis that they it still began the manufacture quite independently and without learning anything from the Chinese. they did not . The fourth glory of Bengal is cloth made of bark. we can get an idea of how people lived by wearing bark in those days. v. any other nation If. Next they wore barks. These pillars again are ornamented with sculptures. people wear leaves. the different colours being produced by the utilization of different plants. For. bat the Bengal silk did is white. thay CONTEIDCTIOXS OP BENGAL. Even now in some of the tributary mahals in the jungles of Orissa." atasi/^ etc. It intervals. like the Chinese. Each gate rests is on two pillars. as I have said. It has to be dyed again . Linen.] honour of the in by subscription a large temple bailfc 319 Sun-god. After that the next step was to discard the bark. field. is There and also used them as chud- a grand stupa on the Sanchi surrounded by a railing of stone with huge gates at ders over their shoulders. if the Bengalis commencsd the reflect great credit manufacture of however. Primitive people used to wear leaves. They used to spin yarn from the " " fibres of jute flax dhanche. to spin them into yarn and then to weave them into cloth. silk before in the world. Among them are engravings of many lark-clad sages. The facts which we have gathered from the Artha-Sastra up3n Bengal. utilize the mulberry plant for this purpose. It would be still more was her own. They manufactured silk not require to be coloured. PT. to extract the fibres out of it.. These yarns are now used in making . la those days good cloths were made of this yarn and sometimes these cloths were exceptionally fine. From the manner in which they put on the bark.VOL. from plants which grow in abundance The silk manufactured in China "without any human effort. The clolh manufactured from bark was .ropis and gunny bags. They softened the barks by beating and wrapped them round their bodies like cloth hills. if this special process The Fourth Contrilution. creditable.

e. As soon as a bud opened.CONTBIBUTIONS 820 called Ksauma. Kaslj Vatsa and Mahisa which produced excellent cotton cloth.S. Madhura. A piece of this muslin could easily also a be passed through a ring. but on condition that the Subadar was to furnish all the Malda silk and Dacca this stick.g.R.O.C00 as the revenue from the Subadar . From this we can infer that the " barklinen of Bengal was the best of its kind and that Dukula For this reason I have included only in Bengal. the cotton was carefully wrapped round From this cotton a very fine yarn was made. was a favourite with the As Ksauma people. •''' made was it in which Bengal may be proud. Madhura means the Pandya territory and Mahisa was on the south of the Narbudda and Aparanta was in the present Bombay But long after Canakya.^' '' of Paundra was darkish. Aparanta. The Bengal Dukula was " pure.B. was considered fine OS' BENGAL. it [J. as DuUula. Bengal consisted in its thea" or " Pckha Ghara. the the on and dew of the night was wetted grass by spread perfectly indistinguishable. the list There of the productions of were other places. The tres. The weavers rose very early in the morning and went to the cotton fields with small sticks of bamboo. I bave refrained from any mention of cotton cloth. '' " which were called Prek?d Grha fifth glory of ancient . Kalinga. which was ultimately woven into muslin. According to the Artha-Sastra of Kautilja. 5. Theatre. this cloth was woven only in Eengal. the cotton-linen became Presidency. white in colour and. Ksauma being known sacred.00.^^ The Dukula The Dukula bright of Suvarnakudya "glittered like the sun and was as brilliant as a jewel/ ^ At the end of the chapter in which Kautllya deals with these things he says "In this I have dealt with the Ksauma ^^ of Kasi and Paundra.S. muslin that would be required in the royal household in Delhi. because from Canakya we can see that it was not a monopoly of Bengal. looked very decent and soothing. 'Ike Fifth Contribution. When Akbar conquered Bengal ho agreed to take only K. but like a gem. A piece of Dacca muslin distinctive glory of Bengal.

. Hence.'' They attempted to the performance down with edly struck the bamboo. We learn from the Sastras that once upon a time there was a deadly contest between the Gods and Asuras. While the Asuras wera being repeatIt is us. break up which was going on. point what constituted out our concerned glory in the past. In these parts or divisions six of the it " Jarjara Gods were These Gods too had to be worshipped. resolved to repeat it whenever it should be necessary to raise their flag. Theatre-houses were constructed in three different ways. and before the commencement of Jarjara on and it the a " play. caused a flag to be hoisted. The were in the form of an equiside triangle.] v. The Gods assembled under it and made themselves merry.VOL. lame stages of the ordinary gentry . But try from Greece. each measuring S:J cubits. PT. Those meant for Kings were foursided. Those intended for the Gods were lOS cubits long. They were 64- cubits long lateral and 32 cubits broad. in battle The Asuras and protested intended to lower said ''We shall not allow this. "While doing so they suddenly began a mimic representation of the which they had been engaged a short while ago. That they were a novelty subsequently imported into this counwe This is not strictlj correct. Indra. its butt-end was bruised " the Jarjara '\ From that time forward became a theatrical symbol. Manv European no were there scholars maintain it India theatres ia as in 321 their ancient opinion that times. and finding that it was an amusing pastime. were narrow at the two ends and wide in the middle and were called " Tanas ". They celebrated supposed to reside. coming out victorious. of the pieces was called '' Jarjara had to be worshipped. Blind. need not with is quarrel to only For what we are with them. CONTBIBUTIOXS OF BEXQAL. when Indra chased them with a bamboo. III. The six different divisions " used to ba wrapped up in six different of cloth. in building a theatre-house it was necessary first of all to fix the the ground.

intended for the audience and the Some of the stages with their remaining half for the actors. ground floor and those In the portion of a theatre-house which was intended for the audience the arrangement and distribution of seats was as follows : — The Brahmaijas were accommodated in the front where the The Ksattriyas were seated behind the all white.o.. through which the actors entered.B. they incurred the displeafjure of . In these stiges the scenes of the earth were represented on tlie of the heaven on the first floor. first floor. river banks. 322 or crooked men or tlioso who were ugly [J. here the pillars were red. glowing colours. audience halls were built two-storied^ presenting a spectacle which cannot even now be met with in many countries in Europe. occasions lampooned the ilsis. just The green room and the music-hall behind the stage. but tlicy contained no curtain paintings moveable at pleasure as in a modern theatre. The Jarjara was worshipped on the stage where also the Nandi etc. were distributed was one cubit higher than that which stood in its immediate front. This was the plan in which which the seats the gallery In the was constructed. Beggars and ascetics not allowed access to in^ -a theatre-house the Jarjara had was Half of the house to be fixed in the centre. also were In buildrigorously excluded. were decorated with sceneries rooms. Each of the rows into the columns being black and yellow. recreation painted on them stood of worship. and behind The this Behind these was the recreation room again was the j)lace walls of the theatre-house of houses.HiS. The space lying behind tha Ksattriyas was divided half and half between Vaisyas and Sudras. in There were two doorways on the two sides of the stage. mountains. gardens. Such persons built. where the house was two-storied.' tONTrviniTioNa or bengal. or awkward were place whore a iheatrc-liouse a was being not even could be wanted for their labour. the distribution of seats was made in the same manner. too. But having on several was read. pillars were Brahmapas . The actors were formerly Brahmanas.

Situated as they were between India on the one side and the Roman territory on the other. Vartika.D. they often attempted to extend their dominions at '' the expense of both. lying called on the south of Partbav or Parada flourished between 250 B. Saipgraha Karika. Decanese.^' If in 200 B."*^ but in received from the Indians the appellation of their declining days " Pahlava. They were formerly called Pathrav. the other by KrsasVa. PT. 333 The Artha-Sastra of Canakya mentions them only as Sulras. These collected together formed the Bharataits Natya Sastra which wss compiled probably in 200 work we find simultaneous mention of the three B. CONTRIBUTIONS OP BENGAL. From the drama of Bhasa we learn that Vatsaraja Udayana boasted that had been his ancestor. Bharata Muni gives u? some account of theatres as existed many in this conntry schools of sutrahad and its in ancient times. They also loved to see the '^acting provided it was clever." In the Puranas they are mentioned as "Parada. V. these tribes together must have been written between 200 B.C. one of date.VOL. which was composed by Silali.C. ^' a performance. and a. The methods peculiar to the eastern parts of India was Odramagadhi.^^ In the Azarbaijan the sea. it must be therefore the Bharat-Satra was written supposed that many dramatic schools had existed even before that In Panini we find mention of two Nata-Sutras. The methods of dramatic representation. Paficali and Odramaof liked dancing and music durinc the Deccan The people gadhi.C. and as the Saka^ A. Nirukta. 200. He says there they were dramaturgy and each school had its sutra and each Bhasya or commentary..J the latter and became Sudras.C. 222. For in tribes this known Yavana and Palhava. a powerful tribe Caspian hills. : Bengal stood at the head of the countries in . the celebrated German is of opinion that any work containing the names of antiquarian. varying as they did with the tastes and natural characteristics of different peoples^ the Sutrakara Bharata were four in number — Avanti. Noldke. III.d. It must be said however that in the Bhai-ata-Natyaits ancient form which is " Pahlava " occurs in Sastra the word "Parthav. sweet and entertaining.

821 which it prevailed.B. It reflects no small glory upon Bengal that 200 years before Christ she could boast of a method of dramatic representation. Bengalis have Even now they still retained their are averse to dancing and music which however have been retained in the programme solely to please the Marwaris. Bhargava. Videhaj Tamralipta and other countries derived their dramatic pravrtti (taste). Molla Barshak. Pragjjotisa. dialogues " " of men and disliked that of females. and Sanskrit The Bengalis had a special recitation. Pulinda. liking for the acting Eastern Bengal showed a partiality for benedictions an I auspicious sounds. For it [J. Brahmattar. The peculiarity of this method consisted in the fact that it gave preference to satires and small dramas. l-v>-^ .O.S. It is with no small surprise that I learn from actor Babn Amrta Lai Bose. which was her own. Margava. that the national characteristic.CONTBIBUTIONS OF BBNGAL. the premier playwright and of Bengal. Now a word about this Bengali dislike for dancing and music in ancient times. was from Bengal that jVIalach.R.

letter has been read as Subhakara Kesari [No. C. intercourse of Orissa with China.auuscr'pt sent as a present to the Chinese Emperor Te Tsung by the King The name of this King in the of Utcha [Odra] in a. " AVhat has hitherto passed as '* a piece of ancient Chinese culico offers in the female types depicted so close a parallel to Orissan figures so familiar and wall cartoons. p. populous and civilizsd kingdom before the conquest of Asoka. page . No. Buniyu Nanjio's Catalogue. This u afEn-icd by the of the Chinese Tripitaka which is a tran^Iition Japanese edition of a portion of the Buldhist Buddhavatamsaka Sutra made by a Chinese monk named of presentation Prajna on the basis of a ff. 115. It was an extensive.II. That frequent sea voyages were made to cDuntries outside India from the ports of Kalinga It is highly prois now a recognized fact in Indian history.— The Story of a Cotton Printed Fabric from Orissa. Plate VI. Watters On Yuan Chwang. thare cloth is and the aboolutBly no doubt fact that interest. 795. not absolutely certain. of which ancient Orissa was a part.e. 1908. it From now liails that a piees of is from China gives the edict of Asoka at it Dhauli Indian a quit<3 we get unique a glimpse of the kingdom of Kalinga. Gangroly. posid to or not. m ly fabric hive is sup- have cone from Chiaa and was originally reproduced Aad whether it is Orissan in the Kokka. that a section of the inhabitants of ancient Kalinga sent out a colony to Java where Indians bable if *' " have ever since come to be called the Klings [i. page 196 j Puri District Gazetteer. to us th. Vol. Kalirgawe have the evidence of an as late As eighth century ites]. II.it piece of printed cotton origin illy through old ancient Orissan paintings the inferenoe is alaiost irresistible that th3 here illustrated come from some part [Plata IJ The of Orissa. By O. 89 in Mr.

4 in the account of 17/. If the old textile craft of Kalinga be supposed to have survived to the time of the Mahratta occupation. MadraSj 1209].R.e Vicioiia Technical Institute. So that possible that our printed fabric from China originated either in Orissa or Pomo part of Southern reasons for suggesting that the piece of cloth came India. Ponncii^ Kalahasli.issa are: it is — (1) that the female figures represented are in type. Saidapet. At present the chief t'entres of production of printed cloths and wax-dyed palampoi-es are at iMasulipatam. 1742. (2) some of the architectural details appear to be specially characteristic of Orissa.B. direct intercourse cither by taken place between India and China. possible anarchy and violence which followed the tyrannical occupation of the country 1742 any by the Mahrattas. rather than Southern Indian Orissau unmislakably and this can be easily demonstrated by comparison with figures in old Orissau paintings. and Sikkanyakanpet [near Kumbakonam]. Kuruppur. particularly the towers placed over the Kirtimiikkas on the tri-f oiled arches. the piece as pal objection to identify Crissan is The princi- in the type of the male figures represented which rather recall the dress and headgear of the Mahrattns who occupied Orissa from ad.O. these are the towers and sikharai of the 7 iw^o was which closely reproduce the towers Qf many Orissan temples.PRINTED COTTON. S2(} [3 . it is hardly was thethe craft that actually practised during misrule.S On the basis of this evidence^ it may be possible to suppose 2G]. we . which are characteristically Gaudian or at least Northern Indian types. in the general design the fabric interesting coincidences with a piece of of the spirit in question has many anodern painted cotton from Sikkanayakanpet [reproduced as Fig. It is sea On unlikely that after or land could have the other hand. that the printed fabric in question may hav3 travelled to China either by the inland or the maritime route. There is reason to believe that the traditions of this craft Southern India have in been derive! from ancdent Kalinga where cloth used to be mauuin sach large quantities that Kalinga became the word lacturad fcr cloth in old represented and In minor details of the architecture Tamil. My fiom O.

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1!. o. t3fC*-TflH' . liily Cotton printed fabric. >. engraved * printed at CaUutta.1 K. WISthe Offices of the Survey of India. .Plate II..

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v. to be dyed. preclude any date being assigned * to the piece earlier than the twelfth century. ] very interesting information referred to had acquired in foreign " In the recoidsof 163-4-36 an interesting account is wollen was sent cloth which to India. If Kumbakonam. If the fabric we are discussing be a product of Masulipatam or of any Southern Indian cotton centres then it may have been carried to China through the mercantile shipping of the Coromandel The coast. voyages of MeicTiIepatan . . The records of the factories of the East India Company by Mr. Calcutta University." " islands " but to the places the trade from this was probably confined centre round the Bay of Bengal. Pegu.d. Madras. the descendants of whom have siill a colony at Kodali Karuppur of Tanjore miles from in the Trichinopoly District. and the beginning of Kimura . tT. given of a white as to the reputation that the industry countries 1 : A Japanese writer on tlie basia of Gen period (1280-1367 at the end of the {133S-1661 i^is i A.3 327 know that during the seventeenth centmy the great trading and shipping eentre of Coromandel coast was Ma^uHpatam and it appears on the testimony of Hutton [" Account cf the Trade Haklyut Society Publication V. it tlie to a time Me period' Lecturer.) I the re£«re&««: am its coloar scaeme ascribes A. flourishiug ing which probably still continued industry being Masulipatam piece are taken to it the older traditions of ancient Kalinga.) indebted to Mr. D. Hadaway. During the seventeenth century (a. is still preserved Arts collection. PRINTED COTTON.] that on at this place ships of buiden were constantly employed and the Maldive Malacca to Arracan. 1671 to 1719) the ^iahratta B^jas architectural details ware geaei'Ous patrons of tha cotton decorators. Sivaji. Madras. Tanassery. D. the distinguished Principal of the '^ Cotton Puinting and Government School of Arts. twenty And a printed cotton actually worn by Raja Mahratta prince of Tanjore. B. the the male figures pictured represent Mahrattas last in the School of ia the may be assigned to when the craft of cotton printend of the seventeenth ct-ntury a the chief centre of the in was condition." VOL. Madras [ ' afford 1917 Print inff. xii. 111..

have invariably religious subjects for their covers for processional cars motifs and used as are and as canopies for images.O. the South Kensington tam ( Museum. attributed to Masulij^aseventeenth century ) we find it is so different in its pattern. referred able in his craft with to above. London. ity picture animals aud birds.n about the middle of the seventeenth But if we compare our fabric with an example now in century. chiefly from Kalahasti. or perhaps. The industry at one time [ pilanff-pos/i commanding an international trade is now rapidly declinlu" and we all owe to Mr. with a sword religious the local- in figures hand. original cloth having been the factor suggests another to be stayned after the manner " The records also ref e r to of fine paintings of Mcsulipitam. tree tree suggests and gesture. of the scene in Of the small represent royal foroe. trade in painted cotton with Persia. Iladaway a great debt in preservimT monograph. 328 by His Majesty King Charles lost. design and technique [ vide illustration II ] that is it difficult Excepting the convenfrom arches the two pieces have the festoons tional hanging no similarity to suggest a common place of origin.S. probably the Muhammadan Court of Golconda or the Nizam.B. To return to our illustration. The Southern Indian patterns. types Of two feature* of various must have been very common.R. the South Kensington specimen probably commemorates the visit of so ne Europeans to an Indian court. The cottons from Masulipatam ara chicily used for prayer mats " and bed-covers and are commonly referred to as palamporos " ?= bed-covers ]. point of contact between the two pieces lies in the representation of a secular scene .iPKINTED COTTOS. The only to ascribe our specimen to Masulipatam. The [J. rather probably from contemporary mendicants depicted with retainers. figures depicted in the niches. I. three similar in dress police many unique representation The cocoanut which the an account of the . The possibilities are therefore equal that the painted piece of cotton we are discussing was produced at Masulipata'. representative illustration of characteristic patterns used by craftsmen. one of the " is " ancient cloth the of this trees.

the one ou the left side of the Ganesha probably piotares a peasant.VOL. probably the minister of the prince. obviously. But the state of our is not sufficient to enable present knowledge us to interpret the information conveyed to us by the painted piece of cloth. The sword in hand. and the one ou the right. The various patterns of worthy of notice. the type of logne up ( gentlemen ) of the time. Inscriptions. Of the principal male The figure on the three differentiated. The three figures wear shoesof a very peculiar pattern which have no resemblance to those The " head worn by the Moguls or the Mahrittas. the most important marks on their body rather features are the vaishanarile caste Of other types represented. of varying complexion. The data by the peculiarities of the dress given to the figures ought offered to be sufficient to identify the locality of the tcene.j 3f^ elaborate matted locks and beg^ging wallets. PT. with a female figure oa his lap. illegible in the reproduction. the middle class The latter's dkoti to the ankle requires particular notice in contrast bhadrareaching with the worn by the retainers. of the army '* certainly wears close fitting bluck coverings on both legs which recall stockings or braces. All the male figures have of some kind or other. lli. types pdi/aiatnas head-dresses figures extreme right seated on a quaint chair. and wears tunic and orna- ments similar saris to the prince worn by the female the fact that all himself. he wears a sort of a cap which is quite distinct from the turbans of the other male figures. dresses are not identical with the dresses Mahrattas. as the Vahini-pati. PKINTED COTTON. wear a sort of figures are bodice which cover the greater portlMi of the arms. is some high officer probably the head of the army. may be taken to be another official. The fi^^ure on the extreme left. referred to in the central figure ^-ith of the state. from the similarity of his turban. is prcbibly a prince. we The associate with the blance to them. though they have some resem- They probably represent the fashion of dressamong Hindus in the parts of the eastern ing at one time current coafcli between the Mahanadi and the Krishna which must be . are pictured. v. as also of them.. the two figures on either side with a lotus and a nosegay are courtiers.

K. .I'BINTED COTTON.O. 330 [J. habits and physical environthis point of view this piece And from a quite unique historical document.S. a picture of which is not available from any other source. taken as the locality of the scene depicted^ and the date of the cloth may be roughly indicated as between the thirteenth and the fifteenth century which fity in the chronology of the Eastern of Oi'issa. of painted cotton is the ancient secular vydvaharic life the dress.H. The painted feature Indian antiquities that cloth has preserved for Ganga Kings us a unique mirror of a phase of the life of the time. For it is a characteristic of monumental records invariably ignore the of ancient India such as ment of the people.

aul figmcs. It admitted on is all the oldest cities in India M. 1355.— Rajgir Jain Inscription.. are of almost the same size. hands that Rajagriha (Rajgir) is one of and has received attention as a place of great antiquarian interest. were removed more than a century ago.A. these stones. The The date 11^13 correEponding has been put in symbolical words characters belong to the usual DeYftnttgari . besides 16 lines of matter. but no notice of them was Both the stones are of a hard jet-black kind and taken till now. 10 inches in breadth. one meas-iring 2 feet 10 inches and to Bihar. The inscription is a Prasasti or eulogy of a temple built on Vipula hill and dedicated to Par^vanatha. B. two of which Vaibbara and Vipula. form a girdle like the walls of a town and are crowned with small Jaina temples. the other 2 feet 8 inches in length.L. lying the Svetambara Panchayati Jaina temple at this is a panegvrie. The inscription in question is engraved on two stones whieh temples were ruined during the now are Bihar.. stone contains. an emblem first of a lotus with 20 petals inscribed second stone has 17 lines. The engraved letters are about ^ inch in length. and both. The Vipula present inscription some hill built sij: from one of those temples on is centuries ago. for other. By Puran Chand Nahar. of which some reason cr or destroyed. The five hills. still retain their old names. being desolate in The temple. but it on the left-hand corner.T).III. Many of (he earlier political struggles and disorder in and the the country existing temples on these hills were all later on restored. It is dat^d the sixth to day of Ash^dha in the Vikrama year A. is damaged in the The middlo towards the top and the end. The letters of the first The stone are a bit bigger in size than those in the second.

" . here and there in the text.^ found therein coucerniig the is r^gian of Malik Vaya in Bihar as represenWe find mention Emperor assisUd by Na^iruddin. Ilyas Khaji. recording the erection of the temple. nothing tj call for any [J. In the year 1354 the Sultan raided the province of Bengal and the stones the following inscripti in records the tative of the another important reference The political history of Bihar. 1354) after his accession. known as Haji Ilyas. XI. In Bihar town I was informed of various traditions concerning Malik Vaya but I could not collect any It is related systematic account either of the man or his time.RAJGIR JAIN INSCEIPTIOX. but was not able to reduce his enemy until the rains setting in compelled him to Elphinstono's Histojy of India. 9th edition.B. the author has portion. ' See Indian Antiquary. he made an attempt to recover Bengal.d. S32 alphabet of the Jaina type. 1351 to a. No. beginning with Udyatana Suri ' and ^ Text-books describe the following facts rolafcing to the movement of the Sultan in Bengal:— "Three years (A.) of Malik have Vaya not yet been able to get hold of any account any of the available histories or Nasiruddin in of Bengal. 1388. 402. one of the divisions of Svetambara) Church. there is In the dedicatory special attention. " having been by non-Muhaaamadans.d. but better known in history as Samruddin.9. thit his body without head wa& on horseback coming from fort Rohtas and that he wa» buried on the small hill near the town of Bihar known as QlUa killed seen (fort) where a tablet with inacription in verse was placed in his executive officer about half memory which was removed by some a century ago. governing Bengal at the time (a. 38 p. that the brave Malik Vaya died as a '" Shaheed. yearjj.0. 1343of I 1357. In respect of orthography. retreat. The inscription refers to Emperor who reigned from were inscribed in Sultan Firoz Shah Toghlak.D. 248. p. and o rerran the whole province. Vol.d of verses.R. shown great erudition and has used metres in the composition There are in addition several prose passages scatter(.d. the a. For the Jaina students the inscription gives a regular list o£ the heads of the Khartara Gachchha. and so these names may be of some interest to students of histoiy.

III. He is described as a descendant of the minister Daliya. This Dali ya is said to be one of the foremost ministers of King Bharata. that along treated with sympathy and kindness and received help from the Muhammadan Government on account of their peaceful and loyal character. CAJOIR JAIN ISSCBIPTIOX. p. These Mabatiyanas abounded in the province those daySj a few families of them are still existing in Bihar and m . No. IS. Vol. From another iuscriptiou found in the temple at Pawapuri (Bihar) it is clear that Mahativanas (Matl. PT.ens) and those described as belonging to the which I They followed the family of the mii-ister Daliya were ident'ca!.VOL r..g period of Muhammadan sovereignty when at times various sicred temples of the Hindus were polluted and demolished by the Musalman?. It is also interesting to note in this inscription as in several other Jaioa inscriptions of different dates from other uclike their orthodox Hindu brethren the Jainas pari s of India^. the eldest son of the Tiithankara firfct Rishabha Deva.3 was erected. they did their best to preserve their sacred places duri ig the loi. 13. . Jaina religion. We ^ during whose spiritual headship further obtain information of^ the ending with Jina Chaudra Suri ihe temple J(?3 genealogy of the dedicator of the temple. 249. were all ^ see ludian Ante qT a 7.

R.'^. 324 t^T.O.^^ I (7) S TONE.] (P'lRST ( 1 ) Symbol ll ^ ^W.) ^m^\^m ^ g: ^ f^HrfcT II ^^fi^lf^l^IT^^HRTfnft^ ^' ^fq ta: gfq »:*f^'?5flg5f3i: II yi ^^5g^ Tlf^- . T^fii^ ^n^t ^^X\ Hmn. [Text.n.EAJGIR JAIN INSCRIPTION.

.J RAjaiR JAIN' f^m^IcnTTlTTT^'lTTTHTTT ftitcw ^t:^^ ii^'-<irT (l. (12) v. ^ W^ I 335 cT^'^TcTt H 'ETPsnins^ ^^n^^ 1 ^^1 iT5r{c?iy (^3I>) ctJfr xrf^w^^m ^fif€''f1^ ^n- ^I^^fliff I^it ^ft^ ^ft- (^^tf^- . lU.VOL.j) ^ fm5T^^^i!tf^?rm. PT. (16) ^^rfct 5i^i^^q IXSCBIPnON.

o..T: X[^ ii #^^ ^^ ^^ ^JTtl^^^^ ... Wf^^JTt (19) ?iriT«5f^#I.b. ^m^'m- I ?fj*r^t^^ f^^^ ^: ii (IS) ^n^^^^jft f^iT. (Second Stoxe.^^^ kajgib jain insoklptiox.h. [j.) (t7) ^a[v^m[f^n-J ^^^^ ^vs xnc «%t U crraift'Jr* "w^ ^M^m:.. (20) fijcimf^irvrl^c!^ (2i>) ^r^[ fcTlfr'f ^^r ^ft^^^i^ ^% I •sTft^^^rirW ^2ltf« ISH^: ^i^if^^i ^i^g^rTsr^r: ff (^^f*IcISr^^Jf: i cT..r.

. v. So ^TU^i^J^mm>^ ^jft ^ 337 I ^"IxaVm^T^T^T^^ . PT.] RAJGIR JAIN RfSCBIPTlON.VGL. III.

which has said to satisfy all desires) ( Pars- Sri May permanent root its Sumeru Lord Parsvanatha. others attained their desires. Baladeva. with the lotus-like feet. the lovely branches its beautiful appearing Lord the mountain of ] with app3ars beautiful P. world. while the cross Sultan Sri best of this limit- Peroz Sdha (Emperor Eiroz Shah Tughlak) the protector of the good. Sali. tinged brown by the shoots of rays. Vasudeva and Prativ&sudeva respectively and othe. [First Stone']. the whosa feet at excellent frait3 the of with the at ) P.EAJGIR JAIN INSCRIPTION.O. and where S'reaika and other Kings received the wealth of Jaina teachings from ^ Mahavira. Lakshmana and perors Jaya^ ( ) and borUj took initiation leaves seated is of desire to the Jaina fruit in RA. adorned with Jaina temples lying extended in the East and West announce to the people that welfare in the two worlds (in is sur^dy speak highly of name of Rajagriha There 5 the sacred less ocean in ? the places. which helped the people to the .lords of earth fl>urished. Where Abhaya Rajagriha) (in Kum^ra. who were Chakravartins.B. (2) Where and many of all . to a Kalpa Tree like Jarasandha. bestower (in case blossoms of and prosperity Community. a38 [J. (whose temj^le) permanently lies on the [in of Vipula hill holy of serpents of (in case bears fame) grant the Where and in case which Indra) of P. TRANSLATION. (1) the venerable sage Suvrata was attained omniscience and the em- Rama. Dhanya both material and spiritual end (3) the Rajagriha) holy hills of Vipula and Vaibhara.jagriha ( of expanded Tiood of the root of which is seated Indra and flowers of welfare fruits which immortals. . salutation Orn^ vanatha taken on the superior and vast mountain case of P. of who do known by obtained from this place such a place of pilgrimag3 not the (4) holy city of Rfijagriha.S.E.

. fathers^' the first and born to children sind three were them. all Of them by virtues. world were all — mines virtues of chest. name of Vdharha. the men. Kdmadeva and Mdfiardja. (8) The fourth was the prosperous Baehchhardja fifth both and youngest was the of whom of Religion earned the " even illustrious title of and intelligent which mire by reason of the excessive water there the people) and eo difficult to drive. in. versed in the rules of religious practices and and of conduct of all the innumerable virtues He had pure as lotus.. (6) him named Thdkura Manilana. known by the names of sanctified respectively Sahadeoa. (7). who recognized and respected the meritorious. famous in the world. full of deep (ignorance of Ratani who was good principles and son was Pahardja 11 in whom good qualities and prosperity united and the second •went by the. a wife named 1 hiradevi in his house. with the help in JVa«a^i« rrft » (Nasiruddin) best in the flourished servant command Malik a highly of Tihuna name A by the people became Pdla son was born to best of all receptacle in moon was bom the pure as uncommon good virtues. shaped 6 of the lord of elephants and Vaya was the GoTCmor Daliya sHccessive persons of which a r. of all the Kings. 33& BAJGIE JAIN INSCBIPTION. " the driver of the in the eastern country of Bachchharaja was deceit and observed all her two sons were born. the is and Mre Chariot. emanating from the jewels of the turbans was ruling the world from the vast peak of the holy like a mountain of ship in the form great while by his Vipula. Of wife any Devardja. in that dynasty was born Sahaja Pdla of pure intellect. (9) |. (10) first .TOL. of string the dynasty of the dynasty. PI. Five sons were .3 v. the foremost of the good and whose person was bedecked with His son the ° the minister adorned the pearls. The first unpossessed of customs. known by jewels of spoken of family which was as whose the wealthy Raha. (5) In olden times. of his Magadha. ears head and the uke of good kings.

and others were her eons— all blessed with a large X>^a?iflsm5ti fortune. 310 [J. wife of Devaraja was Roijl. (11) The 2 .o adorned with tha jewels of virtues and whose essence was boundless love of a high order. the leader of Gana. the repository of all good qualities^ tbe second Padtnanmha favoured of fortune. The first son born of her was Kkemaraju.B. first him Qnnardja —both proficient in all the fine arts. His second wife was the beloved Bidhl favoured of the creator. (1) the foremost Han gas'dl a &nd maintained (18) Having worshipped..BAJGIR JAiN meCElPTION. . Dharmasimka was the first son born of her body and after (12) (Devaraja) had a second wife named Padmifii in his house. He . the of the present age. first named Achchharl.S. (16) After him succeeded J'/«mvrra Suri. (14-) In his family was born Vajra Scdmifi versed in ten Piirvas 14 the thunderbolt for splitting the hill of Cupid from whom — the fructiferous branch adorned with spreads the Vajra-^^akhd the flowers of good men. the — third GadasimJta and lastly the daughter Sudharma. 1 r . v.hicli was always enlight- was born the learned preceptor Vdybtana in whom (the cutture of) all the pure and refined arts reached their culmination (and) in whose place was born the good sage Gani V ardhanidna. and possessed of pure viitucs and the knowledge of good manners and loveliness. with wuds of mantra. who showed the virtuous the step to salvation and who was the author of Siddhanta Sutras (religious texts) . was born. (13) head of tbe Jaina church the root of the tree of th 3 prosi^sring Jaina world of Vardhamdna. Sri Pa. became famous as K/iaratara in this From whom the Gana ijidefatiguble and renowned in the world Ifi world (17) Then came of all the preceptor sages who was author self-restraint. R.O. the savant who was ened. ^'i' /ew a of Samvcga ChandrO. (15) In the CJiandrakula of that line.

commentaries known as Navdngiy the source of endless pleaiure.. lu. ft. (19) (Then flourished) now ^ake Fallabha Jina head drinking. who killed the combatant of ignorance and caused the enlightenment (of the psoplc) and who was the foremost of the observers of pure as a jewel. the chief of the sages.vol. Ciintamani rsua who was author of the Abhayadeva Suri flourished after him. orator?^ easily of thing accomplishment.Um amongst the people. the be devoid of illustration and that to which accomplisliable difficult well illustrated to the adversary could cite no authority bas2d on sound testimony.. (. who does not even of the excellence of his virtues In by the vessel of ears ? (20) his place flourished the savant exalted of the sages^ who was recommanded most Jinadclita.us seat flourished Jina —beautiFul Pralo. (23j After him flouiishcd JineScara Suri. bajgir jaix inscription. his like nsctar. (-22) After him flourished Jtna Pati the who meeting antipathy in to be best of the argument established an . by Amlika. as the best of all tho preceptors in this land and worshipped even by the virtuous and the greatest of the good by reason of the wealth of of right conduct. like the sun. resplendint with the store of knowledge of who — with the mass of rays) blew open the lotus beds of the good people (in case of the sun blew open the beds of good lotuses) and who became famous (in ^risen high up) and was lovely by reason of his case of the sun words (in the case of the sun ^brilliant — — observing the best self-restraint (in the case of the sun by reason of his stay in the sky). the to the people blinded by the darkness of ignorance. v.:4) Then in his meritoii.. (21) After knowledge Chandra Suri (II) who gold by the virtue of want of attachment hira flourished had Jina on given up all whose forehead the jewel Ckintdrnani resided as if by reason of the forehead being the abode of the goddess of fortune.j 341 Second Stohe.e conduct was as . (25) self-restraint and who.

caueed the be erected for bringing about (31) Here Baehchhardja. (28) After him llourished Jina LabdH the chief of the sage who was the successful repository of the sense of the perfect understanding of his best Saslras established by the refutation of othei-'s Sastras and was the ocean of knowledge and duties which is 26 rare in the people of the age of Kali. After him.». Kusala (26) who his fame in this world by Lord of the Jinas in the high and 24 lofty temple on the best hill of Vipula. and his intelligent Lord Parsvanatha to brother the city of &'ri Bevardja. the ornament of the race of Mandana. shining even in this fifth Ard with the '' splendour of all the religious injunctions of Vidhipatha''\ (27 j After him was J in a Padma 8uri. the vast receptacle of the elucidation of the teachings of Jainism whose amiable manners pleased all the best observers and who was the best of all the savants. Jina Charnh-a {Hi) the lord of sages who^by teachings checked the wantonness of the naturally ignorant. (32) j 28 The ceremony of dedication was performed by the best oE the teachers: named Bhuranuliiia by order of hk preceptor.O. a resident [of BiharajKira 27 palace of prosperity. seeing the sport of the presiding goddess of the lord of Gani in him. and who always took pleasure in the full enlighten meat separated from ignorance. the lord of sages in whose breast even the enamoured goddess of learning was 25 fortunate enough to share brilliantly in his childhood.1i. along with his friends and relatives caused the dedication to be made. who .V!. 342 *'^ iS. arose like the new moon. the receptacle of virtue and all essence. and who destroyed the ignorance and wicked nature of the people (in ease of the beams.RAJGIR JAIN INSCRIPTION. In his place flourished (29) Jina Chandra (IV) bent on subjugat- ing Cujwd . in this world. (80) J3y his advice Bachchharaja. moon —which causes the ocean to swell up by revels in the full resplendour got rid of darkness destroys darkness and the evil influence of the In his place shone the preceptor caused wonder to the people with establishing the image of the First ill Jina its and which stars).

the god of Jains and which is adorned with kalas'a ornaments and flags at the top of its domCj and the renowned precej^tors be blessed in this world shines the image of (26) along with the Jaina Sangha (community). PT. Vikrama era of (35) May the erectors of this palace. and Vunyapiadhdna Gani by the advice of Jina Chandra Suri the ornament in the seat of Jina Lahdhi the preceptor and decoration of Kharatara Gachchha. ends the sixth day of the of the panegyric poem temple Parsvanatha caused to be erected by the two good Siivakas Bachckhardja and DiVardja.j $. the lord of sages. v.VCL. May the Jaina Sangha be prosperous Chha. Getting this laudatory verse of wonderful metre composed by the venerable Ehuvanahita superior bath. in the interior of which Lord Pdrscandtha. And by reason of writing appearing as it his purificatory were like the goddess (37) good composition was engraved for merit by the son of Thakkura Milhdhga named Bidha the great Srdvaka and this artist. .. the two sons of Thakkura Mandana the ornament of the race of the minister with the great merit of pilgrimage earned in the course of wanderings in the eastern country of the teacher Bfiuvana'. RAJGIR JAIN INSCBIPTIOS.13 was a pupil of the savant Jina Chandra and whose teacher ia respect of S'astras was Jina Labdhi. Thus. (33 & 34)" This scholar held the ceremony on new moon the 1412. new moon of (38) in the Vikrama Samvat lil2 on the of A=hadha. in the month Ashadha of the in the sixth dav from. of it was ptit in fame incarnate. nr. HarsJiatnurti Gani.ita accompanied by Pang (Panyasa) Ilariprabha Gani. Mod&murii Gani.

owing to the nobility of his birth^ had Meer Kasim Khan married to Fatima Begum. at the time of his going in nissa.IV. During the regimes of Mahabat Jang and Nawab Serajuddaula. He also allowed him Rs. 200 mensem from his per treasury. By Kban Bahadur Sarfaras Husaiu Khan. II. IMohammad Kasim Khan and Meei-an were and however strained. pursuit of him.. By this means his financial position was . but was highly talented and qualified and was proficient in astrology and mathematics. he was one of the courtiers of the Like other ordinary Nawab. son of Imtiaz Khan of Persian origin was an Imperial Deewan at Patna. men. His father Meer Razi Khan was one of the Kiug^s Mansabdars. From the very beginning his career looked promising. He gave a large amount of money as well as valuables as her dowry. daughter of Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan did not enjoy a very high social position. The author has heard from trustworthy men that Meer son of Meer Razi Khan. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan appropriated a box of valuable jewellery belonging to Lutfunwife of Serajuddaula.— Translation of Maharajah Kalyan Singh's Khulasat-iit-Tawarikh. He MoKammad Kasim Khan^ possessed a jagir in Bengal where he passed his life comfortably. to get him the governorson-in-law was sufficient Excellency's ship of Rangpur and Purneah. Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan therefore could not show any favour lo Meer Kasim in the beginning of his Feelings between Meer He did not try much for the improvement of bis sonrule. Moer Mohammad Kasim Khan Ali Jah. But the very fact of his being his in-law^s position and honour. Nawab Mahabat Jang.

At the request of the . Meer Ka^im was very often entrusted with missions and used to go .VOL. gave room to times assumed huge proportions. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan having performed the work for which he was sent. But the increase of the military expenditure coupled with the extravagance of iMeer ^Mohammad Jafar financial Khan brought and the laxity of supervision on his part which at misappropriations and defalcations difficulties. v. This continued for four or five days. he was much respected both by the civil and military officers. and the total debt amounted to 3 croros and 40 lakhs of rupees. After the death Meeran he used to go to his father-in-law very often. PT. The soldiers waited for three years. on the minds The English consi- dered Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan to be possessed of higher administrative powers than not only Saddiq Ali Khan but alsD Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. man in the family of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan better filled than Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan for responsible work.. As Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan was^ comparatively speaking.] ^M'j improved and he kept some cavalry and Infantry with him with a view to maintain the dignity of his jwsition. When news reached the English at the Kasirabazar factory they communicated It to the authorities at Calcutta and asked Meer this Mohammad Kasim Khan to interfere. and when they saw that their dues could not be realized. to the English at Kasiml^azar on behalf of his father-in-law. The pay of the military fell in arrears and the English were also not paid their annual grant. tions Meer Mohammad more prudent than Jafar his relative he fully impressed it of the English that he too was their friend. As he discharged the duties entrusted to him with great tact and ability. they all assembled before the palace and began to abuse the Nawab and would not allow him to take his food and drink. came back As there was no other to Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. wiser and and raise his social status. khulasat-ut-tawabikh. III. So marked and conspicuous were his services that Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan felt it his duty to entrust him with higher power of With a view to settle certain quesKhan had once to send Meer the Kasim Khan to Mohammad English at Calcutta.

On reaching Calcutta. it was of the this opportunity on the friendship he entertained towards the Company. Shumshuddaula Bahadur and the other members of the Council. of and that his habits were such that dwelling. did not that it Khan to excuse to go to Calcutta and yet he had no reasonable At last he gave prevent him from going there.b. interfered pocket paid 5 or 6 lakhs of rupees to the and from his who had officers caused this commotion and asked them to leave the palace.^. He knew was not advisable to allow Meer Mohammad Kasim In the meantime Meer to Calcutta on some_. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan saw Mr.o. own Meer Mohammad Ka&im Khan lJ. But the habitual indolence and dissipation of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan were such that neither Meer Mohammad Kasim nor the soldiers could of influence be paid from the State treasury. English. incidentally as it were. He pointed out to the Council that Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan was after utterly incapable impossible for him to carry on the administration Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan took country.346 khulasat-ut-tawarikh. was that the disturbance which might have assumed a much more threatening aspect was ended mainly through the Thus it Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan. Mohammad Kasim Khan had to go Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan know what to do under the circumstances. made a The earnestness and profound impression on . They told him point blank that Meer Mohammad Kasim had advanced the money at their request and they were therefore bound to see that his money was paid off.business. Meer in honour Mohammad Jafar Khan paid no attention to this remonstrance. Vansittart Nasir-ul-mulk. the unwillingness of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan to pay up the dues of the Company and of the military as well as the advances he had made to him at the request pathos with wliich lie of the spoke. him permission to go. The English repeatedly asked Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan to pay the soldiers and to repay the amount spent by Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan. English.r. and the exchange of the usual greetings delivered to them the message of Meer Mohamipad Jafar Khan.

He was pleased with Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan and proposed to appoint him the Prime Miaister of the State and make him act as a Deputy of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. together with two or three other members opposed it. who were in favour of Shumshuddaula Bahadur. Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan being pleased with the decision ted discussions But home. Kasimbazar gone to Calcutta at the time on being summoned by the Governor.. accepted the proposal. some "Warren Hastings. PI.VOL. regular allowance from him (Meer Mohammad Kasim He put his proposal before the other Members Council and sought their advice. Nawab Shum^huddaula Bahadur had heard much Meer Mohamnaati Jafar Khan. Ellis. Nawab Meer Khan Mohammad started to Jafar morning there see the Governor and having crossed tho Bhaglrathi reached . and he knew him capable and totally unfit But he was tances. also left for Murshidabad with some The next English troops and encamped at Muradabagh. of the Shumshuddaula Bahadur. at once started Mohammad as for Jafar Murshidabad Khan and the next day Nawab Shumshuddaula Bahadur. nay that he ^va8 the ablest of his relatives in matters of administration. do under the circums- to the task that lay before him was not of ordinary importance. Some Members. UI. especially Nawab Sbumshuddaula Bahadur. KHTJLASAT-UT-TAWABIKM. Johnson also differed and openly criticized the measure in the Co«ncIl. in a fix inasmuch as for the as to he honourable what felt that against to office he ###BOT_TEXT###gt;e in- held. who was next in rank to Khan). "who had the then senior saw Nawab Meer after his arrival there. The made in the CDuneil were however submitShumshuddaula Bahadur was supported by the majority. it was declared that Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan be appointed to act as a Naib (Deputy). Amyatt. while Mr. v. Major Camac and Mr. other officers officer at and Mr. who was to receive a fixed. and they all.l 347 English. Mr. who was the ablest. felt convinced that he would e be a great improvement ou Meer ]Mohammad Jafar Khan as a Subedar.

O. Shumsbuddaula Bahadur and paid him a Shumsbuddaula Bahadur related to him all that had passed between him and Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. Muradabagh Bahadur after Nawab Nawab in the the usual exchange of the of afternoon.S. he himself must be expected to be in a worse condition. Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan in times of difliculty. He said that they (the English) should now stand by him. specially as it was not Meer Kasim firmly Nawab alone who seemed to stand in need of their help. Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan was much annoyed at this. As it was dinner (the Nawab Shumsbuddaula Bahadur requested Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan to wait till he had finished his Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan in a state of utter meal.348 KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. bidievcd in the kindness of But he did not God who always his knees and lose heart and ever helps his creatures When Nawab Shumsbuddaula Bahadur dinner.E. Bahadur. displeased with Shumsbuddaula Bahadur and left the palace without further Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan was going to when he met Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan on his way. Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan asked Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan not to go to Shumsbuddaula discussion.B. He was much. bad finished his went to him again and informed him of tiie perplexity he was . him killed. and said that as he had firmly kept all the promises made by him after Sirajuddaula's defeat. He pleaded not guiltj. Shumsbuddaula Bahadur he could do nothing. Kasim Khan said that when he replied that Nawab Meer Mohammad Governor) was powerless in the matter. time confusion was sitting with his head bent upon did not know what to do. Shumsbuddaula Bihadur In spite of the warning he received from Meer Jafar. On hearing all this Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan said that all this meant evil j)rognosticatiou3 to him as Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan was sure to have he went straight visit in his to own camp. in Shumsbuddaula civilities the informed the Council. he was not prepared to make any departure from that which had been agreed upon. resolution passed [J.

From Muradabagh the English. came to his house and took who Meer him on an elephant to the Dar-nl-Tmara of Nawab !Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. III. This discussion went on till the afternoon. 349 it agreement proposed was not kept. that he should either pay up the soldiers or should make oxer his rich Mutctsa dees to him so that he may realize from them at the point of bavonet the revenue misappropriated by them and pay up the salary of the soldiers and the dues of the English. wa3 enraged at the Meer Jafar Bahadur hearing all this Nawab Shumshuddaula bargain. After much discussion it was finally decided that they should carry the proposal through and anyhow. to consider the matter in consultation with Etimaduddaula began On Mr. Nawab ^Icer Mohammad Jafar They would themselves go to Nawab Meer ]\robammad Kasim the palace at that very time. that he intended go to BaituUahf and that Meer Kasim may do whatever he liked and that he should pay the English and the army in the to . Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan sent word to Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan who Imara. The soldiers &nd officers and otter employees of Nawab Meer ^lohammad Jafar Khan. On the motion of the English.] that said Would mean his if the death. with their officers and army and cannons came to the Dar-ul-Imara of Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan and cautiously stood round the Dar-ul- Nawab Shumshuddaula Bahadur with his officers and Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan went inside the Dewankhana of Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. Hastings and other officials.VOL. ^ was inside his Mahal at the time. He KHULASAT-UT-TAWAMKH. in. the next morning and after dressing armed himself well and came out to the Dewankhana. Khan in a state of suspense returned to his home and made He rose early arrangements for his safety as best as he could. They satisfied Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan asked him to be present at Khan^s palace the next day. V„ PT. Were still there only on aceouut of the promises made by Mohammad Kasim Khan. when Nawab Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan sent one of his confidential ?er^'ants to say that he was readv to leave the Kingdom to him ( Meer Kasim ) .

The raeses ( gentry ) of Bengal of all classes and rank presented him with nctzftrs and welcomed him as Nawab. took the employees of the Mahal. S^BO way he tliouglit with he Calcutta with the informed his said that the English should manage for his voyage proper. some male personal attendants. his proposal accepted 80 that He [J. silver and gold utensils and other valuable and fancy articles from the inside of his palace and such things from the outside had boats laden with as he could get. The rule of Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan was proclaimed in the city by beat of drum.B. He showed .KHDLASAT-UT-TAWABIRft. army and the some treasury. He '* Nasir-ul-mulk Imtyaz-ud-daula Nawab became known as Ali Jah Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan Bahadur Nusrat Jung^''.*^ they if and children may go to Navvab ShumshuJdaula Bahadur family English. In a week or two Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan made instalments to the soldiers arrangements for payments by and to the Company. Bano Begum and her family. Khan that he might Innumerable barges and country boats were brought over to the Mohammad Jafar Khan took Jafar Dar-ul-Imara. the all Nawab Meer valuables^ jewellery. On the 10th Rabil Awal 1074 Hijrah in the Dar-ul-Imara Shumshuddaula Bahadur and other English rank installed Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim officials of Khan on the Matnad of the Governorship of Bengal. Nawab Shumshuddaula Bahadur and other Euglish olhcials returned to Calcutta with the British army and Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan devoted himself finances chiefly to the made in the tion to the general administration to and with special reference to the defalcation time of his predecessors.g. AH Khan and congreat favour to his cousin Abu ferred the title of Moizuddaula on his uncle Turab Ali Khan. gold mohurs. e. some trustworthy soldiers and confidential servants and started for Calcutta in company with an Englishman. Nawab Meer Mohammad go to Calcutta with him.B.O. these. He paid In the treasury he ap- of the old Muiasadees of pointed as clerks time and as Nazirs some of his equal atten* Mahabat Jang'a own trustworthy attendants.

who was a great humourist. and with a depleted treasury he felt himtelf at his wit's end. while to some he . . Nawab took him into his confidence and his words had therefore great weight with him.. Khan. cause of his having taken the tntire responsibility upon himself.v he would He had to pay off the he had to pay the dues of the Company . The said Khwaja becam3 saeh a great favourite TIic of the Nawab that others began to envy h'n position. brother of Khwaja Madar. He detected the misappropriations m-ide by the Mutasaddis and after deducting the amounts thus misappropriated balance from the treasury.KHULASAT-UT-TAWABtKH. made over the English and pawned some the Council. aid after his death Mohammad his son Ali and his nephews Farliat Ali and l?ar- kat Ali were also appointed bakbsis. m-] VOL. with payment orders to the Some were local he paid the sent to the Paro-annahs officials . PT. and asked him to get English-made cannon and to employ sepoy the regiments. He did not felt be able to meet the excessive demands. Shaikh Syed Ali. speciallv b - soldiers . He appointed Khwaja Gurgeen title of Hafiz Israr Khan. was given the post of Bikhshi iu the military dvipirtin3ut. On Khan finding the treasury empty Meer much embarrassed. an inhabitant of Lucknow. was appointed to the post of Turkhanee. He appointed Ibrahim Khan of Shaikhpurah one of Ali Maliks of Subah Behar.Mohammad Kasini know ho. v. Miiza Shumshuddin. Jang an auditor of the Dewani and an accountant in the department of the treasury from which pensions and allowances were He confirmed his old ^funshi and conferred upon him paid. he devoted his attention to paying the soldiers who were in arrears. a daro^a of artillery. of district of his je wels with Having arranged Burdwan to the the members of for paying off the Company. Zair Hosain He appointed the brothers of his pe-sonal attendants some and entrusted to him of looking appointed Sita Kam Mutasaddi and accountant of the late Mahabat of the famous the Mohammad of distributing the pay of the soldiers and the work after Khan 351 household his He affairs. He commenced the settlement of the Pargannahs of Bengal and in lieu of their dues.

Major passed into the hands of Meer Caruac Khan B.S. Mohammad Kasim administration of Bengal mid turns his attention to the afCairs of Azimabad (Patna). some of the and Meer realized large relatives Mohammad and dependants of Nawab JMahabat Jang Jafar Khan as well as from those publio paid by Meeran and Meer Mohammad Jafar Khin. also possessed him. property. But Sakat Singh. son of Badiuzzama. the Mutasaddis of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan.O. and took the In this manner rest himaelf and raised Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan improved the finances. The first thing that he did in this direction was to march against Asad Khan. Meer jMohammad Kasim was much pleased at this. Mohama decent amount from him. and credited the amounts thus realized iu the state treasury. and regulated He his expenses accordingly. piy with the least possible delay. This humane treatment was looked upon by the soldiers of out promises to the Nizamat as a God-sont blessing. and submitted it to Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan. jewellery and cash_. and effected economy in every sums from Chinni Lall and Munni It is Lall. made a list of hi^ valuables. took increased the revenue of his state.KHULASAT-UT-TAWARIKH. When the Viceroyalty of Bengal Mohammad Kasim KL«n.B. which they had never received in the time of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan and which proved to be the real cause of Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan's He made a budget of his incoma and expenliture popularity.iliadur and . the famous Mutasaddi of women who had been lavishly Mahabit Jang. 352 held [J.E. He now turn id his attention to the refractory Zamind ir3. Asad Khan was a Z imindar of Biibhum and as one of the biggest Zamindars of the time in the province mad Kasim of Bengal defeated an army. gave the man a portion of his his position. and brought For the present the author leaves Meer Khan engaged in his him to submission. He kept those soldiers in his service whom he considered fit and dispensed with the services of the incapable after paying up their salaries. said that he went so far as to recover forcibly money from dispensed with luxuries He branch.

with a view to oppose the combined armies of King Ali Gauhar (Shah Alam). Province. v/uo English. The English were mujh pleased with the Maharajah for the dexterous manner in which he had settled suh a delicate question. took him into their camp. and Kamgar Khan. III. the MutasadJi of Siddiq Ali Kh»n deceased. INIajor Carnac and the other English officials. Thus they all marched and encamped near when the combined forces of the King Fighting commenced the next morning. praised him for li. from He was Monsieur the battlefield. as well as with rae»es (gentry) of Azima- bad (Patna) whose names the author does not recollect. Kamgar the apj^ointed place. Maharajah and had the honoiar of obtaining an audience of His Majesty. but the French general stood firm by his cainon.ij ih Shitab Rae. followed Law by tho Aid army. that the King accepted the terms proposed by him. Majesty.] officers. began to advance towards the vicinity of Kayiamapur with their the armed retainers of some of the own armies. other British military of the Bihar g^ KttCLASAT-UT-TAWABlKH. He spoke with so mu ch force and eloquence and managed the business so tactfully. they rode up to him. Khan was harassed the by to first British run artillery The away fire.VOL. seal. and Maharajah Skltab Rae. Zamiudar of Tirhut. V. When Major Carnac and other English officials siw the King and his forces of also brave general standing at his post. The Maharajah returned to the English camp with the royal fnaan. The English made Maharajah Shitab Rao tlieir representative and sent him as such to the royal camp with a view to open negotiations wilh His Shitab Rae proceeded to the royal camp. the Naib Ballabh. !Mahar. and entertained him. sealed with the royal consenting to the proposils regarding the treaty. the French Monsieur Law. and handed over to him ^firman.. PT. which was readily accepted by Rajah Ram Naraio. at last. Vihich they considered no other Indian was capable of doing . also appeared. Maharajah Raja Ram Ram Narain. the Dewan of the province of Bihar. then proposed that was a sincere v/ell-wisher of peace be concluded with tlii the King.s admirable courage.

the King in full state.S. The next morning Major Carnac Khan Bahadur together with the British officials. Maharajah Ram Narain^ Maharajah Ram Ballabh.R.KHULASAT-OT-TAVTABIKH. Tl»e the tank of Meethapur. to enter the royal camp and on being favoured with an audience presented nazar. where His Majesty was presented nazars suited to the dignity of his exalted position. Maharajah Ram Narain.Ballabh Singh and other gentry of Azimabad assembled and went to the royal fort. raised the royal umbrella over his head and in honour of the accession presented him with nazars for the second time.B.^ Narain went Maharajah to their themselves Shitab respective in Rae and residences. while Maharajah Raj Ballabh and the army of Siddiq AH Khan remained outside the city near Bagh Jafar Khan. Ihe next day Maharajah Shitab Rae. The King and his officials were the in the royal fort. audience of the Emperor and presented nazars. was The were overjoyed to hear the pleasant news. The Maharajah and other high officials took The next day leave of the King and repaired to their camps. The imperial forces encamped near accommodated with British their army and own camps Maharajah Rama its at accommodated officers Bankipore. accompanied by the Maharajah and English with their armies. [J. which was an indication of the restoration of peace and order. They requested His Majesty to ascend the ancestral throne. Karagar Khan was not pleased with the news and went away to his own country. his camp nearer to where the English lay. They got the the English officials. j)roclaimed by beat of public drum The royal accession in all the streets of Azimabad. started for Azimabad and reached there by continued marches. Maharajah Shitab Rae Bahadur and a small retinue started for the purpose They were allowed of seeing th« Emperor. At the request of Maharajah Shitab Rae the Emperor mounted an elephant. and in company with Major Carnac Khan Bahadur and other English military officers of high rank. 3'54 The same day the King removed tten. which in fact placed the British rule in India on a firm basis and restored . Maharajah Raj . stroke of the policy of It was a master- Maharajah Shitab Rae Bahadur. started for a garden near Gaya.O.

through the hilly regions of Birbhum and Kharagpur. !Ma jor Carnac Khan Bahadur therefore real sent for the Maharajah Bahadur. Maharajah Shitab Rae however.d dur having put on his forthwith went to the English in the camp at Bagh Jafar f^^hau. and asked him to take his He s^at. Maharajah Shitab Eae Bahaarmour took his retirue with him ai. transpired in connexion with the matter. TT. leave of the They decorated Nawab and went to the Euolish the Factory very tastefully and spread . KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH.VOL. With such remarkable ability elociuence did the Maharajah exjwuud the whole matter that the Nawab was immensely pleased with him. moving spirit. embraced him..] 355 As soon as Naw^h Meer peace to the inhabitants of Bengal. fii«t expressed his great appreciation of the tact and with which the Maharajah had managed tho whole busiand then aoked him to relate to him all that had ness. With them he went before Nawab Meer Mohammad K::sim Khan and taking the Nawab's position into consideration he Nawab Meer Mohammad presented him a valvLahle Pes^&adz. and that he would reply to them after ho had a talk with the Maharajah . Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan replied that they should first call Maharajah Shitab Rae Bahadur. whispered something in his ears and after a httle con- not consent to go to the King's sideration he expressed his willingness to the Factory of the English. who was the to him with their forces. v. III. Kasim Khan too owing to his previous acquaintance with the Maharajah stood up in his honour. After several marches lie arrived at Aztmabad started the with a large army and encamped to the east of Bagh Jafar Khan. Mohammad Kasim Khan heard of the treaty that was made with Emperor and of his accession to the royal throne. The meet the Emperor in English and Maharajah Shitab Rae then took Factory. he for the Subah of Bihar. Maharajah Ram Narain and Maharajah Raj Ballabh went The next day Major Carnac Bahadur and other English officials went to see him and informed him of the treaty and the accession and induced him to acknowledge the King. But Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan either through fear or out of mere vainglory did fort. accepted the peshkabz presented by him.

The Emperor also proceeded to the fort. a garland round the head).9. and presrnted him with 1.K. KHULASAT. Mr. Macober. The English went forward to receive him and conducted him to His Majesty in a manner suited to his etiquette of a dignity. hoaoored the of pearls. Negotiations regnrdlng revenue and other affairs of the provinces of Bengal were opened through Maharajah Shitab Rae. father of Gholam Husain Khan. Meer Mohammad leave of the Emperor and repaired lo his camp. a crest with ostrich plume. Ro\al court. On his arrival at the fort the Emperor dismissed ^Meer Hedayat Ali Khan. a Nawab with a Jchilat of seven pieces. who had to make . Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan also requested the Emperor to dismiss Mir Iledayat Ali Khan.UT-TAWABIKH. asked bim to take a seat on the masnad. [J.B. clioga set with stones. Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan mounted an elephant and proceeded to the Factory with great pomp and splendour. and after paying his loyal respects to His Majesty. a golden masnad on a wooden dais. and after a good deal of discussion it was settled that annually paid to the Emperor 24 lakhs of rupees should be in the Majesty. When he came near the Factory he disinounted. from his army as being the sole cause of the disturbance that had taken place and to direct him to go to his ya^tr«. an elephant and horse and drum.001 gold mohurs^ suits for his special and valuable jewellery placed on trays.056 . which was reserved for the After (aking His Majesty to their Factory the English liJmperor. and other English officials. After the settlement of this Kasim Khan took shape of a present to His business.O. Jjis way towards hhjagin at Hu&ainabad. The Nawab then called Major Carnac. a sword with a shield. The Nawab again presented nazar to the S'lri^ech (a piece of cloth tied an embroidered Emperor in token of gratitude for the high honour done to him. The Nawab was well versed in the He made obeisance to His Majesty. who was the recognized agent of both the parties. while they all remained standing before him bareheaded and with folded arms. In return the Emperor use. the senior officer of Azimabad. a jhalardar palki. retired into another room.

Ahmad Shah nine months to crush the Mahtattas.] 357 Euglifeh officers. Shujauddaula. the eldest son of Shah Alam. paid to His Majesty through Maharajah Shitab Rae. with large and valuable The Emperor presents and invited him to come to Hindustan. at the instance of the English. had his name read out from the pulpits along with the Khutbas (written sermons).VOL. III. At when the Emperor was engaged ia the province Nawab Muhammad Raza Quli Khan^ afterwards known Muniruddaub. Maharajah Ram Narain and other of persons high rank and position used to pay their respects to tlie and the Nawub so long as tlie former remained in The Emperor the fort of Azimabad. of Shawwal. submitted loyal addresses of him at Azimabad. Xajeebuddauh. on the throne at Shahjahauahad as a deputy of his father and issued coins in the name of Shah Alam. Indian country. After defeating the Mahrattas Ahmad Shah plundered some of the to this invitation It t<x)k cities and took large sums of money from Shujauddaula and the Afghans. to remain firm and Ahmad Shah then left Hindustan for his loyal to the crown. v. After the dcp-^.rture of Ahmad Shah. ofEered his thanksgivings to the Almighty and proceeded from Azimabad towards the provinces governed by congratulations to Shujauddaula either in the end of the month that of Zeekad 1170 Hijrah.. Najeebuddaula placed Sultan Jeewan Bukht. Ahmad Baugash an<l other Afghans invited Ahmad Shah to come AUiali. or in the>jegjnfng of Mcer Muhammad Kasim Kkan . whom he also directed. Ahmad Khan Bangash and other Afghan Chiefs also issued coins in the name of the Emperor. at "the instance of Muhammad Eaza Quli Khan Muniniddaula. FT. Khan had promisad to The sum which Meer Muhammad Kasim pay to the Emperor was. KHULAgAT-trr-TAWABIKH. Khan and oppose the ^lahrattas who had appeared on the scene with a large and powerful army with the sole aim of setting up Biswas Rao Chief of Poona on the throne of Hindustan and in response Ahmad Shah arrived in Delhi from Kandahar. as In the meantime Shujauddaula. was sent as a representative to Ahmad Shah the time of Bihar.

was on it Maharajah endeavoured to The tactful manner this settle understanding matters with the which he in concluded the peace. gave him a most offioials. Captain Knox. Maharajah Shitab Rae had given pledge to Colonel Clive Sabitjang Bahadur. Shujauddaula himself made due obeisance to His Majesty. etc.9.B. and with which he fiaally disposed of the business of the the tact King and conducted His Majesty from Azimabad to the province governed by Shujauddaula^ made a profound impression on the English. the vigour which characterized his action in installing the Emperor at the instance of the English. four manzils. gain the Maharajah to his side and make him his friend and supporter. the founder of the British Empire. One Shitab Maharajah His to of the English a llae small went with the Emperor to a distance They then returned to Azimabad.B. also entertained He thought a very high opinion of Maharajah Shitab Rae. of three or 'J. who watched all these prjceedings and saw many things for himself. in India. he would be of great service to him in that Lis if he could political view. and Maharajah 'Shitab Rie. Mr. accompanied by detachment of troops. His Highnesg one day spoke Bahad'.. that he would be firm in his attachment to the the English had also promised to stand constantly This was the mutual understanding between the English Company and by him. 358 and the Euglish offioials after Majesty. suitable presents making loyal send-off. till Karam- after crossing nasa. In the beginning of the rule of Meer Mohammad Jafar Khan. he met the forces of Shujuuddaula which had been posted there with a view to receive him with full military honours and give him a right loyal reception. presented him with JVazars and valuable jewellery.KlIULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasim Khan. and that the Emperor. and the Emperor proceeded onwards.O. and took him towards his Subah {province). Amyatt. Major Carnae Khan Bahadur and other English officials. and administrative work. tie discrimination with whioli he settled the affairs of Bengal.i that he had never seen to With this object in Major Carnae Khaii Maharajah Shitub llae since .

and in the course of Major Carnac asked the Maharajah to see the The Nawab. The next day Maharajah Shitab Rae Bahadur mounted an elephant and with his retinue and attendants went to Nawab Meer Mohammad Kasicn Khan. The Major then went home. and made his obeisance to the Nawab. selfish of in the extreme. PT. inability After some friendly conversation.. Maharajah went the to straight and that he would Major Carnac repllcil Rae and arrange Shitab Major Carnac then took the matter.VOL. asked his all men the his attendants retire to from the retire. went inside on foot accompanied by some of his chosan attendants. that he considered His Highness to be wanting in tated. of The the Nawab Maharajah re- Major Carnac most courteously..rnj his meeting him in the Imperial Darbar be very he that pleased to would him see again. yielded. and consented Rae. health. KHXJLASAT-UT-TAWAKrKH. and he got full he could not therefore loDk to the interests of any one whose theirs. The Maharajah When the also made Nawab and the . at last. though rather reluctantly. The Nawab stood up to receive him and gave him a seat near his Masnad. the Nawab to call on him. firmness and In the Maharajah's opinion the fidelity. xVfter enquiring after the Maharaja's Nawab complained to him of his not having a seen him for long time. most of the English officials who were bound to support his Shitab however. It was therefore interests were Inot identical with that he did not like to see the Nawab. Nawab consequently his turning against the English power and saw his authority well The Maharajah was pledged to the English. and see 359 leave Maharajah. and was vainglorious there was every probability as soon as established. place. persisted and explained But Major Carnac the Maharajah the desirability of chiefly because of his being in favour with to seeing the Nawab. He got down at the gate. Maharajah cause. Maharajah thought over the matter and hesi- ceived conversation He frankly told Major Carnac that he had no faith in the Nawab. The Maharajah gave a suitable to His Highness for his land apologized reply.

Tliey were unanimously of opinion that he shoidd accept the proposals of the Nawab. the Nawab sought the help and friendOh Maharajah I look upon He said " ship of the Maharajah. Eut I am you have been kind enough to hold out to me. am your sincere myself equal to the task your Highness has been kind enough to impose upon me. and to make you vince of Bengal. pened at the He them that had hap- their advioa in th^ matter.B. I have a great regard for your high I count upon you and entertain character and nobility of soul. inasmuch as of his Bengal would promotion to the po. I shall u net also believe that I do not afraid I think over tin the 1 matter in a decisive auswtr when your all I my calmer moMier. They related to Nawab's and sought all . and after bade him good-bye taking his meal sent for his attendants and related to them all that had happened at the Nawab's.R. . for the hearty and enthusiastic reception you have given me.tg and give have the honour of calling next en Highness . and for the hopes of prospects and the promise of help Your Highness wellwisher. At Major Creek^s he also found thr^e more position considerably. replied *' I am much obliged to your Highness for the good and kindly feelings you entcriain towards me.'' The Nawab was much delighted to hear and after presenting alar and /)aM to the Mah raj ih this The Maharajah came home. I pledg-e on oath and on my honour to be your sincere w^Dllwisher. ! and regard you more than I highly appreciate your statesman- elder brother. ^'0n as a staunch friend of mine I would my [J. if and towards you you promise to be my friendly feelings ship. of his English friends. In the afternoon he went say anything way to Major Creek. However. who was one of the most men of his age. constant companion and to be firm in your attachment to me. your sagacity and your military genius.-t of deputy to the Nazim enhance his dignity and raise his social The Maharajah kept silent and did not one or the other. your wisdom. your political foresight.S.O. a keen observer of human nature experienced and a shrewd man of business.KHULASAT-UT-TAltARIKH B{?0 Maharftjali were alone. " my deputy in the administration of the pro- The Maharajah.

and at last Maharajah Shitab Rae delicame to the conclusion thit would be much safe to avoid the company of the Nawab. I>t. He added that as equally he wa? most anxious to visit his native pla:e. that he in reality Nawab and would not wish company. as that would raise his social status and give them an assurance that their position would be safe and their interests well protected. most The Maharajah who Was that he would feel courteously and give him a adept in court much obliged if His him from taking upon Highness would condescend to excuse himself the great responsibility with which he was to be entrust- even without the proposed honour he would remain firm and faithful to His Highness. At home and in his leisure hours. for whom he had left in the up-countryj and whom he had not seeii . and see his family^ ed.. to see the posals.HULASAT-UT. alone. III. after see and the Maharajah persisted requested which they would consider the matter. on the fourth day he mounted an elephant in full State proceeded towards the camp of Meer Muhamra id and Khan.TAWABIKtf. The Maharajah first kept quiet. accepted his proand then again inform them of all that he said in reply. as be to his advantage if his made in consultation with the English at will it appointment was Calcutta and the members of the him Council. and seated him nearer to himself than on the previous occasion. and at last to.»k leave to serve the of did not like his them and came home. then talked on other subjects. asked with answer. and when he and the Maharajah were to favour him decisive business. replied his the Maharaj definite ih opinion. Qasim Meer Muhammad Qasim Khan him received most cordially and enthusiastically. v. The Nawab then ordered his men to retire from the place. and his it other English friends. But at the same time he should communicate to the Council at Calcutta over his signature all that the Nawab proposed to him.R. berated over the matter. Bui having regard for the ac^ice given him by Major Creek.3 361 congratulated him and advised him to accept the proposals made by the Nawab. But they to the Nawab. >L. They then asketl him he had that Nawab. tell The Mahai-ajah said in reply.

The Nawab heard all this with great attention but pressed When the Maharajah proposals.very much the soundness of the arrangements.S. a special favour if he would be granted four months^ leave to go and see his family after which he would again pay his respects to His Highness. he would deem it {. he asked his permission to 4. He had no trust or confidence in the Nawab. sadlj character.he accept his speak out the truth without any mental reservation. also advised the NanaTj. in the interests of it Company through some would be proper and desirable. and went home.H. who he thought was wanting in Ram Narayan service to he had no faith a dangerous man. Ham Narayan heard of the incident and came Shitab Rae who gave him a hearty reception. He considered him unprincipled. Thp Maharajah said that as he had entered into an ofBensivo and to with the East India <lefensive alliance of the English officials. and did not wish to In the meantime. The friends and relatives of the Maharajah all approved of the idea of his accepting the service of the Nawab. gi62 for four ye&Ys. Maharajah saw that the Nawab would not yield.B.O. both His Highness and himself. to five The Nawab consented. and most gladly carry out all his instructions and orders.J. when he would write in His Highness^ presence.KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. The Maharajah told Narayan point blank that he would not on any account . to get him into His Highness^ service after consulting the This English. Maharajah Kam Ilae to accept the remained firm in the of in his opinion. Ifar and pan were then presente<l to the Maharajah who took leave of the Nawab. write to the English in consultation with the Maharajah. The the firmness of Maharajah Maharajah Shitab But the Maharajah fact is that Nawab. Maharajah have anything to do with him. but the Maharajah doubted . the Maharajah asked His Highness^ permission to go and Eut home pay again his respects to His Highness after four or days. an on the made the Nawab and address of Maharajah impression he consented to appoint the Maharajah after getting a written The Nawab therefore wanted to permission from the English. faithless and treacherous.

who This state of affairs greatly delighted The Maharajah subserelated all these facts to quently Major Creek. But soon after he was told that the Nawab was much annoyed with him on account of Maharajah Ram Narayan^s coming to him. highly appreciated his foresighted policy Company. . The next morning Maha- rajah Shitab Rae called upon Major Creek where he met his other English friends also. after they had seen the letter of the Nawab to Company. in. foresight felt and quit^ relieved. V.. He related to them all that had transpired and sought their advice.VOL. Major Creek and others said that they would be able to give definite opinion in the matter. sagacity. and then quietly sit at horac and never see the Nawab again. The fact is that the Nawab hated. The Maharajah then came home. Nawab these circumstances the himself did not send for Under Maha- Rae. The Maharajah replied that he would first see Major Creek Khan Bahadur and his other English friends. now that the matter had so far advanced. KHULASAT-UT-TAWABIKH. the 363 and sound judgment. PT.] accept service under any one else except under tlie East India Bam Narayan expressed his entire agreement with and Maharajah. inform thetn of what had happened. and his other were who unanimous In their commendation of English friends. with the result that there was no further meeting between them. ^Maharajah Ram Narayan and bore grudge against him. the Maharajah his tact. Ram Narayan then took leave of the Maharajah and went home. and therefore felt much offended the on hearing that he had rajah Shitab seen Maharajah Shitab Rae. Maharajah Rim Narayan then asked the Maharajah as to what he would do.

For every village there is a secular headman called the Naek and a sacerdotal headman called the DIhuri« ^^^ ^^** ^^ ^^® villagers are called Parjas. '' Dihuri" land in the village to enable him to meet the called Village Head- expenses of the public villager?.tatlve of the villagers iii their relations with the authorities and with the outside world The Naek is generally. M. Succession to Dihuri ship. Dihuri is said to belong to the elder The jyjaa. however. sub-tribes. leaf-cup filled *^« ^^'^'^^> ^^ ^''^^^^^ meeting-ground.V*—The Social Organization of the j^abri Bhuiyas. By Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy. socio-religious and socio-political matters. There is no trace amongst them of any Village orga- nization. totemic organization. one or " called " Baudhus have settled.A. is performed for the benefit of the having charge of the public along with the Aa^/i the leader of the besides villagers in all social. organization supposed is to ancestor and all regarded as " 'the unit of their social the village consisting of families be des tended from a common kutumbs *' or agnates. and each villager presents with unliusked rice. In almost more families of marriage-relations every village. the guide and represer.?^/. The new Dihuri now bathes . and hand over a new bamboo basket to his eldest him with a son. branch and the Naek to a younger branch of The Dihuri is allotted some land tliC original village-family.Vt« The Dihuri. Within a fortnight after the death of a Dihuri. . worship of the gods. the villagers aseemble at These posts are both hereditary. or castes. The Pabri Bhuiyas are not divided into clans.

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. no bar to a is "VVhea a Dihuri dies without a Election of a Successor to a sonless DihAiri.*" xvaeiCi Dihuri preside over the panchayat or ^^^^^^^7 ^^ village elders by which ordinary off^'nccs and disputes are decided. The rice thus huske J is now pi iced before the assembled villagers. and say. iir. There is along with some rlc3 into of the jdu which he eats the recognized Dihuri of the village. Some elderly man now is deolai'ed to bo the elected others so that not a hands over the basket containing rice and flowers to the Dihuri '' From to-Jay you become our Dihuri. . Every villager present brings a handAll this rice is taken and huik3d by an ful of unhuskcd rice. engaged ^^^h. are all drojpsd close to one another. takes up some grains of rice in the joined palms of his hands and drops them on tho the basket and ground naming so iie v'llagar whom he consMers suitable for the dropped are called punjis and the puttjis grains post.ed on the ground are then covered over The so vessel. 9^ pAfeEi BHUitAS. ' ^ i % m . j . offers the tutelary deity then boils some drud Henceforth he alone.] male issue. Forit is said. villagers to asceriain wLieh panji has remained entirely sep i-ate from with a new earthen gram has got mixed up with the punjit oa any side of it. b3 killed hile might the murder. Any one of thorn who desires to do so. with cowdung and water. ' . a murderer caught in the act i-n-i ^ •^ . • i i -^i new The . The villagers then disperse. bachelor being appointed a Dihuri.-.. Aacii and the The Village Panchayat and the home and tik<8 the basket so that S^^I. men different dropped by thus All the punjis pla.Vol. Next after the themselves assemble there bathing m->rning. The man in whose name such a pTi^fji was dropped Dihari. himself and husks the which he riie palo and frankincense to Gdi-sri He villsgo. and the l^dek and the Dihuri pass orders and sentences iu accordance with ancient tribal custom. pt. He The none else judicial functio n s ** ^A^^^ and vhe may touch ke. after he has bathed and has washed elderly man of the village aa^ ^^^r-ground cleaned is winnowing-fan to be used in husking the rice. " thus elected. the adult males of the village assemble at the darbar and a Dihuri ii elected bv the following method. v. ps it suspended in a *//C-4 it.

may I be destroyed by you. to convene which. they succeeded in separating and going a few steps apart they had to be handed over to the authorities for punishm3nt. or by invoking the gods by name and saying. however. In if such a case the kutunib of the An parents.S. die and the case rot in the may be) '' May earth) is I — Oaths are taken by touching the be one with the earth {matiba) (i. and a twig of the Jcunu plant arc i)lacccl. as by placing the hands May my claim. which case she in is excommu- Disputes about partition or inheritance of property are nicated.O. The orthodox methods employed by a Pabri Panchayat deciding disputes or finding out a culprit and Oaths there is no evidence are the use of oaths and ordeals. When important questions arise which they cannot decide.E. and a man proved to have stolen another^s goods was punished by making him remain seated for three days with his legs buried in holes made in the ground. if — my statement (or not true or correct "'. otherwise she erring female Is is if he is made over not a to her not punished unless she has gone man of another caste. otherwise he miglit be given a severe beating which might cause any injury short of death .PABEI BHUIYAS.e. ye godsj'\ elaborate method is the following A portion of the darlar : — Manda-ghar o^ the village is cleaned with cowdung and water. wrong with a woman is made over to the adulterer woman^s father. decided according law by the village panchayat under the guidance of the Naek and the DiJiuri. — earth and saying. the matter may be referred to the Pan- chayat of the Bar.B. or when their decision is to customary tribal not accepted. . or open space in front of the a tiger's skin. 2QQ [J. " on the head of one^s son and saying. be extinct if my in where statement (or my my claim. as the case line may {ban So) be) is " If not correct ". the disputing party has to provide a costly feast. A fmorc I am guilty. A husband catching his wife and her paramour in the act of But adultery was entitled to cut down both of them with his axe. and on the spot thus cleaned some benua-mdii or earth from an anthill (representing the Earth).

the accused person has to take up a pound's weight of red-hot iron three timjs on his right If the hand is not scalded the person is declared innocent . be a Pdngni. Inside the circle the Dihuri makes offerings of drud rice to Dhantm B:otd. fowls. and Dihuri the Naek. or ox. The test. |jy accident. The accused is If tl ese required to drop these one after another into ihe circle. v. and now md invokes Bharam-Beota or the Supreme drua rice to Him. anything is — even a single grain of The punishment declared guilty. a cow.. the the accused is declared innocent. askel t) dip his right hand If the hand Is placed in a vessal of being a Pdth'jni is accused person into the boiling powdung and take out the coin. otherwise he is held guilty.ed. may my line be extinct says. full of These ami the ladder remains uninjured in the process. through neglect. VOL. the accused is declaimed innoIf the hand is burnt or scalded tho person is declared to cent. The accused gets up on the topmost rung of the ladder on which a cup of milk. goats.] God..^ . The deponent then touches " If I be guilty. and some drv. or fane- Other ^. offers the ground 367 — or ray chest {chhdtt) burst open. When a Pabrl of the village is found guilty of having killed either intentionally.d rice h sve been pla. : A ladder of twelve rungs is set ladder a small circle {mandal) — up and on the ground below the is inscribed. the iroa test. . all fall inside If circle. [Bdro-dddd) A of being a Gohar-hdri test is as coin follows : — The boiliag hot cowdung. a mango twig." One or other of three different modes of ordeal are employed made against to find out the truth or otherwise of an accusation man a or a are the woman cowdung Pdn^ni or sorcerer or witch. from the rice — falls outside the circle for a Pdngni is he expulsion village. The village Dihuri . {Gobar-Jidri) test. requisites of a feast which ihe Panchayat of the Bar must be supplied for organization (to be presently described). . calf. pass the sentence of excommunication on him and salt and other lix the quantity of rice.111. ^7 Dihuri . The Bdro-dddd test is the following hand. In the iron test. the Naek and the qj. or of having kept a non-Pabri female.rx PABBl BHtTlYAS.

B. wrong with a kutumb (agnatic) girl. decide upon the order in which they will visit different hutumb dance with the maidens of sush villages. and collect contributions in money or in kind for supplying provisions to honoured guests of the village and to meet other public expenses. within the dormitory itself. take a vow nidrud. and by running their errands and shampooing their When any member of the dormitory goes so forth. : — of the Bar. they who are to carry burdens or palanquins. for the purpose of restoriug him to the and they also inform the offender that he has to first community pay a fine of twelve rupees to the Bar to be spent as follows One rupee each to be paid to the Bhandari. On the appointed day he performs a pujd of the village gods in the mornThen the Dihuri leads the people to the forests. bringing fuel from the jungle. punish the villages to such as cleaning the younger boys for neglect of their duties.S. molasses and franki'tcease of offering her a fowl.god or upwards sky the Supreme God) and downwards for Basuki-mata or Basu-mati or other game The party return home in the evening. if to Gdi-srl and also deer or snmhhar or wild bear Is bagged. officials or other important personages visit the village . S68 when they [J. for the elder boys attending to the village guests and fagging of the village legs.BXl. meet. They also throw handfuls of rico towards the for Dharam-Deota (the Sun. for select persons such visitors. two of the older boys act as leaders. Arriving ing.PABBl BHUIYAS. the hunt -ro offer drud rice. The Dihuri and the Naek also allot to different men ol the village the duties they have to perform when the Raja or his (the Earth -goddess). at a cross-road on the borders of the village. a rupee or half a rupee to be paid to the Dhoba Behara. dormitory. and the balance to meet the expenses of a second feast When hunting expeditions the as is usually done villagers by the between the months of Chait and Jaistha (March to May) when Panchayat break up. etc. obeying their elders.. The Dihuri and the Naek have also a general supervision over the bachelors' dormitory although. and the Pabri Bebara . he is expelled from the . the — (Pdrdhi) are contemplated Dihuri fixes the date and notifies it to — the villagers.

villages Kunu. Logs of wood are kept burning the whole night during the cold months. social and quasi-? political organization. III. Soso. as the Parbat-Manda Bar . it is the Dihuri and the Naek who are to decide which Kolaiposh. armed with by a bond of blood-relationship and common worship of the village deities. Keusara. but it is also an economic. weave mats for the bachelors^ dormitory as well as for their ownAs the girls snpply the mats on which the boys sleep in their dormitories.] 3d9 lo mauy villages there still exist common dormidormitory. Laghira. and by seeds are sent young men must go and out they go with their bows. so the boys in their turn supply fuel for the girls' dormitory. and a Bdit known as Usgura. Phuljhar. For purposes of social . arrows. PABBI BHUITAS. Batanga. villages Valamunda. a few others together form the BaUish-padd-bdr. villages Siligura. v. Kalaku- Talbahala. Ginia. Superimposed on this village organization organization The Bar Orga* of the Bar. such as the Garh Naek of Kuira or the Saont of owing the authoritiei way of a secret signal or message sesamuu round to the headmsn of the different Bhuiya villages indicaling the number of combatants each village has to supply.VOL. Simna and Remta form a Sdt-khanda Bar sisting known dar. The is the larger villages of (he Pabri Pargana are grouped for socio-political " bar " conpurposes into several Bars. villages Nawagaon. and axes under the alacrity leadership of their Naek. each of from three to twelve or more Kundra and form Derura what villages. The elder girls instnict tories for the maidens of the village. Thus the Pabri village community is bound together not only of the to fight . The girls the younger girls in the different styles of dancing. Raikura and Barsawa form a Pdnch-khanda Bar known as the Dodhon-Bar . Losi. is called a Tin-Khanda Bar . Thus. rX. When to some common tribal grievance against a general ris'ng of th3 tribe is decided upon convened by some prominent at a meeting of the leaders Bhuiya leader.. Bhutra.

and also the clothea of a family when Dhoh't.O. purifaetory rite a of sprinkling cowdung diluted in cow^s urine on the head offender when he is taken back into the eomuuinlty little social the head of non-Pabrls who soma or on are taken into the Pabri comnniiiity. 370 [J. governmoiif. l^'or thoir services ordinary occasions. and at birth.PABRI hllUIYAS. they undergo ceremonial purification after a death or birth in thj Ordinarily a Pabri family wash tlrelr own clothes .>/ats. nially ineorporates dari also acts as a His duty is to perform the from a wooden man or measure ed as the Behara of the Bar. The objects for which the Panchayats of a Bar now ordinirlly m3ct are to tiko back into the cora- munitj a min who was exjo. The Bhaiimessenger to notify the date of a meeting of the Panchayat of the Bar and to summon the pcoi)lo to attend Another Pabri of one of the villages of the Bar is appointit. Bchdrd. a caste living in of a Dhoba village of the man or Bar is of the also washerman appointed as the His duty is to wash the clothes of a person or family when they are taken back or incorporated into the Pabri comiinunity. or ox. the . death or marriage and also on the functions of a barber are performed living in the village. or for having kille I a cow.. village.E. Besides this Bhuiya Behara. calf.S.— vnd to divide thepraperoy of a heirless Pabri of the B:ir . and to in- either for community a man of the Gour corporate into the Pabri a n)n-PabrI may Bhuiya drink water of a class at when such Gour caste or whose bauds Pabri Bhuiyas or Bhuiya has kept a Pabri female.umunlcated by his village Paachayat having kept a femile of a tribe or caste other than Bhuiya or Gjur. the elJors of the diff jrent villages coustifcufcing the Bar meet in Bdr-Pa!ichj. by a fellow tribesman on each occasion. Every Bir has the folio ^^ ^^° ving public servants : A Pabri male villages of the Bar is appointed or barber who is required to shave ^ts Bhdndari a social offender when he is ceremonially taken Pablio fanetionaries of the Bar and functheir ^^ ^^^^ back to the community Pabri when or to shave a non- the Panchayat of the Bfir ceremo- him into the Pabri community. of the Bar.B.

guests at Panchayat is and pares his way a assembled nails. touches the heap of boiled rice served to the assembled mixture will The man thus community takes a bath and. many Pabris as possible assemble at the village of the outcaste. as two pice to the women. by way the outcaste of the which whom is presently he then finished their meal. through him. sends a message to the different villages of the Bar thatsxich and snch a date has been village that he has collected the fixed for the udhra. The 'nethod of convening a meeting of the PanchaySt of the Bhandari Procedure of Pan- the Bar ohayat. On their arrival. The Bar Panchayat is invited in the same manner to a village where a Pabri Bhuiya has died without any sou or nephew or .» PT. with "When they have or pool to bathe. *. they People from adjoining sits go to villages home the same evening. the Bhuiya Behara from eight annas a rapee or so and the Dhoba Behara gets gets to a rupee. or ceremonial restoration of such and such an community. alsa restored i to the of a token of his restora- tion to caste. Bar by mixed with cow's urine same down to dinner. The same method of purification is adopted to purify and incorporate return into the Pabri community a Gour femide who has been kept by a Pabri man. the women of the village come with jugs o£ The guests each present one or water and wash their feet. of purification little A feast is the cost of the outcaste. the Dihuri and Naek summons the Bhandari of the Bar and. On the evening preceding the appointed day. others go back next morning. IIL] 3^71 is given a cloth or a rupee in cash. little The head. some stream men of the Bar.^BBI V. BHUlTAS. cowdung on be sprinkled over the provided for the assembled Next morning when the Bhandari shaves and the Bhuiya Behara sprinkles a his his huts.TOL. Bar and the procedure followed by the Pan- — When the social outchayat are as follows caste informs the Dihuri and Naek of his : amount necessary for restoration to the community. Sometimes men of some neighbouring outcaste tathe Bars are also invited. or a man of the Gour caste who has kept a Pabri female.

and the rice.PABRI IHllYAa. Such are the general features of the social organiz ition of or rather Pat. elders of the Bar divide the deceased^e property into halves. Among in Julu. the Bar Panchayat also assemble to devise means for the redress of any public grievance of the Bar and take such measures as may be decided upon or of the tribe. is worshipped under the uame of Brahman! Por purposes of worship Pats are represented by stones. Bnuiyas. one half of which is made over to his wido*v and daughters (if any). not however confined to mountains alone. its spirit.S. other pats may Keosdrd. and the other half is taken by the Panchayat who sell all the effects except rice . Besides these social functions. be mentioned Khdndd'P'it. presiding deity of including the the Tdsdra. Belmara-Pat. Jdori-Pdt and many others. Fuljhar. 37i LJ. the Pat some prominent generally which mountain. The assembled brother or other male heir. Bhairi-Pat. The name Pdt is The Brahrnani river.. of which the Garh-Naek of Kuira leader and Simesvari Pdt the presiding deity. villages Simua. is common or. and the sale proceeds of the other property feast for them. the whole of the pargana consisting of twenty-nine villages form a single Bar. rather.E. Jatea Pat. Bar is neighbourhood. etc. the The Bhuiyas of the Pabri Pargana. Bhutrdy worship Raota.B. regarded as hill the spirit of the tutelary same way as its Gdi-srl is the of a Thus the Bdro-khanda Bar deity village. at such meeting. Barabhui. But instead of different Bars. of Kuira follow Bhuiyas Pargana exactly the ^^^^ customs and methods in their village organization and village administration.O. . A religious of worship or mountain such hill bond in or supplied to the Bars by the is A Pats. if go to provide a any. is the The more advanced Hinduized Bhuiyas of the lowlands who call the'lowlands thempelves Panch-s'aia Bhuiyas and also (Swordsmen) Bhuiyas (because they form the militia of the state and have th^ ^^'H^^l^^ . _- .

^ . etc. J name " Naek " is still retained in some villages and has been " Ganzhu " in others. and The Bhuiyas of the Kaira Paragana have also the sword (Khanda) for their The Pabri Bhuiyas have for the"r also call themselves Khindaits. Bauira. of the village headmen. of The Pach-sala-gharia Bhuiyas divide the Bhuiyas into three main sections. Majhi. etc. Saontia Bhuiyas of Bonai and Keojhar. Phofc-kar. Keojhar.. Stuko. Information is sent sal-gharla Bhuiyas is known as a to the headmen of different parganas and villages of the day and place appointed for the meeting. Bhuiyas of the lowlands call their village priest the " Kalo " and as for the secular headman of a the village.— as Des-Bhuiyas or Bathua Bhuiyas the mixed Bhuiyas such as the Rsjkuii. Sach are the Dasgharia.h that of the Pabris and the Kuira Bhuiyas except in the nomeuclatare". Naksia. They call themselves the Pach-saia unmixed Non-HInduIzed Bhuiyas such as th« the Bhuiyas .. or Behara. These titles however do not Gartia and any special function their broadened outlook on in the tribal organization. PachasI Gharia and the Panara-sai Bhuiyas (mostly found in Gangpur State). emblem »nd emblem the hahinga or carrjing load Eija when requir«d. Such a tribal panchayat of the Pachtribe all Gaddi. Some of these Hinduized changed for Bhuiya families have also borrowed from the Hindus such titles. Ohdar. Pabris of Bonal and Keojhar. etc. With these Kinduized Bhuiyas society. sword and for their socio-political zation agrees 373 F^fiBI BHlTlTAS. T. as Sahu.] on Saniak or emblem) * have a larger social organization. PT. although their village all points organi- wi.— the Hake. ' of the lowlands have come to organize a larger tribal assojiation formed of most of the Hinduized Bhuiyas not only of the Bonal State but also of the adjoining states of Gangpur. Those who can afford to meet the expenses also invite other sections of the Bhuiyas. Kautarl. indicate Sangy as. III. Pradhan. as Birdias. as they hare to supply load-carriers to the fu . Dake.VOL. the Katiari Bhulyjis Kejjhar. Merha-tari. etc. Once in two or three years the elders of the meet in panchayat at the invitation of some important personage of the tribe.

874 PARBI BHUIYAS.O. those of each separate locality. and complaints of grave social Procedure at committed by any member of tbe Paclxsai-gharias are heard. " Have you begun ? " On their The person answering in the afiirmative. . Dos'. the cooking being done not at different Z'/^a/i^as as heretofore but at one big khanda or spot called the MaJid-kfiamhi (or great khanda). one in particular presides at the meeting. to cook and it is decided always done at such Gaddi meetings) to take back into th<> tribe one or more persons who had been outcasted for some social (as Is offence. The other sections of the Bhulyas are provided with rations which they cook each in their own separate khanda. and eat man who convenes provisions are supplied by the When the discussions are finished the meeting. matters of common interest to the tribe are discussed. On the day when the Bhulyas from different parts of the country assemble. When the dinner for the Paclisai-gh arias them to sit Is ready. Nack and Kalo. such as killing a bullock through negligence or otherwise^ a grand feast is given at the cost of such person or persons to all the assembled Bhulyas. the convener down heads of certain aide. IJhuijiis the word " DoS " shows that thoy really belong to tho Pabj-i section of Blmiyas. a Gaddi meeting.B. but all meet as equals. the eldest and then some one asks them. No offences a Gaddi. others begin eating.H. discussed and decided and social outcastes are restored to caste. such as Bona! Bhulyas. A big dinner for all the Pach-ialgharla Bhulyas is made ready. them. have taken their seats and dinner is served to Saont. restored to the tribe dines with the rest as a token of his restoration* Although all the Pabri Bhiuyas of Pabri Pargana. At [J. When all of the assembly requests The eldest of the Saonta (social and Kalos are seated side by Naeks parganas). Kuira ^ Pargana and Keojhar do not yet meet in such associations Jt is worth noticing that the auro or less Hiuduizcd portion of the Bhuiyas o£ " Kuiya Pargana now disown tbe name of Pabri and call tliomsolves Panch Saia The addition of in imitation of the Panch t-'aia Gharia Bliuiyas. although the most intelligent amongst the elderly men take the lead in the discussions.Sl. first eat a morsel or two to dinner. are accommodated in separate Jchandds compartments or enclosures) (literally. The their meals. '' the name '| Dei " Bhuij/ft being applied by the Path Sai Ghariaa to thcPabris.

or new moon day. PT. seven vermilion.J BHLITAS. 37S purposes as tho Pach-sai-gharias do in their Gaddts. I shall proceed to give an account of this interesting religious festival. own house at Jolo. is applied to a roundish fragment of some old metal object which was dug up by some cultivatoi and taken charge of by the Pabri Khandadhar Dihuri of village Joio near the from Bonaigarh. this religious festival of the Pabrls is of great social interest as it helps in the aiders of all the Bhuiyas of Pabri Pargana but Bhuiyas as well as other castes. seen attending Pabri Bhuiyas even from festival. and hands these over to With these the Dihuri returns home. high bringing together not only also other sections of the and all low. PASftI III. Y.VOL. In fact. where the headmen of several carries the image in a small bamboo box to his Pabri villages . Even the Hindu Raja of. for the last twenty years or so they have begun to associate in the year in the together in a common religious festival once month of September or October and already at such meetings of for social the Pabri villages certain topics of social interest have begun to be informally considered. of the Honai State. As I had the the opportunity of witnessing the festival and accompanying the procession. and after making the customary offerings (including the rice. On sooie day after the eighth day of the new moon {Krisndand before the following new moon {amdbasyd) day the staml) Dihuri of village Jolo comes to the Rajahs garh at Bonai when the Raja earthen vessel takes out filled Dihuri. turmeric and vermilion received from the Raja). bis and a Bhandar (store-room) one rico of a whitish cdour. On the pieces of turmeric. the Dihui-i goes to the hiding-place of the image. sixteen miles -waterfall The Dihuri keeps the about so-called during the whole of the year and bnngs image it out only on the occasion of this festival which has come to be a tribal festival of the Pabris and a territorial festival for all the in castes some secret spot and tribes of the Bonai Keojhar be may State. the from with uuhusked little following Mahalaya. the Bonai known as the State takes a prominent part in this festival which The name Kont Kuari is festival of the deity Kont Kuari.

876 The next day assemble. and Towards house. sacrificed At every house either a goat or one or thence of the deity more fowls are and other offerings are made. The bamboo-box containing the ima. and at every house where it is taken either a goat or a fowl is sacrificed to the deity and other Kttari. That afternoon on their at arrival village —the Bhuiya Haldikudar —a Pach-sai-gharia Gaotia or headmen of the village anoints the image with turmeric paste and offers sacrifices to it. to the deity. Image in water> and after bathing the offerings of a /"wa rice^ fowls. molasses.O. Next morning the deity is taken first to offerings are made. night at the house to is of the Naek of the village who is a Gond and other houses of the village where the presence sought.ge of Kont Kuari is hung up inside the house.S. Next morning the Gond Mahapatra sacrifices a goat to Kont taken image by the Dihuri of Jolo to other houses in village Khutgao. receives sacrifices and offerings at each such evening tbey cross the river Brahmani and reach village Jokaikela . offerings to Thence the party proceed to village Khutgao and halt that night at the house of the Jagirdar or landlord of that place known under the title of the Mahapatra who is a Hinduized Gond. the party proceed that day to village where they halt for the night at the public house Bichnapoit known as dera-ghar. the DIhuri of Jolo carries the image or symbol of Konto Kuari in the bamboo-box in procession accompanied by the headmen of different Pabri Bhiiiya villages and followed by a band of musicians with their drums and pipes and flutes. other houses of which the owners request the Dihuri to take it.R. From his house the is As the deity may not spend more than one one any village. making etc. Thence the village Piiigao and there they halt for the to the deity party proceed to night at the public dera-ghar. Next morning the deity is taken first to the house of the Gond headman (Naek) of the tillage and then to the.. [J.PABRI BHIJITAS.B. Then the image is taken to the house of every other villager who Bhuiya village may wish to make sacrifices and the deity.

then of his servants. Thence the party proceed to village a moon) has on the towards Raja's palace at already begun they proceed straight If falh on the however the the moon of Bonaigarh. the image and welfare. start in procession and at about nine in the evening reach village Kontmel about a mile from Bonaigarh. Next morning after puja offerings sacrifices are made to Konto Kuari at the house of the Gaontia headman of the village who is a man of the Kolita caste.. and last of all about the welfare of the land {Prithvi or The Raja answers'' yes " to every questionj and then Earth). the deity is and offerings after sacrifices are sacrifices are made at the offered taken to other houses in the the to village deity. On the party arriving there. and a canopy has been set up and lamps kept burning and carpets spread under it and seats placed for the Raja and members of his family as also for other respectable visitors. SLud the asktdni titii (eighth day of the next day.VOL. eighth day Ohodja. hou?e. PT. S77 they halt for the night at the hotise of the Kalo or who is a Pach-sa -gharia Bhuiya. the and or image is sacrifices taken to the house of different villagers who offer to the deity.. then of his horses. they halt for the night at Obodya in the compound of the Rajahs Khamdrox threshing floor where next morning a goat is sacrificed to the deity and then the image is taken to different houses in the village and at each such house sacrifioes and Thence at sunset the party offerings are made to the deity. By the roadside at village Kontmel an earthen altar has been prepared for sacrifioes to the deity. then of his elephants. in his turn asks the Dihuri his children about the welfare of himself and and then of the Pabris generally. Kald^s where In the evening the party proceed to village Jomkai and halt at the Manda-ghar ioT the night. . then of his Rdtii. the Raja and his party The Dihuri of Jolo comes up to the Raja with salutes him. and tion the Dihuri replies in the aflSrmauve. then of his children. first of himself. mj PABRI BRUIT AS. to every ques- Then the Dihuri . and questions him about the health receive them. wliere village priest Next morning. v.

is where special offerings are made to Then the image is taken successively to the seats \^brazier) caste. t\J. it the in image is broken or intact." The Raja right ". (Deota). a cross-road at Konjuli. a man who officiates as the priest of some of the Raja's The Sudh priest or Amat puts down the image deities. then carried in procession succesively tp the house of the Suyi (liquor seller) caste and that of a man of the Kasari the deity. an J it is asserted that the boons mentally prayed for at the time by the persons who bring The image is next taken to the offerings are generally granted. murki (pyramid shaped made and molasses) and sweets are 1 an offered to the deity by the Amat% the people brought by the and does so to receive sacrifices offerings Everyone bringing cakes of fried rice or lawa some desired boon from the deity.S» places the image on a new cloth which the Raja has in his handa for the purpose. and there again several persons of and sacrifices which are offered The image of a man different castes bring offerings to the deity by the Amat. both reddish grey io colour and both with horns equal in size and both of the same sacrifices height. and hands it over to the Amat. . he addresses the RajS. family on the mud-altar prepared for the purpose where the Amat of the Sudh caste worships the deity with offerings supplied by the Raja.B.tAS. a number of fowls and goats brought by men of surrounding villages are offered to the deity and offerings of pumpkins. a shed prepared Finally the image is ceremonially installed in for the purpose in the Raja's palace compound where sacrifices are again offered.PvBM BH^U. a basti or quarter of the town of Bonai. The Raja then places it on a small silver throne which he keeps in readiness Pihuri hands over the image *' Baying Here Examine and *^ says^ It is your deity see if the is all to receive the While the deity.B. we kept hills.O. and two goats supplied by the Raja. The two goats same are slain with the are made stroke to stand side of the by sword side and both dealt at their joined necks by the practised hand of the Barik After these offerings and sacrifices from the Rajah's place. to the Raja. of the deities Nilji and Kumari where sacrifices are offered.

and sacrifices one or more buffaloes. The Amat now hands over the image to the Dihuri of Jolo who in his turn carries it from house to house in Bahargarh. wliich is members of his family make offerings of sweetmeats to Konto Kuari . Finally it is taken to the bank of the Brahmani where the Raja's behara of the untouchable Pan caste hands over to the Dihuri a goat and a fowl which the latter deity. the party must Me house for a short while to keep up the practice which has now acquired the force of an inviolable men rite. After being taken to the Raja's Chhatra-gambhira room (in which state umbrelkept) the image is taken first to the houses of the differkinsmen of the Raja and then to those of other residents las are ent At every house af Bonaigarh and finally to the Amat''s house. etc. Now Dihuri of Jolo places the image in the bamboo box and accompanied by the whole body of Pabri headmen crosses tfae over to the other side of the Brahmani where they pass the rest of the ni^ht at the house of a certain B»an of tiie Keot cast^. after sacrifices of a sheep and a goat. the bathe themselves. Such is the rigidity of custom with this people that even if in any year the day dawns by the time they 4»wn ih the reach the Keot^s house. PABBI PT.. sweets. and the Dihuri .VOL. and the Pan Behara who by reason able is sacrifices of his being to the an untouch- not allowed to touch the image or even offer flour deity with his own hands. a quarter of Bonaigarh.) BHriTAS. offers from some dis* or rice to the tance seven cakes called neetn ehuTcH made of rice-flour and pounded leaves of the neem tree. 879 the ninth day of the moon. where the sheep and sixteen or more goats to the deity. v. in. the deity is carried by the Raja himself into the inner apartments of his The follo'wing morning. just beyond the immediate vicinity of the palace. and bathe the deity. where the image is taken sacrifices or offerings are made to the deity. one or more palace. Oh getting up. This privilege is allowed to the Pan Behara as it is said that an ancestor of this Pan first discovered the image. and finally on an inner veranda of the of palace the Amat bathes the image in liqnor and makes offerings rice.

There the offerings and sacrifices brought by all the Pabri Bhuiyas of the country are offered by the Dihuri to the goddess. The reason assigned for taking one member of the family .R. Almost all the adult Pabri Bhiiiyas of the nearly sixty villages of Pabri Pargana assemble at Jolo on the Kojagar Purnima day with goats or fowls and rice and other offerings. when takes the available a goat deity in procession from house to house where sacrifices and ofEerings are made. offerings of ricOj flowers. the discovery of a peculiarly shaped piece of metal. the Dihuri of Jolo collects a decent Like the sum (about twenty to thirty rupees) as fees paid to him for the puja at the different houses where the image is taken during the journey Part of this is spent in the feast to Bonaigarh and back.PABRI S80 makes is BHifiyAS. Bhugru.. Tankjura and Brahman-gao. etc. the image is kept suspended on a tree in the jungle. Kojagar Purnima day to Jolo. The rice and the meat are then cooked and the people are treated to a hearty feast. They then all disperse. Kurda. Thence the party proceed successively to villages Nalai. "and sacrificed.B. Kuari of Konto This annual tribal gathering although originating in a of the Brahmani mere accident.in the Dihuri^s confidence the other Amat is that in ithe event of man may know where the Dihuri's death to find the image. In the course of the day the deity is taken in procession to the Dihuri's house and placed in the angan which has been cleaned with cowdung and water.S. to the assembled Pabri Bhuiyas on the Kojagar Purnima day and part in drink while the assembled Pabris wait on the bank opposite Bonaigarh to take back the imago from Bouai to Jolo. Finally the Dihuri and another member of his family take the image to its hiding-place which is kept secret even from the other members of the Dihuri^s family. Amatpati. bids fair to develop in time into a great socio- . Joribaha. Kolaiposh. Then the Dihurl [J. Dhurl.O. namely. Arrived at Jolo. at Bonai. Godrua. taken round and offerings and Konta Kudar and finally on the At every village the image is sacrifices are made to the deity at different houses.

] BHUITA8.PABEI VOL. and gave rise to the heterogenous of Hindu. Theparticipationof the in the worship of social Hindu Raja history of ancient of the Bonai State Konto Kuari. such as the worship of the deities Andhari and Kuari. in. and of a Kedt to worship the clay image of a Keot spirit at every marriage and upaniyan (investiture iwith the sacred thread) in the Raj to family.. and some other usages of the Raj family. all this methods by which the ancient Aryan immigrants into India could conciliate the overwhelming masses of non-Aryan population and bring them under subjection. 381 Here by way of a digresBion. . and the sacrifice of goats and buffaloes offered Raja near his palace to the spirit of an ancient Kol hero. the tutelary deities of the Kuira Bhuiyas in temples built'near the Rajahs palace and the employment by the Raja of a family priest of the low caste of Sudhs worship these aboriginal deities. by the Maha- would seem to give us an insight into the politic bira. the goddess of the semi-savage Pabris. congress of the tribe. y. gods and goddesses that now constitutes pantheon — Popular Hinduism an amalgam of the religion of the Aryans and that of che non. PT. although in this process of the Aryanization of the aboriginals the simple and sublime religion of the ancient Aryans was leavened by admixture with the animistic religion of the indigenous population. be noted that the Konto Kuari festival would seem to political it may throw an interesting sidelight on the India.Aryans. and impose their Aryan cultnre on them.

Of B. Baraiks were. ll. The Chiks are divided into several sub-castes. Koshtas castes. Mandar. it was only long afterwards.937 having been enumerare to be found chiefly in They west of the old Sambalpur the area to the Road (the road that runs through Ranchi. Chiks are the most numerous. that Baraiks had to take to the after the country degraded profession of the weaver. weavers in the Munda country to the east belonging mostly to the Pahr or Penrai caste (total number in 1911. of whom the assigned bv common consent to what are called Semha<t. they. Karra. while Chiks and Paiirs have no tradition of having oome from outside. as 28.A. are most numerous in Ranchi.. Basia and Kolebira). it is said. as ated at the many Census of 1911. Katiyas. as well as the other Jolahas. The following account narrated by Puran Ram Baraik and Khedu Ram Baraik of Bero .VI. and Pat Bhuinhar and Bhuinhar Baraik are other names which this sub-caste has taken unto self.uars (from a village Semhatu in Basia thana close to first place is Kamdera) or Doisawars (from pargana Doisa) or Sonpui'ias (from pargana Sonpur). It is this sub-caste chiefly that calls itself by the name of Baraik.— Weaver Castes and Sub-Castes la Ranchi. soldiers it- and palace-guards in the good old days when they and the Konkopat Mundas were the only people who inhabited Nagpur . weaver Tat was. Muhammadaa numbering '22.700). the several weaver castes in the district of Ranchi. By Rai Sahib Chuni Lai Ray. and Da3es claim to be immigrants from more civilized districts in Upper India or Orissa. Kuru and Lohardaga thanas . had been flooded with Kols who came from Hardinagar through Piprapali and Rohidas.882 in 1911. and under the stress of aiverse circumstances.

J 3S3 seeks to explain why Baraiks had to turn weavers. The Bania took the stone to be a real diamond to the Maharaja and offered to sell it. until the Maharaja ordered a pit to be dug and the Bania to be buried alive therein. till one day the village god Chintamon appeared to him in a dream and advised the Maharaja to get himself into the garha in the river whence the Oraon had his haul of diamonds. and decided that Nagbansi Rajas.VOL. and which he exchanged for some tobacco that a cunning Bania. the Maharaja directed that every inch of land in that mauza was to be searched and he went with his whole retinue to supervise personally the work of the search party. concluding that he must have been eaten up by the fish in the qaflia. a poor Oraon went with his kumni (banihoo fishtrap) to catch fish. how ever. The Maharaja acted expectation. but without success. When at last the real fact was given the kamni . Iir. and gives also the history of the first discovery of diamonds in the Nagpur — B-ajaV country: "la the days of the great king Bairisal. The catch there was a most disappointing one. place stead of fish. v. except number of stones that stuck to the The poor Oraon in disgust threw all these stones away. who knew tiio diamond. bad ceased . The Baraiks and Konkopats then had a conference for the future out . gave him. one which was pai\iculirly big and bright.^ the Maharaja would not come men gave him up for lost. whom they now that the had placed on the throae. would not tell the truth. in- a garha (a pool. for. The poor man was therefore compelle-i to get into the bed of the Koel river. and he got no better place than considerably deeper than the rest of the bed of the river) in the river within the boundary iof mauza Biyarko. FT. last his administration of the country. and at accordingly. there were only a iumnt. " The Maharaja and his men searched and searched.. and his men watched in eager For days. when had thrown away out. The Maharaja The IJania enquired of the Bania how he had got the diamond. WgAVfiBS I» BA^Gltt. but wherever he wanted to set his kicmnl the owner of the land came forward and protested. the Maharaja sent for the Oraon with from the Oraon that he the Maharaja learnt the stones all about Biyarko.

a Ghasi by caste. so that their identity might not be discovered. they would divide the country in Baraiks and Konkopat Mundas. the Maharaja relented. but a 'jdildchardnii/a' caste Maharaja sent the Sahni io The Konkopats came.^ called out and to men for his a of water. up to then enjoyed by * Tradition in Chhota Nagpnr all his descendants. The call the Baraiks and Konkopats. when there was no one waiting near the garhd except the Maharaja's syce. adding at the same time that from that day everyone would take water from the syce. ^ now. (betel) and and draws a distinctionu between hirdt or male diamonds and hiris or female diamonds. hence- was continued the Baraiks. but Sahni's assertion about got for this service valued pre- and the Sahnis. a hira He was very (diamond) in one hand and a hiri in the other. shaking with fear. and on return to his capital issued or. from members of which Brahmans and other high accept drinking water. Another Baraik had saved himself by taking This one alone came forward when at last refuge with an Ahir. gave peremptory orders to the syce to bring water. who had not given up hope yet.imouds pan privilege. equal shares between *' In the meanwhile.B. destruction of all Baraiks. the acceptance of drinking water from them being altogether out of the question.OX*. on the evening of the seventh day from the commencement of the search. represented that there was no one present of a caste from whom the MahaBut the Maharaja was veiy thirsty. are his descendants. the Maharaja came out. and raja could take water. name sents and the of Sahni . the the Baraiks would not believe the the Maharaja re-appearance of The Maharaja got extremaly annoyed with stir. [J. Most of the Baraiks were killed. and these men took to the profession of weaving. The syce brought some water which he gave the He thirsty Maharaja to drink. . and to forth known him and as Ahir Paik Baraiks. ' A caste. of receiving ascribes sex to di. Ghasis are veryilow down in the scale. but some saved themselves by taking refuge with people of other castes.WEAVBR8 S84 IN EANCHI. originally Ghasis. to be. The syce thirsty glass came up with folded hands and. caste and men wonld their touch wonld cause poUutiou. The majority sought shelter with weavers.lers for the and refused to the Baraiks.

having served for many years as an orderly peon to Deputy Commissioner and many a Baraik whom I asked if he was not really a Chik. and would not easily admit th^t any of their relatives. or had One Manohar Baraik of raohalla Ranchi town got into some prominence in recent the timee. The Chik Baraiks of Bero to her relative Debi-a daughter of also spoke of Manohar being their relative.. Gumla. Angara. and next to the Ahir PaikBaraik). being were his relatives it Similarly. that were both related to Manohar Jamadar of they appeared a Bhusan mouserd cousin of Manohar's wife. then to the Knar and other Nagbansis present. 386 hand on the day of the pagri (headflress) from the Maharaja's Dassera (pa» and p9gri are given by the Maharaja first to the god Chintamon. with Manohar and relationship with Malar Singh and Jagdeo Singh of Chandsiladon ( on the Karra. Ranchi. they." If the Semhatuar Chlks of thana Bero also of those of thanas Mandir. just as relationship is claimed by Baraiks in Angara and Silli . — —and true this is Lapung. whom I saw selling at the Silli hai cloth which he admitted to be his own weaving. retorted by the remark that he was Konka in . their relatives to the east. Karra. on examining these two chaukidars. or are. etc. related to know that Manohar Jamadar.] IN BANCHI. in thanas Ranchi. WEAVERS III.'for they would not on any account call themselves Chiks. midway between Karra and Khunti ) was claimed both by men in Silli who protested that they had nothing to do with weavers and by Puran Baraik of 1^ . . and Silli go a step further . Basia. and who in all Nagpur did not Manohar was a Baraik. PT. aaything to do with weavers.Khunti road. and she testified Baraik of Alaundi having married a grandMmohar Jamadar. or ever were.TOL. chaukidars of Silli and Jabla. v. then to the Maharaja's gnru and purohit. about and with calling themselves Baraiks. and. are content with telling the above or similar stories their taking to weaving only to save their skin. not a Chik? But Ramdhan Baraik of Jabla. 19 miles from Ranchi) I saw one Pendo Musammat of Alaundi (lear Jiki in thana Khunti) selling cloth woven by her people. at the Taimafa hat (on the Bundu road. mentioned that Bbusan Baraik and EtWa Baraik. weavers.

S-. the bigger Bargonhrls ( found in the following^ : Chitri Daiiru. CAfi.O. I did not make very detailed enquiries' regarding sub-castes in the Sadr and Gumla Subdivisions but there was at least one sub-caste . whose sonMahli I saw employed in the act Baraiks of It is clear. Murki Tor&r.thana of weaving. those of Malar Singh of of Jaru Silli families ( Chandsiladon. There are no other subcastes of Chiks living with them in the eastern thanas . Mandar. while at least twa and Mahadeo Gonjhu call themselvessome ). Gh&tgfigia and' Dumri. therefore. Khapchabera. 386 Bharno. and if only such of their own number as are still weavers can be made some other profession. have taken the surname of Gonjhus ( e. Sahdeo Gonjhu and section as are weavers still to Antu Gonjhu Neta Gonjhu of of Silli. g. Sisai. . who was for some time a muharir in the Settlement Department ) have assumed the Rajput surname Singh. besides Semhatuars which came to my this sub-caste call themselves Chhotg^ilbris the other sub-caste being described trunk ) . will in course of time pretty large proportion of well-to-do cease to have anything to do with the Ghik Baraiks of the west and induce sue h of their own give up that pursuit and take to more well-to-do among these eastern Baraiks The agriculture. and of Suklal Singh of Borea. and the same sub-caste with the Chik Baraiks of Bero. West of the Randii-Karra-Basia live in close road the of will possibly very be Mahisyas in Semhatuar Ghiks proximity with other sub-castes of Chiks. and their claim likely eastern Bj-raiks to caste may recognized at some future census ( just as that Bengal has been recognized recently).WEAVERS IN aAWCHI. . referred to above. that these Angara and Ranchi are one Silli. the very keon attempt of these to take to come forward as a higher be crowaed with success. etc. villages among others as to be notice^. These Ghhotgonhris are — Thana Lohardaga: — Danru. Karra.S. Patio. a village four miles north of Ranchi on the road to Kuchu. although it is not impossible that the Baraiks of the eastern thanas. Sisai. who count among their number a men. in thana all Karjis. ( Members of the smaller trunk ). Lapung. Jamgain^ Kundo.

Kochedega an 1 Kurdeg: — Palidi. — Thana Palkot: — Dombabira and Pargana Biru. who sometimes in villages in which there are no Semhatuars call themselves Bargonhris.] Thana Sisai:—Bharso. Kochrdega. Rengari. spoke to me Sasia in pargana are different referred to above as. there are at least thi-ee sub castes. Palkot: — Damkara and Sijang. (Bargon- predominant sub-caste in this which is in a manner the head- quarters of the Bargonhris. Pare Palidi. Of Padripani. usually described as Maihalturis (or intermediates). Ctigri.) Thana Some of a Kolebira: — Sasia. ( it I had no opportunity for making the detailed enquiry which the solution of this question required. the last named village. Nanesera. Galesera. Of their relationship with Samu Rai of Puranof Bharno (names mentioned by many of the undoubted Semhatuar Bargonhris of Bero and Sisai thanas) Bargonhris. 387 Khaita Amalii. —Toto. Saway. of the Bargonhris of Bharno. identified by iSe.TOL. In the Simdecra Subdivision and in the adjoining thanas of Gumla Subdivision. PT. however. — Pargana Biru (Thanas Kochedega and Kurdeg) Biru. the sub-caste next in the social scale.ixhatu and there were representatives at Thana Raidi: Silam and Dum'irtoli. — Kumhari. Sikr'adanr (near So-ra). fiAHHCI. there are representatives at Thana Thana Basia: — Tetartoli and Tetra. and Semhatu. Thanas Kaerbera. the from. or are the same called Sasiars. Konpala. having been taken away from touring duties soon the after I heard of the Sasiars. v. But whether named after these Sasiars Sisai. thana sub-caste thana Kolebira. Arahara Mahadeo and Thana Gumla: Thana Basil: hris are. WIAVEBS N III. . Bumardi near Sawaiand Rengarbahar. will Chhotgonhrls be seen that Sasia in thana Kolebira is one of the places where the ChbotgDhbris are to be found) is more than I can tell . Koronjo.

Birkera. Ugar and Beehan repudiated kinship with the Gandas who. and of these he mentioned Jakna of Rengarbahar near Samsera and Sudram of Chiks. (It has Chiks of Bii-u arc one and been assumed in some of the paragraphs that the identity of the Chhotgonhri Chiks of Simdoga with the Gandas has been established.S.) following If there are the suspected Gandas at the bottom of the position of some men. were a much lower caste j while about the Bagdega men. it could. near Tale.058 and 87. Then there are the Chbot^onhris at [J.WEAVEES 888 Tukttpani. era in Gangpur. Ugar and Bechan^ Chhotgonhris of Saway had been described by the Majhalturis of that village as Gandas. girh) and Barasloja in Thana Bano and at Pakerdaor. and the Bagdega men had been returned . tioned Gandas through a mistake. Konjoba Thesutoli. Basen. in the census enumeration But when ques- by me. that they were Chiks and had been entered &s. Hungir (near Kumbabira Takerdinr Kink«l). Gandas are numerous in the adjoinStates and in Orlssa ing Sambalpur (as many as 124. hawever.Madho Chik and others of SausovVfiy. to be drummers as well as weavers. IN EANCHI. I heard of Gandas who were said Simdega.B. Saway. book as Gandas. respectively. who called himself a Ganda. (near Lachra. they said. in reply to a reference. Karanjor (near Bagdega).. One Pahlad of Rengali. Banabira and Longapani in thana Kochedega. I could not bj sure also about the . who called thcmselvca . that he had relatives in Ranch* District. the Police Sub-Inspector reported. scale. be established beyond doubt that the so-called Gandas of if it Gangpur and the Chhotgonhri the same sub-caste. Bagdega. by Gangpur man. Kigri (near TokeJuba. In Bagdega there are could be proved that they were Chhotgonhri the mentioned to related Sudram. said. Saway).717. I could not be quite sure if these were the only sub-castes in On the one hand. but within the limits of Ranchi Diftrict I did not come across.OJl. Hetnaa Kondra and Sursang. having been returned at the last census) . and Bagdega. a single individual who would call himself a Ganda.

said tbat Madbo was of a higher casle than himself. Kocbedega Raghu ted by Sukra. this was confirmed also by Madbo' s nephew Sembbua.VOL. brother of Ahlad of tbe other is Sawai^ unquestioniably a Majhalturi. so tbat there were really four sub- Simdega[(l) the Bargonbris.. . The Chbotgonbris of Simdega are regarded almost as untouchables by tbe Bargonbris as well as by t4ie Majbalturis of tbat side. This is not the case with the Chbotgonbris of L^hardaga and Sesai previously mentioned who receive from the Bargonbris very much the same treatment Simdega the Majbalturis get from the Bargonbris. turn out to be tbe same as the Cbhotgohhria of. But I am. they if could these relatives speak of other in Sisai and Ghagra and Lobardao-a. Jodhanof Kojhedega and Ganes of Pitbra I could not meet them and I cannot say whether they call tbem- . I bad at first been led to think tbat there were two of grades Majbalturis.. (But is tbere more than one Koch dega?) Other relatives mentioned by Madbo were Kaghu both by in Lohraof Pabarsara. and {4) the Madbo and by Sukra. (3) the lower Majbalturis represencastes in Cbbotgonhirs alms found that I this conclusion was but subsequently Gandas]. (2) tbe higher Majhalturis represented by Maiho.: selves Majbalturis or Bargonrhis.. who said that be and Madbo were Majbalturis and Bafgonbria. The Simijiga Majbalturis I bad met were mostly from tbe southern as in portion of tbat subdivision. It is in tbe north could be possible tbat questioned. who hand^ Sukra. Mihli of Kaarbsra. WIATIB3 IN BANCHI. tbe C'bhotgonbris of Lobardiga How and Sisai stand in Simdega another point about to which I could not come any definite conclusion. and tbe nortbemraost relatives that they knew of were tbose in south Basia or south Palkot or- south Gumla. Ahlad and cabers. PT. that Doisawars But on were a higher sub-caste. inclined to think that these Chbotgonbris are the same as the relation to tbe sevei-al sub-castes in is Majbalturis of the south. etc. relatives further north who might quite . a Majbalturi. of as a relativewas mentioned for tintenable. v. III ] 33^ who is undoubtedly a Sembatuar knows and Madho be told^ me that Madbo wa» Birgoiihri.

and Surajdeota. any season of the year would do.R. or Chandi. Barpahari say once in three. the only condition necessary being that the puja must be on a Tuesday or on a Saturday. at the Nawa or new rice ceremony and at Phagua or spring festival of each year. Pahaa who Worship o-ets of the village-gods is No priests Surajdeota performed by the a coutribution from each family on thisaccoun!. and the village-gods also receive occasional offerings* Surajdeota.. Devi is worshipped at marriages. and the Majhalturis of Simdega are identical with one another. To Barpahari a goat alone is sacred.WEAVERS gSO that told One side. Other principal objects of worship. goat Bargonhris who. me of IN RAKCHI. and this must be grey or black . is family hearth. or the great hill.O. both with the Semhatuar Bargonhris and with the Majhalturis ( I have no very definite information on this point reg irdiag the Chhotgonhris of Sisai and Lohardaga or the Chhotgonhris of Simdega ). Simdega subdivision that his caste vras occasionally described as Sasiar . are required for the worship of Matapita. worshipped only at rare or even ten years and — Surajdeota and Matapita (the deceased ancestors) are worshipped oftener. and. four. though they have no scruple about eating fowls themthem selves. have imbibed sufficient Hinduism to consider unclean food for their gods. the animal must be sacrificed on open tahr lind. It will be The worship of the spirits of deceased to have their habitation near the ancestors. supposed practised by almost all the aborginal and semi-aboriginal tribes in Chhota Nagpur . or the sun-god while Devi . the Sasiars. . ordinarily once a year. with the but a it white is a white fowl with Majhalturis. the Majhalturls in • [J.S.B. it is just possible that the Chhotgonhrls of Lohardaga and Sisai are identical with Sasiars. but there is no hard and fast rule . as suggested in a previous paragraph. and the same practice is observed also by the Chiks. Barpahari. intervals — is five. are Barpahari. or Chandi. assumed in all referenc3s in the following paragraphs that the Chhotgonhris of Lohardaga and Sisai. who must be worshipped in the angan (courtyard) has to be propitiated by a white animal.

to know ignorance of it. Gaharirar. and that Chunu Pathak of Kudarko is their Porohit. This was taken objection to by the Chhotgonhris. Chand. a marriage* hy capture. notice . and df the Majhalturis do not certainly employ Brahmans. Dbandbi I ^ A i*lk«iUi marriaj. Ghia.'.if outcasting had been decided upon. Jainath Baraik of Bhamo ( a SemhatuSr ) and the Majhalturi in Simdega ^ho spoke about Sasiars said that balkatti marriages^^ had taken place between Semhatuars and Sasiars at Semhatu and had been accepted as legal by both communities.WiBAT£B3 IN BANCUI. Pt. fo. Uarin. Dipikbani. and there was a it^ held ia the house of Tuiya of S ing to discuss occasion of Tulya's was the upshot of brother's this tradh in caste isla 1910. Argar. however.i ^9l The Bargohhris of Bero say that they require the services Brahmans at their marriages and srddhs. he could notj however. The following are names of the exogamous divisions the among Chiks that came to my Semhataara. Budhram Chaukidar of the of side Bhurso ( thana Sisai of also a Chhotgonhri ) an ordinary marriage Lohardaga spoke between the daughter of a Chhotgonhri of village Sasia and a Bargonhri of village Barasloya ( thana Bano ) . how the Semhatuars dealt with the Barasloya man who had married a Chhotgonhri girl otherwise than by the balkatti form of maniage. apparently the Sasiars agreed to overlook the irregularity.* is Argar.— ^ Chhotgonhria oi Simdega. Although the different sub-castes of Chiks do not ordinarily intermarry. and Builian would not have been left in It would be interesting. Goal. April megc- on the ^Vhat Budhrato could not say conference^ . tt is doubtful if the Bargonhris further south are very particular in this respect. the decision would have been more widely notified. Vol. .. Chahd. give me the names of the parties. Majhalturis^ Dhangunri. Hi.

0. IN RANCH I tJ.B.6.WEAVEBS 392 Sembatairs. .S.

Thana Bundu. Tamar. assumed the name of Sawasi . Ulilor Thana — Parasi. Another point of difference with the Tamaria Panrs which the Singua Pans draw attention to. calling themselves some not the only weaver caste in among them a few men There are also scattered Aswine Singua or Patkumia Pan-Tafitis and Tantis. I got the same evidence from many others. they have had their claim recognized to have succeeded in getting thems«*lvefl * But in Tamar so great enumerated at the census as Tantis. Upar ParasI.. known loyally as Tasriya Pan-Tantis claim to have a decent country district). weavers admitting t'lemselves to he Paii-Ta tis. sufficiently the prejudice against weavers generally that a serves Singua Pans has been village Sosodi who is Singua Pans would not beef barber in outcasted. and Chamu Sawasi and Gonjhu Sawasi of Gamharia (thana Tamar. and he said that Paiir and Sawasi are identical terms. mentioned by Chamu and Gonghu as a relative. v. . Aradi and Edalhatu.iHL. Sotiahatu. Patkum in position also Tantis. — Jamudag and Saread (nPar J"amudag). Sawa<ji Panrs are. Pt. midway between Enrki and Rabu) gave me the following Well-to-do of villages where their kutums Sawasie. provided they are rich enough . til. however. showing clearly that Sawasis are no more different from Panrs than Pat Baraiks or Bhuinhar Baraiks are froip. were to be found. list Thana Tamar. Semhatuar Chiks. and not Panrg. and Sarjamdi. Sivasuddha Tftuti or Sivasatru Taiiti i« another name for Pan-Tanii in 2JanLhum. is the shape of the shuttle do. although one cornea across. in almost every village in the southern lialf of the district. however. They would take water from Mundas but not rice or other kachi food as the Panrs take or pork. The their own in Manbhum and (pargaua Singhbhum where bxrbeis would shave them and even Brahmana would work for them. Torang (near Parasi). But a day or two later I came across one Sohan of Pandrani who was related to Chamu and Gonjhu and also to Golam Karji of Sarjamdi. ' No more thin 741 persons were recorded in Manb!)nm as Pans at the Isst census. but they have no objection to fowls or to rice-beer. and in the Manbhum district at least.— Bundu Majhitola.] 393 Panrs have. WEAVES? IN BAUCHt.

while they who can weave . always speak reverently iaactr. and I could get only the released from the spool passes. . Both use long shuttles made of wood^ and canoes . however. near Mardhan). while in the Pan-Tanti's shuttle the spool is placed longitudinally. Gopal of Sarjamdi's grandfather been the first Singua Pan to have ried his daughter Sibiin to a Digwar come to Tamaria Panr is reported to have this f>f side. was considered to have been and he has been outcasted. Sarjaijidi. as well as of ibe Aswinee as Singua men Pans. who in Guru. thana Bundu. brother of Dubraj of Birdi. Pans. the used in weaving. formerly of of Paula. guilty of a graver irregularity.B.8. shaped like axle of the spool is at right angles to the length of the shuttle. but in the shuttle of the Tamaria Panr. and when Guru's first wife Koili eloped with a lover. Tamaria Panrs do not appear. thana Bundu. in Ranchi district is Dames of Jagai. the same as in the Muhammadan Jolaha'8 shuttle . to marry him. He mar- by name But Digwar never brought his daughter home. to have objected to the union of a girl of their community with a Singua Pan . Dubraj of Birdi. This would seem to indicate that Tamaria Panrs acknowledge th& Singua or Patkumia Pans. Tasuperiority of the raaria Panrs..O Jt. be could Panr girl. thana Tamar.WjiAVEBS IN RANCHI. mentioned above. a daughter of Anandreadily get another Tamaria ram of Burudi (thana Tam&r. thana Tamar. Satu and Gopal of Sarjamdi. there being a small iron ring at the other end thrcngh which the yam The number of Singua Pans very limited. Sham of Sirkadi. daughter of Parau of Sarjaipdi. more recent times married a Tamaria Panr girl. nor did take ever he any food at his daughter's place and this was considered sufficient to keep him within the fold of Singua Phate. The superiority of Aswine Tantis who are believed to be immigrants from Manbhum is more clearly recognized. thana Tamar. Sham Bichahatu. 394 CJ. fixed to a spike projecting from one end of the shuttle.

Panrs) . Closely connected with these Tatwas are a nnmber of men found in a few villages in thanas Sisai. The first immigrant of their caste. not quite so low as that of the Tamaand the total number of Tantis and Tatwas in their position . in iasctr weaving. Baracda. of that than Singua Pans . As wine Tantis are not employed Aswine Tantis in tasar coooons being but rare in the district. of the jaUcharaniya They Aswine Tantis settled in Kanchi. III. and Maroo of luta. are to be found in small and a very large proportion of agriculturists. being '* one of the navasayakas" mentioned in the Pardsara-sanAifd. PT. 1911 was shown are now not a jalacharanii/a are caste. The Katiyas assert that neither they nor their relatives in Lohardaga thana were weavers originally. Thanas Khuiiti and Torpa (pargana Sonpur) — Perka. Gamhir. Tantis are shown in the census tables mixed up with Tatwas from Bihar though riya (. Pandedi. WEIVEES v. Gandouri and Tharkurgaon (thana Lohardaga) and of These men speak S-ikhia of of Aiasmano Bechan and Baksu of Inta (also near Lohardaga) as their relatives . Thana Tamar Hasa. a few alon3 baing weavers. is as 932 . Deonath. Sisai) still calls having married a sister of himself a Tatwa. Thana Sonahatu — Chokahatu. name of Tasriya Tantis. themselves can weave cotton cloth only the distinctive Tantis 395 . . and have given to Aswiue In Ranchi. Saridkel and Dorma. but these Lohardaga men call themselves Tatwas. Ghaghra..who. and Aswine Tantf apparently larger the families are to be found in following villages among The number of is others : — — Sindri and Majhidi. Mahil. Thana Bundu — Bundu and Bhakuadi. Ranchi are mostly a agriculturists. Chatu. while few weave cotton cloths. Palkot and Bano who call themselves Katiyas and who are mostly agriculturists by profession. Rahe. though small. although he has settled in Andu Katiya Nagar (thana of that village. Basia.] IIX EANCHI.VOL. however. Tatwas mostly near Lohardaga colonies them however. are recognized as one castes.

as The Katiyas spoke to me of a very curious ouslom observed of their being invested on the day of by them. who came from Bhojpur. they weaving from Patwas. told me. whether to a describe themselves 1 am not in say they position . have The any similar custom. at Jima and Hendla in learnt thana Kuru Bansi Patwa of Hendla had married a cousin of . I was told. Nagar men ancestors of the Inta people. or those who are described the as Patwas. as they described it) required for this worship. have been their antecedents before they came from Bhojpui*^ Ta twap. or the sacred thread. to be engaged for this thereafter. for The goat. of course. which irt intended to be kept for nine days only and to be thrown away A Brahman has. occasions such for but also . that their marriage with the janeo.. whose services of Brahmans Other gods believed pxi ja they pay in are not by Katiyas subscriptions to the village . chief object of worship with Katiyas is a god named Pachhimaha (or the western one). Andu Katiya of Nagar and was Whatever may living at Sisai. the had come to the district as musicians and dancers . became a dhangar (labourer) ia the house of a Jolaha^ and this is how some members of the caste took The to weaving. Patwas were to be found. For this srddh and the investiture of the sacred thread in that connexion also.Bj.O. [J. are Devi Miii. with whom they married balkatti. Brahman has to be employed. . and Ram Pathak of Domba (thana Sisai) was said to be the purohit of the Katiyas of Nagar. I cannot say whether their relatives who call themselves Tatwas.D. Patwas and Katiy as clearly form one endogamous group I did not meet any of the so-called Patwas and in Kanchi. namely. in honour of whom they offer mahna spirit and a coloured cock on the day following the Phagua Pachhimaha is worshipped at marriages (the spring festival) the offering must be a brown {kasia. ceremony. Tatwas or as Patwas or as Katlyas.WEAVRKS S96 IN RAN^CHI. The sacred thread is worn also for three days after the purification ceremony following the tradh on the tenth day after a death takes place.

VOL. Lotwa and — near Bartoli Bonai. PT. and Jitbahn and Salibahn. which at least one intermarries whom whom I met Koshtas others State. with Koshtas came from Raigarh have Families calling themselves . Thana Basia Kumhari. ni. come mostly from Sambalpur. The only other weaver castes that I came across in Ranchi were Koslitas and Dases. known Das is the name by which in Raigarh in the Central Provinces families as originally Das. in the same way as the K^tiyas bub they do not recognize the Katija god Pachhimaha. Tatwas of Inta worship Jitbahn and Salibahn at Jitia. on the other hand.lcd under the head " Others .speaking Dases are apparently divided into countries. Turibira.. The identity of KativSs with Tatwas was not discovered were over a considerable time after the census operations . For the Jitia a Brahman comes and . worshipped with home-made cakes on the day of the Jitia (the eighth day of the dark phase of the moon in September) reads katha when . v. WEAVEB3 IN BANCHI. having fasted the whola day and part of the night. The Kabirpanthis do not worship any gods and goddesses. having apparently " been inclu. of . These Koshta-Dases are divided into two religious sects. Kabirpanthis and non-Kabirpauthis. after which only they can partake of The food. Kitiyas may be found : — — Thana Sisai Xagar and Sisai. however. which intermarry freely. both immigrants from Oriya. — Thana Bano Bujga. and I was told by met at Meromdega in thani Kochedega and Dulabpur near Raiboga in the Gangpur that Koshta and Das were different names used in different districts for the caste is at one and the sime caste.l S97 Pabn. with . the women of the house sing and dance for some time. and such retained the name Koshtas had. the caste known not as is Koshta but as Mahra. this is over. till and Katiyas were shown as a separate caste in the enumerator's books. where. I several groups. The following are some of the places where . They were not shown in the printed tables.

they turn out. who has settled at Bora in five miles from Kanchi on the Purulia Road. . like the pujd of year.S. . the body is is worshipped only some similar is either visitation^ invariably kept bury or burn^ invariably placed in a lying position* The family is considered ceremonially unclean for ten days. be BalragI Das Goiain.jctc. The following gotrd names of Koshta-Dasescame to my notice: Bagh^ Bachhur. thana Chainpur. Bargonhyi Birhofs have settled down in the plains and have adopted the profession of carpenters. oilseeds. his cousin Jairara's son.oR. although is br. Bahoran gave the name of his caste to of Meral. 398 fJ. Chaudhuri. Manik and Songotia. the body Non-Kabirpanthis in case of burial. is effected fowl before the family hearth. and give a feast to the caste* Kabirpanthi Koshtas further perform srddh of their ancestors in Aghan every deemed to be a ptija. and his pujd> Phagun and without the aid of any by sacrificing a brown [kasia) coloured goat or (worship) which takes place in priests. Dulba is identified with deceased ancestors. offer pindas through a Brahman or Gosain. ^ The ordinary meaning Members of tbe term Dulba of this sub-c.degroom. wooden paxlas (measures for grains.Weavers jN RANCHi. II I and IV uf this Journal by Rai Sarat Chandra Ray Bahadur and who are known in Kurdeg as Chhotgonhfi Birhors. while Phoja said that Panikas were a But Hari Das different caste with whom Dases had no concern. non-Kablrpanthis the principal objects of worship are Dulha^ and DeviMai. These Bargonhri Birhors of have now very little resemblance with their nomadic or semi-nomadio Kurijicg kinsmen regarding whom a series of articles has been contributed to Volumes II.\ste. Strange to say< expression to signify decoased ancestors this very expression is used with the very same meaning by a very diEEerent castc^ viz . Of another group of Dases I met three.B. Saona of Lotwa near Ku. thana Gumla. when there is a pestilence Devi Mai or a famine or Kabirpantlii Koshtas bury their dead in a seated position. by the Bargonhri Biihors of thana KirJeg. but such srddh is not Dulha by the non-Kabirpanthis. and Phoja of Kerki. Bahoran. Saona called himself a Panika Das Gosain.nhari in thana Basia. after which the relatives of the deceased shave. was mentioned as a relative by either . and tlie use of this is somewhat uutxpected.) and charkas (spinning wheels) being the chief articles tha. and apparently Phoja and Saona belong to the same sub-caste whatever its name may be .

The priests. or third On after death. 399 very few in Ranchi. Jangu Das of Barki Biura. provided he was viz. On becomes the Mahant the . most of the others are Bairagis and serve as spiritual Kamhars. styled Mahants.J IN RANUCt. thana Kurdeg. are men Mahant. Jangu said that men of his caste were Kabirand that any member of the caste could take a janeo panthis. tihi. . . Panika Dases. gttides to Of also calling themselves the third group of Dases. V. bis puj't be performed on the full-moon days in Baisakh. Sikri prepared not t?i^e abstain to from animal food. WEAVEKR III. They bury their dead. Jangu said that his family had come from Baigarh and that his only relatives in the Banchi in thana also (who paragraph the fact that were to be district Kurdeg and in some Chainpur and Bishunpur) of found in Biura and Kadamdi ptrgana Borwe (thanas he could moat-on only one.VOL. nor do thry have any annual iradh of ancestors like the Koshta-Dases. Kartik and Magh with cocoanut. arecauut and milk. Jangu's people or goat-meat. jaggery and cocoanut milk. PT. (sacred thread) or kanthi ( necklace of beads). the only animal food permissible is fish Kabirdas is the only object of worship. villages in whom Pagura. Mundas and Oraons. Even for those who do janeo or kanlh'. who was a weaver by profession. I met only one. and worshipping the same with bhoff consisting of phi. I should have been inclined to consider him as of the same group as Saona Das Gosain of Lotwa mentioned in the previous of Meral in a different originally called himself a Panika Das). but for Jangu distinctly mentioned that the Dases Chainpur (who are Saona Das's relatives) were caste from him. and while those in Meral. death of a when. thana Chainpur. the t*ie body being placed in a lying position. however. are scattered almost all over the district . The cocoanut must be broken by being dashed against the ground by the priest. are still employed as weavers. the relatives of the deceased day and on the tenth day they perform the datkarmd ceremony which consists of making an image of Kabirdas from rice-powder shave . has to do not believe in ancestor-worship. his eldest of their son own caste.

The Koshta-Dases were probably the first to leave. How into caste.340. curiously enough. and Bairagi-Dases apparently left at a satisfactory answer to the question how the three groups of Dases stand in relation to one anotlier can be given only after in areas outside Ranchi. in Grangpur and where the different groups may be found in larger elsewhere. Parwa. At know. taken place between a Koshta girl of Jhikirma (thana Kolebira)- with Balhu Oadar of Bujga (thana Bano). when their number in Ranchi was 1. and that the differences now observable is between them are indicative only of different degrees of permeation with a socio-religious movement that came from outside. the Koshtas looked upon the inaldent I do not the last census persons describing themselves as Dasea were shown as Panikas. information regarding the is numerous also to Muhammadan weaver casto. in groups that left at different times or from different localities. the progenitors of the three groups of Dases and of the Koshtas belonged to the same caste or clan. assume a new caste among them name which might give them . who is a Katiya by Budhu was outcasted by the Katyas for this irregularity and had to propitiate the panchayat before he wis re-admiited caste. My Jolaha. must at present be one of conjecture. Bhoisay Tariria.BO. the religious movement had taken a my . Sonwani and : It The following caste-people as his successor.iOO WKAVSEa IN RANCHi. Jolahas are pretty comparatively meagre. — Baghel. or of different ways of being acted on by this external stimulus. while the a time when. Persons who described themselves as Koshtas were shown as such. Th& matter. Within the limits of Ranchi I did not come across numbers. although There is a tendency in the district. and were apparently included in " Others '\ Koshtas had been shown the printed tables under as a separate casto in 1901. detailed enquiries any instance of intermarriage between one group and another although. possible that in their original home.S. or from a quarter where. Sariyo. some male member of his family- gotra names were supplied by Jangu Da^ Chawar^ Kuldip. 1 got evidence of a marriage having. Mahant the is dies childless. however. by the elected tJ.B.-tic turn.

. supposed to be a sub-caste of the Pans of Manbhum and Singhbhum are ordinarily With they are apparently allied. as but a degraded sub-caste of the Chiks. and be considered by others.] 4(Ji a higher gocial position than they can otherwise command . who wore indigenous crowded out in by Chiks from the west (who came probably with the Oraons from Rhotasgarh side*. I do not know what the value of this statement is. and while the main body of them moved with the ^fuudas to the eastern portion of the district.VOL. the Chiks coming in as a wedge between them and the main group ? Under such circumstances. where Panika Bases (including Koshta-Dases) are separated from Panrs and Singua Pans by a broad belt of country There is in which Chiks are the predominant weaver caste. III. and Chiks are but sub-castes of the same the truth that Paftrs were the the district. a small section sfayeJ behind in the times later south-west. aud also before I conclude. There is only one other point which I have to note The Koshtas of Merom^ega told me that Gandas were identical with Pafirs. can possibly be found out only after detailed enquiries in ^reas where the Singua Pans and the Orissa Panikas meet. although the Manbhum Paus have succeeded in getting themselves returned as Tahlis. it is not very strange that this isolated section would forget its kinship with the body of Panrs and begin main [to consider itself. weaver is caste it of Gandas are the same and the as Chhotgohhri Chiks seem conclusion would Kurdeg. the Panrs of the Munda country have any greater affinity than mere similarity in name and in occupation. PT. but if this be correct. no scope for such enquiries within the district of Ranchi. the Burmiss that of Kochedega to be that Panrs caste. Panrs Pans or Penrais or Pauikas. Or. V. and large numbers of Jolahas returned themselves at the last " or as " Sheikh '^ census as " Sheikh Nurbaf slmplv. But whether with Panikas from Orissa. WEAVERS IN BANCHI.

one point relating to this topio. ''' was. 0. K. D. D. P. Banerji admitted A Museum. ante pp. M. presents a great similarity to the statue of the SaisunaKa Emperors in the Calcutta Museum. J. a female figure from Sanchi and the colossal Parkham statue of Mathm-a. find necessary to reproduce here a cologsal standing figure of a man cut in the round. Jayaswal has deservedly earned the congratulation of scholars by his striking discovery of the i^aisunaka statues R. Kushan Emperor and " " Note " to specimens. — XX. in his Archaeological Cunningham pp. in respect of style and design. R. Mr.. 114. scholar of such eminence as Mr. I-S^'isunaka Statues. I from head J. S. Banerji means a portrait statue. —K. Mr. Mr.A. ''Mr. Jayaswal has discovered the really oldest known Indian statues^ and has corractly identified them with two Emperors of the Siisunaka dynasty of Northern that There India/' is.^' I respectfully difEer from him on this point in view of the India^^ existence of some covered are : known The statues belonging to the statues of the Mauryan or an period already disthe Telim statue from a colossal female statue and earlier period. Of these sculptures of ancient date. statue cvideiit tbat : to foot and 2 feet broad across the shoulderB. in the Calcutta in has. B. By Brindavan Bhattaoharya. R.] . the statue of the was the oldest known statue in We do not know any other example of PraMauryan art and consequently we cannot make comparison. Banerji the in his identification of these ^ has observed *' : it Before two of Kaniska I.MISCELLANEOUS CONTRIBUTIONS.^ The general look of all these pieces of sculpture. C. however. The which statue is 7 feet in height J [It is long ago. Vol. I particularly take the Parkham statue as showing a close resemblance to the Saisuiaaka The btatues. which has evidently escaped the notice of scholars and I draw their attention as furnishing a curious parallelism. 41. 40. number of the the last Journal. Mauryan Besnagar. 210. P. described by General Survey Reports.

we observe gaints might have borne such chowris in ancient times. it is difficult to say what was the action of the figure. the height of the Saisunaka statues is a little above 6 feet. But I suspect that the statue modern."! at Arrah where . comparison bet ween the description of this image and that is A of the S'aisunaka statues as also between their illustrations at once discloses the following points of similarity. their : (1) The height (2) The statues are monoliths cut in the round. P.ds. On the other hand. Ill. But since then Ihave seen an illustrated J aina Ramayana amongst the MSS. r. What was the point of the chotrri borne by the kings is hard to hypothesize. one round the waist and the other round the loins. of a YaJcsha or •ras that The attendant demi-god. and has nothing whatever in with that of the later figures of the Indo-Scythian period. that the Svitambara as well as Digambara Jainas (specially t! eir religions leaders y carry a chowri. FT. J. the side the two bands look exactly as if they weie intended to support it» pot-belly.VOL. 403 Both arms are broken Aitd the face hat been nearly obliterated by repeated libations and anointments with ghee and red lead which Lave left a very hard and unsightly crust of dirt on figure is clothed from head to foot in a loose flowing gaisecured by two broad bar. The whole body is much too balky and seen from the breast. of the Jaina Central Library toyal personages are depicted as carrying choicrit—'K. There the right shoulder. is . The which saent. the body. in each case. The figure of jSTandivardhana as (3) well as the Parkham over the right shoulder. I am inclined to think that Jsina Even to-d^y. Even/ in some very details maj be observed to coincide of the Parkham image is 7 feet. who carried a chowri o^er very peculiar. The statue is made of grey sa ndstone. common dress is a shoi-t garland or necklace round the neck which is ornamented at the back with four dependent tassels. The left 8AI3UNAKA STATUES.] knee is sligbtly bent. ^ (4) All these figures are dressed in a loose flowing garment . with which tbey brush the ground on wlich they are goig to sit' the idea beirg to remove the chance of killing any living being. and still retains many traces of " " having been highly polished. The figure is called Derata or the God and has been in its present position for an unknown length of time. cases. Jayaswal that cAowris could ever have been carried by princes. AH the other remains at ParkVam are of red sandstone and comparatively Both arms being broken off just below the shoulder?. [The reproluction of the Ajanta Hariisa-jatwka to which I referred ante page 104 was partial and therefore misleiding. is clothed '' in a waist-cloth (dhoti) held stilt ue carries a chowri or flv whisk ' I am unable to believe with Mr.

SAISUNAKA STATDES. 4C4 from the loins by means of a fiat IJ. 0. Banerji and K. Jayaswal to show that the Saisunaka statues Prom its rightly deserved the nomenclature given to them. 105. S . it should seem clear that the Saisunaka statues and the Parkham statue are essentially The identical in character. as is evident by the The ears of the figure bear line in the waist (5) and the treatment of the navel/ The overgarment has an embroidered ^ ^ neck. evident identity with these old statues. » J. Various strong grounds have been adduced by Mr. (6) The girdles of the most naturalistic knots of cloth. solve for me this to problem. On each of these figures earrings. which shows some design on the back.O.B. p. R. the Parkham statues.B. and beneath it there is a vest. v. There seems to come about a discussion between Messrs. From the above-drawn comparison. intended to be of diaphanous texture. Part 1. P. which also bear an inscription of an unccr* tain date. Jayaswal about the date of inscriptions on the statues and The similarity of these statues with possibly also to their age. (9) pur made of grey sandstone All these statues are bearing clear traces of high of Mirza-* polish. the the bands and the waves in the gowns belonging to all these figures are designs of art extremely similar in type and style. B.. is nothing to bar such a conjecture.S. the Parkham statue may as well have a claim to an equal antiquity. . Vol. The clumsily worked feet of the statues also bear similarity. (7) (8) The statues show a small pot-belly in each case. without touching upon the other topics already in the hands of competent scholars. For the present have shown the points which 11. D. purpose it may is help to enough relate to iconography. '^ girdle tied in a knot in front. " there is an upper garment mantle-like. inscription at the pidestal of the Parkham figure undeniably leads us to assign to it a time not later It may even be earlier in date as there the Asokan than period.

. ) whom sculptures Museum the from is the alleged the Yikramsila University.jCAjO yJtol/' (. B. N. Emperor Aurangzeb. no mention is made of any Xawab by the name of Xurullah. bears the following inscription. 18 in the Patna Musenm. I suggest that Nurullah Khan referred to here was the Foujdar of Jessore who mentioned both is (evidently following In the reign of the him by Stewart by Riyazu-s-Salatin and in his History of Bengal). assumed a threatening '' aspect.1074. Zemindar of Katwa. then occurred the rebellion Singh. H. Manuscript Catalogue. " Muhammad Sharif for Madho (in ) A. . Owing to disfigured. Samaddar.II— A Note on an Inscribed Cannon in the Patna Museum.xo^ >[m. when he was engrossed Marathas and during the Viceroyahy of in fighting with the Nawab Ibrahim Khan. and the rebellion He was joined of Subha by Rahim Khan. bearing Zemindar of Colgong also indebted site of for Bhagalpore a number of to . number This cannon. A. It has been presented to the Museum by Babu Haricharan Ganguly. ** of ( In the time of In the genealogy of Bengal Kings. On. By J.i.t>jB^ J c -UX*) ^|j ^r. as given in the existing: histories.»> *> ^IL i^Uy v|y j^ ^y ucr^ t L/'** ^t* the fact that portions of the inscription have *^ been cannot be read and translated fully but such as be translated as follows : i>^ — it Nawab Nurullah Khan. The inscription reads . aa Afghan.. under the supervision. appears it may : *—'^j-* > i^] — — <s. At the same time the title of Nawab and the making of cannons evidently imply that he was of some consequence.

) referred to in the above Faujdar. Hugli. 1074 which corresponds 1695. the Chaklah who was very opulent and had commercial business and who also held the dignity of Sehhazari.B. however.O. It is unfortunate that Mr. and effects he considered it It eeems to me that the lucky to save his own Nawab Nurullah life. There Is still a gun at Mirzanagav. The date in the inscription in the or four A. [J.) where the Faujdar had his pla^e in the district of Jessore inscription is the The two cannons seem to have been made same way. 232.p. C.8.INbCfilBED CANNON. Both are of the same pattern with three (Bengal). (which does not possess any inscription. was subto the post of Deputy Subedar sequently promoted by Aurangzeb It may of Orissa. he obtained the help of the Dutch from Chinsurah^ he Although " on the contrary throwing away his treasures could do nothing.H. marched out from Jessore in order to chastise and subdue the rebels/' — (Riyazu-s-Salatin. A. of Faujdar of Jasar. — concentric layers of metal. 406 hearing of this Nur-uUah Kfcaii. according to MasIr-i-Alamgiri.^^ — [Ibid. English Edition). and and rich was both it is quite likely that Nurullah who powerful was called by courtesy Nawab. Ganguly cannot grive us any idea about the locality where the cannon was originally found in Bihar. Bard wan and Mednipur. .B. Nurullah Khan. even after his disgraceful defeat. Subha Singh^s is rebellion took place in be mentioned here that. to 1663.

1911. for he writes "Agaria. following Risley. however. shows figures for Agarias only. Sen. a cultivating cast-' found in the Tributary Mahals of Chota Nagpur. N. the term. and other Feudatory States.-tances are Agarias ['agifT'PIT] (aboriginal iron smelters) ^ * * ^-' and and in A^harias [^irf^^] (Oriya cuUivators) the Caste Table (Table XIII) of the Census Report for that Pro\dnce the strength of the Agharia and Agaria castes has been separately shown. cnltivafcori Rislej. and there can be r»e doubt that the cultivating caste whom the same people as tbose who themselves Agharias i» Sambalpur and have been given the !^sl^ mentions call as Agaria : are . Sambalpar aie a caste oi xvho claim Rajput descent.'' while his description of Agaria^^ or "Anguwar^^ with that of the Agbaria of Sambalpur. Vol. Part I "Confusion is also sometimes caused by a similarity of namest In. however.A^harias of Sambalpnr as to Their Ey M. which formerly belonged to Chot* Nagpur and — has sin3e boen transferred to Orissa. B. They claim to be the descendants of tallies : Kshatriya immigrants from the neighbourhood of Agra off the sacred thread when they settled in a new country and took to holding the plough/^ But it has been observed at certain who put page 212. in hia book "The '* Tribes and Castos of Bengal describes Agbaria as ''one of the six subdivisions of the Lobar caste who manufacture and smelt iron ore . In Sambalpur the Agbarias inhabit the northern part of the district. X. having been apparently used for the same caste as the Agharias of Sambalpur.A. particularly the zamindaris of the Sadar Tehsll the portions adjacent to GangpBT State. Anguwar. Agbarias [^^fk^] of Traditi^m : Orig*!!!. Th3 sime table of -s^- the Bihar and Oriss^ Census Report. Central Provinces Census Report.

e.. Ranchi.0.ASHABIAS OF SAMBALPOP. a question whether^ to of owing names. confusion similarity has not crept in in the Bengal and Bihar and Oriswa Census Tables (Table XIII) particularly in compiling the figures of those which iron smelting sub-caste of Lobars owning similar exist. . Name of district.B. 408 r [J.3 same name in the Central Provinces Census But it is Report. Hazaribagh and Palamau and the iron districts in name smelting sub-caste and the cultivating caste have been of classified The following table gives the distribution and strength the " Agarias '' in Bihar and Orissa in 1911:— together. g.B.

It is said that the leading — — o£ pons. or ab