95^.7 C29p
The Pattens



A.D. 1957




3 1148 01019 8729






55O B.C.-A.D. 1957



Olaf Caroe 1958


London Bombay Calcutta Madras Melbourne





Library of Congress Catalog Card

Number 58-10124






Bivar. or indeed all the languages. That the purpose revived is This owing stan to the initiative who made it and courtesy of the Government of Paki- possible for revisit familiar scenes.PREFACE is a book I was bound some time to write. Without his enthusiasm and expert scholarship this part of the book could never have taken so distinct a shape. If that be so. With his aid I have been able to interpret many original texts. For example. The voyage is long and the seas for the most part uncharted. A. Much more than formal acknowledgment is due Evelyn Howell. needed to fit together a chart. But here too clusions are my own and may not always stand up to academic assault. or manage of 2. having had the fortune to spend half a lifetime among Pathans. memories receded and the purpose weakened. I have sought to cover more centuries before the Pathans embraced Islam than those which have since elapsed. But with the numbering of the years from 1947. and to apply the results of specialized numismatic and epigraphical the conhe will wish me to affirm studies. individual and unshared. The result presented is wholly mine. the responsibility for each conclusion. me after nine years' absence to meet old friends and make new ones. H. D. and put in order against the new foreground a store of knowledge and impressions acquired over more than thirty years. and a determination not to permit the wood to be obscured by the a crew. and lately Research Lecturer in Ancient History at Christ Church. If sometimes the touch may seem uncertain.500 years. the answer is that it is not easy for one navigator to encompass all the techniques. for every emphasis. picture of the . Oxford. Greek. over a space trees. sometime scholar of Corpus. Arabic and Persian. formerly my aide-de-camp. I must plead the licence of the non-specialist. on whose earlier yii work hangs my to my friends. For the pre-Islamic period and the earlier Islamic centuries I have enjoyed the devoted help of Dr.

to Ikramullah. SUSSEX May. a In some sense this book is planned as the spark struck off by if Pathan and Englishman. to Bacon and his staff at Mardan. Zuberi. dark for Pakistan in London. There is in memory of Sir Aurel Stein. and George Cunningham. tradition of have received countless impressions of Sitana. O. century of clash and contact between to follow suit. . C. STEYNING. Ralph Griffith who knew ten years Governor in Pathan honour.West Frontier the tribal is hard to follow. who died in 1956. literary forms are retained for in one Kandahar. in work whole manuscript and blessed Peshawar. Attock. Shah Abdul are Jabbar Sayyid memorable among these Zaman Muhammad old that man. it it should please. and High same that the study of poet.g. I am in debt for contributions CommisMr. and grand Pathan of famous most the from poets. Delhi. not does it with the criticism which and wisdom. Commissioner To Mr. Greek names are Latinized. Khan of Akora. and stimulate Pathan writers will have achieved a real purpose. the end at found will be boundaries and locations To A which bore upon and in European reader that I have thought also reader Muslim to the times pre-Islamic it well to include a Dynastic Framework as Appendix A. 1957 NOTE those unfamiliar with the North. descended to Roger and of Peshawar. Popular well-known places. place. Those who prefer a more The names and this region are so dates of the little known many dynasties to the accurate system of transliteration will find it in the Index.PREFACE the meaning of of Waziristan. To avoid a dusty look all diacritical marks are omitted from the text and notes. both for light shed on some tribes sioner moments corners of history and for his unfailing encouragement in of doubt and difficulty. e. Aornos one more exception The medallion on the binding of the book is inspired by the reverse of the Indian General Service Medal and represents Fort Jamrud against the background of the Khaibar mountains. where the reason for folExcept lowing the Greek is obvious. who has read the From Pathans I confound. except in a few citations. map showing tribal pattern of the Pathans of this book.



(b) THE THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB (reproduced by kind permission from the Mughal miniature in possession of the Commonwealth Relations Office) DURRANI SHAH (From a map Caubul. based on the water-colour by Jas. from a reproduction of the imaginary portrait drawn by the Afghan artist Ghulam Nabiini93o). by kind permission of the artist and Messrs. Grindlay of the Bombay establishment) A CONTRAST: (a) to face page 243 KHUSHHAL KHAN KHATAK (by courtesy of the Government of Pakistan. done during the First Afghan C AN War) EUSOKZYE' to face page 186 (From the plate in Elphinstone's Account of the Kingdom of Caubul. 1842.ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES THE PATHAN PICKET Frontispiece (From the dry-point by General Sir Francis Tuker. R. 1814) EMPIRE IN THE TIME OF TIMUR to face page 2 5 9 in Elphinstone's Account of the Kingdom of . 1814. M. drawn from the life at Peshawar in 1809 by Lieut. Cassell) A LIKENESS: to face page (a) ALEXANDER THE GREAT (from (b) A 43 the Sidon Sarcophagus at Istanbul). Atkinson. PATHAN MILITIAMAN IN KURRAM (from a photograph taken and kindly lent by Ian Stephens) TOMB BABUR'S to face page 15 5 (From the lithograph by Louis and Charles Haghe.

Atkinson. by SIR HAROLD DEANE mission of his daughter. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 274 of the Commonwealth (Reproduced by kind permission taken from the Relations Office from a steel engraving portrait Oriental Club.ILLUSTRATIONS Xli to face page THE HON. done during the First Afghan War) COMMISSIONER'S HOUSE AT PESHAWAR: THE RESIDENCE OF HERBERT EDWARDES AND JOHN to face page 339 NICHOLSON OLD DEPUTY (From a water-colour in the author's possession) to face page BRITISH FRONTIERSMEN: (a) 387 kind per(from a miniature. kindly lent by General Sir Sydney Muspratt) NAWAB SAHIBZADA (From SIR ABDULQAYYUM to face page 426 to face page 435 a photograph in the author's possession) AFRIDI JIRGA. 1842. with invaders' routes Probable site of Alexander's Massaga Waziristan and adjacent territories page to 5 2 face page 394 Afghans and Pathans on the stage of Asia at end Tribal boundaries and locations at end . kindly lent by Sir George Cunningham) MAPS Sketch of Kabul (Landai) River and branches page 3 1 to face page 43 North-East region of Pathan country. a () SIR GEORGE ROOS-KEPPEL (from photograph. London) by Pickersgill in the to face page SHAH SHUJA 322 and Charles Haghe. Lady Humphrys). ACCESSION TO PAKISTAN (From a Ufe photograph. (From the lithograph by Louis based on the water-colour by Jas.

Yet. the eroded across a dust-storm heat.. the Pathan remains to the world. not men for the land. and he on the brink of eternity. and such experience is one of the factors that go to make the magic of the Frontier/ But the land was made for the men in it. here was a people who looked him in the face and made him feel he had come home. but the spell is elusive. always as he drove through the Margalla pass just north of Rawalpindi and went on to cross the great bridge at Attock. and even xiii . Sometimes the assault on the spirit is that of stark ugliness and discomfort apthe Peshawar plain. cruel changes of climate.INTRODUCTION is a strange fascination in living among the Pathans. almost of pain. Yet. the fact remains that these endless ranges of rugged rocks rising from lower levels do possess the power of inspiring in those whose lot is cast among them an extraordinary enthusiasm. but the cirhabitually subjects his feelings to this cumstances of his life are such that he frequently experiences the induced by solitude amid the granspecies of spiritual exaltation deur of nature. despite its obvious treads it There daily drawbacks. after a hundred years and more of close contact.. the North. and at times bring tears. The weft and warp of this and bodies of the men who move tapestry is woven into the souls before it. Many attempts have been made to catch and convey that One secret of the hold of feeling. however hard the task and beset with danger.. I do not suggest that the average warden of the marches kind of analysis. . but all is drawn in strong tones that catch the breath. palling foot-hills of Khaibar or Waziristan. a canvas brought into vivid relief by sharp.West Frontier is to be sought in the tremendous scenic canvas against which the Pathan plays out his life. For the stranger who had eyes to see and ears to hear. Much is harsh. more often it is an impression of beauty indescribable in its clarity and contrast with the barren emptiness that went before. 1 c 'The life of a frontiersman is hard/ wrote Ronaldshay. there was a lifting of the heart and a knowledge that.

Distinction and definition will emerge in due place as the story unfolds. open plateaux on the one hand and the Highlanders on The former have always been regarded as the senior branch of the face and peculiarly entitled to the Afghan name. by any of those through the ages and What. what are their auguries for the future? These and a host of questions remain unanswered. Although dred years ago and is but an episode Khurbetween corridors the in have stood for centuries Pathans the very point where asan and the Indian sub-continent just at and contended. for instance. but the a in long story. tain homes have been swept by conquering the from sea. is the difference between Afghan What their what and are what and origins? Pathan? Who they. has been their social and political organization through the cenin establishing a State? What is turies. founded was that only two hunKingdom of the Durranis. But someshould be said on the use I shall make of the terms Pathan thing and Afghan. They again can be broadly divided into (i) the Western Afghans. There is need for a deeper ploughing. there is there are tribal annals. I do not wish to anticipate conclusions here. although their mounhave met great civilisations armies again and again. although the conquerors Eke a breakwater to rise yet the Pathans who have passed on to found great empires of their own story in a vision been hold the gate have never given connected history of no is there sense modern In the perspective. been unrolled.INTRODUCTION and have spoken to himself. written whether own by themselves or in their the Pathans land. it will be found that a clear distinction can be drawn between those who inhabit plains and the other. and have they succeeded And how have they stood literature? their what and their language to the uncounted powers and principalities which at various them? What in the past has periods of history have pressed upon been their influence on affairs. When we come to examine origins. of whom much the most important are the Abdalis (now known as the Durranis) . something of an enigma. of the Pathans has never In a word the truth is that the history is legend. who passed by. but scratched. often loosely employed by themselves as synonymous. Many has been scarcely surface the written of him and his country. There detailed record of brilliant achievemyth There is also a wide and their own land even ment by Pathan captains and kings far from uncertain Afghan the is There to the rank of empire at Delhi.

? c . Bangash. and with some local exceptions. a sense which has hardly as yet attained to any concept of unity but transcends tribal particularism. or Pashtuns. Orakzai. 3 and all are presented in genealogical legend as descended from a foundling common ancestor named Karlanri. Mahsud. These include most of the famous names of the North-West Frontier. partly because their contacts lay with the Mughal Empire which ruled from Delhi in Peshawar and Kabul.INTRODUCTION XV and the Ghaljis (Ghilzais modo Persico}. and not with Kabul or Ghazni to the west. They are the tribes who never fell under the effective sway of any recorded imperial authority and now form the backbone of the so-called tribal belt. Khatak. Turi The dialects all of these have something in common. Wazir. It is chiefly . founded only in 1747. In between the Eastern and the Western Afghans. namely the Yusufzais and other kindred tribes of the Peshawar plain and the valleys to the north of it. The Eastern Afghans. and (ii) the Eastern Afghans. which they know as Khurasan. are interposed the highlanders. the Eastern Afghans and the highland Pukhtanah. but without exclusion of Pukhtanah. of these. Conversely the Eastern Afghans feel an undoubted sense of identity with the hill-tribes. not in the true Afghan line. But both. Eastern and Western. which has a connotation far wider than that of a subject of the modern Afghan State. their brethren. and Herat and Kandahar were their cultural centres. and to some extent keeping them apart. These hill Pathans the appellation Pathan is the Indian variant of Pukhtanah. the plural of Pakhtun 4 have always traded with the cities and towns towards the Indus. In a very broad way. The Western Afghans have been subject in history to certain Persian influences which have affected the Durranis even to their language. whom Elphinstone 2 and other are less amenable to the early writers called Berdooraunees Persian tradition. these strike a chord in countless memories. Their contacts and development lay with the Safawi Empire of Persia. all live east of the Durand Line. are equally entitled to the Afghan name. the Eastern Afghans and the highland that I write in this book. Consequently their links with the Eastern Afghans of the Peshawar Valley have been much closer than with the Durranis or other tribes inhabiting the country to the west. Afridi. 5 within Pakistan as the successor State of the British in India. These are pretribes eminently the Pakhtuns.

But his descendants affirm a tradition supthat KhushhaPs original script was in Pashtu ported by the historical fact that his tribe's encroachments into the Yusufzai country. the most renowned of Pathan poets. andBajaur. North-east the Peshawar tribes. speak the soft variant. all the Durranis. became assimilated to the Yusufzais and now speak Pakhtu. Buner. were edited and lithographed in Peshawar. and thence south of the Kurram River to Hariob and the Shutarof that line the hard language is spoken. spoke of student Yet another distinction is necessary at the start. gardan pass. round about Khushhal Khan's time. tookplace no earlier than Mughal times. may accept the Khataks' own tradition that originally they were all Pushtanah. but the Khataks of Akora and Mardan. Sher Shah. Most texts of the poems of Khushhal Khan Khatak. all This is the tongue of and Turis. speaking the soft We variant of the language. in the seventeenth censixteenth and the Khatak poet Khushhal 6 them as the men of Roh. Nevertheless the later emergence of the northern Khataks as Pukhtanah is not without its significance as demonstrating the assimilative power of Pakhtu over Pashtu. One tribe only is split in half between the two. when they are not Persian-speakers to the those Pashtu the and by spoken by the north-eastern tribes. living south of Kohat. Orakzais. The main body of this tribe.) main variants in addition Indus the from west and east just between the two runs roughly south of Attock through Kohat. many of them with Ghalji affinities. the Khataks. tury. and their assimilation to Yusufzai ways. It is common and confusing practice Pukhtanah in an imaginary Pashtunistan. almost all the Ghaljis except a few tribes of Bannu and the as as well and tribes in Khost Waziristan. guage Pashtu spoken by the Pathans There are two main variants of the language of the Pakhtu and Afghans. Swat. (There are of course many other differences of division line The kh of that to y sk. Shinwaris. speak Pashtu. up the Miranzai Valley to Thai. of Dir.INTRODUCTION Pathan emperor of Delhi in the Afghan affinities. The geographical distribution of the two forms of the language . Bangash South-west of the line and speaking the soft variant are all the near Jalalabad. of the Afridis. The Pathan tribes other parts of Baluchistan close to Kandahar also and of Zhob the Derajat. their in the two south-west. and are therefore in Pakhtu. Every and Pakhtun variants the of current political jargon is confused by lanthe to refer to Pashtun.

along the line of the Indus which here runs almost north and south. who dance. It is best seen as a long narrow fortification running parallel in two belts. has no drainage to the sea. Since the point has a bearing on the early history of the Pathans. except in the sophistication of towns. varying from the neatly combed and curled bob of the Khatak soldier to the ragged ringlets of the Mahsud or Wazir. and they alone.INTRODUCTION XV11 in fact the has resulted in a Peshawar predilection for Pakhtu while the Durranis. the second. it is important to keep it clearly in And I propose in this book. cut clean at the ear but shining and curled above it. even with a map. when they use city is known as Pekhawar the language. the Pashtu-speakers. which almost follows the line of division between Pakhtu and Pashtu in the Karlanri hilltribes. Geographically the Pathan country is hard to describe. often shaved. the dust. except through the Sulaiman Mountains. the tsanrai spinning as they whirl around. There is a further tribal distinction. insist on Pashtu. guage of Peshawar. the elation. is the great transept of the Sulaiman Mountains running southward from its apex in the mighty ranges of the Hindu Kush where they culminate on Tirich Mir. for greater interest. favour a chevelure falling around the ears. the flickering fire and flashing swords. Peter Mayne's recent book 7 carries a haunting description of such a scene the stir and throb of beating drums. with a slight trend towards the west. This long bobbed style is known as the tsanrai. Khataks. parted in the middle and sometimes held in place with little wooden clips. seeing that Pakhtu is the lan- mind. it is the men of the long hair. the wild eyes. There is some reason to hold that the Durrani preference for the soft variant may have unduly weighed in the scale of academic discussion as to the classical or older form of the language. 8 At many points this transept thrusts forward fingers towards . Mahsuds and the tribes of Khost are pastmasters at this art. standing over the valleys. to refer to it by that name unless the context demands otherwise. The first belt is made up of plains and valleys along the river. Behind the rampart begins the great Iranian plateau which. And. The Pakhtu-speakers wear their hair clipped short. first a moat and then a rampart. the speakers of Pashtu. Towards the south the rampart stands back much further from the river.

These three are the passes of Khaibar. of these is in its but has many divagations. The Khaibar lies the knuckle of the finger which closes the ring to southward and carries the lateral road which gives access to the southern districts of the Frontier. as I have said. always exit Kohat and Malakand. they are actually but for one segment in the south-east where the valley-lands slope to the banks of the Indus. world. almost complete ring. have and Iranian the result scene. The Sulaiman chain runs roughly north-east and south-west. but a tangle^ snows of the Hindu Kush. after crossing the splendid river swirling through watered a in himself find he will vale. at spreading Attock. the the Derajat. North of Peshawar Daman. The Malakand is to the north. the Later. due east and north of the Kurram to over 1 5. highest part. forms part of the front of the Iranian the Sulaiman system is geographical eastern has been much ebb there it Across India. but in the limit and prevail as far as the Indus.000 feet and. forty miles before he will smell Here ancient Taxila.xviii the Indus. leading thence . This escarpment of the west. The most important 9 where it rises in the Sikaram peak the Sufed Koh. fingers INTRODUCTION which even cross the river more than once. Bannu-Marwat and Further south are other plains-lands. The hills that stand around Peshawar not only look like a rising to the set on the map in a circle. sometimes known as and valley mountain of alpine are no more plains. running Durand Line. beautiful and fertile. But to him who even beyond the unmistakable change of atmosphere approaches from Lahore the crossing of at is felt. Margalla. The Moscow leads to It by range. Laka Sar in the Tahtarra of cone the beneath prominent opening known Kohat pass Kabul. straight ahead to the west. the land of the Pathans. and flow. Kohat. and three of over the mountains. turned towards Iranian man. one by which we have entered without need to cross a pass. It crosses Pass or the as Darrah. the is in the south-west. gorge of mounby many streams and surrounded by an unbroken girdle tains. of site the to close and the Indus France out from a as home-land the of the scents voyager putting This is of Dover. as well as the largest. It pierces the first range and opens the way into the paradise of Swat. and eastern this spilled beyond some would say up to Lahore. cliffs the he when in is he knows sights England the Pakhtun Khwa. the fingers are the valleys of which the most Nestling between is the plain of Peshawar. This valley has four doors.

the Kabul and the Swat. to the charm peculiar countryside The Khatak fringe of hills to the south is bare and rather commonplace. but provides a platform for what must be the most ex- mountain panorama in the world. The course of the Swat River presents a geographical phenomenon. lending the ing wheels. Distance and perspective given by the sixty miles of the Peshawar plain which. it flows from east to west. The volume of the united stream is nearly as big as that of the Indus itself. On entering the valley the two rivers split into five channels. flowing in an opposite direction. There is an intimacy about these scenes which grows the more frequently they are visited. and side by side with canal-irrigation. lying in the foreground like an Attic stage. The genial winter sun shines.INTRODUCTION XIX by alpine forest and rushing torrent past Dir and Chitral on to the Pamirs and China. barley and clover. failing to break through here. alternating as the seasons change with giant crops of sugarcane and maize. the Short River which reunite lower down to form the Landai and pour their Central Asian waters into the Indus just above Attock. Broad stretches of verdant wheat. In winter and spring nothing can be more delightful than the lower valleys and plains. In such a land the variations of climate and scene are extreme. it enters a series of deep gorges through which it runs in a U-curve. the shaded wells. 10 once arid waste. where it is separated from the Peshawar plain by only one low range. familiar places. and after receiving the Panjkora in due course enters the plain from the west. the old indigenous well-cultivation proceeds. has been turned into fertile corn-lands watered by canals. the creakdear. The Malakand is pierced by a tunnel carrying the Swat water direct into the valley for irrigation and supplying waterpower to run the Frontier industries. spread a picture of rural plenty. it is a joy to live. the breeze blows clean and sharp from the snows. In a land of streams and rivers villages nestle half hidden in groves of sheltering trees. Just north of Malakand. Close under the hills. to be equalled possibly but never surpassed in the length and breadth of Asia. What nature failed to do man has done. the plodding oxen this ancient form of husbandry. leads the eye on to a vast backtensive is . cleave the western segment of the circling hills by gorges too narrow for roadways. But. Two great rivers. In the north the great plain of the Yusufzai Samah.

INTRODUCTION from Cherat in the cold. suddenly. provide a backed in the north by the chain of giant not easily forgotten. In the far north prospect of splendour miles mass of Tirich Mir. rice and growing cane world. many tracts at certain times of the year 12 well described in that same recent book there is a stark ugliness. the of of the regions provide a foretaste the at that of contrast very height of the hot sharpness and salt to forest glades sufferer the take will weather a few hours' journey climate of an the find can he where again and In summer. the landscape opens out comes a sense of there and a of a trees. 11 verdant with the crops of the season the valleys swelter in a make. in the track snaking its way through for mile on heavy mile'. the mighty breast challenges the sky. In a couple of hours he may find himself dream- and willows that line the streams ing in paradise beside the planes water from the snows of the constant of noise the with tumbling mountain-wall above Parachinar.000 feet in height. there is a trickle of But then. but it might apply equally to some journeys through Waziristan or in the desolation of Zhob. clear curtain of everlasting snow. c as a sullen hate. The unwatered the in as any steamy heat as uncomfortable hills at that season lower the of tracts and the thorny half-deserts Yet such is the damned. the as there and here silver to both shot and rectilinear canals this and the amphitheatre of surrounding hills. Seen rivers the great plain with its converging light of a winter day. garden group rare fulfilment. millet. To get that feeling a man should travel north from boulder-strewn hills and torrent-beds of Thai in the burning Lower Kurram. . perhaps 120 sprawls the of away. Part of it indeed overlaps the Durand Line. glittering hate that everyone enjoys mountains brown like snuff. though still alpine pastures English summer. day revolves mountains. That was written of the road to Kabul.000 to 1 6. ten-thousand foot mounds with For further contrast. It starts with the escarpment mentioned and rises to highlands in some places carrying peaks from 10. hard and craggy. stark and gleaming. Almost everywhere the foothills are bleak and uninviting. north-east. The western of the two belts of territory making up this Frontier lies wholly in the mountains between the administered border and the political boundary known as the Durand Line. not the keen. Nanga Parbat. water.

the Bangash or Paiwar route by Kurram. and the Bolan route by Quetta. and Tochi routes are indeed served by roads from the plains which penetrate to points well up the valleys but do not cross into Afghanistan. Until 1747 there was no local principality. Two of these.INTRODUCTION XXI splintered by frost and blistered season. stretching as far as Chitral. understanding of this An of this tribal belt as a whole from. Even the Malakand road. Bangash. which figure in history as corridors of invasion and commerce between the Indus plains and Central Asia. 13 Therefore there are no chronicles available until relatively . The others from north to south are the Gandab route through Mohmand country. therefore there are no records or coins except those of the empires on whose fringes the tribal belt lay. beauty fertility. except the last. we know. great vying Through this territory go seven main routes. including Alexander. This. Chingiz Khan fact explains the escape and Tamerlane. as we shall see. the most famous conquerors in all history. enjoyed over the centuries by the heart-lands of the Pathan. and there is no extant literary work known to be genuine earlier than the seventeenth. But there is another side to this medal. This very freedom. the Khaibar and the Malakand. though used by tribal caravans. is the reason why a tribal form of society has persisted in a country which lay across the passage of countless invaders. are closed to regular international traffic. denies to the enquirer all the usual raw material of history. cannot be regarded as an international it is not passable by vehicles into Russia or China. subjection to any external power a freedom symbolized by the failure to impose in it any taxation. the Gumal and Tochi routes through Waziristan. they failed. Even passage by a main route through the mountains had often to be while to asserted by force and with which held the road in use difficulty against the refractory tribes at the time. But tucked away in the by furnace heat according to the mountain recesses are valleys of and in the north even with Kashmir. too. The authority of the various empires which claimed in the past to rule this Frontier really only extended to control over the plains and one or two of the passages through the mountains. Only the greater Mughals seem to have thought it worth their make a serious attempt to bring the hill-tribes under domination as subjects. The Mohmand. and. Even the language of the Pathans does not seem to have been reduced to writing until the fifteenth century. All of these. highway.

By so doing it is possible to enjoy daily a bodily a wontranslation into earlier phases of human society and life derful occasion for anyone endowed with historical instincts. to the modern lawyer. All these stages of social and political development can be seen today. through lated tribe and the sponsors of an Asian dynastic principle. is a vastly exciting experience. may curtain the and The prologue is spoken goes up. One thing only produced a society at all the articulevels. literathe many dynasties and peoples ture. inscriptions. the tents of the caravan Standing over against the tribal village and are men for a century imbued with Western thought and now Pakistan reaching forward to that synthesis of values which strives to attain. The most he can hope to do is to blaze a trail which follow and improve. It follows that the historian must rely on stray modern times. side by side and superimposed one on sistence of the Pathan another. often oral. by anyone tribal tradition has who cares to move in a twenty-mile radius around Peshawar. engineer. . I must not I add here. starting from the nomad and herdsman. doctor. We have here what John Morley called a congeries of peoples engaged in a long march through the centuries from the fifth to the twentieth. The perwould further delay the play. with growing knowledge. monuments and coins of whose path took them across the territories where the Afghans and Pathans now dwell.INTRODUCTION monuments or write their own country. of the Pathans themselves. others. The Pathans did not build phical and chance material available in the records. relatively undisturbed by the influences of our complex life. To be in a position to observe all this. Therefore there is no epigrainscriptions in material. It is a part of the magic of the Frontier. wherever possible adjusting the results of his labour to the record and tradition. administrator and politician.

D.C.-A.PART I THE ORIGINS 550 B. 391) . 1000 (H.


one to another. who at one time inclined to 'Nordic' theories under Hitlerian influence. among peoples They seek to link obscure beginnings. half mythical.D. than that of the origins of this people. village hujra or the city sarai. The tradition must be set forth in greater detail. 622 to Medina. at meals or between companions on the road. or groups of tribes. it is not surprising that so conscious of the Islamic tradition these debates. in classroom is There or university. like the Quran itself. are apt to have a religious tinge in the sense that. in a manner half historical.. Kings David and Solomon. they refer back to Judaic tradition. professedly historical. and the tradition runs that at the time of the dispersal the Jewish ancestors of the Afghans remained after the captivity in the east and did not return to Jerusalem. lest al- ready the serious reader dismiss it as pure fable. the more so in relation to the tribal genealogies which grow out of the 'myth' when it reaches the Islamic era. The debate ranges over two periods. But. Both these colonies came to be known as Bani Israel or Bani Afghana.CHAPTER I THE GENEALOGIES no matter more earnestly debated wherever Pathans the in assemble. whatever doubts may be . and the relationship of the various tribes. For the period before the Prophet. Some centuries later in the story appears the name of Bakhtunnasar (Nebuchadnezzar). Some of them withdrew to the mountains of Ghor the modern Hazarajat and some of them to the neighbourhood of Mecca in Arabia. I must here put some weight in the other scale. that with the exception of some modern Kabul writers. The illustrious Elphinstone. It is to be remembered. with the great figures of the Hebrews. the pre-Islamic. Discussions are good-tempered but earnestly conducted. the greater number of Afghan and Pathan commentators believe these traditions. and the era which started with the Prophet's flight in A. first. 1 who characterizes the earlier Biblical story as fable. is constrained to emphasize that.

and probably completed about A. 4 And they write always in Persian. Nematullah's issued later in many and various forms. All these genealogies were the work of Afghans' who had taken service down in India with the Mughal emperors and c to a large extent dtrapnis. to which they usually refer as the land of Roh. even when they cite words or phrases in that language. reflections by these reinforce to us were composed. as long ago as 1 829. . the sosenior branch of these peoples tribal tables is often suggestive. It was translated into English by Bernhard Dorn. even so. In spite of these limitations. Even 2 these of genealogies as testiIslam admits the value Encyclopedia of and Pashtu-speakPakhtuthe mony to traditions current among earliest known the when i ng peoples in the seventeenth century. today we may expect to see a Soviet-sponsored book on the North-West Frontier tribes. it is not necessary to read far between the lines to discover that there was one as I shall show later. including a work of the later eighteenth century entitled Khulasat-ul-Ansab (Genealogical Abstract). compiled from other confirmation of actual Lastly. and also from their lack of detailed had become knowledge of the Borderland. it is to them that and interior governthose genealogies the whole of the divisions fascicule to the latest the ment of the tribes still depend. material was reassigned the name of Pakhtunov. The main source of these traditions is a work entitled the one Nematullah. the record of these traditions and To note one point. never in Pakhtu. the handiwork of a prospective doctor of Tashkent University. And even more than among these tribes will be startled to find pointers in the genea- historical probabilities deducible from pre-Islamic Cenlogies to than Afghan sources. 1612. a scribe at the MaJkb%an-i-Afghani* written by court of the Mughal Emperor Jahangir. the genealogies frequently supply observable differences today. tral Asian history. and on ancestors. Professor of Oriental Literature at the Russian University of Kharkov. That this is so is clear from their ill-acquaintance with Pakhtu. And I should a careful study which divisions and that the alignments observing to reflect an of these tribal family-trees reveals can be shown the people themactual consciousness of differing origins among lived has who one this many years selves.D.THE PATHANS 4 the existence of eponymous entertained of the pedigree or even the tribal genealogies refer. although the term 'Afghan' or Tathan' is used indiscriminately.

and do not seem even to be aware that there were two captivities. though interspersed with Muslims and does fables. the Ghor of the Afghan his- But the reference in the Afghan chronicles to Nebuchadnezzar makes nonsense of any identification with the ten tribes.. are in any way connected with the lost ten tribes. I return to the tale of the tradition itself. may some to the written) withdrew after the captivity. the sons of and Allah knoweth best Be this as it torians.C. dying about the time of Saul's death. The Afghan historiographers maintain that Saul had a son named Irmia (Jeremiah). The truth is that Muslim commentators of the seventeenth and in the history of the Hebeighteenth centuries were not well up rews. and in due course. 6 originally by Sir William supporters. Since Bakhtunnasar is mento the second tioned. the real Bani Israel in contrast to other divisions of the nation. is so. pioneer of oriental studies in Warren Hastings' time. But from the time of not differ essentially Saul down to the captivity new elements are introduced. was promoted to the chief command of the army. the sons of Afghana. Elphinstone. made. Bani the that often Israel. that Jones. in Solomon's reign. It is a curious accrecalled Sarbanris who tion to Biblical history. agrees generally with that given by other from Hebrew Scripture. There follows a gap of some four centuries to the time of the captivity. and not the first captivity 5 If this Samaria. who again had a son named Afghana. from Talut or Sarul. There is a prelude of Old Testament scrip- of the Jews garbled. Irmia. some to the (it is neighbourhood . and of Mecca in Arabia. his son Afghana was brought up by David. They make no distinction between Israel and Judah. Nevertheless the theory of the ten tribes has had its notable In its aid it was suggested. relating to the transactions is called who the Patriarch Abraham down to King Saul. one must presume that the reference is of that sixth the Judah from Jerucentury B. salem. somewhat ture. So far the narrative. supposed by that elegant scholar as identical with the modern Hazarajat. neither of course known to the Hebrew scriptures. from the that of Israel by Shalmaneser. captivity early in hundred one over years earlier. Afghana mountains of Ghor in the centre of what is now Afghanistan.THE GENEALOGIES are regarded as the Afghans proper. Assyrian. the Afghans are the lost ten tribes of Israel mentioned by the pro- and taken refuge in phet Esdras as having escaped from captivity the country of Arsarath. it rules out any suggestion.

The first is descent from them. remarks that the overlooking the inconsistency as regards the account is by no means destitute of probability. the first of the Persian Achaemenids. 9 Referring to Cyrus. echoing Elphinstone. let us ask. The Jews were ever a stiff-necked race. for with he c cites as clouded many instance. been known to forsake his have us believe that the sons of AfJewish faith? The theory would true to their faith: not so those remained Mecca ghana who went to ever has who went to Ghor. the twelve of ten that Ghor immigrants it is known (says he) to Judea. which is still the sion of them bore the appellation 7 if name of a district in Afghaunistaun. or indeed at any time after their arrival in those parts. preferring a to give trouble. origin confirmation the fact that the Jews were very numerous the principal diviin Arabia in the time of the Prophet. he notes that it was customary for the Great King to transport a whole tribe. without a just cause. a specious commentator. it is clear. why should we not admit that the Afghans are their descendants. converted to Muhammadanism? The last pleader for the Bani Israel tradition in English is the redoubtable Raverty. from one country to another. not of an Afghaun tribe'. 8 the ill-fated Alexander Burnes. In regard to the men of Mecca and the people. the debaters in the hujras of Peshawar whom on other advocates lore though not still Mardan and interpreters of Pathan rely. some of the tribes of Israel came to the East. point Jewish strong prejudices against at least show that they had no desire to claim. and one not distinguished for wisdom or entertain and this is true judgment. 'that those Jews who could make their escape might have fled eastward. Since. though plausible^ is inconsistencies and contradictions. 7s . The Afghans. he asks. When. he asks. Nobody suggested that the Afghans time of their conversion the to of Ghor were practising Jews up to Islam. was more than doubtful. and sometimes even a whole nation. But he goes on to say that the tradition. once a Jew. for. and that of Khyber. and he asks for credence to the possibility that the most troublesome among them had been moved to the thinly peopled satrapies of the Persian Empire where they would be too far away it not possible'. has a Jew.THE PATHANS I have just stated. he says should a which the nation. a themselves Pathans. But there are Elphinstone. return brethren's their tribes remained in the east after exdescendants their are and the supposition that the Afghans one the of the and naturally both disappearance plains easily of the other.

most of whom they put to death. Had he done so. The Great King by whose favour Zerubbabel returned to Jerusalem would have been the last to deport his fellow-countrymen to the mountain-wastes of Ghor. great Arab conqueror. and not Cyrus. and of an amazing accuracy in sorting out that many-branching knowledge. and he shuns any and every light from without that might have helped him to see more clearly through the thickets that he loves to analyse and disentangle. But his mind is circumscribed within this special field and forest.THE GENEALOGIES 7 mountainous country with independence to wandering the grinding tyranny of Cyrus' successors and their satraps? In fact . and also that the Afghan tradition names Nebuchadnezzar. There follows a gap of twelve hundred years. During all that time we have no word. Burnes' argument really only re-echoes the persistence of the tradition itself. as having moved the Bani Israel to Ghor. to which the chronicler now conveniently adds Kabul. continually increased in number and incessantly made war on the infidels around them. to bring them tidings of the new faith and an invitation to join the Prophet's standard Iraq. nearly four centuries after the rise of the Prophet.' there was no other direction in which they could have fled. But that is to anticipate. The Afghan chroniclers would have it that Khalid bin Walid. the most famous of the Prophet's Ansar (Companions) and the life in a . it has no historical substance. from the Babylonian captivity to the rise of the sun of Muhammad's beauty. belonged to the tribe of the descendants of Afghana resident near Mecca. . or sent a letter. Kandahar. In this particular case he omits to note that Jews remain Jews. that all the Hebrew canons praise Cyrus and the Great King's administration as markedly in their favour. to his kinsmen of the Bani Israel settled in Ghor. in the chronicler's words.) still alive and before Khalid's was conquest of Syria and Prophet Khalid either proceeded in person. (All other Muslim tradition first states him to have been an Arab of the Makhsum family of the On conversion to Islam. he is a master of Pathan lore. and Ghazni. As for Raverty. and there follows the story of the Afghan conversion to Islam. . except that the deported Bani Israel in the countries around Ghor. Indeed we are told they maintained their dominion in these mountainous regions until the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. while the Prophet's tribe of Quraish. we may be sure that the Hebrew historians would not have remained silent in the face of such inconsistency.

for full measure. on this account constructing a ship which seamen he conferred upon Abdurrashid the title of Pathan also. proceeded Afghans of Ghor. plural Pukhtanah. even as the be must language language Arabic was most certainly that of heaven. strength call Pahtan. while admittedly it is in common use for elders throughout the Afghan tribes. and divining that his new Pathans love a Muhammad opined that their jest even turned against themselves. . that their attachment to the Faith be like the wood upon which they lay the keel would in . Even he must have known that no Afghan or speaker of Pakhtu or Pashtu ever referred to himself as a Tathan'. It is not even true that in the usage of the peoples of what is now Pakistan the honorific of malik is confined to Pathan notables. and the Prophet predicted likewise Malik called they should be that God would make the issue of Qais so numerous that they would outvie all other people. would only identify the racial appellation 'Pathan' with an obscure Mediterranean Arab seafarer's word to make a pun and to amuse. Even the Delhi courtier who had forgotten his Pakhtu. it has been of wider application over many parts of the Central Asian. of the infernal regions.THE PATHANS g of the There resulted a deputation of a number of representatives 10 which meet the to one Qais. trained to raise a titter at the expense of an uncouth Pathan soldiery to amuse the Mughal court. and. they it was quite proper and just that being the posterity of Malik Talut. the lamp of the courtier of Afghan ancestry but now speaking and writing only Persian. when Finally. and remarked that Qais was a Hebrew name. This is all great fun. . The chronicle proceeds: The Prophet lavished all sorts of blessings upon them. period of some seventeen This Qais and his comrades then waged war most gallantly on the Prophet's behalf. including the Panjab. an under-generous hundred years. Malik is a common Arabic word denoting a king or prince. But it smells of the Delhi lamp.ledby Saul in from descended be to is said Prophet at Medina. of which the Indian word Pathan (with a hard or cerebral *t') is a Hindi corruption.world. 11 . and that the word was an Indian usage. and having ascertained the name of each individual. whereas they themselves were Arabs. The corresponding word in the classical Pakhtu of the Peshawar Valley is Pakhtun. one would think. he gave Qais the name of Abdurrashid and observed further to the rest that. This Qais for a allowance the thirty-seventh generation.

The Hindu Shahiya kingdom of Jaipal extended almost to Kabul. evident from the confusion between the Assyrian and the Babylonian captivities and the invention of a son to Saul. character of the whole account is surely clear The mythical has been from what said. leaving three sons. a . even at the end of the twelfth century (the sixth Hijri). all Afghans had not been converted.THE GENEALOGIES We must return to Qais alias Abdurrashid 9 alias Pathan it is whole nation. Sarbanr. from reliable Muslim sources. the second Bitan (or Batni). and it is time to examine the story a little further before embarking on the detail of the genealogies themselves. he returned to Ghor successfully to propagate the new faith. millennia. I think. and there were Afghans fighting on both sides. these three being the ancestors of the various branches of the Pakhtu. 14 Abdul Jabbar Shah of Sitana. we shall see. It is narrated of him that.D. the eldest. when Muizand vaders zuddin Muhammad Ghori bin Sam defeated Prithwi Raj. the Hindu ruler had assembled a force of Afghan horsemen. dismissed by the Prophet. having written this. and this was only achieved under the Ghaznawids. the province of Kabul had not been Islamized. I remember an earnest discussion with Pathan friend. though the legends represent them as rushing into the fold in the days of Khalid. and Mahmud had to fight against infidel Afghans of the Sulaiman mountains. 1192 between the Muslim inthe Hindu kingdom of northern India. including the traveller AlBiruni 12 and the courtier Al-Utbi. aged eighty-seven.and Pashtu-speaking peoples. also a Sayyid. And what are we to say of the immense gaps. Even the story of the early enough conversion of Qais and his companions can be disproved. a Yet. At this point the chroniclers bring to an end their account of the pre-Islamic period. the third Ghurghusht. four centuries later than the time of Qais. Even later in the great war of A. There is thus more than an indication that. As good a case. has been made out by the British Israelites. 13 both writing in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni early in the eleventh century A. in the account? Elphinstone concludes that Afghan descent from the Jews is to be classed with that of the Romans or the British from the Trojans. These accounts establish that.D. extending to than this. and died there in the from his loins that the chroniclers derive the forty-first year of the Hijrat. Then there are the misconceptions of Hebrew history and the accretions thereto.

village country merely adopted Sound enough. and at least indicate a cause for a belief which. a had something to do with passionate conviction that a Sayyid's for ancestors must have been of Arab stock. it is hard to shake. all Pathan story over the last two as he put it. hamper of Arabic words (as is But again.. general time in fact most of the Afghan country was by-passed and remained unconverted until some centuries later. We have no documentary self. . The language. Sayyid above so or miles river breaks from the hills thirty and deep piety. are of 'Semitic' however you Afghan or Pathan races. and. language no proof 'Aryan' tongue. was 'a sister of Persian'. versed in Abdul Jabbar is a man of great learning 15 On the more ancient centuries. A congenital distaste a with combined family pride an evil and idolatrous generation. Under this interpretation even the Bani Israel story may reflect some part of the truth. how- ever unreasonable. as he rightly said. as the argument were emphasized^ it inconsistencies of the Bani Israel chronicle a Hebrew origin for on insistence seemed clear that the Sayyid's the progenitors of that the idea with his ancestors was bound up good Pathans must surely have been monotheists. with a topblessed mitted. and the weakness and But. but it is reasonable have new Islam must accompanied the Arab armies which over- threw the Sassanian dynasty of Persia in A. and direct descent from the Prophet himclaiming relationship Bani Israel concept. lay behind the to assume that missionaries of the testimony. though at root an is with is English Latin). Pakhtu. and went on to conquer and proselytize Transoxiana under the At that Arab Qutaiba by the end of the seventh century. Many of these would have been Arabs. they could not And the stress on the Semitic strain have worshipped many gods. went to and fro. he freely adand not of 'Aryan' origin.THE PATHANS I0 where the great on the Indus right bank close to the spot Attock. fervent for the tauhid^ seek to claim Hebrew affinities in a pre-Islamic existence. some perhaps were of the Prophet's own family. entered the Afghan of ethnic origins. but the tradition of the early missionaries lived on. and. The many to be Sayyids or Quraish may groups in Pathan country claiming have sprung from these.D. Of such stock doubtless are the men who still insist on their Semitic forebears. call them. 642 at Nihawand. and the Semites who Iranian the tongue they found there. the traditions I found him utterly convinced that.

18 As Karlanr is the putative ancestor of most of the hill-tribes. have kept these family-trees within the smallest possible compass. one to another. Sarbanr. or shajras as they are called in Islamic something real. I have said already that by tradition Qais had three sons. They in fact reflect or history of the great congeries of Pathan up and down the North-West Frontier. the eponymous hero of the Pathans. and in dress. and it is time to refer in some detail to the genealogies themselves. down to each family or house. But there are really four.THE GENEALOGIES When theories all is said. turn the page. and no doubt to the women also. in so far as they affect individual families. In . and. he is of peculiar importance. Bitan. tables. both in the introduction of further ramifications into the tables given. Thus there should be three main lines of his descendants. language. The details of these arrangements are known to all maliks and I elders and. the ancestor of the fourth being one Karlanr or Karlanri. societies living Afghanistan beyond. to all adult male members of a tribe. and is the tribal guide in peace and in war. and Ghurghusht. The ancestral share in the tribal account of profit and loss is an essential part of this tribal lore. here it is only necessary to explain that the comparative simplicity of the tables that follow is for a purpose. It should be understood that they can quite easily be expanded. It is indeed. affinities and differences which can be traced today in the physical appearance. if there is to be understanding. But 17 something must be listed here. and other. do represent what these tribes themselves still believe to be their origin and cousinship. these tribal lore. More must be said elsewhere on this subject. habit. otherwise they are best kept in a cupboard. this is II a belief worthier than the Nordic which at one time issued from Kabul. for each tribe. And here it is well to remember with Elphinstone and others that. Family-trees only come to life when you know the family. The chronicle has arrived at Qais alias Abdurrashid. others may To Pathans shajras are as the breath of life. however shrouded in myth may be the names and persons of the eponymous ancestors. by one who has intimate knowledge. and they sort out and categorize racial. doubtful whether there exists today elsewhere in the tribal world any organization so closely knit as is a Pathan tribe in the inter-connection and relationship of the various parts of the tree. down to the last twig.

Elphinstone four sons of Qais. the Daudzais. the Mohmands. Betnee. and the Muhammadzais. is uncertain.THE PATHANS 12 descendants are listed separNematullah's Makhzan-i-Afghani his is linked from the progeny of the other three. Put briefly. the in genealogies will be noted that Karlanr's position his pedigree. The trees of the two branches of Sarbanr *s sons go like this: Sarlanri 1 - Wesfern Afghans Sharkbun (or Shakarbun or Sharjyun) (Afghanistan) Saddo^ais (one branch) Muhammad^ais Ruled Afghanistan Ruled Afghanistan 1826 to present day 1747-1 818 (one branch) and Toba) (Afghanistan. but Karlanr ately link with the Sarbanr branch as a foundling. Other genealogists of the alone speaks him with the Ghurghusht branch. Ghoorghoosht. in that order. Whatever the arrangement adopted. the Khalils. it is as if he had a bar sinister in sons named Sharkhbun (or in Sarbanr. To this I shall return. namely the Yusufzais (including the Mandanr branch). also 'Alultan Pathans*) . Sharkhbun is the bun (or now ancestor of the Western Afghans. had two some records Sharkbun or Shakarbun or Sharjyun) and Kharshin some records Krishyun). it and Kurleh. whom he calls Serrabun. namely the Abdalis of Kharshbun and tribes known as the Durranis and kindred the and tribes of the Peshawar Valley adjacent the Eastern Afghan mountains to the north. the eldest son.

common tions of the his grandson Shirani with the Hindu Shiv Ram. We it is and utterly opposed will return later to this idea. whom they call Kharshbun/ says the chronicler. 20 Bellew takes a very different 'These are evidently transformaRajput proper names Surjan and Kris21 identifies the name han.' he writes. Muslim names: 'Sharfuddin and Khairuddin. and in an earlier passage Sarbanr itself with the Rajput Suryabans the solar or royal race . Swat. more particularly in the forms Sharjyun and Krishyun. startling as to all traditional Pathan genealogies. and line.THE GENEALOGIES Sarbanri II Eastern Afghans Kharshbun Kand (or Krishyun) Zamand Klwesbgis "^ Kasi Muhamtnad^ah ^ 1* -* x Kasis Sbinwaris (Quetta) (Ningrahar Keirans (Baluch I Ghoriah Khobar) GhoriabKhel KhakbqyKbel I I Khalih I "Daud^ais **"" I Mohmands - ^-~- (Peshawar and adjacent border) Chamkannis adopted (Kurram and Peshawar) Muk Mand Tarklanris (Bajaur) Gtigianh (Doaba) Yusuf Umar Yttsufyais (Dir. In the trees above in italics. It will be seen that . Buner etc) Mandanr I Mandanr Yusufyais (Mardan and Swabi) The un-Islamic flavour of the names of the two sons of Sarbanr. will not escape notice. and all those tribes well known today are printed their present seats are also given. So it is not surprising to find a transformation into whom the Afghans call Sharkbun.

good enough but their claim to be Afghans is doubtful. C say. and all who have lived their lives in close contact with him and his peers will bear testimony dialect. So he will speak. degree the Khalils. war. he will say. in his own estimation. Peshawar tribes look down even on the Durranis (who are Pashtu- and would put themselves first in speakers) as half-Persianized.' A man of these tribes will not will always reply. he is better than the Pashtu-speaking Durrani. the root of the matter lies in a consciousness of descent. In other words. Khataks. and he is the Afghan of talking the language would hill-tribes (he opine). among it is . it is claimed by the eastern Ghoriah Khel and Khakhay Khel as well.' He speaks Pakhtu. to this consciousness of Afghan race Sarbanr* s sons in the not correct. Wazirs proper. it is true they conquered Delhi and Iran once. Afridis. I am an Afghan. as so many do. the progeny of Qais* the Afghan peoples as a doubtedly the leading tribes among lantern of the race. esteem. And many would admit their claim. Pakhtuns are the and rest. They are Karlanris. indeed. The Ghaljis 22 well. These are unstock. Sarbanr. he will tell ? his is the *hard you that among the Pakhtu-speaking peoples what he would claim as the best and the gentleman's way he is the aristocrat. have supplied and to a lesser Mardan of so the Yusufzais two hundred years. Mohmands and Muhammadzais of Peshawar.THE PATHANS the Abnot only the main tribe of what is now Afghanistan Peshawar the of also tribes but the leading dalis or Durranis are held to be of the same the and adjacent mountains Valley eldest son. Further pressed on the subject of his stock. whether in the Saddozai in the royal house Afghanistan for over dynasties. but after all they carry their houses on their backs like snails. It is they who have kept alight in the Muhammadzai or as the Durranis. and in in in of life. and have little claim to be in the true Afghan line. but his stock he regards as Afghan. to confine the appellation 'Afghan' to the western tribes within Afghanistan. in the use of a clear and undefiled Pakhtu tongue (note Indeed in many respects the Yusufzais and other the are regarded. Kharshbun line. The or Pashtuns in their way. I am a Pakhtun. Just the whole. A Yusufzai or a Khalil. they are Khanah-ba-dosh. He is. by tradition. and finest indeed regard themselves. as the truest spelling). for instance. In the peoples' own minds it is not a case of west or east. C if he is asked who he is. a close relative of the Durrani. dignity bravery exponents of the Afghan way in counsel.

THE GENEALOGIES The family tree of Bitan. (A. in the 22 the wrong side of the blanket. All the rest and they include the largest Pashtu-speaking tribe of all.D. Qais' second son. 1451-1526) through the female line.D. a well-known but small congregation on the eastern flank of Wazir and Mahsud country where the hills drop to the plains of Bannu and the Derajat. This on rather the case of Ghaljis. the Pathan dynasties in Ghaljis. III. tale is best told in the chronicler's own words: are said to be descended . 1539-1555) (A. and. and also the progenitors of two the and Surs Lodis the Delhi. follows: Wan (or Tbatni or Bait) I Warshpun Bibi Kajin Mato = Shah Husain of Ghor Bbt'fatMJs (Bannu and Tank) Afati tribes Ibrahim Lodi Ghalzoe (Conceived out of wedlock) Loetis All the Gbalji tribes ( of Afghanistan Prangay Ismail The tree shows that the only tribe descended in the male line from Bitan Is the Bhitannis.

One year so much . but by the perusal of standard works the lineage spring of this lady has been found to run thus. The author here interposes an account of a Tajik family of note. It was descended from Zohak. where ward to the till The marks of felicity being engrossed on Husain's forehead. in a propitious hour they married Bibi Mato to Shah Husain. but without the sanction of father or mother. the symptoms of pregnancy appeared and the case no longer admitted of concealment.THE PATHANS i6 had by his devotion and Batni. Destiny bringing on an eventual display of affairs. was called Ghilzai Gbil in the Afghan language signifying thief. The scribe proceeds: Shaikh mountain. It must daughter called Bibi Mato. with sons and with a presented him whose children are called Matis. but gave himself up to devoand reading the Quran. resident in Ghor (the modern Hazarajat). A scion of this family named Shah Husain. . being the fruit of a clandestine amour. . much difference with regard to the offexists be known that there of the Matis. first assailed her daughter with reproaches. on this wise. proceeded to such intimacy that. He came by the appellation Lodi whom they named Ibrahim Lodi. 1192) conquered Northern family which many centuries one Prithwi India for Islam. was on that account called of the saint-ship. a short time after. and evinced paternal affection towards him. the son of Pathan (Qais). Bibi enjoyed the best of both worlds. youth and beauty. But there The scribe proceeds: Mato next had another son. and degree terity attained aus- Shaikh God Almighty Bait. conformably to human nature. After a short time Mato was delivered of a sweet and auspicious boy who. Shaikh Batni allowed him to reside among his tribes. Now the Shaikh had a daughter of a beauty surpassing. Shah Husain. made him his friend. by his integrity and prudence everything was well administered. disgusted with certain transactions of his father. and tion. 23 Husain certainly remains a postscript. left his home and wandered east- he came neighbourhood of the TaMit-i-Sukiman Batni lived. Mato by name. defeating Raj. paid his addresses to this fair daughter. The damsePs mother becoming aware of it. austerity matters gradually went so far that they by mutual consent. then. Husain would not occupy himself with worldly affairs. .D. perceiving that there was no remedy but by the adoption of a speedy resolution. This was the same later (A. and a son. which was known as Shansabani and had recently embraced Islam.

for today I wish to distribute it myself. When the snow and rainy season was over. a Turk. Raverty is . but he is the seducer of an Afghan maiden and the father of a child conceived a crime punishable by death at the hands of the out of wedlock Husain is made out to be of Tajik. I shall show later that there exists historical to the truth of this belief. brought out. Here it is fair evidence pointing to say that it is one which aroused Raverty to a fury of invective and acrimony. may have been a Turk. 'Ibrahim LodiP which signifies 'Ibrahim bring is the elder'. 1192 are 25 lieved to have been Turks. narrator forgets that the Ghorids who under Muizthe stock. D. upon a miracle her hand. This root-stock who Afghan Afghan not necessarily have been Turkish. 'The children. stretched forth found live ashes. and the slave-kings who followed them in Delhi were. did not hold the Ghaljis to a Not only is their supposed progenitor foreigner. which forcibly imposed in marriage and in the process adopting women their taking need custom and the language. to see which of them is the most favoured by fortune/ When the first loaf was baked. Let us look below the surface. brought it running to the Shaikh. 1' me baked bread. and lo! that said to her. This tale. he returned to his former abode and said to his wife. including Afghan historiographers.THE GENEALOGIES *7 snow fell on the hill where the Shaikh resided that he abandoned his home and moved lower down to a more favourable clime to pass the winter. LoJtin the Afghan tongue signifying 'the elder'. led armies composed They certainly no claim for Afghan ancestry is put forlargely of Afghans. The story irrupted into the Afghan family so becomes a mirror of an old tradition that the Ghaljis include a itself upon the Afghans.) The lady. foreign stock. after such a journey. as here be of true Afghan stock. On this showing Husain. earlier A. every one. obvious point is that early Afghan tradition. a clever and active youth. doubtful but as ever obedient. Ibrahim. prince of Shaikh Batni. an of the same Ghorid blood. but Ghori conquered Northern India for Islam in Muhammad zuddin The first beby some. that is of Iranian girl's family. who exclaimed. The Shaikh. 'Pronounce Bismillah and fetch fire from the hearth (The hearth had been four months without a fire. will be found on examination to confirm deductions from sources which may claim to be historical. are hungry. 24 combining the simplicity of Alfred and the cakes with the ruses of Jacob against Esau. but ward on their behalf.

And they figure more the largely . as often.D. tory Khilji Khalji famous was Alauddin. I shall return to the argument. and is borne out by one of the poems of Khushhal who had ferent Khan Khatak. in spite of Raverty. the tale serves to illustrate of Pashtu-speakers. and dare only to say now that this identity has been widely accepted by the Pathans of the Frontier. of all Afghan tribes. Nematullah and legitimate than. 1290-1321). who has left memorials in stone beside the Qutb Minar of Delhi. as be can recognized and Lohani tribes Lodi the and the between draw Ghaljis proper The motive. The myth which they speak they can by custom and by the dialect of Pashtu which the genealogies distinction The such. but rather to show that those nephew went on to held Hindustan for a century in fee were somehow diffrom the rest. and under his son and 27 conquer Persia itself.THE PATHANS jg as history. what is a fact. these can be detected. tied literally to the story of Qais and his descendants undertones the from the myth and invariably fails to distinguish of truth where. Marwats. but in some way more other Ghaljis. The present elder the of birth the about there is a scandal the younger son. Those events for him were in the womb of time: it was not his business to glorify the of their stock Ghaljis as a whole. an obvious course of has historiographers who drafted these genealogies were living at the courts of Delhi and it quite clear that the Lodi Agra. that the other the as stock same the of are Ghaljis of Afghanihere called Lodis. Khan Ismail Dera regard They stan. the Lodis and the Surs were not the only dynasty of to hisGhalji stock to rule in Delhi. Niazis. and possibly most valiant. branch this of clans the people. and distinct from. but gives them the same parentage son. It was in their interest to make ancestors of the Lodi and Sur dynasties which ruled Northern India were no doubt of Ghalji stock. other scribes were writing long before the Ghaljis proper under Mirwais took Kandahar from the Persians. Here arises yet another point of interest. Districts. accepted by Secondly. Again. written three centuries ago. The Ghaljis are probably the most numerous. There were the rulers known the of most whom the or as (A. are merely settled Ghaljis and Bannu the in nomadic are the or most of living Ghaljis and themselves so now. Around this identification much scholastic fury has raged. on both sides. Lohanis. of representatives 26 many Dotanis. Bilutses and so on..

The Safis live in the recesses of the Bajaur dales between the hill Mohmands and the Tarklanris of Bajaur. Loralai and parts of Sibi in Baluchistan are a very large tribe. but the country is poor and they have never been held high in the account. Danay is shorter and Ghurghusht Babay Mando Mando Khel (Zhob) The Kakars of Zhob. on the other (left) bank of the Indus. and are less anarchic than most Pathans. close to Sitana and Topi. 28 The family-tree of Ghurghusht. In Hazara. They will appear again. as far as Calcutta.West Frontier because from time immemorial great numbers of them have spent the winter months in what are now the plains of Pakistan. living Rash plain by Abbottabad and in the hills around. The Gaduns such of them as remember their Pakhtu are a very small congregation on the southern slopes of the Mahaban mountain. Being neighbours of the Baluch tribes they have imbibed some of the Baluch esteem for their chiefs. is a group of the same tribe. whether in war or peace. and indeed beyond that in India too. These have forgotten both the language and the ways of their ancestors and speak the form of Panjabi current in Hazara. less entertaining. where the Indus issues from the hills. It goes like this: . with name altered to Jadun. Qais' third son. They are chiefly not- larger in the .THE GENEALOGIES 19 than the Durranis on the stage of the North. even to Australia. and beyond.

I am deprived of the blessing of a own child. including place in a kind of postscript to the lists. . and making him the father of Karlanr or Karlanri. Some mention too is needed here of the Sherams of the TakhM- branch. and came army had rested the night and moved on. all these Are stars? the the fire beneath forgotten? The answer is that in the genealogies all these. give me this boy and I will bring him up as thou acquire merit. and the Khatak dancers. perhaps the names best known to the world. and with an ill grace and an uncertain hand found them an obscure Thus some. the Orakzais names which the word Pathan conjures up even to the newcomer? Where are the Bangash. above all. But the more respectable mythical origin of the Karlanris is that: Two brothers of Urmar's 31 tribe went out into the field.* His brother did as he was asked. Their common appellation is Karlanri. The finder of the axe said to the other. Take this axe (or cooking-pot). are slipped in. The word for an I shall . where are the Mahsuds and the Wazirs? What of the Khaibar. whirling. and Waziristan. they Ghurghusht branch by inventing another son to Ghurghusht named Burhan.THE PATHANS 20 of the Afghan tribes to able for having probably been the last are among the most fruitful in embrace Islam and for that reason the faith. Thus end the genealogies of the three sons of Qais. 29 and do not them call Kerranis. sword in hand. the other a new-born babe. as did the Sheranis expected to cast in who live next door totheKakars. the foreign bridegroom is his lot with his wife's tribe. generally regarded as of the Ghurghusht married a and Sarbanris the left see Table I cause Sherani to custom Pathan to marry outside Kakar woman. and son. But where are such famous tribes as the Afridis. my Do life long give me my be thy debtor. beSulaiman. an to a bride to the tribe. other related to are all. even in these of of fervent the exponents production latter days. the Khataks. and the hills of around Kohat. knew little of them. and the boy. except as the wild mountaineers of Roh. *O brother. Nematullah. who was childless. almost as an afterThe Delhi scribes thought. It is contrary If and outsider. explain how. and so will my name remain in this world. One to a place where an brother. found an iron axe (some say a cookingor the pot pot). if at 30 link them to the Others branches. or for any tribe give when this is done.

all was happy..THE GENEALOGIES axe (or pot) being in Pashtu something like 21 Karhai. then. with a shadowy ancestry and a foundling grouped together these illustrious tribes sire. and a numerous progeny re- called Karlanri. are whose names resound . Karlanri (father unknown} Koday Kakay Sulaiman Shitak Khaibar. 32 And this is their family-tree: V. sulted. the child was When he grew up his adoptive father gave him his daughter in marriage. Kohat Pass) 1 Malikmir Wazir Musa Darwesh Mubarik ^1 Mahrnud I (Kohat and JMahsud Ahmad Utrnan ( Kurram) Khost) Mahsuds (South Waziristan) (North Waziristan) (Central Waziristan) Here.

A few of them only. Turk. M. It is broadly correct to say that the sons of Koday are northerners and speak the hard variety of Pakhtu. famed the With control. owned British allegiance. them as are conscious of a wider than the appellation Pakhtun (or Pashtun) to answer tribal patriotism. included as Afghans only as an afterthought. is described in the genealogies as adopted only. the sons of Kakay are southerners and speak the soft dialect of Pashtu. what do tribal names. Afghan. of of loyalties with impatience strange mingling Table Kharshbun of sons the tribes (in exception of the Peshawar Table III). We Mahsuds'. 'We Afridis/ This is because. their tribal cohesion has so far preserved them from subjection to any administration. the Mangals. Among the Waziristan tribes. this in their Reading between the we deduce? We lines see the of the Karlanri family-tree. Muqbils. through the pages of a for their names synonymous with wild deeds of daring. or such of lously. Mi*%h Mahsit. whether Persian. The exception the Khataks of Kohat who (though sons of Koday) speak the soft variant and many of whom still wear their hair below the to this is ear. . Mughal. in Khost and Jajis. and branch Bannuchis) (Daurs notable that save only the Shitak every one of these peoples who inhabit fertile irrigated valleys Zadrans is a hill-tribe. and the Urmars of today do not claim to be Afghans. One of this Urmar's tribe adopts a foundling. the Karlanri group insettled the and (in Ghaljis II) And it is cludes all the great names of the North. miracuAll of these.West Frontier. the consciousness is narrower still. but even these overlap into the Kurram Valley. With them it is more usual to hear a tribesman invoke political loyalties by speaking of Mi%h Wasyr. their putative ancestor. 'We c Wa2irs'. The story reflects a conviction that the hill Karlatiris canjiot claim affinity with the sons of Qais. The former wear their hair short. Urmar himself. 1947 allegiance to Pakistan.THE PATHANS 22 hundred and fifty years of English writing.ung Aparidai. and now admit The rest before . and even among the Afridis. rather than to Afghan. the latter wear it long or bobbed. Sikh or British and the tribes all show have found it wise to deal with a light hand pride of speech and bearing. those of the best-known clans which have escaped inclusion in empires and those most famous as mercenary soldiers of fortune. live in Hariob and Afghanistan just beyond the Durand Line.

have predar.and Pakhtu-speaking the area. as do groups the and the Frontier all of hills. about ten miles the war. .000. The UrLogar and Peshawar cousins have lost mars near Peshawar. Waziristan. are bi-lingual. own Urmari. and may be much older Karlanris are not Afghans established. The tradition quite are sprung from an conceivably reflects a truth that the Karlanris not Pashtu-speaking and later beindigenous stock which was came fused with or overlaid by Pashtu. whom I know well. learning in dominant race. and speak only Pakhtu. but at home. and the third in three large villages. Urmar Kabul. who are Bara Mohmands a conAkora. with those Kaniguram tioned. 34 of Peshasouth-east Miana and Urmar Payan. however. a quite distinct East Iranian language classified as a separate tongue and by no means a dialect. the Karlanri tribes of today. right in the midst of the Pashtuis a fact of very great import.THE GENEALOGIES 23 ancestry is highly suggestive. three localities where Urmars the of the wide Moreover. suggests that The claim of formerly they were a people of notable significance. sciousness that they are not as stock than the tribes around them. among themselves. The first group is in the central town in the heart of the Waziristan moun- The reputed Urmar are still Kaniguram. Wazirs. the Urmars have 400 houses with a population In served their Kaniguram of some 3. not far from tains. speaking Mahsuds and Wazirs. the form and culture retain their trading community of separate here menThey claim also kinship with the other groups in situated is them. The Urmars found in these parts in three groups. Those in the impregnable Ivaniguram Valley. upper Bad- They speak Pashtu when talking to Mahsuds or other non-Urmars. spread are still found. There are many Sayyids living among them. have merged with the and Khataks of surrounding Pathans. the second in a location in the Logar Valley Urmar Bala. inaccessible most the one of glens survival of this Urmar group. the genealogies that an Urmar adopted and so fathered the Karlanri Pathans thus takes on an added interest. Their their language. the process to speak the language of the peoples. At the least it illustrates a conviction that the in the true line. They retain. who also speak the Urmari language and are almost certainly their 35 This Urmar group chief families despite the claim to be Sadat. older of be to claim and other men. Peshawar and Logar. However this may be.

preserve proudly the Pakhtunwali. Orakzais. represent widely different strains. Bangash. the Pathan code. Kandahar. Afridis and the own rest. they prefer a Pathan to an Afghan nomenclature. Herat. The to the Afghan holds for the most part the fertile plains. Kabul (by conquest) and Peshawar. So how much even recorded history of the many peoples basin by the North-Western gates. above all others. Here then is support from tradition that Afghan and Pathan. have to see far these deductions fit what little can be gleaned from the for a third strain there memories.THE PATHANS 24 Bannuchis. Pathan name. And this may be the reason why. the Pathan is a hillman. they. Khataks.. unlike the Yusufzais. 36 And is the Ghalji with his non-Iranian the genealogies tell us. while they speak variants of the same language and live mixed up together. We who have entered the Indus . for instance.

one way of life constantly overlaying another.CHAPTER II THE GREEK HISTORIANS in respect of the far. as it passed. Over long periods the line of the Indus. will have left its mark on the inhabitants of the country. The resultant inhabitants of a borderland like this must inevitably bear the marks of mingling civilizations. On the Frontier the Pathans themselves left no early contemporary 25 literature. but. represent a pure and unsullied stream issuing from a single Hebrew source at the time of the Babylonian captivity must carry its own refutation. has represented the boundary of kingdoms or empires constantly shifting. drawn up at the Mughal court not earlier than the beginning of the seventeenth century. they built no monu- . Indeed a postulate that a group of peoples. owing to a predisposition for the tribes not to mix in marriage. have also learned much of the intertribal We affinities. But with regard to ethnic origins it is difficult to avoid a conclusion that the traditions are little more than fairy-tales. or the escarpment of the mountains west of it. So era. so diversified as the Afghans and Pathans obviously are. is to search the records of foreign historians and archaeology as these may bear on the terrain itself where the Pathan peoples now live. This examination has shown a well-marked consciousness that these people were of at least three different stocks which have come together in juxtaposition. And there is another point. Each horde. From other and betterestablished records we are aware that the lands which are now Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier of Pakistan have seen perhaps more invasions in the course of history than any other country in Asia. Afghans or Pathans in the pre-Islamic we have only examined the traditional sources recorded in a number of writings in Persian. as these are known to the people themselves. and to begin as near as possible to the beginning. then. all speaking varieties of the same language. preserving a large number of separate tribal cells within the hive. or indeed the world. Our next task.

I have been struck by the conviction that the influence of Persia over all these lands is a much deeper. not of the sub-continent he has left behind. a unity of spirit felt Peshawar and Quetta. is an orthodox Sunni of the Hanafi school. say. although he did not overcome Astyages of Media until 550 B. with few exceptions.C. the plane. and he will not forget. and after Darius parts of the Panjab also. the rivers flow bright and gay as if alive. Peshawar or Bannu from the Panjab. one way of expression. shows that those ties have been forged by influences older and other than religious. least start by looking elsewhere. 1 Again and again. and we shall have to see how far coinage series minted or must at current in neighbouring areas elucidate the story. when moving in what may be called the Iranian world. The We Afghan with the Babylonian captivity. the seasons revolve. The spirit of Persia has breathed over it. the sun and wind have an the men uplifting keenness are the men of Central Asia.C. can fail to remark that he has left one region of the world for another. Alexander in 3 3 1 B. the birds recall the west. were included in the confines of a tremendous Persian dominion. which may be taken as the real beginning of the Achaemenian era. the cypress appear. bringing an awareness of one back- ground. There is indeed a sense in which all the upland in Asia from the Tigris to the Indus is one country. the plants as far as burgeon.THE PATHANS 26 ments. To him the mountains are different. the willow.0. or mounts the hills west of them. older thing than anything which springs from Islam. one culture. No one who enters. lasting until the empire was overthrown by centuries than two of more Over this period Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier as far as the Indus. and he is on the verge of the Iranian plateau. The fact among that Persian sectarianism has not broken the ties which undoubt- edly unite the Iranian world.. Were it Islamic only.C. tradition ostensibly begins in the sixth century B. so different from that of Arabia. He who has caught that away breath has won to the heart of a mystery. In that year Cyrus was enthroned. Let us start at almost the same time with the establishment of the Achaemenian Empire of Persia by Cyrus the Great in 5593. on The real message of Professor Ghirshman's recent book is that he proves Persian civilization to be Persia before Islam 2 . we should expect to find the Shia sectarianism of Persia reproduced the Pathans: in fact the Pathan frontiersman.

GADARA (Gand(India). It should be remarked here that there is no need to argue the identification of Gandhara with the . Afghanistan. the alphabet of the Persian State. and India. The eastern satrapies are given as Aria (Herat). Sattagydia (uncerSogdiana (between the Oxus and Jaxartes). showing that 'India' was acquired during Darius' reign. He shows how profound and beneficent far older was the Achaemenian influence on the outlying provinces. spreading from Persia over those countries. or Peshawar Valley. but it is present enquiries are hara) and HINDUSH given in those in the palace at Persepolis and at Naqsh-i-Rustam on Darius' tomb.' 3 Thus the fact that Transoxiana.C. an early Indian alphabet. Gandhara (Peshawar Valley). instinct with a pride and vain-glory which read oddly in an inhibited age. The old Persian actually used for the three satrapies most relevant to our tria (Balkh). The Indian satrapy is not given in the Bisitun inscription. at Bisitun (Behistan) and on his tomb at Naqsh-i-Rustam near Persepolis in the Persian province of Pars. was developed from the official Aramaic.) to reproduce the of in their Persepolis glories palaces. satrapy appears in all three inscriptions. And for that period our records. particularly in Gandhara (the Peshawar Valley) and among the Scythians. while Kharoshthi. almost if not quite contemporary. are detailed lists of the satrapies of the empire. It is convenient to refer first to the inscriptions of Darius. Bac- Chorasmia (Khwarezm or Khiva). are the Greek historian Herodotus 4 and the inscriptions of Darius 5 at the Susa. Parthian and Sassanian influences. The Gandhara. Trom contact between the Persian language and that of the peoples of the adjacent Indus Valley there arose for the use of the conqueror and conquered a sort of mixed dialect of the style of Urdu. and Pakistan west of the Indus. recorded either on rocks or slabs of dressed stone. THATAGUSH (Sattagydia). which was carved early in Darius' reign to commemorate the victories by which he attained power. Achaemenian art and architecture even persuaded Maurya dynasty of India (circa 323-190 B. Among a number of recitations.THE GREEK HISTORIANS 2J and broader-based than the Islamic inspiration which it absorbed unconquered. are even now Khurasani in culture is due in the first instance not to Islamic conquests but to earlier Achaemenian. tain). Arachosia (Kandahar). The first and most overpowering of these Persian influences was the empire of Cyrus and Darius the Great.

I give the passages in the order in which I propose to consider them (I have not Latinized the Greek here).West 6 uncritical surmises of Bellew. Book 4. Many later scholars. have contributed their views. to the withering contempt of Raverty. reigned not come east.. writing of Mahmud of Peshawar Valley. including Sir George Grierson. Cambyses. He was too fully only for seven years and did tain that. These range from the early history of the North. I would claim that my analysis at least puts forward for the first time a reasoned study of all the Herodotean passages that are relevant. to the time of Graeco-Bactrian. who does not seem to have been 7 able to read the Greek.THE PATHANS 2g one well attested throughout the Mauryan. and among them Skulax of Karu(i) . and cer- of the Achaemenian was not then included in the empire. Let us now see what Herodotus has to say in these matters. Kushan and later periods right up eleventh the in Ghasni century Al-Biruni. there is . This could not have been done until the ground was firm in Gandhara itself. confirmation for it in Herodotus A.D. in Herodotus. And. his abortive expedition to occupied with his conquest an assault on Carthage which never of the planning Ethiopia and Darius' that also know We came off. conquest of India'. 44 'Of the greater part of Asia Dareios was the discoverer. Gandhara down the Indus from sent had been Greek the Scylax to feel the way and learn the geography. its inclusion was confirmed as one of Darius' earliest acts. by which the Indus and the Jihlam between the Doab meant is probably an until undertaken not was exploring expedition under Rivers. There are many references in various English works to one or other passage of Herodotus which may have a bearing on the Frontier. if it of Egypt. It is possible that Gandhara at the opening Cyrus' conquests up to the Indus was a part of era. as we shall see. Wishing to the only river save one producing know where the River Indos itself into the crocodiles sea. Sir Aurel Stein and Professor Morgenstierne. he sent a number of men on emptied whose truthfulness he could rely. buttressed by epigraphical and other sources where these exist. who was the Great King intervening between Cyrus and Darius. disa missing all references to the Father of History in this context as farrago of 'Herodotus and Hindus'. and it is it is universally accepted. and these will be referred to what follows.

These started from the 29 city of Kaspdturos ofPaktuike* and sailed down the river to the east and the sunrise to the sea. . . This was the zoth are satrapy. . After the voyage was completed. army.000 horse.680 ordinary talents). 85 *The nomad tribe known as a people Persian in lanSagartioi guage. and their way of life is almost the same as that of the Baktrians. They are the most warlike of all the Indians. 5 (ii). Book 7. Book 3. Here they turned westward. 93 'From Paktuike and the Armenians talents.' (vi) Herodotus.' Herodotus. and in dress half Persian.THE GREEK HISTORIANS anda. and made use of the sea in those parts. an who border on the city of Kaspdturos and the country ofPaktuike? these live to the north and in the direction of the north wind as compared with the remaining Indians. . . 125 are nomads. / (viii) Herodotus. 'The Indians (v) Book who . (Giving the roll-call of Xerxes' 7. . (iii) Herodotus. half Paktuan. .) 'The Gandarioi and the Dadikai had the Baktrian equipment in all the Paktues wore cloaks of skin and carried the bow of respects . Book In addition there 102 3. in which the . remarkable that in the first two passages. Book 3. This was the i3th satrapy.' other Indians . Dareios conquered the Indians. who i.' (iv) Herodotus. sages the historian and 91. and after a voyage of thirty months arrived at the place from which the the country Egyptian King sent the Phoenicians to circumnavigate Libua (Africa). more numerous than all the others we have seen paid more than any other people. Herodotus. who furnished to the army as many as It is 8. the sum drawn was 400 94 3. Book 66-67. paid 170 talents. to sail and down the river. . Book The Sagartioi. namely 3 60 talents of gold dust (equivalent to 4. (In this giving a is list and the two succeeding pasof the Achaemenian satrapies their peoples.) 'The Sattagudai and the Gandarioi and the Dadikai and the Aparutai. who were all reckoned together. This was the 7th satrapy/ Herodotus. their country (vii) c and the dagger.

the Naguman. and even from that point it is not safe owing to the rapids in its passage from Lalpura to Warsak through the Khaibar hills. the Sardariab. At this point at the present day it divides into three main streams. though anyone who sailed down the river even in those days the topography makes it clear enough. the Budni. Rafts are floated down on this stretch. the Cap- down the river going east. It should author is prototype of Oslo and Bailey scholars. But where was Kaspacould not have been Kabul for the river is not navigable started in the direction turos? It at that point. including identification to which together. the Khaibar hills a few miles north of the past Jalalabad. since he started Kabul River the must have embarked on (known as the Landai in due east from Kabul almost runs river This Peshawar tain Cook of his District). reading from the north. after joining the Swat River. the identification of Paktuike. Leaving aside for the moment what and where was Kaspaturos? Fifty years ago no scholar had ventured an opinion. day. quite evidently older scholars. including Professors Morgenstierne I of Cambridge. through Pass itself. The point of substance is that the voy- of the sunrise. and then through the Peshawar Valley where. after falls into the Indus near Attock. It is not navigable by boats of any size until it has reached its confluence with the Kunar close to Jalalabad. have adhered is the of author Survey of Ungdstic Grierson. There is The three main branches below Charsadda. Here it is necessary to put in a word of local knowledge about the course of the Kabul River. It was indeed accepted that Scylax. but real navigation does not begin until the river issues into the Peshawar plain by Warsak and Michni. we may see the that in the Paktues and Paktuike of Herodotus once that later at be said of the Pakhtuns.THE PATHANS 2 and unconnected points. and navigation on it. and the Shah Alam. and it would direction at Attock have been age clear to Scylax. The India. have come out strongly against this equation. will attempt to state the case as I see it. it due south to the sea. The change of almost runs Indus which the would not necessarily have been known to to Herodotus. reunite at Nisatta just . the northerly stream hav- also a small fourth branch. he considering quite different accent would fall on the the the city of Kaspaturos speaks of and the country in the nominative case prepenultimate syllable considers them he of Paktuike in the same breath.


and the or Pushabur in Al-Biruni and early Muslim forms of Purshapur others. This is the point. and in is not on the Peshawar channels. but all Peshawaris are conscious of "the One it. 12 where that author tells us that Multan was originally known as Kasyapapura. It appears in a fragment of the geographer and chronicler Hecataeus of Miletus. The distance known as the confluence is Shah Alam sixteen miles. zoo) 13 a fragment of the original narrative of Scylax himself which . as Herodotus places his Kaspaturos an interesting clue to the identity of Gandhara in Paktuike which I shall return. 10 This compares well with the Po-lu-sha-po4u of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang.D. and. and by Herodotus in Paktuike. there were only two (the probably Landai' banks of the river. But not even Herodotus. and many atriver this on embarked have could not any quite clear.. Below the confluence the to the Nisatta Peshawar from Landai. brilliantly I think.THE PATHANS the Swat confluence. It is well the Mughal period nels has varied even in recent times. but in the form writing in 500 B. the Sanskrit Purushapura. earlier than Herodotus. still them of point is navigate as their own river. 9 that Kaspapuros is a scribal error of a common enough kind for Paskapuros.C. the Budni rejoins the ing taken meanwhile united stream is Shah Alam at Dilazak. can ever have imagined that he was sailing east when setting out down the Indus from Multan. Moreover this identification overlooks the location by Hecataeus of Kaspapuros in Gandhara. there has fortunately been preserved by Athenaeus (circa A. need not detain us. From this point the suggesto with Paktuike tion is now forward. the neighbourhood above much point therefore look for Kaspaturos in that vicinity. to the nearest point on the channel Budni the to and seven miles. most southerly stream) known that the course of all these chanonly one mile. were it not for one point. and that Paskapuros is Peshawar. That apart. The divergence between the Herodotean Kaspaturos and 11 the Hecataean Kaspapuros is not substantial. There is a passage in Al-Biruni. by two scholars who Kaspapuros is put do not always see eye to eye. even Moreover Hecataeus states that his Kao-TTdirvpos (Kaspapuros). From this the orientalists Herzfeld and Foucher deduced that Multan may be the Kaspapuros from which Scylax sailed down the Indus to the ocean. Scylax should we and of Peshawar. and certainly not a navigator like Scylax. Is there any other mention of it? There is. in Gandhara.

There is a further piece of evidence supporting the emendation Paskapuros= Peshawar.Biruni.D. We then find that his story of Scylax' voyage and starting-place fits neatly into place. Herodotus more than once couples with Kaspaturos. Moreover the occurrence of this name in the Sassanian age. too. For. The hypothesis also fits the other passage about 'the bravest and most warlike Indians living north of all the others and near Kaspaturos'. This passage. Peshawar is the town within a very few miles of the river. in Parthian and Greek. answer inhabitants of present-day to that description. At Naqsh-i- Rustam. The sum of this argument is that we have excellent reason for Herodotus' identifying Kaspaturos with Peshawar. ably dug out by two Belgian 14 scholars. gives a place named Pshkbur/Paskiboura as the limit of the Sassanian Empire to the east. It is quite unnecessary to point to the that country. who defeated and took captive the Roman emperor Valerian at the battle of Edessa in A. is surely close enough to rule out coincidence and to resolve philological doubt. Paktuike then is the country in which the city of Kaspaturos/Peshawar was situated. This inscription. as I have said. 15 The correspondence of this place-name both with the emendation of Herodotus to Paskapuros. present days apart. . the truth of Hero- dotus' assessment was demonstrated to Alexander when he invaded these regions a century and a half after Herodotus' time. Honigman and Maricq. though they. provides the very link that is required. and with the Sanskrit Purushapura and the modern Peshawar. It is inapplicable to a voyage starting at Multan in the midst of the Pan jab plain. American archaeologists of the Chicago Oriental Institute have recently uncovered a fascinating bilingual inscription in the name of Shapur I. just halfway between the era of Herodotus and that of Al. the second emperor of the Sassanid line. The Multan hypothesis may be ruled out.THE GREEK HISTORIANS shows 33 c voyage a mountain ran alongside was high and covered with thick forest that in the course of his the river and in places it and thorn bushes'. 260. With this point fixed we may proceed to locate Paktuike. this time epigraphical. exactly describes the gorges below Attock past Shadipur and Kalabagh down to Bilot. which. and must therefore be Gandhara. near the only obvious spot where Scylax could have embarked in order to sail eastward into the sunrise. and eventually down the Indus to the sea. by the rock-tombs of Darius and his line.

from a different place to me almost certainly wrong. 102). and its environment. obviously this yth satrapy Pakthe and Darius the inscriptions. the So equation Paktuike/ is admittedly in Gandhara. until after Scylax' voyage was completed from a Gandhara which was already a part of the shown. the Paktuike from which Scylax sailed. but we shall s^$ that Alexander's campaigns suggest it . and not as that of the 1 3th. Kaspapuros Gandhara/Peshawar Valley is established. The Paktuike from which Scylax sailed is mentioned only a couple of two pages later in the history (3. and is the Gandarioi among these tribes. This supposition brings this reference into line with where Paktuike. speaks of another Paktuike which he couples with Armenia. is Empire. The eastern limit of Darius' Indian province is not accurately jqaown. as we know from the first passage. the GandaSatrapy was inhabited by are not surprised to find We the Aparutai. tribes aside for the moment. in which Herodotus. the historian. Sattagudai. or his scribe. the Gadara of will leave identification of the other three tuike of Herodotus. surely Darius' satrapies. and tells us is the i3th It has hitherto been assumed that this is satrapy of the empire. etc. which of the yth satrapy where the Gandarioi. very surprisingly. We In that passage Herodotus. the Dadikai. Let us now refer to the third passage cited. rioi. had there really been a strange countries in the Achaemenian Empire with this name Herodotus could hardly have failed to enough idea in itself note and explain it. It is in writing down the names of likely that. The seems This interpretation bracket any other country nowhere Achaemenian inscriptions shown as a separate satrapy. The fifth passage is only relevant as showing that Gandhara and India were quite separate satrapies. as we have the other two Herodotean with Armenia. made a slip and misshould have been given as that placed the name Paktuike. Darius' yth without assigning a name to the satrapy. as indeed is proved by the Achaemenian inscriptions themselves.THE PATHANS 1 Indeed Hecataeus the Peshawar Valley. India was not conquered. lived. tells us that the four tribes. I conclude therefore that the name of the yth are said to satrapy in which the Gandarioi and three other tribes have dwelt was variously Paktuike or Gandhara. Gandhara. which is always much more passages on the Kabul River and corresponds to Gandhara. and turn to the fourth passage quoted.

it follows therefore that his (e. the bow perhaps worth noting that. It was the valley of the Indus. Alexander. and Herodotus tells us that they were armed with the bow and the dagger.THE GREEK HISTORIANS 35 was the Jihlam River. Herodotus. on his firm rejection of the pronunciation of Paktues with to on suggest the identification goes the Patu in North Chitral a of whom few have heard. as Peshawar. Afridis and Wazirs take particular pride in historical period. It is came in. He solely .g. are we to suppose is purely fortuitous? Pakhtun modern to the Paktuike and Paktues on by more frowned it is but the Grierson accepted identification. Later in nunciation. are Prothese of chief The orientalists. of and of fessors Morgenstierne Cambridge Bailey much practical experience in this field. Darius. According to him the 'hard' pro- Studies '. are mentioned as part of Xerxes' army.. and Paktuike as the fixed Kaspaturos Having that the similarity of country around Peshawar. and at the very furthest not beyond the It is interesting that present boundaries of West and East Panjab. and geographically the Frontier comparable with West Pakistan of today. Horace. and very eminent. argument stands PaA&tun. the India' of Herodotus. and indeed of Alexander and the Greeks and Romans generally. In the sixth passage the Paktues. recent. and be given to his conclusions. Let us examine must very great weight the what on correspondence does not find favour. would certainly have thought of India districts.. of all their long war-knives. obviously the inhabitants of Paktuike. terms of what is now West Pakistan. PaA&tun. omitting In a setting of ancient history Pakistan has thus a better claim to be known as India than has the Bharat of post-partition days since 1947. is comparatively new and dialectal. the same article he admits that the Greeks used KT for Iranian kht BaJktra for Persian Ba&btris). until matchlocks tribesmen of the Pathan the was the normally carried by weapon and the dagger is still pre-eminently the weapon the hill-tribes. grounds Professor Bailey's reasons are set out in an article entitled latter in particular has 'Kusanica' in the Journal of the British School of Oriental and African and were formulated in 195 2. was a part of what we now know as the Panjab and Sind. as much a part of their characteristic equipment as is the kukri to the Gurkha. in the geographical Trajan. His objection is founded on an assertion that for philological reasons Paktues (IZa/eriw) cannot be connected with Pajv&tun. The Oslo. Pompey.

been Parswana. in use to describe Tajiks and other Persian-speakers whom the true Pathan affects to despise. I have seen it suggested that an example of this phonetic rule is to be found in the comparatively recent change from the equivalent of sb to the equivalent of kh in Castilian Spanish. that the predilecgreat respect I differ. as and slightly pejorative. is getting very call them. And I should require far more convincing proof to compel agreement to the proposition that the 'hard' pronunciation is quite new around Peshawar. it often seems to depend on speaker's throat. a tribe tion of Pashtun with Ptolemy's Parsyetae (Uapo-vTJra^ to this identificareaction own inhabiting the Paropamisus/ form is said to have tion is that the Parsytae. There are further things to say. appellation or Parsiwan. He therefore rejects a make very interesting connecthe same reasons. rightly Like Bailey he. the equation for been rendered by Greek *r. It is also true that are very definite in Afghan Government spokesmen from Kabul their assertions that the 'soft' the sA 9 is With Pashtu of Kandahar. does not tell us what has become of the Pak- Morgenstierne tues. too. still the Pathans the Persians or Farsiwans. is a very usual. of which the ancient the to close people of Pars or Pars. My for Persians. not have could sbt that and affirms that kht is a later dialectal form. . Both these authorities. article 'Afghan'. He goes on to of the Encyclopedia of Islam. and refers. The premise that the 'hard' variant dialect overlooks the opinion of all the Pathans is a recent around Peshawar. prompted by the Durrani of Herodotus did not live speakers of the language. it will be seen.THE PATHANS -6 are comprised in a very recent Professor Morgenstierne's views the 4 th fascicule of the new edition article contributed by him to He also regards of course. which employs the original and classical variant of the language. Pa^tun as the north-eastern way of speaking. The Paktues around Kandahar where the Durranis come from. Farsiwan. It seems probable tion for Pashtu/Pashtun over Pakhtu/Pakhtun is not uninfluenced by views emanating from Kabul. to Pa^tun as the classical variant. but in the Peshawar Valley. are definite in their statements that the orthodox linguist must regard the replacement of the digraph sb by kb as a modern dialectal development. One who has lived many years with Pathans will tell you that the kh (^) peculiar to the language shades into sb (j) almost imperhow much phlegm is in the ceptibly.

the corthis case Morgenstierne admits that. 188.is evidently a Greek transcription of the word good in the language of the Aspasii. the protagonists at the present In short. In Grierson. phonetically others and is possible. 49> 5 called also was Susa was which on that the River Karun. or at any rate in the Iranian usage of that part of the Persian Achaemenian Empire. ex hypothesi resident in Paktuike the Aparutai. At least region amounts to a form of established that in Alexander's time there was in use in the it is Kunar district an Iranian language with an affinity for a 'hard' variant. Aristotle. kho or khub. situated. and v. It need hardly be said that acceptance of the equation Aparutai by for that is how the Afridis pronounce it with Aparidai .with the Pakhtu is so much more striking that a refusal to accept it as a pointer in this academic special pleading. Stein and other noted orientalists with at least. 2 i. boldly too neatly to be as naive as Bailey thinks. Kho. There is another neat piece of evidence to the antiquity of the Anabasis iv. The Afridis among the many or Gandhara. One of the four tribes mentioned by Herodotus. and indeed this is a recognized phonetic transference. Strabo Quintus Khoaspes (Choaspes). is respondence Pathans even today habitually change/into^. as the place where Alexander this call river the Curtius and sii. us break a lance with the phoneticians. It is the river of the good horse. and that there can be no of Pakhtu in that case.THE GREEK HISTORIANS 37 regard the language as spoken by the Yusufzais of Mardan and Swabi as the best of all. and. Arrian speaks of the River Euaspla. adopt- let link Pakhtun with Paktues. It all fits ing the hard variant. time of the hard variant of the modern language. 25 hard kh. in the Greek transcription the Khoaspes. It can question of the use of a prototype Persian old the is htwa that also be argued foTgood and might conIt is true that we know from Herodotus > in Greek. Since ev in Greek means good. These have been identified by the Afridis. There are other equations yet to be made. who met the Aspaprobably the Kunar. ceivably be transliterated as kho But the close correspondence of kho. In the following chapter I have sought to draw the skein to a possible correspondence between the tighter by pointing names of the Aspasii and the Isapzai (Yusufzai). Pashtu is The Pakhtu word for good is identical sho or shuh.

that in Pashtu. It is the letter u. The Khataks . and the Khaibar as mentioned are the is to be noted that Aparutai Aparidai. war Valley. as which in the soft dialects is changed to J>> Shin. Darius' yth satrapy occupied the identical territory the now and Kohat Passes. Derajat and Waziriregion roughly a country in which the Khatak occupy large parts. Its 17 group India. incor- opposed to Pakhtu. tiguous as we the Gandarioi are the people of the Peshawar Valley. This is still Neither Bellew nor Raverty were conversant with the Achaemenian inscriptions. as one of the satrapies of the in the Achaemenian inscriptions exact location is uncertain. with. Peshathe to next is know. rectly. Ghirshman that is to say places it west of the Indus and south of Gandhara. Of the Dadi I have never heard. stated. held^ by Bazar. According to their own tradition once occupied the Tochi Valley. Bannu. And. for in the lists it appears in the Empire. Khe. the in the of Kohat. but that it was on the eastern confines seems clear enough. Khin.000 to 1 5 ooo feet above no means carries with it 5 for any empire to occupy this territory. But it conif not near that to. 10. a point which connects their placed by name with an even wider territory than that which they now hold. and the Dadikai with an obscure branch of Kakars whom he calls Dadi. identified the Sattagudai with the famous Khatak tribe.THE PATHANS >g the conclusion that the Aparutai of in Tirah. the Aparidais' home today just there. Sattagudai which old Persian of the Greek transcription appears Thatagush. for the initial letter of Khatak is ^. from which they were disthey their cousins the Shitaks. hard of approach and Aparidai are situated in the Sufed Koh from leading nowhere but to alpine pastures never been worth while It has the sea. But Bellew's connection Sattais merely a gudai/Khatak is provocative of thought. Arachosia (Kandahar) and Gandhara. Raverty sneers at Bellew's equation mainly on the ground that Bellew. in seeking to justify it. stan in tribe modern geography. Moreover the homes of the greater number of the in mountain eyries. (On this point Raverty was right. the name of the tribe could be pronounced Shatak. approximating to Sattagudai. satrapy a tribe inhabiting a territory in and there is no doubt whatever that the Gandarioi. The addition of the Aparutai/Aparidai correspondence helps to buttress the case for finding in Herodotus traces of names which Bellew has gone further 10 and carry through to the present day. which is not susceptible of change.

) But both Raverty and Bellew had knew the existence of another important Karlanri tribe. Taken and the Shitaks. They did not spring from nowhere in the night. cover a stretch of territory as common boundary Yusufby any Afghan or Pathan tribe. and the time of publication of genealogies for the protection of the highKhataks the Akbar's dealings with memoirs mentions the Karhis in indeed way to Peshawar. They are Karlanris. close to the Malakand association of both groups of tribes at one time or another with the rich oases of Bannu and the Tochi. Neither Khataks nor Shitaks appear by name until the period of under the Mughals. of early nominal absence the disturbed be not need case we by even the Abdalis. not centuries. but it is temptin are now. In any he when name mentions Babur by Bangash. rulers of Afghanistan for the last two in any records until later than this. whether Durrani or Ghalji. and were and Peshawar Kohat the in locations eastward to their present known more districts. or never of. and comes to them. namely the Shitaks. Wazirs and live who Karlanris the other tribes. forgotten. Shitak is the appellation common Bannu the and tribes which now inhabit the Tochi Valley plain. the distance is over extent of their present territory.THE GREEK HISTORIANS never call 39 themselves Shataks. their large population. Babur in 1505 around Bannu encountered he whom ranis (Karlanris) It is probable that this reference along with the Niazis and Isakhel. Moreover. as mentioned. not only the phonetic whose name has been written large in tribal congregations . From the Khatak settlements around large as that held zai. to the Shitak villages in 200 miles. The wide Upper Daur in the Tochi. do not appear century. the Safawi Empire in the seventeenth of the time until indeed references. suggest sufficiently their of peoples. and the Lundkhwar. It is a leap around where importance in this family they the Achaemenian Thatagush. the Khataks close to Bannu. popularly as the Daurs and Bannuchis. who now have a together. Pass. for both are Karlanri of his is to Khataks Shitaks. in that area. and in the Herodotean in find to ing but the actual archetype of great Sattagudai. the Khataks say that they once held the lands now later driven northoccupied by their Shitak cousins. allied to the Khataks both in ancestry and in locato the tion. not of the true Sarbanri to be located somewhere Afghan stock. or or both. Thatagush is evidently the dark.

passages quoted refer to a tribe of the chief cavalrymen of the state in e Xerxes' army. approach to those of Persia. to the Persian language in preThey are also more deeply imbued with Persian ference to Pashtu. or location of the satrapy been absorbed in is also in doubt. They are the Afghan people who west and closest to Persia. by the consonantal so comtransposition . while retaining their national peculiarities. Sagartia figures as a satrapy only on one of Darius' inscriptions. writing twenty years later. and since they first live furthest to the came to notice in the time of Shah Abbas the Great (1587-1629). and later in Nadir Shah's time (1730-47). The last two Herodotean nomads called the Sagartioi. Ghirshman places it22 between Meshed and Herat. Alexander Burnes too. they have always been inclined. that on the palace at Persepolis.THE PATHANS 40 Frontier history ever since in Mughal times the identification of 18 individual tribes became possible. among the chiefs at least. The may have rebelled. and a people Persian in language and in dress half Persian and half Paktuan'. Of the Durranis Elphinstone gives a description highly relevant He writes that they understand Persian and that in this context. 21 observes that all the their dress. culture than any Afghans. Its absence from the others suggests that the Sagartioi other satrapies. 20 arms and habitations. an area over which the Abdalis were trying to assert supremacy when they were checked by Nadir Shah early in the eighteenth century. In every respect the few words of Herodotus about the Sagartioi would fit the Durranis as they have come to be known during the last two centuries of our era. He also stresses the pastoral and nomadic character of this tribe. Durranis in Kabul spoke Persian. and the express condition on which in his time (1809) they held their country. and many of the higher classes had no Pashtu whatever a phenomenon just as apparent today. 19 This is a description which might well fit the Abdali (Durrani) tribes as they have been known since they emerged from obscurity in the time of Nadir Shah a little more than two centuries ago. much more so for instance than the Ghaljis who ruled in Persia for fifteen years. namely that they should furnish a horseman for every plough. When we were examining the genealogies it was mentioned that the name by which the ancestor of the Abdalis is known is Sharkbun or Shakarbun.

sailed down the river tocity of Caspatjms wards the east and sunrise to the sea? The inconsistency between these two italicized passages is glarstated in his text that nothing has been heard from ing. . Sattagudai. a sail eastward down the river bravest of all the and the of tribe the lastly the Indus. He goes on from his chroniclers' theme of the premise to agree with the Afghan trate this Hebrew origin of the tribes. Herodotus twice mentioning Paskapuros (a fair emendation surely) as the city of Paktuike. Having written the above he appends an illustrative footnote. setting out from the chapter). namely. Having whose lanGrammar. givfirst passage cited in this ing a translation of Herodotus 4. on the contrary. Is enshrine it just possible to suggest that some faint memory of the Before leaving Herodotus in deploying his case against He writes: 23 41 Shakarbun may Sagartioi? it is fair to give Raverty the last word what he terms the Herodotean myth. either the coincidence or the contradiction. into numerous tribes. tribes in this region called the Aparuof Paktuike into tai and Gandarioi. we must have heard something of them from ancient writer$y for we find that even in the time of Herodotus Darius sent an exploring expedition under Scylax of Caryanda and others as far as the Indus. though divided the aborigines of the country at present known as Afghanistan. he proceeds to illus- the ancient writers concerning the very people about guage he is writing a Pakhto (sic} a passage in Herodotus negative finding by citing he fails wholly to notice And specifically mentioning Tactyice*. For con- My own reading sider. 44 (the it: 'These.THE GREEK HISTORIANS mon in Pashtu. Had they been original speak doubtedly The Afghans. all of Paktuike the north the to country lived Indians who by the of corner this of of one in connected description complex in these the It seems a not unreasonable conclusion to see world. the string of passages in Herodotus. showing as they do so wide and so inter-connected a similarity of nomenclature both of place and tribal name and habit with what we can see today. for that. as Raverty gives and the country of Partyice. Here is is that. are unone race and one language. There are too many coincidences. the Paktues whose chief weapon is the dagger. cannot fairly be regarded as coincidental.

of words. me add more exciting. can be held to reflect knowledge which a more that they represented only later aboriginal stock. but it certainly should find a place in any history worthy of the name/ If Pathans themselves are in doubt. We shall was swept again and again by devastating invasions and migraand the tions leading to the disintegration of old tribal units taken have would this But process agglomeration of new ones. and a sail down Qand&zm the Kabul (Landai) River into the Indus to the sea. and possibly Khataks. a lumped together as Karlanris. They let the legions thunder past'. .THE PATHANS 42 of the province known as Pakhtun-land later to be known as or Gandhara. The case would be rather that these were sub-stratum agglomerations of people who. modified their language and were assimilated to later cultures. and is what the genealogies see later that after Achaemenian times this country pect. and let than the stock belief in the Bani Israel. The theory does at least give a starting-point to Pathan history more reasoned. inhabited by Gandarians and Afridis. In other the invaders. Perhaps it would be fair to conclude the Herodotean argument with the words of Winston Churchill on Fair Rosamond: 24 "Tiresome investigators have undermined this excellent tale. through contact with later-comers.Afghan those like the Afridis and Khataks origin for the hill-tribes. it is absorbed the characteristics c not surprising that in looking for a prototype in the oldest recorded history bearing on this region we hit on the ancestor of the Pakhtun rather than on that of the Afghan. capital who now regard themselves as in the true Afghan line now dwell. but retained in the more inaccessible places sufficient of their older inspirations to boast their original names. or hanker after more traditional forebears. is That there is no hint in Herodotus of a prototype for Afghan to exus lead would not surprising. There is plenty of evidence after we reach the period of docu- mented history to show that the hill-tribes have been little incommoded by empires and the passage of armies. let them remember that Herodotus was the first to call the people around Paktuike the bravest of all the people in those parts. So the insistence of the genealogies on a non. This is not to assert that the ethnic or linguistic stock can be traced through to tribes of similar names today. tribes the where and valleys place chiefly in the wide-open plains city of Peshawar.


M H 3 H W % W i o w E .



CHAPTER III THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER Achaemenian Empire of Persia fell to Alexander the the Great in 331 B. 8) establishes only that the satrap had under him. 2 We con- may others. formations Saka and Bactrian this was the the to more several empire. the into far maintained was night by and. the satrap of Bactria. although resistance it took and Eastern from Iran. thence by the route across what is now Afghanistan these of none places exceptposKandahar and Kabul . that Alexander was ready It was not until the spring of 327 B. for a reference to the source of Arachosia iii. jecture that these is all. Hamadan Darius fled to Agbatana fought with great courage.C. 'the Indian Highlanders Paktues.C. so-called'. that but others mentioned by Herodotus. him first to Babylon.. Aparutai and included Gandarioi. Darius Codomannus.though to cross the Hindu Kush founded sibly the last. of modern Meshed. battle was a stiff one and the Persian nobility The conqueror. had then been and reach as far TurHstan into Bactria. when at Gaugamela near Arbela of armies the Mosul modern Erbil in the vicinity of the overthrown -were by the last Achaemenid. among into the Indus Valley. the modern Afghan - These marchbeen under- as the Jaxartes (the Syr Darya) beyond Samarkand. who had murdered to Great Kings at Damghan* and attempted representative of the taken first 43 . The intervening those astonishing marches which took in spent then across Persia in Susa and to lead his armies down four years were PersepoHs. But Tathans and hillmen from all the range of the Hindu set in the realm of construcunfortunately this is a statement to be that Arrian's in Arrian (Anabasis tive imagination. Sir David Hogarth implies The includes list of the Persian array at Gaugamela Kush'. the old historians as having ings are represented by and then to track in pursuit of the fugitive Darius the last down Bessus. and pursuit of Darius to the neighbourhood via Farah. Alexander pacify years 1 decisive battle and the war was over.

or the reaction to. while it succeeded in bequeathing to Alexander's sucan empire' over the Seleucid Diadochi cessors in Asia not endure more did which lasted and 150 years. They point to their Grecian features. such memories as there remained of Persia were not of Alexander but of the long period of Iranian rule under the Achaemenids.. ing year was less than twelve months. When he crossed the great river. which finally drove Seleucus out set himself up as de facto ruler But in of the North-West Frontier region in 305 B. The Afridis. It is often said tribe. Chandragupta and Asoka. and its power did not extend to Gandhara until The total duration of Alexander's own the Frontier the time he left Bactria in the early on from stay summer of 327 B. The later Graeco-Bactrian Kingdom. and when that Indian power established its rule in and around Gandhara.C. They had had before them for two centuries the stately fabric of the Persian monarchy. to his crossing of the Indus early in the follow150 years after his death. and it was that empire which impressed their imagination and served as a model for their institutions. and only indirectly as a spreader of Greek thought and culture. and indeed many a young Afridi might . for instance. now upon the Frontier that such-and-such a or even family. was not his foundation. 4 In his impact on Gandhara it is as a raider on the grand scale. claims Grecian or Macedonian blood inherited from Alexander or his soldiers. His on as far as the Beas and then sail down the was a one-way passage through Gandhara. and founding cities according to his set policy to that end. during the whole of which time he was engaged either in reducing fortresses or fighting his way forward. he passes out of our picture. under which Hellenic influences did reach the Indus.C. Syria Babylonia than a few decades on the Persian plateau. was in no way the result of. But this policy. His officers were driven out of the country on the Indus by the Mauryas after a few years. that Alexander must be seen. Alexander's splendid but transitory raid. have their tradition of an admixture of Greek blood. he was to go rivers to the sea.THE PATHANS 44 of the eastern satrapies of the emAlexander was engaged in consolidating his reality pire. did not need Alex- ander's example to teach them what empire meant. Its monarchs. rule to the furthest eastern limits of the Persian Empire. The Maurya Empire of India itself. while in Gandhara and India Alexander's invasion had no immediate administrative consequences whatever.

our main authority. have been could that little later to these parts and to perreturn to was influence Hellenic some time under the Graeco-Bactrian kings. It is said that Alexander's army in deserters who mingled passage through this country left behind blood with that of the people of Tirah and the Khaibar. Antoninus Pius Arrian. But the fact is that there is no local written record. Macedonian was a bird of passage. and are part of the Yunani or Greek lore which so largely influenced Islamic literae humaniores. also laboriously reconstructed mainly from left the faintest of memories in the lands where Graeco-Bactrians of Alexander. not only among gravity of Zeus. It ruled. 175. Greek and Latin.THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER 45 stand as a model for Apollo. and himself made no peron events on the eastern frontier of what had been manent impact the Persian Empire. the very memory of Alexander's connection with Gandhara would have faded like a dream. inscriptional or other. He probably lived to circa the events A. whose strong classical profile and eagle eye recall the features of Alexander himself.r>. corpus of Greek and Latin learning the very existence of Alexander and his army had been long forof Eastern Iran and India through which he in those parts gotten the time he spent upon the Frontier passed. was a contemporary of the Roman and Marcus Aurelius. These Afridi and other traditions almost certhe body of western classical learning tainly have their origin in translated into Arabic in the days of the Abbasids of Baghdad. served as consul under the second. and no world-shaking names like that seems likely that traditions which could more reasonably be consist for nected with this subsequent Hellenism have invoked the great name of Alexander as soon as the Arab learning of Baghdad had But in truth in this region the given access to Greek history. the Muslim of came a part of the folk-lore such in available became ways. It was thus that the great deeds beAlexander of the Two Horns of Sikandar Zulqarnain the Until world. of Alexander's passage through country. indeed there is no contemporary or even near-contempoat all. Were it not for rary Asian reference to his Indian expedition its their Arrian and the other classical sources. And so short was left behind. There are young the Afridis. numismatic evidence. Indian or Achaethe menian. and emperors Hadrian. while the Afridi elder can display the Pathan warriors. That period. and was thus writing five hundred years after .

19) and of the Alexandrine astronomer Ptolemy (second century A. Alexander's general and successor in the east.). full of vivid strokes and careful descriptions of local topography. The great fabric of that empire had sifted the ore and refined the gold in its administrative system. his work is in other respects disappointing. Other authorities of much less value are Quintus Curtius Rufus.C. whom Seleucus. the bravery of Alexander and his captains and indeed of those against whom they fought. in good Latin but rhetorical. as noted. and Pluwho wrote a series of comparative lives in Greek both tarch.THE PATHANS 4-6 is recording. His Anabasis abounds in material relating to the crossing of mountains and rivers. Arrian is generally admitted to be a torian. It still remained in vast strength when Herodotus wrote.D. as might be expected from the accounts of a military expedition resulting in no permanent conquest or government. sent as ambassador to the Mauryan court. Herodotus was drawing on material accumulated during the best part of one hundred years of Persian Achaemenian rule.D. had failed to conquer Greece. Alexander's 5 dynasty. In with Herodotus. the successor of Darius the Great. en- abling archaeologists to recapture the events described on the ground today. origins or languages of the peoples of the Frontier regions through which Alexander was passing. even though Xerxes. is military his- first class no doubt that his work is based on contemporary- now lost. the details of sieges and engagements. Herodotus wrote when memories were fresh. and of Megasthenes. It has little bearing on the composition. And. His accounts of the sieges and storm of such places as Bazira and Aornos are fine examples of military writing. But.(64 A. belonging to the first century of the Christian era. including the diaries of Ptolemy companion and founder of the Egyptian I. There are also a few geographical references in the works of Strabo B. and the reason is not this it is in strong contrast far to seek.. very unlike Herodotus who wrote only a generation after the culmination of his drama. There records. Arrian and Alexander's other chroniclers on the other hand not wrote only centuries after the event many distance might indeed have given them perspective but were describing a series of actions which took place during the anarchy which succeeded the Achaemenian . Arrian's Anabasis he (ex- pedition) is in Greek.

we are bound to follow him on his passage through it. It will be easiest to start with a short summary of Arrian's ac6 count. in Gandhara and India at least. including the Parsyetae. (I have given reasons why or Tajiks.) 8 Thence Alexander proand called by Ptolemy the Coa ceeded to the River Cophen to a place named Nicaea. merely wrote up the campaign of the world's greatest soldier. Alexander led his army from Bactria across the Hindu Kush to the Alexandria he had founded two years earlier in the land of the Parapamisidae. must be somewhere Laghman or in the plain now known as that of Jalalabad. directing them to meet him where it was most con- Having reached Nicaea and . Yet. contrived to bring the whole known world into his story.C. he a herald to Taxiles. the Victorious. quoting the actual words in translation. and Nicaea. fifteen miles from Kapisa or Bagram 7 in the Kuh-i-Daman north of Kabul. may afford some insight into our study of origins. balanced and vivid though he is. 47 were not destined to have a lasting effect. It is even possible that the conqueror's routes. Moreover Herodotus.) was past. as Rawlinson points out. The researches of Herodotus into mat- ters relating to the eastern confines something like the files and records of the Persian Empire reflect of the Achaemenian imperial machine. and to the chiefs on this side of the dispatched River Indus. The additions made by Strabo and Ptolemy are mainly geographical in scope and add little to the story. glancing at the beginnings of States and Empires. whom. The Cophen is clearly Pashtuns. When the spring (of 327 B. though unidentifiable. seems to me more probable. This Alexandria is now identified with Jabal Suraj. Morgenstierne is inclined to connect with the we have a connection with Farsiwans. since the world's greatest captain before Chingiz Khan traversed the North-West Frontier. or Ningrahar. where these seem relevant. those of Arrian the intelligence diaries of a campaign undertaken in a period of downfall of empire and consequent revolution. the Kabul River above its passage through the Khaibar hills. called by him ParopaniPtolemy tells us the Parapamisidae sidae as consisted of five tribes. seen.THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER collapse and. either in Arrian then proceeds: sacrificed to the goddess Athena. and the place and tribal names mentioned. and exhibiting before our eyes a panoramic view of history: Arrian.

or Gandhara. Saka and Kushan civilizations. of course. 'The land of Peucelaotis' is there- We hear nothing from fore the Peshawar plain. In this account Taxiles. They were accompanied on their march by Taxiles and the other chiefs. later of archaeological research.. ruler of the Panjab proper. where he overstepped the eastern boundary of the Persian Empire. is the ruler of Taxila. Cleitus. satrap of the land of Peucelaotis. He ordered them either to seize by force whatever places lay on their route or to accept their submission if they capitulated. just as first Paskapuros (Peshawar) therefore that in the and subsequently Peucelaotis (Charsadda) had been the chief city of the satrapy of Gandhara or Paktuike. and when they came to the Indus to make whatever preparations were necessary for the transport of the army across that river. however. There has been no systematic excavation on the Charsadda site. Alexander was not the first or the last to be made to realize that . half the companion cavalry and the whole of the mercenary cavalry. to the land of Peucelaotis and the River Indus.THE PATHANS 48 He then divided his army and despatched and with the brigades of Gorgias. but numerous casual finds of Indo-Greek coins and fascinating sculpture-reliefs of Roman-Alexandrine 10 artistry attest that it later became the centre of Western influence in the Gandhara region. eighteen identical with the Prakrit miles north-east of Peshawar. and on reaching the Indus they began to carry out the instructions they had received. and the site five miles east of. fixed since the time of General Cunningham as the immense mound in the neighbourhood of Charsadda and Prang. One of the chiefs. and we may conclude two hundred years that passed between the time of Scylax and that of Alexander. 9 Perdiccas Hephaestion and Meleager. The fact that Alexander so readily obtained the submission of the ruler of Taxila demonQuintus Curtius gives us his proper name as Omphis strates that as the successor of Darius Codomannus he was held to be entitled to the loyalty of the Achaemenian Indian satrapy. that he met with determined resistance from Porus. revolted but perished in the attempt.. famous as the seat of Graeco-Bactrian. thirty- and beyond the Indus. It seems probable that Taxila had been the capital of the Achaemenian satrapy of India. Arrian of any Paskapuros or similar name. venient for each. Peucelaotis is universally accepted as form Pukkalaoti of the Sanskrit Pushkalavati. it was not until he reached the Jihlam River. Charsadda had superseded Peshawar as the capital of Gandhara. Astes. .

or even the most well have direct. 11 Ningrahar into the Peshawar plain was through but there is nothing in the texts to establish this assumption in any absolute manner. with unbridged rivers. . It remains to consider Alexander's own route. a river called the Choes. . We Peshawar. . The route which he followed was hilly and rugged . and entered the Doaba dose to Shabqadr. much traffic followed one or other of these routes. It has been normal practice to assert that Hephaestion's route from Nicaea in the Khaibar pass. and that the Khaibar is the only passage from to it is wrong suppose the west into the Peshawar plain. it would be possible to fix with some certainty on the Khaibar route as that taken by It is also a matter of Hephaestion. between the places named. Hephaestion may crossed the Kabul River in the neighbourhood of Kama or Lalwith the Kunar and before it pura. either on Mohmands now dwell. which he had lay along the course of advanced to the river Euaspla . but no such reference exists. Or he may have followed the river as the north bank where the Tarakzai closely as possible. the Khaibar route would have been the easiest. but a point near ancient Taxila where the modern road and railway run through the Margalla pass. I give here a translation of the relevant portions of Arrian's text: 12 Alexander took command in person of the other division of the and advanced into the country of the Aspasii and Guraei army and Assaceni.. above or below its junction enters the gorges north of the Khaibar. or on the south bank through the Shilman the Tahtarra peak. home. . All that we know is that Alexander's flanksomewhere near a guard under this general marched from place have no place-names to connect with Jalalabad to Charsadda. in [later] he crossing difficulty was . or coming. Peucelaotis and Taxila are the only two places in Arrian's account which can easily be fixed upon a modern map. Before the Khaibar road valleys at the back of was built. He would then have come down into the Peshawar plain by the Karappa and Gandab route through what is now Mohmand country. or even the River Indus. Aspasii . . If Peshawar had been mentioned. Pathans still recognize when they pass it that they are leaving.THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER 49 the real limit of the Iranian region is not the Khaibar pass. [and after operations] then where the chief of the and . some doubt whether in Alexander's time.

as it stood on a very lofty eminence and was strongly fortified in every quarter. and came to a city at their base named Arigaion. after which] Alexander took the city by storm and captured the mother and daughter of Assacenus. seized . where he found the inhabitants had burned the place and to occupy a very advantageous flight. . who had now finished taken to site. we should be how the route taken by Alexander lay with reference to in doubt that of Hephaestion. with an ardent desire to capture this mountain also . As this city seemed he commanded Craterus to fortify it strongly [and after further battles in which he defeated the Aspasii] he marched thence to invade the country of the Assaceni. . He passed through the country of he had to cross the Guraeus. were not for a passage in Strabo (XV. . [A long description of the siege fol- lows. rejoining him with the hoplites and the Guraei. When the inhabitants of Bazira heard that . where they began preparing a bridge to span it in accordance with Alexander's orders. But Strabo makes it clear for ns that Alexander took the northern route on hearing that it was more fertile. If it . As regards Coenus matters did not go well for him at Bazira. the people trusted to the strength of their Alexander direcposition and made no proposals for surrender. He also sent Attalus. of fortifying Arigaion. Ora. which he captured at the first assault. He then marched to the Rock of Aornos.. instructing them to draw a rampart round it and to invest it against habitants his own arrival. Alexander then marched first to attack Massaga which was the greatest city in those parts. Alcetas and Demetrius to another city... convinced that the in- would capitulate on learning that Massaga had fallen. 697). and then occupied himself in reducing other small towns situated near the Indus. He then dispatched Coenus to Bazira. while that to the south was either waterless or . made Ora and Massaga strongholds for bridling the districts around them and same time strengthened the defences of Bazira. at the . .. where siege-engines.THE PATHANS JO crossed the mountains. for. Alexander then first marched towards that river and received the submission of Peucelaotis. Alexander. the river giving the name to that the work country. From Arrian's account as it stands it would be equally possible to select a route for the conqueror over the Sufed Koh and down into Kohat. . Meanwhile the division under Hephaestion had marched on to the Indus. for that is even more "hilly and rugged' than the routes to the north. Craterus. . Ora had fallen they re- garded their case as desperate and at dead of night fled from their city to the Rock in that land named Aornos. ted his march first to Ora.

a knowledge of topography makes his general route clear enough. and the Choes would then be the Alishang and the Euaspla the Kunar. but he gives no clear topographical detail in this case whereby a certain recognition can be made. which shows that he did not descend into the Peshawar plain until after reducing the hill fortresses of Arigaion. The Guraeus is the Panjkora. and thinking that the rivers would be 5! easier to cross towards their sources. which appears as the Gauri in the Sanskrit of the sixth book of the Mahabharata. This. and so cross the Katgala pass into Adinzai and arrive on the banks of the Swat River at Chakdarra. Bazira and Ora. There is nothing to show by which route he left Swat to reach the Peshawar plain. and we have still to determine the location of Massaga. Bazira and Ora. held by the British and by the Mughals before them. in that order. An obvious tactical centre in this region. Arigaion would then be Nawagai in Bajaur. Given this certainty. from a sudden discovery while no local record or remains of those far-off accounts rendered by events. commanding the Bajaur After valleys. saying only it should that. it is still memory possible from the tactical be somewhere in Lower Swat. In so doing we can see again the heavy-armed hoplites of Alexander's phalanx and almost hear the headlong rush of his cavalry carrying his standard up the broad and beautiful valley of Swat.THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER liable to flood. The rivers he crossed were the Choes. and given also the whole trend of the account. I think. Between the Euaspla and the Guraeus was a mountain divide. which is in fact c a very advantageous site'. which he did not fully investigate. This can only have been the Kunar Panjkora watershed where the Durand Line now runs. We know from Arrian's account that it was east of the Panjkora (the Guraeus). The stir and the thrill comes. the point where the presentday roads to Dir and Upper Swat diverge and on the bank of the . 13 Euaspla and Guraeus. and the fixing of the site of Aornos. is the theme of some 14 fascinating explorations undertaken in 1926 by Aurel Stein. Massaga. Stein makes no attempt to locate Massaga. crossing the Panjkora Alexander would necessarily take the route through Talash in order to avoid the lower Panjsituated in kora and Swat gorges. is Chakdarra. Arrian and the others to recognize on the ground today some of the actual strongholds which fell to the arms of the Macedonian.

15 and a 3 Wuch Khwar. Katgala pass between the valleys of Talash the present road to on Chakdarra of north miles eight Here. of the about Dir. the Ruins' there is the map. nature. rocks. or shrine. an east scribes the site as 'barred on the impetuous mountain by the south and west to while stream with steep banks on both sides. corresponding to Curtius description and forming a natural moat on the east. it is certain that Arrian would have mentioned its location on the bank of a great as we have of smoothly-running river. Such topographical details it calls who Mazaga and deMassaga are to be found in Curtius. eighteen centuries later. Like Charsadda.THE PATHANS 52 Swat River. came this way. at the base of which lay sloughs and yawning Sketch illustrating probable site of MASSAGA >f Scale approximately l tol mile This description answers very closely to the topography and Adinzai. is a circumvallation of hills. But had Massaga been at this point. these ruins have never been subjected to sys- . as if designing to chasms'. There is no doubt that both Alexander and Babur. just below the pass. There are also many deep e ravines. also here the Ziyarat. and to command the rich surrounding corn-lands of Talash and Adinzai. surrounded by is sited to a clump of large trees. had a form piled up gigantic rampart. The place bar the only west-east road practicable for admirably armies through these hills. As in most striking spots in these regions. of a Muslim saint named on Mujawar Baba. and piles of ruins of ancient buildings marked Buddhist stream.

is blood: 16 shed. There is a further feature on the ground which helps to identify have said. abated to prosecute the continued with energy un- work on hand. The the defence as hopeless. But when the injured limb was hanging without support. as the sketch shows. without so much as having his wound bandaged. now sometimes known as Barikot. my friends. count of this siege lacks topographical detail. oba her child. wards gave birth to a son who received the name of Alexander whoever his father may have been/ Bazira has been most convincingly identified by Stein with in middle Swat. While. he mentions a little hill at some distance from the camp." immortals the blessed which ' The other incident is best told in Curtius' own words. and. Alexander. This being sent down envoys granted. rather to the charms of her accorded was treatment indulgent At all events she afterperson than to pity for her misfortunes. the queen came with a great train of noble ladies who bowls. is to be seen on the ground east of the pass and close to the road. they to the king to sue for pardon. It fits the description. to be him proclaimed Alexander looked up to his surgeons on the Katgala pass and it is not the ichor quoted Homer: "This. for she was styled queen. 'giving up into the citadel whence. and the gradual cooling. was wounded by an arrow Arrian says in the ankle. son. 'When in the leg the barb was extracted. while superintending the erection of a mole to fill one of the ravines. Arrian's acthe Katgala site with Massaga. a man. situaBirkot. aggravated the pain.THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER tematic digging. having placed tained not only pardon but permission to retain her former digand some have believed that this nity. but there is 53 every hope that they would yield a rich harvest. main valley to cross the leaves ted at the point where a branch road . onto which Alexander withas I drew his men as a feint. the son of Jupiter. The queen herpoured out libations of wine in golden at Alexander's knees. he called for his horse. self. And then. as the blood dried. smiling magnificently. as nothing but surrender was open. Before leaving Massaga I must record two details which bring the whole scene to life. An isolated small hill. Curtius in the calf. withdrew people of Massaga. he is reported to have said that this wound though he was called. as all knew.

-j:ervincingly the phonetic transference of Bazira to Bir mination -kot being a very usual and later addition meaning a castle or fortified place and applied to innumerable villages in these parts. or Beira. If Alexander did not intend to march this way. The transition to Bir is an obvious one. where he accepted the surrender of Peucelaotis (Charsadda) and proceeded to secure his position on the Indus crossings before attempting to reduce Aornos. the Shahkot. can be derived from Ora or Ura with a cerebral r. as Stein points out. drai Mughal army sought to take in 1 5 86 and. and is again marked by a saint's shrine and thick groves of trees. Stein also stresses c the. having gone up Swat as far as Birkot. met with disaster. less capably commanded. This is the route which the into Buner. Arrian's description of Bazira as a high mountain citied to the most contop' exactly suits the Birkot hill. he would have turned south from there and crossed the Karakar it whence he would issue into the plain by the Malanand Ambela passes. Here there are extensive ruins crowning an acropolis at the most strategic point in the middle valley. there would have been little point in capturing Birkot. After reducing Ora Alexander left garrisons and himself went off to join Hephaestion in the Peshawar plain. The site he selects is situated on the ridge which separates the main valley from the side valley of Saidu. Baira. is commonly used to denote the palatal half-vowel j which does not exist in Greek. How did he reach the plains from Birkot (Bazira) Stein identifies situated well up the Swat Valley? We have no hint at all in the sources. It is just above a favourite shooting-ground of the Swat rulers and has natural advantages as a strongpoint. He may of course have retraced his steps down the valley and crossed into the plain either by the Malakand or by one or more of the lesser passes. one or both. Ora with a place now called Raja Gira's castle above the village of Udegram. The Greek ^eta. says Stein. 17 But seems more probable that. Charat and Morah. and he points out that Beira is the name given by Curtius to this stronghold. the same as gaon in modern Hindi. and Ude with a cerebral d.THE PATHANS 54 the Karakar pass into Buner. the im- . Bazira therefore represents Bayira. a few miles higher up the Swat valley above Birkot. I do not myself feel that this identification can be accepted as final. The termination -gram is merely a common Prakrit form for a village. a little further to the east.

already referred to. possibly close to Daggar.THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER portance of which lies in the fact that it 55 commands this route. From what has been said it is clear that the Aspasii lived on both sides of the divide which now carries the Durand Line. Clearly we have name of this he was aware of its etymological here something both horsy and Iranian. and not in Swat. his ancestors decided to assimilate an old word to the scriptures. 18 though now included in Swat side site edge State. topographical and phonetic. with the advent of Islam. and the Assaceni whose territory Massaga. of Ora in For these reasons. of the Buner in valleys. are extraordinarily convincing. the Aspasii. tribe into Hippasii proves that signification. To the identity of the Aspasii there Strabo. with the result that Asap or Isap became Yusuf (Joseph). to him that. who horse is is an interesting clue in them Hippasii. complex point Stein's most fascinating work in this region is his identification of the Rock of Aornos with a place still called Urna or Unra (with a cerebral nr) on the Pirsar spur high up the Indus right bank. Here it need only be said that the Pirsar Rock is on the very outof Pathan country. Stein's work establishes firmly the extraordinary accuracy of Arrian's military descriptions of country. one of the Khans of Hoti. . There remain the names of the tribes. aspa calls aspa. we should look for the the strategic Buner. Now the Avestan Persian for a the modern Persian asb and the Pakhtu as. My interhimself as Yusufzai. the Guraei in what is now Lower Dir on the Panjkora. whom Alexander overcame in the country between Kunar and Swat. but as Isapzai or added that it seemed probable locutor. Bazira and Ora were situated Talash and the Swat Valley. I think. the Guraei and the Assaceni. The grounds on which he bases his identification. but must be read in his own words. 9 The fact that Strabo translated the (horse. The Guraei suggest no affinities other than the mention of in in their river in the Sanskrit epic. In the course of recent discussions on the origins of Yusufzais to Arrian's it was remarked to me. above the side valleys of Kana and Ghorband. without any reference whatever refers to never tribal names. it does little to embroider the story of the Pathans. both in Kunar and in Bajaur. that the ordinary Yusufzai villager even Asapzai. mare).

As we would expect at that time. leading directly to the Greek transcription 'Aao-aKijvot. Aspasii.. The Aspasii. but it is attractive to see equation p for/. just as the Yusufzai do today. so the Astribe. do with something The Assaceni of Swat. in the Aspasii of Arrian and the Hippasii of Strabo the prototype of the Isapzai of today. took over from the The fact also that the Yusufeais coming hold tenaciously to the hard significance. talked a hard variant of Iranian tongue. possibly on the Guraeus or Panjkora River. saceni. Later records establish that the inhabitants of Swat and the regions east of Panjkora had Indian affinities until the time of the Pathan oc20 cupation in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. the fact that the Aspasii in Alexander's time lived in the Kunar and Bajaur valneed not unleys. Nor is it without interest and the river on which they dwelt should have the Iranian word for a horse. The Sanskrit Asvaka would become Assaka in Prakrit.THE PATHANS 56 Long years in court spent listening to Yusufzai witnesses conanother instance of the Afridi's firm this phonetic transference cannot be The proved. The intrusions of Greek and Latin writers onto the NorthWest Frontier are now at an end. have a name derived from chivalry. the dividing line between Iran and India would have been somewhere between the Kunar and the Swat Rivers. The establishment of the seventh that both the tribe to satrapy of Darius the Great (late sixth century B.) and the famous raid of Alexander (late fourth century B. for just as the a Persian in lived Kunar and Bajaur. an Indian tribe.) took place many hundreds of years before any evidence appears of the emer- . As will appear later. further to the west than the Yusufzais today.C. The Sanskrit word for a horse is asva. In the last chapter we that the alternative names of the river form of Pakhtu may have some have used the argument 19 identified with the Kunar Euaspla or Choaspes helps to the hard establish that a form of Iranian tongue using pronunciation was current in Kunar as long ago as the time of Aristotle and Alexander. states that the tribe tradition the Even Yusufizai us. and a tribe named the Asvaka is mentioned in the Mahabharata as the barbarous denizens of the far north.C. direction of Kabul. So here we have Indian in place of Persian horses most suitable. duly upset its present territories in the fifteenth century. it seems. no less than the Aspasii of Kunar and Bajaur. dwelt in Talash and Swat.

when they do so. tribal names. Could one awake in Talash to Babur pass with their clatter of arms. see Alexander or men who. the answer is that in than on Hadrian's wall in Britain. dwelt upon the borders of Paktuike. .THE PASSING OF ALEXANDER 57 gence of Afghans. If we can follow in Scylax' which can real still and Alexander's wake to the Indus. place and let If there be those period names and who would deride the idea that traces may over so long a remain. I contend here that this kind of consideration by no means rules out far earlier evidence of the appellation Pakhtun. or the existence tribal names used in this locality 2. still these remote valleys.500 years ago. the waker. more than two thousand years ago. For Herodotus and Arrian are history. would find the men of the villages much as he knows them now. even more a thousand years pass as a dream. likely as not. traces of of be found today. carbine to and jezail to the bows and arrows of those most warlike jezail. Until only the other day it has been but the fashion of arms that changes. and it has been usual for the people of these parts not to look further back than the advent of Islam. like good Muslims to turn to the Hebrew scriptures. and still recognize the toponot us too dismiss evidence of similarity in readily graphy. or. Lee-Enfield going back to carbine. theirs were not dark ages.

a period during which the mastery over the frontier between India and Iran changed hands in a continual see-saw. and none are written with any design of tracing Pathan or Afghan origins as such .D. trend. and we shall see that and of city Paskapuros. and history becomes a laborious reconstruction. attempts have been made to look at this long era in the perspective of the Central Asian plains. 3 None later ages as Turkistan. Later.D. that is from the vast restricted to reconstructions either area is most compendiously known to the theme of McGovern. One such envoy was Megasthenes. The researches of the learned into all this confusion tend to be of early Indian history. the geographical names of Gandhara its The period of over one thousand years between Alexander's death and the beginnings of Islam in these parts is one of survive. in the fifth and seventh centuries interesting Chinese travellers. in which sometimes the Iranian power and sometimes the ruler of the Indus Valley many prevailed. 629-645) do something to lift the veil. or of the history of the western Iranian plateau. Vincent Smith 1 provides an example of the first. Seleucus' ambassador to the Maurya Court..C. 399-414) and Hiuen-Tsang (A. This of these writers focus on Gand- hara or the Frontier. while the name of Afghan does not clearly emerge until the Islamic era is almost with us. pieced together mainly from coins and inscriptions. on the documentary side supported only by occasional gleams shed by the fragmentary records that have come down to us in the works of envoys and geographers. and the geographers Strabo and Ptolemy have already been mentioned. invasions by swarm after swarm from the north. or even on Afghanistan. Recently. Fa-Hien (A.CHAPTER IV THE BIRTH OF PAKHTU the death of Alexander in 3 2 1 B. too.. For two thousand years the name of the Paktues disappears. Ghirshman 2 of the second. the bright lantern that for a short spell illumines the With North-West Frontier scene is put out.

). the River Oxus. Gandhara. were called Scyths. and is the Peshawar Valley. meaning probably gian' appears dwelt on the Amu Darya. they were of Iranian stock speaking as of Pakhtu and established language now held to be the ancestor eastern Iranian group and closer to the the to having belonged Iranian than to the Indian branch of the Indo-European language classification. however meagre the results. From time to time it probably included certain surrounding tracts to east and west. further west. that remarkable man has a shaft of light to He is speaking again of the contingents 5 Sakai. not possible to follow the shifts of empire across the borders of Iran and India without some knowledge of the classical It is names applied to those regions. it is appropriate. Problems of this kind face the enquirer into the Pathan story at every point. statistic I believe. he adds. the downfall of the we may the fact. 6 They will appear again. Like their cousins the a Parthians. In the very absence of rulers detailed tribal tions of mention or what was. peaked caps rising to a point and also an axe They carried the bow of their country and daggers. in which those Sakas who than more once. The position is very much that deplored by he wrote that in the Elphinstone in quite another context.^Arachosia and Kandahar. for the Persians called all Scyths sagaris. Herodotus' statement is borne out by the Achaemenian inscripthe appellation 'Amurtions. when formulation of Indian history it is only at the points where other nations come into contact with the Hindus that we are able to settle any details accurately. corresponds to Herodotus' Paktuike. as usual.THE BIRTH OF PAKHTU 59 through the ages. were called by that name. Drangiana is Siscorresponds roughly to Ghazni . Since the story which follows cannot be understood without mention of the Sakas. he says. The to Xerxes' really Amurgian They Sakai. before closing Herodotus to recall that.C. but shed even in this quarter. were clad in army (480 B. perhaps detect indicanamely that at no time after Achaemenian Empire was there a very administrative control over the tribal close groups inhabiting the pockets of these hills. both of Darius and Xerxes. we must apply ourselves 4 of the annals construct some sort of framework of dynastic who during this long period claimed to exercise authority over the North-West Frontier people. as we know. to Yet. trousers and had on their heads tall.

founder of the Maurya dynasty in 323 B. Bactria and Sogdiana was the country of the Sakas.C. North of Parthia. roughly the same as the valley of the Zarafshan. In Achaemenian times all these countries tan. attest both his faith and the tolerant humanity of his rule. with inscriptions at Taxila and in Lamghan. The Macedonian officers were driven out of India and Gandhara after a very few years. the Frontier region and beyond. south of the Oxus.C. and grandfather of Asoka (264-227 B. and his rock-edicts at Shahbazgarha near Mardan and above Mansehra. including some of the Sakas. show that the Buddhist influence radiating from India once captured much of what had . in an attempt to consolidate his power to the Indus resulted in his defeat at the hands of a newly-arisen power in India and a treaty by which in return for a gift of 500 elephants he surrendered not only Gandhara. and all. north of the Hindu Kush were inhabited by Iranian peoples. in Greek Sandrakottos. probably as far as Lamghan in the upper Kabul River Valley. That rival was Chandragupta. were subject to Achaemenian rule. though no doubt admitting Indian affinities also. with the result that almost the whole of the Asian portion of Darius empire which he had conquered fell to Seleucus. 7 As to the vernacular language at this time we have no positive information. which waters Samarqand and Bukhara. and an advance by Seleucus in person in 305 B.THE PATHANS 60 Gedrosia is the Baluch country south of and Aria is Herat Arachosia to the sea. Alexander's death resulted in a scramble for power between his generals.). Asoka was the great apostle of Buddhism. and Parthia lies west of Bactria towards the Caspian Sea.. No owing to proximity to India Huns or Turks had yet ap- peared upon the scene. East of Bactria is Sogdiana. but it to is difficult believe that a satrapy subject to the Achaemenians two hundred years did not speak dialects influenced by for nearly of Gandhara the Iranian group. but proved unable to hold the positions gained by Alexander on the eastern confines of the empire. 7 The Seleucid dynasty lasted in Syria and Babylon for over a century. and many traditions as far north as Bukhara. but Arachosia and Gedrosia to his Indian rival. speaking Iranian tongues. Bactria is the present Afghan province of Turkistan. The idols of Bamian in the recesses of the Hindu Kush.C. After Asoka the Maurya Empire broke up. But for about one hundred years the Mauryas ruled the Peshawar Valley.

if not are all. . and displaying even today something of the spirit and imagination of the pious men who planned and built them.THE BIRTH OF PAKHTU 6l been eastern Iran. some of the people adhering to the older Persian faith. political or other. the Seleucid envoy at the Maurya Court. the Samil the Buddhist Sraman. except that it is as impossible for a tribesman to change from one to the other as for an Oxford The people cannot or Cambridge man to athletic contest. Megasthenes. and then the tribes themselves the Maurya to the Buddhist inscriptions tell us no word. like diplomats after him. hillocks of the Pesha- enjoying in every case a prospect wide and diversified. According to this interpretation the Gar faction remembers the Magian Gabr of the Persians. Even if its administrative writ did not run within their mountain fastnesses. But the Asoka inscriptions tell us little or nothing of the ways or the affinities of the people of the borderland over whom Asoka ruled. The ruins of Buddhist monasteries war Valley occupy the most delicious on the sites. known much to be of later date than Asoka. But it must be remembered that for a whole century these tribes were within the confines of an Indian empire. that of Zoroaster. explain the origin of a cleavage which now has small significance. and others to the Buddhist Vehicle spread by the missionary effort of Asoka and later dynasties. Many. that age passed like a vision and left no memory. it symbolizes an actual contest that must have taken place in a country like Gandhara. was too involved in the round of the capital to place an ear to the ground in the Frontier provinces. subjected for centuries first to rulers professing the religion of Vehicle. and not with the Mauryas and Graeco-Macedonian influence. Yet it was Asoka who was the first great temporal interpreter of the Buddhist way. Some hold that the only reflection of those times left to the Pathans today is the division of the Karlanri tribes into two factions known as Gar and Samil. Of Ahuramazda and Ahriman. and the Gandhara school of sculptural embellishment is now believed to be contemporary with the Kushans and Rome. The sport the blue on the occasion of an said to be expressive of a pre- wrong distinction is Islamic religious affiliation. And. But in some strange manner the atmosphere was too rarified for the people of these parts. 8 Whatever the truth of this provocative thought. and it is to him that the Buddhist era in the north owed its inspiration.

) and the estabEmpire shortly after the death lishment of the Kushan Empire of the Indo-Scythians. About 250 B. establishing their power on Bactria to its conquered Maurya Empire at Taxila. But Eucratides in his turn was forced out of Gandhara by Menander who.C. succeeded to the Bactrian power in northern India which.THE PATHANS 62 an Indian the inhabitants of the plains quite definitely adopted The intimes. overlaying that learned wide borrowclusion in Pakhtu. The by brilliantly The story. while Asoka was still alive. the Bactrians invaded and Gandhara and the Punjab.C. were able to establish Bactrian independence reduce Great to the Antiochus efforts determined of in the face by Seleucid allegiance in 206 B. There followed a Seleucid-inspired attempt to regain control of the eastern marches under a prince named Eucratides.c. later extended to most of northern India. To underthe dominance of a . the Sakas. 75 During that period the Graeco-Bactrians. establishment of an independent Bactrian kingdom. who defeated and slew Demetrius and for a time occupied Gandhara as far as the Indus. thus by a shifting of the scale restoring the Frontier regions to who came from Central Asia. was the result of a steady II. This internecine war between Greek and Greek led not only to the severance of Gandthe ruins of the .. drift to autonomy under the Seleucid satraps Diodotus I and 9 notable more is far William Sir told Tarn. probably about A.C. of the Bactrian satrapy. Round about 185 B. there occurred a double diminution of the Seleucid power. The second Diodotus and his son-in-law even Euthydemus. as general. people stand these shifts it is necessary to go back a few years before the had happened to the SeleuMaurya decadence and describe what cid power on the Iranian plateau. Achaernenian in culture. originally Demetrius' army commander. between the fall of the Maurya Some three centuries elapsed of Asoka (227 B. as a part of the history of Hellenism under Alexander's successors than as a contribution to any record of what went on in the Gandhara region. a mainly Iranian language.. under Euthydemus' son. in the East a falling away and a revolt of the Parthians in the west.D. Demetrius. of traced to the be not unreasonably ings from the Indo-Aryan may influences that must have spread over Gandpowerful cultural hara in the time of Chandragupta and Asoka. and an Indo-Parthian dynasty ruled successively in Gandhara. he had done the most to create.

memory reaching endured for a century on the Peshawar plain. Nevertheless these rulers. as it later enabled Pathans and British in not dissimilar surroundings. by the fact that Greek or Macedonian soldiers were needed to guard the marches against the Saka nomads. But continued to speak the Hellenized upper classes. mass of Gandhara According to the latest authorities the great the at this to all. Even so. according to Tarn. It is reasonably certain that under the Graeco-Bactrians the population of all this area was Iranian and East Iranian Bactrian or Sogdian dialects. but was fatal to any ultimate hope of establishand ing a lasting Hellenic civilization in what is now Afghanistan the Indus Valley region. left some of the finest a tradition in art coinage ever struck and. Except for a very tenacious script. a splendid cointhere is little to catch hold of. had managed to impart a Grecian veneer to the country by the occupation of the higher posts. Whatever the reason. But proof there is none. might we say. torn apart by the of Greek from inspiration. that of the Sakas advancing both up the Indus from the direction of Baluchistan and from the north. It is probable that the remoteness of this advanced Greek post was one factor which enabled Iranians and Greeks. The Graeco-Bactrians ruled in Gandhara for about a century fratricidal jealousies in(185-90 B.C. age. traditions to this time ascribed be Afridis claiming a Greek ancestry must rather than to the brief months of Alexander's passage. but to that of period sculpture does not belong from Taxila. and by the planning of cities on a Hellenic model. the Greek element in the Bactrian culture was transmitted to Gandhara. Attempts have often been made to see in the appearance or the tradition of the Pathan some far-off back to this Hellenic civilization which or debt. a British veneer has been left on Peshawar today. and a few sculptural relics. the remnants of Alexander's colonists or those influenced by them. their kingsystems political separable Vehicle dom disintegrated into a group of petty States ruled by princelings and was unable to stand up against a fresh deluge. its power radiating such as that of the already suggested.THE BIRTH OF PAKHTU 63 hara from Bactria. to establish an understanding which frontier should stand the test of time.) until. As . which in the later Gandhara sculptures typifies the change from the Lesser to the Greater to Mahayana Buddism Hinayana by the representation of the Buddha as a god. with capital first at Taxila and later at Sakala (Sialkot).

But movement of . In western story they are even the not the last comers. resisted all shoulders their over shooting of Rome. is now held not to be the artistic trace remains is rulers.C. they were hardy Iranians of Scythic the Caspian between the in akin to the Sakas. and of the Sakas into Gandhara. and really Scythians closely allied to the the Graeco-Bactrians and overdefeated subsequently ran Gandhara. were who Iranian origin. but the Parni were nomads from further north. as they rode away. Western of culture the elements in occasion in history on which Persia has taken captivity aided by the famous horse-bowmen captive.C. and located steppes Their stands. that of the Parthians into Persia. gave his name to the Arsacid dynasty ruled Persia until overthrown by the Sassanians in the third centhat long period the Hellenic tury of the Christian era. legionaries defeat they inflicted on chiefly redoubtable for the overwhelming the triumvir Crassus. Both advances.C. rule over Persia. Unlike the Bactrians the Parthians had no Grecian veneer of nomadic stock. little which passed this way in later centuries. But before examining the Saka credentials it is necessary to go back to the second revolt that of the Parthians in 249 B. finally established after some fifty years' warfare. culture. The point to grasp is that in both cases they were nomads conquering a sedentary people and of much the same though of Iranian Sakas stock. were part of a vast southern Scythic tribes which both in Persia and in Bactria the Hellenism which under the Seleucids and the an end to put Graeco-Bactrians had been imposed upon the Iranian world. The leadership was in the hands of a Parthian clan of the Parni tribe. During Iran were gradually absorbed. 11 The Graeco-Bactrian Kingdom of Taxila and Sakala gave way to a Saka invasion which started circa 97 B. The Arsacid dynasty. the chief of which which.THE PATHANS 64 Kushans two 10 It centuries later. expression of Graeco-Bactrian rule in this region Bactrian to be ascribed partly to the fact that Greek a with top-dressing was in essence Iranian in inspiration effect of the many invasions to the and That shattering partly only. now Turkmenistan where Soviet and Aral Seas. The Achaemenian province of Parthia was roughly conterminous with the modern Persian Khurasan. against Alexander's Successors. that is the province of Meshed. was destined to endure for nearly five centuries. killed and his army annihilated at the battle of Carrhaein 12 53 B. Arsakes.

such as might have been the precursor of the language of the in his Linguistic or Pakhtu Pathans. another stone will have been laid in our foundations. can be related to the eastern Avesta. spread his gospel from Sogdiana and the modern Persian eastern part of the Iranian world.D. a Latin writer of date uncertain but possibly the late second century A. so descended group Pakhtu. It so came about that the Parthians were ready to resist Saka incursions in the direction its of Persia. is the most obvious symbol today of Pathan identity and the measure of Pathan pride. which accord- first probably a Saka dialect introduced further with dynastic annals let us examine the grounds of this theory. for instance the form of Iranian tongue which they spoke had elements in common with that of the nomadic Parthian tribes. but affirms that its parentage is the Avesta with its so-called Zend commentaries. and a mix-up of both. Just as is the principal example of the western Iranian from the old Persian of the Achaemenians.THE BIRTH OF PAKHTU 65 the Parthian invasion of Persia took place more than a century earlier than that of the Sakas further east. effect. it was a precursor. overran Bactria and It is the to this period of history that we are told we must assign beginnings of the language of the Pathans. This language. He admits that it has borrowed extensively from north-western India. describing the Parthian language as half way between Median and Scythian. There is a passage in Justin. holds it to be conclusively proved that this language belongs to the eastern group of the Iranian family. If it can be shown with some degree of probability that its prototype came in with the Sakas.. 14 This is not a bad description of a rough Iranian tongue. whether Pakhtu or Pashtu. Grierson. Throughout they remained closely linked politically and culturally with the Parthians. quoting Darmesteter. and did so with In the result the Sakas were moved thence some towards Gandhara and some towards Sind. and leaders had already embraced the Persian civilization by the time the Sakas moved on the settled lands. according to Grier- ' . forced south-eastward. The Avesta and the Zend are the Zoroastrian scriptures. This. together with Baluchi and various Pamir languages. In the article on Pashtu ing to the latest authorities is from the north. a prophet of disputed date but to have folcertainly before the later Achaemenians who seem lowed his teaching. 13 Before proceeding Survey of India. Zoroaster.

All these names are transparently Iranian. darna^ leader. husband). cutting across that line of division. Pashtu. Ahurama^da)\ spirit. Of these borrowhe gives important examples to which ings. father ctidan. spala chastana . god. And. is better acMorgenstierne. I have dah. mainly morphological. which however has borrowed freely from the Indo-Aryan group. (cf. A few common words will serve to illustrate the point: Persian pidar. he In in his study. Examples are. another which encircles (most significantly) all the Karlanri tribes. Latin dominus)\ cf. but it is not is son. probably more closely. c he refers to the two striking isothe first the separation of the hard and soft variants of 15 and the second. is Pakhtu. This is the change of ~a into broad 0. to see Pakhtu pilar ' doram. In a number of these will be observed the feature of / for dy a sign-manual of the Pakhtu and Pashtu language. have written who than field in the any quainted with the Pathans tent burns as his in candle The with authority on their language. the most up-to-date authority. master. or origin. = tsakhtan Pakhtu Pashtu chashtan. of ~b into o or *. says. and a number of titles and technical terms are to be found in Kharoshthi inscriptions. As such. and of u into L We have to see how all this bears on the Sakas. One of the most obvious and regular phonetic changes to be observed in relating in the Persian and Pakhtu is to be seen in the Persian d cognates which becomes the Pakhtu /.THE PATHANS 66 the undoubted ancestry of the Pakhtu and the Pashtu. hand diwaneh. the language. spalagadama (spada = 2iicmy. lastly.. ten tidal laram las lur dukhtar.. it is both possible to define its relationship in origin and structure an Iranian language. and of the eastern group. ga diminutive. hum (spada~Ktmy> ahum cf. I shall return. glotts'. daughter dost. He adduces a number of examples of sound changes enables a comparison of Pashtu and Persian of which a knowledge words to be made. clearly as the lamp the from a Saka dialect north. las mad lewanay Now the names of the Saka rulers of Gandhara are known from coins.

but continue into the later period of the Kushans. from the horsemen the of the that irrupting tongues possible north may have been trained and twisted to adopt the language which they found in and around Gandhara. But it is entered not to be forgotten that the Saka nomadic invaders a Gandhara which had already for the better part of upon by the Achaemenians. It is therefore not surprising to find two centuries been Iranized many elements of Indian influence deep in the roots of the language are the spoken by the Pathans today. but it had been alternately pressed by forces from opposite sides. These plains had already for centuries been dominated by great empires. the presence of an Indian feature. it has been argued that there may well be earlier Iranian influences in its root-stock. but also mountain recesses. and it is not imown of their tenacious have been linguistic habit. perhaps most two genders. even if they were not themselves Sakas. and the conquerors had by hypothesis an eastern a too difficult been have not the effort should tongue themselves. who succeeded them in Gandhara. while Pakhtu and Pashtu owe much to the East Sakas. for a century had been Indianized by the Mauryas. As the conquered had been for centuries in an Iranian world subject to Indian inIranian fluences. The Kushans. had and inscriptions seems to establish many Saka subjects. on the borderland of Iran and India. 17 again significant of all.THE BIRTH OF PAKHTU It is also noteworthy that these east Iranian 67 names and titles are not limited to the Sakas. in common Both would phrase the purdah. while the hill tracts must even then have valued the protection. as it was to lie again. The most obvious of these so-called cerebral sounds. from Scythian coins at least one strain in the Pakhtu The bringing in of this comparative material language. and no tactical . such as Tirah and Waziristan. The fascinating problem of . and. It lay then. the syn- 18 phenomenon of the so-called agentive construction in in Indian languages past tenses. one. unknown in Iranian but appearing further caveat is worth while. On this showing. 16 not known to the Iranian group but a feature of Indian languages. the homes of civilized men. were nomad's talk brought into a region where there were not only wide and fertile plains. The Saka language. afforded by their natural isolation. Not only had great civilizations held sway in this land. and for another century Hellenized by the Graeco-Bactrkns. very difficult of access. A doubt the Kushan language also.

more of the syntax. Jacob. In logical change. thoughts of sun and moon heaven and earth. or from Persian itself. that all peoples who embraced Islam. Isa. linked to the Hebrew canon in the anglicized forms of Abraham. Joseph. in the second an adoption. Ishaq and so on. In a word interestingly. in the actual structure Pakhtu and Pashtu are perfect examples of a medial tongue. The fact is. In common with all other languages spoken by Muslims north of Arabia. a language which has strong features of both groups of the Indo-Iranian section. and not only the Pathans. Pakhtu has a large vocabulary taken from the Arabic through Persian. relatively to the peoples of the . John. Isaac. when it is solved. Yahya. with the Iranian predominating. It has nothing to do with the root-stock. and not to the top-hamper of abstract notions which came in with Islam. but. I mention this Persian and Arabic top-hamper here. Moses. It is part of the heritage of Islam and not peculiar to Pathans. just as French words. But that is a top-dressing. may provide further illumination this point. took over this set of names. night and day. numerals. 19 of In short. Musa. more obvious it becomes that it represents just what one the would expect from its geographical interposition between the Iranian and the Indian world. for the first on it much loose thought is sometimes based. The later words are borrowed as they are without undergoing etymois true that they are often pronounced in the manner favoured by Pathans. are pronounced and used in an English way. borrowed whole. Job. Ayub. Yusuf. These features are to be seen not only in the etymological relationship of words and derivatives. family and household reand stars. It 9 case we have cognates. What is said here must be read with reference only to the rootstock of the language. and easily comparable with the Latin and Greek components of English. Jesus (or Esau).THE PATHANS 68 Urmar origins. of course. the more closely the language of the Pathans is studied. Yaqub. may be A certain prevalence of prophets' names in Pathan usage explicable by the fact that. Serious argument has been advanced that these borrowings support the Bani Israel thesis. verbs. The distincdeux tion I seek to draw can be illustrated by comparing un trots with one two three and then sympatbie with sympathy. The top-hamper in Pakhtu extends to the adoption of scriptural personal names such as Ibrahim. lationships. paralleled for instance in Turkish.

and while both clearly belong to the same East Iranian group. but on the more general question I conclude that. with the Sakas at the latest we can begin to think of people in Gandhara talking a language from which the present Pathan language has come down. following the best authorities. The evidence is notoriously thin. So. affinity and the language of the Pathans. as we shall see. . The more recent convert is not seldom the most tenacious of tradition. there is something to be said for holding that the origins of Pakhtu-Pashtu go further back into an older Iranian past. their adoption of the Faith. 20 This conclusion draws strength from the existence in Pakhtu of a deeply-embedded Indo-Iranian element.THE BIRTH OF PAKHTU 69 Middle Sea and Persia. was considerably delayed. even as far as Achaemenian times. itself clearly of older than Saka origin. in so far as between the Saka good evidence of it is known to us. while there is dialect.

based upon an armoured cavalry force. and no leader emerged until Azes I in 5 8 B.D. Saka methods of war were indeed known much earlier than this. Azes I. where the GraecoBactrians had been before him. Maves established his capital at Taxila. diverted by their Parthian cousins from Iran. where all Alexander's prowess was needed to turn the fortunes of the day. Arrian describes how their shock tactics and 77 thrust towards the Panjab B. Tochi and Paiwar routes. are shown by numismatic study to have arrived in Gandhara at The the beginning of the first century B.C. standing for ajy. After his death there was an interval during which various Saka tribes contended for the mastery some twenty years. Azilises and Azes II %eta. and coins indicate also their entry onto the plains of what is now Pakistan by way of the Gumal. 2 Their presence in Arachosia as far north as Ghazni is attested by numerous coins. Some of them reached Gandhara from the south. 5 Coins show the names of four the Greek Saka rulers. The Saka irruption seems to have passed through the gap in the east-west ranges where Herat is situated to occupy the former Achaemenian satrapies of Dran1 giana and Arachosia. This contest between lesser men when the for great man dies demonstrates the tribal inability to co-ordinate effective action in the absence of a trusted leader. to the first of which they gave the name of Sakastan. first came to notice on the Persian side at Gaugamela. whose chief weapon was a long lance known to the Romans as the contus. Maves.C. The was led by Maves between 97 Their dramatic progress was no doubt aided by their pioneering of a new form of warfare. and Sind. as in Bazira. and to have ruled for about a hundred years up to A.C. KUSHANS Sakas. re-established authority and inaugurated the Saka era which begins in that year.CHAPTER V AND PERSIANS SAKAS. into which they had penetrated after their defeat at Parthian hands further west. coming up the Indus from the direction of Baluchistan . and has 70 many .

had a great repute as dashing Roman commenbeards. as men of and of a fair colour. It may generally results a is theirs that said be history peculiarly dependent on the course the and their of dates for the numismatic of kings effort. KUSHANS AND PERSIANS Jl Pathan history. The so-called Indo-Parthian Kingdom which for a short on the Frontier after the Sakas seventy years attained to power a shift of emphasis rather than a conquest. disa tinguished by a numerous silver coinage betokening long reign. 5 dynasty. is shown by . them as hairy men with heavy. We may well surmise that the Saka heritage in these parts is not confined to the linguistic. were of Central Asian assertion of Para meant accession their and only stronger stock. and Azes II. bushy like their Parthian cousins. it seems to have been carved a of ceremonies funeral King. 5 the thian dynasty of Ctesiphon had attained to the summit of its of its authority to the Indus at this power. a member of this tory chiefs. later parallels in were splendid horsemen and Greek vases represent warriors.SAKAS. The inscription on the Lion-capital from Mathura in India (now in the indicates their veneration for a leader in whom British Museum) in commemoration of the they trusted. By A. and is associated with the name of the Suren family. From Greek historians and Persian inscriptions we know that. 19 an inscription at Takht-i-Bahi 3 to be ruling family. like their Saka cousins. succeeded to power in this region. Azes I established a flourishing and powerful Kingdom. the Parthians. Arsacid Parpower from the west. For these represented nomadic Parthians. one of the Scythian clans. of the movements of their armies are deducible mainly from coin discoveries of different mints. and the extension was no doubt by a determination to re-establish thian period prompted Persian imperial rule to the furthest limits of the former Achaemenian dominion. new a when the coinage becoming debased about A. the Frontier region and north-western India illustrate both their panoply and their tactics as fighting men. This operation appears to have been conducted by the Sakistan (Sistan) route.D. The important part great stature and beauty Persian the which they played in army is clear from Herodotus and after their conquests in Sakisminted coins numerous Arrian and tan (Sistan). the mightiest of all the Arsacid feudaone Gondophares.D. By the year A. the Sakas A tator describes the Alanni. possibly Maves.D. Asilises He was succeeded by his son and grandson.

D. the Kushans.THE PATHANS 72 over Gandhara and the northern Panjab.D. for in 53 B. unused to shock tactics from heavy armed cavalry. The feudal lords furnished the heavy cavalry with iron armour. The new arm is described with the awe accorded in our day to the invention of armoured vehicles. they contributed to the Pathan make-up. give a fine account of scriptions of the battle of Carrhae on the horizon. It is worth noting too that the Suren family survived the fall of the Arsacid dynasty and the rise of the Sassanians of Persia under Ardashir about A. 75 to yet another horde from beyond the Oxus. 4 and the picture of the horseman shooting over his shoulder as he retired is familiar. Thomas sionary endeavours of the apostle that tale. not to rise again. the Taxila city. of which recent excavations afford good evidence. and many arrowheads. These defeated Gondophares' successor in a under the walls of Taxila. 225. but it is of truth the examine We cannot here turn to fit Gondophares died in A. King mentioned by capital of Ctesiphon on the of name in an apocryphal Acts Apostles describing the misin the Indus region. Carrhae was one of cisive battles and it was won by men whose grandsons established themselves on the North. Archaeologists have traced a breach in the walls of Surkap. opening to reveal the Suren the cloud of dust bodyguard of a thousand mailed horsemen which charged down on the Roman infantry. But the Parthian dynasty on the eastern frontier failed to make good and fell about A.D. Greek and Roman de- sagitarii. the known as cataphracti^ which the Parthian armies were famous. along with their Saka cousins. It is probable that local autonomy while Gondophares enjoyed some measure of in their far-away the Arsacids of acknowledging the suzerainty the This is the Tigris. The legions were cut to pieces and Roman ambitions beyond the Euphrates the world's deperished.West Frontier. they bequeathed something magnificent. 48 interesting that the dates between a Takht-i-Bahi collusion and there can be no possible book. Christian inscription and an apocryphal These Parthians of the Suren family were men of great splen- dour. the later sculptural and other artistry discovered there comes not fierce battle right . If indeed. The undaunted Parthian with his arrows and swift progress are celebrated in the Odes of Horace. It seems that from this date Taxila was destroyed as a city.C. and the lesser nobility the light cavalry.

the latest scholars fixing the Kanishka era as starting in the second quarter of the second Christian century. They are known to Chinese . On their way south the Kushans had attacked and greatly weakened the Parthian Empire of the Arsacids.D. Kujula Kadphises. His northern capital was at the central before 6 point of the empire. and he profited from the weakness of the Parthians. annexed Gandhara as far as the Indus about A. and a conof body opinion has maintained that.D. engaged with Rome. and Arachosia. Others including Ghirshman and McGovern. which was under simultaneous pressure from the Rome of the Caesars in the west. The decisive battle giving him the mastery of what was then northern India was the siege and storrn of Taxila some fifteen years later. the then Aria. whence under their first ruler of note. The sway of Wima extended to the mouth of the Indus. Their first conquest was Bactria south of the Oxus.SAKAS. the famous Kanishka. known from the coins as Wima Kadphises. Purushapura or Peshawar. and Iranian were jects Indian in the east. the victor being either a nameless successor 5 or Kadphises II. to seize the whole of modern Afghanistan. It is probable that Kujula himself. whose succession new era. having first made himself master of the Kabul Valley. and therefore akin both to the Sakas and the Parthians. and a capital city of the Indian province established at Mathura. The actual date of his succession is disputed between wide variants. east and west which in due course gave them an immense empire covering not only the whole of what was then Eastern Iran (modern Afghanistan and Pakistan as far east as the Indus) but the Pan jab and the India of the Ganges Valley as far as Allahabad or Benares. Under Kanishka the Kushan Empire was ex- starts a tended far into the Ganges Valley. possibly A. some five hundred years the Hijrat. conquering it from the successor of the Parthian Gondophares. 60. 128. and this I accetrt as the more authoritative view. Sakistan. while their subthe western part of their dominion. So once again we have come home. Wima was succeeded by the greatest of the Kushan monarchs. Kushans is in some dispute. KUSHANS AND PERSIANS 73 from Surkap but from the Buddhist monasteries in the foothills north and east of the city. are firm in holding them to be yet another horde of Scythians. they themselves were an early wave of Hun or The ethnic stock of the siderable m Turk affinity. they organized advances to south.

or Kushan. Shiv. the of which was to produce a syncretism so tolerant that Valley.THE PATHANS 74 records as the Yueh-chi. Kanishka having chosen Gandhara. the state which he ruled has come to be known as the Kingdom of Gandhara. of reconstructing Kushan history is now locally as Sbahji ki dheri. and finally the Lord the great Kushan king that of eclectic broad its experiment path Kanishka proceeded. The known The site of these excavations King's mound. to find in the end that Buddhist revelation which caused him to displace the other gods from their pedestals and to offer devotion to the form of worship now associated with Gandhara and the Kushan age. Relatively to the size and scope of the Empire little contemporary evidence is available. Chinese the that Buddhism pilgrims. Buddha. least at or greatly encouraged Buddhism. of whom the Guei-shang. the name has come portant civilization especially the significant art forms which of to be used in designation to many other parts of Asia. earlier. had embraced and Gandhara under his leadership became the centre of an imas regards art. Fa-Hien their of the bournes of one later made it pilgrimage. were the leading clan. It Peshawar from spread outward had developed a golden age of there Kanishka was because under and Hiuen-Tsang. Outside the was discovered in 1909 Ganj gate of the modern Peshawar City now deposited in the of Kanishka casket relic the remarkable Peshawar Museum. these books do not fill in accurate historical detail and are largely re- of Indian religious speculation. and though the later fact that their Chinese Buddhist literature records legends of Kanishka. the difficulty arises from the main contacts extended to the inhabitants of India. But when they reached the Indus became subject to many religious influences. with its capital Peshawar. they first effect niches received deities as varied as Heracles. It was down this Mithras. Excavation and numismatic study reveal that the original reof the Kushans was a Mazdean fire-worship ligious background of which traces remain even in the monuments they left in their new homes along the Indus. as the nodal point of his empire. the least imbued with an historical sense of any ancient civilization 7 in the world. Moreover the records petitions which do exist throw little light on the tribes and people in the . Hephaestus. And since four centuries Kanishka. following in the footsteps of Asoka.

bowls and objets d'art of all descriptions. And it was from this time that the Parthian period of decadence set in. or language.C. in coffers. Iran. plaques. This is a pity. Ever had yielded power to the Arsacids on the Iranian plateau. in vain. KUSHANS AND PERSIANS 75 Gandhara region over whom Kanishka and his successors ruled. in the representation of figure statuary and so on. Coins and works of art are innumerable. not a Greek influence as such but the most penetrating and enduring impact of the Roman upon the Eastern world'. 128-51). the State described by Sir Mortimer Wheeler 8 as the implacable barrier of Parthia' had stood astride these routes. for certain of what stock the rulers themselves claimed to be. that we must attribute the full flowering of the famous Gandhara art in sculpture in stone. of the Paktues. 'often at war with Rome and closing the Orient trade by extortionate levy or actual veto/ But the rise of the Kushan power on the since the Seleucids c her eastern flank involved Parthia in a war on two fronts. or way of life. the age of Kanishka (A. The Hinayana. or lesser Vehicle. the Kushans now holding stretches of the east-west trade-routes were able to divert merchandise to avoid Parthian territory. Under the former the . But it is now more generally held that it is to this age. The Kushans and the Romans had a common interest both in politics and in commerce. and from them the dynastic over-tones may be painted in. for the identity. 9 had become a much reduced central state sandwiched between Rome and a new empire based on Gandhara. It was under the Kushans that the channels of trade between know Roman world and further Asia were at last unblocked. the We do not even Gandarioi. for it is only under the Kushans that Peshawar attained the dignity of an imperial capital. as Ghirshman observes. This astonishing mass of material represents accordc ing to Wheeler. We may follow Tarn in his conviction that Gandhara art would never have been brought to birth had not Greek kings ruled in that country in the second and first centuries B.SAKAS. or Greater Vehicle.D. But. expanded into the Mahayana. By the absorption of the Western modes of expression. the face of Buddhism was changed. bronze and stucco. 10 The craftsmen may often have been Greeks but the source of this plethora of art treasures has been traced to Roman Alexandria. Only the the Aparutai. two hundred years later. of the ruled we look name of the capital is known. and their successors we have no word.

and surmounted by an iron pinnacle. heroic Roman The divine and is the focus of every composition. succeeded who Admitting that Ptolemies or the Romans should be linked with Greece or with Rome.D. a Chinese pilgrim. it is worth remembering that the time now assigned for it coincided with the reign of the cults and Hadrian 117-138). when he had become a fervent probably just outside Buddhist. It is certain too that spoke Greek better than Eastern Mediterranean an for stood the craftsmen employed Tarn at least so far in follow We tradition. an eminent Buddhist scholar. the centre of neofountainhead of inspiration under the whether art Platonism and Hellenistic ^Graecized them. both the change was revolutionary. Latin. monastery of exceptional magnificence was still flourishing here as a place of Buddhist education as late as the ninth century when it was visited by Vira Deva. as Wheeler points out. craftsmen oriental the and funerary art is indeed transmuted by and given a Buddhist context. he was not a god but a sage. left his successors in the eleventh century. Under under Kanishka the Mahayana. was Alexandria. a persuasion which first took shape has become Buddha the and is represented by the art of Gandhara. was the outcome of Kushan commerce bringing in the craftsmanship of the Roman Empire. It is a strange reflection that Peshawar. kingdom in Gandhara In King Kanishka's later days. by which time it had thrice beginning been destroyed by fire and as often rebuilt by pious kings.THE PATHANS y6 Buddha was never represented. iconographically and aesthetically 11 a synthesis of the utmost interest and importance. to the controversy on the point whether this new effulgence and represents As it is possible to hold a distinction bemake to unreal that in this region it is perhaps is It generally agreed that the tween the two sources of influence. Vincent how it was visited by Sung-yun. a devotee of esoteric Gandhara art Emperor (A. But Smith tells us at the A the Brahminical revival which began in the later frowned on Buddhist seems to have been finally and what was Kushan period by the Brahmins destroyed by Mahmud of Ghazni and piety. a Latin than rather may the arts who believing that the earlier Graeco-Bactrian had paved the way for this development. but. the seat of learning . he created a great relic tower with a superthe Ganj Gate of Peshawar at Shahji ki Dheri structure of carved wood rising in thirteen storeys to a height of some 400 feet. the sixth of century.

The Kushans themselves. or Vishnu. could hardly ensure the power of a military people Hke the Kushans. 13 A creed such as Buddhism. . a fresh wave of Saka invaders of Iranian stock. faith. but the strongly flavour of the last King's name Vasu is a variant of indicates a beginning.D. new wind and ancient stale. and Deva speaks for itself the end the influence of Hindu possibly a revival.SAKAS. In a word. On the latest reckoning Kanishka. very strength of fragrances grow a Pathan's reaction against the sensuous rituals of the older creeds may be indicative of his ancestors' feeling for those rituals in their A day. were beginning to emerge when Kanishka was King. This was the Sassanians. Emperor of the Kushans. 'Guftagu-ji-Jkufr-wa-din dkhir bi-kujdmikashad? Khwdbyak khwdb This chatter of heathendom and ast> bdshad mukbtalif tabirba. later became one of the spiritual centres of the We Faith which is have collected distinguished for iconoclasm. there is evidence that the Pakhtu-speakers of today. The may blow. It is not difficult to supply some sort of answer. . . whose reign terminated about A. or their progenitors. this region had already come in certainly no later than the Saka horsemen. There is a contemporary passage in the Agni Purana indicating that Hindu ideologists of the time saw in Kushan conversion to Buddhism a danger to the survival of the State. must have spoken a language not so very different from that of the Sakas. How could our ana Pathan cestors have been followers of the image of Buddha? of Peshawar of today would ask. Huvishka and Vasudeva. . advocating non-violence and self-negation. 225 The evidence of sculpture and coins shows that until near Buddhism went deep. 12 though many and various be the interpretations/ After the Kushans there is yet one more Iranian dynasty which ruled in Gandhara before the advent of fresh hordes from Central Asia. 151 and was succeeded by three of his line. Vasishka. died about A. KUSHANS AND PERSIANS JJ which gave birth to a religion that gloried in the portrayal of life in pictorial art. of Brahminical influence over the court.D. to evidence suggest that tribes bearing names which have come down to the present day were already living in the neighbourhood many centuries before the Kushan renascence of that the ancestor of the language now spoken in and Buddhism. where does it lead in the end? The dream is one dream.

feared Persia of power They turned their attention first to the destruction of the Kushan had been such a menace Empire. A.THE PATHANS yg and was bound to have far-reaching The passage quoted thinly veils a sneer at political repercussions. and A. it is impossible to understand the eastern frontier of Persia. an overfold. It was engraved at some date between A. withan often so history of Gandhara. the Edessa victory which commemorates. Brahminism had come too The overthrow of the Kushans was brought about by the new and great power which had arisen in Persia proper. more than five centuries before. and it the last recorded is probable that the acceptance of Hinduism by the Brahminical to return to Kushan was a belated endeavour the with as Mauryas.D.D. This is the King Shapur whose inscription we have already 14 noticed. the a true of Sassan. under his rule. out turning to the fountain-head in Persia itself. in 240 he was succeeded by was crowned King had worked in double haras who his son Shapur. the date of Shapur's death. and Arsacid last the Artabanus (Ardavan). but the last Vasudeva it inscription is assigned to A. invaders whose military prowess had been so undermined. and defeated and captured the Roman Emperor Valerian himself on the field of Edessa (A. agreeing exactly with the date . 226.D. ness with as it had not been since the days of Carrhae. 226. In A.D. he overcame Uniting the minor princes of Pars of the Parthian line. late. Kanishka's Kushan dynasty was replaced by a line of princes recognizing Persian suzerainty and ruling over a greatly reduced kingdom which may have been confined to the Kabul Valley and Gandhara. the Sassanians. 275. The precise date of the supersession of the Kushans by the Sassanians in Gandhara is not clear. Ardashir. engraved on the walls of the fire-temple at Naqsh-1the inscription recording Paskiboura Rustam near Persepolis or Peshawar as the eastern limit of the Persian Empire.D. There can be little doubt that. a dignitary at Stakhr. Crown-prince and Shapur made the them Ardishir Between his father. was Not for the first or the last time temple grandson Persian of Pars or Persis. which in collusion with Rome to Persia under the Arsacids. regarding himself as in the legitimate line from the Achaemenians. 260. Subsequently Shapur moved against Rome. the to military failure of the fervent Buddhism contributed to a more realistic Conversion Kushans in the third century.D. 260). ruling by right of conquest.

and its western portions were absorbed in the Caliphate. in the larger part. much as after Victoria the British sovereign was entitled Emperor of India. and noble Sassanian the was ruler Its Kushanshahr. It did not give way until the last Shahinshah.D. 15 That portion of the Kushan Kingdom which fell to the Sassanians embraced Gandhara. as well as large parts of Afghanistan. But that is to to Peshawar and the east. was overcome by the Arabs at Nihawand in A. 642 and. Like the Arsacids before them the Sassanian dynasty of Persia endured for over four centuries. and we must look again the Sassanian of The eastern boundary empire did not extend the and The the Indus. The one pointer is the first ' many . brought about by the movements of the White Huns. before the succession of Shapur. Gangetic portions of the Panjab assassin. the Derajat and was known as Sind. to or the state of civilization. to Paskiboura. This arrangement continued until about A. an identification which can be supported by the reflection that the Shahinshah must have had East Iranian retainers. the ethnic or linguistic any more than under their predecessors. as heir-apparent to his father Ardashir one of the later rulers of during his father's lifetime.D. 16 The second word can hardly be other than an early form of Afghan. like Darius Codomannus.SAKAS. beyond Kushan Kingdom remained Kushan rulers and were absorbed in the Hindu King- for a time under eventually. the last Achaemenian. fled eastward to Merv to meet death at the hand of an His empire crumbled as had that of Darius. KUSHANS AND PERSIANS 79 of commencement of the Sassanian era. anticipate. More than the Sassanian eastern frontier was the Crown-prince in person. 230.D. It seems likely then that Peshawar was captured by Ardashir about A. of the Guptas. 365 when the Sassanian eastern provinces temporarily collapsed under fresh pressures from the north. apparent use of the like the reference designation Afghan. With one exception there is no reference under the Sassanids. According to Sprengling a similar eastern frontier. Significantly enough this. leading always dom after the Shahinshah himself with the title of Kushanshah. and himself. of the peoples on their make-up. which mentions a certain FowSifap 'Apyav Piapaa>S Goundifer Abgan Rismaud. Yazdgird III. appears in the inscription of Shapur I at Naqsh-iRustam. There is reason to believe that the first Kushanshah was Shapur I.

occurs as the designation of the later Sassanian Emperor Shapur III who reigned for seventy years (A. compared to which previous struggles for power fade into the background and seem little more than dynastic rivalry. 309-79). There was now to occur a new and much more overwhelming invasion. and it is tempting to see in these Sassanian chiefs ancestors of the Afghan tribes proper. the Yusufzai or the Durrani. but it took them the best part of two hundred years to stage a come-back to Gandhara. Phonetically. Apakan. .80 THE PATHANS name. Apakan. Afghan is normal enough.D. The Sassanians are not yet finished. the evolution Abgan.

these. Parthian and Sassanian rulers. passed through a Persian prism. It overcame and gradually submerged those northern lands. the Bactrians. as it reached the non-Arab countries. successively under Achaemenian. had become once more an appendage of the Sassanians. centuries. Sakas and Kushans. the region had formed a part of the Mauryan EtnH 91 . therefore. It is not surinfluences. influences brought to bear by many kings and courts over more than a thousand years. and as such has been continuously exposed to Indian influences also. Persian civilization and is much older than Islamic or indeed Christian moreover of a notable endurance. And even these Ephthalites seem to have been subject to Iranian influ- For eleven ence and were unable to impose their language on the people. it had been the outpost of Persia towards India. from the time of Darius onward. while the nomadic invaders also. that Islam. like the invaders before them.D. as far as the Indus and including Gandhara. The Iranian spirit and atmosphere that is still so evident around Peshawar is thus attri- perhaps it butable to influences far older than Islamic. But this had been the Persian frontier towards the East. prising. aided by the Turks. 568 the NorthJL JLWest Frontier region.CHAPTER VII ARAB EXPANSION /kfter the defeat of the Ephthalites or Haytal by Sassanian /-JL Persia. from Anatolia to the Oxus and Indus Valleys. This inclusion in the Iranian world for a millennium before the advent of Islam is an historical fact of the deepest significance. in the year A. For one century in this millennium. but left a deep mark on the population. or is would be nearer the truth to say that the ancient culture from Khurasan not a desert civilization turned the radiating new thought into well-worn channels. More recently it had been overrun by the barbarian Ephthalites from the further north. are to be counted as having been of Iranian stock. but was not able entirely to assimilate them. the century after the passing of Alexander. abode their destined hour and went their way as Sultans.

and the royal princes became pawns. no less than a dozen kings its succeeded one another on the throne. When a new king was needed. in the second century after Christ. and almost all the Sassanids themselves were exterminated. assassinated by his own son. in the north and marched and countermarched through Egypt. the as Greater Vehicle. and must have appeared to Byzantine Rome quite as formidable as had Darius or Xerxes to the Greeks. Later. 1 During the fourteen years between the death of Khusrau II and the accession of the last Sassanian. last monarchs of the Kushan dynasty had yielded to that influences Indian to reversion this It may well have been to reand Ardashir the first Sassanian Kings. No effective organiza- . The generals crumbled the later the of Achaemenids. and Persian ideas. The army got out of hand. the reached even and took Ankara (Ancyra) Bosphorus opposite the Persian State was repeating Byzantium. Yazdgard III. the Kushan gave new life to the Buddhist Emperor. years before the Prophet's This war shook Sassanian Persia to foundations. faith. this frontier region.THE PATHANS 92 and had become a well-known centre pire of India (323-190 B. the produced not only Gandhara the name Vasudeva shows. Shapur. and four Hijrat. Damascus (590-628). Kanishka. Military leaders attempted to seize the throne. of the Buddhist cult. six years after the the flight of the Prophet Muhammad to Medina. death. Brahminism. and Heraclius in his turn appeared before the Persian winter Khusrau II fell. thus anticipating the later missionary zeal of the first Muslims. And. Under Heraclius the Byzantines were able to launch a vigorous counter-attack. a prince of the royal blood had to be brought out of acted like the inhiding at Stakhr. spurred assert the in sway of Persia.). itself.C. crowned only to be assassinated. The smashing of the Anushirvan in 568 was followed by Ephthalite power by Khusrau under Khusrau II more what seemed even startling successes and Jerusalem. born of a Byzantine princess. But it was too late. empire dependent Satraps and became a collection of petty states. At the end of the sixth Christian century it seemed that the Persian influence had returned in triumph. who captured Antioch. Asia Minor and Armenia were liberated from the Persian yoke. capital at Ctesiphon. Under this monarch Achaemenian triumphs. The date was 628. and made possible the great Buddhist renascence which art but even the Mahayana. But it was the false brightness before storm.

when it reached the Indus and the Oxus Valleys. Pathan legend. quite contrary to the general impression and in the east and . can only be understood against this background. and certainly more complex. That hope is belied. Ctesiphon fell after Mesopotamia. and Mongol were to walk as conquerors across the soil of western and eastern Iran. it was only as direct refutation of ephemeral raiders. But the ancient Iranian culture. and was very region slow and halting even in the mountain massif of what is now called Afghanistan. the expectation would be that our sources would forthwith multiply and the picture clear. The effect of the overthrow of the Sassanids on the eastern borderlands was in one sense more profound. survived and profoundly influenced its conquerors. and the best are 2 given in a footnote. or by-passed difficult ground. Given the rise of Islam. Turk. and in fact the four centuries between the disappearance of the White Huns and the rise of the Ghaznawids under Sabuktagin are among the darkest of all ages upon the Frontier. while Gandhara and the plains districts along the Indus remained under the Hindushahiya dynasty until the time of Mahmud of Ghazni early in the eleventh century. Much is slurred over. or to regions where the Arab onrush met a barrier. Such early chronicles as exist are on the whole well borne out by coins. Identifications on the whole are few. . in the of Nihawand south of Hamadan. fighting against native princes who are either referred to as idolaters or specified as Hindus. the reason being that. Even Kabul was not conquered by Muslim leaders till late in the ninth century. Iran was able to take captivity captive. And in 642. after the White Huns. Vincent Smith briefly sums up what happened by saying simply that. and some centuries were to pass before any part of this country was again to follow rulers not of foreign stock. The impact of Islam. When in the early centuries the Arabs did break into the Kabul Valley or towards the Indus.ARAB EXPANSION 93 tion existed capable of opposing the Arab advance when it came a few years later. the final victory went to plain the Arabs. the advent of Islam to our was actually delayed for about four centuries. like Darius Codomannus before him. the 2ist Muslim year. fled to defeats in met his death near Merv in 6 5 1 Arab. The Arab storm swept up. for the Arab writers do not allude in detail to reverses. Ya2dgard. than the fate which befell the metropolitan provinces of the Persian Empire. rooted in the millennium that had passed.

What had happened in the Eastern confines of the Sassanian Empire was the replacement of a centralized Persian domination by a reassertion of Brahminism from India. the Arab conTo in the of Sind early eighth century A. are not by any means all of the Muslim faith. For greater comfort let it be understood that it is seldom the earliest converts who are the most devoted to a faith. the much less as even so. the Hindus wrote no history and cared nothing for chronology. 'was converted very early/ the Prophet. enjoyed a firmer. and found Buddhism on the wane and Brahminism in the ascendant. when the Saffarids took over. the Afghans. Having destroyed the Sassanian central administration in Persia the Arabs set about the reduction of the Persian provinces to the . This is two years after the decisive victory which the Arab armies won over Sassanian Persia at Nihawand. And this is one reason why we know so little of what happened in the next four centuries. after which it was loosely held by the Abbasids until 869. 3 one qualification. We are driven back on coins. but that is outside quest there was no this effective invasion broad truth there is this story. There are many summaries of the conquests of Islam which give an impression so simplified as to be utterly misleading. eked out with references by early Arab chroniclers to sporadic raids. native princes.D.THE PATHANS 94 of India for five hundred years. An 4 example now before me describes what is now Afghanistan as the Umayyids and local chiefs bebetween been divided having tween 66 1 and 749. 'Afghanistan'. four hundred years after survey adds. regards Afghanistan. The earliest authentic visitor to Gandhara of whom we have record after the beginning of the Islamic era is the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsang who toured Peshawar and Swat in 644. Even when we reach Mahmud. but there is no sign or mention of the new wind in the record of the Chinese pilgrim. who had by then appeared clearly in the record. it is not Gandhara. it will be found that as late as the eleventh century. this As we shall see. longer and less precarious tenure than the local representatives of the various Muslim dynasties which claimed the allegiance of the Eastern Iranian provinces up to the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. In a word.. who were not Muslims in the east or north-east. In fact. the real picture differs entirely from that painted by the genealogists to portray the conversion of the Afghans in the time of the Prophet.

The first axis never reached south of the main wall of Hindu Kush. Not one ventured east from Herat or south from Balkh. Kabul and the central Afghan massif. 61) the Caliph Salm began a ten-year strife between the Umayyid representative and one Abdallah ibn Khazim. I will deal with the two lines of Arab advance east separately. operating from Pars by way of Kirman. 72). The sequence of events was in fact quite different. Kandahar. now the the untouched by it. then known as the Helmand and Bust. remained the cause this advance resulted in conquest of Persian Khurasan it and Mawaraunnahr (Transoxiana). and personal enemy of Sulaiman's rose against him and he was plotted to rebel. but disorder continued until Muawiyah succeeded in establishing the Umayyid dynasty at Damascus in 66 1 fol(H. was not resolved until the succession of the great under whom Ibn Caliph Abdal Malik. 96). Khazim was killedin battle near Merv in 691 (H. Merv and Balkh. Merv and Balkh (Bactria). The first axis was through Nishapur to Herat. But he too came to grief after the accession of the Caliph Sulaiman in 714 (H. He had been a before that Caliph's accession. In 705 (H. BeHazarajat and then called Ghor. 685-705 (H. at the confluence Sijistan. lasting interested in carrying the arms of Islam across the Oxus. Amr entered Operating from Kirman in Persia Abdallah ibn and from a Dasht-i-Lut the of the desert across Persian Khurasan after or soon in at captured 650 (H. Ali sent a number of governors to represent him in Khurasan. now ruined. the city. to of the Helmand and the Arghandab. Five years later occurred the murder Uthman and the civil strife among the Arabs associated with All's Caliphate. who effected the conquest of Transoxiana as far as Khwarezm and Samarqand. 86) came the appointment of the memorable governor Qutaiba ibn Muslim. 41). 66-86). A succession of undistinguished Umayyid governors all mainly and or two a than more them few of year lowed. reflected in Khurasan.ARAB EXPANSION 95 and north-cast along two axes. The conflict within the Caliphate. the second by way of Sistan. has sometimes been wrongly this way that the Arabs reached the headassumed that it was by waters of the Indus Valley. 30) Nishapur headquarters of Herat. His Arab troops . does not known to have been a appear in any of the old chronicles and is later foundation. In 680 (H. who supported the anti-Caliph Abdallah ibn Zubair.

All his successors base. slaves and soldiers who bulk so large in the history of India right an up to the time of the Mughal Empire. as already related. Under the Samanids Islamized dynasty of Iranian origin from Balkh which succeeded to the Abbasid power on the Oxus and ruled in the third and fourth Islamic centuries (874-999) Turkish slaves established Ghaznawid dynasty which under Sabuktagin and his son Mahmud opened the Panjab to Muslim invasion and control. The Arabs did not effectively subjugate either Kabul or Ghazni. 133) the Umayyids gave way to the Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad. 3 1) Ibn Ziyad entered Zaranj. It is to be the described as in the order of raiding only. and then the chief city of the region. Such penetration as was effected under Arab command towards the Indus Valley was on the other axis through Sistan.THE PATHANS 96 were ephemeral. The new governor. 41) there came a notable advance. After two years Ibn Ziyad was displaced and the Arab conquest wavered. When Abdallah ibn Amr reached Kirman on his way from Pars towards Khurasan. 97). The Arab conquest of Khurasan. Here he made his headquarters on a site which had probably been the Zranka of the Achaemenian inscriptions and was later to become one of the Ghaznawid citadels in the west of their empire. the then great city at the junction of the Helmand and settled state . much less any part of the Sulaiman Mountain area. Balkh and Mawaraunnahr (Transoxiana) on this northern axis did not directly touch on our region: but it has some bearing on the Sulaiman Mountains and the Indus in so far as the Arabs. opened the way for the influx of the Turkish chieftains. took Bust. situated on the lower Helmand near its entry into the inland Hamun which forms that river's debouchment. With the establishment of the Umayyid Caliphate under Muawiyah in 66 1 (H. It is situated just within modern Afghan territory at a place now known as Nad Ali on the Helmand delta. though at times the raids were formidable and on a considerable scale. until in 750 (H. But this was to come centuries later. by providing a northern Muslim killed in 715 (H. he detached a force under Al-Rabi ibn Ziyad against Sijistan. In 65 1 (H. the new provinces like Khurasan remaining in an unowing to the succession disputes within Iraq arising over the Caliphate of Ali. Abdarrahman ibn Samurah.

But Zamindawar the metropolitan district of the Abdalis (Durranis) just as the northern part of the Peshawar plain is that of the Yusufeais. 43). Shah'. raided as far as 'Bannah and Al-Ahwar. is now a ruin and has been replaced by remains as Girishk. 5 like Zaranj. situated directly between Multan and Kabul and. In this period there against whom an first the hereditary line the Arabs from Sijistan were pitted. twenty-five miles distant. One manuscript of Al-Baladhuri reads Lahor for Al-Ahwar. In 664 (H. Bust. Ibn Ziyad Having taken Bust. The early province of Kandahar. 6 'the Kabul second the and Zunbil or known by the title Rutbil remain both and unsubdued. In that a lieutenant of Ibn Samurah. Kabul we know. after Peshawar.ARAB EXPANSION 97 the fertile open valley Arghandab. year Al-Muhallab ibn Abi Sufra. It is time nor indeed for another thouinteresting that neither at this sand years is there any mention of the great Abdali tribe. I trifling think. that the reference is to the site near the present village of . the most fertile tract below the Sulaiman Mountains and the most worth raiding. north of Bust on the southern skirts of the mountain massif of Ghor. Kabul and Ar-Rukhaj'. Ibn Samurah and his successor make to on expeditions (who had also been his predecessor) went to 'Zabul. together with Zamindawar. Zabul has Arab chroniclers seem to mean by it the region which is now the Lower Hazarajat between the Helmand. where he was attacked by eighteen Turkish Knights'. There can be no doubt. towns between AlMultan and Kabul. but Babur describes it as the country rulers two were wards Mukur. Inconclusive fighting followed with Rutbil and a treaty was made. This is the earliest reference in any Muslim record to localities on the Frontier which are identifiable today. although the chroniclers record temporary his to have Ibn Samurah is said way into Kabul in 663 fought in Zaranj to find arrived Ibn later Ziyad (H. Al-Ahwar is even more interesting. a variation in the Arabic script. We shall not be rash in equating Bannah with Bannu. Arghandab and Tarnak south of Ghazni toRivers. but three years both the Kabul Shah and the Rutbil in open revolt and in control of the country as far south as Bust. Both are clearly unbelievers successes against them. Ar-Rukhaj and covers more or less the corresponds to the classical Arachosia varied interpretations. 44) occurs what is to us much the most interesting item in a barren narrative.

THE PATHANS yo Lahor. Hund is right on the river bank and is built within a small fort. 8 and even that the Ohind or Waihind. four miles inland from the river and situated where the great mounds stand around Lahor. to which the Hindushahis at one time removed. I think it very possible also that this Lahor. the Hindushahiya ruler defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni. or. writing in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni in the eleventh century. it is too exposed to have ever been a capital and must have served as a strongpoint at the ford-head. quoting an itinerary from the Panjab to Kabul. in the neighbourhood of Hund in the Yusufzai Sarnah of Peshawar. as I interpret here. two miles distant and south of the next village of Jalsai. writes: 'And to . 5 3). almost as large. The capital itself would have been at a point secure from floods. There are no big mounds there to show the ruins of an old city. The Qandhar mentioned is not the city now written Kandahar that city was not at that time known at any rate by this name but Gandhara. is four miles inland from the Indus at the Hund ford. 9 Al-Biruni speaks of Hindu Kings who ruled in Kabul and Qandhar with its is capital at Waihind (the modern Hund. one of which stands fifty feet above the plain. There can be no doubt that systematic excavation of the mounds around this site will add a rich harvest to our know- ledge of this period. This was in 672 (H. was not at the present Hund. the Ephthalite ancestors of the present Khans of Hund and Zaida. Lahor close to Hund). That this so is made clear by later references in Al-Biruni. was the one mentioned by Farishta in the introduction to his history as the capital of Jaipal. The 'eighteen Turkish Knights' of Lahor would have been Haytal. The identity of this earlier Qandhar of the Arab writers is clinched by yet another passage in Al-Biruni who. A few years later another Sijistan Arab governor Abbad ibn Ziyad 'raided the frontier of Al-Hind and crossed the desert to Al-Qandhar. It is even conceivable that the greater Lahore on the Ravi was named after this now obscure village near the Indus. This village. and is surrounded by five very large mounds. 7 It can be described as lying on one road from Kabul to Multan via the Peshawar Valley. and not the Panjab city. which I know well. There are also four or five other mounds. This surely is the place to be equated with this early Arab raid. where he put the inhabitants to flight but incurred heavy casualties'.

though prior to . 198) anything less so. Obaidallah. 79). The Abbasids of Baghdad who succeeded them were no more successful in this direction than their Umayyid predecessors. and yid Caliphs of Damascus. which lasted from circa 685 (H. ending designation. against Rutbil but quarrelled with his superior Al-Hajjaj and rebelled. All fought against all. 85) in consequence of a demand by Al-Hajjaj. what actually at the hands of Al-Hajjaj. This Rutbil is killed but succeeded by an equally formidable ruler of the same A governor is defeated by him and consemade quently dismissed by Abdal Malik.ARAB EXPANSION 99 of Biyata (the Jihlam Hirer) Is Jihlam on the west of the water 8 farsakhs. by whom he was put to death in 704 (H. 1 3 3). his and a disaster in an attack on Kabul in 698 (H. During this time. or Ranthel. 66) to the fall of the Umayyids in 75 o (H. Another. It has been common form to speak of this Abdarrahman as having took place is that after defeat captured Kabul in 699. the (Peshawar) is 14 farsakhs/ This early entry Peshawar Valley. Under we hear that even Sijistan was still unsubdued. With the gradual the dynasty after the death of the Caliph Abdal Malik the later hold on a Umayyid governors were able only to retain precarious Zaranj itself. if Al-Mamun who acceded in 813 (H. the Zubairids and the Kharijites setand even the lieuting up 'anti-Caliphs'. and to Waihind the capital of Qandhar on the west of the water of Sindh (the Indus) is 20 farsakhs. death. he was driven to take refuge in Kabul with Rutbil. even of the great Umayyid much turned towards the Caliph Abdal Malik (685-705) were too tenants of the maintenance of the dynasty against rival claimants to make possible any planned extension of Muslim domination beyond Sijistan to the east. and to Purushawar into Qandhar. In 685 'RutbiP. was but a raid and of no permanent significance. the Zubairids who held for a while both coasts of the Persian the A Kharijites Gulf. Sides were changed main parties rebelled against their chiefs. from whom he had rebelled. is strong enough to confine the Arab governor to the citadel of Zaranj. the energies. little later three-cornered strife broke out between the Umayof Arabia and Iraq. have been able for a while to exact an Al-Hajjaj himself seems to uncertain tribute from this Rutbil but embarked on no decisive decline in the power of campaign against him. He was Sijistan followed by Abdarrahman ibn Muhammad in the Abdarrahman began by making some progress next year.

had extended from the north as far as postal services across the Hindu Kush Kabul. But the Kabul Shahs remained undisturbed. Coins assignable to these kingdoms are known. left central Afghanistan. and Muslim rule did not become effective or direct in this region until after the rise of the Saffarids in the ninth century of our era. of Zabulistan (from Ghazni south and westward) and even of Kabul. tenuous and often intermittent. and to a large extent the KabulGhazni area. and even there was confined to the main lines of communication. Considerable kingdoms under non-Muslim rulers maintained at any rate a de facto inde- two Islamic centuries pendence in Zabulistan and Kabul. South of the Hindu Kush the provinces Arab frontier was never much further advanced than Herat and Bust. The two arms of the Arab advance. But east of the Helmand there was no occupation. the northerly axis towards Samarqand and the southerly axis through Sijistan. variously referred to as Turks or Haytal. and as . At different times he is presented as King of Ar-Rukhaj (the modern Kandahar). The identity of the constantly recurring and enigmatic Rutbil.THE PATHANS 100 that date there is a record that Al-Mamun. into which Arab penetration was confined to raids and occasional demands for tribute. I have given this somewhat bald recital from original Muslim sources to establish how completely untrue it is to suppose that the people of Gandhara and the surrounding mountain regions were swept into the Muslim fold at an early period of the Islamic era. Zunbil or Ranthel presents a challenge. almost untouched. were at most vaguely tributary and certainly not fully converted. Their inhabitants. The Muslim chroniclers invariably look on their opponents in this we have seen there are good grounds for connecting the Haytal with the Khalaj. except in Sind. They also once raided Bannu. apparently before his accession while he was governor in Khurasan. The Arabs reached the Kabul area and even at an early period the banks of the Indus near Lahor in Gandhara. was never extended over any part of what had been the eastern effectively of the Sassanian Empire. The general picture on the contrary is that during the first Arab control. It is tempting by a process of induction to see in this Rutbil a forerunner of region as Turks or Haytal. In Kabul and Zabulistan resided non-Muslim Kings whose line more than once defeated Arab attacks and took Arab governors prisoner. although they have not been satisfactorily interpreted.

as ruling over and Gandhara until the rise of the Saffarids in the ninth century. That Budoriginally Buddhism. Long at any rate around the creed. Thereafter they seem to have shifted their capital from Kabul. 10 While discussing the Bani Israel theory we noticed the existence of groups of Sayyids and others to whom there still attaches a reputation for past or present sanctity or piety. In the upper Kabul Valley itself there exists no documentary evidence. of whom there is more to say. Here they appear as the Hindushahiya dynasty. to establish the exact affinities of the Shahs who ruled there during the first two Islamic centuries. There are many At least five groups of such. and at present no identifiable coinage. as the Muslim power It and influence gradually spread from Sijistan and Balkh. finding back into the mountains. Brahminical a strict had become Peshawar. the site I have identified with the Gandharan Lahor. there is another wellSayyid families reside in Peshawar itself. Vincent Smith speaks of the Turki Shahiya both Kabul Kings. the Hejaz of course carried the greatest prestige among the exponents of the new religion. but Kush long after the in dhism was valleys of the Hindu powerful Kanishka is known from the Bamian idols. which was captured by the first Saffarid and moved to Waihind on the Indus. another at known family at Ismaila in Sayyid . leader of the great Ghalji confederacy of the eighteenth century. remains to notice one important aspect of the gradual Arab time when Muslim rulers could expansion eastward before the overcome the local Iranian or Kushan dynasties who had adopted Buddhism or Hinduism. but it is probable that. it was fighting a losing battle against its adherents pushed further and further the Brahmins. considerable colonies of Arabs and other Muslims from Arabia. or were settled Syria and no doubt Persia also. The Arabs of by the governors. Ghaznawids (from 960 on) ruling Hinduism. settled themselves. The religion of these non-Muslim potentates seems to have been fast reverting to Hinduism. among the indigenous peoples. It is obvious that. a cadet branch of the Kushans. Nearer to India. as in Gandhara.ARAB EXPANSION IOI Mirwais. we know from Hiuen-Tsang that rulers and people were fast revertbefore the time of the ing to Hinduism as early as 644. much as in modern Nepal. Iraq. Yusufzai the Samah. up and down the Frontier region.

whether blood of the Prophet himself. Turki or Pathan origin. They took wives from among the families in the indigenous population who embraced the new faith. there is no reason to suppose that the ancestors of these others were Arabs. yet another at Paniala under the Shaikh Budin hill in the north of the 11 Derajat. another connected with the Pir Baba shrine in Buner3 another at the village of Jarman near Kohat. . In their effort to assimilate the people of the Frontier to Islamic thought and idea these Sadat had themselves to become adapted to that older Persian culture which their converts had known for a thousand years and more before the coining of Islam. Any of them who were Arab quickly lost their Arabic as a living tongue. I think. Yet. Sahibzadas. if not all. Except for the Quraish who claim to belong to the tribe. the descendants of pious men of repute. Whether any or all of these groups can actually establish so noble an ancestry may be uncertain.THE PATHANS 102 Batgram in the Doaba. partly to propagate the Faith and partly to assist in the onward march of conquest. But this. and became in a very real sense the spokesmen and leaders of the people. though no Prophet's doubt they preserved it for intoning the Quran. are certainly the descendants of Arab colonists or missionaries who came to these parts in the early Islamic centuries. however genuine the claim to Arab forebears. Even today their is a living thing. as it reached the countries previously subjected to Iranian influence. The claim is that all Sadat are descended from the Prophet by the union of his daughter Fatima with Ali. In addition to the Sadat there are many others. must have been of Persian. Akhundzadas. and people will reverently kiss a Sayyid's prestige hand. it remains true that Islam. passed through a Persian prism. Mians. Quraish and so on. or not they are of the is beyond dispute. These people. Nor are these the only ones. Many of them. They constitute a notable strain in the origins of the population of these parts.

the appeal of Islam continued to spread and win new converts throughout the Iranian and Turkish worlds. The new impetus came from Sijistan. all the more orthodox elements in the Muslim world. opposed to Kharijites region. was brought down by the Kharijite chief . rallying-ground in the Sijistan were The Quranic fundamentalists.CHAPTER SAFFARIDS VIII AND HINDUSHAHIS the end of the second century of the Islamic era the strength of the Arab thrust towards the east was spent. but in the east the Arab as conqueror had shot his bolt. by internal evidence written in the time of the Saffarid dynasty in the ninth century (third Hijri century). being in -three different styles. From now on the sword and the Quran were to be entrusted to other hands. a Sijistan dynasty. that we first hear of Khalji mercenaries. the earliest Persian. By Spiritually. The first is that the new impetus given to the cause two of Islam from the centre of Zaranj was the force that carried its banners forward 'to the eastern limits of the old Sassanian Empire and into the Indus Valley. Sijistan is far its inhabitants. there is a source of capital importance entitled Tarikh-i-Sistan (History of Sistan). are not Afghan. spurred to new life by the message from the Arabian desert but impatient of Arab control and seeking its own forms of expression and action. is in much fuller detail than any of the Arab chronicles which deal with events on the eastern confines of the Abbasid Caliphate. For this period. discovered and edited in It is a composite chronicle showing Tehran about the year 1930. 1 It appeared first in sectarian form under the Kharijites. Sunni and The Arab power in the which had east its 103 . It bears every evidence of authenticity and.rebellion. from Gandhara and the Sulaiman Mountains. but in reality it was a rallying of Iranian consciousness. But it is necessary to bring events on the Helmand into the account for reasons. and though East Iranian. the second that it was under the Saffarids.

THE PATHANS 104 Shia alike. In Sijistan they assumed the character of a national and popular movement directed against Arab domination and taxation. It was due to their prowess that the Arab governors of Sijistan were unable to control anything outside Zaranj and Bust without taking armies into the field. and incorporated in his formula the slogan Wa Id there is no order but of God. a point confirmed in the tenth century Had^d-al-Alam* which says: "The inhabitants of Gardez are Kharijites. The people of the country regarded them with sympathy. central government's authority was very remote. weakened by the Kharijite revolt. The climax was reached in 797 (H. He and the Kabul Shah some- times paid a nominal tribute to Zaranj but they were virtually . 1 8 1) when the Kharijite Hamza not only drove the Caliph's forces into the garrison cities but declared the abolition of the tribute and land-revenue and put to death the Abbasid revenue agents. and succeeded at times in defeating Abbasid armies in pitched battles. Later they adopted many bizarre doctrines. say about A JX the governorate of Sijistan. appointed 'anti-Caliphs'. The Rutbil was still ruling the territory east of Bust. They lived in hukma ilia I'illah as bandits. Kharijite far from the Durand Line on the connections with this part of the Pathan that Hamza extended his authority far to country not only show the east of Sijistan.' Gardez is the chief centre of the Zurmat Valley. had become a mere outpost of the Baghdad Caliphate in which the By 8 5 o. Their leader adopted the title of Amir-ul-Muminin (Commander of the Faithful). only a few miles west of Kurram and Khost and not Afghan side. but may help to explain certain religious deviations from orthodoxy which we shall later have occasion to notice in the Turis and other Karlanri Pathan tribes in that neighbourhood. This was the end of regular payment of tribute to Baghdad. among them that merit was the only true qualification for leadership. The Tarikh quotes verbatim an mountain and desert obviously authentic exchange of letters between the Caliph Harunar-Rashid and Hamza in which the Caliph rebukes the rebel for un-Muslim behaviour and Hamza sends a conciliatory yet digni- fied reply citing in conclusion the slogan I have given above. This Tarikh also remarks that Hamza founded the town of Gardez. the beginning of the third Islamic century. provided that they directed their atrocities against Arabs or non-Muslims.

243. In 870 (H. 1 86 in and the of commander army. a of building by records the construction Arabic. For the first time Kabul area brought reduced and held by Muslim arms. and the Ghazai too the under administration and a city built. of Shah the and of Rutbil Ar-Rukhaj our point of view against this Yaqub that us informs campaign Kabul. who had succeeded him. Allater Six years acknowledged by Baghdad in 852 (H. read. Salih of service highwayman and later joined the was in recognition of the opposition he showed to the Kharijites. 238).SAFFARIDS AND HINDUSHAHIS IOJ remained unconverted. 857) and in are the used it is bilingual in Sanskrit and Arabic. The Tarikh during before founded the city of Ghazni. 247) Yaqub the Kharithe next few years he campaigned successfully against from more much and important jites of Kirman. As for the mounindependent. For a time he took to the roads al-Nazr ibn who. For the first time joined. with other trophies from great temple there. for Sanskrit. ting an end to a dynasty been had advance time the northern and the southern axis of was fairly and not by an Arab. cannot be deciphered. an early form of Nagri. the interest and Arabic were lies in the proof afforded that both Sanskrit Abbasid the Caliphate in current in the Tochi in the last years of before the emergence of Yaqub-i-Lais. as Hamza had founded Gardez sent as him. discovered in 1907 inscriptions Museum. 259) he crossed the Hindu Kush from the and putseized Balkh. of favour in abdicated Nasr's brother. The inscription a person whose name Arabic text but was preserved in the for the form is unfamiliar and cannot be is apparently not an Arab. Although the full details or brazier) was born in a Yaqub-i-Lais the Saffar (coppersmith and served an apprenticeship in the trade after Sijistan village as a which he was nicknamed.* the first Sijistan and just of the Saffarids. against Herat. (H. .D. 257) he captured the city of Kabul. together south and In 872 (H. Yaqub who had become of course the In of Amir was proclaimed Sijistan. 3 Its chief interest lies in Valley and now in the Peshawar the fact that the date which is quite clear (H. and they Muslim penetratain areas of the Sulaiman massif the degree of oldest of all tion is revealed in an interesting manner by one of the the Tochi in of the Muslim era. returning apparently by Persian Khurasan the first For of Tahirids in Nishapur. A. The scripts for Kufic the and Sarada. and die from at Baghdad an idol he had taken presents to the Caliph Bamian.

military One of them. prominence. That Yaqub was an Iranian. When the Persians were overthrown by the Arabs. Yaqub's capture of Kabul in 870 must have been the event that caused the Shahiya kings to shift their capital from that city to Waihind. is clear from a striking passage in the Tarikh* On a convivial occasion after one of his victories an Arabic poem was read to him. . dying near Ahwaz in Khuzistan in 879 (H. The Amir protested. it was the custom always to recite in Arabic/ The author then gives an example of the verse recited. only to contribute subsequently to the downfall of Yaqub's successors by deserting their cause for that of the Caliphate. as I suggest. had not been on the ground that he was . Yet thy covenant has established a sanctuary in Iran. or. who accepted an amnesty From another source5 lines are attributed to a Kharijite by Yaqub and joined his army. offered comes an even more amusing anecdote representing one of the troopers in Yaqub's army speaking to his horse in Persian. most unfortunately for the present purpose. 266). though the narrative in this case is in Arabic. Lahor on the Indus. The . of which the first couplet runs: The Lord has made Mecca the sanctuary for the Arabs. The passage proceeds: 'This was the first time after the Arab conquest that poems were recited in Persian among Persians since the days when the Persians had intoned after the manner of the Sassanians. But. his secretary began to recite in Persian. very little is available from the sources to throw light on his eastern campaigns. His success in perambulating the circumference of modern Afghanistan aroused in him ambitions for the supreme command. He became hostile to the Caliph and ixi 875 (H. and caused his other campaigns to be overlooked and underrated. It was this dramatic march that caught the attention of the faithful. 262) he marched on Baghdad with a formidable army. He reached within a few miles of the capital where he was defeated and forced to retreat. When Yaqub first rose to as a Kharijite. were successfully brought under subjection and enlisted in Yaqub's armies as mercenaries. to be called in Persian the Khaljis.THE PATHANS 106 Khalaj. named Subkari. . not an Arab. asking what was the use of reciting something he could not under- whereupon stand. we are told held high command in Persia. his enemies decried him self-made.

The region of Ghasni came commanded the people's under a loose and uncertain Samanid control. evidently a sore point with him. maintain the dynasty's position in Sijistan and Pars for over twenty years. this charge.SAFFARIDS AND HINDUSHAHIS and was not an Arab. and his unfailing alertness with justifiable pride he is the first to be entitled to speak frontier of what Finally on of the successful propagation of his faith among the peoples the included then portrayal of the eastern frontier whose religion but the charare Details lacking. but he did enlist them in his armies. made up mainly of Khalji and his around Ghazni. and his attitude seems to have been equivocal. Jt is pains to deny true that he fought more than one battle against the Kharijites. who in spite of some temporary successes was unable to consolidate the Saffarid conquests in the east. the divine idea his conquests indicate that acter of Yaqub himself and the path of Islam in the Kabul and for won converts were his time in many . He is also probenlisted Afghan tribesmen on a large scale in ably the first to have others from the region his army. The fact probably is that he was ready to weld and local forces prepared to support his together all unorthodox autonomy against the orthodox Arabism of Baghdad. but were resisted with some success by another member of continued to control parts of Pars Yaqub's family. lowers from the periphery. for the Hindushahis seem to have recovered Kabul and certainly held Ningrahar and Logar. where the Caliph put him to death. The career of Yaqub-i-Lais is notable as that of the first Muslim on the eastern ruler to make the power of Islam effectively felt had been the Sassanian Empire. however. He was at much appointed by the Caliph. 296). who in Oman across the Gulf. in human form. and themmaintained the of members family sent to Baghdad. But coins struck and Sijistan. In 879 (H. Amr did. the other Iranian dynasty which had succeeded to the Abbasid power north of the Hindu Kush in 874 (H. In the year 900 (H. Tahir. He was defeated and captured near Balkh and sent in chains to Baghdad. 287) he undertook an expedition against the Samanids. 266) Yaqub was succeeded by his brother Amr. and even like Amr in enemies his he was imprisoned by 908 (H. Other to have seem and of a number for years selves in parts of Sijistan devotion. 261). foluncouth of which won the affection rough-and-ready justice in the field. Many stories are current of his iron discipline. The Samanids then attempted to occupy the Saffarid possessions.

and the change of capital may reflect a change of rulers also. which runs as follows: The last King of this race was Lagaturman and his Wazir was Kallar. insofar as he had found by accident hidden treasures which gave him much influence . who built on foundations already It is interesting to speculate on what might have happened had Yaqub taken Baghdad as he so nearly did. from whom Yaqub-i-Lais took Kabul in 870. the Saffarid dynasty played a decisive part in the assimilation of the Afghans Muslim world. which he did not distinguish). and in Al-Biruni even as Tibetan (by this he meant Turk or Kushan. The main documentary evidence to the point is a somewhat confused account6 given by Al-Biruni. Ghaljis and Afghans might have taken the Turks as soldiers. whose activities were directed on very similar lines. again as the Hindushahiya The of Waihind. and his conquests. and the culture of Baghdad might have of place developed under some influence from the Pashtu language. failed to area. sufficiently disposes of the uncritical tradition that Islam came early to these parts. destroy the principalities themselves. a Brahmin. appears under many names. and is for that reason perhaps than the more famous Mahmud remembrance more deserving of laid. Little is known of these Kings until on Yaqub's capture of Kabul the capital of the State was apparently transferred to Waihind in Gandhara beside the Indus. The fact that these Kings were able to maintain great splendour and dignity in the Peshawar Valley until the opening decade of the eleventh century. again as the Turki Shahiya line. four hundred years after the line Hijrat.THE PATHANS 108 Ghazni Indeed in almost every respect Yaqub the Saffarid anticipated the career of Mahmud of Ghazni. The Abbasids would have come under tutelage eastern Iran. which for reasons given I take to be the site by the present village of Lahor. though they disturbed the Hindu rulers of those parts. It is not entirely clear whether the Kabul Shah overcome by Yaqub was of the same line as the founder of the Hindushahis of Waihind. It is important to our story if only as the last non-Muslim line of rulers in Gandhara. sometimes merely as Kabul Shahs. The latter had been fortunate. The main difference is that Yaqub got no further to the east than Kabul. Nevertheless. and so secured control and Pathans to the of the Caliphate. from Shahiya dynasty.

Tarojanapala. 412 (1021). Lagaturman had bad manners and a slip from worse behaviour. The second point is that the change of dynasty. and of the whole house there is no longer the slightest remnant in existence. as he approaches his confidence. The passage does at least show that there was a degree of conof the dynasty and that the forerunners of the tinuity in the history the Muslim fold. first Hindushahi King. date these There is. to be noted faith. he occupied the his out to him enabled riches plans. Now the Wazir put him in chains and imgreatly himself finding ruling sweet.SAFFARIDS AND HINDUSHAHIS 109 and power. were outside version bears the Al-Biruni's of the beginning Lastly. and so carry ruled the Brahmin Kings Samand. Kamalu. The source states that on receiving a collected large fall of Sakawand 'Kamlu. Bhim. burned Hindu idol-temple' close to the the divide between the Logar and the Zurmat Valleys of the 7 news Altimur pass. and he is capable of a own day he inspires more fine chivalry in admiring these the conqueror of his own Kings who fought so gallantly against later same the in touches other are key. opened up by the campaigns of and may even have met Jaipal and Anandpal after their defeats at Mahmud's hands. and his son Bhimpala five years later. This Hindushahiya dynasty is now extinct. although mark of folk-lore. . c at a place called Sakawand on a ghan. on account of which people complained of him to the Wazir. Jaipala. on the was endeavouring to maintain the Saffarid conquests named Fardeastern frontier. after it had held royal power for so long a period. another source enabling us to Shahs with greater accuracy. visited India after it had been porary writer. of which the first and most notable is that Al-Biruni was a contemin 973. the Rai of Hindustan. He was born Mahmud of Ghazni in 1000-1026. We must never slackened in the ardent say that in all their grandeur they were men of and is which desire of doing that right. In consequence the last king of this Tibetan (sic) house. his prisoned him for correction. There when we come to the time of Mahmud. let it by degrees his hands. that they good noble sentiment and noble bearing. him After throne. There are a number of interesting points about this passage. Besides. his deputy at Ghazni or Gardez. but. however. Kallar. When Amr-i-Lais. Yaqub's brother. royal was killed in Anandapala. The last H. common legend of eastern story as the supexplained by a very his minister. may possibly mark the new era planting of a king by caused by the shift of the capital from Kabul to Waihind (Lahor).

They are mostly small silver pieces bearing upon the obverse an armed horseman. Spalapati (spaJa=atmy in old Persian) means 'army commander'. and it is more probable that Samanta was regarded of the dynasty. It is particularly strange that there are no coins yet found giving the names of Jaipal and Anandpal. This the third in order of Al-Biruni's list of is evidently Kamalu. It follows from this that the first of these Kings. may have abdicated in his favour. must have been reigning in Kabul before Yaqub-i-Lais captured that city in 870. Ajit Ghose as issued in Bhima's reign but commemorating his predecessor who.THE PATHANS force and marched towards Zabulistan'. it is suggested. Deva (coins common) Samanta Deva (coins extremely common) Bhima Deva (coins rare) Vakka Deva (copper coins Khamarayaka common) (coins very rare seems to have been con- verted to Islam). which we have placed in the neighbourhood of Hund and Lahor close to the Indus. as the tutelary genius The names on all these coins appear in Nagri (Hindu) and the chronological series is as follows: i . on the reverse a sitting bull. 2. 4. Hindushahiya monarchs. The evidence of coins is partly confirmatory of Al-Biruni. Conversely the Mahmud . called by AI-Biruni Kallar. and the use of / for d follows the linguistic change we have noted already in comparing the Pakhtu with the Persian. 3 . namely Samand and Bhim (incidentally being the two on the gold coin mentioned). correspond to Al-Biruni's list of Hindushahi Kings. who is now seen to have been contemporary with Amr the Saffarid (879-900). But this interpretation ignores the interposition of Kamalu between Samanta and Bhima. and partly at variance. authenticated and historical personages who battles of against Sabuktagin and known date fought of Ghasni. Spalapati script. 5 . There are many of them. interpreted by Mr. Of these five it will be seen on comparison that only the second and the third. There is also one gold coin showing two Kings. Bhimadeva on the obverse and Samantadeva on the reverse. found mostly in the Peshawar Valley and chiefly around the site of Waihind. There exist also copper coins with a lion on the obverse and on the 8 reverse an elephant.

Al-Muqtadir. a classic source of controversy which has never been satisfactorily solved. they were crowned. Spalapati. . We know that even after the loss of Kabul to the Saffarids this dynasty held Ningrahar west of the Khaibar and also Logar where. Yaqub's capture of Kabul in 870 (H. whether direct by the Khaibar. The fact that they ruled in Swat is proved. indicating that the first Hindushahi was in some sense the in- heritor of the Kushan-Ephthalite chancery tradition. and had brought in a more Hinduized form with the change of dynasty and possibly with the change of though this is uncertain This disagreement between contemporary chronicler and coin constitutes what may be called 'the Hindushahiya question*. between Kabul and Peshawar.SAFFARIDS AND HINDUSHAHIS silence of the literary sources in respect of the first putative King after the change of dynasty. or by the northern route by way of Kunar. that the first of the line must have been on the throne at the time of. that the Abbasid Caliph. or very shortly after. This unparalleled behaviour at least indicates the importance of the capital. and the tribes on them. only superimposing his own name in Arabic. it seems. took the name of Spalapati on accession. and the explanation may lie in the fact that his successors continued to issue coins in his name without troubling to mint new ones. There is nothing in what has come down to us in coin or document on the Hindu side which can be said to bear in any way upon the tribes over whom this dynasty ruled. Bajaur. 257). It It is interesting that the coins bearing Spalapati's name in Nagri often bear also a similar inscription in the Kushan cursive script. 9 The coins of Samand. written in the Sarada character. The gold coin mentioned tends to bear out this hypothesis. issued coins of the pattern and with the types of these Shahi Kings in Baghdad about the year 908 (H. by the southern Kurram route. Hindushahis and the quality of their coinage in Muslim eyes. by a comparison of dates. mentioned by Al-Biruni. 295). never explained. They themselves and their officials must have been intimately acquainted with all the routes. is III Shahi extremely puzzling. Talash and Swat. can only be assumed that the Brahmin Kallar. and incidentally the existence of Jaipal himself is also established (if it were in doubt) by the discovery at Birkot in Swat of an inscription10 in Sanskrit. It suggests too. There is the further surprising fact. the second of the line (mentioned both by chronicle and coinage) are to be found in large numbers.

The distinction between Muslim and Afghan in this pasthe historian of the sage is not without significance. In the mountains to the west of India/ he writes (and he is speaking of the period about A. and of the his Brhat-Satnhita written in the sixth century. 1000). Al-Biruni was an observer with a broad mind and a shrewd pen. There can be no other populated region from the earliest recorded times a boundary between two ancient forms of of which we have to mark so astonishing a gap in whose territory so many culture. also region of Ninhar obviously Ningrahar. This speaks of a village named Saul near Garden as inhabited by Afghans.' And . the modern Jalalabad of which the King makes a show of conversion to Islam. superior King of great Kings of the condition. 372). . or even .D. who can be no other than Afghans.THE PATHANS 112 In the reign of the supreme sovereign beginning with the words: and supreme lord. But far the most convincing references are contained in AlBiruni's Tarikh-al-Hmd (History of India). Al-Utbi. some twenty years before the first Arab raiders reached Al-Ahwar references to Afghans are to be found (Lahor). the the identity. Afghans are first referred to within India by the Indian astronomer Varaha Mihira in Hiuen-Tsang. and he was in Gandhara in 644. As we have seen from his accounts of the Hindushahi Kings. Sri Jayapaladeva. respect in knowledge. and the next succeeding Ghasnawid. 'there live various tribes of the Afghans which extend . of the subjects of that of to Babur. Masud. Chinese pilgrim. Hiuen-Tsang's journeyings to southern Asia took place in the years 629-45. up to the neighbourhood of the valley of the Sindh (Indus). the mentions a people whom he calls A-po-Kien in the northern part of the Sulaiman Mountains. of existence the earliest reference to Afghans in the 'Apyav (Abgan) One of the third-century Sassanian inscription. no clear picture that from the time of Alexander . emerges of the social history or development of the people across invaders passed in the eighteen centuries that intervened. Afghan and Hindu wives.' But in face of all this no hint is given It is broadly true to say State. speaks of district as a place Afghans as included in Mahmud's army. sent his son into the hills near Ghazni to subdue Afghans. but has over thirty Muslim. We have seen the probable shaft of light indeed there is. Ghaznawids and writing early in the eleventh century. The first Muslim in the Hudud-al-Alam 11 of 982 (H.

and. Furthermore. east of Kabul and in the mountains as far as the Indus. Al-Biruni is another Herodotus. for the first time for nearly 1500 years we are granted a glimpse of the people behind the trappings of the dynastic annals. also that the Indians had previously had kings in Kabul. . He has a large number places at the Peshawar Valley which he Qandhar. savage races occupying the frontiers of India towards the west and extending as far as its furthest limits. He refers also to Peshawar which he names Parushawur. They are not yet converted. he designates these tribes as Hindus. savage. in Babur's time most of the tribes occupied the ground they do today. which elsewhere he Kabul. But we may surmise they would not have been so very different from what they were in Babur's time. But almost. The nomenclature Pakhtun or Pashtun does of references to Gandhara calls not appear for that we must wait several more centuries. Afghan tribes. It had taken many centuries for an organized Muslim power to become established in the neighbourhood of Ghazni. in the very regions where they now dwell. and they are impatient of control. At least from Al-Biruni we know that by the time of the early Ghaznawids the Afghans have appeared upon the stage. we feel. as we shall see. Unfortunately he gives no names of these rebellious. 12 It will be seen that the Afghan tribes are by this time established just where they are today. He says but the capital in his time was at Waihind. for that we have to wait another five centuries for Babur.SAFFARIDS AND HINDUSHAHIS 113 in a rather earlier passage he speaks of these tribes as rebellious. and at the end of the tenth century there is still a Hindu King ruling on both sides of the Khaibar Pass.


D. 391-1119) .PART II THE MUSLIM MIDDLE AGES A. 1000-1707 (H.


The first (circa 121 5-20) to the arrival of Babur two centuries have a focus in Ghazni. after his establishment of the Muslim power in Delhi (1206). In the last three centuries before the coming of Babur the centre of gravity shifts from the Afghan highlands to Delhi and other Indian centres in which Muslim power was established. Timur's the fifteenth later in restored was century by 117 .CHAPTER IX MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS from the north in the hundred years of relative enter on a period stability on the Indus frontier. It falls empire. and also of Al-Utbi. and ends with the overthrow of the Afghan Lodi dynasty of Delhi by the Mughal. historiographer at the court of Mahmud in Ghazni. of Afghan conversion to Islam. in 1 5 26. and situated in the very midst of the Afghan country. The period is marked as one of Afghan appearance as a force in world affairs. that also (i 539-5 5) was really must be brought in to round off the picture. we full of complexity and confusion. and finally of Afghan the resumption of inroads time of With Mahmud after five in the homelands. Babur. already mentioned. And since the Sur dynasty of Sher Shah and his successors a revival of the power of the Lodis. This second period was punctuated by the terrible devastations wrought by the Mongol scourge under Chingiz Khan (1218-27) and by the conquests of Timur or Tamerlane (1380-1400). not first the running from Sabukroughly into two main periods. and the second from the fall of the Ghorids under the impact of forces from Central Asia in Kabul in 1 504. the capital of Ghaznawids and the later Ghorids alike. This era starts with the rise of the Turkish dynasty in Ghazni about 960. The former did not greatly affect India but completely shattered ordered until it government in the territories now known as Afghanistan successors. by the contemporary writings of Al-Biruni. The beginning of these years is moreover covered Ghorid Sultan. but empire in Hindustan. of the in Ghazni accession to (977) to the death power tagin's Muizzuddin Muhammad.

The conclusion must be that. make the last substantial reference to Peshawar. Al-Biruni excepted. obviously only beginning to embrace Islam. by a strange paradox. are driven to the surconclusion that over this prising long period much more is known of the achievements of Afghan soldiers of fortune in India than of the developments in their homeland. rebellious races' in their homeThe only tribal names to which an Afghan context can be land. the names of dynaswhich actually ruled in Delhi. even as sultans and emperors. remained a welter of warlike tribes. until Babur writing 500 years later. as it now came to be called in India. assigned are those of the Khaljis and Lodis. who at the end of the tenth century inhabited the plains and mountains on the borders of India between the Indus and Kabul.Il8 THE PATHANS During both periods Afghan and Pathan tribesmen formed the spearhead of the Muslim penetration and conquest of India. With their location thus defined as more or less that which it still is. whether exercised by the powers around them or by themselves. I have mentioned Al-Biruni's reference to the Afghans as the name of the warlike tribes. its measure can be taken from the fact and Al-Utbi. 1 Yet Peshawar's importance as a key point is clear enough from what all three authors have to say. This blindness persists all ties through the Middle Ages. first as soldiers of fortune and later as powerful kings. the best that can be done is to notice as . it is broadly true to affirm that the histories of these five centuries are barren of any detailed reference to these 'savage. and with the advent of contemporary and intelligent Arab chroniclers. during all these centuries most of their own homeland remained unpenetrated and subject to no organized government. the writers during the intervening period were little more than arm-chair that Ai-Biruni We chroniclers of dynastic achievements. writing about 1015. With the exception of what Al-Biruni has to say. and one incidental passage by the fourteenth-century traveller Ibn Batuta. we should expect to find that from this date starts the detailed history of the tribes from whose ranks so many of these armies were drawn. its only importance that it was the inexhaustible spring from which mercenary armies could be drawn. The reality is very different. For one approaching these years with an eye directed on Peshawar and its surrounding mountains. But. The country of Roh. with the beginnings in Mahmud's time of a mass conversion to Islam.

or in this confirmation did little the Arabic form Qandhar. confronted by the powerful Hindushahiya kingdom in the Kabul . and. were themselves of Iranian stock. and drove him out of the upper Kabul Valley. With these armies he twice defeated the Hindushahi King Jaipal in Laghman and Ningrahar. In 997 Sabuktagin was succeeded by his eldest son. like the Saffarids. then still known as Gandhara. but ruled through Turkish mamluks. capturing immense booty and up to two hundred elephants. The best of these were subsequently manumitted and placed in governorships and army commands in the key posts of their master's dominions. Sabuktagin. Ghazni was the frontier province of the Samanids to the south-east. when he wished thus they it. In 977. Mahmud vowed not only to expel the Hindus from . and after two years gave way to the second son. Ismail. Pirai proving a bad ruler.D. The Samanids. he admitted thousands of them to his service expended their souls and lives in assisting him'. so that 999 but afford a legal title which cleared the way for his son Mahmud.. From the year 950 the Ghazni province had been in charge of mamluks named Alptagin. At the time of his accession the Samanid Empire was breaking up it fell in A. Balktagin and Pirai successively. became the founder of the Ghaznawid dynasty. Mahmud. seized the office. who proved a faineant. and not his son Mahmud. to make of Ghazni the capital of a dominion of greater power and fame than that of the suzerain from whom his father had taken office. which had succeeded to the Saffarid conquests in Khurasan on the defeat of Amr-i-Lais before Balkh in the year 900. and there sub- mitted to him the Afghans and the Khalaj: and. with the title of Wali or governor. who decided that the main objective must be the expulsion of the Hindus from the Kabul Valley and Peshawar. who had been Alptagin's slave and had married his daughter. originally prisoners-of-war and in due course purchased for their military qualities in the slave-market. tribes in the mountains around it who were only beginning to feel the attractions of Islam.Valley and by difficult. refractory.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS 119 we pass such images of tribal attitudes and inspirations as may be reflected in the mirror of these dynastic annals. tells c us that he expanded the recruitment of his armies. Ghazni was a fief of the Samanid Empire of Bukhara. obtaining the confirmation of the Samanid suzerain in Bukhara. The Ghaznawid historian Al-Utbi. It was Sabuktagin.

but to carry the war beyond the great River Sindh into Hindustan. including the Persian Homer. whose homes were so close to Ghazni. the Piedmont. to the impact of conquests achieved largely with levies raised from among the Frontier tribes. Firdausi. where they were now concentrated. in spite of the fact that we are told by contemporary and later writers how he made inroads on the tribes in the Sulaiman Mountains. Mahmud's posthumous rank as an honorary Pathan is attribut- able. impression he made on he that still fact the frontiersmen of Roh can be gauged by figures in folk-lore and story as their first national hero. Everywhere ravaged at least twelve times between 999 life he ruled over a his of end his arms were victorious. and secondly to the memory that in his time so many tribal followers were stimulated to embrace the new faith. By the modern of Persia. and embark as mercenaries on continued by his son. with orders to see to that part of no disorder may arise in that difficult quarter/ In just such words might a present-day Pakistan government admonish an officer deputed to deal with refractory Afridis or the territory so that Mahsuds. and how that son despatched a force into the the conKoh-payah. north to Balkh. according to the point of view of the reader. The capital attracted Mahmud and the of the most magnificent buildings age. and in the east territory comprising a good slice the North. And this. Known. which he and 1026. embrace Islam. east to Peshawar in Gandhara and onward into the heart of the Panjab and Upper Sind. had succeeded who where he defeated the Turkish Karakhanids of his empire core The to the power of the Samanids in Bukhara. Masud. first. His policies were the the But Mahmud was a Turk. To the north his influence beyond the Oxus.West now is the Panjab and the valleys of what extended Frontier. to his court many famous scholars and poets.THE PATHANS 120 Gandhara. conquests far afield. for us his chief interest lies not so much in the fact that by him Hindu west of the Indus as power and influence were finally extinguished in his success in setting up a standard under which the Afghan tribes could rally. as the Image-breaker or the Scourge of India. of Ghazni 'in which direction tumacious Afghans are located. and KanKabul between consisted of the present Ghalji country with adorned was Ghasni at dahar (not then founded). He campaigned west to Persia. how he left a testament to his son to beware of these dangerous tribes so close to the capital. of M .

and from Kanauj. Kalinjar. 'I admire'. he writes. and from Dihli. we are told by Al-Utbi that Khalaj and Afghans formed part of Mahmud's army on his expedition to Balkh. formerly Hindus. that it became so widespread for must be due not only to Mahmud's astonishing capacity waging be no doubt that it successful warfare but to the proximity of his capital city to the Pathan homeland. many it was in vain. too. and must have numbered in their ranks the unconverted Afghans of that day. and against Muslims as a meritorious act. The decisive battle in which Mahmud defeated the Hindushahi was fought on a field unknown but close to Peshawar in the the struggle year 1000 (H. We know. conquered joined India. A few years later. writes the Pakhtu chronicler. Al-Biruni. As with his father Sabuktagin. 2 Al-Biruni has a fine passage. in 1008 (H. 399) summoned who was renewed under Anandpal. The passages quoted from Al-Biruni leave us to conclude so much. summoned their array. from Gwalior. with on came and Anandpal to the all. that at this time that thousands. embraced Islam. and from Ajmir.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS 121 Many perhaps had already in the armies of the Saffarids discovered that the challenge of Islam. all. JaipaPs successor. which serves both as an epitaph to the last of these chivalrous Hindu Kings and as a proof of his own tolerance. 'the following passage in a of Anandapala which he wrote to the prince Mahmud when "I have relations between them were strained to the uttermost letter . 'regarded a war all the Rajas gathered. Jaipal field of Peshawar. but there can was in Mahmud's time that a mass conversion taken place began to take place in this quarter. and from and even from as far afield as Ujjain. and it is a fair deduction that they followed him into India also. the people of Gandhara. was the answer to their inner promptings. northern all over to his aid a great array of warriors from 'Since the Hindus'. 391). India. but there can be small doubt that many of the vanquished were dwellers in the Peshawar Valley.' and once more the Rajput chivalry went We are not told. With him started that tide of Pathan infiltration into every part of the Indian peninsula reached by Muslim arms. That it had not contemthe before is clear from the passages already quoted from time this at porary writer. It is probable Mahmud's armies and went on into of the But down. offering glory in this world and repose in the next.

reign the first sack of Ghazni. I shall come to you with 5. I shall send you my son with double that number. tributary The last Ghaznawid of any fame was Bahram Shah (1118-59). maintained the Ghaznawid ascendancy in Hind. whether Selwere Turks. fused Ghor. it was probably inhabited by an known to both Afghans and we cannot exclude a possibility that the may have had a strain of Turkish blood. I have been conquered by you." Mahmud died in 1030. If wish. colonists left in that region by the period of Chingiz Khan's successors. Herat from advanced against Ghazni and juk Sultan (1063-72). devastations of ChingizKhan. and therefore I do not wish that 9 another man should conquer you. The Ghor chiefs were not of the old historians. The Seljuks. or Karakhanid. and we enter on a period of great confusion. In acting thus I do not speculate on the impression which this will make on you. he was able to to and of last the Sultan Sanjar. then at Isfahan (1063) and lishing themselves the greatest Seleventually at Baghdad itself (1091). if you wish. After his death the Ghaznawid power began to decline under pressures from the north and west. and so wrongly refer to the Ghorids as Afghans. 10. The weakening of the Ghaznawids under Seljuk pressures led to the rise of the Shansabani princes of Ghor. in such a milieu the juk.000 foot-soldiers and 100 elephants. Alp Arslan. and surrounding Ghor. the name of the central mountain massif of Eastern Iran. All the other dynasties carved out of the Samanid Empire. with the Pashtu word for a mountain. who knew no Pashtu. as terrible as any of the later and dynasty. but fell victim to an assassin. moved down from beyond the Oxus and had conquered Persia by 1050. Masud. gbar.000 horse- you men. in the twelfth century. had been habited by people called Hazaras. estabfirst at Merv. Ghaznawid. who under Mahmud tributaries of Ghazni. His son.THE PATHANS 122 learned that the Turks have rebelled against you and are spreading in Khurasan. But princes themselves were not out-and-out Turks. note. which I am now speaking. Ghor is the old name of the since Mongol times interritory now known as the Hazarajat. if they . conSome Afghans. replace his brother as Seljuk end of Mahmud's the saw Bahrain's But the tributary. enlist the aid of Having married a Seljuk princess. even eastern Iranian people conveniently Turks as Tajiks. the within status to reduced its ruler Seljuk kingdom. or. a branch of the Ghuzz Turks.

Alauddin marched dominGhaznawid the in of Ar-Rukhaj and the second city capital walls. Not old the on to Bust. the like chronicles at least in this world. A his headless trunk hung from a bridge over the Ghazni terrible vengeance was in store. known to the of levies the all collected tory as Jahansoz. buildings. Saifuddin's brother Alauddin. The tombs of the Sultans were broken open content contents burnt. a Sayyid. it of Babur. the World-Burner. had Al-Biruni's the in its with very centre of the Afghan of a great empire capital the tribes of Roh would of the that is history probable country. The Ghorids came to power in India by way of Ghazni. Malik of Ghor. is was overthrown and made captive in a battle near Herat. and River. he refused to pay tribute to the Seljuk Sultan Sanjar. and Ghazni burnt Bust.000 persons are said to have perished by their and flames. succeeded in capturing the usurper. who with his Wazir. ruler in flight to rebelled. and for a time drove the Ghaznawid a successful India. advent the before centuries four have ion. was able to stage he attacked Ghazni by night and. Ghazni of walls the under defeated Bahrain's army Ghor country. the fortunate lover of Bibi Mato and putative ancestor of the Ghaljis and the Lodis. these Shansabani have chiefs came of the very family to which the genealogists Ghor allotted the mythical Husain. What perished when Alauddin. who shall say?' And the Shansabani Ghori been travels supplemented by the records indeed. was paraded through the streets on a lean camel. This . 'are not to be found. with these barbarities. having taken the city by storm. says scribe. raged the in the sword or 70. convey some mesmassacre and set fire on went that the dreadful by employing a mystic carnage sage of and seven for fire the nights and seven days number. Bahram Shah. return. after the princes of Ghor had entered the roll of sovereigns of Hindustan. however. gibbeted. it up to plunder and and. Overcome with pride. all except that of Mahmud himself. Early in Bahram Shah's reign one Saifuddin Suri. effecting a surprise. gave to seek scribes The to it. hisIn the year 1150.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS 123 it hard to preserve their Iranian princes would have found blood undiluted. palaces and public the of which'. and this is interesting. and there destroyed the great c begun A year later Alauddin paid the penalty of arrogance. Finally. It should be added that this attribution was made by persons writing in India much later.

But perhaps the best reason for not agreeing with the theory of a Turkish ancestry for the Turis is that. Muqbils and Jajis. but the others are hill-tribes much more like Orakzais or Wazirs in character and appearance. On the disappearance of Alauddin Jahansoz. as well as the Khugianis of Ningrahar. and that there remain traces of Turkish place names in that and in neighbouring regions. and Khataks. Perhaps more reasonably. It would be equally reasonable to posit a Turkmen origin for all the Karlanri Pathans. Bangash and Wazirs to their south and south-west. being the generic term used by the poet Firdausi and Persian writers over a wide field to distinguish Turkish lands and peoples from the Persian Iran. that the group of Karlanri Pathan tribes which occupy upper Bangash. Ningrahar is an obvious instance. and for a short interregnum of ten years or so were clear for the princes able to control the devastated Ghazni capital itself. The Turis live in a broad and fertile valley. it is argued that for a period Turkmens are known to have occupied the upper Kurram. authority in Ghor devolved upon .. having Afridis and Orakzais to their north-east. they have have no appearance of Turkish antecedents. Two years later. They stand in the centre of all belong large contiguous group of hill Pathans who have been less disturbed by movements and migrations than any of the other peoples of Roh. namely the Turis. the Five Springs. like the other to the and Karlanris. the Ghaznawid and the Seljuk. Peshbulak. The Turis and their neighbours occupy a mid-way position between the other Karlanri Pathans. had passed away. the Karlanris. Mangals. Sanjar himself fell before a new wave of invading Ghuzz Turks from the north. the Kurram Valley and Gardez. It is justified mainly by pointing to the similarity of the tribal name Turi and the appellation Turani. in 1153. But before the Ghorid house could establish itself. unlike the Ghaljis. may be descended from these Turkmens. It is more probable that the inclusion of the Turis and Mangals in the Karlanri genealogy is affirmatory of a well-founded belief that they.THE PATHANS 124 followed by a permutation typical of Muslim dynastic history. There is a theory. To me the theory seems of doubtful validity. and with the Ghaz- nawid and Seljuk power broken. so that almost at the same time the might of two great empires. these Turkmens settled in the neighbourhood of Ghazni. supported by Raverty. The way was of Ghor. this time the Turkmens.

. him by that name. Prithwi Raj. The two Muslim power in India was established. As with Babur in a much later age. Here he sentative of the Ghaznawids and son of Bahrain Shah. brothers succeeded in taking Ghazni in 1 173. gave Khaljis and Afghans their first experi- ence of a Rajput charge delivered in flat and open country. Prithwi Raj fell. he tried again a year later. Save in pride of there was to be no Hindu ruler in the north until the A Rajputana of Ranjit Singh rise at the It is opening of the nineteenth century. Apart the Muslim these of the people right through sources. Rai Pithora. His first attempt on Delhi in 1 190 failed. Mad to retrieve young prompt this disaster. seventy miles north of Delhi. whom he Muslim rivals out of the imprisoned and duly removed. With his real the venture. on the same battleground near Karnal. Both are known also as Muhammad son of Sam. Muhammad Ghori's advance to Delhi was preceded by the capture in 1186 of the key found Khusrau.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS 125 Alauddin's two nephews. and Muhammad Ghori was its founder with armies largely. a thrust at Delhi. ubiquity annals of the Delhi crown makes it clear that this was so. bitter struggle followed. the road was clear for Hindustan. the elder he remained as conferring it in fief on Muhammad Ghori. the conquest of way. while is It from Ghazni ruler of Ghor itself with capital at Firoz Koh. In 1182 he led an army into lower that the Sind and took over the territory along the sea-coast. and with him the has which the hills and deserts of Hindu chivalry in India. made up of Khalaj and Afghans. Muhammad Ghori himself was wounded. and the long unfamiliar names are further confused by occasional and tiresome references to is known by and I Muizzuddin the propose to much refer to as Shahabuddin. if not wholly. was achieved mainly with the aid of that the conquest significant from the allusions in the Khalji and Afghan mercenaries. In 1 178 he crossed the Indus and possessed himself of Uchh near Multan. better known as Prithwi Raj. returning thence to Ghazni to prepare for his main effort. and was only saved by the 3 intervention of a Khalji trooper. the last surviving reprecity of Lahore. On the field of Narain close to Karnal. once more meeting the Chauhan Raja. the brothers Ghiasuddin and Muizzuddin. In India Muizzuddin simpler appellation Muhammad Ghori. both sides displaying a gallantry come down in story. the heart of Hindu power in northern India.

when he was assassinated on the bank of the Indus. These two Turkish mamluks. but his power was more than enough for the Ghorids. had risen to power the hereditary governorate of the Shahs of Khwarezm. by the one. adopted in various forms by almost every Islamic State that exists today. . Muhammad Shah. in Ghazni in seized and all Khwarezm. the Star and Crescent. when the power was lost the capital 1215. Ayyaldiz to Muhammad Shah of by the Khaljis. who become more and more prominent as the record of Muslim conquests in Hindustan is advanced. Qutbuddin and Ayyaldiz.THE PATHANS iz6 Muhammad Ghori reigned till 1206. and entrenched in a fertile network of canals. Behind this 'hushed Chorasmian waste'. and its construction started. to find rebellion rife in the Panjab and to fall to an assassin's dagger. are memorable for reasons other than their short-lived dominion and their slave origin. his trans-Indus possessions the same who had repelled Muhammad Ghori's invasion ten years earlier. meaning in Turkish 'the Moon and Star'. the other's name. Ayyaldiz. He and his son Jalaluddin were destined before long to go down before the annihilating arms of Chingiz Khan the Mongol. In later centuries the Russians oasis of Khiva year 1290. and in Ghazni by another mamluk. He left no son. and we must turn aside to trace the activities and examine the credentials of the Khalaj. a segment of the Seljuk Empire representing an intellectual life of a high order. the passage of which is rendered hard by winter blizzards and intolerable summer heats. The country of Roh at this period was about to be engulfed in the cataclysm brought about by the Mongol invasions. In Delhi his power was inherited by his Turkish mamluk. which in Seljuk times had become established on the lower Oxus close to where Khiva in his tent now were to find that the is ringed round on all sides once Khwarezm by the desert and the Aral Sea. Muhammad Ghori was driven back with his army shattered. The great Qutb Minar. Its representative in Muhammad Ghori's time was the last effective Sultan. The slave-king successors of Qutbuddin lasted in Delhi until the stands. was planned. is an early example of the Ottoman flag. After his conquest of Delhi he had endangered his whole position by engaging in a too ambitious venture against the Khwarezm power. Qutbuddin Aybek. that red sandstone tower ten miles south of Delhi. or Khaljis.

and there was a fine prospect of promotion to high office. they on Turkish slaves and Khalaj mercenaries for their administration and their armies. Un- one of them was strongly marked as leader. like that . came with weakness.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS *2. The great virtue of these mamluks were Turks the always noted. Their great efficiency for which the all mamluk of dynasties. as in the case tradition master. their from the chief or malik. not which endangered only whom the Afghans are constantly contrast the Khaljis. coupled no strong personal tie to any indicenaries. with served strictly as merto have seem various in contexts. as Though their tribal esprit de as hirelings seems clear own it to their texts. their been had they demise of the Sultan who By had all been equals under the Sultan. Often they were driven by fear to desperate expedients their own safety. and Qutbuddin was followed by a succession of Turkish slave-kings lasting for nearly a was the fidelity and century. and that of the The Turks were purchased Khaljis and Afghans on the other. We find too that the Khalaj. opportunities for plunder. They were responsible only to the ruler. who would remember grudges against torians. For it was based. are frequently coupled with Afghans. on tribal kinship and loyalty Thus their organization was not disrupted of the Turkish mamluks by the death of the ruler. The new Sultan would have his own less the old praefavourites. for as slaves. the start there appears a distinction between the role of the Turkish slaves or mamluks on the one hand. and employed as household troops. The receipt of pay was not an essential part of their service. From slaves of the Sultan. By They acknowledged vidual Sultan. although a wise ruler saw to it that his personal bodyguard was satisfied and well provided for. or and that the latter Khaljis. their personal loyalty to him availed no longer. Their position also offered substantial perquisites. when his controlling hand was removed. but served any who could pay them. but that of the state. corps made them dangerous enhanced their dependability. or afford so long as money was forthcoming. his favourite Turkish slave. they would fall out among themselves. Thus on Muhammad Ghori's death he was succeeded on the Delhi throne by Qutbuddin Aybek.J Whatever the ancestry of the Ghorid princes themselves. like the Janissaries of the Ottoman Empire chosen by him and his agents. form of the word is adopted when Persian replaces the older relied entirely Arabic compilations.

where he was allotted a jagir in Oudh and employed in forays against the surviving Hindu States of Bihar. Thus the first quasi-independent Khalji state had a life of twenty-five years. Khaljis became more prominent in Indian history. while the Turks constituted a relatively small and trusted elite. and its location at Ghazni. He captured the capital of one Hindu ruler by entering the city in disguise and almost alone. It point of view of the state less closely organized. He ruled his new Kingdom as a sort of Count Palatine in only nominal dependence on the Delhi sultanate. the ruins of which still stand majestically on a spur overlooking the Nerbadda Valley. able to . and it was no accident that in due course Sher Shah was draw his main strength in opposing the Mughals from that region. Bakhtiar. dissatisfied is significant in its indications. who acted as head of the Conscription Department in Ghazni in the time of Muhammad Ghori. and the Khaljis of Malwa (1435-1510) with their glorious capital of Mandu. the Khaljis and Afghans were substantially more numerous. giving the cue to Sher Shah who three centuries later was to re- peat a similar exploit. with prospects of promotion. There was. To complete the tale of the Khaljis we must anticipate the narrative a little. The other two Khalji kingdoms in Hindustan were the famous Delhi dynasty. There is no doubt that the presence in Bihar of a strong Khalji advance-guard acted as a magnet for further Khalji immigration all through the Middle Ages. a Khalji and Afghan pre-history. the exact itself sufficient ment to the centre of the present Ghalji tribes. proceeded to Delhi.THE PATHANS 128 power was much broader based and was to endure for much appears. and he saw to it that all the important posts in his province were occupied by Khaljis. An example is more and Muhammad 4 Bakhtiar. the last of whom was suppressed in 1226 by Iltutmish (Altamsh). and he succeeded in achieving the conquest of the whole of Bihar and north Bengal. He ruled for three years. The post he filled is in commentary on the importance of Khalji recruitGhorid armies. in fact.. both in Bihar and in Rohilkand. The noise of his prowess and his plunder attracted a large body of his Khalji fellow-tribesmen. of whom Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316) is the best known. only (1202-5) and was succeeded by two other Khalji chiefs. Qutbuddin's successor on the Delhi throne. too. From the time of Muhammad Ghori. going back far beyond Mughal times. that. though from the longer than that of their rivals.

Maurya or Mughal. nor would the Turks own him as was A. Like Akbar. He relied on one Jalaluddin Khalji and Afghan garrisons. and through fear of the populace some time were 'Friends opposed the city. of General. by his Muster-Masterwas who doctors. The account proceeds: tions and opponents now came to terms with Jalaluddin who from Baharpur by a large body of horse and seated escorted was at Kilugarhi. sickly incapable. unlike Akbaf. title when he was murdered Firoz Shah and reigned only six of his nephew at the instigation but one of the most powerHind. But. had no confidence in them. made from the other texts that the Khaljis formed the spearhead of the Muslim armies in India. By the death of Khalji maliks. The and powerless sick account proceeds: 'Sultan Kaikubad was lying attended at his country residence Kilugarhi near Delhi. Alauddin Khalji probably controlled a greater area of the peninsula than any before him or after him.D. or before the people elapsed before he ventured into ventured to Kilugarhi to offer congratulations. as also is the fact that Jalaluddin the Khalji. The last of the Delhi slave-kings The power worth the name was Balban. and reinforcing the Khaljis importance ment and mustering of the army. At the same time Jalaluddin. controlled by . 5 a merciless despot. until Alauddin Khalji. belonging to the number of their friends/ The year and Turk is to be here between The distinction made Khalji retained any marked. They hated the not look upon them. He also later laid the foundation of an administrative and revenue system he allowed and by Akbar. Balban and ceeded by his grandson Kaikubad. He came of a race different Turks. Buddhist or Muslim. had gone to Baharpur. too. and would Sultan Kaikubad the Turks lost the empire/ the Jalaluddin Khalji took years. like Bakhtiar before him.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS 129 of Khalji dynasty at the capital marked the predominance who mercenary over mamluk. ful sovereigns that ever ruled in the uniting of the whole sub-continent under the British. held an office concerned with the recruit- the Khalji establishing beyond doubt the deducthat in of sphere. perfected by Sher Shah his vanity to be flattered by a scheme to establish throughout his to be formulated and empire one universal and syncretic religion fortunate enough was he himself. The majority of the people of Delhi throne the on to him. where he held an inspection he that so the from the forces. and appointed in died 1287 and was sucKhalji as Inspector of Forces. Hindu. 1290.

he and had to Kings. were alis ready established there. for these came to Ghazni in and after Ghaznawid times when the Khalaj. that the prophetic office does not appertain the sense to bow his head and listen. Even Raverty who pours scorn on the identification of the the Khalaj with Ghaljis is prepared to go so far. more than a hundred years after the of its of the Delhi Khaljis. The best Mandu one Mahmud. There remain can and whether were the whether they Afghans. a converted Hindu named Khusrau Khan. them. the Ghalzis. Khaljis points tribe of properly be regarded as identical with the great Ghalji it Afghanistan. have been given in an earlier of the Khaljis to the White chapter for tracing back the origin chronicles as the Hayatila Muslim to known Huns or Ephthalites. was murdered by his favourite. when Alauddin's son and successor. That the Khalaj are the same as the Khaljis of the dynasties in India there is no doubt. as he calls 7 Raverty will not have. Hayatila entered the area of invasions Ghuzz the before centuries Mountains Sulaiman many Reasons. Who then were these Khaljis? think conclusive. The Khalji dynasty of Malwa did not arise until 1435. It seems to me certain that the Khalaj could not have been Ghuzz Turks. so reverting to the tradition of the Turkish root- him stock in these people. Mubarik Shah. 'Khalji' is merely the Persianized form used by the later chroniclers for the Khalaj of Al-Khwarezmi and others. who was wise and courageous enough was told He so reasoned opposition to a project blasphemous. The Khalji dynasty of Delhi was brought to an end in 1321. who had fought with Mahmud. Of from its monuments known fall at princes it left is poison his master the record remarks that his origin was from the Khalji Turks of Turkistan. the the that know or Haytal. The equation Khalaj with Hayatila documented.THE PATHANS to find among his councillors a man with a name very like his own. and it exbe established in the Ghazni area before how they came to had been fully exposed to the influences of Islam. Apart no particular mark. whether Seljuks or Turkmens. I 6 We of early medieval times. and that they represented a much older Turco-Iranian stock from the north. plains it accounts for their Turkish root-stock. were at this time . a wazir who contrived to and usurp the Kingdom in its mid-career. It is these identifications that According to him. to offer Alaulmulk.

failing torical truth the descent of the 'Ghalzis' from Bibi Mato and Shah a small tribe near the Takht-i-Sulaiman. and they are. displaying to be the real weakness of a scholar with an encyclopedic knowhe falls back on the fables of the ledge of Arabic and Persian texts. myth no were the that clear longer Turks when they Khaljis quite entered India. 9 History of India has already refuted beremarking that the people of Delhi at that time undoubtedly and to not and to Turks. and. I conclude that 'Khalji' is nothing but an . It could never have been a small sept hidden away in The Cambridge Sulaiman Mountains. writing in 1650. lieved the Khaljis to be akin Afghans also that it is hard to say what became of the Khaljis if we are not to regard the Ghaljis as their modern representatives. and before these controversies blew up. affirms as hisgenealogies. 8 this view. Chihpuh aslkkhe Ghalji da wilayat n>uh. There could hardly be a stronger case for the belief that earlier form of 'Ghalji'. The form Ghilzai is a liter- coined in obedience to the ary Persian production. there is a clear identification of Khalji with Ghalji in a couplet from the Pathan national poet Khushhal Khan. Khushhal writes: Sultan Jalaluddin pub sarir kkhenast. The present-day Ghalji tribe is the largest of all the Afghan the tribes. whatever their root-stock. probably son. Finally. as 'Khalji' are almost the same word. and I think conclusively. Khushhal at least. frequently bracketed with Afghans. Finally. T$ia Then Sultan Jalaluddin took seat upon the throne. In a poem narrating the order and qualities of the Muslim Sultans of Hind. he discounts this as a the false etymology perpetrated by 'those who know nothing of take I what Khalaj Turks or their antecedents'. HusainofGhor.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS 13! While admitting that their name is commonly pronounced Ghalji. to sort grain from chaff. 'Ghalji' that pronunciation. the thief's the of Next. Secondly. Who by race was of the Ghalji country. to their tribe and by all the Ghaljis themselves refer do other Pathans. But I think the case for identification is still stronger than that. the sources make it GhaLzoi. specifically referring to the accession of this same Jalaluddin Khalji as Sovereign of Delhi. had no doubt that the Khaljis were Ghaljis.

to the throne of Delhi and to the comprincipalities. and set forth in their own tradition.THE PATHANS 132 the Khalji identity with the Ghalji tribes is established^ and further that these tribes. was it Pashtu? There is no suggestion of antecedents. mand of other powerful The Lodis (1451-1526) and the Surs (1539-55) were themselves many frontiersmen to their banners. These tribal names were not known to the chroniclers. Even Ghaljis and attracted the Mughals. The authors of the Delhi chronicles had no knowledge of the Borderlands. All this started with the conquests of Mahmud of Ghazni and Muhammad Ghori. a branch of the White Huns or Ephthalites. and took no interest in the tribal background of the mercenary soldiers who rose to king's estate. The bracket with Afghans does indeed suggest a further possibility. As the spearhead of the Muslim conquest of India the Ghaljis and Pathans. in the land of their con- quest rose to the very top. It seems very probable that the usage 'Khalji' by the medieval historians is meant to cover all kinds of Afghans. who both show in their physical appearance. a memory of a Turkish from the Khalaj. or Bangash. Was it Khalji 10 Turkish. of the language spoken by Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji. It was a veritable Afghan expansion. all of which tribes are known to have established colonies in India still preserving a memory of their origin. affinities. was it Persian. but with a difference which can be seen to the present day. are descended cerned mainly with the flattery of a throne or the detraction of a rival or a predecessor. except that the Khaljis were not Turks and are bracketed with Afghans. Pathans. The Turks were a small favourites. They were conroot-stock. By living for centuries next door to the Pushtanah. or disparities. for instance. not least Babur. There is another reason for this digression into medieval Indian history. depended on Afghan mercenaries. the soldiers. such as Yusufzais. Orakzais. and later the rulers. These colonists from the north-west were augmented by fresh arrivals in later centuries. who entered the Afghan highlands in the fifth century of our era. band of chosen were Ghaljis or The pride of later Pathans in these achievements comes out in the verses of Khushhal Khan: . who lumped them all together as 'Khaljis and Afghans'. they adopted the Pathan habit and language. There is no hint anywhere. unable at that time to forge any coherent state of their own in their own country.

And all the world wondered at them! 11 I 133 . For six or seven generations theirs was the Kingdom.MAHMUD AND THE KHALJIS hear the story of Bahlol and Sher Shah That in days gone by Pathans were Kings in Hind.

Ghori. who had risen to power in Mongolia in 1205. Muhammad Shah of Khwarezm had not only defeated the Ghorids and mastered Ghazni. Following most forgotten Ghazni That Khwarezm Shah. a caravan sent by Chingiz was treacherously slaughtered by the Shah's order near the frontier town of Otrar. he had also taken Bukhara from a Chinese house known as the Kara Kitai. Just at this time Chingiz Khan. overran China and took Peking. the great Mongol. and there occurred clashes between Juchi's troops and the Khwarezm border guards. too. held the intervening Mongols in contempt. in command on his western frontier. who city was seized in 1215 unseated the Turkish established there after the death of and al- by the mamluk Muhammad Ayyaldiz.CHAPTER X SHER SHAH SUR after the success India. and by reason of this and other victories had been encouraged to a show of self-esteem. Embassies passed between Chingiz and Muhammad Shah. we have arrived of Afghan soldiers of fortune in at the Khaljis (1290-1321). and arrogated to himself the name and titles of the last Seljuk and even of Alexander the Great. finally. their remnant. 134 . that the terrible scourge of Chingiz didnot pass effectively beyond the Indus. He affected to pose as Caliph. The Khwarezm Shah sent his son Jalaluddin 1 to take charge of his new province in the south. seeing himself as the champion of Islam and dreaming of the conquest of China itself. were only to enjoy a few brief years of authority before they too were swept away in the tumult of Chingiz Khan's worldshattering conquests. Juchi. Jalaluddin was to hold Ghazni for no more than five years. It is due to him. so the Khwarezm Shahs. with a total disregard of good faith or the consequences. While doing this. But just as the Seljuks had conquered only to disappear two years later. but he enters the story not only because he passed across the Frontier stage but for having brought down in his train yet another band of Khaljis or Ghaljis. Chingiz left his eldest son. Muhammad Shah.

subsequently helpto gain possession of Uchh and Multan. after a last desperate battle. The Shah Caspian island where he died. seem to Chaghatai died in 1241 Chaghatai and his successors hind it utter confusion. their leader. The passage of Chingiz through the Kabul-Ghazni area left be- Ghazni had now been sacked twice in and hardly one stone was left upon another. Khan. perished in one of these engagements. the slave-king successor of Qutbuddin at Delhi. one of which penetrated in 1240 as far as Lahore and destroyed it. his son. there remained behind a Jalaluddin strong whose Malik of chief. and trade had disappeared.SHER SHAH SUR 135 This brought the Mongol down on Khwarezm in 1219. and forced fled to a back on the Indus. now all that was gone. Malik Khan. left India. and he died in 1227. retired on his fief of Ghazni. These men saw better hope in joining up with their brethren in the service of the Delhi Kings than in further peregrinations of Central Asia. after some inconclusive fighting with Iltutmish. but except for raids. These events took place in the years 1221-2 When . Jalaluddin himself. and slaughtered the populations.. had held land close to Khaljis body Bust and had led his clan to join the Khwarezm army in their capture of Ghazni in 1215. court. In 1222 Chingiz himself had departed to deal with affairs elsewhere in his vast domain. the time of Mahmud there had been at Ghazni a cultural centre to which the peoples of the Borderland could look. sacked and burned them. putting up gallant fight. He was thrust in retreat through the hills. closely pursued by Chingiz Khan in person. . but there is ing him reason to believe that the Khalji dynasty of Delhi may have been descended from this particular band of adventurers. King. near to Kalabagh. probably by the Tochi route. They had remained behind in Upper Sind when Jalaluddin left. On his death-bed he bequeathed these provinces to his second son Chaghatai. Leaving Juchi to storm Otrar. Since seventy years. pursued by Chingiz Khan. Here. and made their way to join Iltutmish at Delhi. he himself took Bukhara and Samarqand. It is probable that the resistance put up by Jalaluddin deterred Chingiz from coming further into India than the Indus Valley. but it did not prevent him from sacking Ghazni yet once again. in which he is described as performing prodigies of valour. caravans. Jalaluda din. he swam the Indus to safety in full view of the Mongol who admired the deed. passed out of India by the Sind route.

the Pathan homeland. possibly in Hariob. The Kart dynasty lasted till 1379 when Herat capitulated to the new scourge from Central Asia. and less than nothing of Peshawar. the history of the Afghans lies in India and not in their homeland. was once a great city. he and his party were assailed by a tiresome band of highwaymen whom he designates as Afghans. 2 It may truly be said that from the time of Chingiz Khan in 1 220 to the emergence of Timur in 1369. and The only ordered administration set up in our region was that of the Karts of Herat. very little of Kabul. a translation of Mongol ming> or Turkish bin. but is now mostly in ruins. We hear nothing at this time of the Abdalis or other tribes later prominent in the Kandahar region. that far to the west of Roh Tajiks from Ghor. no real attempt was made to clamp Mongol power onto these parts of the empire. Ghazni. He tells how on passage through a narrow defile between Ghazni and the Kurram. Ibn Batuta. The here mentioned for the first time in the capture of Kandahar year 1281. The country of Roh.' . who in 13 33 passed through Ghazni. most of them now express themselves in a rustic form of Persian. son of Sabuktagin. With the exception of the settlement of large numbers of Mongols as military colonists in the central Ghor massif. but it seems to have grown up after the destruction of Bust by Alauddin Jahansoz more than a hundred years earlier. the name being derived from the Persian ha^ar for one thousand. while there are still groups who speak an archaic Mongolian dialect. seems to have escaped Mongol penetration.136 THE PATHANS have thought the country too poor and difficult. established as Mongol vassals in the year 1245 nearest the Karts ever got to the Afghan country was in their . Timur or Tamerlane. and made little endeavour to occupy or administer it. These Mongol colonists are the people now known as Hazaras. 'the city of the warrior Mahmud. and there is no reason to believe that this time saw any reduction of the recruits passing to service of the various principalities in India. and thence by the Bangash route to cross the Indus on his way to Delhi. traditions that it was established by tribes migrating from Gandhara will be discussed when we arrive at the Yusufzai period. he notes. They have since mingled with the autochthonous Iranian people and. and indeed until later. The circumstances of this city's foundation are obscure. During all this time the only mention they receive at home is from the pen of the Moroccan traveller.

at the end of which Ibrahim Lodi was overthrown by Babur at Panipat. It might be supposed that the advent of another Ghalji house to power in Delhi so late as the fifteenth and early sixteenth century would have shed light on developments on the Pathan Frontier. The best memorial they left behind them is their massive group of square-cut tombs. Timur pene- their mountains. and replaced them with a Viceroy of his own. The government of the Lodi Sultanate of Delhi is of no great of Frontier developments in itself. stating that. though really Turks. But no records of the kind appear. There were three Sultans. upset the Turkish dynasty of Tughlak which had succeeded to the Khaljis in Delhi. The Lodis too areGhaljis. losing his life on the field of battle. Bahlol. the first Lodi. As Chingiz's successor Timur proceeded between 1379 and 1383 to capture Herat.SHER SHAH SUR 137 Timur. three miles south of Delhi. 'Hindu- . Sistan and Kandahar. this time the house of Lodi. Large numbers flocked down in response to a firman issued by Bahlol. trated into India as far as the Ganges at Hardwar. The exception is the encouragement given to the Border tribes interest to the student to take service in Delhi. until in 145 1 the Delhi throne once more fell to an Afghan house. beoxiana in 1369. attacked the Afghan tribes in and in 1398. ing the successors in power to that part of Chingiz's empire. and with one exception we search in vain. He then did what even Chingiz had not done before him. to furnish him with contingents. none of them outstanding personalities as was Sher Shah in the Lodi restoration. born in 1335. are referred to as Chaghatais and Mughals (Mongols). The dynasty endured seventy-five years (1451-1526). and extended uncertainly even to the Doab between the Indus and Jihlam Rivers. He is the ancestor of Babur and the Mughal dynasty of Hindustan. usurped the Chaghatai power in TransHe belonged to the Barlas tribe of Turcized Monat Kesh south of Samarqand. and Ibrahim. west of the Indus authority remained in the hands of Timurid princes. Sikandar. and it was Samarqand resident gols. now heard of for the first time. when he determined on the invasion of India. that he made his capital and beautified by the splendid architecture that bears his name. and he and they. was able to call on Lodis and Sheranis. who with his successors ruled as weak deputies to the Timurid power. The power of the Lodi kings did not reach beyond the Indus. a Sayyid named Khizr.

and Kabul Ghazni. Afghans in India naturally regarded It is well to realize Babur and Humayun nothing but interlopers. Moreover. As we might expect. and Mirza Husain Baiqara dencies including Abu Said conferred the govKandahar. Lohani. of Sher Shah. one of his sons and Babur's uncle. and the Karlanris Bangash and Orakzais. Niazi. the seizure of the throne by Sher Shah was in their eyes a justifiable restoration of a normal and rightful author- . let them come and take up estates in Hind. and supportrelieving themselves from straitened circumstances. Abbas Sarwani in Akbar's A appeal is Ghaljis. stan can best be held by enemies/ ing the State against powerful in the This firman is given history of Sher Shah. and he . later and Herat who held most powerful representative of the who ernment of Kabul and Ghazni on Mirza Ulugh Beg.THE 138 NATHANS somebody who rules over a nation with tribes. who held it until his death in 1 5 01 It was this that provided Babur with his ground for advancing on Kabul when he was driven out of Samarqand. Babur's grandfather. written by 3 list of tribes answering the time. but failed. the grandfather sections. was for most of the During this period the trans-Indus territory of Timur. Afghans had been prominent in India for three hundred years. Among the tribesmen answering the call was one Ibrahim of the Sur sub-section of the Lodi tribe. A later knowledge of the tribal origins of various Pathan colonies in India suggests that the Sarbanris may have been Mandanr Yusufzais. Let every Afghan tribesman bring his relatives leading a life of indigence. the Lodis themselves being most of those who came down were drawn from Ghalji given. affected to regard the Lodis as usurpers. Between the fall of the Lodis (i 5 26) and the seizure of power by Sher Shah (1539) there intervene the four short years that remained to Babur after his conquest of Delhi. the house the of branches two between time divided first branch being Mirza Abu held Samarqand and its depenSaid. to years during which Babur's establish the Mughal authority against the power of the Afghan nobles and soldiery that the as left over from Lodi times. his claim to the Delhi throne was based on his Timurid ancestry. Bhitanni. and for a third of that time had actually ruled as Sultans. Karlanris some and Sarbanris some were are also told that there of sections unspecified. but we namely Lodi. Marwat. and the nine uneasy son Humayun strove.

we must pause awhile and examine him. of that river. passing over Babur for the moment. a few miles his Further south. elsewhere the Jihlam was really his boundary. and was Sahsaram in Bihar. The reason only lit by an occasional fitful gleam is that Babur. ten miles north. Sher Shah. those Tathan Kings'. Sher Shah's original name was Farid. Delhi. with the arrival of Babur light breaks on the homelands of the Pathans. although he rose to of his ancestors. His father Hasan entered the service of allotted a jagir at Sikandar. Sher strongest never the of extended his sway northward Margalla Pass. Here Farid grew up. and the Mughal period as really only starting with Akbar. winning due course. kingdom just touched the beyond Rawalpindi.SHER SHAH SUR 139 and not an interruption. And in . like Kipling's and after him. So. the heavy clouds still shroud the northern mountains. greater even than Ahmad Shah. Nevertheless. like King David he overto omitted nothing glorify or was a tiger? in single combat. in order to win a way through from Central Asia to among the Pathan his at Shah tribes on their own ground. as with hindsight it may seem to us.his successors as the last chapter of the first volume of the Muslim ity. Legend has his youth. in spite of the thereby the name Sher shown to younger favouritism over father his with usual squabbles the with entrusted was he management of the half-brothers. For this reason I propose to anticipate. and. who the most illustrious reigned hardly six years. as his frontier outpost. Durrani Kingdom two centuries later. or perhaps because greatness outside the country he did. was founder of the Afghan in history. on ground familiar to men of his race since was the first of his family to the time of the 'Khalji' Bakhtiar in the days of Muhammad Ghori three hundred years before. It would perhaps be more accurate to treat Babur and Humayun as usurpers. service active on went Hasan when family estates came a Uon it Khan. with the Sultan. His grandfather Ibrahim come to India. On the other hand with the Lodis and the Surs. the second Lodi sovereign. which are of reflected light. and. had laid the before Mahbub AH and many Ghaljis a dealer in horses between as fortunes the of foundation family Ghazni and Hindustan. to regard the Sur period of Sher Shah and . story in Hindustan. had to consolidate his position first Indus in the Niazi country close to Kalabagh. As we shall see. with the great Rohtas fort. But here there is presented a paradox.

I shall inflict punishment on the headman of the the produce is not mentioned. . by display on the blunt instruments of his time. energy Shah. I think.' The cultivator's share of and the reader gains the impression that Sher Shah's methods. then addressed the revenue collectors and the cultivators and collectors that the welfare separately. The control his new domain. so establishing ah order edge remembered. later built. however just and forceful. in order that all may enjoy a state of and that my time may be characterized by tranquillity and comfort. and the result of the countryside. 'The best collector/ he said. The historian short years of Sher Shah's That. the principles of agriculture. and the welfare of the tenants. imposing unfair burdens was the desolation of He added that he himself would visit each village and call before him collector and tenants. He told the surveyors of the land depended entirely on the peasantry. an experienergy and success as land-agent the whole land-revenue system that ence on which it has been said of northern India is based.THE PATHANS 140 makes much of the young Khan's astonishing on his father's jagir. Admirers of Sher Shah attribute to him the principles and practice of land administration on which Akbar's able Hindu Revenue Minister. does not allow the expenses to exceed them. being minute in realizing the revenues. His methods respect and has been long are sufficiently described in the record of a speech delivered to his tenants at Sahsaram on the occasion of his taking over the estate: which won the administration My father having committed to my disposal of your concerns. were in the nature of judgments delivered from the saddle and lacked the patience and skill of the professional administrator. is he who. Should any one of you have extorted a farthing too much from any person. it is incumbent on me to pay all possible attention to population. the actual cultivation. and were in any permit of the elaboration of in Abul Fazl's Ain-idescribed those as such detailed measures laid long before in been had foundations case in and Akbari* any doubt that Sher no is there But Alauddin of the reign Khalji. the removal of the hand of oppression from the neck of the weak. in putting an succeed did and of a grasp. enquiring minutely into the execution He c of his orders. but henceforward I shall grant no pardons. Todar Mai. village. to with struggles reign were too occupied to too case brief. is an exaggeration. I will connive at times past.

with the result was learned. submission could be of no though always without success. the Doctor. but on the governor's maintainand overcoming them. their avail. 'Sher Shah. followed his example. and he did not I once asked Dr. He had in him the root of the falter. matter. found everything flourishing and places that formerly lay waste highly cultivated. Against his counsellors' advice. and 5 observed that it was customary with Hindus first to show themselves seditious against their governor. although here enough room for the refinements and accuracy essential to administrative efficiency. And. the cultivators.' My was . without fear or favour he went straight for the tallest poppies. and too little appreciation that the secret of success in such matters lies in a carefully regulated delegation of authority. when action friend. to submit with pusilhis The rebels. and Hasan. and to continue paying tribute. But Farid and humiliation out in broke panic. and without waiting for reinforcements from his The father. mination to go to the spot. and he always required. to refuse due taxes and obedience. he went straight to the point without equivoca- was tion. 'and why? Because he was such a true Pathan.SHER SHAH SUR I4 1 But he knew how to deal with the refractory. he attacked the forts of the most prominent defaulters. and mark that they are obeyed. there are those who know what wonders can still be achieved in Asia by the personal touch and superintendence that to Sher Shah was second nature. Pathan administrators still delight in references to Sher Shah's What they chiefly admire is his deterprinciples and methods.' came the reply. and on proving victorious. he was always available. half expecting that he would designate Akbar. In accordance but since from the beginning he had addressed to him at present. my Chief Minister. though execution of their watching the while a new opportunity for the with this custom they were crouching before plans. narrative proceeds: and skill. the that lesson Condign punishment followed. secure in their holdings and protected against exactions. to tell me who hero in the history of the Sub-continent. arriving to inspect his estates. witnessing his exertions superiority ing lanimity and adulations. his visited the spot in person. Khan Sahib. were seized with lamentations. issue firm there is not orders. them abundant exhortations. see things for himself. worked with a will. with his tolerance for other creeds.

them to he matter. Everywhere he was sedulous Pathan malcontents against the new regime. their nang> which had condemned them to a life of inaction and retirement since the defeat of Ibrahim at Panipat. comparable in a determination by meat to many pieces. withand his with courtiers. out leave. the to unite Thus the base of his strategy in his mobilization of manpower was to win and keep Afghan loyalty. astonished at his guest's uncouth table manners. at which he conqueror. as he then was. the whole informed fully directed force that was not to be gainsaid. for during his attendfull to occasion had had he ance at court insight into the acquire be an easy it would the of habits and manners Mughal usurpers. drew his dagger.THE PATHANS 142 through to Delhi. remarked to his Wazir that many Afghan chiefs and elders had repaired to his and careless initiative. hacked the decided to After Babur had won dispense and began to ladle the gobbets into his mouth with a large spoon. unmercifully. And this he did some ten years later. his observed had Khan searching look. But Sher left forthwith. exchange of whispers that remarked he Later Sahsaram. he with ceremony. Sher offender's the that countered by saying military resources were he him too meagre to make only behaved as a stranger dangerous. and Afghan to attach them to his service. had occasion to visit the capital and pay his allegiance to the summoned to a banquet. of his nation's adversary in a respects with the statecraft Sikh Ranjit Singh. service. Embarrassed as to the manner of eating it. employing methods of skilnot unmixed with guile. To this end he . Sher Khan. To the means employing every nobles left over from the Lodi period he was able to speak as a Lodi himself. and to appeal to that quality of Afghan pride and honour. One day he was was served with a plateful of some solid Uzbek dish. yet never had he seen such rough and so little observation of etiquette regard to good breeding. in the matter of geography and the sinews of war he was careful to pivot his operations on the rich province of Bihar which he knew so well. And the rich he squeezed. He a felt and was put out of humour. not known in his country. Babur turned away to other who did not understand courtly ways. and the things. from Hindustan. The Wazir better had Khan were dangerous. To he held out the bait of a life of adventure potential new recruits and profit. expel thought. later century. presentiment that such men be secured. Babur happened to look his way and.

SHER SHAH SUR employed every artifice to secure possession from 143 its Hindu gov- ernor of the strong Bihar fort of Rohtas. with all the other beauties. After showing the queen dants every deference he directed that they should be permitted to return to the tent. around which he posted a strong guard with strict orders that no single member of the party should be molested or carried off by his victorious troops. finding the this distressful from situation. also on the Ganges. queen of fugitives. Meanwhile the Pathans had captured the imall the ladies and families. these secured entry. always brave but shiftc the alarm was given. a discreet. course and tactics of these Indian battles need not detain us. had become imposthe sible. surprised base of an essential of killed the Raja and obtained possession Khan Sher decisively operations. Humayun was driven back on Lahore. Sher Khan alighted from his horse and bowed and her frightened attenprofoundly. But the Chausa battle was the scene of one incident typical of the Afghan warrior at his best. hastened to rally his bodyguard But he was forced back from the standard and had to lend his with grief that to save his thoughts to save his person. Remembering no doubt the exploits of Bakhtiar Khalji before him. whence. He. The next day they were c sent off in charge of one Husain Khan.' So he sent his musahib. after performing his and plunged into the fray. who held Kabul and Ghazni. He had not less. but much higher up the river. failing to reach an accommodation with his younger brother Kamran. kindly man. In 1 5 3 9 after much manoeuvring two pitched battles. with before the victor. or aide-de-camp. disguised as women. Humayun. . therefore. and brought them perial tent. to conduct while he himself. toilette. he captured this Bihar fort by the ruse of seating a number of his doughtiest warriors in palanquins the garrison. plunged a bridge over the Ganges broken by throng his horse into the river and was only rescued from drowning by a faithful adherent. This Rohtas of Bihar is not to be confused with the great fortress of that name which Sher Shah later caused to be constructed in the north and by a fancy called by the same name. he was forced out of India into Persia by the Sind and Kandahar defeated route. and the second near Kanauj. overcome favourite lady. was having his bath when finished his ablutions when Sher Khan attacked and his troops The were thrown into disorder. the first at Chausa on the Ganges below Benares. Humayun in He was not to return for sixteen years.

Sher Shah. Further north. gave orders for the construction of the new fortress of Rohtas. He confirmed them in their holdings. are told that thousands of the tribesmen of Roh presented We themselves to the conqueror at a camp at Khushab on the Jihlam just below the Salt Range. a settled tribe of Ghaljis living on both banks of the Indus in the neighbourhood of Kalabagh. But on Bayazid's arrival. Sher Khan seized Delhi and assumed title as Sher Shah. was driven out of the Panjab. and on the visitor's taking leave to accompany him for a short distance. and the grandfather of the author of the History of Sher Shah. as a bond of loyalty and good cheer. he was checked by the existence of Kamran's organized government Baluch possession and and by the depredations of Panjabi tribes in the hills north of Rawalpindi. and took occasion to meet his kinsmen from the north. It was when Sher Shah was at Khushab that he received a visit from three Baluch chiefs of the Hit tribe. one of the most venerated saints of Roh. in the area now called Isa Khel and named after one of .144 THE PATHANS and lodged in the a nice touch this well advanced in years' the with were Bihar Rohtas. But his confirmation of the holdings of these Baluch chiefs along the Indus to the south shows in which direction he had hoped to extend his power westward. Among them was Shaikh Bayazid Sarwani. The feeble Kamran. After these victories. or abiding-places. Sher Shah called to him heartily in Pashtu. and had not been able to extend his power as far as the Indus. O Shaikh. at that time all in exclusive known collectively as the Derajat. the jirgas flocking to his presence bank from as far afield as Kabul and Kandahar. Fateh Khan. His initial efforts were directed against the Niazis. and retired west of the Indus. had he lived. to advance a few paces to greet him and take his hand. and even from the banks of the Helmand River. Ismail Khan. the son of Shaikh Katal. firm only in opposition to his brother Humayun. let us embrace. when greeting a holy man or Sayyid. It is in the tradition of Afghan tribal warfare not to molest the women or children of the enemy. on the Indus right bank. for the defence of which he had scorned to make common cause for the Mughal name.' He knew the strength and appeal of his native tongue. "Come. advancing to the Jihlam. as we have seen. the founders of the three Deras. and Ghazi Khan. It was usual for Afghan rulers. where they necessary comsupplied petence and eventually released.

In short. thinkof three notables then ing to force Allahdad's hand. While agreeing that there had been previous instances of alliances between Niazis and Surs. But Mubarik. was a Niazi himself. to the charge of the Niazi area. and her bow of her eye-brows. even at cost of his life. protesting . possessed rustic temperament and had only the qualities of Roh. full -of the pride of authority. whose good looks were the theme of general talk. presented that the all with Khan. refused to listen. turned to molest the Sumbal clan. Let him in any case refrain from oppressing the consenf to the clan. and Haibat Khan. The 145 have been subjection of the Niazis should numbers of easy enough. and the Khan could have her. and would never pigeon. plundered one of the Sumbal villages and carried off a slave-girl. was of a a refined taste. and thinking to teach the clan a lesson.' Mubarik. duty to the governor. Under him Sher Shah Mubarik Khan. One alliance proposed. The jirga of the whole tribe then that the proceeded in a body to his presence. Mubarik. falcon with falcon. seeing that this tribe had supplied large men to swell Sher Shah's armies. his most trusted general. while his poor child Hind. 'Her lashes' arrow she had pulled on the her cheeks were a living flame. The main sections of the Niazis are the Isa Khel and the Sumbal. became and once her saw local governor. between them was so great that a marriage could the inequality not be thought of. the long tresses as the smoke that rises from enamoured of her. It so happened that a Sumbal freeholder named Allahdad had a daughter of unequalled beauty. A jirga waited upon him. the fire. holding as he did the but answered respect harem in his have must many noble ladies and beautiful authority. his brother's son by a slave-girl. frustrated. who had been brought up in slave-girls.SHER SHAH SUR the Niazi sections. includnominated his own nephew ing Multan. Haibat Khan was Sher Shah's governor of the Panjab. the Moreover Khan. pigeon of them had a daughter by a slave-girl. Allahdad was free-born. he desamong pride Forgetting to ask his daughter's Allahdad to patched a confidential messenger his Allahdad hand in marriage. the slave with the slave. they observed that these had been between equal and equal. There follows a story very illustrative of Pathan manners and attitudes. only the race of the people of Roh. the free-born with the with free-born.

in 1 545. for Sher Shah's writ did not run so far. Pretending that. but shortly after this event. and killed him and every one of his attendants.' swered fiercely that if he valued his life. the tribesmen. so base an act had never before been committed. The Sumbals withdrew into the hills whither Haibat could not follow them. Leave c us alone. was few in number.' On this Sher Shah meditated the removal of Haibat Khan from the Panjab. we have shown fulness of my house. to give up the girl. not one of them would be left. He was killed by an accidental explosion of gunpowder at the siege of a fortress at Kalinjar in the Bundelkand hills south-west of Prayag. When this got to Sher Shah's ears. The Sumbals were of Haibat Khan's own tribe.THE PATHANS 146 honour of their women and dependants was to them the same as the honour of his to himself. left their weapons outside the audience chamber. getting only a sharp answer. saying that the tribe of Sur. But. let him deal with them and punish them in such a way that others might not get into the bad habit of killing governors. If every other Afghan should slay a Sur. if he did. will The maliks anhe would keep his eyes force. he resorted to finesse.' You prate of honour. since he has slain so many of his own tribe. The men he slaughtered and sent in the women to the presence of Sher Shah. Hitherto the heron has not dared to play the Out of respect for your uncle. him by and what is more. So. 'You were born in Hind and know not the ways of the Afghans. if they came in on safe-conduct he would arrange a composition and emphasizing that they could trust him as a fellow-tribesman.' he added. he induced nine hundred of them to come in with their families. he died. Their anger roused. respect to you. his own. fell on the governor with their bare hands. 'Haibat Khan evidently nourishes no thoughts of sovereignty himself. saying that. a Niazi himself. he wrote to Haibat Khan. 6 . as between tribesmen. the Shah. 'At least. they opened their minds and said. he could never have forgotten his Pashtu so far as to shed the blood of his people unjustly. whereupon Mubarik ordered his men to drive them out with rods. and hands off their women.' replied Mubarik in a fury. The emperor disapproved most strongly. "but I measure honour by the tyrant over the falcon. I will keep take Allahdad's daughter from this girl. still with respect. they requested him. oppress us not. and let this woman go. though they had by custom. the son of a bondwoman.

writes that it took over ten years to build. looking north across a sandy stream-bed to the low hills of the Salt Range and. and ki these walls he again. those formidable bastions make the Red Fort of Shah Jahan. Except for his unfortunate passage with the Niazis. their equal in courage. it could not have been finished until the middle of the next reign. not enervated by long residence in a torrid climate. was far greater in the sweep of his genius and the concentration of his abilities. 147 The Mughals were formid- able adversaries. the inner significance. There it stands. but he gave an example for all time of what a Pathan could do both in welding together his own countrymen as mercenaries in a foreign land. But to reach to the heart. neatly put together from a box of bricks. but Sher Shah. a holds together like . But the conception was Sher Shah's. The binding quality of the mortar used symbol of the founder's coercive power. and in reducing a continent to order within five short years.SHER SHAH SUR Sher Shah was a tremendous man. sprawling across a low rocky hill a few miles north of Jihlam. he never ruled upon the Frontier. in their veins the fresh blood of Central Asia. and he drummed them out of India. look like the puny castellations of a child. As befits a work of military fortification. if so. and he cherished the cultivator. and the proportions fill the eye. But. it is such lives that. of Sher Shah. above all. who inspected Rohtas on his way to Kabul with Wade in 1839. Ruthless to the upstart. to the snows of the Pir Panjal. Shahamat AH. the rebel and the peculator. these overpowering gates and bastions do not carry the embellishments added to the Royal Citadel at Delhi. It seems impossible that so vast a monument of power could have been raised within Sher Shah's short reign. his greatness is to be seen reflected in his buildings. noble grace all its own. it is best to visit his vast frontier fortress at Rohtas. he showed mercy to the poor and needy. The circumference is large enough easily to hold a couple of divisions of troops. three miles away to the north. He built roads and caravanserais up and down the country. Sher Shah's mosque within his citadel has a simple. its great ramparts growing from the cliff like a Wall of China. more in harmony surely with the true inspirations of Islam than any of those pearly caskets built by the Mughals to the glory of God. but the ashlar is finely jointed. beyond them. The mighty gates and battlements of his Old Citadel at Delhi give the measure of the man.

in so short a period. Such settlement would serve the additional purpose of bringing the mountaineers within the checks and restraints of a civilized life. and later Babur. These wishes. Sher Shah is made to reveal something of the inner springs of the policies that brought him success in so short a time.THE PATHANS 148 masses that. what can be the reason of your grief?' To which Sher Shah gave no answer. He speaks of course the rough language of that day. I wished to lay waste the territory of Roh. so that pilgrims might go and come at full ease upon their journeys to the Holy Place. Hear an excellent tale of Sher Shah. lest so extensive a city should furnish means to an invader from the north to enter it and equip himself. and settle its inhabitants in the plains-lands extending from the Nilab 7 to Lahore. the subjects of the realm.' my heart. that they might observe any attempt at invasion by the Mughals. I designed to raise a tomb to Sultan Ibrahim 8 at Panipat. and my name would have been spoken to the Day of Resurrection.' On their enquiring what these were. the fragmented pieces of Pathan society which remain look for a leader of his stature to give the cohesion. Next. but on condition that opposite it another should be erected to the Chaghatai Sultan Babur. he You are right. who rendered him a martyr. I desired to desolate Lahore. the army. I now take with In this surprising passage. . first Muhammad Ghori. This act would have won me the applause of friends and foes alike. and the laws and regulations having. whereupon one of the sighs courtiers remarked: 'The affairs of state. the organization of the finances of the kingdom. Fourth and last. so close to me to the grave. and must take with me to the grave. Even so. as we made of that city a point d'appui for the conquest of India. nor allow anyone to come from the direction of Kabul to India. the monarch continued: "First. to draw grievous One day he was observed and sob repeatedly. c said: Secondly. his reference to the devastation of Lahore is prompted by the recollection that shall see. been re- duced to such order by you as had not been done by any other sovereign. remembering Sher Shah. but when they pressed him the more. with time. which I could not accomplish. but four wishes rest in my heart. I have long harboured a wish to establish on the road to Mecca fifty solid edifices. have toppled from the structure. lacking which they do not attain their due place fallen tocks the in the history of nations.

In his first striking design for the Frontier tribes he is pursuing the train of thought which made him think of Lahore. He had realized the strength and the weakness of the mountaineers of Roh. His third and fourth wishes are an expression of his greatness as a builder and engineer. at Sahsaram where Appropriately. Sher Shah's death led to the inevitable struggle for the succesThe man who won through was Sher Shah's younger son took title as Salim or Islam Shah. of the kingdom provided no adequate shield for the protection of one commercenaries the Indeed invasion. but he knew only too well that the disorganized tribal societies in their homelands. it is enough to say that fratricidal strife. and Humayun was able to make good the restoration of Mughal power. other nobles. In some way. was absent from the capital when his father died and sion. and the Fortress of Rohtas. buried in Bihar. He built not most and but ad majorem Dei gloriam. Sher Shah was great enough to see. so unable to win the support of Haibat Khan and the. led inevitably to the fall of the Sur dynasty when Islam Shah died at Gwalior in 1554. a not unworthy memorial of But his real monuments are the Old Citadel at Delhi his greatness. Islam mostly Niazis. looking north beyond the Jihlam. These events are too remote from the Frontier to make it worth while to follow them in detail. against further to their to turn mander would readily another. the elan and hardihood of these tribes could be turned to the advantage of the State on whose borders they live. From them he had drawn the soldiers in whose company he had marched to the throne of Delhi.SHER SHAH SUR 149 Sher Shah is really only saying that he who holds the Panjab is in a fair way to the dominance of India. and for the day only. although these later changed sides. allegiance was not a system. . Jalal Khan. Sher Shah is he grew up and first attained fame. and not with the vague and shifting principalities in the direction of Central Asia. His tomb stands on a stone terrace in the middle of a large tank. The throne was then contested between three claimants of the house of Sur. finding Shah too exacting a master. reflected in factional struggles among the nobles. give some hint of his inspirations. but to a man. The elder son. rent with faction and the blood-feud. who Adil Khan. He divined also that the Pathan future lay with the Indus Valley region.

everything that was gained falls away.. . He dies.THE PATHANS 150 The story of the Sur dynasty illustrates very forcibly the leader arises. and with him dies his inspiration. And enterprises of great pith and moment With this regard their currents turn awry. great strength and weakness of Pathan character. A enough to gather men around him and make them forget their personal factiousness for one crowded hour of glory. tribal jealousies are reasserted. And lose the name of action. In the absence of the man who commanded trust.

and had left those splendid monuments of their glory which are to be seen in tomb and battlement strewn around the Indian capital today. No longer need we rely on the stray references of Arab or Persian geographers and travellers. and even at times repented. and is easy to forgive: openly confessed. When we come to Babur everything changes. The . In his character as the founder of a powerful and enduring not surprising to find a union of the qualities of statesman and general. his sins make him more human and more lovable. as revealed to the man of action of that day. the Khaljis and the Lodis had spread the terror of Afghan arms. But although these kings and their nobles had encouraged the recruitment of a constant stream of soldiers of fortune from the mountains of the north. make him the perfect example of the practical extrovert of his age. their battles and their massacres. But he was more than that. His well-known slavery to the excesses of carousal appears as an ebullition of natural gaiety. before the coming of Babur to Hindustan. It is true that. Babur was the most illustrious princes ever to sit upon a throne in among Asia. the scribes who wrote of them knew little and cared less of the Afghan and Pathan homelands In all those scribings there is scarcely a mention of individual tribes.CHAPTER XI BABUR first genuine and historical glimpse of the Afghan and Pathan peoples in their own country is given to us in the inimitable TSaburnama^ the Memoirs of Babur. and an enquiring mind. and there was no region of art or nature. and there is little but intrigue and slaughter in it all. A lively good sense. the first Mughal Emperor (1482-1530). The chroniclers of Hindustan recorded their pomp. or on a confined tribal tradition such as that of the Yusuf2ais. there had been more than one Afghan dynasty passing across the Delhi stage. the names Khalji and Lodi are all that have come down to us. that escaped empire it is the activity of his research. From his earliest years he had cultivated the art of poetry in his 15* own Turki and in .

since she was better acquainted with Chaghatai than the earlier translators. Of course. by Erskine and Ley den in 1829. the flowers. two small volumes more lively and in the most recent edition Persian. Suddenly the curtain rises. The Baburnama has been twice translated into English. I think. This precision in terms of carried through into his chronology. But for us his fame rests on his autobiography.THE PATHANS 152 and had attained a high repute among the poets of his country. as a leader who had learned in the hard school of and victory. the clarity of his space narrative of events is the measure of his importance as an hisis And. he can sin and repent. the mother of Lord Beveridge. the footlights go up on an Afghan scene that up to that moment has been shrouded in darkness. Most of the by King in 1921 work was done by Erskine. what they did and how they behaved beneath the all-powerful shadow of the one God in whom he trusted. the rain birds. his friends and enemies. the trees. He can laugh and he can weep. Beveridge must be pronounced more scholarly. pean notice for the first tions are so arresting that even today no better general introduction can be sought to unravel the tangled territories lying between the plains of the Oxus and the Indus. the harsh hills and snow and tempests. On his father's side he was descended from Timur Lang (Tamerlane) in the fifth generation. his mother was in the thirteenth generation from Chingiz Khan through the great Mongol's second son. is much easier to handle. and good humour and charity torian. and by Mrs. the names of men and tribes. But Leyden and Erskine's earlier work is. given him on the occasion of his visit to Shah Shuja's court at Peshawar in 1 809. and that by Mrs. he was pre-eminently a man dependent on the kindness and understanding of other men. inspired and encouraged by Mount- edited who was responsible for bringing to Eurotime a copy of the work in the original Chaghatai. the bright skies. in 1922. Beveridge. He thus combined the Barlas and the Chaghatai ances- . the and smiling valleys. Chaghatai. The accuracy and clearness of Babur's geographical descrip- stuart Elphinstone. Babur was not a Pathan. Both translations are excellent. defeat well up in him. composed in the Chaghatai form of Turki and bearing every mark of an ingenious and intelligent mind. who worked originally on a Persian text prepared in Akbar's time. he was a Turk. He notices everything.

and his tomb is to be seen there today. He was not the first to conquer it for his family. I do not know that any place in the world is to be compared with it. of southern in the regions process of assimilation to Turkdom Turkistan where Babur lived the first part of his life. and gives ecstatic descriptions of the scene and the peace of heart he knew there. and no doubt with Persian blood also. Mongol. But. It was streams. Babur's uncle died in 1501. included an inoculation with Persian thought and manners. on their banks chenars yielding a grateful 2 in such a spot that he arranged for his body to be laid.' upon a . It had been part of the vast dominion left by his ancestor Timur on his death in 1404. All these strains. and is not to be of ruler of that name. Samarqand and astron- grandson omer. although Babur could battle just as unlike them he cultivated a fiercely as any of his precursors. down till it merges imperceptibly gentle eminence sloping in the green and spreading landscape. Babur's uncle. only three years later. Nothing grandiose cious spot. shadowed by chenars and the arghwan* trees Babur describes with such contentment: 'At the time when the arghwan blossom begins to blow. Kabul was Babur's stepping-stone on his way to the conquest of the Indus and Ganges Valleys. try. the Yusufzais accuse of having murdered famous prince of the more with confused banquet.BABUR 153 both acknowledging distant Mongol antecedents. an evening's stroll from the city. Timur. Moreover. This Ulugh Beg is the ruler whom. Turk and Persian. as we shall their maliks at a see. for the his son Babur. in this respect he and some of his men may not have been unlike those Ephthalites who had preceded them on similar ventures to the same lands more than a thousand years before. laced with poplar-lined avenues which lead the eye to the traceries of the distant Paghman a modest marble shrine set in a delisnows. In climate he thought it had no peer. That Ulugh Beg was first cousin to the grandfather of this and a Ulugh Beg. were present in Babur's make-up. which goes far to redeem the barbarities that always accompany conquest. Babur always loved Kabul. and he speaks with delight of its many gardens threaded by perennial 1 shade. intervention ministerial way opened against who crossed the Hindu Kush and obtained the surrender of Kabul without a battle in 1 5 04. but thorthe oughly Turcized by the time of Babur's birth. and had descended to his chivalry uncle Ulugh Beg.

exdynasty that preceded him. at last. resulting in the conquest of Hindustan. In addition to those five there were expeditions against the annual invasions of Kandahar Ghaljis around Ghazni. so far as might be. precise the moveaccuracy far greater than is possible when examining ments of Alexander or any other invader of the north-west. which in fact he was never able entirely to resolve. Before that. a possession possession territory are the of His until achieved champaign 1522. appear the familiar names of tribes we know. Later emperors of his line were no more successful in achieving enduring solutions. tended from the Jihlam River over the Afghan control no had it and west of the Indus. the centre of an Afghan empire since 1451.PATHANS On his had to to the conquest of Hindustan Babur wars. Babur's arrival in Kabul by and second of the line. These and the Jihlam country intervening between Kabul do this. when Sultan Bahlol Lodi established his rule on the ruins of the Sayyid as Babur tells us. must secure and maintain through own home ground. and. feel that the darkness has in. Babur's final and decisive expedition. . of It was a pompous and formidable adversary. its writ did not run but to Bihar. ing between and of state a continual in was annoyance over difficulties anxiety the hill River. there had been five others in this direction. undertaken with the object of estabhis authority over the intervening lishing. each a war against a type of polity way from Kabul fight two Afghan a level differing from the other. who starts from Central Asia. took place in 1525-6. Babur says the Lodi King could put half a million His men in the field. This empire. His second and final struggle ended in the defeat of the Lodi dynasty and the seizure of the throne of Delhi. ruled at the time founder the son of Sultan Sikandar. when he reads Babur's detailed accounts of his operations on the Frontier. that for the first time a Pathan can begin to broken and the light is flooding Here. first and less tangible Afghan adversaries were the tribes- stood on the lines of men on their communication which any prospective conqueror of Hindustan. on effectively or Pathan homelands from which its rulers had originally come. And it is here. and almost not decithat of secure to city. readcould Babur before to Many years were elapse see can we of his the lines very clearly that he story. descriptions sively that we are able to trace his line of progress with an so tribes.


PQ O ff! a s w O W .

Niazis. reputedly Afghan settlement of the Peshawar Valley 4 Babur's incursions. This tribe. After the AfricUs. Sawad. and the the Khataks are mentioned not and Babur. the Ghaljis later to attain tribes Pathan The are where they only major today. given in a list of does. Always speaking of Karlanri when he does not specify the tribal name. the Gorkhatri. Katlang grows all suddenly come to stream flowing out of Sudhum tribes were then these of while some more Even interesting. the narrative shows time. as we know. For instance. Turis. Orakzais. the Bangash round on different Samah. Bajaur. is called by him Afghani. even Ghaljis (by that name) and Wazirs all take their due place in the picture. Khalils. although he Pathan tribal names. Dilazaks. given the great number of sion is the tribal designations which do appear in the Baburnama 5 Babur tribe The Abdalis. the rushes near Swabi holding rhinoceros where little the and the of beneath Pajja. he writes Afghans. The second omisthe most significant of all. Yusufzais ring out the well-known names First Bangash. the Lohanis in the Daman. Kohat. round Ghazni Hangu. ground from that occupied today. and sometimes when he the language. Mukam life. spurs today. partly for the reason that in their country the conqueror spent more time. the Khaibar with Ali Masjid and tobacco Jam. Isa Khel. recital. but more.BABUR 155 and most prominent are the Yusufzais. face In modern. Mohmands. The tribesmen cultivating around Bannu. we so so this of circumstantial. Even eleven spoken in Kabul. because he married a Yusufzai girl. with date in overlapping The negative evidence from Babur's omissions is as interesting as the positive detail that he gives. true can be the stories of migration enhow to wonder begin shrined in such productions as the Yusufzai histories of the and Swat. always claims the appellation Afghan. never Pathan. Gigianis. Muhammadzais. The Afridis the that majority have not moved since Babur's in Swat and the the Yusufzais the in then were even Khaibar. Parshawar. Angu. Pakhtuns or Pashtuns. the to only absence of any reference known to him was mentions as inhabiting territory roughly between Kandahar and Herat (where the Abdalis were when first they appear in history) . by fame. nowhere does he mention so specifies many nearest he comes to it is in Pathans. the Muhammadzais in Hashtnagar. This again is due to the fact that for reasons stated the tribe best probably the Yusufzais. Lohams. I think.

as now. describes the old Pathan custom. his information coming apparently from the Gigianis who then. to say the least. returning by way of Birmal. after a visit to the stupendous banyan tree then standa typical touch he decided in consultation with his ing officers to give up his original idea of crossing the Sind (the Indus) and to proceed to Kohat instead. in a glen so closely described that it is still possible to recognize the gorge. It was with the definite design of "making an irruption into Hindustan'. mentioned in the same breath as the Hazaras. had now been entirely occupied by Afghan tribes and was no longer the seat of any government/ The general picture is confirmed by his recital of the course he took through the territories. although it had once been part of the dominion of Kabul. which fertile. There follows a vivid description of an action against the Bangash near Hangu. between the villages of Ustarzai and Raisan. with hills to the he correctly describes as . and the writer's own comments on the characteristics of his more impudent adversaries. Parshawar and Ashnaghar'. Indeed. Babur's first expedition was undertaken in the opening of 1 505. He had heard Kohat was a wealthy place and likely to yield plunder. These. worth while to examine in some detail the tribal actors passing across Babur's stage. In a general way we may conclude that the very need for all these penetrations into the tribal territory between Kabul and the Indus proves that the tribes then enjoyed an independence sufficient seriously to embarrass any who sought a way-leave to Hindustan from the north-west. the time consumed in subduing the tribes to the conqueror's will. it was decided to turn again westward and ravage the lands of the Afghan tribes in Bangash and Bannu. observed by him for the first time. but says nothing to identify its inhabitants. whereby tribesmen made captive and suing for mercy appeared with grass in their teeth. a central Abdali possession. After forcing the Khaibar. were not Afghans at all. Babur arrived at Peshawar (called in this context Bagc ram) where. and a few days' rest. called by Babur Farmul. lived close to Peshawar. Sawad. for better measure. It is The omission. After falling upon and plundering Kohat "about luncheon-time'. After this action the army marched by Thai to Bannu.THE PATHANS 156 are the Nukdaris. Babur admits that all the tribal area which he specifies as 'Bajaur. level countryside. is strange. very shortly after he had occupied Kabul. Babur does mention his conquest of Zamindawar. exclaiming 'I am your Babur here ox'.

Babur's cupbearer. When the horse got footing. following the skirt of the Takht-i-Sulaiman. At this point the army decided once more to alter the planned itinerary. 'stopped as long as it takes milk to boil.' to On only Bayazid of all the army made the crossing of the river. thinking they were safe. back to Ghazni by nuchis. and having made up his mind and seeing nobody following to support him. Badakhshan and Hindustan. and the onward march was made by the Largi Valley to the Dasht (by which he means the Daman or Derajat). But if Almighty God prosper my wishes.BABUR IJ7 north and the 'Bangash' (Kurram) River running through it. and Khatak or Shitak. and having no hopes of assistance. rushed with great speed on the enemy upon the bank. or both. Balkh. These discharged arrows at him. Among the names he gives to the tribes cultivating between Bannu and the Indus he mentions the Karlanris.. such as the conquest of Kandahar. 'on an unarmed horse. Babur has much to say of the Bangash country. Being occupied by many affairs of superior importance. That he never mastered this area is clear from his comment: 'The tribes of Bangash lie out of the way. Alone. to swim across such and occupy flight this occasion their a river as the Sind. still the 'Karranis' of Babur must have been way of Duki now a subdivision of the Loralai District of and the Ab-i-Istadah lake. Niazi and Isakhel. so covering the country now occupied by the Khataks of Teri. still a place of pilgrimage today. He includes in Bangash all the bounded on the north by the Sufed Koh (which he specifies) down as far as Bannu. but durst not stand their ground and fled. One gallant man only. this man. and thence.' says Babur. Part of the army followed the right bank of the Indus as far as Sakhi Sarwar. my . But they did not cross. The Karlanri tribes now inhabiting the neighbourhood of Bannu are the Khataks and that branch of their cousins the Shitaks known popularly as Ban- The Niazis and Isakhel are where they were then. corrupted to Karranis. and do still occupy a part of this lands not willingly pay taxes. was a stout and manly enemy feat. one of the most important tribes who text territory. where Babur accurately describes the shrine. devoid of all supBaluchistan port. I never found leisure to apply myself to the settlement of Bangash. and also the Lodi tribes. and in that conmentions the Turis. Bayazid. to put the ground. swam his horse across in face of an enemy who were insultingly waving swords on the bank.

He gives a occupying the upland plain of on the move caravan a of Ghalji wonderfully true description in the to motion. Owing to this gap we do not have Babur's own account of his reasons for entering Bajaur. Between 1508 and 1519 there is a gap in the without realizing Memoirs. the chief Yusufzai Malik.' .' We are reminded of Ghalji then as now Beloved. But he tells us nothing of the many and varied clans of the Ghaljis. also occupied in annual invasions of the Kandahar territory.THE PATHANS 158 first moments of leisure shall be devoted to the settlement of that And of another tribe not changed character. either owing Ghaljis being maiden's the love-song: smoke. except for his ill-starred first Safawi King of Persia. and was outraged by that Malik's refusal to attend his court in Kabul a second time. has writes: 'The Wazir Afghans had been very irregular in paying three hundred sheep as their taxes they now brought in district. and it is clear that he thought it well to secure his base on the Kabul- Kandahar line before attempting further incursions towards India. In 1 5 07 he was occupied in a foray against the Ghaljis. we find Babur already in Bajaur. He was the Ismail. Babur was not able to resume his ambitions towards Hindustan until 1 5 19. his cousin . When the Memoirs reopen in January 1 5 1 9. and he seems quite unaware that the Lodi Emperor. 7 that the Lohanis too are of Ghalji blood. was himself of Ghalji descent. Babur which. or to 'a blackness. It was left to other hands to into line. look well. . Ahmad sent in his place Malik Shah Mansur. look well upon my face today. four centuries later.. as they do now. . The Yusufzais at that time occupied Swat and much of the plain (Samah) south of Malakand. He speaks too of a Lohani.' Babur's hopes were not fulfilled. and the Wazirs do not pay bring Bangash and Turis evenin 1957. but the Yusufzai tradition is 8 that he had been negotiating with Malik Ahmad. tribute. 6 So true and vivid is Babur. Tomorrow 'twill be hidden in the caravan's whirling dust. 'the most eminent of the Afghan merchants. taxes Kattawaz. whom he unseated. and of its plundering neighbours.' whose head was cut off and brought to him some- where near Tank (where the Lohanis still live). engaged in the siege of what he calls the fort of that country. Little is known of Babur's activities alliance with Shah in these years.

and . comment.' We In due course Babur stormed the castle of Malik Haidar Ali. riage. Yusufzais. of Talash entered then have He must (now in Dir) with the idea tracks of the in Uch of the near the villages Katgala pass crossing clear from Alexander. to reduce the Peshawar of north to the and Yusufzai tribes living in Swat real and ultimate Valley before he could safely give rein to his this was so is clear That ambition. For his own and enough from Babur's programme with the accommodation an and after subduing Bajaur. dressed up in traditional garb. reaching and to time first the the Indus for cross to on Yusufzais. the Gibari ruler in Bajaur. 'When we left Bajaur/ he writes.BABUR 159 and the son of Malik Sulaiman. Ulugh Beg. The girl's Babur's union with this Yusufzai lady was account his own By a marriage of convenience: Shah Mansur/ he writes. From stream Mukam the then and Katlang the narrative it is likely that the change of plan was due to negotia- between Babur and Malik Shah Mansur Yusufod. 'the son of Malik Sulaiman Shah. instead. negotiawhich ended in Babur taking the Malik's daughter in marname was Bibi Mubarikah. passing 9 9 near Shahbazgarha. wishing also to punish non-Afghan Gibari ruler who had been insolent to Ulugh Beg. is only a way of conthe powerful veying what was clearly Babur's intention. his army re-entered 9 close to Takht-i-Bahi. In professions of submission tions tions c order to conciliate the Yusufeais I asked his daughter in marriage/ This is given some colour by the fact that Mubarikah had no children (Babur's son Humayun was born of another wife). 'we did it with the intention of attacking Bhira before we returned to Kabul. the invasion of Hindustan. he went the on as Bhira far as down Jihconquer the Salt Range country lam River. reached somewhere Ambahar. the Yusufeai Malik killed accordBabur ing to Yusufzai tradition by Babur's uncle. had come from the Yusufeai Afghans with and of attachment to my interests. and so moving on into Swat. were always full of the idea of invading Hindustan. and. This story. But it is quite his own account that he did not pursue this venture. turnthe Peshawar District through ing south. (probably not far from Timalgarha. and moved on through Jandul to cross the Panjkora near the point where it unites with the Bajaur River where the bridge now stands). the therefore determined to invade Swat and chastise He its chose to proceed by the Bajaur route.

and the frequency of his references to Mubarikah's father suggests that his mind was on the girl. His Alexis was a youth called Baburi. and he gives an amusing description of his mother's tantrums whenever he failed to lived It is true also that Banana as often as that lady thought fitting. much less speak with. and partaking of an element of delicate comsometimes absent from the relations of man with panionship woman in societies where woman is secluded. Of another that she was in love with him. and of their language as Afghani. Partly forthis reason to raise the bidding. But Babur was not a man whose actions were prompted only by convenience. and it was probably her influence as a Yusufzai that led lady to speak of all these tribes as Afghans. In this he like so many of the men of Central Asia. Aisha Sultan. Of his first wife. have felt the of a no means in their was stirrings passion by case wholly sensual. whom he married when he was seventeen. and tells rather a difvisit his wife. His very wide knowledge of so many of the names and stamping-grounds of so many of the Frontier tribes must have him owed something to this consort. nowhere in his Memoirs does Babur reveal much more than respect for the women who shared his life. man may have a hundred good friends among them. It should be mentioned here that Babur. However this may be. like the men of Hellas. at least in his earlier years. suffered his greatest agonies of heart 10 over a boy. a single daughter or sister of his friends. Even among Afghans the Yusufzais are notoriously unwilling to permit any of their daughters to marry outside the tribe. Babur's revelation . he admits ferent story. as it were there is a romantic tale current in the Yusufeai hujras of how the prince met Mubarikah by a spring on the summit of the Morah Pass.THE PATHANS i6o on without any particular honour until the reign of Akbar. despite more than one warning in the Quran on the theme of Lot and the city of Sodom. Masumah. trees and flowing water. he says that his modesty kept him from her. it must have been largely through Mubarikah that Babur learned so much of Afghan attitudes. who. dressed in disguise as a qalandar or holy man. but says of his own nothing feelings. and the lover remarks with a wry sentiment on the similarity of name. The A story is one of love at first sight against a pretty background of hills and flowers. yet for years he will never see. followed by a reconciliation between the prince and the tribal chiefs effected by the pleadings of the maiden.

body and stroll like his other sins. Upon the hill stood the tomb of Shahbaz Qalandar. was left in the Bajaur fort. few of them guiltless in their own lives. apparently by Ambahar. loved or unloved. Sometimes like a man distraught I roamed alone over mountain and desert. the pass of the . Like the love of David and Jonathan it does not always degrade. Moreover. both for I took a mhajun^ and it was in February climate and beauty continued there for some time. The spot is extremely beautiful. sometimes I wandered from street to street in the city. and it struck me that so charming and delightful a spot should be the tomb of an unbeliever. probably the one to the north just above the stream. Bibi Mubarikah. garden and orchard. Despite the fulminations of the Shaikhs and censors. while the prince went on to cross the passes into the Peshawar Valley.' The story is a reflection of an experience common among Afghans and Pathans also. which is the little stream running from Sudhum past Shahbazgarha where Asoka's rock-hewn edict stands. this spirit. over which the main road to Swabi now passes. in search of a mansion or a garden where I might abide. He then went by way of Katlang to the valley of the Mukam. As the situation was fine. is still known as Kafirdarra. Who Shahbaz was I have no idea. I visited as improper it. down to join the Kalpanri below Mardan and flow into the Landai River by Nowshera. gests some faint memory of Asoka and Buddhist the gentle pass between the two spurs. neglecting the attentions due to friend and stranger. On the other stands Asoka's inscription. well expressed in bareheaded and bare-foot. 13 but Babur's identification of him with unbelievers sugtimes. such affections have even been known to find a sublimation. He speaks the Mandanr and the Muhamhere of the plains Yusufzais madzais of 'Ashnaghar'. commanding a prospect as far as the eye can reach. I could neither sit nor go. to plunder the Samah. 11 through lane and street. I therefore gave orders occupied by that it should be pulled down. at any rate in early manhood.BABUR l6l has nothing gross or degrading about passion own his him stirs words: to a tumult of I used to it. the plains country.' 'The hill of Mukam' must be one of the two spurs above Shahbazgarha. I could neither stand nor walk. Babur goes on: 'At the abrupt termination of the hill of Mukam there is a small hillock overlooking all the Samah.

. and some miles below Attock.. in the autumn of 1 5 19. as says Elphinstone. He signalized robes of honour on Shah Mansur. It is clear that the importance of the Yusufzais had not slipped his memory. below the junction of that river with the Kabul River. of ing place is called Budserai. From there he went on well-known ford close to the village of Hund. And Mubarikah's father surely deserved a khillat. It was now the end of March. and the King gives as the chief objective of his advance the need to check them. now largely cleared. on one side were yellow enjoy on another purple. it is clear enough . It is as if great fields of multi-coloured tulips beautiful bestrewed the land. the record is misspelled Swati scene of this exploit of Swabi to hunt the may have been the Razsar of Yar Husain. the only place it can be forded. Babur made a third into the Peshawar Valley. Indeed. and other Yusufzai notables who had accompanied him. Babur was beyond the Indus for just over a month. As far as the reach were flower-gardens of a similar kind. infantry and impedimenta were floated acres son rafts. and on this occasion did not pass beyond the Jihlam. or reed-beds. Horses and camels used the ford. laid out in sextuple beds. A few days later Babur returned to Kabul and the second his arrival by presentation of expedition was over. In the could eye flowers are exquineighbourhood of Peshawar in spring-tide.' That beauty remains 'to this day. lying south of hills brushwood areas under the low Topi towards the River Indus by the old and the cross to Indus. But he never got so far. Later the same year. sitely lovely. and a neighbouring Buddha. expedition through the Khaibar and It appears that the Swat Yusufeais had not lived up to their engagements in spite of Bibi Mubarikah.THE PATHANS l6z hamlet pagans. and has been made more by the licence once more given to the cultivation of the opium-poppy. the flowers. and Babur the flower-gardens on the road grows ecstatic over the beauties of the camp to on seat took *I to Peshawar: rising ground near my a view of all the flower-plots . Attock Fort was not then built. or the halt- From this picnic Babur went on to the neighbourhood the name in The rhinoceros. He recrossed the Indus on boats at a point much lower down. and that only at low flood in wintertime.

The Hashtnagar foray proved disand on the way there were then no Swat canals appointing the first a fresh resolution was formed to plunder the Afridis and almost the last time anybody seems to have turned the tables on these famous plunderers. Delhi of throne Lodi ceeded his father Sikandar on the with the to impolitic arrogance Ibrahim's haughty temper. little Babur went as far as Sialkot. though destined to be thwarted later. and Babur had to return to Kabul. Ghazi and Dilawar. joined with his sons . Shinwaris and Peshawar tribes on the direct Hindustan through the Khaibar Pass. as in the case of the Bangash. and. for.BABUR 163 Babur never made a real impression on this tribe. decided it was safer to join the had sucinvader than continue in subjection to Ibrahim who in 15 17. adherence of the Lodi feudatory of the Panjab. fall really led had to fight a large army by Afghan scope of this story. so we know but the of it. He was forced to return by bad news about Kandahar. Tarshawar' and 'Ashnaghar'. We know nothing of his routes or his dealings with the Frontier tribes on the way. who had been Wazir extremely licentious in their conduct/ and compelled the no was This tribes to pay in some sheep in tribute. by who Daulat Khan. Memoirs. It was on the way that he dealt with the c Khizr Khel. which he finally reduced in 1522. apparently a branch of the Shinwaris. He Amirs of the Lodi regime to gain possession of Lahore. a year later. they always found a secure retreat among their hills. bad news arrived from Badakhshan. and spent his time inflicting punishment on those who had joined him but subsequently turned their coats and expelled his officers. and to use the both in plunder for storing forts on lines of communication. but this new plan also failed. expedition the name of Babur's fear doubt effective in spreading the among route towards Afridis. The fifth and final preparatory expedition took him in 1524 to the capture of Lahore and as far as Sirhind. The fourth expedition took place in date falls in another gap in the 1 5 20. His operations on the of Panjabi tribes in the way were concerned with the reduction 14 of southern Hazara close to Hasan Abdal and not hill country with any Afghan tribe. but was the aided in his plans. He was advised by the Dilazaks to plunder the clans in easier Hashtnagar. A march was made to All Mas id that j with this object. directed as they were against sympaoutside the thizers with the Lodi Empire of Delhi.

had succeeded in alienating all the most important supporters on whom he should have been able to rely. I took up my quarters on an adjoining eminence.' On the hunt he amused himself by pitting an elephant against a rhinoceros. The Khweshgi are cousins Chapter I of the Muhammadzai of and there is a well-known Hashtnagar.THE PATHANS 164 which he treated the Afghan nobles who had raised his family to the throne. The only events on this hismarch that really concern the Frontier are a reverie which Babur enjoyed at Ali Masjid. in my time become a haunt of outlaws. was in truth set on carving out for himself a private dominion in the Panjab. His Afghan audience must have inauguration of the toric enjoyed the fun. They have a clear tradition that they marched from Peshawar in Babur's armies. that he was able to set and triumphant campaign which led to the defeat and death of Ibrahim Lodi at Panipat in April 1 526. queror. Babur managed to induce the Emperor's brother. The rhinoceros ran away. and after various vicissitudes. 1525. and so to the on foot the final Mughal Empire. and were granted lands in the Central Panjab in jagir as a reward for their services to the consee Table II. It was certainly owing to this circumstance that every time I halted here I took wine. Alauddin. wonderfully brilliant and beautiful. to join him. and Babur took it for good augury. . Of this one clear instance can be given. It was not until the following year. who had affected to plead for Babur's aid against his sovereign. from which I could view the blaze from the camp-fires below. But Daulat Khan. but his position in the Panjab was not yet strong enough to enable him to advance against Delhi. The socalled Kasuria Pathans who inhabit the country on both banks of the Sutlej south of Lahore are of the Khweshgi section of Muham- madzais. probably in the Zakhi reed-jungles. He fell back on Lahore and eventually to Kabul. wishing to see how they would behave. In all these expeditions there is no doubt that Babur's armies were greatly strengthened by tribal contingents supplied by the Yusufzais and other tribes with whom he contended or negotiated around Peshawar. At Ali Masjid: 'As the encamping ground was small. in the neighbourhood of Peshawar. this time more successful than at Swabi. and a second rhinoceros hunt. succeeded in taking shelter in the Eastern Panjab hills. during which he was ignominiously seized and imprisoned by Babur.

the Mohmands were met by Babur in what is now Ghalji country around Mukur southwest of Ghaznj and had not then arrived in Peshawar. Now they have almost disappeared. The Dilazaks evidently still held a position of some importance in the Hashtnagar area and probably in the Doaba. he does not appear to have met with tribal opposition in that quarter and the absence of any reference to the Abdalis is remarkable. There are three tribes mentioned by Babur who were clearly not then where they are now. Although he was equally interested in getting control of Kandahar during this period. From his account it is quite clear that it is the Yusuf- and Bangash tribes (Bangash being an area rather than a tribal name. Babur certainly dispels the darkness. reciting a list of the Kings who ruled at Delhi: Btja lahpasa da Dibit badshah Babur shuh. . They are now in the Doaba. . . King of Delhi. namely around the Ghazni-Kattawaz area and in the Daman. the Gigianis and the Mohmands. All this zai . whom he considers to have been the keys to the pacification of the tribal belt between Kabul and the Indus. These are the Dilazaks. Then where are the Abdalis? At least they were obviously not in a position to embarrass Babur in his designs on Hindustan. between Charsadda and Nowshera. submerged beneath the newcomers near Peshawar. and he mentions both them and their settled Lohani kinsmen. do we get so detailed and universal a list of the tribes living from Swat to the Daman. Indeed. Still more indicative of what Pathans themselves think in the matter of Babur's debt to them are the lines of Khushhal Khan. never again.BABUR village of their 165 name north of the Kabul River. The Gigianis seem to have been around Peshawar itself where the Peshawar Mohmands and the KhaHls now are. And. . and under his hand the whole of the Afghan frontier begins to take shape. ChihyekardaPukhtanahpuhbarkatwuh. not till British times more than three centuries later. lastly. but with tribes still identifiable on the ground). After him was Babur . . It is clear that in Babur's time both the nomadic and the settled Ghaljis were living more or less where they are now. where the MuhammacLzais and Gigianis now are. Who owed his place to the Pathans.

namely the Khalils and Baud- tends to confirm tribal tradition. and the killing-off. the original tribes. Khataks or Wazirs. the Ghoriah Khel and Khakhay Khel. as they obtained wealth and made good. able. and it may fairly be said that most of the maira has now become an accretion to the Mohmand tribe. fertile plains. 15 These migratory traditions are not to be found in the case of such tribes as the Afridis. identifiable at least by name. During such periods of encroachment blood would become mixed and tribal distinctions sometimes this pattern rather blurred. tions of whole tribes over distances of 500 miles or so. and then as lease-holders under the Yusufzai and Muhatnmadzai proprietors. and has been 'invaded' by thousands of hill Mohmands and Utmankhel. Such would be the tendency in the easy. It is interesting that all the tribes. they have taken lands on mortgage and later have bought in on proprietary right. they are displacing. Much better cultivators and fresher blood than the old proprietors. We struggle for existence between the indigenes and the invaders. Orakzais. that is the Pathan . I think it probable that in many cases the process of tribal change in the past followed than that of downright genocide or expulsion of the original inhabitants. Bangash. ending in a in Babur's time. This was brought under irrigation about 1910. In the mountain glens I believe that in most areas the tribes who now occupy must have been there centuries before records are avail- some of them. In my time I have seen a process of replacement of one tribe by another. are not mentioned by Babur at all still further confirms their tradition that the Ghoriah Khel had not reached the Peshawar Valley But the much more powerful impression from Babur's chronicles is that so many of the tribes were evidently even then on the ground which they still occupy. that is the Sarbanris of the Karshbun line. going peacefully on over a period of a generation in the Yusufzai and Muhammadzai territory known as the maim in the north of the Samah. and have in many areas displaced. for centuries before the advent of Islam. expulsion or serfdom of the conquered tribe. I believe that tribal movements have been very greatly exagget accounts of long migragerated in the tribal traditions. Gradually.THE PATHANS l66 The fact that the Ghoriah Khel Mohmands. about which there exist clear traditions of migration are the Eastern Afghan tribes proper. originally coming in as tenants. tribes other than the zais.

but Babur does not support this. support this conclusion. Babur's evidence. Khalils. it line. . they are probably merged in the Ghoriah Khel tribes. and they have disappeared. reputed in the genealogies to be Karlanris. who occupy the lands around Peshawar now. Judging by placenames. does not conflict with the suggestions for Afghan and Pathan origins set out in the earlier chapters of this book. The only exception is the Dilazaks.BABUR tribes of the Karlanri the Khataks. Many do not believe them to have been AfBabur's recitals ghans at all. Mohmands and Daudzais. taken on a broad view. as in the case of was much later and in historical times. In other words. 167 When these did move.

Biruni. the best known of which. ostensibly founded material in Pakhtu. held sway over the main routes through these mountains.CHAPTER XII THE PESHAWAR TRIBES t y% r-\ some time between the era of Mahmud of Ghazni and on the Frontier the Afghans of Al- the arrival of Babur A. It is to this moment of history. also refer. Chingiz Khan and Timur Lang. eighth and ninth is tantalizingly little material from any to show us what were the movements and source. which we know as Kandahar. and unfortunately not to any- there written Muslim chronicles. have grown into the Yusufzais and other tribes whom we know today. has been matched by another Qandhar. as Athena from the head of Zeus. founded dynasties in Delhi in the Afghan Afghan and name. At some time. i oo i to 1505) are well on in the Islamic era they constitute indeed the fifth. Ghaznawids and Ghorids traversed the Frontier passes on their Islamic centuries way there to and from India. Not until Babur. Ghaljis and Lodis. but of the detail of the Frontier tribes themselves is hardly a word. the southern city of modern Afghanistan. seventh. Yet. savage races'. too. that on contemporary 168 . who occupied even in Al-Biruni's time the furthest frontier of India towards Kabul. There are several compilations purporting to be histories of the Yusufeais and kindred tribes. taking with them armies composed of Ghalji tribesmen of identity unknown and unspecified. Then the lineaments appear. although these five centuries between the arrival of Mahmud to shatter Hindu dominion in Gandhara and the Panjab and that of Babur to secure his comJL munications (A. during this same five hundred years the Qandhar of Al-Biruni. each for a short while. cited by Mountstuart thing earlier. the Khwarezm Shah. sixth.D. even Muslim. by which he meant Gandhara or the Peshawar Valley. tribesmen from the more southerly Sulaiman Mountains. the what developments bearing on these same Frontier tribes. five hundred miles away. suddenly. 'those rebellious.

and according to Raverty is based on much older nonextant prose writings in Pakhtu by Shaikh Mali and Khan Kajju. the Russian professor who was Elphinstone's contemporary. The actual starting-points given are Nushki.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES 169 Elphinstone and Bernhard Dorn. har. it is a point not without interest that no native detailed record of the Peshawar tribes should appear until after Babur had taken the stage and himself begun. Mukur and Garah. to write up the tribes. It is surely a strange coincidence that the Khakhay and Ghoriah Khel tribes. It is not Kandahar city. had become prominent at that time. really did write these works is uncertain. north of Kandahar. as the leading sept in the tribal confederacy. as it were. Assuming that they did. receive that name? There is not the slightest doubt that the Qandhar of Al-Biruni. the present inhabitants of the older Gandhara (Qandhar). held up to the beginning of the fourteenth century (eighth Hijri century) in the neighbourhood of Kandahar. is known as the Tarikh-i-Hafiz Rahmat Khani. Whether Shaikh Mali or Khan Kajju. The same. Yusufzai notables of the first half of the sixteenth century whose place in the record will appear as the story unfolds. even if it existed.D. said to have been their original habitats in the neighbourhood of Kandahar. the Khalils and Mohmands of the Ghoriah Khel confederacy. Their rivals. should affirm that they came from another and much later QandHow did Qandhar (Kandahar). Bellew believes 1 that Kandahar was founded by . arrived in the Peshawar Valley hav- ing set out from the neighbourhood of Kandahar and journeyed by way of Kabul. as a city of note. It is as if the tribal chroniclers were only brought to self-realization by the arrival of the great Mughal. came also from the same neighbourhood. contemporaries of Babur and Humayun. according to tradition. starting-point of all these chronicles is more or less the It is related that the Khakhay Yusufzais. the modern Peshawar Valley. and there is nothing in Muslim writings or elsewhere to show that Kandahar. It was written in Persian in the Hijri year 1184 (A. According to Raverty. is Gandhara. writing in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni in the eleventh century. this Nushki is not the place we know today much in Baluchistan close to Kalat. 1771). some thirty miles south of Ghazni. but a locality now named Mashaki. there is no doubt that Yusufzai tradition still links that tribe with an original seat. However that may be. the city and province in the south of the present Afghan State.

Kandahar (jUJU$) good ground for accepting Bellew's theory that the name was brought to Arachosia by emigrants from Gandhara. cannot be ac- The earlier supposed emigration is coin or inscription. and he gives the date it will be seen that he which from early sixth Christian century. which he himsaw in iSyz. appears to be well established. and it is improbable that Kandahar can be phonetically derived from article Alexandria. But the ease with which the returning Khakhay and Ghoriah Khel assimilated the populations they found in and around the Peshawar Valley Bellew takes as confirmatory of his theory. his 'Scyths' are deindeed invasions refers to the White Hun to their new country. The invaders from scribed as the progenitors of the Jats and Gujars. was the form used by the Arab chroniclers for Gandhara. rests mainly on the exact correspondence of the names of the two cepted as definite history. some ten centuries later. The article proceeds: with the name Gandhara. and the theory unsupported by document. There seems Its identity occupying the valley of the Lower Kabul River. sent a powerful colony back to their original home. Buddha's beggingbowl. Bellew has more to say about this begging-bowl. The most probable period for such an emigration is the fifth century. gave their name whom they fled he calls the of emigration as the fifth or 'Scythic'. Bellew's asseverations. on Kandahar in that compilation dismisses an earlier assumption that the town was founded by Alexander and named Alexandria Arachosia. According to him these emigrants not only gave the name of Gandhara to their new colony but actually. Qandhars. when the Ephthalites conquered Gandhara. and that these emigrants. 5 20. This relic. 1 It is now in the Kabul Museum. still preserved in the shrine of Sultan Wais outside Kandahar.D. the Gandarioi of Herodotus. a self . fleeing from one of the invasions. stated as historical fact. But that he may for further investigation The is well have suggested a tenable theory admitted by the Encyclopedia of Islam.THE PATHANS 1 70 emigrants from Gandhara. was probably brought there by refugee Buddhist monks. Those who returned had been changed by their conversion to Islam during their exile and had forgotten their original home. The evidence for this does not exist. as related by the Chinese pilgrim Sung-yun who visited Gandhara about A. the ancient Indian kingdom on the other hand. the Kandahar of Masudi and Biruni has nothing to do with the modern Kandahar.

feudatories of the Mongols. as we know. The bowl has since been covered round the outside with a long inscription in Naskh script. Shah Ismail. valent to centred round the ancient capital at Bust. the Qandhar of Al-Biruni is still Gandhara and it is not until after the destruction of Bust by Alauddin Ghori Jahansoz in 1 1 50 that the new Kandahar begins to rise into importance. But ancient Gandhara had been one of the greatest centres of the Buddhist faith. when Bellew saw it. Later it formed part of the Kingdom of Husain Baiqara of Herat (1438-1 505). was lying. its detailed history and purpose forgotten in an age to which the memorials of earlier times had little significance.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES iyi huge bowl some seven feet in diameter. and in the intervals of his . It was conquered by Timur Lang and bestowed upon his grandson Pir Muhammad. established at Zaranj in Sijistan. another Timurid and a cousin of Babur's. the Uzbek Shaibani Khan (who had driven Babur out of Transoxiana). and the very existence of this relic gives point to the theory that Kandahar city may owe its existence to a pre-Islamic connection with the Peshawar Valley* In Islamic times Kandahar is not mentioned by the Arab historians who record the onward march of Islam from the centre The conquest of Arachosia. equimodern Kandahar and called by the Arabs Ar-Rukhaj. the first Safawi monarch. and Babur. and it is in his reign that the name Kandahar first appears on coins. in the shrine of Sultan Wais (Uwais) outside the present city. which was also a mint- town of the Saffarid dynasty in the ninth Christian century. In 1872 it was lying unrecognized and uncared for in an obscure corner. as we know. There was still the tradition at that time that it had been brought there by Buddhists who had come from the neighbourhood of Peshawar before the Islamic age. destroyed by Nadir Shah. Babur. It is mentioned during the Chaghatai Chingizid period as having been taken in 1281 by a ruler of the Kart dynasty of Herat. To hold Kandahar seemed to him essential. carved out of a solid block of dark-coloured serpentine. had taken Kabul in 1 504. and a three-cornered contest ensued. and spent the next twenty years both in preparing the way for his contemplated invasion of India and in securing his bases before he finally made the Indian venture. all having ambitions towards it. inKandahar does not even appear in the Ghaznawid records deed. After his death it was in the hands of feudatories of the Timurid house. a few hundred paces from the old city to the west. by the style written about 1600.

both in the Ghazni River basin leading to the inland water Ab-i-istadah and in the upper Tarnak Valley. Of all it may be said that they inhabit either the spreading open plains and valleys or broad vales such as those of Swat. For the present purpose the important tribes among the Khakhay are the Yusufzais (including the Mandanr Yusufzais) and the Gigianis. belonging regard either habitations their all have and true Afghan line. among the Ghoriah Khel the Khalils and the Mohmands. but these are peculiarly feron lines of communication. The present locations of all these tribes are given in the table and can be seen upon the map. the of both Khakhay and Ghoriah Khel are said to have been around Mukur. between the Khakhays and the Tarins (the ancestors and present the . All of them are Sarof the banris. A reference to the second table in the chapter on genealogies 2 will show who the Khakhay and Ghoriah Khel are. None of the narrower sense. but not themselves Khakhay or Ghoriah in ancestry.) Early in the the date is largely surmise but is cited by fourteenth century seats and Khakhay quarrels arose either between Elphinstone 3 the Ghoriah sections. His in new the ancient Gandhara and the city a so concern with both of them over span of his life is not large the of the Khakhay Khel and without some bearing on story Ghoriah Khel Afghans as they themselves tell it. present within the Peshawar Valley or in the mountains of Swat.Ij2 THE PATHANS Frontier expeditions he made many efforts to achieve that end. are the Muhammadzais. Panjkora and Bajaur. Closely related to all these. according to the Akhund Darwezah. though of a different branch. control were directed to fixing firmly his the far south-west. As already related. the Mohmands Khakhay Khel The traditional record is as follows. (All this is now Ghalji country. they are not situated or tile tracts. Some of the Yusufzais and some of live in hill-countries. and how they conceive themselves to be related. in 1522. and thus relatives. the to as themselves All Tarins and Abdalis. inaccessible eyries like Tirah or Waziristan. Indeed it may justly eventually succeeding in his object be said that Babur's main efforts during the two decades inter- and his conquest of India vening between his capture of Kabul over both the Qandhars. northeast of Kandahar. or. Dir and them are Karlanris or hill-tribes in Bajaur to the north.

Many writers confuse this Ulugh Beg with the renowned Ulugh son of Shahrukh and Beg. they insulted Ulugh Beg's authority. which Ulugh Beg II was ruler of the city. two a brief for ruler Timur of years in Samarqand. ing . and two astronomer was a close friend of his generations part them. 874) territories which Timur Lang had conquered towards the Inwith dus. and other No dates are given in the tribal chronicle. his friend's son. At any rate it was Khakhay clans paid to Ulugh Beg II that the Yusufzais their addresses in Kabul. ceeded in mastering this heritage. Lang. He and Babur's uncle are of the same Timurid family but they are different persons. intimate connection with a sovereign. but (in the words of Elphinstone) an 'the turbulent independence of the Eusofeyes was not suited to marked distinction. their insolence increaswith their prosperity. is here said about any of these tribes being on a return journey. Ulugh Beg. house powerful of the Timurid the of fifteenth the middle century. where they supof Abu Said of the ported the cause of Mirza Ulugh Beg. These. (Nothing. The his first cousin. son most the Abu Said was of Timur. namely Kabul. scientist and astronomer. and supporting him in his sovereignty tribes with these treated country. the on conferred he In Delhi. or having originally come from the direction of Peshawar. Ulugh young Abu due Beg. and Babur's grandprinces in of the Mughal house of ancestor the direct thus is father. and we may during as the story goes assign 1470 as the approximate year. that Abu Said in Said. He his son. Gha2ni.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES 173 cousins of the Durranis). On first accession Ulugh Beg he was indeed dependent on their assistance for the support of his throne. 853). builder. The story goes course named his son in memory of the astronomer. in death his until hold to able was at Kabul. nephew years 1501. and. and.) There follows the not unusual of a century or so. it is to be noted. but the bracket covers the years 1469-1501. and we next hear of the Khakhay tribes as gap having settled in the neighbourhood of Kabul. and was kind to the namesake's grandfather. 1469 (H. which led to the uprooting of the whole of the Khakhays and their departure in a northerly direction towards Kabul. grandson and assassinated in 1449 (H. especially in raising him to the that the Yusufeais were largely instrumental over a difficult throne. Ulugh Beg capital sucBabur his later three we as know. and their dependencies.

the leading malik of the tribe and father of Malik Shah Mansur who later gave his daughter in marriage to Babur. the rest were massacred to a man. When he a certain whom Gandab man's grew estate. Chief among the slain was Malik Sulaiman. Malik Ahmad. aptly describing the locality and the bloodshed. and it is said that there also may be seen the tomb of Shaikh Usman of the Malizai (Dir) branch of the Yusufzai. There barbarity. with a fine show of bonhomie he invited them all . whose power was now strengthened by the accession of many Chaghatai Turks who flocked to his stan- plundered his confusion'. From that famous banquet none but six came out alive. leaving only himself. six. The date of this massacre is not given in the sources. He. The burial ground still bears the name of the Shahidan or Martyrs. a contrast in morals drawn between the sanctity of private hospitality to the guest and the exploitation of social occasions to there is further statecraft or private vengeance. It was ordered by a Chaghatai Turk. and attacked them at and his own army. But it must be recorded that Afghan annals are not free from such and stains. to whose resting-place until recently pilgrimages were made. After the holocaust Ulugh Beg commanded that the bodies be taken outside the city and buried. the Gigianis. I knew. then a young man and later the Yusufzai was one of the fortunate leader. a child they pitied and found too 'to young to kill. In this battle Ulugh Beg suffered defeat. we may set it be- tween 1480 and 1490. but having regard to the reign of Ulugh Beg II in Kabul.THE PATHANS 174 villages. dard. he began fomenting dissensions between Yusufzais and their less Khakhay that tribe by powerful the head of cousins. Only a generation back Mohmand malik. Sulaiman's nephew. This was done at a place three arrow-flights from Kabul to the northeast and under the hill of Siah Sang. called a banquet in to signalize a reconciliation with fellow-tribesmen who had killed his father and all his relatives. Ulugh Beg's evil example was followed by the Ghalji Mir Mahmud when he massacred the Persian notables at Isfahan in 1722. about the time of Babur's birth. was mad. and not by an Afghan. and even filled his capital with tumult and Ulugh Beg. resolved to rid himself of these turbulent allies. signalized by a banquet to which he invited all the maliks of the Yusufzai. and was constrained to conclude an insidious peace. The battle is known as Ghwarah 4 Marghah. are more recent examples of this it is said. to the number of seven hundred.

shot before the calculated enmity bequeathed by a blood-feud. but Karlanri and After Ghurghusht respectively. The last two tribes are not Sarbanri Afghans at all. In the course of their travels the Yusufzais had been joined by not Khakhay in family but sons of Kharshthe Muhammadzais and by the Utman Khel and the Gaduns. The Gigianis. Even the laws of hospitality will go down beneath his roof and. though tract just north of Daudzai the in name their after lage called of the Peshawar annals the in known well a name Peshawar Vale Hounds.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES 175 when they were inside. had taken Ulugh Beg's part. In the genealogies the Dilazaks appear as Karlanris. together with of in tenant or Hashtnagar. The Dilazaks themselves. he and his retainers them. the Yusufzais found the Dilazaks in possession of almost the whole but dehqan some people called Dehqans region. and was eventually driven across the Indus into Hazara. according to these . bun like them the massacre the Yusufzais. accompanied by their clients but for the moment leaving the Muhammadzais. They are said by Bellew and others to have embraced Islam in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni and to have sent on his Indian expeditions to Somnath strong contingents with him and elsewhere. and came as hamsayas or clients. Today. carried his rifle slung on his shoulder. with capital entered into some negotiations with Babur. in 1947. there is more than one viltribe. I found myself the only man unarmed. Sultan Awes. means only a villager occupation to the Jahangiri Sultans Raverty tells us the Dehqans were subject 7 at Manglaur. Every malik. the last of whom. It is for reasons of this kind that once. so states the chronicle. and on asking to see the magazines I found every weapon loaded. indeed it was then I heard the story of the 5 massacre in Gandab a generation back and afterwards confirmed it. This did not spoil the jokes and jollity. they have disappeared. of Swat. Babur refers to an as them calls he and organized once more than Afghans. In the Peshawar Valley and Bajaur. The Dilazaks remain a mystery. proceeded in extreme towards Peshawar by the Khaibar route. every one. as he sat at meat. and them brothers of the Orakzais and Utman Khels. No authority has suggested that these were of Afghan or Pathan stock. also for the time remained in distress who 6 Ningrahar. sitting down to a feast in this same Gandab with some two hundred tribesmen.

There is no reason to suppose from what has been said in this work up to this time that the people of the Peshawar Valley were of markedly different stock. let them alone. the men laughed. brothers of prefer to call themselves Pathan. we must accept. and was sent as a young man. Do not harm them. broken. endeavouring to get across. for they are Afghans like ourselves. Kajju. and it is far from certain that all these migrations in mass ever took place at all. from other tribes with whom at this time it was alogies their fortune. or misfortune. for help. Afghan the hill-tribes Again the gene- The invading Khakhays were all Sarbanris of the Dilazaks appear as Karlanris. some their claim to be Afghans is the story in the chronicles relating the romance of Khan Kajju. Amid the un- line. or to injure his dependants or faqirs. accompanying Ahmad. Ahmad's successor in the chiefship of the Yusufzais after the latter had defeated the Dilazaks.' The ladies crossed. and came up with the Dilazak chief and his family on the Indus bank. comrades. I think. to contend. he cried out to his clansmen: 'Give over. When the Yusufzais reached Peshawar. And this. they tell us in their chronicle that they applied to their brother again no date is given Afghans and Musalmans. The young man's chivalry was touched. like Babur. as an envoy to the Dilazaks. The most circumstantial evidence to chronicles. And it is true to say that in their tribal the understood thing among Pathans not to molest fighting or interfere with the women or children of your opponent. may the best help us. west. It should be remembered that all these tribal chronicles are quite unscientific. taking pity on the Dilazaks and their plight. Seeing Khan Kajju. the Dilazak implored him to keep back his men to women to get across failing that he said they would allow the throw themselves in the water and perish rather than be made captives. There he was captivated by the daughter of the Dilazak chief.THE PATHANS 176 had moved into Peshawar from Ningrahar and the centuries before. fatigued and powerless after the massacre. or language. who one point stands out that Babur recognized the Dilazaks as not differing essentially from Yusufzais or others certainties whom he names. and all bride. was handsome. or culture. and a place . the Dilazaks. After the battle in which the Dilazaks were overthrown Kajju was in command of the vanguard of the pursuit. or to Khan Kajju won his it is harm the guests within his gate.

Malik Ahmad himself was a The Yusufzais and Mandanrs as offered. that fertile tract in the triangle between the foothills and the junction where Shabqadr now formed by the Kabul and Swat Rivers the on stands. Meanwhile the Gigianis who. still was there even more Ashnaghar (Hashtnagar) which they the Dehqans. had sided with Ulugh Beg against their Yusufzai kinsmen and were in some sense the cause of the trouble. and towards the Kalpanri of HotiandMardan. so the Yusufzais were bidding high. started to take over Hashtnagar from the Dehqans. and soon after the Doaba took then Mandanr up were joined by their families and flocks and those who had been as nomads and traders when the Kabul massacre took place. the Ghoriah Khel. The rule of the Timurid house was breaking down. And Bajaur. which as far as Kol and Ambahar they might occupy. Mohmands and Daudzais. supposed find a conquest. part of his people. it will be remembered. Was there no other land? The Doaba is among the most favoured tracts in all the FronBut the Dilazaks it tier. They went valley. Ahmad that. giri Swat that to be is but it they expected a share of it on zaks. out that the expressed gratitude. advanced right into Bajaur and sought to occupy its main southern the town of Khar now stands. but characteristically pointed his of numbers and Doaba was but a small district people remained as they should as soon their kinsfolk behind. their new chief. if the told mind. Malik Ahmad. where on still further right into Jandul. intending to rejoin home. subjects of the Jahanfrom the sword could win by in the gift of the generous Dilanot was This Sultans. and local this period the Abdalis (Durpower was passing to the Tarins. away A number of these. had themselves found things too hot in the Mukur-Kandahar area. began to encroach on Dilazak modern Charsadda. of seems were still They generous the were there not Doaba was valleys of Danish large enough. The other main the main sections are the Khalils. At the same time the main body pushed out from the and Doaba. pushing up by Ambahar and Danish Kol. With a generosity unknown to later tribal story the Dilazaks assigned to them the Doaba. Lashora. of which place. And now a new development took Kharshbun clan.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES wherein to take up their residence. of east land in the main Samah. At . had remained behind in Ningrahar with the Muhammadzais. and approached the Panjkora River.

but had their eyes on Bajaur where they soon sent an advance party. the Dilazaks. and to the Muhammadzais who were not even of the Khakhay brotherhood? The story becomes even harder to credit when it is remembered that the original owners of the whole valley. with water table allowed hand it. tried ineffectually to gain a footing in Bajaur but were turned back by the Tarklanris. were pushing steadily eastward towards the Indus and northward towards Swat and Bajaur. The which tribal pattern it was thus beginning holds today. Shortly afterwards the Dehqans under one Mir Hinda were driven out. while the Yusufzais themselves. to assign them lands upon which to dwell. and some of them pushed into Ningrahar where they came in conflict with the Gigianis. were not yet disposed . it was a great dry tract. and Hashtnagar was assigned to the Muham- madzais. and with few exceptions the Yusufzais now the Mandanr section of them only hold the rest of the Samah Valley north of the Landai River. and besought Malik Ahmad and other notables. They then sent their elders with halters round their necks and grass in their teeth to beg forgiveness of the Yusufzais. their forces strengthened by the newcomers. scored by ravines such as the Bagiari. and Lund at best scattered cultivation from wells where the Khwar.THE PATHANS 178 counted ranis) as Tarins a glance at Table I in the genealogical chapter will show the reason. the Muhammadzais in Hashtnagar. The Ghoriah Khel moved north in the footsteps of the Khakhays. Kalpanri. It is very hard to believe in the truth of this tradition. family by family. In those days the Samah 8 proper had no irrigation. finding the Mohmands too much for them. the Tarklanris (another Khakhay tribe) and the Muhammadzais. in many parts sandy. The Doaba and Hashtnagar on are level lands beside the Kabul and Swat the other affluents. The Yusufzais by their own account ruled the roost: why should they have allotted the finest land to the Gigianis who had been disloyal to the tribal nexus. and it is almost certain that even then they enjoyed irrigation by inundation. Malik Ahmad with the consent of the tribes assigned them the Doaba itself. Thinking to strengthen the Khakhay confederacy. The Tarklanris settled first in Lamghan (Laghman) between Kabul and Ningrahar. they came across the by Karappa route and down Gandab to settle in that fertile district. for the Gigianis are to assume the shape now in the Doaba. The Gigianis too. as their Khakhay kinsmen. and very soon.

garded whom as inclined to arrogance as a result the Yusufzais now reof their victory over the Gigianis. to snatch Hashtnagar for themselves in return for their losses. that Babur arrived on his third Frontier expedition. It will . It was when their rearguard was attempting the Indus crossing that the young Malik Kajju. took his part. when he too was at Katlang. perhaps. unable to retreat to their kinsmen south of the Kabul River. According to the chronicle this defeat caused Malik Ahmad and the Yusufzais to face about. won his Dilazak bride. it appears. and adopt a new policy. the battle must be dated after 1 5 1 9. it can hardly be believed that Babur. who were promised confirmation in their claim to Hashtnagar. A great battle took place between Katlang and Shahbazgarha. blooded in this battle. if that defeat had taken place before he reached that same place in 1 5 19. hoping. On this ground. and his final conquest Delhi (1526). As a result the Gigianis attacked them after Babur's departure. and the Dilazaks. It was at this time. together with their hamsayas. who had previously enjoyed many contacts with all these tribes. The Dilazaks were overthrown. to serve their own interest and late in 1519. The date of the Katlang battle is unknown. say 1 5 z 5 . would not have recorded the disastrous Dilazak defeat at Katlang. Ahmad decided to form a Khakhay confederacy and go to war with them under pretence first of their undue severity to the Gigianis and secondly of contumacy displayed in the Samah against the encroaching Yusufzais. On internal evidence it probably fell some time between Babur' s second expedition into this region of (1519). At some time before this battle again the dates are missing the Yusufzais succeeded in occupying most of Lower Swat. and.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES 179 Indeed we are told that the Gigianis on first arrival acted in such a contumacious way in their dealings with the Dilazaks that Malik Ahmad left them to their own devices. If we are to accept these chronicles at their face value. the Utman Khels and Gaduns and the Muhammadzais. the fiercest part of the engagement being in the bed of the Gadar streamlet in which large bodies of the Dilazaks were ambushed and slain. For this purpose Ahmad was able to muster the whole of the Yusufzais and Mandanrs. were forced across the Indus into Chachh Hazara. but were defeated at Gulbela in what is now the Daudzai country. Forgetful of the generosity of the Dilazaks. and I can call to mind no present memory of it. I think. of.

They left a force on guard in the Morah.THE PATHANS 180 be remembered that the Hashtnagar Dehqans owed allegiance to the Jahangiri King of Swat. where the lands of Mir Hinda. the hood by trading into Swat. had sought a liveli- tween the two. But he adds a touch that brings the whole scene to life in describing how the Yusufzai women. and not the Morah. further to the west. the chief portion of the force should set out for the Malakand. after the evening meal. After their defeat and expulsion from Hashtnagar they are said to have retired to Swat by way of the Morah Pass leading to Tanra. and had spied out the beauty and fertility of the land. and lead the Swatis to think the whole army was in as usual. The main force marched all night and at dawn rushed the Malakand. After party to reconnoitre the Malakand. their leader. The Yusufzais and Mandanrs. for both lead down to Palai. Sultan Awes. left behind in the camp. He had not long to wait. Mir Hinda. and the distinction is of little validity. but the lady had died and not without reason he feared invasion by the grasping Khakhays. Indeed the chronicle does not acquit Ahmad of arranging a political marriage for his sister with the clear object of gaining a footing in Swat. was determined therefore that. The Akhund Darwezah. before which the Afghans were encamped. and also occupied the Malakand. began to . retired from his position with his forces and also made for Tanra to secure that camp important centre. on hearing of the forcing of the Malakand. Sultan Awes fled to Tanra. and received a report that the garrison there located. It a small party in the old camp at the foot of the Morah to kindle watch-fires. the scene of Babur's meeting with Bibi Mubarikah. tells us that it was the Shahkot Pass. As soon as opportunity offered. who had defended the Morah so well. the Yusufzais assembled their forces and endeavoured to enter Swat by the Morah Pass which several times they tried to force without two months spent in fruitless effort they sent a success. They must have been threatening both. and probably the Shahkot and Charat Passes beruler of Swat at Manglaur. an earlier authority than the 1771 compilation in Persian. leaving himself. had sought insurance against Yusufzai ambitions by contracting a marriage with Malik Ahmad's sister. finding the garrison asleep. were situated. under Sultan Awes was negligent and could easily be surprised. a few miles only to the west. povertystricken in the first days of the Doaba grant.

who were not Sarbanris at all. It was after the Katlang battle. hearing this. Allotments were made not only to the Yusufzais proper and their brothers the Mandanr Ahmad himself was a Mandanr of the Razzar section Yusufzais but to the Muhammadzais (not Khakhays but sons of Karshbun). and the expulsion of the Dilazaks. that Ahmad undertook the first distribution of lands among the Yusufzais and associated tribes. their watchfulness to this point. Buner and Bajaur as had been subdued by the Khakhay tribes and their confederates. and failed to guard the Malakand so carefully as before. While no memory seems to abide today of the reputed great battle near Katlang where the Yusufzais and their confederates are said to have finally overthrown the Dilazaks. and such portions of Swat. a deduction based in this case not on what Babur himself records but on the story of his love affair as told by the Yusufzais. indeed Malik Shah Mansur. any tribesman will tell you the story of the forcing of the passes into Swat. That the tradition in this case records an historical occurrence I think there can be no doubt. The Swatis. was living actually in the Morah Pass. and foretelling that the decisive would open with the dawn.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES l8l sing ballads boasting of the prowess of their lovers and the want of manhood of their opponents. and indeed of Buner also. 9 Finally. and we can fix that year definitely at 1 5 19. certain lands were distributed to Sayyids and other holy men who had accompanied the tribes in their . Ahmad's cousin and father of Mubarikah. no date is given for this graphic event. date 1515 would not be far wrong. the Samah proper from Hashtnagar to the Indus in the east and the Kabul River to the south. But again we can only fix a date by deduction. At that time the Yusufzais were in control of all that country. It follows that the Yusufzai occupation of Swat would have been effected before 1 5 19. It was on the Morah that he is said to have met his bride. A Ashnaghar (Hashtnagar). from which it is clear that the Yusufzai aggression into the northern mountain areas from the Samah had preceded their victory over the Dilazaks in the plains. a few years earlier than the battle at Katlang. The survey covered the whole of the Doaba. attack directed all As usual. and also to the Utman Khel and Gaduns. This land settlement is still associated with the venerated name of Shaikh Mali. The records show that this survey and settlement took full account of the occupation of Swat.

leaving only five small villages of Utman Khel in the plains north of Katlang. clients only. before the peren- was the Swat Valley. as we know. sons of Sarthat allotted to holy men fserai. the Muhammadzais Hashtnagar. just south of the village. Shaikh Mali was his Chief Mulla. Buner and all nial irrigation. was a Mandanr of the Razzar clan. 1 1 By a banr. so placing a tribal section satis 1 *. At some unrecorded time after Shaikh Mali's survey there took place an internal redistribution as between the Yusuf and the Mandanr branches. For that reason both Yusufand Mandanr originally received a share in Swat. zai . Since Shaikh Mali's time there have also been certain changes in the distribution as between the Yusufzai proper and the Mandanr. Of the non-Yusufzai tribes the Gigianis. whereby the former took Swat. where they now are. with a glorious view up the Adinzai Valley to the north. remains the basis of tribal land tenures all over the country north of the Kabul pious dencies on the River up to the present day. permanently in position to defeat tenpart of the aggressive to encroach. attached to his own clan and so to say. That this was so is established by the existence of the tombs of both Malik Ahmad and Shaikh Mali in the Swat Valley. The richest of all this territory at that time. Ahmad' s successor. All these are still located in these places. the first near Allahdand and the second at GhorbandL At Allahdand the graveyard is at the foot of the spur. as indeed the body of Shaikh Mali's settlement. also a Mandanr. Panjkora.THE PATHANS 182 migrations and invoked the name of God upon their conquests. Later Khatak irruptions in the sixteenth cenGaduns. looking across to a hillock on the Sar-i3 maira/ marked in the modern map as Gajju Ghundai. is buried in the Samah on the banks of the Badrai stream between Swabi and Maneri. Khan Kajju. was called daftar most able dispensation it was always arranged that the tserai lands ' should intervene between the bulk allotment of daftar given to one and that given to another tribal section. though there have been certain shifts in the case of the Utman Khel. or arbitrator. his Wazir. but a long tract of rough territory right across the north of the Samah intervening between Swat and the plains. This arrangement. Originally these were allotted not only Ambahar. got the Doaba. tury disturbed this arrangement. and the Utman Khel and rough hill tracts to the north. The land distributed to genuine Afghan tribesmen. Ahmad as we know. on the other hand.

have must occupied the of whole The present Peshawar and Mardan districts north of sectional boundaries. best. if we take the Kabul massacre at 1485. The rise of a strong chief and an able priest-administrator at the same moment could have suggested the tieed for a . including a tangle of mountains and valleys at elevations between 1. and assume that Malik Ahmad. This was the year of Babur's death after four years only as Badshah of Delhi.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES 183 the hill-country. The survey and distribution was a remarkable achievement. It bears all the marks of careful thought and organization.000 feet. we may put 1530 (H. It who enjoy most of this inheritance.000 and 10. and those three on the hill-skirts close to Swat and Buner. agricultural areas in all the breadth of Pakistan. Canals. 14 In old days the Yusuf clans did are now no Mandanr settled in the hills. were surveyed a hundred miles in diameter. have made the Samah and Hashtnagar the finest tion. and its decisions have on the whole stood the test of time. now. Panjkora. it is the Mandanr who are the richer. who escaped from it as a youth was born about 1470. Whether it was indeed preceded by all the tribal migrations. part of Bajaur. Buner. with irrigathough they have to suffer the less temperate climate. tobacco and other cash crops. down to the twigs in every tribal tree. 937) as a possible date. suggest that the work at least five and perhaps as much as ten years. with all its complications of mountain and valley. and Shaikh Mali's close definition of inter-tribal and inter- we only know it which persists today. the Kabul River. and the strength of tribal tradition. and warfare of which we are told is much less certain. Ahmad in 1530 would have been a mature grey-beard aged sixty. The is the Mandanr date of Shaikh Mali's distribution is not accurately stated. On the chronology here adopted. Swat. for the hills contain valleys like paradise. with cane. There and only three Yusuf villages. just of the age and prestige needed to put through a settlement like that of Shaikh Mali. The great stretch of territory. leave no doubt that the event is an historical process which took place about the time claimed for it. took place after the battle of Katlang and apparently during Ahmad's lifetime. which are within the Samah. and the a circle of territory about adjacent Indus Valley. and the latter were confined to the Samah. and that survey was undertaken shortly afterwards. together with all the evidence of the impress of a master-mind. If we assume the battle was fought in 1525. expulsions.

The Yusufzais. together with the alleged Khakhay migrations from their seat north of Kandahar. Khakhays both caused Ningrahar left behind after the Kabul massacre. and the Tarklanris. and thence into towards Jandul. Khalils he nowhere mentions. aged them to do so. Mohmands. The sections of the Ghoriah Khel are the Khalils. the other most powerful Ghoriah Khel tribe tribe. the Chamkannis do not figure in this context. not long after the Khakhay exodus their Ghoriah Khel relatives folnot given and driven lowed in their wake. received it from a considerable Khalil which had arrived in Ningrahar. Thus on Ghaljis. was the prime cause of hostility. the Ghoriah Khel. Ghoriah Khel In following the Khakhay clans to their allotted places we have almost forgotten their cousin Sarbanris. without reckoning Malik Haibu. entered Bajaur between Malik Haibu and his to offer their friendly intervention' . perhaps by the tribal convulsions the on ambitions Tarin waning of the assertion of following accordhave we As seen. The Dilazaks in the Samah had encourBajaur with their Bajaur host. Kandahar the in Timurid region. some of the Yusufzai Khakhays. were near Mukur. aid. finding the Doaba too narrow for them. Not wishing to be outdone by the Khalils. who was chief of the Umr Khel section of Dilazaks true to character. inhabiting Bajaur. when he met them in a foray against the that is in their original seats. Nobody had asked him. he refused to give up any land to newcomers. again the date is power arrival of the Ghoriah Khel vanguard in ing to the chronicle the the Gigianis and the Tarklanris. and was quarrelling at the time with the rest of the Ghoriah Khel. nor Daudzais. six miles from Peshawar.) The only one of these mentioned by Babur is the Mohmands. they have lands adjacent to the Kurram Valley. the only Khakhay looking around for section still c at this time remaining behind in Ningrahar. and they. Daudzais and Chamkannis. whose that of the Tarins. But it will be remembered that. had gone on into Ambahar. and. (Save for one well-known village known by their name. the Mohmands. to be once more disturbed and to move in their turn towards the east. this point Babur confirms the tribal tradition of the Ghoriah Khel. As we know.THE PATHANS 184 land settlement without any necessary assumption that the Yusufzais and their associates were newcomers to this region.

in which the Mohmands and Tarklanris and Haibu was defeated and killed by a sword blow struck by a Tarklanri named Burhan. they sent a force to join them and a position was taken up in the main Bajaur valley not far from modern Khar. and. The bargain has been kept. and crossed the Danish Kol towards Nawagai. joined. believing that the newcomers would remain neutral in order to maintain a position as arbitrators. But Haibu stuck to his guns. the spoiler of Haibu but now followed by Haibu's sons and retainers. attacked the Yusufzais and A battle ensued. the sangar and the women were captured. who determined that the Khakhay strength must be mobilized to resist further Ghoriah Khel aggression such as had been responsible in previous generations for the exodus of the Khakhay clans and their long sojourn in the wilderness. The Bajaur Yusufzais applied to Malik Ahmad. the Umr Khel Dilazak contingent.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES 185 Yusufzai and Khalil opponents. After the battle Ahmad. It was Khalils. The battle which followed was fought close to Nawagai and went against the Khalils. The first battle went in favour of the Khalils. but soon fell out. was stripped from him by Mir Jamal. Mir Jamal and Haibu's sons decided in council to set the captives free. the present Lower Mohmand country. a valuable suit. sons of Malik Haibu. The Khalils wavered and broke. Haibu's armour. behind which they had placed their families and chattels for safety. and this was done on the condition that never again would the Khalils set foot in the northern hills. These moved upon a Khalil sangar (breastwork). Not only did the Umr Khel forgive them. therefore determined to stage a two-pronged attack upon these The Bajaur Yusufzais went in nanawatafi* to the tiresome Khalils. . and the day was decided. The Yusufzais and Khalils then divided Bajaur between them. Meantime the plains Yusufzais advanced by Gandab and Pandiali. for the Yusufzais in the Samah still stood aloof and only those in Bajaur had been defeated. a Mandanr. and I remember hearing that for many years it had been the treasured heirloom of Mir Jamal' s descendants at Sherdarra. The issue was decided largely by a diversion brought about by a force led by Mir Jamal. a village situated in a valley under the Buner hills not far from the Ambela Pass. severing his neck at one stroke. throwing themselves on Dilazak protection and asking for forgiveness.

they were able to complete the movements initiated by their Yusufzai cousins and drive the Dilazaks located south of the Kabul River in their turn across the Indus. Mirza Kamran. like Hakim. pushed into the Peshawar Valley from Ningrahar and. Humayun tak- ing the Indian portion. lent them effective aid. Even up to 1553. There is no mention of the Khataks in the chronicle. had a boundless ambition. But Kamran. in the next reign. meaning appeared. With this aid. finding their ambitions blocked towards Bajaur. the Khalils and Mohmands. when after further fighting Kamran was eventually surrendered to him by Adam Khan. but the . ran. Akbar's brother. until 1545 when (after losing Delhi to Sher Shah) Humayun succeeded in taking Kabul from Kamran.THE PATHANS 186 This irruption into Bajaur. Ghazni and Kandahar. pursuing earlier Khakhay tactics. dated by Raverty in 1517 (H. After Babur's death in was only the beginning of 1 5 30 the new Mughal Empire was in effect divided. asked the Dilazaks for land. in this context their most powerful sections. No date is given. Humayun's writ did not run upon the Frontier. an effective ruler in the After the Khakhay settlement north of the Kabul River the Dilazaks are recorded to have been still in possession of all the Valley territory south of that river. During much of the time the cards were stacked against Humayun. In theory Kamran was only a feudatory and Humayun the sovereign. so refused. the record runs. and blinded. while the provinces of Kabul. They then occupied what lands they wanted towards Attock. a chief of the north Panjab. when he mounted the throne. eager to strengthen his frontiers against his brother and for this purpose to support encroaching tribes moving eastward to the Indus. The Dilazaks had had their lesson and paid dearly for it. and did not stop short of fratricidal war in his effort to supplant his brother and King. went to his brother. Humayun cannot be said to have been Peshawar region. with their dependencies as far as the Indus. extending from the Khaibar Pass as far as Khairabad on the Indus. a Ghoriah Khel immigration in mass into the Peshawar Valley and its environs. and it has always been assumed that at this time they had not The Ghoriah Khel then. Indeed from 1530. During the twenty years from Babur's death to 1550 Kamran's policies and ambitions have an important bearing on what happened in these parts. was determined to assert his independence. 923). The Khalils and Mohmands then enlisted Kamran's Kam- sympathy.



and were used by the Sikhs and by the earlier British rulers as agents for the conduct of Afridi relations. and raided freely into the Samah. not after 1530 Persia recovered only. known always as Arbabs or lords. Malik Ahmad of the Yusufzais died. when Humayun after wanderings in Kabul from Kamran. While this . and the highway down to India. This was the cause de guerre. Leaving strong colonies in these hills. on his way to Peshawar from the Doaba. This man. Their chiefs.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES part played by Kamran in 187 the story provides us with a bracket and before 1545. They did so. They have always maintained a close connection with the Afridis. He had not long to wait. they pushed on towards Peshawar and eventually divided the Bara River lands 16 with the Khalils. The Doaba and Hashtnagar were rich plums. controlling as they now did the fruitful country round Peshawar. Their chief places even now are around Lalpura. The Mohmands on the other hand came down the Kabul River from Lalpura. And in so doing they murdered a Gigiani malik. because their lands adjoin. and so decided to bide his time. in that lovely irrigated belt so familiar to all who have ridden with the Peshawar Vale Hounds . But. For the time. began to levy tolls and to become too rich and arrogant for Yusufzai stomachs. who was looked upon as a saint. about 1535. The probably Khalils and Mohmands. At one time they seem to have approached Khan Kaj ju and secured lands from the Yusufzais on the Kalpanri in the Southern Samah. The movements of the Daudzais are uncertain. and was succeeded by Khan Kajju. entered a Khalil mosque and was killed in the act of saying his prayers. Khan Kajju held his hand. I think. and some of them by the Goshta and Bohai Dag routes leading into Gandab and the Doaba. in passing. It seems that the Khalils had entered by the Khaibar Pass. Kama and Goshta on the western side of the range dividing Peshawar from Ningrahar. They plundered Yusufzai caravans in Gandab. Eventually they were placed north of Peshawar along the branches of the Kabul River. let it be said that. was happening. With their colony in the Mohmand hills they were also in a position to levy tolls on all users of Gandab and on the raft traffic down the river from Lalpura. and the Mohmands could harry them from two sides. he was not certain of Gigiani or Muhammadzai support if he attacked the newcomers. have retained a close knowledge of Afridi ways and politics. and within modern Afghanistan.

the thought of counsel and parties followed much the lines that occurred to Hamlet's mind. And now 1*11 do it: And so I am revenged do not remember that those court cases involved the accused in unusual any opprobrium. According to the chronicles the battle took on the south most southerly branch of the Kabul River. pat.THE PATHANS l88 among Pathans bent on prosecuting a blood-feud. c must We 18 cousins/ he called to them. now known as the Shah Alam. somewhere near the present bridge. seeing the Khalils withdraw. or merely shoot our arrows across it. The date is uncertain. Khan Kajju saw the Ghoriah Khel drawn up on the other side. He mustered an army 100. . On approaching the river. Some of the other Khakhays advised Kajju against this. by a complex set of arguments of no interest here. But for Khan Kajju this killing served its purpose. now he is praying. of the in shedding hospitality preventing more than one case in court in which revenge was executed on a man engaged in prayer: Now might I do it. but. to his own men he said. and so it will be when the day is done. This battle is chiefly memorable for the chivalrous interchange of challenges which preceded it. the sanctions of of the law of religion are no more effective than the sanctions I call to mind blood. 957). and should not be taken in by a ruse.' And so it was.' But the Ghoriah Khel did not relish a fight with a river in their rear. Even the Tarklanris. so our sisters can draw no water from it. and so he goes to heaven. It is known as the Battle of Shaikh place side of the Tapur. the Muhammadzais. then. they wished to keep their line of retreat open to Peshawar.000 strong. 'and we cannot fight in the river. I will withdraw my forces to give you passage. He shouted his agreement across the river. they go back. Further it fight. So they countered with the same offer from their side. saying he would have the river in his rear. and we forward. Utman Khel and Gaduns. behoves a man to come hand to hand with his enemy. The river will run red with blood. 17 taken from all the Khakhay tribes and I their allies. furnished a quota of 200 cavalry. 'See. and is said to have resulted in the complete and final overthrow of the Ghoriah Khel. is assigned by Raverty to 1550 (H. Do you then cross. But he would have none of it. not yet effectively settled in Bajaur.

Moreover. pect that much the same happened lack of the no doubt time governmental control set though at that arm. for the exodus and settlement between Kabul and Peshawar events movements from Kandahar to Kabul are too uncertain said to have taken place over a period from about 1485 to 1550. The Mohmands moreover retain a most formidable of Shabarray in the hills. of such famous tribes as the Afridis and the Mahsuds. The core of the period this region four times. They still overlap west of the mountains into Afghanistan. and are now in a the last forty years they have becoming the wealthiest tribe upon the Frontier. in and bought in on the richest irrigated land both of Muhammadzais and of Yusufzais. astride the Durand Line north-west qadr. in nuisance value alone are the peers. The and Mardan have Peshawar in encroachments recent Mohmand fair way to been in the nature of economic. Allowing scope tell the story of a mass to chronicle tribal the purports take.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES 189 I find this traditional description of the Ghoriah Khel overthrow by the Khakhay Khel curiously unconvincing. (iv) the earlier. 1550'. say 1530. tribal We have also to review these traditions against the much more for misbackground of Babur's Memoirs. . are strangely apt wars are seldom carried a entrance. penetration. some sixty-five years from the Kabul massacre perpetrated by Khel at Shaikh Tapur. by of the Ghoriah Khel by the Khakhays about (v) the defeat falls in the few years 1 5 1 5 to 1 5 3 5 . to negotiation. these tribes as a strong right premium tribes. even so. in During that time Babur passed through 1 5 3 5. say 1 5 1 5 . a little (ii) Mali's distribution. a on But. and though not as individuals. if not the superiors. It is of tribal adjustvery probable that what were in reality periods as chronicles the ment are misrepresented by years of desultory chivalrous and warfare punctuated by sharp engagements. In spite of their alleged defeat both Khalils and Mohmands remained on the lands they had chosen and from that day to this have been the richest and most notable tribes in the immediate neighbourhood of Peshawar. Ulugh Beg to the defeat of the Ghoriah The most important events related by the chroniclers during that the Khakhays in the north the defeat of the Dilazaks time are reliable by (i) the occupation of Swat by the Khakhays. (iii) Shaikh the Ghoriah Khel in the south about defeat of the Dilazaks about 1525. not military. I susin the sixteenth century.

Hashtnagar and Peshawar as having been once part of the Kabul dominion but now occupied by Afghan tribes and no longer the seat of any government. Babur we know.THE PATHANS 190 he made a long stay in Swat. though admittedly not of the Sarbanri line. and was driven to reflect on the strangeness of the coinciBibi Mubarikah was not On this there is no word. whom the Yusufzais. most of them even then on their present ground. dence. or destruction and expulsion of whole tribes. passed through the Samah. Khalils and Mohmands affect to have driven out root and branch. already quoted. perhaps interested in tribal origins. But 1 5 1 9 surely we should read that passage not as suggesting that the had only just moved to these regions. He was also well acquainted with Peshawar and its environment. brothers of the Afridis. were an Afghan tribe. as Karlanris. namely that at the end of the fifteenth century the Timurid Empire was breaking up and no longer controlled the more powerful and less accessible tribal tribes units. Swat. but as confirmatory of what is a well-known historical fact. Even those who accept these traditions at their face value are constrained to admit that the Dilazaks. as we know. and we must refrain from pressing the record too far. from whom he took a bride. Khataks. It is hard to believe that all the tribes Babur mentions by name. But the argumentum ex silentio is not conclusive. Clearly we must accept the story with reservations. which can be used as confirmatory of these alleged tribal movements. were only just in process of becoming established where he found them at the time that he passed through.. which he remembers so well that he writes us a sort of guidebook on its beauty spots. A further speculation may arise from a comparison of Babur's Memoirs with the tribal chronicle. For the kind of reason They am no more convinced that a complete shift of population took place in Peshawar in Babur's time than by the already advanced I . There is one passage of Babur's. This is when he speaks of Bajaur. Orakzais. But there is very little in all that he says to support the stories of mass movements like those under Moses and Joshua. married Bibi Mubarikah Yusufand zai. What did he think of the Yusufzai claim to have come from Kandahar? We might even ask whether he ever heard that Kandahar was once the name of the Peshawar Valley. was much concerned both with Kandahar city and with the Yusufzais. Wazirs and so on. appear.

and the poet somewhere from asked to believe. also came else. and between the Mohmand tappa and the coun- are those three large villages. a tribe moreover which stretched south as far as Bannu and was shortly to capture some of the sacrosanct lands of the renowned Yusufeais. a parent perhaps into the genealogies under something like a bar sinister. Neither idea holds water. his father. we are Khataks. known as Upper. though they have and now speak only Pakhtu. reflection. their ancestor is dragged stock. why then did they not occupy the country as far as Attock? It is far more likely that the Khataks are the people whom in this context the chronicles like to call Dilazaks.THE PESHAWAR TRIBES story of the utter defeat of the Ghoriahs Tapur. indeed the Yusufzai-Khatak wars went on right up to Khushhal Khan's time (1613-89). Middle and Nether Urmar. indeed there are and the Tochi. and a tribe which covers 150 miles of territory from north to south does not spring from nowhere in the night. The Khan. Like the Dilazaks they too are Karlanris. by the Khakhays When we get down a few years later we suddenly discover a new be exact at Shaikh to the time of Akbar to the scene. his grandfather and his great-grandfather Akoray were killed in those wars. Move on yet another unheard-of tribe produces the most famous The tribe is the poet-warrior in the whole of Pathan history. and figures as an adopted Sarbanri who in his turn adopted a foundling indias the progenitor of all the Karlanris. a tribe upon tribe important enough for its chief to be employed by the emthe Indus crossing at peror as guardian of the imperial route from Attock nearly up to Peshawar. like them they too fought with the Yusufizais. whose inhabitants. Their very presence for stock of cates the hopelessness of predicating any purity . I sugaccount of Khakhay and Ghoriah wars gest that the chroniclers' is only a traditional and half-mythical version Dilazaks the against of tribal disagreements of the same importance and validity as the later Khatak-Yusufzai records have to show. represent forgotten their Urmari 19 As we know. We are reminded of Darius' satrapy of the Thatagush. try of the Khataks. About ten miles southThere is one more interesting east of Peshawar. and this But they are pretty firmly fixed round Akora by Akbar's time. Bannu held once that effect the traditions to they few decades. If the Khalils and Mohmands really drove the Dilazaks right across the Indus. is Khushhal Khataks.

the essential element. after all. But that the tribes. as we know them today. can ever have been picked up from Kandahar. or Ghazni. And that tribal movements have taken place is equally certain. but in itself remains the same. mixes and turns around. . the Peshawar Valley. and as neatly deposited where they now are by some master of the game. neatly like chessmen am not prepared to believe. That history has seen an infinite permutation and combination of stocks in this region we may be very sure.THE PATHANS 192 any of the tribes in this boiling cauldron. waters of the sea. bringing flotsam and jetsam with the this in the conditions Rather are they of this Frontier I like the wind and sending the froth flying. the nomadic idea is still alive among many Pathan tribes. or Kabul. the storm-waves pass and disturb the surface. the water. and conqueror after conqueror with his armies has passed this way.

at least makes it clear that down to however The Babur's time the Timurids had been quite unable to organize any State in this region. He found it expedient to negotiate with the more powerful tribes by means of alliances. from effecting any real conquest of the people with whom he was dealing. becoming lord of Kabul. nominally his brother's vassal. he was granted only four more years of life. a raider on the grand scale rather like Alexander. evisn in the valleys or on the main lines of communication. with Babur's death in 1 5 30 his new kingdom was in effect divided between his sons. Kamran. and indeed encroached into the Panjab itself. Babur's own memoirs confirm this deduction. but verylittle more. and his younger brother. Kandahar. but he was constantly diverted. For his part Humayun sat on a troubled throne. he used what influence he had with the Frontier tribes to render the position along the Indus uneasy. As we have noted. proved his worst enemy. the many Ghalji and Pathan soldiers of fortune left over from the days of the Lodi dynasty knew India far better than the usurping Mughal (as he then seemed) and his excuse. matrimonial and other. 193 . 'I never is found leisure to apply myself to the settlement of that district ' He impressed the Pathans sufficiently to be able to take with him contingents to fight in his cause down in India. but he passed up and down the country. Kamran. Far from doing anything to strengthen or consolidate the newly imposed Mughal rule. And when he reached the throne of his ambition in 1 5 26. waited for the man and the hour. and there is no suggestion that he fixed any firm administration upon the land.CHAPTER XIII ORTHODOX AND HERETIC story of the tribal settlement of the Peshawar plain high-lighted. He spent much time upon the Frontier endeavouring to secure a firm base for further operations into India. and those were spent elsewhere than in Peshawar. Ghazni and the dependencies of those places as far as the Indus. Humayun taking India. as in the case of the Bangash. Kohat or Bannu.

This whose country had twice recently been ravaged by the Surs immense fortress of Rohtas had just been completed to hold the northern road and dominate those parts was ready to his to in to order win the supenough betray guest Humayun chief. and took refuge with Islam Shah. By 1539 Humayun had been defeated by his far abler rival and was in flight to Persia by way of Sind. in securing his communications through tribal territory with a view to an advance on India to recapture his throne. Kamran had sought to support his cause largely on Ghoriah Khel levies. slitting open his head from ear to ear. having won the Kabul base from his brother. Khalils and Mohmands. himself of Lodi descent. whom he had helped to take their lands around Peshawar. At this time Humayun.THE PATHANS 194 We have seen the man come in the person of the renowned Sher Shah. hoped at least for sanctuary. Uncertain of his capacity to deal with the Peshawar tribes. was busy. After this engagement Kamran found himself unable to continue longer with his Afghan friends west of the Indus. a swordsman's battle like the Mahsud swoop on Wana in I894. killed Humayun's other brother Hindal. Sher Shah's son. denying him the roads to Kabul and Ghazni and even keeping him out of the Panjab. and Kamran. he first advanced by the Kurram- Bangash route. who had weakly surrendered the Panjab to Sher Shah without a struggle. and it was after some difficult fighting near Darsa- mand that a message reached him from Adam Khan that Kamran was in his power and would be delivered up if the Badshah would .1 The tribesmen penetrated into the camp. It was not until 1545 that Humayun with Persian help suc- ceeded after many wanderings in winning back Kandahar and Kabul from his brother. brave as Humayun but far-seeing where the other was shiftless. Islam had succeeded to the Delhi throne in 1545. at Lahore. In that year the Khalils and Mohmands under his orders staged a fierce night attack on Humayun's camp in Ningrahar. His brother Kamran turned against him. and were only beaten off by the steadiness of the Emperor himself who rushed from his tent and rallied his troops by taking up a position on horseback in the middle of the camp. But not meeting with the reception he expected. he made his escape and after more adventures took shelter with a chieftain of the north Panjab named Adam Khan. like Babur before him. the port of the rival dynasty. As late as 1551 he was still in the field.

was only interested in enlisting the help of tribal levies in aid of his own schemes and to contest the throne in Peshawar was limited to what against his brother. common to many rulers blinding of rivals was a barbaric custom of Turkish descent. he died. or as a method of administration. Shah Zaman. and like Babur his connection with the Frontier was limited to making passage 2 he did attempt to through it. practice of it. Kamran. But no sooner had the Badshah left than Khan invested Bagram with a strong it was still in his time Kaj ju force and only drew off because he could not take it without artillery. more manly. Humayun accordingly crossed the Indus and proceeded to the tryst. Humayun went on to inconDelhi. in January 15 56 He was never an effective King. was beyond Mughal control. and the Sur power having broken up in con- tentions after Islam Shah's death in 1554. has never issue in a had has resentment a them with smouldering father failing. The passion.ORTHODOX AND HERETIC into his territory. come go Vincent Smith 2 gives the ghastly details of this event. all of them Turks though this learned the Saddozai Afghan. capture to trip down his library staircase sequent as ever. including the Peshawar Valley and the plains The as well as the hill tracts. After the capture of Kamran in 1 5 5 do something to control Peshawar and the Khaibar route. Some of the Safawis. less feline. and. overawe the tribes. comand I will not repeat it here. in command with a strong force intended to his death. a made of rulers Persia. unwilling to take life in cold blood but determore particularly from sons of their mined to brook no rivalry. who had held Kabul. general. Nadir Shah. was guilty of it to another brother he seized at Leiah in the Panjab. to hold his throne for six months only. and by another mother. so illustrative of the manners of the time. and as a penalty suffered the loss of his own eyes. His authority . Kamran was surrendered and blinded. a queer mixture of cruelty. Kamran removed. endurance and shame. his brother. horror when taking refuge in Bukhara and enjoyed the inflicting of it. the Qajars. violence. leaving a Kazak put the fort at Bagram (Peshawar) to Sikandar. He was allowed to to Mecca where. But the infliction of deliberate torture for its own been a Pathan sake. three years later. the twenty-five years that point of substance is that during to that of Humayun the whole of elapsed from the death of Babur the trans-Indus area. Shah Mahmud. for he in repair.

Akbar's half-brother. The Kingdom of tribal attack the Sur Shahs at Delhi touched the Indus only east of Bannu. Sher Shah. himself a Ghalji. Even this was disputed by the Yusufzais under their great chief Kaj ju. and it was with Panjabi tribes. was regarded not as independent but subordinate to the Emperor at Delhi. sage. But the pattern was exactly that which had already province. and no ruler had attempted to possess himself of Tirah or Waziristan. and not with Pathans. and extended uncer- and along the main lines of communication south of the Landai River. Swat. feckless as ever. Such was the position when in 1556 Akbar. It can only be supposed that. that Humayun with all the experience of his wars with Kamran. Further north their limit was at the Margalla Pass. Mirza Hakim. Humayun himself did not pass this way until 1552. At the time of Humayun's death Hakim was barely three years old.THE PATHANS 196 the Khalils and Mohmands would allow him. where they succeeded after much trouble in extending their rule over the Niazis in what is now Isakhel. If more evidence were needed. that they contended. with Akbar himself also a youth. Dir and Bajaur remained unpenetrated since Babur's time. All semblance of authority over Bannu and the Derajat had lapsed. thought of both as in the nursery. is proof of the precarious character of the imperial rule. the greatest of all monarchs who have ruled in India or on the periphery since Asoka. The investment of Peshawar itself as soon as the Emperor's back was turned. The Sur frontier fortress was at Rohtas. just west of Rawalpindi. It remained true that the Kabul all the country down to the Indus. but it is true. which included officially . Kamran or the most these rulers did was to secure difficult pasand for a consideration to win tribal contingents to aid them Humayun. conducted under tribal auspices and just at this time. had found the Bangash route disordered. succeeded to power at the age of fourteen. There was in fact no Mughal Empire in the Pathan plains or hills in the days of Babur. the father did not look ahead and. failed to advance so far. It is incredible. imposed by special testament on his son Akbar exactly the same disability as that from which he had himself suffered. in their dynastic wars. For he arranged that Kabul should be under the government of his younger son by another wife. and tainly only to the city had only been able to save Bagram (Peshawar) from in the nick of time. it is supplied by the settlement of Shaikh Mali.

leaving two sons by different wives. and Humayun had had no time to restore order. the trans-Indus provinces. Munim Khan was summoned from Kabul to succeed him and became Khan-i-Khanan at Delhi in Bairam's place. and inevitably Akbar did not succeed it ended in to. remained in administrative charge of . The pattern is in exact accord with the tradition of dynastic tapestry in Asia. In fact territories west of the Indus until 1581. Four years fell later (1560). and not absolutely until his brother Hakim's death in 1 5 8 5 In the beginning a child of three. A state of tribal anarchy prevailed. and in so attempting turns naturally to her own relatives to execute her schemes. during Hakim's minority. the real governors of Kabul and its dependencies were his mother and his mother's brother. In the Peshawar to extend Valley neither Faridun nor Hakim himself was able Over Yusufzai into Landai the River north of country. But when Hakim reached own policies change. protector. Kamran was dead. one of Humayun's great nobles who had been Akbar's guardian. The position on the Frontier in 1 5 56 was extremely disordered. but even close to Peshawar itself government was weak and depended on the number of troops from time to time available to enforce it. there came a people. The actual power in Kabul then devolved upon Mirza Hakim's maternal uncle. Faridun. brought about in part by the Emperor's more particularly in religious matters. works every oracle she knows to place her own son before his elder halfbrother. civil any 197 war again. he was too busy consolidating his position and extending his power over the fat provinces of India to turn attention to the Frontier. whatever his inheritance. did not count. Faridun. held the fief of Kabul. and later under his own authority. A King dies. probably herself the younger and favourite queen. when the great before the intrigues of a monstrous regiment of unscrupulous women. Nor were things greatly improved during the second period of twenty-five years from 1556 to 1581 when Hakim. at first acting through Faridun. or rule over. authority the Doaba and Hashtnagar they exercised nominal sovereignty. and Munim Khan. and he was content to leave his halfbrother's mentors to face their own problems with an intractable man's estate. and in part by the inevit- .ORTHODOX AND HERETIC led to civil war. During the earlier years Akbar does not seem to have been disturbed. In this way. Bairam Khan. The mother of the younger.

with its caravans passing and repassing by the Gandab route. He did so. his grandfather. Later the old longings returned. Ali. little discussed. to combat the spread of company with heresy in those parts. After some time among the Pathans he became homesick and desired to return to Tarmez in the Uzbek home of Sayyid Ahmad. Mariam. strictly The son. and such a place he found near a place called Pacha in the recesses of Buner.THE PATHANS 198 able development of his younger brother's ambitions. and when his parents left India and took the Sind route to Persia in their deposed master in 1540. told him it was his duty to return. country to the leaving wife and family behind. by a third factor. and. Ali. he started for Tarmez. the apostle of darkness. still known to countless pilgrims as Pir Baba. the apostle of light. the new most wind which began to blow upon the Frontier. One Qambar Ali of Tarmez on the Amu Darya (Oxus) came into India with his wife and son. and over his . he stayed behind at the in Gujrat Panjab and was later induced by two Gigiani mullas to move to the Doaba. and the other violently heretical. The Gigianis admired him and were loath to let him go. The origin of the Pir Baba is as follows. close to Peshawar. and. to wife and induced him to remain for a time. who called himself Pir-i-Roshan. so. in the service of the Emperors Babur and Humayun. The storm blew up before Hakim ingly. so a malik named Daulat gave him his sister. who had him brought up and was the cause of his adopting the priesthood. But he felt the call to live in a more secluded place than the busy Doaba. There he settled and was buried. and was by his enemies parodied bitterly as Pir-i-Tarik. the founder of the Roshaniyya movement. He has left a name still deeply venerated. but his mother had reached home by way of Persia and was still alive. The orthodox still refer to his followers as Tarikis. When he got there he found his grandfather and father were dead. not surpris- had to do with religion* Kamran and of Mirza Hakim after him two religious leaders upon the Frontier. and the second is Bayazid (or Bazid) Ansari. finding her son had a wife and family. The first is Sayyid Ali Shah of Tarmez. or searcher after the truth. decided to put his fortunes to the touch. the one In the time of Mirza there arose orthodox in the straight Hanafi Sunni way. She was the sort of woman who would allow no nonsense. but decisively of all. became a tdlib-ul-'ilm.

in Mardan. But this Akhund's Makh^an-i-Afghani is in the nature of a doctrinal diatribe. the traveller direct to Saidu. 3 Another pass. majestic sentinels dispute. 3 just north of the shrine. the mountains. who has become famous as the first extant writer in Pakhtu and the exponent of orthodoxy in refutation of the Roshaniyya doctrines which made so a great the Frontier tribes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. perhaps the most usual to a recital of all opening evidence in court was in the 'When I was on my way to phrase (or from) a pilgrimage to Pir Baba Ziarat The shrine is beside a clear running stream beneath the great range that parts Buner from Swat. containing the tombs of the Pir and a close disciple. himself a Tajik from Ningrahar. takes The setting is secluded and lovely. unless the arguments used had been supported for political reasons by the arms of that arch-heretic. can still do. They would have done better to build in stone and carved rafter. ten miles further east than the ' Karakar Pass.ORTHODOX AND HERETIC tomb stands 199 what remains to this day the most hallowed shrine in the Frontier country. even Sikhs. which Darwezahinvented and it must remain a matter of doubt whether the word so written would have prevailed against the heretics. Pilgrims of all sorts visit it. a marked contrast between the toleration which orthodox Islam so . There is indeed. 4 The old shrine is a somewhat ramshackle structure of carved wood. as they sat hopefully before the pool of Siloam. There is a legend that the Buner tribes once fought on the issue of which mountain was the higher. This and ground is as the old craftsmen of this country shrine sit holy ground. unmistakable. One of Pir Baba's earliest disciples was the Akhund Darwezah. as to which tomb which. On the path to the the crippled. some there are who still as over twin peaks of Dosirra and village. may still ply their trade a tribute to the tolerance shown where there exists a real feeling of holiness. packed with odium noise among theologicum such as that of the parody Pir-i-Tarik. and the argument still runs to and fro. the blind. the lepers. the Ham rise to east and west behind the with forest-crowned spurs that close the valley to the north. Beside the shrine the faithful of this day have constructed a new mosque and minars. but not in keeping with the is place. The village nearby is one of the only places in West Pakistan where Hindus. all plastered and garnished. the Emperor Akbar himself. thirty years ago.

Sayyids men who are among shall see esteemed. though for obvious reasons the Urmars deny it. Three centuries later. but in the same breath admits he was a Tajik and that he lived among the title 5 Urmars. is the one place left where a considerable Urmar the Mahsuds. I think. In fact. who took his side father's when he was compelled to fly from Mecca. speaking the population is still to be found among Urmari language. Shortly after his birth his parents returned to Kaniguram. the in born was 'Illuminati or 1525 at Jullundur in the niyya sect was at Kaniguram. name was Abdullah. The sectary. as we know.THE PATHANS 200 often shows to other faiths. in the person of Sayyid them taking a great part in supplying Akbar Shah. was not. was an Ansari. and the anger and impatience aroused as with by any form of sectarianism within the fold. and families who take name Ansari do so because they set up a claim to be shaikhs the descended from the original Arab Ansar. Raverty. that he had formerly lived among those other Urmars resident in the Logar Valley. which the Akhund Darwezah. founder of the RoshaBayazid (contracted to 7 Bazid) Ansari. real the he is mulhid. and later to the opposition these are still there And British. The designation Tajik in that country very often means little more than that the individual so called is no Pathan. It is parallel with the claim actual descent from the Sayyid taken by families who with Ali. the upper Baddar Valley at an elevation of nearly 7. who is apt to find an exact fact in every tradition of this kind. the friends and companions of the Prophet. This claim to true union his daughter's Prophet through Ansari descent was made by Bazid himself. His . the light has been revealed and who should know better than to turn away. says Bazid s father. there is very little doubt that Bazid was an Urmar. where he was brought up. Abdullah. we the to for the rallying-point Sikhs.000 feet. influence Tajik. that once home whose of parents Panjab in mysterious town situated in the heart of Mahsud Waziristan. The family is universally recognized as a line of true a disciple only and a Sayyids. and if Abdullah was not an . and has been maintained by others. the other faiths. what is more. and. The Ansar were originally the people of Medina. of the direct descendants of Pir Baba have wielded great man to whom Many among the Yusufzais and other tribes in the north of the Pathan belt. is worse than the unbeliever. Kaniguram.

They were able to assemble armies and to enter on regular contests with the government. Much were not Urmars by race. whither he had gone on a trading venture to buy horses. and Ba2id himself embodied his doctrines in considerable works of which the best known were the Khair-ul-Bayan and the Kburpan. Band's doctrines were largely personal to himself. If Bazid and his father at least lived. adopting those titles just as a Pathan will take the title Khan. which he had imbibed in Jullundur during his youth from the notorious Mulla Sulaiman who lived there. a great encouragement to his potential supporters among the tribes. Islam. and his descendants for two generations. have heard hints that copies are still hidden away. sion is that Bazid visit to . being heretical. they have been placed upon an Islamic Index and are extremely difficult to come by. but it is likely that further study will indicate that the many families among the Urmars in Kaniguram still calling themselves Sayyid or Ansari are only Urmars of higher self-esteem. but since they many quarters almost as obscene literature. and in the very places where Urmars are still to be found. they had and moved had their being among that people.ORTHODOX AND HERETIC 2OI why did he live among Urmars at more than one place? remains for investigation in this matter of Urmar origins. according to the critics. Bazid. were men of genius. were later banned by orthodox decree. These once enjoyed a wide vogue but. Bazid was most certainly an Urmar by background if not by descent. There was also a welcome licence to his partisans to destroy those not in possession of the new knowledge and to seize their property. engrafting thereon various eclectic and syncretic features. and must have carried a great emotional and personal appeal. but are said to be largely based on a pantheistic Sufism. to which he added a belief in the transmigration of souls. I think it probable he called himself Ansari merely to increase his own religious value and appeal. was that the complete manifestation of the Godhead was to be seen in the persons of holy men. Raverty and the Encyclopedia of Islam are agreed in stating that Bazid's doctrines were founded on a version of the Ismaili heresy. The designation Ansari is just the cognomen to enhance the credit and assurance of the rising propounder of a new sect within the ranks of Urmar.) The Ismaili sect. of which the most I are regarded in notable. more particularly in his own. met Sulaiman on a (An alternative ver- Samarkand.

with both of which places Bazid was familiar. English astic mysteries secret. They so bitter not are against them as the Sunnis though they in for or Ismailis Mulhahidah. The cap fits. affirms also that the so-called Shia Bangash. all that can here be said is that the year A. Its devotees are not regular Shias who believe in the twelve Imams. and Turis of the present day are concealed remnants the Roshaniyya movement. 800. it will be remem6 of the Abbasids. We know too that this very Hamza founded the of town Gardez. 5 were disRaverty writes: The Karlanri Afghans. But the strands that go to make up a heresy are for to disentangle. but split off with effect from the seventh of the line. perhaps.THE PATHANS 202 now associated with the Agha Khan and representing some of the mildest of the Prophet's followers. particularly ciples of Pir-i-Roshan. Moreover the final discrediting of the Roshaniyya movement intro- . his still follow doctrines. trines. I have had much to do at various times with the Orakzai and Bangash Shias. the Persian prince. either the to openly or in present day. the imputation would certainly own Eleusinian mysteries and do not submit so readily as the orthodox Sunni to questions of doctrinal import or origins. The Kharijite heresy. and the difference between the two docquainted with the facts the Shias regard them as heretics. whose very name has given the word 'assassination' to the tongues of Europe. analogy to those of Ansari. is that Bazid's doctrines were a revival of Kharijite schism. and never heard this identification publicly made. theologian and doctrinal coincidences suggest a fasgeographical. had a great vogue in Sistan in the time about the rebelled the whom from Haniza. Agha Khan. Hasan-i-Sabbah. If the question were now openly be denied. of the those alias Pir-i-Tarik. historical fuller investigation of the origins of an for cinating subject interesting religious deviation.D. style them Shias. but are. Shias have their put. Kharijite anti-Caliph.' A more likely theory. bered. generally. Shia Raverty of Orakzais. whose descendant they now revere in the person of the Agha. and the Mulhid. who died lately in Bombay. was once known for the orgiof the Muhashishin. Bangash who even up unachence writers. eaters of hashish. was looked upon in his lifetime as their head. situated on this border exactly between Logar and Kaniguram. many respects the may be styled a manifest have the tenets of Bayazid.

a battle-standnow become had it for flocked to his standard the conceived he Tirah In to fight. and. but for reasons which will appear it must have been earlier. actually Kabul. tribal mobilize to able were support in the strong and grandsons of a for maintain to independence which hills and spirit years Bazid the Roshani left . among To begin with. even if the suppressed region Roshanis took cover as Shias in Mughal forgetting their doctrinal origin. have tended more and more merge with the general Shia confession. although the tribal his sons tide had begun to go against him in Yusufzai territory. he was finally brought to battle by and defeated with great slaughter at a place general Muhsin Khan. Lastly. called Baro in Ningrahar. new doctrines were not looked on kindly by his father Abdullah. and went off to live as a hermit in a cave in a cliff above Kaniguram. and thence to the Khalils and Muhamwhom he made many converts in and around madzais. Successful in the Mughal many skirmishes. actually to times. ard. Bazid then and Bangash Mohmands Tirah. really because the Kabul government feared his tribal supporters.ORTHODOX AND HERETIC 203 covering up these matters. Khalils. The date of his death is usually quoted as 1585. whose champion Akhund Darwezah his transferred headquarters to defence of orthodoxy. operative to some had movement the that with inclined to hold Roshaniyya Raverty duced political reasons for on the something to do with the beginnings of Shia sectarianism the not or whether But of Tirah. his gospel was accepted Yusufzais also. the feudatory in Peshawar and Hashtnagar. Discounting these factors. where Afridis. and came actually to Bazid's blows. He was arrested by Faridun and tried in Kabul for heresy. but acquitted nominally for a consideration. their descendants. Suffering the usual loss of face of the prophet in his own country. The two quarrelled violently. he fled to the Mohmands in Ningrahar. idea of mobilizing issued drafts on the treasury of Hakim. a great name. and he was preparing and Akbar's overthrow to tribes the empire. there is no communion today between the Shia beliefs professed in this and either of these sects. borders original inspiration was connected with the Kharijite or the Ismaili heresies. still I am extent today. Orakzais. Bazid received a serious wound. but here he soon met the by large groups among with strong opposition from the followers of the Pir Baba in entered the lists in Buner.

It is much to say. clans to maintain an autonomy to a great . with Vincent Smith. though in its religious aspect destined to die down. that the sectarian fervour then aroused.THE PATHANS 204 defeated all the efforts of Akbar and Jahangir to control it. was a main cause in preserving that vigorous tribal spirit not too which enabled the extent still enjoyed.

2 On the northern or Swat side is a long pine-strewn glen. much less under the Durranis. and explain the reasons for victory and defeat. one sentence sticks in the mind. the sentinel guarding the pass. 995). in company with the Miangul Gulshahzada Abdul Wadud. were the Yusufzais of this country the subc of any empire. more than all this. He could reconstruct the tactics. not even in the time of Akbar or Aurangzeb.' claim can be made good. with the same Ham. rocky ledges. falling like a gigantic wave in cliffs that drop into the basin of Buner. The over which we In pass were riding is a beautiful stretch of country leading up from Birkot.CHAPTER XIV AKBAR AND THE TRIBES 1947 I was crossing the Karakar Pass between Swat and 1 Buner. He knew the whole story. I asked the Miangul if he could tell me anything of the battle and saw his eyes gleam. Swat and Buner have never paid taxes to Delhi or Kabul. The reason for this nearness is to be found in the fact that among these people events are handed on by word of mouth so that a man will speak of 205 . dominated by the kindlier northern shoulders of the great peak of Ham to the left and east. 'Never in all history/ he said. At the summit breaks a sudden view of an abrupt fall to the south in massive. up which the road winds along a stream tumbling between terraced fields and patches of forest. But. which we have seen as the probable site of Alexander's Bazira. have never jects The They had to yield obedience to any foreign law or administrative system. the very spurs down which the tribal ghazis charged. then the ruler of Swat State. and the names of the leaders and sections engaged. The people of Dir. And the Miangul' s words provoke another thought a feeling of wonder that the deeds and words of the past should be so close to the minds of men today. It is the scene of the first stages of the defeat of Akbar's frontier armies by the Yusufzais of Swat and Buner in 1586 (H.

and claimed a sort of papal were preceded by an Infallibility authority in Islam. The Roshaniyya was not the only heresy of these times: Akbar himself tried to found a new religion^ the conception which he the Divine Faith. for reasons of policy Akbar concealed his In the entitled the Din Ilahi. early stages aversion to the religion of his fathers. Vincent troubled by the thought that the officials Smith 4 writes: 'They were not man whom they desired to sub- a drunken sot. and plotted to replace the impious Akbar by his half-brother. Partly. All this led to smouldering anger in high places. as in present-day Pakistan. their been abhorrent to Subsequently the Emperor went use of the name of the Prophet the forbade and further than this. and ecclesiastical By arbiter in all causes. he had was Akbar in the public prayers. as we shall see.PATHANS as though he had heard them from his father.' stitute for their gifted monarch was . It sufficed for them to know that Muhammad Hakim was reputed to be sound in doctrine. it arises from a long tradition of refusal to bow the knee. Hakim. But there is another memory that lives. In the course of that year the rebels began to aim at more than a local insurrection. gone far to reject Islam. incapable governing solidated by the genius of Akbar. issued in 1579 he instrument this civil. They sought for an orthodox sovereign. passed on from father to son. to a pronouncement which must have seals their compelled to set souls. breaking out in a serious revolt in 1580 in Bihar and Bengal. cowardly and the of empire acquired and conirresolute. things long past on what It is worth while to examine the Mughal record to see of autonomy is based. Bengal was separated from the territories of Hakim by hundreds of miles of control. the knowledge that the great emperor had forsaken and as a deviator was not entitled to claim the allegiance this pride orthodoxy of the Yusufzais. His deviations the supreme and declaring the Emperor as Decree. had himself solemnly recognized as superior to any other interall the eminent doctors being induced or preter of Muslim law. The rebels were at a disadvantage for. a sort of political religion founded and formulated by himself. To some extent too it enshrines a memory of the defeat of Akbar's forces in Buner. But they planned a vigorcountry under Akbar's effective ous offensive in force from Kabul and the seduction of high in the capital. 3 not only a heretic.

True to character. But Akbar. hearing made off in indecent haste. This work Akbar entrusted to his had On moved Brahmin favourite Raja Birbal. Akbar was accompanied on this journey whom he enjoyed the evening Jesuit Monserrate. and he was faithful. avoiding of the famous construction the for orders he where gave 1581. Delhi should built had he the up. and pertheir treasure. on his that a successful invasion 1581 Kabul campaign. At this time he Panjab. fort which stands at Attock. with diversion of discussions on comparative religion. against him. finding these indignantly rejected. The rebels in Bengal the rebels in the south-east.AKBAR AND THE TRIBES 207 In the winter of 1 580-81 Hakim made two incursions into the command. who told him he had only to abstain from pillage and the whole country would rise in his favour. on that occasion is not without its bearing on the strategic position in which the Pakistan of our day now stands. divining proceed in person to scotch from Kabul would threaten. his new capital. he could Akbar's acted and he cue him his now given judgment promptly. The Panjab did not rise as Faridun had as always. the time the . reaching Sirhind he heard Hakim in early June Indus the to reach Lahore. he went on to Lahore and camped in a garden outside the city. the in the with leisure at deal rising fail. general. and by his personal express command. on. The army events. Akbar was moving expected. more detailed than any of the Muslim chronicles. knew the real danger Emperor. Hakim were enjoying considerable success. resisted his advisers' entreaties to had He lay in the north-west. and. In February he marched from Fatehpur-Sikri. and the position was critical for the despite Hakim's discomfiture. Monserrate has left a Latin diary. But the governor was Akbar's great Man Singh. hoping that the gates would be opened to him. the second under his personal was aged about twenty-seven years and the man behind his actions was still his mother's brother. But if that invasion empire destroy had Hakim east. authority for these and with claims to be considered the by the primary army reached the Indus the great summer By the heats of those parts had set in and the normal floods rendered was delayed for construction of a bridge impracticable. and withdrawn. his with master-mind. and so at one blow with and Agra haps take. the Kachhwaha Rajput to his charge. Hakim made overtures to the commander at Rohtas. Faridun.

and spent the night discussing with Monserrate theological problems after his own heart.THE PATHANS 208 in June and July days at the most unpleasant time of . he told her contemptuously that he had no wish to hear Hakim's name again. 1581. the object of the fifty campaign was achieved. The army was ferried across in boats. urging that Hakim had gone. and on 9th August. Qasim a road Khan. Moving up himself. He therefore stayed only seven days. that he did not care whether his brother resided at Kabul . This is that Hakim feared to come in to make his submission. having demonstrated his power. that he would take the province back again when he made over Kabul pleased. More stalwart Beas nineteen centuries before. It is much more extricate his likely that Monserrate's version is correct.' says Abul Fazl in the Ain-i-Akbariy 'after Qasim Khan's improveIt this first built A ments could be passed with ease by wheeled carriages.year and troops and even generals the gorge at Attock is a furnace became mutinous. He and his nephew Hakim made off into the hills. Faridun staged two attacks on Man Singh's troops close to Kabul. and Akbar must than Alexander at the return. amused his leisure with hunting urial in the nearby. It was not till later that he was made to realize that the physical were the least of the difficulties on a route by which he and his successors could pass only by negotiation or force of arms. through the Khaibar that was practicable C for vehicles. The season was advanced and. Akbar then sent Man Singh with his own son Murad to take the Khaibar route to KabuL was on occasion that Akbar's chief engineer. but leaving a strong detachment to get on with the building at Attock. Akbar refused to listen even to his Jesuit friend who. and that the Emperor to his sister Bakht-un-Nisa. Akbar entered his grandfather's capital. and Man Singh was despatched in advance to occupy Peshawar. The Muslim chroniclers describe him as forgiving Hakim and restoring the Government to him. When asked. but was driven off after some close fighting. which was found on arrival to have been burnt by Hakim before he evacuated it. advised him not to press his quarrel with his brother to extremity. hills He smiled. road hard to negotiate even by horses and camels. as a priest and man of peace. he was determined to army before the winter.' Akbar was so pleased with the work that he made Qasim in due course Governor of the Kabul province.

The two first fled . well and truly laid. three centuries later. Khan Kajju had died. Four of them. The contemptuous treatment dealt out to him would prevent his any more being used as the tool of the orthodox.AKBAR AND THE TRIBES 209 would or not. the followers of Pir Baba. or as a rival claimant to the throne. After this successful demonstration of force Akbar returned haste by the way he had come. of the Akozai branch of the Isazais. Nuruddin and Jalala came into conflict with an army of Indus Yusufzais. known was This of the peace. accorded his royal pardon to dangerous schismatic and disturber none other but Jalaluddin. the work of Qasim Khan. over the river to Torbela. should he again misbehave. but (on a deeper assessto accept any ment) influenced by their constitutional inability that demanded from one more for particularly long. Akbar was no doubt convinced left. always brought into his presence as a The Roshanis. where they were clan of Yusufzais. swayed Tariki. He noted the foundations of Attock Fort. leaving the tribe without any recognized head. Shaikh Umar. and were overthrown in a battle at a village known the from issues Indus the where two miles north of Sayyid Topi Bara. Khairuddin. authority them any payment of tithes. When Akbar resume that the lady tacitly allowed the Mirza to government. threatened by determined to prevent any outsider from rising to maliks jealous faction feeling within pre-eminence and interested in preserving the tribe. there seems be no more clemency forthcoming. as we know. Hakim died four years later from the effects of chronic alcoholism and so enabled the Emperor quietly to absorb Kabul with no more said. the third was put to death by the Utmanzai hills. had at first made considerable turned headway among the Yusufzais. due no doubt to a general sense of a youth who was satisfaction. Bazid's sons found themselves in Akbar's time in much the same predicament as was to befall Ahmad of Bareli. it that his brother's constitution would not stand up long against such excesses. Buner Sayyids. youth the fifth son of Bazid the Roshani or as to Pathans Jalala. Akbar's clemency seems due to his having taken his drunken brother's measure. and while at Attock in a fit of magnanimity. and lastly that. reaching majestically and without December Sikri early in 1581 and this time passing the Fatehpur Indus on a bridge of boats. but that tribe had later of the orthodoxies the extent some to by against them. under the command of Malik as Hamza.

THE PATHANS 210 captured in Hashtnagar by Muhammadzais and put to death like-. still a boy. and. its sole lasting marks are road the Khaibar and the construction of the Qasim's through Attock Fort. wise. and the ashes cast into the Indus. Jalala's and children of the Ansaris were captured. taking place in 1581. brothers met their deaths in battle. but his son and grandson. But his time was not come. the trans-Indus though regarded in theory as a dependency of the crown of India. No question of formal annexation . had in practice for fifty-odd years been adminis- territories. and indeed before Akbar's expedition to Kabul. the bones burnt. to have impinged in no serious degree on the affairs of the Frontier tribes. in disturbances which lasted for another fifty years. so finally freeing the Emperor of all anxiety concerning rival claims to the throne and enabling him quietly to incorporate the north-western provinces in his dominions. Hakim died of drink at the age of thirty-two in July 1585. It was an act of clemency which involved not only Akbar himself. who spared him on account of his beauty and tender age and brought him before Akbar. by the time Akbar was once as the Frontier itself is more to arrive on this stage. tered as an independent State. and Bazid's coffin. except for the meeting with Jalala. and he escaped and fell into the hands of another Yusufeai clan. proves that Bazid himself must have died before 1585. The chroniclers do not say so. completed by 1586. was broken open. three of the women were taken against the rest. among stern measures them Bazid's widow who was given to the embraces of a minstrel. which his sons carried about with them. but there can be little doubt that Akbar' s decision to spare the boy was prompted by the reflection that Jalala and his sectarians stood for an eclectic creed professing many points in common with the Emperor's own beliefs. This event. At any rate he ordered that he be set at liberty. One interesting point regarding that expedition is that it to aroused no tribal opposition in the Khaibar or have appears elsewhere. was badly wounded in the fight and tossed into the river. As far concerned. So was brought to an end the uneasy situation whereby. Jalala. At the same time As related. As had been expected for some time. first under Kamran and then under Hakim.

arrived in Attock. whom others mentioned to the Emperor as competent. never ing mountains. Nevertheless. Akbar sent on Man Singh in advance to secure the position in Kabul. Secondly and this was him he desired to penetrate infinitely greater trouble the tribal territory of the North-West Frontier and bring under his to give Peshawar Valley and the surroundwhich had admitted allegiance to Babur. Faridun. not so much because he was doubtful of his power to dominate Kabul. of his tiresome uncle. a very usual sentence in those days. He succeeded in annexing Kashmir. both against the Yusufeais. First he had long wished to annex Kashmir. where the Fort built under the superintendence of Raja Birbal was now nearing completion. where he arrived in January 1586. one of the Pathan Maliks who presented himself was a certain Akoray. he campaigns against the tribes. Faridun was detained for a while under surveillance and then sent to Mecca. All seemed plain sailing. independent ruler. and thence to Attock. and in fact he tried to do so. The resistance in the failed completely in his Khaibar was organized by Bazid's son pardoned in 1 581. but for other and connected reasons. He thought he could safely conduct opera- tions against them concurrently with an invasion of Kashmir. then under an arose. Sultan Yusuf Khan. more important. to protect the road from Attock onwards towards Peshaif . By the time he arrived at Attock.AKBAR AND THE TRIBES 211 more particularly as the 1581 campaign had rendered the of the north-west more of a reality than it had ever dependence been in Muslim times. He himself moved with a large army to Rawalpindi. he did not know direct rule all the tribes of the how tough they were. or indeed to any of the Muslim dynasties which had hitherto ruled whether at Delhi or Kabul.against the Afridis with Mohmand and Khalil support in the Khaibar and Bazar Valleys. Man Singh and given encouragement. But the Emperor had reckoned without the tribes. Akbar determined once more to tread the road to the north. Kamran or Mirza Hakim. it was thought that all the other tribes would fall easily into the imperial net. """It is at this When Akbar Jalala whom Akbar had point in history that we first hear of the Khataks. His local officers had told him that the backbone of tribal resistance was in the Mandanr and Yusufzai country. and . that broken. he received the welcome news that Man Singh had succeeded in occupying Kabul without opposition and secured the surrender of Hakim's sons and.

and that. It was thought Akoray and his tribesmen would have an the powerful Yusufinterest in warding off the continual forays of caravans passing on the highway zais who made a habit of raiding from Attock Akoray was summoned and agreed to return for a jagir of the country from a point to the west. His first visitors when he reached Attock were a group of maliks in deputation from the Khalils.The records that have come down to us suggest that it was only at this time that his tribe came from the direction of Teri in the Kohat district (where Akoray himself had lands) to settle between Attock and Nowshera. we know. Akoray was the great-grandfather of KhushhalKhanKhatak. . commission in few miles south of where Attock bridge now stands as far as the modern cantonment of Nowshera. Akbar found himself involved in a double-pronged established tribe. and ready to war.THE PATHANS 2I2 war. speak only of Dilazaks in this region. of the Yusufzai Samah towards the south. but for some reason they are not with complaints against the Yusufzais and Mandanr specified Yusufzais. This was not a service which could be performed by tribesmen lacking local knowledge and with an uncertain title to the territories they were to guard. Mohmands and others no doubt including Khataks. But for reasons I have already advanced when discussing the explaining in the Peshawar Valdevelopments of the early sixteenth century to me certain that. ley according a tribe could have as Khataks the own whatever Akoray's origin. founded position and his fame. suffering Mohmand aggression. to signalize his the small town of Akora. a deduction no doubt made with the object of why we hear of no Khataks before Akbar's time. looking the of bank south upon a bluff over the which are the rampart the Sar-i-maira of north at the low ranges collect the tolls upon this road. Soon after. it seems the tribal to chronicles. The tribal chronicles. He received also the right to this a Soon after this. Akoray Landai River. if he wished for peaceful conditions on the direct road to Kabul. Khalil and accept an Emperor's commission which would enable them to resist further encroachments. It is much more likely that they were a longcalled 1 upon no doubt from Yusufzai. been no newcomers to this region when Akbar in 1586 enlisted their services as guardians of the King's highway. This jirga told the Emperor that they were always tribal being blamed for plundering and other actions which in truth were ascribable to Yusufzai raiding from across the river.

which people dwell in Swat and Bajaur. Matters came to a head just at the time when Akbar decided to send Man Singh to Kabul to take over the administration after the death of Hakim. Sayyid Hamid. Akbar found himself involved in another. and won support also from many elements among the Khalils and Mohmands. who had sallied out against them. him in the Khaibar. where they threw up entrenchments and completely tions . c are delightful tracts of territory containing pleasant meads and grassy slopes the heart with delight in their contemplation. of making inroads upon the Yusufzais and Mandanrs. and he succeeded in clearing it for the time. Once he was in Kabul they staged an attack on the citadel at Bagram (Peshawar) and killed the commandant. his best available general Man Singh was busy in the direction of Kabul c Abul Fazl states in his Ain. It was clear that the time had come to take them seriously. Akbar in 1581. Bazid's son. He actually assumed the title of King of the Afghans nearly two centuries before any such potentate was due to appear in the history of those parts. as adds the commentator. Man Singh fell sick at Peshbulak in Ningrahar and the operawere delayed. after securing the position in Peshawar. Jalala the filling But before though aged only fourteen at the time of his liberation by had lost no time in taking up the mantle of his father.' this campaign could go forward. should move up and join Tariki. The annexation of the Yusufzai and Mandanr country was among Akbar's objectives. Man Singh had been informed that the Afridis were the yeast of the disturbance but that they had many sympathizers in Khalil and Mohmand ranks around Peshawar. and he was ready enough to listen to their advice. He determined to despatch Zain Khan. but they were not quite ready for him. with an eye to real motives.AKBAR AND THE TRIBES 213 he should do what no ruler had done before and bring those marauders under his sway. after their success over Sayyid Hamid. where he gathered a great following of Afridis. in the Khaibar. indeed there must be some suspicion that he had arranged for the jirga in order to give shape to his plans. and a number in the Dasht. The Mohmands and Khalils. It was therefore arranged that he himself should march from Jalalabad towards Tirah while a second force detached by the Emperor from Attock. Even on his way up Man Singh found the route infested by the Tarikis. showed great boldness and entered the Khaibar. 5 Swat and Bajaur'. He had escaped to Tirah. with the object.

Akbar agreed. on his recovery. Birbal was poet laureate. the next valley to the south. where he attacked the Afridis with some success. Jalala's force dispersed as tribal forces always do. 7 and the other under another of his cronies. but very little had been done to establish the imperial communications on the Khaibar route or to scotch the rebels. he was powerless to proceed to the heart of the trouble in Swat until reinforcements reached him.214 THE PATHANS closed the pass. under Pir Baba's influence. These reinforcements must also harry and devastate the Mandanr settlements in the Samah to prevent their aiding their brethren in the hills. But it was only with great difficulty that he was able to force a passage through to Ali Mas] id. Man Singh was surrounded in camp at Ali Masjid and was only able to emerge on the Peshawar side of the Pass with the aid of the detachment from Attock and with heavy losses. entered Bazar. Raja Birbal (Birbar. and a heretic withal. by some supposed . 8 Neither of these men had ever commanded an army in the field. and it does not say much for Akbar's judgment of the fighting value of the tribes that he should have thought two of his favourites good enough for operations against them. It was not long before Zain Khan reported that. a scholar and a wit the Muslim chronicles call him Akbar's the Hakim 'proud and pampered Brahmin' was an eloquent poet too. 6 As the last serious effort to subjugate the northern hills before 1895 the story is worth recording in some detail. while he had been able to force an entry into Bajaur. Birbal's sole military qualification was that he had been in nominal charge of the construction of Attock Fort. one under his Brahmin favourite. Hakim Abul Fateh. or the very courageous). unable to force the main pass. the Hakim's that he had been Governor of Bengal. Their motive in so doing can hardly have been other than to divert the Emperor's attention from their own activities in support of the Tariki movement and turn it on a tribe which had always been their rival and had now. Man Singh. Eventually. Akbar's operations against the Yusufeais and Mandanrs to the north were even more disastrous. Jalala and his Tarikis hanging obstinately on his flanks and rear. The action of the Khalils and Mohmands in this fighting is an eloquent commentary on Akbar's aid against the Yusufzais. forsaken the their sincerity in seeking real Tariki cause. and despatched two forces.

time found himself able to advance into Swat by way of Talash and to consolidate a position at the Chakdarra ford. Birbal added bitterly the upshot of climbing mountains in that horrible country. on the other hand. and a good commander. particularly in the direction of Buner where the tribes had their chief strongpoint. Zain Khan got down to business. Zain Khan. where Abul Fateh joined them. His idea was that the fresh troops should perform the latter duty. At first Birbal' s force failed even to make passage into the hills to have at of any point. by the operations of these reinforcements in the Samah. while another force should move around. After this had been smoothed over. he would move towards the Karakar 10 the rebels' there. the son of path Akbar's first nurse and his foster-brother. and that seemed the less he did not know what would be .. if his colleagues preferred. he with his own. was a tough warrior. The whole army. But. who had endured much hard work. 9 It is hard to think of three men so ill-assorted as were these. Zain Khan swallowed his wrath and went to the Brahmin's tent. a brave man. of the almost illiterate type able enough to have risen from the ranks.AKBAR AND THE TRIBES 215 been responsible for leading his master from the straight of orthodoxy. relieved had by this by refusing the indignity of attendance Zain Khan's quarters. According to them the orders were to harry the country. enabling the combined force of Birbal and Abul Fateh to pass over into Swat. not to hold it. and deal with into Buner pass But neither Birbal nor Abul Fateh would consent. Zain Khan. and then return by Birbal opened the ball at c that route to the Emperor's camp at Attock. The meeting started with recriminations between the two newcomers. then assembled at Chakdarra. It was enough for him that the Karakar lay south-east. The Emperor then commanded his force to join that Hakim Abul Fateh and make a combined effort. and attack whenever possible. with its three commanders. let them the stay in Chakdarra. they should therefore march in one body towards the seat of disturbance in Karakar. would hold Chakdarra. where a stormy council of war was held. He proposed a force should remain at Chakdarra to form a reserve and hold the central point. He demanded that the council be held beneath the royal standard in the camp. punish the refractory there. towards Attock. From this centre he occupied the Malakand Pass. where the bridge now stands.

subtle in argument. Great confusion ensued. passage to the summit. and doom closed round the army. . When the vanguard under Birbal reached it. third of the party. He knew in his bones that a progress through mountains held by warlike tribes. uncertain of his ground before these courtiers. without a base. and. and. But he was alone against two. so Zain Birkot. so. after beating off leaders with his determined attacks and killing four tribal own matchlock. hardened soldier. where they knew the ground and there was footing for troops. was a form of tactics which would give the enemy just the The tribesmen would regard the whole and harass the army unmercifully. instead of waiting for the main body and the rear to close up. He must also have reflected that to be saddled with one of the Emperor's favourites was bad enough. ruffled. without a base. and no match for a Pandit's pride. secure in his master's favour. The Brahmin. On the second day out from Chakdarra. Zain Khan acquired with protested. It is a dramatic scene. yet knowing he could not afford to sacrifice them. they hastened down the steep descent on the Buner side. the bluff. But it did not work like that. By the compass he was correct. and after leaving opportunity they needed. he thought it a soldier's duty to give way. It was madness to entangle the whole army in the difficult defiles leading to Buner. So he submitted with an ill grace. but his topography was faulty. suggesting to Zain Khan that he and Birbal had seen Akbar only the other day and knew his mind. A gallant Bhitanni. let We can see the angry. A Khan. but two! It may be Akbar had believed that the two favourites would quarrel and so cancel out and let the soldier have his way. But his protest went unheeded. march as a retreat 11 the army ran into heavy tribal opposition in the northern whole day was spent in clearing the approaches to the Karakar. the elegant Persian doctor and poet standing by to score a pretty point. a poet's subtleties. the road down is very steep and almost impassable for elephants or heavy gear. They should not abandon a position much trouble. knowing that without him they were helpless.THE PATHANS 2l6 circuitous way home. browbeating the rough Muslim soldier. was constrained to follow suit. arrogant Pandit. But if they were determined to do them march back by the easy road over the Malakand. anxious to get out of the mountain maze. set himself in the van. showing his manliness by insisting on remaining with the rearguard.

if anything. On reaching the Karappa crest just south of Daggar the troops imagined they had reached their goal. army lost their lives. reorganize.AKBAR AND THE TRIBES 2. and. near Tursak. basing themselves on the camp. including the gallant Bhitanni. were In their anxiety to get forward entangled in the mazes of the hills. disorder. The tribesmen lined both crests in volleys of with the track to the summit. but at last the army won through to flat ground on the Buner side. hope of being the first to reach the plains. semblance of ordered array.000 men of Akbar's Hasan Khan. only rearguard. they had water and provisions and were at the mo- Zain Khan knew something ment uncommanded from the hills. led Zain Khan's bodyguard. many fell into pits or over precipices. fusion and disarray. Everyto difficult the to ways up right by ing in fell into confusion.1J named Hasan Khan. The whole of the next night and day was spent in beating off incessant attacks. the way unreconnoitred. undertake further operations against the tribes. rear. Zain Khan. In front of them was yet the Malandrai Pass. was blocked. As night came on. the before as Zain Khan bringing up The Yusufzai opposition was greater than before. Abul Fateh. frightened now. Let them even now do what he had advised at Chakdarra. The others would not listen. cowering beneath bush. let them sit down. In the melee which followed Birbal and 8. and the route coninextricable in horses and men mixed parallel together elephants. and then. who pushed slowly on with the only force that held . only to meet with bitter dis- another narrow dale. where a further council of war was held. more difficult and dangerous than the Karakar from so far. and kept the Yusuf2ais at bay. It was of no avail. of the country. was a picked up by The poet. Birbal. cared only to put himself once more in the van in the The march was resumed. leadappointment. Tribesmen could not hold the field for long: this was the only possible tactic that would succeed. entrench. the Samah. which they had only emerged with fortune on their side. the van and main body pushed on thing there any was Zain under the in Khan. and poured arrows and stones on the harassed crowd. With great diffihad reached more open ground in culty and heavy losses the army the basin of Buner. the ranks became panic-stricken. He warned his colleagues that they were lucky to have got The Karappa 12 and Malandrai defiles in front of them were.

and he Zain more Once Khan. report what had befallen. this is courtly hyperbole. and the country fell into entirely overcome and compelled the hands of the Mughal troops/ The Akhund Darwezah states that everywhere the tribesmen were being exterminated. the rebels were to fly. Buner and Bajaur. Actually 'the rebels' were strong enough in 1593 to invest the Mughal commander in Peshawar itself. drew off. of these was sited at the large village of Garhi Kapura. Again and again 'severe chastisements' and 'conquests after desperate fighting'. 'The upshot was/ says one. The three Yusufzais. For two days Akbar would not admit Zain Khan or Abul Fateh to his presence. One by the construction of small forts at strategic points. showing that they never came . the Indus ford. On the third day in Yusufzais and Mandanrs were advancing strong force against order to make disin them receive to had Attock itself. and even better. after its defeat. glutted with slaughter and spoil.T HE 2i8 PATHANS he and Abul Fateh reached a point together. was sent forward to fight. evidence as regards Swat. some district six Hoti-Mardan. of harrying expeditions in a series to limited was imperial effort what is now the Mardan dominate to a scheme and the Samah. After heavy fighting near the crest of the Malandrai and bivouacked for the night. Attock to reached remnant a Zain Khan with sorry days later. Akbar did not allow this resounding defeat to divert him from his purpose of subduing both the Yusufzais and the Tarikis under Khan was sent into the Bangash country in 1 587 Jalala. the Prince Murad. and fought campaigns up and down Bajaur and Swat in the five years from 1 5 87 to 1 5 92. Mutallab in an effort to take Tirah in flank. another at a place called Langarkot vanished but close to Tom. 'that. which was only relieved by a special effort on the part of Zain Khan. with God's help. he charged them with failure to bring in the news arrived that the body of Birbal to be burnt. Thereafter the even match for the imperial army. and. but without any real or the Mughal historians speak of lasting success. the hill tracts. with Akbar's son positions for defence. There is other. and he succeeded in In the plains the tribesmen were no beating off the counter-stroke. and another chronicler mentions that the Yusufizais were dispersed after But all withstanding the Mughals for a period of twelve years. and a third at or near Ohind or miles east of now Hund. and Zain Khan himself returned to the charge.

they were in enjoyment of catch to even Akbar failed Jalala. 'The Mughal rulers never obtained a permanent footing in these parts. and did not come south and he turned In armies. a de facto independence.AKBAR AND THE TRIBES under imperial control. notwithstanding the slaughter of the people and the devastation of their lands. or upon its mountain fringe. were a Sarkar of the Province of Kabul. 219 Abul Fazl includes Swat under the Kabul Province. Ihdad. The developments we have been recording all took place within the Peshawar Valley. Swat or any of the rest of the mountain regions under adminisweak. again like Swat. In out. and the Tariki raiders captured his party fell in and stealth it Jalala by endeavouring to secure was driven with a strong body of Hazaras and the man whom all the King's soldiers had failed to suppress was killed by a stray shot. and even in the Samah control was . a large booty. After Akbar's time no serious endeavour was He was made by any of to bring his successors. for the these areas in the Sarkar of 3 fact is.000 in self escaped. But it is of at this point that Akbar's power had no great interest to record more success in penetrating the more southerly Pathan districts. and the revenue assessment imposed. The plain of Bannu and the valleys of Daur and Isa Khel. but 14. But trative subjection..' The Mughals were unable to hold an inch of ground in this difficult country without overwhelming forces. or indeed by the Durranis who followed. and. the with 1599 Emperor's battling a ruse and with the aid of some Lohani actually took Ghazni by tribesmen from Bannu or the Derajat. His end was very different. and no copy of the particulars Ain-i-Akbari will be found complete in this respect. Sharif Khan. are all blank. The governor. like In their case too Swat. there ruled columns for particulars are the Ain Throughout of men availof names the places. and the amount of assessment. says Raverty. Little was known about them. They were never in a position for obtaining the for the said columns to be filled up. In his Ain-i-Akbari. and even then their communica13 tions were continually interrupted. fail to secure any mention in the Ain-i-Akbari. the numbers of men they were required to furnish. succeeded as Tariki leader by his nephew. 'the parts in question. people and number respecting able for service. These. After three abortive expedito have resulted in the capture of said is in one a final tions 1592 he himTarikis including Jalala's wives and children.

loyal immediate successors. to guard the King's it highway. in the area known as Baizai. Echoes of this rivalry can be heard in the poetry of Akoray's descendant. The Khataks. That is the origin of the Khatak villages of Lundkhwar. . In the scales of history the result was incommensurate with the effort put out. separating the Yusufzais and the Mandanrs. The might of Akbar had not prevailed in any decisive fashion against any of the tribes except those who found to their interest. Jamalgarhi and Katlang on the boundaries of Swat. but planted a colony under the hills. Khushhis hal Khan. in return for consideration. not only overran a considerable tract of Yusufzai country north of the Kabul River and opposite Akora. In all the Mughal fighting against the Yusufzais the Khataks took a prominent part.220 THE PATHANS from Akbar's devastations in Mughal vassals under Akoray and there was one result that followed the Samah.

compiled by Khushhal' s grandson Afzal Khan. Shahbaz Khan. and these history and descriptions which balance the highly-coloured vignettes so characteristic of his poetry.CHAPTER XV KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB the death of Akbar in 1605 (H. But many of his thoughts and sayings are preserved in the form of quotations embodied in a volume entitled Tarikh-i-Murassa. Some of this was in Persian. died in 1627. and there are references in Events on the Frontier during the century from the death of Akbar (1605) to the death of Aurangzeb (1707) fall with some precision into two chapters. "a jewel-studded history'. Yahya Khan. . and including a great deal of contemporary With from the time of Akoray up to his own experiences. the first corresponding to the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan and the second to that of Aurangzeb. The first period was occupied with the aftermath of Akbar's frontier wars against the Yusufzais and the hillmen who followed the Roshaniyya heresy. Akbar's successor. and a great deal of it is lost. 1014) proaching the period in we are ap- annals covered Mughal by the voluminous works of Khushhal Khan (1613-89). gir's time. But he also wrote in prose on subjects ranging from religion and philosophy to sport and falconry. and his father. Those of his works which have come down to us consist in the main of a very large corpus of Pakhtu poetry. and had not reached man's estate when Jahangir. his grandfather. of which the most famous odes are still on the lips of every Pathan. were chiefs before him in Jahanhis works to what they did. and also with the struggle between the Mughals of Hindustan and the Safawis of Persia for possession of Much of the second half-century is covered by the of Khushhal's own life and the rebellion of a crowded events Kandahar. Although Khushhal himself did not succeed to the Khatak chiefship are sufficient to admit us to scenes until 1641. chief of the Khatak tribe and great-grandson of Malik Akoray.

explains distinctions between the various groups of Afghan and Pathan detail. With it necessary to refer to it here in some the Abdalis of the (later the is bound up the story of emergence underTo time. death of his kinsman Husain Baiqara of Herat. citing the terms of the compact Humayun had made. a rebellion of which Khushhal himself was the life and soul. outside the normal geographical so much of the later affinities and purview of this record. solemnly pledging himself to hand the city and province to Persia in the event of his recovery of Hindustan. On Humayun's death in 1556. The Shah. nominally in independence. sat But Shah Muhammad. with whom he made a compact at the time. only sixteen years old. later Akbar's guardian and mentor. down to besiege the city in his turn. Humayun himself died too soon after his return to Delhi to do left one Shah Muhamanything to redeem this promise. had captured Kandahar in 1522. and Akbar. not effected until 1555. until Humaactual in but fief held it. the fief of his great coadjutor Bairam Khan. applied to the Shah of Hindustan to spare Persia for aid. The struggle for Kandahar. was far too fully occupied in establishing himself in forces for Kandahar. the governor of the neigh- bouring Zamindawar region attacked the city. to occupy him. having got what fulfil his side of the bargain. the first for hear now Durranis). had Moreover he was beginning to feel the trammels of the tutelage in which he was held by the great Regent.THE PATHANS 222 section of the Khataks. declined to greatly enraged. of times the to stand it we must go back Humayun we know. the Turkmen. with Bairam Khan in attendance. and Shah Muhammad. knowing that the young Akbar. after a few interregnum following on the tribes that it is years' Babur. previously Mughal vassals. and a number of other tribes against the Emperor Aurangzeb. of whom we and Akbar. Humayun's younger brother. plenty . The year was 1558. On Babur's death in 1530 it passed into the who possession of Mirza Kamran. whose fief it was. He had mad in charge of the place as deputy to Bairam Khan. he wanted. took it from move in staging his return Humayun made Kandahar to Hindustan. The Shah despatched a strong force which drove off the his readiness to take over besiegers and in due course signified Kandahar as stipulated. But Humayun had only succeeded in taking it from Kamran with the aid of the Safawi Shah of Persia. him in 1545 as the first yun with Persian assistance.

and deputed compact one Shah Beg for the purpose. and Kandahar city and province remained a part of the Safawi Empire for the following thirty-seven years. having made apology for what had passed. Shah Abbas the Great ascended the Safawi throne at Isfahan. Just as Malik Akoray accepted Akbar's commission for policing the highroad to Peshawar from India. In 1595 Akbar succeeded in regaining possession of Kandahar. and was probably not too unready to give away a point more likely in his youthful judgment to hurt his guardian than himself. In other words the Khataks and the Abdalis appear in history at almost the same moment. this time quite forgetful of his father's the with Persians. and Zirak. the former zais (of as whom the Mughal vassals. Mirza Hakim. Shah Abbas city's surrender to Akbar twenty-seven years charge. the third son of Tarin. and succeeded in inducing one after the other to seek a comfortable and honourable refuge in India from the Uzbeks whom there is good reason to believe he was inciting to march on Kandahar. almost. It became the fief of the Persian prince. At any rate strict orders were sent to Shah Muhammad to honour the compact made by Humayun. it must be said. affirms that Abdal. to deliver up Kandahar to the officers of the Shah of Persia. In 1587. Kandahar then remained under the Mughals until 1 622. first This is the later tradition though was contemporary with Mahmud of Ghazni. the latter as Persian feudatories. He fomented disputes between Muzaffar Mirza and his brothers. his branch of the tribe becoming thereafter known as the Saddozais. a of Timur contemporary Lang. and. . Malik Saddo. Muzaffar was eventually manoeuvred into asking Akbar to depute an officer to take over The Emperor. Two years later Malik Saddo was chosen chief of the Abdalis living around Kandahar. so did his contemporary. the year after Raja Birbal's death. from him descending to his son Muzaffar Mirza. who had never forgotten the disgrace of the before. an officer who had been governor of Peshawar under his brother. the progenitor of both the PopalSaddozais are one branch) and the Barakzais. accept that of Shah Abbas for the safeguarding of portions of the road from Persia through Herat to Kandahar. Sultan Husain Mirza. when Jahangir once more lost it to Shah Abbas. Kandahar was still a part of his dominions.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 223 Bairam Khan. to present himself at court. complied with alacrity. He did so. by treachery. 1 historical reference to the Abdalis.

while the Persians were the fact that under the Safawis reason one as in assigning right as the shame of they were never subjected to what they regarded over them. being Sunnis of the Hanafi Abdalis. and were always well-treated by the Safawi rulers. The details of guile. this and the Persian restorations up-and-down contest are were effected beyond our pur- view.THE PATHANS 224 died in 1629. made strenuous efforts to bring Kandahar once more within the Mughal domain. Jahangir Kandahar area. His sons Aurangzeb and Dara. Shias. Babur. during his reign. Shah Jahan. like almost all school. But a realization that the fortunes of Kandahar lay much more closely with Persia than with the Mughals goes far to exof the Afghan tribes in the plain the separate development The aggregate time during which the city was held by the Mughal emperors. as were the Mughals (when they were not. but performed such only guarded the Persian King's highway from Jahangir Kandahar of at the recapture outstanding service 2 the title with honoured in 1622 that he was Mir-i-Afaghinah. it once Abbas the Great. Mughals won by by force of arms. but this time it It is interesting that on both occasions the had been lost for good. We shall see that the connection thus set up between Malik Saddo and the Safawi dynasty of Persia over the struggle for Kandahar laid the foundation for the employment of the Abdalis a century later as the spearhead of Nadir Shah's army. Malik Saddo's lineal descendant. They preferred a Shia subjected them to such degrada- having Hindu commanders set overlord to a fellow-Hanafi who tion. I think. Malik Saddo not of Shah During the time thirty years' interlude. after 1649 it: After a the until with Persia Ghalji rebellion of 1708. and Shah Jahan. and the Mughal. the again by treachery (this Safawi governor). was able to build for the first time an Afghan kingdom with a Persian bias on the ruins of Nadir's conquests. It is curious that this should have been so. His tribe took sides throughout with the rulers of Isfahan against those of Delhi and Kabul. little over fifty years. Humayun. the Afghans. Raverty. but once more lost it in 1649. Akbar. This is not to say . like Akbar. is deviators). more Ghalji ruler. And when Nadir died. regained it in 1638 time on the part of Ali Mardan Khan. remained is only a during which Kandahar was under a reverted to Persia under Nadir Shah. Ahmad Khan Abdali.

During the short period from 1 63 8 to 1 649. where they were joined by many of their relations and dependants. first by Aurangzeb and later Dara Shukoh. was always in the hands of one of this colony. Some have forgotten their Pashtu. made between 1649 and 1653 to one more change in fortune. up among the Afghan The opponents of Malik Saddo's faction within the tribe. mainly Abdalis. he visited Kabul and took occasion to cover the grave Babur. On the final failure to recover Kandahar for Delhi this party among the Abdalis abandoned their country rather than submit to Persia. his great-grandfather. Saddozai or Alizai. On the city's recapture in 1649 by Shah Abbas II. deputed by his father Shah Jahan to retake it. They took part in more than one attempt. and a trellised maqbara of the same material. and that of the adjacent Derajat. mainly of the Alizai section but including a few Saddozais. The governorship of Multan. with a slab of marble. the Safawi.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 225 that the ancestors of the Abdalis ties may not have had Persian affinimany centuries before the time of Shah Abbas the Great. so to him he accorded governance from struggle for tribal troubles . Descendants of these Multani Afghans are still prominent in politics and public office in West Pakistan today. these supporters fled to join the army of the prince Aurangzeb. The most successful of his father's officers seemed to him to be Shah Beg who had taken possession of Kandahar twelve years earlier. The Kandahar did not absolve Akbar's successor much nearer home. Jahangir's passion for gracious attention to affairs living did not prevent him from sparing some of state in these parts. great efforts were made to build tribes in the a party of Mughal supporters neighbourhood. Jahangir's first concern with the Frontier region was when in 1607. and became well known as the Multani Afghans. espoused the Mughal cause. when Shah Jahan for the last time obtained possession of the city for the Mughals by the treachery of AH Mardan Khan. showed his gratitude for their aid and fidelity by establishing them as a colony in Multan. but their ancestry and history is remembered with pride. when he became emperor. Aurangzeb. the third year of his of reign. 3 There is another offspring of this ding-dong struggle for Kandahar. throughout the Mughal period of decadence and until Multan and the Derajat were con- by his brother effect yet quered by Ranjit Singh early in the nineteenth century.

as always stirred by a pretty face. Jalala s daughter. their The Mughal forces marched from Kohat and up the Khanki Valley to the Sampagga Pass.000 feet above the sea. Ghairat Khan. Between them Ihdad and Alai had many followers among the Tirah tribes. After the death of Jalala. the Mughal commander. press sought to confine the Emperor himself on the banks of the Jihlam employed much the same order of treatment in his dealings with the Roshanis. the black. Ihdad had married Bibi Alai. and after feasting them and getting them to give up arms under pretence of conferring honorary dresses on them. Orakzais and Bangash. The story of the battle is told both by Khushhal Khan and by Jahangir in his memoirs. says 3 Khushhal Khan. but the ascent is long and exhausting. Hearing that Ihdad' s chief supporters were to be found among the Orakzais of the Daulatzai branch. and moved from one mountain stronghold to another. The pass is not a very difficult one in itself. Khan-i-Dauran (Chief of the Age)'. residing close to Kohat. and the summit over 6. with orders to root out Ihdad and his remaining followers. under Ihdad and an Orakzai Malik named Tor. he despatched a subordinate. pushed on . "beloved of all the Roshanis'. with entire control over the Afghans of these and the title of regions. The specification of Tirah and Bangash was not without reason. the headship of the Roshaniyya sect had gone to his nephew Ihdad. who were then occupying a position in the upper Mastura Valley in Tirah. the same who later turned against the EmMahabat Khan and Nur Jahan. the Roshaniyya movement had raised its head again and was giving constant trouble. an assignment of their territories in jagir. Afridis. Shah Beg managed with great difficulty to avoid a test of strength. Ghairat Khan.THE PATHANS 226 over "the whole and troublous Sarkar of Kabul. he summoned them to an audience. Shaikh Umar. by which the invading British troops entered Tirah after their capture of the Samana and Dargai heights in 1 897. the easiest crossing from Khanki into the Mastura. Believing that he had broken the back of the resistance. Swat and Bajaur. Bangash. and can be studied in its southern approaches from the opposing Samana range. Tirah. but in 1620 matters came to a head after he had been succeeded by Mahabat Khan as governor of Kabul. son of Bayazid's eldest son. slaughtered them to the number of three hundred. The crest was held by Afridis and Orakzais. a woman of great beauty and character.

turned and fled from every part of the Kotal. locked in an embrace. by whose influence the leadership of the Roshaniyya came into the hands of his and her son. At the time when Ghairat made his attack upon the enemy. and was succeeded by his son Shah Jahan. Says Jahangir: 'Ghairat Khan. crowding from different parts of the Kotal above. Among the slain was Jalal. Ihdad met his death in fighting 3 against Muzaffar Khan. soon despatched him and his comrades. like ants and locusts. and. the Gakhar. as well as Ghairat. son of a new governor. having dismounted him. He began the ascent. and the Afghans. Jalal Khan. Panju cried out to his clansmen: 'Strike. and signet ring were brought in and presented to Jahangir Kabul in 1626. and his head. In Shah Jahan's first year Muzaffar Khan determined at once to march from Peshawar to Kabul. who was of the hottest temperament and ever ready to rush upon his foes. The assaulting troops had climbed at least 3. Muzaffar Khan. and determined to attack forthwith. and both were slain. plied them with stones and arrows. The Afghans. and all this loss was sustained through the rash and reckless zeal of Ghairat Khan. Ihdad's foljust before the Emperor started for lowers gathered again in Tirah under the inspiration of his beautiful widow. but the Mughals were at a disadvantage. A fierce battle followed. A Firoz Khel Orakzai named Panju singled out Ghairat Khan. They hamstrung the horse of Ghairat Khan. Six years after this victory. was raised as reward from the position of his father's deputy to governorship of the province. where hand-to-hand fighting broke out. who had sought to give Ghairat prudent counsel. rushed forward and closed with him. in a skirmish in the Lowaghar hills in the south of the Kohat district. completely surrounded the attacking force. collecting from different parts. In Homeric fashion. He was slain when moving from one stone sangar to another. rolling one over the other. did not approve of counsels of prudence. Both fell. Abdul Qadir. though strongly advised staff - . and the tribesmen had their way. surrounded the fugitives and slew the greater number of the troops most mercilessly. kill me also.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 2ZJ and led the advance to the crest. A year later Jahangir died. and other servants of the state. but let him not go!' And so they did. fearing for their lives and unable to stand their ground and almost against their will. the slayer of Ihdad.000 feet from the valley below and were short of breath. not knowing the ground and weary with the ascent.

they surrounded the city walls. a new by the efforts of the deputy governor of Kohat. At first Abdul Qadir and his forces undertook the invest- . outwardly and in disorder ever-ready to vitors but inwardly delighting 4 and began to front his in road the plunder and molest. Gigianis and Tarklanris.8 THE PATHANS to wait until the disturbances always attendant He would not sovereign had died down. property and loss the nor disorder this damage susdid nothing to remedy halted nor neither and or tained by his troops camp followers. even and the Turis and the Jajis. Muzaffar fled and even one the of the hands tribes. 1630. where the Bara River enters the Peshawar plain. Muzaffar Khan's ignominy led to a general rising under the Roshani Abdul Qadir. Afridis. This host itself. which at every point they well knew were too extensive to be defended by the forces then available. occupied of experiofficer left no he As force. unbroken tale of the redeem to does now which name something Mughal disaster in these lands. On i2th June. father of Khushhal Shahbaz under Khataks the of Khan. Muhammadthe tribes of Bannu and Daur zais. prepared to invest the city of Peshawar to do on another June day exactly were successors their as just three hundred years later. them. his of plunder the baggage and he carried was of deal a off. prepared to march from Kohat to the relief of the garrison. He proceeds: 'The Mughal garrison of Pekhawar had to throw themselves into the citadel.' aid turned back to This attack was organized by Bibi Alai and her son Abdul the beauties of his Banana fell into Qadir. the hill Mohmands from Michni to Lalpura.22. Afridis. Bangash. ence to guard his rear. Khushhal Khan's account should be read by all who are anxi- ous that the Pathans should take a place in history worthy of their talents and their courage. on the death of a listen. Yusufzais. gathered in a vast lashkar at Ilm Gudar. who was Faujdar of Bangash. Orakzais. Mohmands and Daudzais around Peshawar. At this time Said Khan. and ran into Pass where. and the place was completely invested. from which there stood aloof only the and the main Khalils. as says the Badshah-nama heavy trouble in the Khaibar the of Shah Jahan: 'Suddenly beast-of-prey-like Orakzais and the many-branched. two branches of obedient serAfaghinah of this mountainous tract. only lady being saved and ransomed Said Khan. tumult-raising. body and grandson of Malik Akorai.

Mirza Ansari forswore father not and embraced orthodoxy.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 229 merit alone. Rashid Khan in 1647. His mother. think. Such being the case. Nor was just a natural death. and the different tribes meditated upon dispersal. the Emperor in the Deccan. but fair dealer and a 5. where sent with rank and . feared lest they might betray him into Mughal hands. he decamped one night and retired into Tirah again. and news become known to the garrison. duly appeared before the Emperor in Delhi.' concludes Khushhal.000 horse. The faithful say that. Abdul Qadir died of his hardships. Mirza. and Kohat. they their adherents in the empire's service. and he. the descendants of the Pir-i-Roshan. was killed in 1633. Rashid Khan. many having been caught in the streets and lanes of the city unaware of the dispersal of the others. thinking that he was taking all the credit to himself. with the usual stupidity and wrong-headedness of Pakhtuns. but when the other tribes assembled to aid him. I by the orthodox. and slew a great number. They began to speak in no therefrom that they friendly manner about him. His poems. they became jealous of him whom they came to support. knowing would in all probability intrigue with the Mughals. most Ansari/the mystical of Pakhtu poets. fighting for the tenets of his grandhis before death. least for he writes. the died he where Ganges. In this affair a great number of Yusufzais and Gigianis were also killed. show otherwise. attacked the Pakhtuns that remained. . they persal of the investors having issued from the citadel under Said Khan. with one of her brothers. and a number of Alai. 'the Mug- hal authority began to be recognized in the province/ Shah Jahan was so pleased with Said Khan that he made him of Kabul. were well treated by Shah retired to a place near Farrukhabad on the Jahan. Said Khan from Kohat of the partial dishaving now arrived upon the scene. and he is still greatly respected. Said Khan was not only brave. a few months after his surrender. After this affair. or Pir-i-Tarik. Such was Said Khan's newly was able by a combination of tact and he acquired prestige that firmness to prevail on Bibi Alai and her son Abdul Qadir to surrender on safe-conduct.dignity to the they were kindly treated and allowed to gather round them were where Deccan provinces. and raised him to the rank of commander of governor this all. around Peshawar activities rebel the of source the other Tarikis. All in all. Another descendant. he was a man.

Of the Roshanis or Tarikis as an organized movement we hear no more. and grandsons. The book of Akhund Darwezah I have read from end to end. and Akhund Darwezah like this: The art of Pakhtu poetry I have learned from no man. Abdul Qadir's right hand in the investment of Peshawar was a still disciple named Kamaluddin. known to all as Jalaliya and Kamaliya. just below its confluence with the Landai and near Attock Fort.THE PATHANS 230 From every saint who has set out on a mission Some sign becomes manifest. so valiant a swordsman that his deeds are acclaimed in ballads itself died. the highest in the Khatak range close to There is also a hill Cherat which bears the name of Jalala Sar. history shows that the free Pathan spirit owes a debt to these men. The but the hold of the Afridis on the freedom of Tirah sect is a tradition. the Akhund Darwezah. and Yusuf. And of his early death: As the rose blooms. sung today. Upon them many boats are dashed in flood time and broken up. Azar Mir. so also it fades away. an Orakzai. who makes a great point of his orthodoxy. The Mirza who wrote sweet verses is long since dead. and commemorates with less bigotry than the rocks the undoubted power and genius of Bayazid. And in it found no poetic measure for delight 5 . his sons. Still is Since death better for me than life itself. Even one of their achievements has more in it to stir the heart than all the words of their opponent. Khushhal Khan. Whatever their doctrines. There are two famous black rocks in the bed of the Indus. And Mian Roshan speaks through his mouth. not of the Ansari family but a Pathan father had been one of Jahangir's nobles. and has been coupled with that of Jalala himself. which the sect had done much to inspire. writes of Mirza Ansari. The doubts of Mirza are resolved and are no more. so is mine counted. the first Khalifa after Bayazid. my soul I have abandoned for the love of the beloved. As the short life of the rose. But in Tirah they left followers who became champions. living. just as the orthodox say that souls were destroyed upon the doctrines of the Pir-i-Tarik himself. an Afridi. As an apostate whose who name did not belong to the family of the Roshaniyya leaders his has been subject to particular execration.

Khushhal always speaks admiringly of the Emperors Jahangir and Shah Jahan. must be seen against the story of Khushhal's family and forays which went on in wars continual the of background But the the Peshawar Valley between the Yusufeais and the Khataks. and Shah Jahan confirmed Khushhal as the Khatak chief and guardian of the King's highway to Peshawar. Hind was He he knew But Shah like paradise. and in their train took part in various campaigns in Kangra. not five. leading nobles. Jahan the the Khaibar once than had walked more Emperor's by through litter and he admired him. In 1641 his father Shahbas. . In fact from Akbar's time to that of Aurangzeb the opposition to Mughal predominance was led by the Yusufzais.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 23! He is not far wrong. personally. Shah Jahan the discerning. therefore. Jahangir's reign. grandfather. The YusufizaiKhatak wars had. where he praise that the won considerable distinction. Jahangir. tribal and state background. . it is true. The masters of the true way are four in number. root and branch. And this he writes in spite of his strong assertion of orthodoxy: Those who are enemies of the Prophet's companions and descendants I am ready to destroy. disaster to occupy parts This led to a century-long tribal feud. in the course of which Khushhal's great-grandfather. It will be remembered that the Khataks had taken advantage of Akbar's attempted suppression of the Yusufzais after the Birbal of the Samah north of the Landai River. while the pro-Mughal party looked to Malik Akoray and his successors as its leaders. . a family. and served. A Hanafi of the Sunni faith am I. 6 . like and Yahya Khan before him. died before Khushhal came to so his memories he was about fourteen at the time manhood father Shahbaz heard his had he what of reflections were no doubt coloured been have by bright thoughts of say. was killed fighting against Akoray the Yusufeais. He wrote of him as qadrddn Shah Jahan. and father all met what he describes as a martyr's death. Balkh and Badakhshan. and his words may in wrote he when his own youth that. He went to the Delhi court where he got himself attached to Amanat Khan and Asalat Khan. and in more than one passage laments that his poverty of expression precludes him from offering the monarch deserved.

Aurangzeb emerged successful from the struggle. Their chief. who was still Emperor. When. appeared at court and succeeded in securing the protection of the emperor's son. During the war of succession. Khushhal. with headquarters at the former place. with one Abdurrahim as his deputy in Peshawar. the son of Ali Mardan Khan. decided to take the to a further stage struggle against the Yusufzais on his home front and succeeded in inducing Shah Jahan. He had -been favourable to Khushhal Khan. but to retain a deputy who remained in Peshawar throughout the year and bore the heavy responsibilities of the winter capital during the summer residence of the Governor at Kabul. he was at first favourably inclined to Khushhal Khan and confirmed him in his chieftainship. supported Dara. prevented the Yusufzais from offering him asylum in the Samah by driving off a Yusufzai lashkar which was awaiting the fugitive on the river bank. Abdurrahim. The normal Mughal arrangement was for the Governors of Kabul to reside according to season in Kabul or Peshawar. the ill-fated Dara Shukoh.232 THE PATHANS In 1649-52 Khushhal. At this time Mahabat Khan was Governor of Kabul. Bahaku Khan. Thus rivalry between Yusufzai and Khatak was mixed with court intrigue. to add certain Yusufzai villages north of the Landai River to his too much for the Yusufzais. who determined to see jagir. the Safawi noble who had betrayed Kandahar to Shah Jahan. sion of tolls had been ordered shortly after A general remis- Aurangzeb '$ accession . This is the Mahabat Khan commemorated in Peshawar in the name of the chief mosque of that city. This was what could be done by offering at least a nominal submission to Delhi. who had been approached by Dara but had rebuffed him. and was soon caught up in the struggle for the succession. it seems. but in 1 66 1 Aurangzeb transferred him to the Deccan and appointed Sayyid Amir in his place. as in duty bound. having become the Khatak chief and on return from his wars in foreign countries. who persuaded Shah Jahan to pardon the Yusufzais and withdraw the Yusufzai area from Khushhal's jagir. therefore. Bahaku. favoured the Yusufzais in the person of Bahaku Khan and obtained an imperial mandate for the abolition of the collection of tolls for crossing the Indus. conferring it on Bahaku. This is not the Mahabat Khan whose name figures so largely in the annals of Jahangir's reign he had died in the Deccan in 1634 but another.

on the killed three of the soldiers. but justify if it is even not to be attributed merely to Yusufzai envy and an hereditary enemy. Since Akbar's time the collection of the Attock tolls was a right which had vested in Malik Akoray and his successors. But shortly after. These attended under the terms of service for his advice . It was not long before his arrogance was punished. He is represented as dissolute. and it follows that Khushhal was hard hit by the new orders and greatly resented what had been done. a pugnacious lot. and so overbearing that no one dared to oppose his wishes. it is hard not to conclude intrigue against was prompted by influences which felt Khushhal and his Khataks had for too long enjoyed a monopoly of imperial favour at the cost of other and possibly even more difficult and dangerous it tribes. and was not permitted to return to his country. early in 1670. An endeavour was made to the measure as one of relief to the common man. and accompanied him. removed in 1668 andMahabat Khan returned was Amir Sayyid to his old post. Khushhal did not proceed to overt action against the new measure. and a person to whom Aurangzeb had taken a fancy and raised to high office. but conditions were far from peaceful. and Khushhal was in due course released and according to his own account asked by the Emperor in person on the most suitable appointment to the Frontier. Some soldiers serving under Amin's subordinate in the Kunar a woman of the Safi tribe Valley. had insulted who lived in that neighbourhood. who had been Governor of Lahore. particularly among the Yusufizais. whereupon Husain Beg called refused. Safi chiefs to seize and deliver those responsible. Gwalior prisoner in the Gwalior he remained under house arrest.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 233 but had not been extended to the Frontier. At Mahabat's special request Khushhal was set at liberty. They Other neighbouring tribes and vassals were called on to burn under their villages. But in 1664 he was summoned to Peshawar by Sayyid Amir and at the age of fifty-one dispatched in chains and under escort to as a Delhi. The Saris. whence he was sent forward to spend over two years from release on even And fortress. where special conditions prevailed. 7 Mahabat was again relieved and replaced by Muhammad Amin Khan. one Husain Beg. Amin was the son of a diamond merchant from Golkonda in the Deccan. Sayyid Amir remained as governor for seven years.

at the top of the Khaibar Pass. and tribal indignation aroused all over the area from Kunar to Tirah. The tribal resistance had been organized mainly under the direction of two Afridi chiefs. but on arrival at Loargai found the Kotal closed by breastworks thrown right across the defile. the Governor. Aimal Khan and Darya Khan. and took post for the purpose on the edge of the Loargai plateau. Fighting continued all day. This was refused. Amin Khan set out in the early spring of 1672.234 THE PATHANS which they held jagirs. so. On both flanks the Mughal leaders were killed and the troops forced back with great loss. certain Orakzai chiefs. teaching the Safis a lesson on the way. The tribesmen rushed in with the sword with great effect. The army was formed in battle array with the elephants in advance and an attack was ordered. with the result that Amin. It was now represented to Amin Khan that the pass might be turned by way of the Tahtarra stream over the shoulder of the Tahtarra mountain where also water was procurable and in any . Word had reached whose names appear constantly in KhushhaPs poems and other works as the heroes of the Pakhtuns of those days. He was accompanied by the Arbab of the Mohmand plainsmen near Peshawar. Amin reached Ali Masjid. The attack was foiled. but the . The Mohmands and Safis formed a tribal confederacy with large numbers of Afridis and Shinwaris to oppose the passage of the royal troops. and an unwilling Khushhal Khan. between the modern Landi Kotal and Landi Khana at the point where the road dips towards the valley on the side of Afghanistan. but secretly sent word to the Safis warning them of what was brewing and to tell them they considered they had acted like men. and passed the narrows beyond it without serious molestation. Husain Beg reported what had happened. while the army encamped at Jamrud on the Peshawar side. the Governor that the tribesmen had blocked the pass. and it was determined to force a way through. the Arbab was sent forward with a jirga to demand withdrawal and free passage. Stones and boulders had been piled up ready for use and were hurled down on the attackers. who It is seems to have been present rather in the capacity of a hostage.entrenchments remained and the pass could not be forced. the scene of the attack on Pandit Nehru during his visit to the Khaibar Pass in the autumn of 1 946. determined to march from Peshawar earlier than usual on the annual migration to Kabul.

There followed further disasters to Mughal arms. at forces overthrow of Aurangzeb's Khapakh. treasure. families. wife. in 1673 in Gandab. The Emperor himself in 1674 went north to superintend operations. north-west of Shabqadr. On way be lost. Everything was lost the and and sister own Amin's daughters. through the mouth of Khushhal. and quarrels with many of his outlaw. Khushhal and on the fort at Nowshera attack a Aimal Khan. mother. Khushhal himself died in 1689. from a refused to return the reason is clear high sense of honour and became a recluse. notably Bahram. elephants. regarding case a stand could be made. on whom alone Aurangzeb thought he could rely for the governance of the refractory and dangerous tribes on his frontier. Amin Khan had of course been removed. What the Emperor had against him and took extent with failed to do by force of arms he later achieved to some own sons. Ashraf. he would the Tahtarra further he went route. various tribal areas to seek assistance. and once more was replaced by Mahabat Khan. but his wife. but sought to prevail on Khushhal's loyalty the Mughals and their of the latter wrote that he had had enough In 1674 just before the ways and went into active opposition. bewailing his fate .KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 235 and the shattered went force proceeding on the path to Tahtarra only to destrucwarned him confidence Amin's tribesman the a in tion. it is probable that he go beyond Jamrud. staged joint his the also it. turned the Mughal side. The tribesmen. Later some of the women were ransomed. What Khushhal himself did during did not is not clear. both in the Mohmand hill country. if by and offered to guide him by secret paths back to Peshawar. half-hearted into journeys reconciliations with the authorities. carried He and chiefship of his tribe to resigned and a rebel as henceforth himself eldest son. This was treachery. His son Ashraf was in his turn as a state prisoner to Bijapur where imprisoned and sent in 1683 he died after ten years 7 languishment in exile. gold. The more than one of -whom. After Amin Khan's defeat in the Khaibar. that. cluding wives and families of the nobles and officers serving under him.. rest of his life is a confused patchwork of forays. introops. Mahabat Khan had as a Khatak vassal. Afiridi.000 on the the fighting Mughal armies. and in 1674 in the Khapakh Pass. It is related that Amin himself and four others were the sole survivors. claimed that they had inflicted a loss of 40.

vince. Later annals. met with was from are inspired by two passions. disaffection and disorder as to render the task of the invader easy. for the only opposition he the Mughal hold was never Mughal easy India itself was so separate Frontier tribes. the second his pride in what he calls the nang> the honour. to often so complain of what he attributed to the arrived. Afzal was with Shah Alam at Attock and was left in charge of his the highway to Peshawar. of the Delhi ruler to restrain the unwillingness. hostility secure. It was on this account that Nadir Shah found to invade the it so Empire. the Emperor's son who subsequently succeeded to the throne as Bahadur Shah. after almost ceased. the remainder are translations in vers libre. the patriotic poems hatred and contempt for the Emperor Aurangzeb. invasion in 1739 the Kabul proNadir's until the years after that left without a governor to take was with it. . no part of what are now the Kohat and Bannu districts was subject to effective Mughal domination. The following are discriminate to attempt translations of typical specimens of what he wrote in this field. during the last ten years of Aurangzeb's reign. even in the zenith of their power. rent with sedition. is reminiscent of old English romances opening with a prelude of the same kind. Ashraf s son. unconnected with the subject of the poem. and Peshawar for surprise that. in a for he too the inability. who acted as particularly the writings tribal aide to Shah Alam.THE PATHANS 236 was a poet. he had number of odes. When news arrived in 1707 of Aurangzeb's death. As Elphinstone remarks. the invocation to the spring in this first poem. which is a war ballad. establish that. of the he uses both designations without any Afghan or Pakhtun between the names. Raverty writes that as early as he might have gone back of middle the Aurangzeb's reign was nominal. based on work 8 done ninety and seventy years ago by Raverty and Biddulph. with some amendment to improve the sense. when Nadir matter no it is and care of itself. and soon control Akbar to even Mughal further. For most of family's old responsibility. more of Afzal. not over tribes of whom. one which starts with the words Bia lab kuma The first KhushhaFs first his poem I have tried to set in some form of English rdpaidd shuh da bahdr heroic rhymed couplet which shall give an idea of the spirit of the Pakhtu.

KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB O spring. Each emulous the other to outdo. The talons of the hawk that knows no ruth. Beneath the tramp of feet the valleys quake. O With. Swept down their Rajput chivalry like chaff. sisters. 237 . While quivering bow searches a melody And each string throbs with long-drawn ecstasy. Next in Doaba smote we Husain Bek. disordered. glow and bloom! O lily. Karappa to Bajaur the mountains shake. raise up. fill the flagon. Have stained the cleft of Khaibar red with blood. fill it high. The torrent of our war spilled o'er Gandaf. whence hast thou come? O fields that glow like rose-plots. Over Karappa pours the raging flood. For full five years the tribal sword has flashed Keen-edged and bright. the tulip glowing red! See! every maid plucks roses for her breast. spent. jasmine. drunk with Mughal blood. at Nowshera. since first the battie clashed Upon Tahtarra's peak. sing of war in revelry! Now blood has dyed the hands of Pakhtun youth. herb of sweet rainbow glory for a carpet spread. Year after year we draw his nobles' sting. Afridi hearts in Khapakh's vale beat faster. And flowers adorn each youth's proud turban crest. O daffodil. brightest gem. our gain was glory. 'Yea! these were men!' Minstrels shall sing of us Proud conquerors we. Pomegranate. haggard-eyed. wives. where at one blow Twice twenty thousand of the Mughal foe Perished. And crushed his unclean head. Then. Aitnal and Darya Khan. raise up the sword. that venomous snake. When Aimal sent Mukarram to disaster. Fell captive to the all-conquering Afghan spear. My Khataks washed their swords in Landai's flood. wind-flower. spring I love. Khushhal shall Rosier than tulips. redder than this wine. all that they held dear. basil. Cup-bearer. In all. A sacrifice for favour of the Lord! This year Aurang himself has pitched his tent To fight us. our glory gain. Gleamed their bright swords with blood incarnadine. those champions two.

the Emperor. False-faced The time is now. if God will that we die. and honest men a scorn. Spread for our tempting? Blown upon the wind! No limit is known to Aurang's ill intent. a youth again! Sweeter to him is death than any life Missing the spur of honour. But concord. If Mughal stand. To him truth is lies. like most Pathans. Ah God! Grant honour. a hatred and an and saw abomination. we know not. There are no intro- spections here. In life. now sharply pricks the thorn. and faithless. all evil to Khushhal. Glory's the hazard. Now blooms the rose. Lacking that honour what is the Afghan story? In the sword alone lies our deliverance. and of what the poet regarded as the mask of religious hypocrisy beneath which a cold and calculating tyrant worked out policies. for God and friends a clean-cut loyalty.THE PATHANS 238 Of all those hosts where is the reckoning? And where. the enemy. all the wealth of Hind. coupled with that of Aurangzeb's imprison- ment of his own father and murder of his brothers. forsworn. The poet-warrior's deepest loathing and contempt was reserved for Aurangzeb. in death. Whereby in days long past we ruled in Hind. let honour be his guide So shall his memory in the grave abide! This poem is a revelation of much that is admirable in the person of Khushhal himself and of tHe lights and shades in Pathan character generally. concord. The follows: bitterest of his attacks is contained in the poem which . The sword wherein is our predominance. force failing. sweet refrain. then broken falls Pakhtun. And old Khushhal will rise. Every word is instinct with fortitude and a simple manliness. His father's curse pursues him to the end. and we have sinned. O man of woman born! The very name Pakhtun spells honour and glory. 'Twixt him and us fair issue is there none. in its more inspired moments. despised subtleties life but as a clash of opposites. the thrill of strife. KhushhaL. More than twenty of his compositions introduce this theme. The spheres of heaven revolve uncertainly. fraudulent. for the unworthy.

Or by fastings bring his navel and spine together. it was in fact one incident in a general the common man. Others. The way of whose tongue is one. cruelly slain by the sword. his fasts and penances.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB I 239 know well Aurangzeb's justice. his boastings many: Since KhushhaPs arm cannot reach the tyrant in this world. as contrasted with the deviations of Akbar. continue to regard him as the English Protestant has been taught to regard Philip II of Spain. His orthodoxy in the Faith. The recreant's acts are few and ill. His adorations. many admire for his orthodox piety and zeal. but in essence a monster of perfidy. and of his heart another. and a lie. He is offered as a saint who displayed upon the throne the austere virtues of primitive Islam. In considering these it is fair to note two things. and the self- indulgence of Jahangir. May God Almighty have no mercy on him in the day of doom! In the inward parts There is a strong school of historians engaged on the rehabilita- whom tion of Aurangzeb. narrowly conscientious and persistent in attention to detail. frontier and ferry throughout the empire. a man of misguided religious zeal. like Khushhal. are all false. but with the impact of the Emperor's actions on the minds of the Pathans in the empire's Frontier Province. it is unclean and filled with venom. his devotions. Let his very vitals be torn out and lacerated! Outwardly the serpent is handsome and well-formed. The true man's deeds are many. his equity. and it policy designed to benefit the trader and can be represented as a wise act of statesmanship. resistance to that . concealing a sinister purpose behind every action. time after time. Here we are concerned not with an assessment of these contrasts. it was part of a general act of remission of all the taxes collected on every highway. Unless he desire in truth to act with goodness. The first is Khushhal had good reason for disliking a ruler who had deprived him of the ferry and highway tolls enjoyed by his forefathers since they were granted by Akbar to Akoray. His father overcome in battle and thrown in prison! Though a man strike his head on the ground a thousand times. His own brothers. but few his words. Those who defend Aurangzeb point out that this deprivation was not peculiar to the Attock highway. his fratricides committed according to the custom of the times in selfdefence against brothers interested only to obtain the throne in order to indulge their profligacy.

as he saw it. a rapprochement with the Yusufzais inevitof at least one faction. Yet. and the fact that he did not do so shows his it is pointed out magnanimity. say attacks of the poet on Aurangzeb's partisans? Given the vitriolic release was Khushhal's that do we now as and his knowing was placed under fined at king. and spent the rest of his life in that fashion. sent to Delhi in chains. were the officials. great-grandsire arrest at Peshawar. He did not resist the withdrawal of the right to collect rebellion over it. The second point is self-interested and that the alienation of Khushhal and his Khataks was bound up with the local tribal aversion of Khatak for Yusufzai. and able to find much that was intriguing profitable to themselves. in 1664 he and grandsire. Aurangzeb would have been justified in cutting off his head. he did not go into the to service monarchy. and not released until 1668 on the special intervention of Mahabat Khan. Governor of the time. but his poems show that he not only gloried in Amin's defeat. but straightway went into open rebellion against his king. Khushhal was lucky to escape with four years' restraint. including Sayyid Amir. despite twenty tolls. In proof of Khushhal's treachery that Khushhal was with Amin before the battle in the Khaibar. the defeat of his commander and patron. but on the Yusufzais and impinged on private the local officials whom they misled. that of the ably spelt the cold-shouldering in all this no doubt the local And chief. There is substance in this. conGwalior for over two years. have should In other words. among the Khataks. Khushhal had certainly the defects of a race never constant in a slight put on respect for authority as such.THE PATHANS 240 which on the part of Khushhal and others was small-minded. a main factor leading to a dangerous rebellion on the empire's most difficult frontier in the course of which the imperial armies were defeated in six pitched battles. and the loyalty of father. Such men can be held only in the bonds of whom it is offered. Khushhal poured the vials of his and wrath not on the wise well-meaning Emperor. years' personal to the empire's cause. and it is bond between the coldblooded Emperor and his headstrong vassal in the north. But for Khushhal too there is this to be said. Even now the tribal spirit is so strong in them that Pathans will chafe loyalty which is personal to him to hard to think of any such emotional . What of that. whose only for the public good which measures decreed fault was that he vested interests. and never forgetting a himself.

that of the King who killed his brothers and all his genius imprisoned his father to reach the throne. to strike off the every bond. it was rooted in history. in going into outlawry. And his failure was more or less inevitable. the took Mughal part. went into getting of Swat and their brethren in the Samah to make common cause with him and his Khataks against the imperial power. who had inflicted such heavy defeats on the We against in the balance of power which had imperial armies. As we know from his poem to spring. obeying only the nang. but with the Yusufzais he failed. with and to led an and persistence. and. Neverthe Pathan of lover The compatriots? theless the Pathan is not seldom a tiresome amd contumacious subordinate. never will of that did as Aurangzeb have seen that the feud between Khataks and Yusufzais had much to do with this estrangement. decay. As for the Yusufhe did all he could. the imputation of cipline. of the Pathan. and failed completely. It was a shift more to do than any other factor with the rebellion of Khushhal. to induce both the true Yusufzais his own family. fought against his Bahram. or that of corruption empire the hearts of his in fire kindle still words the warrior-poet whose will have no doubt. And it must be noted here that not all his own tribe. The Khataks had basked in Mughal smiles when the empire was fighting the aid to occupy Yusufzais. sought an interesting side-light on KhushhaFs imperial authorities laments over the lack of concord in his people. All said. consistently his capture and surrender to the secure to and even father. certain: a government which acts personal motives. The chilly logic of the Emperor would have seemed to him hypocrisy. Since Akbar's time the Khataks had been encouraged by the empire as a makeweight the Yusufzais. Even Khushhal had to lament the tribal lack of disthe unreadiness to work with others. Khushhal the Khaibar fight. when Khushhal went into rebellion. he had secured valiant assistance from the Afridis under their maliks Darya Khan and Aimal Khan. forzais. they had taken advantage of the imperial were out Khataks the that Now slices of Yusufzai territory. and be a law to himself. after seen no have would wrong. large . A younger son. not even all rebellion with him.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 241 under authority. honour. One thing is command Pathan loyalty. Which voice is the more authentic. the feuds of generations. three hundred years ago the slightest affront would rouse the instinct of the tribesmen to get free. we have to judge between two men.

Crooked is the vision of the ill-intentioned. tilling their fields. they straighten not. Heaven ordains that petty should be their achievement. . The Yusufzais are at ease. No regard have the Yusufzais for Pakhtu. his passion for the loveliness of nature's settings. again: No great deed will be wrought by the Pathans. but their colour has to view. In every home there are cascades and fountains. they play. His descriptions of Swat are of great interest. and fair markets. and particularly for flowers and verdure. Some of the verses he wrote about be corrected with them this in are amusing. both for what he says of the people. . lovelier far than Kabul. Though it spreads not out so finely. and even more because they introduce During went as his far as the us to another marked trait in the poet's character. for the tribes were wont to keep to their own ranges. Khushhal! wanderings in search of Yusufzai reinforcements he an unusual journey for a Khatak Swat Valley in those days. Its air and verdure are like unto Kashmir. Khushhal himself seemed and scorned the Yusuf2ais as cowards opportunists. he merely the reverse. Swat is mild and gentle. Khushhal writes: In climate it is glorious. Bleak is Kabul. first secondly because. the Yusufzais saw no reason to help them very much to see unable this. 9 Get you gone from these disgraced Pakhtuns. I seek to set them straight. and of all that we behold From this green earth. when he approached them. . . fine dwellings. In KhushhaPs eyes they were because they were hereditary foes and double-dyed villains. . In this he resembles Babur. Therefore am I still A lover of the meadows and the woods And mountains.THE PATHANS 242 of favour. He writes: I alone am concerned for my nation's honour. . and would not . . Fine cities there are. . Of Swat. and it may be said that every Pathan has in him something of the passion that haunted Wordsworth: .



Whisper to them my greetings again. All bow Hail. and yet again. Along their banks runs the great highroad from Hind to Khurasan. Whose arm can reach to heaven? Never of his own will would Khushhal have left Surai. Every place in it befits a prince. my family and all my tribe. And have made of it a desolate hostel. fair and ruddy of countenance. There home: is another lament. For the Yusufzais have made of it a desert. Wherein every place is by nature a garden of flowers. or Ashnaghar or Pekhawar or other lands. Every bounty that earth bears comes thither. hawk and hound. Kalapani. But the Yusufzais have no such feelings. sport for falcon. may they dwell in God's protection! Woe is me! Fate has taken me from it. with such a clime and such streams. Contrast this with what the poet writes of his own country. hail. shouldst thou pass by Khakabad. how lovely is the spring! What of Swat. nimble and active in all things. Swat is meant to give kings gladness. Blessings be on Akoray who chose Surai for his home. no gardens. no fragrance or freshness. down to it. and well I know. and their bounty cometh thither. Or should thy way lead thee by the side of Surai's stream. my grandsons. . On all sides is game. And all who dwell there. at which prince and beggar tremble. the wild. written when the poet longed for his O gentle morning breeze. desolate range of Khatak hills. Believe me. And when the rains fall. tall in stature to May my sons.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB 243 Such a country. The Nilab10 and Landai11 rivers lie beneath its feet. running down to overshadow the confluence of the Indus and the Landai Rivers. it is of all places the place I The dark mountain of Hodi runs straight up to Tirah. Hath no homes. Merry-eyed. how ravishing the chase in thy paradise! Stout and strong are its young men. It is the country for which he pined during the time of his imprisonment in Gwalior Fort. behold. And there is the Attock ferry.

Their feet delicate. Sugar lips. . What though the flame be hidden. and hairless as an egg-shell. Their teeth are even and white. though it be full of luxury. and the number of his daughters is not recorded. easily . In stature straight as the letter Alif. flowered cheeks. Khushhal wrote many love lyrics. Short is the distance 'twixt love sacred and profane. and fair of colour Like the hawk has been my flight upon the mountains. and in the world fair women. And many a plump pretty partridge has been my prey. . long lashes. the smoke is The other is impossible to render into English. young or old. When I behold the beauty of the fair I feel I have found God. He was the father of as many as fifty-seven sons. and less stereo- typed than most verse based on the Persian tradition. But love poetry does not come over another. Nor ever dwell beside the Ganga and the Jamna. The hawk. from one tongue to Two of these poems are very well known. their breasts full and firm. Tiny are their mouths as pouting rose-buds. Among them are beauties of every type.THE PATHANS 244 Salute them that I love so dearly. But whisper softly to the Landai 11 stream! It may be perchance again drink from thee. with the chime of the Pakhtu phrase for seen! Each couplet ends n'est ce pas. and indeed regarded himself as a very Bahram-Gur among lovers. To the mighty Aba-Sind10 cry out with a loud voice. and foreheads like the moon. Their skin so soft and glossy. O Khushhal. God's curse upon it. Large eyes they have. and small waisted are they. Not for ever will Khushhal remain in Hind. In myself mine eyes. seeks its quarry. One of his poems runs: Two things do I love most in myself and in the world. God grant that I may be one again with my beloved. that I shall In Hind are no cool waters for refreshment. Slender of belly. One records in detail the physical charms of the Afridi girls in the Kohat Pass: Fair and rosy are the Adam Khel maidens. rounded the leg line and their hips magnificent. But the swoop of the old hawk errs not. is it not? In . and arched brows. Love's affairs are like fire.

one is verse which is so exactly identical with Robert on the perversity of women that the best transla- little Bridges' triolet tion to give go into the garden. One day will be heard the command. that proved a curse. alike. I wait at Thy threshold! e court. If naught All seem better. 245 Pakhtu sounds and it is very effective. in this. My heart was made for thee so cruel. Though Thou dost rend the petitions I send Thee. the thoughts of a fine and simple faith are ever present with Khushhal. that is for thee alone. are they not? Let the priest fast and pray. O Khushhal. All women born are so perverse No man need boast of their love possessing. is he not? kiss is like a healing draught. let the gallant take the flowing goblet. women born are so perverse. is it not? Thou drinkest my heart's blood.KHUSHHAL KHAN AND AURANGZEB no poetry English there is challenge of a drum or a bell. Then eagerly will Thy slave run to Thee. in it like the The sword is sharpened for the blow. rule my life. his profane loves have not concealed from him the divine mercy for which he hopes: 12 Only one King I know. Every man is created to Saidst thou. . are they not? Why sayest thou to me. and His nay. 'My lips' fulfil his lot. my God. wilt thou not? in that poet laureate's All own words: women born are so perverse No man need boast their love possessing. Though God had made her for a blessing. and thy beloved. His yea. here is harp and flute. nothing's worse. was it not? Why dost thou weep over the black curls of thy beloved? Thou didst seek those black tendrils of thine own self. didst thou not? Here is wine. His orders I obey. is it not? The love-locks are curled for the beloved. In words will I assail Thee in my prayers. To go deeper. Aimal Khan and Darya Khan are present in His Here am I.' The draught I seek of thee is to heal my wound. 'Look not on the fair'? The eyes are given me for seeing. From Adam's wife. Thy There is tablets in hand. Come thou to Me'.

for he loved the countryside above all wished that in his resting-place he should not be disturbed by the clatter of the hooves of the Mughal cavalry. all land over which the poet had first fought. and poet desired it. and later wandered. On still striking through spring storm-clouds over the of light. in search of the aid that never came from the the chosen evening the sun. and even love. The gravecomhigh enough on the hill-skirts to little is mand a view right across the Landai River and the great plain of the Samah to the splendid outline of the mountain ramparts of Buner and Swat. The tomb is enclosed within a small gumbad or dome. 15 . and dale just above the grave. there was no the dust.THE PATHANS 246 The Afridi chiefs whom he loved as doughty fighters on his side had gone before him. with all his vainglory.' The tomb is covered with a plain marble slab which bears the inscription: Da Afghan pub nang mi utarlah turah> Nangyalida %amane JZbushlalKhatakyam. the proud man of this day. He compels affection. was the south there was a deep quiet as before storm. the hamlets of Upper Surai one named after a clear marked as Isori in the One day wrongly spring which map rises in a yard looks north. And to understand him is the beginning of knowledge for him who would know nesses. there is something splendid about the man. Pathans. in so lonely a spot?' I asked the custodian. life It is worth while to dwell at some length on KhushhaFs weakhis all With Pathans. passing on the King's highway. erected by the pious of a much later generation. 'Why is it here. to prayer. There are two hamlets just under the hills. and he longed to be with them once more. The answer came: 'The and flowers. I went four miles off 'the great highroad from Khurasan to Hind' to visit the poet's grave. of for he is a Pathan and thoughts. and glimpses of the snow ranges in in shafts mountains the further distance could still be seen. Over the Khatak hills to the plain. the waters trickled from the spring in the glade behind the called from muezzin a later little a and mosque village tomb. I bound on the sword for the pride of the Afghan name. I am Khushhal Khatak. on my way down from Peshawar to the Panjab. 13 14 in the late spring of last year. which had just set over Yusufzais.

PART III DURRANIS AND SIKHS A. 1119-1266) .D. 1707-1849 (H.


hardly reaches beyond the towns and lands adjacent to the highways. Yet military adventurers drawn from these very tribes have found the strength to establish a government over most of northern Hindustan. have resisted imperial encroachment of any durable kind. Meanwhile. Three times. the mountains of Roh and all the low lands between the Sulaiman range and the Indus are still nominally within the Mughal frontiers. All those Delhi rulers.CHAPTER XVI AHMAD SHAH Afghan drama. and most of the others were of Ghalji blood. under the Khalji. under a Deputy Governor. Peshawar itself is nominally part of the Mughal province of Kabul. At the point we have reached. but Mughal writ runs uncertainly even in the plains and does not extend to the hill tracts. while the writ of Pathan princes had been obeyed from Mandu above the Narbadda to far-off Bengal. much less a confederacy. The vale of Peshawar. hard to parallel have seen what Elphinstone describes tacles Thewe and specin the history of other peoples. offers incidents as a congeries of commonwealths providing the military spearhead by whose thrust more than one conqueror has gained an empire. in the plains to some extent and in the hills absolutely. are continually subject to interruption. and regular administration. a Pathan dynasty had sat on the throne of Delhi. and still at the height of Mughal power in the seventeenth century continue to maintain a practical autonomy. with all the detail of the Mughal revenue system. Kandahar. such as that through the Khaibar. where Aurangzeb was still upon the throne. the Eastern Afghan tribes. right through the centuries. stands in spite of every Mughal effort as the frontier city of the Shahinshah of Isfahan towards India. Lodi and Sur Kings. lost to the Safawis of Persia by Shah Jahan in 1649. Kabul remains attached to the Mughal Empire of Delhi. the beginning of the eighteenth century. Even main lines of communication. 249 . but unable tribal in their own country to compose a State. For as it unrolls.

1000 the whole either formed part of country. Mirwais was a valiant warrior of the Hotak clan of the Ghaljis living close to Kandahar. For the story of Mirwais leads up to Nadir Shah. the tenth and last Guru of the Sikhs slain in revenge by the sons of a Pathan horse-dealer whom some years before Govind himself in a 1 sudden passion had struck dead. But just as in the earlier cencoming of Islam we have found the Frontier's fate bound up with events in West Iran or even on the banks of the Tigris. had Turkish or Turco-Mongol principalities. The border provinces of both these empires were torn away. At long last the Afghans were to found a Kingdom State in their In own country.D. Afghanistan and the of the Sikhs. These two years marked the beginning of the fall of both great Muslim empires.THE PATHANS 250 In 1707 Aurangzeb died. But after A. Again. but the story This is turies before the Afghanistan. empires which between them had divided the eastern Iranian country for the last two hundred years. the whole construction is dependent on a Persian foundation. it was a Ghalji who trained and fired the fuse. of Roh cannot be understood without an account of the events whereby the Durranis were able for a period to include within their territory all the Afghan and Pathan peoples up to the Indus. In the interspace were to arise two new States. or had been split up between empires based on Persia and India. was in a very real sense the founder of the Durrani Empire of Nor is this a chronicle of the Durranis. the Mughal and the Safawi. and indeed beyond. It was the rising of Mirwais in Kandahar which proved to be the first step in the revival of a separate East Iranian State. from Herat to the Indus. metropolitan Persia or kindred Sakas and Kushans from the fringe had concentrated in their hands a power which was Iranian in origin and inspiration and included what is now Afghanistan. so here. and Nadir. In 1708 perished Guru Govind. In 1707 the Ghalji chief Mirwais rose against the Safawi Persians at Kandahar. The pressures which in that region affect international policies even today are partly the resultant of forces set in motion in the period which saw the fall of the Safawi and Mughal Empires of Persia and India in the eighteenth century. the usurper of the Persian throne. as in the case of c the Pathan Kings of Delhi'. far-off pre-Islamic times. He rose against the Persian governor of . not the record of Persia. in the eighteenth century.

avenge and was now adopted by Ashraf was a magnificent master of war. represented by the Afghan writers as a violent accounts Georgian and known to them as Gurgin. On his way to power he visited the Safawi capital of Isfahan to ingratiate himself with the Safawi monarch. who the invaders as their leader. deed but treachery against prepared to suffer almost any bloody themselves. To this he invited all the leading Persian worthies of Isfahan who. Abdul Ariz. It is from this time that there beevery Afghan regarding the gins a tradition which still holds Persian as degenerate. The Afghan as a hater as and Stalin. actually succeeding in which sought to take vanquishing a powerful Ottoman army to invade Persia. and he reenacted the famous scene of the banquet given to the Yusufzais at Kabul by Ulugh Beg II.AHMAD SHAH 25! the province. That was his end. Convinced that terror alone could restrain the Persians in obedience. and phant campaign in 1722 besieged and took the Safawi capital Isfahan after appalagainst Persia. anxious to please their new sovereign and enterarrived at the palace to the taining no suspicion of his designs. Alauddin. After Mirwais' death in 1715 there was a struggle for ascendand his son ancy between his surviving brother. his of murder Mahmud's Mahmud. a number of 1 14. the as him legitimate Shah of 1727 the Porte acknowledged . and every Persian looking on Afghans as rude and boorish. another Ghalji four centuries He became a homicidal maniac and turned on his own tribesmen. Sultan of Delhi. and his head was displayed as a had his own father's murder to trophy by his cousin Ashraf. he made an opportunity to hold ling barbarities. By craft and force Mirwais defeated and slew his Georgian opponent and became master of the city. and it was during this period of preparation that the weakness and decadence of the Persian regime was revealed to him and his son Mir Mahmud. The Safawis the advantage of the overthrow of shown is Ashraf held by the fact that in respect in which the Turks Persia. a great festival. uncle in 1717. Instead of banquet they found the Ghaljis posted in the royal gardens and were butchered to a man. The lust and power of slaughter affected Mahmud as it had earlier. but good suggest a character as ruthless of combination able most a flattery. Shah Tahmasp fell into his hands. terminated by After disposing of his uncle. Mahmud led his Ghaljis in a trium- In 1720 he captured Kirman. lacking Stalin's finesse.

THE PATHANS 252 but they could not rule. arose and rallied Persia The Ghaljis could win battles. This and Herat between decadent Persia in the country Sultan. defeated in two decisive battles. They were utterly devoid of the statecraft needed to adapt their role as ancient civilizations on earth. half Paktuan. For this reason its headmen had adopted much of the Persian manners and dress. himself another usurper him. on the southern skirts of variant and something of their Pashtu heritage. as today. who made Malik Saddo its titular head in tribe. Like the Sagartioi of Herodotus the Abdalis are a people Persian in language and in dress half Persian. the central massif on the line . but may have been near Herat in the satrapy of Aria. return for services around Kandahar. almost equal in numbers and lands and probably superior in wealth to the Ghaljis. and spoke their all leading Abdalis even then Persian. they affected to despise dent. like the own somewhat uncouth Persians as effeminate and decaGhaljis. they are only While the Ghaljis were pursuing this erratic course. As the most westerly of all Afghan tribes it was in the closest contact with Persia. is first heard of in the time of Shah Abbas the Great (1587-1629). round By 1730 Ashraf had been clan. the other and more westerly great Afghan tribe. captured the ill-fated Ghalji of line the invasion of India and brought not dignify them do historians usurpers to an end. had forgotten when they used it. Nadir conquerors to one of the most and a Turkmen of the Afshar Quli Khan. The Abdalis under Muhammad Zatnan Khan 2 and Haji Jamal3 at one time succeeded in taking Meshed from the Persians. It now comes into prominence with the fall of the Safawis and the rise of Nadir Shah. more or less where the Abdalis now are. when it on his way to the Nadir. Many of them probably even then. by that time Shah of Persia. though. how from Kandahar through Girishk and Fatah to Herat. as known as Shahs of Persia. Even Afghan the Mirs. the Abdalis. were active in of an apparently extending their tribal lands at the expense Meshed. The position of the Sagartioi is uncertain. they spoke the soft their Pashtu language We have seen the Abdalis he of closely Elphinstone's description already met in 1809 tallies with the old Herodotean reference to the on the Achaemenian map Sagartioi. at Mihmandust and at Zarghun feud and violence to the end near Shiraz and typical of Ghalji out by his cousin Husain sent wa s killed in flight by a force Husain remained in control of Kandahar until 173 8.

participated The murder of a number of them by the Delhi mob set the conled him in his fury to order the queror & flashing point. who had taken with their gallant bearing. he refuge with the Ghaljis. like the Immortals of the Achaemenians. the command-in-chief being in the first instance in the hands of an Abdali of the Alizai clan. Zulfiqar and his younger brother Ahmad. This Afghan contingent became the corps d' elite of Nadir's The Abdalis army. drove them into Herat which he an armistice was made. but whatever the strength. He plan their succeeded in winning confidence.000 and 16. Three times and three times the Abdalis. finally defeated having engagements once more against the turned Nadir near Ashraf Shiraz. There Abdali Malik Muhammad Zaman Khan.000. But in 1729 after four hard-fought the he overcame them. This body of men accompanied Nadir to India and in all the dangers and successes of that campaign. then a youth of some fifteen years. he found the sons of the of the the last Sultan. and they too were well repre- Ghaljis against sented. expecting reinforcements. He may have known how well their Persian noted and earlier served Shah Abbas a century determined was and martial their affiliations. during which more than once the issue was in doubt. and two Ghalji Maliks. formed the largest support. all accounts agree that the alone of horse formed Nadir's bodyguard in Afghan corps whom They were commanded by eight Abdali he had complete reliance.AHMAD SHAH Nadir's preoccupation with the Ghaljis further south made it hard for him to deal with them. and with their goodwill the Ghaljis and go on to Kandawith affair the to finish able was turn he its in which besieged and took in 1738 from Husain har. after very hard fighting. went back on their pledged word and renewed the fighting. Ghalji Abdalis and. but Nadir had fought strenuous the battles also. Impressed treated them generously and sent them off to exile in Mazandaran. Then. He realized qualities his in to serve treatment army. and . besieged and took in 1732. In to win them over by generous showed he this the execution of great political ability. whence Ahmad shortly after rejoined Nadir to serve as an officer in the new corps of Afghan mercenaries which the usurper was now raising. Nur Muhammad Khan. Estimates 4 of the strength of this corps vary between 4. But despite their constant violation of pledges. Nadir treated them with marked their ancestors had clemency. Ghalji Mirs.

In the end the preference Nadir showed to his Afghan mercenaries led to his own Turkmens. Multan and the Derajat also had been part of the Mughal Empire. bound in a loyal cause. On that occasion the Persian conqueror was in a most critical position. on his way through the Khaibar Pass on return from his conquest of India.THE PATHANS 254 which has given a word to the languages of frightful massacre 5 Northern India. For as the price of the peace after his capture of Delhi Nadir had obtained not only Peacock Throne and the most valuable of the Mughal treasure 7 of (including the Koh-i-nur diamond). the real founder of the mountaineers who had by the throne of Persia. made off to Kandahar. the well-known great jealousies among became the main cause of his Qizilbash or Red-heads. had extended the Persian Empire far to the east. only to find Nadir's headless trunk lying in a pool of blood. whom he trusted. and then once more fought their way through. but the cession to Persia . it is true. hacked his way through and entered the royal tent. Ahmad tumult. taking to horse. But Nadir. Their way of Qizilbash. Hearing thinkthe towards rushed men his and standard. and Khan Muhammad assassination Qajar. he was beset by Afridi and other tribesmen in the gorges. like Persian rulers before him. They found the time to give expression to their grief. was barred by strong forces ing to protect their King. had failed him. but until Nadir conquered it Kabul had been a Mughal province. The Abdali devotion to the King was real and the loss of they were overcome by mixed emotions. But Ahmad Khan. return from a Afghan corps was commanded by Ahmad Khan. and was only able to extricate himself with the aid of the gallant front put up by his Afghan corps. greatly outnumbering the Afghans. and Peshawar was included with Kabul. dynasty which succeeded him on in 1747. Perhaps the most signal service rendered by them was when they saved Nadir's army from complete destruction when. some years after his tent his in murdered Nadir was Abdali contingent of the the time this At India. horror over a trusted chief and shame that they. On his ride to Kandahar Ahmad Khan thought quickly. had previously been included in the Persian dominion since it was taken from Shah Jahan a century ago. Nadir was dead. Kandahar. but Nadir had acquired them. and. Even then he did not win clear until he had paid a heavy toll in cash to the 6 closed the defiles against him.

He to the rule of tion. he had himself crowned as Ahmad Shah in A . announced The the for ruler chiefs. the chiefs in council at the shrine any remained silent. ing that the King's Minister should Ahmad Khan was a born leader. Agreeing on this. as the focus and centre of his ambitions. saying not a word. the leader of the most powerful Barakzai clan. But a little reflection brought to mind that the clan of of the Saddozai. was asked last. The first he could he emulate. and throwing pieces of cloth round their necks as a sign of willingness to be led. having given head. would ward off In his autobiography 8 the Amir Abdurrahman gives a pretty election as Shah of Afghanistan. He would select Persia of heart the not and Afghan borderland with the Mughals. The story runs that. Persian conqueror. after Nadir's assassina- of the various tribes. was only a branch therefore a King selected from the PopaLzai and very weak. Ahmad. placing for dissencause no he that alone. the youngest. but to the control of all the fertile Mughal provinces which had fallen to the Persian arms? In so thinking no doubt Ahmad had in mind the astonishing Ghalji success of a generation back. derive a title from the then. secured an understandbe chosen from that clan. Moreover. not west. as recorded picture of Ahmad's in the Kabul annals. he had the finest troops in southern Asia.AHMAD SHAH 255 the trans-Indus districts including Peshawar. took an ear of wheat in his hand and. Sabir 9 it on Ahmad's Shah. Ahmad. Each in turn was asked his opinion and each insisted his own claims were to be preferred. to which Ahmad belonged. all took pieces of grass in their mouths as a token that they were his cattle and beasts of burden. refusing to submit himself other. sion. led by Haji Jamal Barakzai. of Sher Surkh near Kandahar to gathered elect a King. Thereupon a holy man. was the proper were inclined to he was but twenty-four Ahmad's youth mock. followed by the almost immediate Ghalji disaster. Nadir not had uncovered the pitiful weakness of the Delhi crown. Whatever the tale. noting kingdom. The second the by going east. and it is improbable that matters went in his favour so simply and without his prompting. and if he did not act according to dethroned be could Saddozai easily the counsel of the more powerful tribes. later gloss has been added to the effect that Haji Jamal. submitted to his rule and gave him powers of life and death. all Why thought and succeed not only to the eastern portion of the Safawi Empire.

it pleased him the Abdalis. His expedition of 1752 was more ambitious. cluded the Koh-i-nur diamond. This treasure-trove. to success. must have been under strong guard. and not a mere instance In his reign of twenty-six years (1747-73) Ahmad Shah swept the Panjab as far as times across the Indus. wear an ear-ring fashioned of said. will go to a forceful character. It has never been said. we are told. It was then that he annexed Lahore and Multan. His ravaged first two expeditions in the were designed to obtain in his first own name two the years of his reign Mughal Emperor's confirmation of the cession of Peshawar and the other trans-Indus districts which had been made to Nadir. have been known as that time his tribe. And it was in this year that the Durranis became the masters of . There is no real paradox here. it led no doubt that his action was of deliberate a fine act of statecraft. pearls. immediate personal end will be followed. Durr-i-Durran. The whole incident is typical of tribal principle and method. determination by an event represented by the chroniclers as a piece of luck. to a principle in conflict with short-term self-interest as seen is which the course and the Remove serving the leader. He assumed it is From the title to the Durranis. Ahmad. to the point of love. he fell in with and treasure. will serve a leader to the death. guard could have been none other ruler would have allowed his a avaricious It is incredible that so and unabout to wander crown separately from his army that Nadir's treasure jewels escorted. eight years had passed since the conquest of India. On his way to Kandaa caravan bringing up to Nadir har. and that than his trusted Afghan corps. There can be of fortune favouring the brave. policy. incorporating all the West Panjab in his empire and fixing a boundary at Sirhind beyond the eastern limits of West Pakistan. As men these and their devotion mercenaries Afghans have always been magnificent. Moreover. and eight Delhi. and enabled the young warrior to pay for his coronation and furnish the royal treasury. but it is surely obvious.THE PATHANS 256 Kandahar. Win Loyalty. But loyalty no. what is more. the fruit of the loot of more than a crore's worth Ahmad was fortified in his It is significant that this treasure inusurper's Indian conquests. seized by served as the foundation of his new Afghan State. Pearl of Pearls. because. Ahmad Shah's action in seizing and turning to his own uses the treasure of the monarch he had served and loved at the time won applause as And.

proverb: Unto every man his own country and manoeuvre In 1761. in the west at least. that the Sikhs ' . But Eastern Afghans. It was a decision rooted in the history of two centuries. a in Shah's to see Ahmad larger perspective. 11 in of the Sikh misis began to erect forts strong places and to defy to Kabul.AHMAD SHAH 257 Kashmir. The conflict of 10 is Kashmir.. to throw integration of the Mughal Empire begun by the Panjab into a state of anarchy which made possible the emergence of a new power. and yearned for the more virile beauties of their Khurasan. The state of unsettlement caused by the passing of armies had left the and a number of leaders Panjab without regular administration. the Sikhs. which they conquered and held largely with the aid of Yusufzai and other tribesmen around Peshawar. after months of patient skirmishing. It is certain that this attitude. It has been usual to speak of this as one of the decisive battles of the world in that it saved the north from Maratha the way for the gradual extension of British domination. below the conscious level of thinking though it be. diction in terms. also. It was after the Maratha defeat at Panipat. and Ahmad's return come only of it differing attitudes to religion. They had this before in pre-Muslim times. fifty miles north of Maratha confederacy Delhi. and the Karlanri tribesmen. paving But it is now possible authority to Delhi and later to the Panjab. that contraMultan. What they campaigns and did was. Western Afghans from home. the partition of 1947 was not the had an historical to be a long fight with the Sikhs But there was background before the issue was decided. and under Mahmud of had had Ghazni. Those who love her abide halfthe pleasures of her seduction. From that time has come down that curious attachment which Pathans still feel found it too far today for this loveliest of lands. began to acquire temporal power. think of Kashmir as a mistress. by hastening completing the process of disreally Nadir Shah. a new orientation towards the west. He also gave to Lahore and and of course to Peshawar and the Derajat. but in the very acknowguiltily in to their own and ledgment of her beauty their thoughts return enshrined in a is emotion more lawful home. but for centuries before Ahmad Shah's time they come to look towards Delhi. Ahmad Shah defeated and shattered the great army of the on the field of Panipat. In other outwords. is one of the emotional bases of the patriotism of West Pakistan today.

as had been those of 12 that Ahmad Nadir Shah. directed to bringing Sikh recalcitrance under control. and the victorious Sikhs followed up his last retreat.000 Bhitannis 12.000 Daurs 12.000 102. the new Afghan Kingdom enlistment and enrichment of the tribesmen by the grant of service in his army. He was fain to adopt Babur's the daughters of tribal maliks. and distributed jagirs to many Yusufzai. Khalil and Mohmand leaders. is never heard today. these with In if ever used. day the only fact that any Wazir or Mahsud tribesman can tell you of the past history of his tribe is Ahmad Shah's military assessment of the lashkar strength 13 of Waziristan. the first and most powerful of Afghan Kings. Prince Timur. policy of matrimonial alliances with to the Afridis and Shinof tolls And he continued the payment tribes. They Ahmad's lieutenants. But Ahmad himself could not stay: his health was failing.000 Utmanzai Wazirs 3 0. grandinto military channels turned father of Ranjit. Elphinstone tells us gave all the nomenclathis but Eastern tribes the name of 'Berdooraunees'.. The figures are To this as follows: Ahmadzai Wazirs 3 0.000 . above all his origin. Moreover he caused each tribe to assess its military strength on a rough census for his army. Sikh anger had been their holy place. Among these Amritsar was once more destroyed and polluted in revenge for Sikh desecration of mosques. But even he. capturing Sher Shah's great fortress at Rohtas and occupying as far north as Rawalpindi. enabled him to surmount dangers which had threatened to submerge even the armies of Nadir. Ahmad experienced much During all these Indian expeditions communications through his and trouble in and around Peshawar. never sought to subject to his administrative control the mountain tracts of the Karlanri tribes or even the valley of Swat. Orakzai. the Passes were often subject to interruption. and Ahmad's last three expeditions (1762-67) were failed. The prestige of his Afghan he had built. he enjoyed certain advantages. dealing The Sikh temple at ture. waris of the Khaibar.THE PATHANS 258 was Charat Singh.000 Mahsuds 18. by Ahmad's son by the sack in 1757 of Amritsar.



where he had pain. estimate. though he left a record more memorable in the sphere of effective governance and power. He he us. and prone to policies of conciliation. the common lost touch. which gave him great Achakzai Toba hills. But Ahmad Shah was more than that. and still finds its royal house from Ahmad's tribe. Man of and mildness to nature one indeed he was. seeming but to for the sake of losing and recovering provinces. probably cancer. He would have wished to be accorded the character of a sdlih^ Even Sher Shah. Elphinstone usual with was which demeanour and the same popular equal up their Khans before there was any question of royal dignity. should probably be taken as nearly double the figures given. poetry not in Persian but in Pashtu. 14 In summing up Ahmad. the Mahsud power and population assessed at this reckoning. and what is more. the most illustrious of all Afghans. still evokes an the Saddozai Popalzai sept some extent even crosses interto which of sense loyalty Afghan national frontiers. hardy and enterprising. but disposed by to inspire the where the way clemency. He founded an Afghan monarchy which endured. He was an adept in the war difficult art of the management of men and tribes. Cunningham. From the angle of the Panjab and the Sikh Khalsa the words are true. Timur was never even reasonably .AHMAD SHAH Even today the weight of each tribe in war 2-59 or council is apt to be though to arrive at a correct relative on present showing. echoes Tacitus' epigram on the Roman Emperor Galba. historian of the Sikhs. The fame of his of the Durranis. Like so many Durranis in high places in later days. He died at Murgha in the of Kandahar. failed to display those human and endearing qualities for which the first of the Saddozai monarchs is so justly famed. Ahmad was only fifty when he died. with never who a was King lay open. He his tells was himself a divine and he wrote poetry. the Durranis. In his last years he suffered from a malady of the face. exist fitted for conquest yet incapable of empire. The memory of his exploits has done something house. his favourite but not his eldest son. His tomb is at heats the summer to escape gone Kandahar. Ahmad was succeeded by Timur Shah. though it be from another clan. kept Durrani and Ghalji counsellors. He calls him the very ideal of the Afghan genius. Ahmad had a bold and commanding turn of natural genius. a very different sort of man. West Pakistan patriot of our day. and is still respected as a sanctuary.

He nominally retained the Khans in the dignities in which his father had placed them. and those of other mothers. Note always the princes who are born of the same mother. Humayun. One of the main clues to an understanding of tribal sympathy and alliance lies in a study of such marriages. but it does most strongly attract tribal affection for the son of that marriage. and the the Panjab. he is put out to a tribal fostermother to be suckled. twenty-three sons By and daughters unnumbered. tribal marriage does not do so much as Timur supposed to engage the tribe in the monarch's own interest. he delighted in the arts and particularly in the embellishment of buildings and the lay-out of formal gardens. but the remote provinces gradually threw off the submission offered to Ahmad. There is yet another point. as often happens. more particularly if. by a diversity of women. Thus of Timur's many children the eldest. he was born in Persian Meshed 1 746. during much of his father's lifetime he was stationed in in many wives being a Mughal princess. Not only do the rivalries of the mothers set them against one another. But he disliked the rough manners of the Durrani nobles. Kingdom began but the decay which began under Timur became evident within a short time after his death in 1793 . and he was governor of Herat where Persian is the ruling tongue. Their devotion saved his person and maintained the tranquillity of the capital. was by a A . He pursued any standard his father's policy of alliance with the daughters of tribal chiefs. but the sons of younger wives are apt to secure the royal attention. The tribal levies he disbanded. one of his later to disintegrate. but by instituting new offices and shifting the emphasis he duplicated the conduct of administration and threw the power into the hands of his dependants. Timur had a large family.THE PATHANS 260 familiar with the Pashtu language. thereby seeking to attach the tribe to his person. Conversely the sons of the same mother will usually be found on the same side in revolts or rebellions. keeping about his person only a bodyguard of Qizilbash known as the Ghulamishahs the King's Slaves. His Persian affinities made him a man of great taste and culture in the contemporary idiom. The impetus given by the father's greatness outlasted the twenty years of the son's reign. and in the choice of ministers his disposition inclined him to Persian scribes and munshis. It is a rule absolute that the half-brothers in Eastern royal families are at enmity.

but a man of small character and no influence. Another. mov- . Abbas. Durranis too but poor relations. Peshawar he knew and a place only as a staging-point for his invasions of the Panjab. The period and the asylum Timur's followed which death. the sons of one mother. later offered to Shah Shuja by more than one of the Peshawar terms alone. a Yusufzai of badshSbgardP* or lady and Timur's favourite queen. were way 17 which establish the fact that the sources Raverty quotes original Yusufzais proper. but he was conveniently absent at Kandahar when his father died. By birth and breeding he should have succeeded. were entirely independent of the Durrani government. and in these Timur's attachment to his Yusufzai queen was no doubt in some sense a reflection of the proud and privileged position held no less than under the Mughals. Ahmad's capital had been at Kandahar. simple men in whose com- pany the great King rejoiced. was not Saddozai but of another clan also by a Popalzai mother he was absent in Herat. to whom through a Yusufzai mother their loyalty was due. though in time of war the King would despatch a party of 'tdtma to rouse their patriotism and induce them to by that tribe in Durrani times that his preferences a small force as a contingent to the royal army. to pass his days among the rude Achakzai tribesmen. except a few dwelling in the Chachh east of the Indus. and he made his summer and winter capitals in these places. the next. but he was too busy for sojourns of leisure. of obscure parentage. are explicable in these terms. the same authority affirms that neither were they subject to Timur's taxes. were under no obligation to furnish troops. Timur changed all this. and acknowledged no allegiance but to their own chiefs. More than once the Yusufzais and Mandanrs strove to sustain the failing cause of Timur's sons. tribes. and of tribal difficult where backslidings had loyalties questions to be cooler in summer. He had Babur's love for Kabul in summer and for the flower-strewn beauty of Peshawar in spring. As for the Mandanrs of the Samah. was in Peshawar.AHMAD SHAH 26l mother of the royal Saddozai clan of the Popalzai. Then came Zaman and Shuja. palace revolutions. Zaman and Shuja. Mahmud. be to always Ahmad moved his camp to the Toba highlands between Kandations he har and Quetta. In not without a political flavour. On his frequent expedienlist had occasionally used Kabul during the summer months. he needed When faced.

Timur ordered him to be delivered to some of his tribe with whom he had a deadly feud and by them he was immediately 19 put to death. For the sovereign to sentence him . pictured they Afghan and prints of that period that have come down to us. with some respect for the . Timur's beautiful palace and gardens in and below the Bala Hissar at Peshawar were destroyed by the Sikhs in 1823. Those in Kabul were standing admirable the water-colours in are well war. The King's writ did not run in Mohmand tribal terric any more then than in more recent years. it is only in recent years that these ravages have been repaired and Peshawar has once more become a city of dreams. is still evident in the society of Peshawar. Arsala Khan. In both he built at the time of the first palaces. 18 The build- an excellent ings were simple reproductions in carved wood of tradition in Muslim architecture. the first because of Shuja' s mother. This was the palace in which Mountstuart Elphinstone was received with such splendour by Shah Shuja in 1809. Pressure could. who had surrendered on safe-conduct ( ifbar). and the second because he sought and received asylum among them and won respect as their guest. Without regarding his voluntary surrender. unfortunately they have been replaced by hybrids which pay no account to the old crafts and have failed to absorb the new. penalties would be negotiated in accordance with tribal ideas and a death tory. But the memory goes back to his son Shah Shuja rather than to Timur himself. it is true. There could be no action more contrary to the Pathan sense of honour. if he surrendered. Many Saddozai noblemen followed Timur's sons into exile when the first period of badsbdhgardi began. but that was not the point. visited by Alexander Burnes in 1832.. The Sikhs destroyed even the gardens for firewood. it was nothing but a heap of ruins. of course. would be out of the question. the surrender would be on safe-conduct. It is particularly vivid among the Yusufzais and the Afridis. Arsala. and the circumstance has left a stain on Timur's memory. Timur himself broke every rule of Afghan behaviour by handing over for execution the Mohmand malik. surrounded by gardens and pleasances as it was when first it burst on the eyes of those Europeans more than a century ago The memory of the Saddozai princes. It was bad enough to put to death and break the safe-conduct. be brought for the surrender of an outlaw. had rebelled. Saddozai name. But.THE PATHANS 262 ing with the seasons as Afghans love to do.

Timur Shah was taken ill on his way up to Kabul from Peshadishonourable conduct. for tribesmen still say of him that he was a Persian and no Pathan.. He had loved Peshawar. succeeded him as Shah Zaman. Yet there is no doubt that his establishment of the Durrani winter capital at Peshawar was war. Modern Afghan irredentism is based on a history that goes back at least to this reign. . but no name of honour. son of Timur's favourite Yusufzai wife. has and died in the spring of 1793.AHMAD SHAH inflict 263 the death penalty by making use of a tribal feud to shift the his own shoulders was regarded as the last word in burden from The logical plea that Arsala's enemies had at least some share in the dishonour would not appeal to a Pathan. left there the beginning of a long story only now coming to an end. Zaman Mirza.

led by Muha Singh. and led by Asaf-ud-Daula. still owned Durrani supremacy. how it is perknow. but his great work was the new idolatry which had arisen round the being destroyed by at Amritsar. still vested sovereignty Durrani Shah. the position was that the nominal in the that of province. with Lahore as capital of that part of his dominion. a boy of thirteen. the followers of steadily gaining strength in the When Timur died in 1793.and guided by a sacred book. were in effective control as far as the Margalla Pass and Hasan AbdaL The Sikh dharmsala which stands by the stream below the frowning battle- ments of Rohtas bears witness to the extent of the Khalsa's power Range country. Prince-wazir of Oudh. Uneasy raid and counter-raid continued to ravage the fertile lands along the Haro at this time in the Salt threat west of the Indus. Ahmad Shah. They did not stop to think. In fact Kabul writ did not extend much east of the Indus. As yet there was no Sikh Peshawar and the Derajat. stream. pressed on the new Durrani Shah that the time had come The Muslim for him to act as their deliverer. themselves under pressure princes from the Marathas. his courtiers were loud in exhortation that the easy way to glory lay through the Panjab in the steps of his grandfather. Lahore and Rawalpindi were in Sikh hands. of Hindustan. nor did they temple how the is debt of Sikhdom to Islam. a modern champion of the Faith. When Shah Zaman acceded to the Kabul throne. and the border chieftains of the Khalsa. as far as Sirhind. as Afghan territories. had already been blooded in this desultory warfare. they urged. Ranjit Singh. great starting with meated with the idea of the tauhidj. had but proved himself a true warrior in the long line Mahmud the Idol-breaker. Ranjit's father. 264 .CHAPTER XVII THE SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE the reigns of Ahmad and Timur Guru Govind had been During Panjab.

and desecrating the holy name of Hasan Abdal. and he quitted Lahore in the beginning of 1799. policy so far-reaching was beyond the conception of such a realize that it A man as Shah Zaman. What might indeed have been a more permanent objective the reduction and holding of the not to be was Panjab accomplished by a hasty incursion. including the youthful Ranjit who kept aloof. So. not only on the other Sikh leaders. from the Kabul highlands. filled with idle hopes. He failed to could be baffled only by keeping a force in the country. from Herat. on both occasions establishing his initiated power in Lahore with the help of Nizamuddin Khan.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 265 Shah Zaman listened. destroying the new Sikh holy places there. and nothing was to be gained there but by long and uninterrupted operations. again withdrew the ill-fated King to the west. but the designs of Mehmood. The plan opposed by the Sikhs to Ahmad Shah. But Nizamuddia. employed to coerce the saw no reason at the time why Zaman's invasion should prove more permanent than his grandfather's. But the position in the Indus Valley region was altered since the time of Ahmad Shah. he crossed the Indus in On this 1 79 5 . Mahmud. Zaman did not grasp the fact that Nadir had already stripped Delhi of all the treasure to be had. such a policy would almost certainly have involved a firm decision by the Saddozai King to shift his capital and court. He had first then to return to Kabul. He saw only the flags at Sikhs. to suppress a movement against him by his half-brother. In 1797 he tried again. During this second invasion the character of Runjeet Singh seems to have impressed itself. which was to evacuate their country on his approach and return when his army was withdrawn. as had Babur. in this case to Lahore. and forbore Singh. This Pathan he employed as his intermediary in dealing with the Sikh chieftains. the Khwe- 3 shgi chief of Kasur. foray he contented himself with moving to Hasan Abdal. and sending a party forward to obtain the nominal surrender of Rohtas. Sikhs. wisely whom he might soon be left a prey. while his own grandfather's eight Punjab invasions had scattered what remained of hoarded wealth in and around Lahore. The result is well explained by Cunningham: 4 to proceed to extremities against neighbours to Some restless skirmishing took place. flaunting their yellow 2 Rohtas. would be repeated against his grandson. and again in 1798. To succeed. but . who had obtained the support of Persia. sufficient to retain possession.

son of a Yusufzai mother. picking up the details later. An The foundations. remarkable power. of the throne lasted only three years. after the Shah. powerful Barakzai nobles Little more than a year after his return Zaman was deposed and blinded by his half-brother Mahmud. and more and more in Maharaja Ranjit Singh. made it on known to the aspiring chief that their transmission would be an As many pieces of cannon as could be readily acceptable service. Under his able not only to hold the line of the leadership the Sikhs were of communication and supplychannels Indus. This semi-fraternal act. not the to set induced been had the ruler of Kabul up the Ranjit's career. in the Turk not the Afghan tradition. themselves the that Saddozai and to come Kings them. noting were to a large extent degraded to pawns in the hands of the who turned the wheels of their fortunes. yielding to a display of force and finesse. Shah Shuja. Zaman Shah in 1798/99 of This last and abortive expedition closed nearly 800 years of history. did not include the blinding of brothers among . a royal investiture of the capital of the Punjab. and prevented the resuscitation of any new dynasty by new blood from the north upon the ruins of the old empire at Delhi or centres Lahore. Zaman. During those long centuries the Muslim princes of Hindustan had been sustained by constant recruitment from the countries of their origin beyond the Sulaiman Mountains. to its State the shook Asian annals. for Mahmud's first occupation. which was associ5 ated in the minds of men with the possession of power. thenceforward Panjab history Sikh as his Viceroy in Lahore. also in a few years in branch of the DurSaddozai of the fall the to his own country the of ranis and the eclipse Afghan monarchy as an imperial even in Central era of palace revolutions. In 1803 he was forced to give way in Kabul to Zaman's full brother Shuja. failed to secure to the usurper an unchallenged tenure. Afghan Shah Zaman's ventures in the Panjab led which follow will be clearer if forecomplicated shifts of power as we short a in cast here analysis. The rise of the Sikh State established a barrier. and Ranjeet Singh procured what sent extricated were he wanted. last in Thus. Runjeet coveted Lahore. unable to cross his heavy artillery over the flooded Jehlum. they had cut off the Muslim between Central Asia and the powers south of the Sutlej.266 THE PATHANS the Dooranec Shah.

I I 1 Ahmad Shah Zulfiqar 1747-73 tables are selective. Afghanistan NOTE: These 1773-93 (26 sons) Shah Zaman Shah Shuja Shah Mahmud 1793-1800 1803-9 1839-42 1800-3 1809-18 Timur Mirza Kamran Mirza Muhammadzai Second Dynasty II.ROYAL FAMILIES OF THE DURRANIS 1747-1957 Saddozai Popateai Muhammad Zaman Khan First Dynasty I. Amanullah 1919-28 Third Dynasty Sultan Muhammadzai Barakzai Muhammad Khan (50 sons) YahyaKhan (see II above) 1 Ayub Khan . Rulers of are shown in heavy type. I Muhd Kuhn Dil. Timur Shah Barakzai Hajfjamal Khan Painda Khan (22 sons) i i Fateh Muhd Azem Khan d. etc. Khan (Kabul Sher Dil. and merely identify the chief actors. i Afzal 1865-67 1847 Azem Sher AH 1867-69 1863-65 1869-78 Abdurrahman 1881-1901 I Yaqub Khan Habibullah Nasrullah 1878-79 1901-19 Inayatullah 1929 (5 days) III. Sultan 1818 d. (Kandahar Sardars) Sardars) (Peshawar Sardars See III below) 1823 1 Dost Muhd Khan Khan Wazir 1826-63 I Akbar d.

speaks of the former as a far larger clan than the Popalzai (of whom the royal Saddozai werea small branch) andpre-eminent amongall Afghan tribes. At present. the man to whom he twice owed his throne. The Barakzais rose in their 6 anger under Fateh Khan's twenty-one brothers of the Muhamthe later as Paindakhel. from Zaman to Mahmud. tribe most make a much more conspicuous figure than any other among the Afghauns. and they owe their elevation to the courage and attachment of their clan. It will be seen that there were four changes of ruler. The Durrani Empire perished. much less Peshawar. forgoing the meaner forms of revenge. had taken a leading part in the Abdali struggles against Nadir. Elphinstone. writing on information gathered in 1 809 some years before the Barakzais supplanted the Saddozais. from Shuja back to Mahmud. There he did evil in the sight of the Lord until 1 8 1 8. are Baurikzyes. with a cruelty so abominable that men still writhe at the telling of it. and. would lie out- power through bring about a change of King and side the scope of this book. They were not again to see Kabul or Kandahar. and althey all the great officers of state. Fateh Khan. urged on by his mad and sadistic son Kamran. Mahmud maintained himself around Herat until another shift of power enabled him six years later (1809) to oust Shah Shuja as he had already ousted Shah Zaman. refuge once mained in uneasy control as long as 1842. who appears at the head of all Barakzai genealogies. In that year. 7 It is more proper to the evaluation of . as Futteh Khaun is now their chief. first imprisoned Mahmud in the Bala Hissar. It was the shattering effect of these four changes in the first quarter of the nineteenth century that. the grand vizier. and its relationship the leading clan to even of dynasty. and later suffered him to depart once more to the west. and finally a shift of dynasty altogether from the Saddozais to the Barakzais. enabled Ranjit Singh gradually to absorb all those portions of Ahmad Shah's dominion which lay in the plains between the Sulaiman Mountains and the River Indus. and was succeeded by an Amirate. its A to the Afghan ruler. he tortured and killed his Barakzai Wazir. Mahmud had to take madzai sept. known where he and son more in his Kamran reHerat. and sit for the second time upon the throne of Kabul. from Mahmud to Shuja. more than anything else.' detailed study of Durrani tribal organization. Haji Jamal.THE PATHANS l68 the prerogatives of successful kings and. "They are a spirited and warlike clan.

and bears only indirectly on the story of the Frontier tribes. he had merely expressed disgust with the tendencies of Zaman's regime. Fateh Khan. and place Zaman's brother Shuja on the throne. sought to overturn the power of Painda Khan and the great Barakzai nobles and surround himself with a more pliant court. This attachment persists up to this day. having spent the last five years in vainly . he determined on a bold attempt to overthrow the government. forgetting the story of Ahmad Shah's coronation. displaying the qualities for which he later became famous. and with the same decision and sudden resolve which he was often to display. An officer was sent to apprehend him. It was he whose interest was secured by Timur Shah's Yusufzai queen to raise Shah Zaman to the throne. showed no suspicion. On repairing to Painda Khan. Fateh Khan had fled to the family castle at Girishk. he told him a guard had come to seize him. On his father's death. and honoured by Timur with the title Sarafraz (the Eminent). like the later Saddozais. Later Zaman listened to the insinuations of a fellow-Saddozai of his own creation named Wafadar and. apologized for his father's absence. He attended the officer to the King. Painda lent his name to a party which sought to depose Zaman. But. as chief of the most powerful Durrani clan he was too proud and thought himself immune. from which refuge. But Painda Khan would have none of it.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 269 Afghan State as such. Next morning he and the real conspirators were all beheaded. the Barakzai the and more particularly one branch of them. proposed to kill the officer. get rid of Wafadar as Wazir. who. for which reason Elphinstone and others somewhat confuse identities by referring to him as Sarafraz Khan. We shall find that their influence on tribal sentiment persists into the years after the exercise of direct Durrani power was withdrawn from Peshawar and its environment. For this reason it is necessary here to identify the chief characters of the Barakzai. Painda had not in fact joined in an underground conspiracy. In disgust. and offered to go and call him. Haji Jamal's son Painda Khan had been acknowledged chief of the Barakzais. seize the guards and fly from Kandahar. to which they formed a strong attachment. Mahmud was in Herat. were closely connected with Peshawar. On arrival this officer was met by Painda's eldest son. chiefs. observing the state of men's minds in Barakzai country and animated with the spirit of revenge.

almost alone. The King's resolution wavered and his distrust spread to the people. Distrusting all Durranis he sought to gain the Ghaljis. Shah Zaman fled to join his brother in Peshawar and reached the fort of Mulla Ashiq. and sent a in a crisis . the Commander. undermined by an- other of Fateh Khan's stratagems. and the city was surrendered. He introduced himself one night. Fateh Khan seized Ahmad's the same who had surrendered Kandahar to brother Abdullah Mahmud and threatened instant death over. reckoning easily to dispose of his half-brother as he had done before. Roused from his infatuation by the news of the fate of Kandahar. the allegiance of of the vanguard. Mahmud set out from Herat with not more than fifty horsemen in his train. Ashiq made to receive him hospitably but took measures to prevent his onward journey. Abdullah had joined Mahmud if Ahmad did not come and his fidelity could not be doubted. and adopting the method of nanawatai threw himself on the honour of Abdullah Khan of the Nurzai branch of the Durranis. Abdullah declared for Mahmud. The siege was not immediately successful. a dependant of his in Shinwari country. At last he realized that an Afghan ruler rules only by the good-will of the most powerful Afghan tribes. commander to Mahmud. The Baralmi flocked to Mahmud's standard and he was able to invest Kandahar. but an appeal from terror to that tribe held no hope. Here the true state of affairs broke in on his mind. into the city. one march west of Khaibar. and it was Fateh Khan's deed of daring that finally opened the gates. Zaman meanwhile was assiduously engaged at Peshawar in preparing yet another invasion of Hindustan. and the imperious sense of security which had hedged him in as the conqueror of the Panjab gave way to disquiet and alarm. This Pashtu worked. but Fateh Khan knew Ahmad's attachment to his brother and cared nothing for the justice of his measures. But Fateh Khan had not misjudged the feeling of the tribes. Fateh Khan advised him to rely no longer on such a broken reed but to advance on Kandahar.THE PATHANS ZJO endeavouring to obtain Persian aid from the Qajars to secure for himself the throne of Kabul. and repaired to Kabul. if they served the end in view. The army which he did lead to try the fortunes of battle went over Ahmad Khan. and trust the Durranis to support his cause. he left his brother Shuja at Peshawar in command of a considerable force.

He had. He had by no means the appearance of a blind man: his eyes. The Achak- fair days. He was then carried to Kabul and lodged in the Bala Hissar. these arguments failing. Six years later. whose reputation at one time spread so wide both in Persia and India. but had had again to fly when Shuja himself. stood opposite him till he desired us to be seated: his dress was plain. We but his appearance was very kingly. he had recourse to force. and exiled. and mentioned historical accounts of astonishing revolutions. he could scarcely have discovered a more remarkable instance of the mutability of fortune than he himself presented. courage and fidelity. retained black enough to give vitality to his countenance. The memory of the ill-fated Zaman. especially the Afridis. . Gulistan was well known for his talents. The Yusufzais honour them because their mother was of that tribe. in a country which he had twice subdued. some appearance of dejection and melancholy. lives among many of the Eastern Afghans and the hill-tribes. . . Gulistan Khan. That also failed. He said reverses were the common portion of . honouring those who and patient in adversity. . however. Fateh Khan. in his turn. tried all means to persuade his captor to refrain from an action so full of disgrace as the betrayal of a guest who was at once his King and his benefactor. was compelled to yield to the power of Mahmud. The description is worth quoting: We were not a little interested by the sight of a Monarch. who gave a name to Gulistan Khoja Imran lost his life fighting for Zaman and Shuja. and his brother Shuja. He had a fine face and person. Mahmud's messengers met him on his way to Kabul. bearing his subsequent calamities with dignity and firmness. blind. Had he gone over all the history of Asia. and both Zaman and Shuja are held to still have been kingly men did them honour in zai in the Pathan way. and is still remembered in Peshawar where he was once Shah Shuja's governor. once more directed by the King- maker. more regular face. Kings. dethroned. and he always turned them towards the person with whom he was conversing. but he was taller. and had a longer. and he gave up. and put out his eyes with a lancet. . Elphinstone met him at Rawalpindi. discovering he was under restraint. Zaman. though plainly injured. His voice and manner strongly resembled Shauh Shujau's. The Afridis more than once gave Shah village beneath the 8 . He had been released for the years of his brother's reign.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 27! messenger to Mahmud. . Durrani Malik. and a finer beard.

the Afridis twice attacked Peshawar city in the summer months. Thai and Bannu to the Daman. Shuja was fortunate in regaining Chora. Fateh Khan profiting by the confusion. Shuja marched from Peshawar in 1801. charged at the head of his Barakzais and decided the day. occupied by Mahmud after the Surkh Rud battle. from which he is said to have gone on into the Maidan of Tirah. Fateh Khan himself came down to A Peshawar. He met Fateh Khan on the Surkh Rud some miles west of Jalalabad. large numbers perishing from heat and thirst before they could regain their hill-retreats. that tribe proved ready to follow the Saddozai who raised the Khaibar Rifles. proceeded through Kohat. Nawab Sir Aslam Khan. but . After this Afridi defeat. This assault on Peshawar took place in midsummer and the Khaibar tribes were defeated with great slaughter. But. and then. who attacked Peshawar. though accustomed to the battles of their clans. heavily fined the city and surrounding tribes. In 1930.THE PATHANS their whole Shuja sanctuary at Chora in evil days. He occupied a good deal of time in endeavouring to reduce the Wazirs between Thai and Bannu. and hearing them compared with Afridi efforts to support Shuja. in command of an army of ten thousand eastern tribesmen. The tribes had no written record. mainly Yusufzai and Afridi. Hangu. nearly a century later. I well remember discussing those affairs with some Maliks a few months later. and twice put but the effort The tribe in motion in his support. year later Shuja took the field once more at the head of twelve thousand Afridis. reign lasted three years only. memory of the Saddozai Kings served to stir Afridi loyalty when. at the height of the Red-Shirt movement. and twice were defeated with heavy casualties. but the memory had come down. Shuja escaped to Afridi country where he took refuge at Chora. who not Mahmud's first long was only routed a rebellion of the whole Ghalji tribe in three hardfought battles but overcame an attempt by Shuja from Peshawar to take the field against the usurper. eager to plunder the royal treasures. levying revenue as he went. more than a century earlier. his 'Berdooraunee* troops fighting with great (Ian. following exactly in the steps of Babur's first expedition of 1505. they were strangers to discipline and regular war and quitted their line as soon as they thought victory decided. His arms were victorious in the beginning of the battle. That it lasted so due entirely to the intrepidity of Fateh Khan. failed.

and he is better remembered in Peshawar for his laying out in these years (1802-3) of the garden south of the city. It was here that Fateh Khan's younger half-brother.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 273 was no more successful than has been any ruler. The King would have been wise to wait for the return of Fateh Khan. who now drew near with an army of 10.) He met Mukhtar on the borders of the Wazir country. Shuja repaid this loan after his accession. and the only . lived and maintained his private apartments and zanana during the many years that he held Peshawar. Khan rendered his refuge of Zhob to Shal He went by way where with the help of Malik GuHstan and others he succeeded in once more putting himself in funds by compelling the leaders of a large caravan to lend him a large sum on account. The new King's first step was to release his blinded brother. Fateh Khan was at first successful. repaired to Kabul to find the city in uproar in the Bala Hissar. Sultan Muhammad Khan. failing in his sense of immediate seizure of the timing. and went off to join Shuja. Fateh Khan's absence on these affairs left Mahmud rudderless. now on his way back from Kandahar. Shuja had left Chora in 1802. Next morning Shah Shuja was King. who entered into a plot to invite Shuja to occupy the throne. so famous for its avenues of dark cypresses and a gathering-place of the clans. In the capital he relied on his Ghulamishahs. Mahmud. thought person of Mukhtar. and set their array to oppose Fateh Khan. 9 so in the eyes of the orthodox of Kabul committing the most heinous sins. the Qizilbash guards who cnot only joined the violence of their military habits to the natural licentiousness of their nation but openly professed the Sheeah religion'. his safety lay in the but. deserted by all. and (Quetta). That nobleman made good his escape. but the unpopularity of Mahmud's cause led to desertions and the Barakzai's usual fortune deserted him. Mahmud's dependence on his bodyguard laid him open to charges of apostasy carefully fostered for his own ends by a Durrani chief named Mukhtar-ud-Daula. finding the presence in Peshawar of so formidable an adversary as Fateh in the Afridi hills unsafe. both for war and festival. Zaman. before or since. be it said. He and Mukhtar wisely and Mahmud besieged encamped without the town. now known as the Wazir Bagh. left little in the His progress way of permanent order. (To his credit. was led to confinement.000 men. but his eyes were spared.

After forays towards Multan and reducing the country south of the Salt Range he decided finally to destroy the Kasur colony. when Elphinstone was returning from Peshawar to India. It was at the end of that time that in the spring of 1809 Mountstuart Elphinstone arrived in Peshawar on his embassy to the 'Kingdom of CaubuP. Ranjit Singh and Kingdom had been busy in the consolidation of his rule in the Panjab. Ranjit's first step after his recognition by Zaman had been to master Lahore and Amritsar from the incapable chiefs of the Bhangi Misl. The savagery of others weighed too heavy in the scale. the of Sikh power to the west of the river had not begun. In 1807 Qutbuddin surrendered after a month's siege and received for his maintenance a deposition to 1809 rani c . he found the Sikh frontier between Hasan Abdal and Rawalpindi and probably on the Margalla Pass he reported that the whole Punjaub belongs to Runjeet Sing who in 1805 was but one of many chiefs but who.. and remove this Khweshgi Pathan stronghold which he regarded as too close to his capital to leave even as a feudatory. Six years were to elapse before Shah Shuja was driven out of Ms kingdom by the same half-brother whom he had supplanted and who had once more placed his affairs in the hands of Fateh Khan Barakzai. This he did with the aid of the Kuneia and Ahluwalia Misls who held what is now Amritsar and Gurdaspur. Shuja's clemency in the hour of victory has raised this King's repute high in the roll of Durrani rulers. had acquired the sovereignty of all the Siks in the Punjaub and was assuming the title of King .. he is busied in subjugating his weak neighbours by the same mixture of force and craft that he so successfully employed against the chiefs of his own nation'.THE PATHANS 274 execution following the change of government was that of Mulla Ashiq. but did not suffice to save his house. expansion and indeed during the ten years that elapsed from Zaman's with the tribes no open clash had occurred between the Durthe forces of the Sikh Maharaja. now under Qutbuddin. Nizamuddin. who suffered the penalty of his perfidy in betraying the former King. when we passed. although the Bhangis had the support of the Pathan Khan of Kasur. When Elphinstone arrived. and an English statesman and scholar10 first made contact not only with a Durrani prince but beyond the Indus. By the summer of 1809.



a noble object by its great name. thinking that it might be necessary to meet the King at Kandahar. Here Elphinstone received the news that Shah Shuja would meet him at Peshawar. such as one would figure in a scene of Arabia Felix. Paniala is the home of the Biluts section of Lodis. Then on. Happy with we and the Indus flowing in a deep and clear stream through lofty mountains past this extraordinary town'. in a cheerful and beautiful spot. now in possession of Delhi. bounded by craggy hills.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE tract of land south of the Sutlej. from whose summits they first saw . whose chiefs have always been famous for the simple and traditional hospitality which they dispense. It was at this juncture that the British Government. by the interest it excites as the boundary of India. the party went on by Kalabagh where are given another gem-like description of 'earth. this scene. the mission c turned north. crossed the Indus.. From this success Ranjit went on to capture the walled town of Multan but the citadel on this occasion resisted his efforcs and bought him off with a considerable tribute. with the strange and beautiful spectacle of the salt rocks. Elphinstone was deputed to the Afghan court. Mulla Jafar. and interspersed with clumps of date-trees. blood-red. and it appeared to them expedient to send missions both to Shah Shuja and to Ranjit Singh to seek common ground for a defensive alliance. The village itself stood in a deep grove of date trees on the side of a hill from which many streams gushed through little caverns in the thickest part of the wood. was persuaded that the designs of Napoleon included an intention to carry the war into India. Our camp was pitched near the village of Puneealla. and this. They claim a Sayyid descent. then the winter capital. watered by a little stream. and proceeded by way of Bahawalpur and Multan. Hearing late in December 1808 that Shah Shuja had started for Kabul. and Elphinstone well describes the charms of the oasis which is their home. It was a sandy valley. over the tumbled Bhangi Khel hills. by its own extent and by the lofty hills which formed the background of the view/ and reached Dera Ismail Khan in January 1809. As escort the King had sent one of his courtiers. and with patches of green corn. under whose guidance the English party proceeded by Paharpur to Paniala. where he built a 275 new town named Jalalabad. and became the founder of the Mamdot family.

'bright with sinuous rills/ was enclosed by a and of wild blackberry bushes. which was of the finest crimson. weeping willows and plane-trees just coming into first leaf. plantains. and fresh verdure of the new year. There were also numerous fine vines twisted round the trees.and peach-trees in full blossom. The town was clean and neat. together with apples and many others that could not be distinguished for having lost their foliage. The beauty of the whole was augmented rather than diminished in the visitors' eyes by the trees being out of leaf. and Elphinstone was delighted to find it was nothing but the form of willow . estranged in the climate of India. chick-weed. issuing from three the Jangal Khel springs known to all who love fountains Here Kohat.) Some of the gentlemen thought they saw and heard thrushes and blackbirds. those more distant beyond the town covered with snow. dandelions. the fruits and flowers of all climes were said to be produced in this basin. a frequenter of the Kohat groves. full Here was seen a bird very like a goldfinch. soft.THE PATHANS 2j6 snowy splendours of the Sufed Koh. they found a garden which afforded them extreme the though perhaps a portion of its charms consisted in its abounding in English plants. The climate was delightful. remarkable for the beauty of its plumage. 'Cohaut' was sheer delight. And indeed in Kohat the apple bears fruit alongside the mango. There were also clover. because some withered grass was seen among the full. and putting forth new buds. except on the head and wings which were black. The hills in February around 'Cohaut' were varied and picturesque. and were shown behind them what seemed a little brook for the Indus. he felt that he had come home. rib-grass. and conhedge. The walks were covered with green sod which looked the more English. with a little fort on an artificial mound and near it ran a stream as clear as "chrystaP. common dock. and up and down its face were inviting little groves of trees. the envoy had a strange sense of having been there before. as if they were wild. The plain was green and well-watered. to Dodah and Kohat. (They had made acquaintance with the scarlet minivet. and many other English weeds. and another of the same size. raspberry tained plum. The celebrated 'Bedee-Mishk' was among the plants of this garden. the only productive mango-tree so far to the north. from which they had long been joy. This garden. like so many who arrive in these parts for the first time.

Handyside. It is marked now by a fine monument in dressed stone. not ended yet. had not been fixed and heavy escorts were needed for safe passage. The date is worth remembering. or The Pass. was only a mile and a half long. In Elphinstone's days tribal responsibility for guard12 ing this famous pass. a This is a spot familiar to every North-West Frontiersman neck of land crowned by a fort. but their baggage was too well guarded for excitement. in memory of a famous commander of Constabulary. On this march 'the hills were so high. And onward to Peshawar. to the south fifty miles of rolling Khatak hills stretching towards the Indus and the Bannu plain. and the next night was passed at Zarghun Khel. At the top the envoy's party were joined by some Bangash chiefs who proposed a picnic luncheon and produced a napkin with some fowls and bread of which all partook very sociably. a part of the chain of Hindoo Coosh'.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 277 with sweet-scented yellow flowers beloved of bees. 1809. to the north the dry confined valleys of the Adam Khel Afridis who make the tribal rifles. garden worthy of Elphinstone's gay words and. there followed the descent into the Bosti Khel Valley 'belonging to the predatory tribe of Kheiber'. Elphinstone and his party saw many of the famous marauders. built by Cavagnari on an Italian with a model. The picnic over. but exceedingly steep and went over large pieces of rock. and the valleys so deep that the surveyors could not see the sun to take noon-day'. sitting in a circle and eating with the hands. ning of a long association. known as 'The Darrah'. having been kidnapped from Kohat. violets so profuse they haunt the memory. it was the begin- . so well to the English at On known home as palm. a valiant man whose name was honoured equally by the men he led and the outlaws he hunted and by whom he met his death. Three miles north of Kohat the party came to the foot of a the c tremendous cotuF. the old road up the eastern spur. through which Molly Ellis was carried in 1923. the banks of that stream now domed house of stands the 11 Deputy Commissioner. in season. And so to the northern mouth of an observation the Darrah at c whence a vast range of snowy mountains began to appear and soon disclosed a spectacle of unequalled magnificence. where the rifle factories now are. The road up. which was reached on 25th February.

shrewd. King or noble. . kind to their dependants. but there is he can be detached. was a handsome man and and his was his countenance of pleasing. . 15 And of Mulla Jafar. dignified expression address princely. seem crude and insignificant beside the in- . and good16 but humoured. Elphinstone's escort: He was a grave old gentleman. and said. 13 the Shah Shuja. and at the same time the most precise and compassionate. blunt. the flamboyance of a Cavagnari. rapacity and obstinacy. as only a man who loves that land can. much that was later lost would have been kept. . they are fond of liberty. the heroism of a Nicholson. and he felt intuitively that there was a bond to be forged between them and us. And of the Afghan character: Their vices are revenge. Elphinstone's Caubul is probably the most entertaining official record ever written in English. sensible. hospitable. and nothing that was won would ever have been lost. when the author was in Poona. and yet enthusiastic as a boy. they are less disposed than the nations in their neighbour- hood to falsehood. brave. It will scarcely be believed how much he had the manners of a gentleman. these men before they had become embittered by wars and expeditions. If England had been represented on the Frontier by a succession of such men. priest or peasant deserving of even are their faults worth a and smile lovable. This man has every locality right. or how well he preserved his dignity. he sets his scene in correct and convincing perspective. the King of Caubul. He met appraisal. every tribe in due place. Finished in 1814. while he seemed only anxious to please. He sees the contrast of mountain and desert. five years after his mission. appreciation of the Frontier scene and manners. resigned to the inevitable. . avarice. humorous.. laborious and prudent. and somewhat passionate.THE PATHANS 278 The actors were worthy of the occasion: It is a dull creature who can read or write of Mountstuart Elphinthere is wit in his face and in all he wrote no cynicism or spite or self-seeking in the salt. The righteousness of an Edwardes. stone without affection . frugal. 14 . of climate and season. intrigue and deceit. envy. the cold grey eye of a Roos-KeppeL. see. . tradesman or merall seem to him men chant. of sand and verdure.. on the other hand. hardy. faithful to their friends. it is still the broadest.

of Kabul itself set in its valleys and gardens. uninfluenced by the proximity of Ranjit Singh. or should believe. that 'no man liveth to himself and no man dieth to himself'. So let us halt awhile. even I doubt not. There can be small doubt that though the men he met in the north were not yet included in the bounds of our rule. 18 Elphinstone's saying on the duration of British rule in Asia was that for it the desirable death to die would be that the peoples themselves should reach such a standard that retention of the government by foreigners would become impossible. He learned Sanskrit and Persian in Calcutta. his evaluation of their quality must have been a factor which led him to this saying. discernment with humanity. so he was the last Englishman to see Durrani government in action in Peshawar. and later he was to reject offers of the highest place and honours for they would for the life of scholar and have made him Governor-General historian. selfless. though I have not seen them of the Kandahar and Balkh of the time. of which less than four (2 5th February to 1 4th June) were in Peshawar. Elphinstone spent less than six months (yth January to zoth June) beyond the Indus. . As he had been the first. of Mountstuart Elphinstone. No people could have wished for a foreign interpreter more penetrating in his combination of analysis with understanding. of the Ghalji uplands. but was not bemused by their subtleties. Yet he came away with a knowledge of the country and people which less gifted men have not gained in a lifetime on the Frontier. It is interesting that this fine. Of his mission he himself said it cured him of ambition. of the northern parts of Baluchistan. the whole. and the inward looking of the Hindu. his instinct and research gave him a balanced picture of the stinctive grasp. He would have agreed in the contrast drawn by the missionary Pennell 17 between the vista of Christian and Muslim who both believe.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 279 deep humanism. and recapture that scene before it is swept away by the Sikh deluge. humorous mind should have been the first to be turned outward from Britain upon the Pathan scene. Though he did not go beyond Peshawar. so intent on his own salvation within a concatenation of births that he forgets a man has a duty to those around him from which he cannot absolve himself. of the tangled mountains of Afridis and Wazirs. He was no introvert.

but the graveyards were covered with groves of tamarisk. The villages. Except just north of the city there were few date-palms. of which the range of the Hindu Kush the are most conspicuous. the uncultivated parts of the land were covered with a thick elastic sod that perhaps never was equalled but in England.THE PATHANS 280 description of Peshawar and its surroundings recalls the scene much as it is today. Most bare. The town of Peshawar was already made up of houses built of Mughal unburnt brick in wooden frames. The streets were crowded with men of all nations and languages. When the mission arrived in February. their banks fringed with willows and tamarisks. and the Juyi Shaikh and Juyi Zardad had been constructed long before Elphinstone's time. and is better far than any all those who came after gazetteer or modern traveller's tale. Two or three brooks ran through the city. Many streams ran through the plain. and here and there stood a lordly pipal or banyan (feus religiosa 2&A. dark and gloomy with their cypress-like leaves. The Bara canals. peach.ficus indica). while the plain was rounding mountains the climate they found and clothed with the richest verdure. were generally all being set off large. quince and pomegranate trees. The greater part of the plain they found to be highly cultivated. the upper parts of the surwere with covered snow. the trees of were but delicious. The streets were narrow and paved. almost with trees. give the English gentlemen were excited to mark the numerous gardens and scattered trees covered with a new foliage of a freshness and brilliancy never seen in the perpetual summer of India. Like The envoy's him he was struck by the near approximation of the plain to a and by the splendid mountain panorama which surrounds on the north and the it. Many avenues of mulberry-trees could be seen. even then skirted with willows and mulberry-trees. and remarkably clean and neat. peak of the Sufed Koh on the west circle. The orchards scattered over the country contained a profusion of plum. There were pretty little bridges of brick over the streams. pear. then as now. the pavement sloping to the kennels. affording a greater display of blossoms than the visitors had ever before witnessed. . for the Peshawar winter is too cold for dates to ripen. and making them slippery in wet weather. in every variety of dress and appearance. and irrigated by many water-courses and canals. of three or more storeys in height. enough were in leaf to in the next ten days and to the richness and variety prospect.

except for a salam hands crossed in front. waving. bread. meat. copper utensils. their appearance announced by the jingling of their bridles. melons. dried fruits and nuts. the streets were choked with horse and foot and dromedaries bearing times swivels. With the hawkers crying their goods were mixed the people of the town in white turbans. and at all with covered camels Bactrian or loaded dromedaries. where everything was served in earthern look like china. two men of a rope stretched across the opposite corner. catching quails among the wheat when the end an each held was fastened at one corner of the field. sandals. while their keepers were indulging in an eating-house. and often there net corn grew up. of life and bustle. and Hazaras not more remarkable for their broad faces and little of every other eyes than for their want of beard. where apples. Hindus with the peculiar features of their nation often suited to the dress of the country. Sometimes. the ornament face in the city. or enjoying the smoke of a hired 'calleeaun' in the street. plums and oranges were mixed in piles with Indian fruits. and large. Among these might be discovered a few women with long white veils that reached their feet. and dragged it for- A . that life was short and the benefit of the admonishing almsgiver charity immortal. one of whose number would charm the others with a Pakhtu song. its quarter. books and saddlery. senger. Men would be seen with hawks on their fist and was a party of fowlers pointers at their heels. Among the handin each were displayed. when the King was going out. posteens The full somest shops were the fruiterers. and the cookdishes glazed to shops. their made streets. In the countryside the roads were enlivened by groups on horse or afoot. Khyberees with sandals and the wild dress and air of their mountains.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 2%I were shops. heavy and the mules. ted and green flags. occupying the lower storey of the high houses. in circles of eight or ten. hardware. way slowly through shaggy hair. bales of cloth. and even some of the King's retinue. Persians and Afghans in flowing mantles and caps of black sheepskin. Sometimes a troop of armed horsemen clattered past. Amidst all this throng the Faringis alaikum from a paspassed without any notice. accompanied by a bow with the or an application from a beggar who would call out for relief. were seen going round fastened together and round to cool them after their labour.

His appearance was magnificent and all was royal: his crown and all his dress were one blaze of jewels . in despair of mastering such a collection of strange words. when he should touch us. of the surrounding mountains. highly ornamented. Our evening rides were not less delightful. on the north side. below it. among the gardens round the with contrasted gloomy magnificence repose of the landscape. and gave it up with the appearance of extreme vexation. In the middle was a pond and fountains. the roof of which was supported by pillars and Moorish arches. while we enjoyed the quiet and sunshine of the plain/ All this has never been better told. And. also ravaged by the Sikhs and cut to the last tree. and entreated us to whisper our names to him. He now explained the ceremonies to be observed in a very courteous manner. all to be wrecked by Ranjit Singh in 1823. At the end of die-court was a high building ornamented with false arches.THE PATHANS 282 ward so as to shake all the wheat and drive the quails before entered. The court was long and had high walls. But in Elphinstone's time there still stood the Bala Hissar with the King's palace within. -which was dropped as soon c Trom the nature of the country/ continues Elphinstone. the richness and and admired the city. He then conducted us up a sloping passage and through a gate. painted with the figures of cypresses. after which we passed behind a sort of screen. over this was another storey. but without doors or windows. and it remains with us for have eyes to see. as they it into the net. at the upper end' of which we saw the King in an elevated building. In the centre arch sat the King on a very large throne of gold or gilding. and at various places in the court stood the officers of state. the charms of which were heightened by novelty. according to their degree. but how poor a replica it is! Read the envoy's vivid description of his audience with His those who Majesty: At length the Chaous Baushee came to us: he had been labouring hard at our names. which were often involved in clouds and tempests. and suddenly issued into a large court. and by the expectations with we formed of the sights and incidents which we should meet among so wild and extraordinary a people. The walls on each side were lined with the King's guards three deep. it may be sup- posed that these morning expeditions were pleasing and interestwhen we went out ing. were the lovely Royal Gardens. The present Shahi Bagh stands where once 19 they stood.

and the whole was bounded with mountains. 'They are welcome'. 20 known to be one of the largest diamonds in the world. and repeated the ceresilent mony once more. Its shape is oblong. we found this to be a mistake. and part of the hill on which that castle stands. for the Khauns to stand on. on close inspection. and beyond was a plain of the richest verdure: here and there were pieces of water and shining streams. . we all pulled off our hats and made a low bow: we then held up our hands towards heaven. embroidered with gold. How Shah Shuja's personality impressed Elphinstone has been There follows a and the envoy writes: said already. shaped like two fleurs-de-lis. May your misfortunes be turned upon me!' The King answered in a loud and sonorous voice. and so dazzling that it was difficult to bracelets many was the Cohi The room was open understand and impossible to describe. which is cut off from the rest. The remainder forms a square. from the southern side. striking passage on the externals. The crown was about nine inches high the whole so complicated. Some structures belonging to the Balla Hissaur. with large flowers in gold.SADDOZAIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 283 and motionless. and precious stones. and round the edges were strips of silk. is included in the garden: the other sides are enclosed in walls. in the midst of which was a marble fountain. Such was Peshawar in the days of its . full of cypresses and other trees. 'They have come from Europe as ambassadors to Your Majesty. and is full of trees. royal glory. but. ending. as praying for the King. The view from the hall was beautiful. and other jewels in different places. On coming in sight of the King. without any title or addition of respect. some dark and others covered with snow. We thought at first the King had on armour of jewels. Immediately below was an extensive garden. on which we prayed for him again. large emerald bracelets on the arms (above the elbow). And of the garden: It is called the garden of Shauh Lemaun. divided by avenues. That which runs from east to we stis formed by stately rows . The centre was supported by four high pillars. which cross each other in the middle of the garden. and afterwards advanced to the fountain where the Chaous Bashee repeated our names. The handsome northern part of the garden. all round. over which were a large breast-plate of diamonds. . is laid out irregularly. and his real dress to consist of a green tunic. In one of the No or. The floor was covered with the richest carpets.

The Peshawar Fort site of the Bala Hissar is a Sikh barrack affair. gave a fine termination the greatest variety of tint ranges. beneath which are bushes. is a pavilion. Every stone. as the summer was then far advanced.. and two long beds of poppies. The in the sun whose rays shone bright on the fountains were stability sparkling trees. of fortune. military engineers of the British which covers part of the ground of the garden of 'Shauh Lemaun' lacks the magic touch and enjoys no vistas. and each was closed by high far mountains. The rest of the garden was filled up with a profusion of fruit-trees. every rafter. yellow. shrubs. but that of the space which runs from north to south I have seen in an Asiatic garden. and were extremely agreeable. close to each other. white and yellow very thick. patched up by the time. continually falling in little cascades from of the garden. The country beyond was green. which I have mentioned. at different distances. . of all this beauty was deswhich now stands on the troyed by the Sikhs. surthe middle rounded fountains. and flowers on one side. two stories high. which are there very clumps to the prospect. every tree. Some were so thick that the sun could not penetrate them at noon. there are sixty-nine fountains altogether. and we spent our Persian verses written on the walls: most of them alluded to the in. and contains three parallel walks. and being in several high. and studded with and single trees. light. and made a fine contrast with the deep shade of the other. of red. and the mountains. We stood surpassed everything that under the Balk Hissaur. which continued to play during the whole day we spent at the garden. The modern Shahi Bagh. About three. ending in a bason in the middle In the centre of this bason is a summer-house. and suited to a garden. and some were very applicable to the King's actual condition. have seen At some in England and India. and others were new to me. of which I flowering cistus. . after our luncheon we retired to cool.. The views up the east and west walks were beautiful. Here fruit was time in reading the numerous brought to us. when they afforded a dark. and to one another. and picturesque retreat one of the pavilions which was spread with carpets. jasmine. displayed and outline . and there are fountains in a row up contrived that the water is by of all the ponds. we left the garden a little before sunset. The space between the north end of this opening the walks is filled up by six and so long ponds. But the English who . which on this side is very handsome. white. we went out for a walk. The space from north to south is also bordered by cypresses and planes. The buildings looked rich. as growing at Peshawar.THE PATHANS 284 of alternate planes and cypresses. planted and China roses. other and flowering shrubs.

if they would. one remarkably elegant. it in gardens with a Persian influence. had that peculiar sunny pleasure-dome dreaminess in the air. . Three days out. and looking westward to the Tahtarra peak that guards the Khaibar. Just as Pathans. not a stately.SADD02AIS AND MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 285 followed the Sikhashahi strove to make Peshawar once more a city of gardens. The only to be felt minded of that delicious pleasance garden at nearby Wah. which he visited. going south. tree-shaded beside the broad stream. for the last time. It c contained. and here. and the beauty of the Frontier scenic setting. in the light of which others of his race could follow. He was rehe had seen in Kohat. in his depression. basons filled with the pure water of these hills. He must have known he had lit a lamp. so the Englishman. though with a suburban. and the mission reached Hasan Abdal. It had been a restingplace. taste. some ruined buildings. of the Mughals on their migrations to Kashmir. whether his own or Shah Shuja's. where the Kabul River approaches the highroad a place he loved. feel their hearts lift as they recognized that valley. as the last stage on the road India-ward where the open up it Iranian atmosphere can be felt. he looked back longingly. When Elphinstone left Peshawar. they remade a tradition which Pakistan must have the will to preserve. His thoughts turned to decay and the failure of effort. as it still does. But this last outpost of the land he had left was desolate and melancholy too. the splendour of his reception. farud-gah. was going to decay.' To Elphinstone the lovely ruins of the Wah garden symbolized indeed the hope with which his mission had set out. was to be seen the plane-tree which forms the favourite ornament of all the gardens of the West. A week passed. he camped at a spot near the present cantonment of Nowshera. against which he had laboured. covered with green turf. returning north. Working as best they knew. he had some comfort. The vale of Hasan Abdal recalled to him the beauties of the country he had left. Perhaps.

Shuja was embar- by the loss of a large part of his forces in the defiles leading to Kashmir. business was to treat with the de facto ruler of the Kingdom. at Rawalpindi. and the he was bound to disappointment give. to the very real credit of the King and his council. was making yet another bid for the throne of Kabul. Elphinstone Mahmud. made under Elphinstone's eye to Kashmir disaster and to prepare another army for war. led to no diminution in the attention or hospitality accorded to the mission. It was when Elphinstone was in Hasan Abdal that he received the news of Shah Shuja's defeat. again with the active aid of Fateh Khan. where they had gone in an endeavour to stem a rassed rebellion. and Elphinstone with his mission for Hasan Abdal to await the outcome. remedy The parties left Peshawar almost the same day. At under negotiation the King and those around him sought to derive from Elphinstone some assurance of British support in their internal affairs. not to take part in domestic strife or uphold one King against a rival claimant to the throne. On the strength of the mutual defence whole regime.CHAPTER XVIII AHMAD SHAH BRELWI AND THE SIKHS was still at Peshawar when in the late spring of 1809 the news arrived that Shah Shuja's half-brother. but this the His envoy was unable to treaty give. and (as mentioned) a few days later. He records the dignity with which his he was not importuned. the deposed Shah Strenuous endeavours were the 286 . Shah Shuja with his army to fight for his throne. refusal was met in full council. This reverse seriously affected the morale and prestige of the that very moment messengers rode in with authentic tidings of Mahmud's capture of Kabul and imminent advance on Peshawar. found himself followed by the King's blind brother. whom he thought to have decisively defeated the previous year.

seeing some prospects of success. one a reverse. The conferences were broken off. Here he was refused admittance and barely treated with courtesy. he heard. that the first to that consciousness I attribute to a faint memory come their way was Elphinstone. finding his own adherents still numerous among the eastern tribes. moral and intellectual. even now. Yet. He retained possession of the city for the summer months. and with reason. The two Kings met at Sahiwal. Shuja. and had crossed the Indus with the vague hope of procuring assistance from the British under the mutual defence treaty just negotiated. for Shuja had received messages of loyalty from Yusufizais and other tribes in the Peshawar region. hesitated to go further with the Sikh whose sincerity he distrusted. had not yet lost control of Peshawar or its surroundings. to gain over the Durrani governor of Multan. and Shuja went back to Attock. compelled him to retreat to the Derajat. where Ranjit amused Shuja with inconclusive offers of co-operation in the recovery of Multan and Kashmir. next brother to Fateh Khan in the roll of Painda's twenty-two sons. but unsuccessfully. No determinate arrangement was reached. where he was busy sequestering that district from the family of a deceased brother-Sikh. and it seemed the Mission had failed. Ranjit said he would himself proceed to meet the Shah to save him fufther journeying towards Hindustan. The defensive treaty he had negotiated with a King facing a revolution was valueless. sufficient to enable him to make himself master of Peshawar in the spring of 1810. succeeded once more in mastering Peshawar after two actions. together with some reinforcement from Kashmir (whose Governor had not submitted to Mahmud). But there were traitors around him. even when he encamped outside the gates. whence he sought. In the longer term Elphinstone's nobility and bearing were remembered for many years. men who. to which one of English birth may rise. The news of Shah Shuja's defeat reached Ranjit Singh at Wazirabad. there is a legend of the stature. the other a victory. He again moved northward. after which Muhammad Azem Khan. and.AHMAD SHAH BRELWI AND THE SIKHS 287 Zaman. where he succeeded in mobilizing tribal aid. in the minds of the men who live about Peshawar. bringing down the family effects and ladies of the court. and. Anxious to keep a representative of Durrani power within his own grasp. like . and more might have followed if the memory had not been clouded by smaller men.

Ranjit was not slow to seize his opportunity. Kashmir. Late in 1812 the ladies of the two deposed brother-Kings. He employed a two-fold technique which seldom failed to win first phase he chose to present himself as a a Durrani heart. and in 1812 he was seized in Peshawar by Jahandad Khan. arrived to take sanctuary in Lahore. Shah Mahmud. confidence established between gentlemen. Ranjit at the time was employed on the subjugation of the hill chiefs of Bhimbar. he professed to the wife of Shah . on the strength and ruthlessness of his own a sardonic insistence will. his successful rival. 'As he always endeavoured more complete and more easy by appearing to labor in the cause of others. He hastened north. at worst that he had bought him off. wished to possess his person. governor of Attock. ostensibly for a meeting of ceremony. He had been reducing the hill chiefs south of Kashmir with a view to subjugating the valley to make success itself. distant. Rajauri and other places on the old Mughal road to Kashmir in the Pir Panjal foothills. Nothing conclusive emerged. but in reality to prevent the Durrani from forestalling him in Kashmir. and removed first to that fort. While Shuja was near Multan on this wandering. came down to Peshawar for the only time and crossed the Indus with the avowed object of overawing the Governor of Kashmir. was becoming unsafe for the enemies of Mahmud. an affectionate exchange of turbans. once for all. where he remained for more than a year. The two princes met at Rawalpindi in March 1811. expressive of a brotherhood transcending creed or caste. suitably crested and caparisoned. though and the redoubtable Fateh Khan was known to be meditating an Zaman and expedition in person to settle affairs in his chosen sovereign's favour. Shuja. and Mahmud went back. there would follow the second gesture. The Afghan prince would think that at best he had placed the chivalric Sikh under an obligation. but Ranjit had a way of dealwith Durrani princes. which the Sikh de- signed for himself.THE PATHANS 288 the course of Ranjit Singh. a subtle flattery made up of offers of help and hints of allegiance. Then. In the lover of horses. and afterwards to Kashmir. This time it worked. shot through with an inimitable panache. a veritable Philippos among princes. who had sided with his half-brother. to whom it would be fitting for his noble Durrani friend to make a gift of splendid horseflesh.

whose object was to take Kashmir. 1813. or even his life. No turbans passed. Kharak Singh. The ex-King preferred joining the Sikh army to the prospect of loss of his eyes. but the Durject. on the Mansar plains north-east of the Fort. and went with Ranjit to Lahore. There was no talk of horses. Neither succeeded entirely in his obthe spring of 1813. was ready to promise anything to secure that end without meeting with Ranjit's opposition. unaided by the tribes. alarmed by Fateh Khan's success in Kashmir. who had refused obedience either to Shuja or Mahmud. Each hoped to use the other as his tool. was easily persuaded to yield Akbar's famous fort to Ranjit Singh. as he alone achieved the conquest. In a fury Fateh Khan offered battle. This battle of Attock is notable also . was fought the first pitched encounter between the Sikhs and the Durranis. The rebel governor of Attock. Fateh Khan. They met. . aged only eighteen at the time. Ranjit could not share in the spoils. the annexation of Kashmir and the possession of Shuja's person. though this time Kashmir itself had slipped through the Sikh's fingers. But at this point the skein was tangled by the arrival of Fateh Khan late in 1812. intent on carrying through in person what Shah Mahmud had failed to conclude in the preceding year. even for Fateh Khan. to Mahmud in Kabul. Ranjit was too wily. all of whom had espoused Shuja's cause.AHMAD SHAH BRELWI AND THE SIKHS 289 Shuja that he would secure the governance of Kashmir for her husband. was defeated by the Sikhs under Muhkam Chand. and the stakes seemed even. the Koh-i-Noor. there was more to come. Prospects for the first were opening up with the capture of Jammu by his son. again. and fearing to fall into his hands. The antagonists were well matched. the favourite younger brother of Fateh Khan and fifteenth in the Ust of Painda Khan's sons. On i3th July. but hoped the distressed lady would show her gratitude by making the great diamond. and Fateh Khan maintained that. He had forgotten Shah Shuja. Fateh Khan. Ranjit said he would bring to punishment the rebel governor of Attock who had detained Shuja. and also the governor of Multan. the reward of his chivalrous labors when they should be crowned with success/ 1 Ranjit had two main objects at this stage. and a joint Kashmir occupation was proposed. But.for the first mention of Dost Muhammad Khan. inclining the balance to Ranjit's side. Moreover. Kashmir was occupied in ranis outstripped the Sikhs.

' Sikh apologists make out that the stone did not pass without consideration. The Afghan account is very different. never wearying in promoting Shah Shuja's return to the Kabul throne. to the possession of his refugee guest's most valuable treasure is not one to hang in the host's guest chamber. associated in all men's minds with the glory of the Mughal throne. and secured. The Sikh historians relate that Shah Shuja at first evaded compliance with all demands. Ranjit Singh had many cards to play. The answer to such a plea is that Ranjit coveted. and its own defeat. He also got Kashmir. not only in the conclusion of solemn treaties in which in 1838 the British Government took part but in actual assistance by troops and in the provision of secure bases and lines of communication. while the other. He took by force the Koh-i-noor diamond now in the possession of Queen Victoria. He intended to use him first to secure Kashmir. and even rejected a cash offer as consideration. who was receiving it at his hands. describing how the King in parting with this valuable stone turned pale and felt unhappy. Beyond the Indus the transaction is still regarded as symbolic . a cession quite outside the Koh-i-nur transaction. he had already formed the ambition of ruling in Peshawar under cover of the Durrani name. and rejoices in a victory. while the other side mourns the death of those who are killed. Nor had he forgotten his craving to possess the Koh-i-nur. Ranjit Singh. and the Shah received the assignment of a jagir in the also that. mutual friendship was declared. the picture of the host succeeding. the Afghan dominions between the mountains and the Indus. but at last the Maharaja visited the Shah in person. Panjab for his maintenance together with a promise of aid in the recovery of Kabul. the diamond was surrendered. When all is said. nominally as an honoured guest. appeared joyful and cheered by the unexpected prize. the famous exchange of turbans took place.THE PATHANS 290 in his hands at Lahore. Historians give a very impressive account. There is small doubt With Shah Shuja knowing the devotion of the Peshawar tribes to the deposed Shah. did his best to keep his side of the bargain. they say. One side is delighted at having killed others in a battle. Amir Abdurrahman writes: 2 'Ranjit Singh treated Shah Shuja very cruelly and imprisoned him. which shows that in this world the griefs of one half its inhabitants are the pleasures of the other half. even by cajolery.

Five Rivers with the main stream below Multan. Here on this occasion displayed gallantry. there remains an unwilling acknowledgment of guile and persistence which equipped Ranjit Singh to build a in the eastern territories of what had been the Durrani kingdom Empire. and it is was one destined to be confirmed in pracgotten. and these and connivance. From the death of Timur Shah in 1793. Indus. of its commander.AHMAD SHAH BRELWI AND THE SIKHS 29! not for- of Sikh methods. Azem retreat. he almost succeeded in wresting tell us. the brother whom Fateh Khan had left in Srinagar as the Durrani governor. East of the Indus the Durranis were now confined to Kashmir and some half-subdued hill territory in Hazara. years earlier. the spared out of consideration. He had yet twenty-six adventurous years before him. Afghan . taking holding Multan. He had now reached the of the to Attock from north-south a on junction line. to a precipitate and even mercy towards the Sikh advanced guard. Late in 1814. victor of the fight at Attock two grandfather for this check in Kashmir by at last. His troops crossed the Pir Panjal by the Mughal route from far as by Bhimbar. but failed. the grasp of Muhammad Azem. For communication with Peshawar and Kabul they were compelled to use the fords and ferries north of Attock. with of the qualities all. and compelled he of the main chain. The exescapes were made with his knowledge a chivalrous King went to the Kashmir foot-hills where. to take Kashmir. But Ranjit had already made what use he wanted of his captives. But in the end this too failed. up to 1818. A few months later Shuja himself 'escaped'. In 1815 Ranjit had himself tried. This assessment it tice by the experiences of Sikh rule a few years later. where the fort was held by Ranjit Singh. and he succeeded in penetrating as Gujrat town in the Vale on the hill-skirts north Shupiyan. so he said. whom he for Muhkam Chand. extortionate and acquisitive. the chronicles Shah Shuja's wife succeeded in escaping across the Sutlej to the British border station of Ludhiana. Ranjit made up the and in 1818. Yet. aided by from Kashmir Kishtwar chief. the first small was repulsed with loss. and Shah Shuja passed through Kulu and close to where Simla now stands to join his family as a British pensioner at Ludhiana in the autumn of 1816.

and only emerging from time to time. Kamran. who whom hands were laid too made the affront offered to his sister the pretext for getting rid of the King-maker. He took with him that favourite younger brother. with the Turkish Qajars and at the medieval Bukharan Court. Dost Muhammad. Fateh Khan. Mahmud would retire for months into a life of brooding and dissolumentor. the Muhammadzai are a clan of the Barakzai Durranis. hating his practised by those barbaric princes. He had spent much of his earlier life. Just as the Saddozai are a clan of the Popalzai. purpose without a nice regard for the person of a royal lady. the prince-governor. who declined to open to him the contents of the local treasury. tortures he devised and his He is known chiefly for the enjoyment of the sufferings he inflicted. His son. Fateh Khan succeeded in repelling the Persians and won for his mea- applause But he had found his purposes at Herat thwarted by the ill-will and inefficiency of Kamran. who had joined him out of discontent with Ranjit's rule. the year that Ranjit took Multan. Wazir Fateh Khan had been the actual ruler of the country since Shah Mahmud ascended the throne for the second time in 1809. The most illustrious Muham- madzai family is the Painda Khel. In 1 8 1 8 bddshdhgardi assumes a shape more radical. a willing pupil. besotted and unwilling. seeking a throne. In 1818. by force if need be. descended from Haji Jamal. the Barakzai chief of the time of Nadir Shah of Persia and leading Ahmad Shah Abdali.292 THE PATHANS domestic history is a record of palace revolutions. Pretending that rewards were to . the same that had shared his defeat at Attock five years before. he had learned the refinements of torture tion. and from them. descendants of Ahmad Shah. 3 The eldest of Painda Khan's sons was Fateh Khan. He therefore directed Dost Muhammad to enter the palace. more sadistic even than his father. Fateh Khan had gone to Herat to repel one of the recurrent Persian attacks on that city. near Amritsar. a Sikh chief of the village of Atari. to issue brutal and erratic commands. had been appointed Governor of Herat. The younger brother proceeded on this task with the aid of Jai Singh. and the Sadas dozai dynasty gives way to the dynasty of the Muhammadzai. and compel Kamran to disgorge. Dost Muhammad and his Sikh adjutant effected their sures. otbddshdhgardi. between the Saddozai brothers. So at least said Kamran. on eagerly. So far west had the Sikhs penetrated at this time.

but would not admit a new one. leaving another brother. in gaining the throne of Kabul/ In Peshawar the Wazir Bagh was his creation. lacking the restfulness of other gardens. It is a sad place. and sporadic fighting continued for many years. and him alone. on Fateh Khan refusing to betray his brothers. his reputation for bravery. Thus died this remarkable man. then forced on his degenerate parent his demand that the Wazir be killed with the most exemplary tortures possible. following the advice of his probably that given by the treacherous son Kamran. Fateh Khan spent his life at war. Painda Khel.AHMAD SHAH BRELWI AND THE SIKHS 293 be showered on Fateh Khan as the saviour of Herat he induced him to visit his father's court. the "Warwick of Afghanistan". Jabbar. Mahmud and his degenerate son were forced to withdraw to the Herat province. . Dost Muhammad Khan. Mahmud. More years were needed before he was able to control Kandahar. and nobleness of character did a great deal to help his younger brother. It was not till 1826. writing eighty years after the event. and after Azem's death. Azem. This abominable murder was the signal for revolt by all the now the senior of the family. liberality. and confusion reigned over the whole country for eight years. in the presence of the King and his son. In a few months he had driven Mahmud out of Kabul. The Frontier tribes threw off such allegiance as they had given to the old regime. Finally. and his garden has served as a muster- ing-place for the clans marching to battle. and others who were jealous of Wazir Fateh Khan's influence and position. by the orders and in the presence of the King who had been made by him. after the most loyal services. in revenge for having countenanced the touching of a royal lady by an idolator. hastened with his best troops from Kashmir. Ghazni and Kandahar. c 'In 1818. then slowly hacked to pieces. His talents and gallantry gave a certain ascendancy to whatever party he joined. and further. The most reliable account is Amir Abdurrahman. his limbs were cut off" one by one. most cruelly tortured and blinded Fateh Khan who had twice placed him on the throne. and its cypresses commemorate him. and keeping the throne for him. in charge. that Dost Muhammad succeeded in consolidating his power in Kabul and confining Mahmud in Herat. The story runs that Fateh Khan was flayed alive.' the Amir writes. haunted by the great Wazir's unquiet spirit.

accompanied by Gulab Singh. and reducing the turbulent Hazara tribes north of Hasan Abdal who held one of the his position routes to Kashmir. That interest remains a factor to be reckoned with in any assessment of the future allegiance of the valley and its surroundings. troops. now fluttered a Sikh flag. at last secured Kashmir. 1819. Ahmad Shah having wrested the Valley from the Mughals in 1752. Ranjit. and momentous. across the great river. and the Sikh had secured a bridgehead on the Afghan bank of the river. But Ranjit not try his fortune he did even so his position was delicate. for which Khushhal had sighed. and before that it had been in Muslim hands since 1341. installed The governor had no with Azem. For nearly five centuries Afghans and Pathans had been prominent in the country. having spied out the land and seen that it was good. From fort to fort. still Ranjit had retired from Peshawar to fulfil an engagement his brother's with nearer his heart. but planted in colonies. opposite Attock. he felt his way and laid his foundations with thought and care. And in the next two years he further improved by adding to his territories both Dera Ghazi Khan and Dera Ismail Khan. Muhammad Khan. In this instance it did not suit him to retain Peshawar and its surroundings. he knew that obliged to evacuate the city. where he found Yar heels. driving out Azem's next brother. and was was canny. all the regulars being Mahmud. not only in office under the governor. consequence. flew the signals of the Sikh commanders. .THE PATHANS 294 Ranjit Singh was not the man and on Azem's Attock and advanced as far had closed. the latter in fief. The Durranis were now stripped of all their dominions east of the Indus. and against too far. as another of the Painda Khel brothers. It is not surprising that at the present time there should survive a lively interest in Kashmir and its fate among the people of the Frontier. Jabbar Khan. to miss this chance. prosecuting the war as governor. Durrani rule in Kashmir had lasted sixty-seven years. Before 1818 he crossed the Indus above Peshawar. For in the following year. For nearly two hundred years before that Kashmir was a Mughal province. One clue to his successes is that he never rushed anything. The bree2e that blew by Khairabad. and Azem's departure to deal murderers had another. he retired and built a fort at Khairabad.

demanding tribute.AHMAD SHAH BRELWI AND THE SIKHS 295 The challenge to Durrani rule had to be met. feigning satisfaction. Yar Muhammad. River the and Landai Khairabad and above junction. post-haste to his frontier with a message to Governor of Peshawar. These in a fury rushed their horses into the stream. 4 The month was March. and got across half-swimming. made the offer so acceptable to the Sikh. half-wada number of men and animals swept away. who Azem as much as he apprehended the designs of his brother dreaded Ranjit. Jehad the Yusufzai bank shouting their warlined tribesmen of groups cries and taunting the Sikh horsemen. by Mahmud Ghaznawi more than once. a the small based upon strong position landmark on the north (left) bank of the Landai River just east of historic ford near the village of Hund. The lashkars of Yusufzai and Khatak tribesmen had now gathered to the number of 20. with the loss of then proceeded steadily with his main body. Yar Muhammad. In a favourable year it is fordable at this had been preached. but his advance had brought up Ranjit Yar Muhammad. it enters the Attock gorge. up once more to the Indus. it was evident. The donor. forming three and sometimes four channels. where hills. He heard that Azem strongly disapproved of the gift of horses and was on his way back to Peshawar. Akbar a Shah. had fled to the Yusufzais in Swat rather than face his brother's wrath. a for while to deal with a and. withdrew had a dispute over he whom his with tiresome mother-in-law of came he a fort on Sutlej-side. Ranjit decided to do what had been done before. of the family of Pir Baba in Buner. 1823. They concentrated in of eminence Pir Sabak. and by Babur. ing. and the water in the Indus low. with the intention of attacking Khairabad and driving recalled him before Ranjit across the Indus. Peshawar. the old . and point by determined horsemen. In 1822 Azem came down to Peshawar with the fugitive Sikh chief Jai Singh Atariwala. was an important stake. from the Hazara breaks Indus the where and Ghazi Below Pihur. collecting Ranjit boats and carrying the guns across on elephants. and the spring rains were late. to cross the great river by the Waihind or Ohand. The scene was set for the famous Battle of Nowshera. the river spreads out in the wide plain between the Yusufzai Samah and the Chachh.000 under the leadership of a well-known Sayyid. possibly by Alexander. a gift of The Maharaja smiled splendidly equipped and prancing horses. Troubles nearer home action could be taken. This settled.

The Sikh artillery from the other bank made good play. The battle is named not of course after the cantonment. almost a town. He knew well enough which was the formidable enemy. All were repulsed. But the tribal valour was not spent. only through the presence and personal exhortations of Ranjit Singh himself at the head of the survivors of his Gurkhas and his of bodyguard . Their reinforcements occupied some other hillocks a mile further west. The battle began to go against the Sikhs. without crossing. was slain. and three attempts were made by the rallying Sikhs to carry the key-position at Pir Sabak. and the Sikh horse could make no impression on tribal footmen. but. For the reason that its main fury raged round Pir Sabak hill. The wild leader of the Amritsar fanatics. upon the main road some three miles east of the present Nowshera Cantonment. The Maharaja detached a small force to the right (south) river- bank to hold Azem in check and act as escort for his guns which he kept mobile upon the main road. Phula Singh. which took square and fired steadily at the advancing hordes. His main forces. which did not then exist. running at this point right upon the river-bank. and had taken the measure of the Durrani and his troops. known to Pathans as Tarakai and to the British soldier as the Marble Rocks. of Naukhar. but after the old village. Clouds of Yusufzai and Khatak warriors fell with the utmost gallantry on the drilled Sikh infantry and broke it up. Thus the Durrani regulars under Azem were separated by the broad and deep Landai River from the massed levies of the tribesmen. he deployed against the tribes whose standards waved on Pir Sabak hill and on the Tarakai hillocks behind it. At the fourth effort the hill was carried. upon the Landai River's north (left) bank. An exultant tribal advance was then stayed on one flank by a single Gurkha battalion of the Maharaja's army. The battle opened with a furious handto-hand struggle between the tribal Ghazis and the Sikh Akalis. distrustful of his influence over the tribal militia on the other bank. The levies retired again among the rocky hillocks. and the advance was checked. took post. Azem with his Kabul troops had by now advanced along the main road from Peshawar.296 THE PATHANS the present Risalpur. advantageously posted among the rocks of the hillocks that here strew the plain. both horse and foot. it is also sometimes referred to by that name. and doubting the fidelity of his brothers.

dil. That evening he retreated. and no valid excuse has been offered for army behaviour. died shortly after the battle. or alternatively that his men were overcome by the shouts of the Akalis on the northern bank. Mehrdil and Rahmheld Kandahar. the Saddozai. He battered down the Bala Hissar fair palace within. He had scarcely even been his engaged in the battle. Despite the slaughter. the British agent at his court. and the day was Ranjit Singh's. Dost Muhammad ceeded to Azem's position in Kabul. the eldest Sultan Muhammad. the next morning the tribesmen rallied and declared their readiness to resume the struggle under their Pirzada. with his regard for. of whom there is much to tell. Afridi or Khatak is anxious to rely on the word of a Muhammadzai Sardar. His record in this fight lives after him: no Yusufzai. Later. still exercised a precarious five other brothers. and his unwearied efforts to attain his aim. Their exclamations were attributed to the arrival of fresh reinforce- ments. that of his disciplined troops it was the Gurkhas alone In who had stood firm under the assaults of the tribesmen. Ranjit admitted to Colonel Wade. The tribes hardly knew the evil Saddozais.AHMAD SHAH BRELWI AND THE SIKHS 297 horse. the free Afridi or Yusufzai. authority. and confidence in. Sherdil. Nine years later. broken in heart but without a wound. But Azem had gone. With Yar Muhammad were three others. Azem. With Azem expired all show of unanimity between the twenty sucsurviving brothers of the Painda Khel. Alexander Burnes heard in Peshawar that he feared for his treasure. and his son Kamran. Shah Shuja. After the battle Ranjit Singh advanced to Peshawar. and they were without countenance or support. The measure of tribal losses on this occasion can be taken by any visitor to the vast graveyards south of the Tarakai hillocks near Nowshera. the meantime Azem on the other bank had been inactive. Ghalji dozai Mahmud. In Herat the Sada of sons mother. has left a sweeter memory. Purdil. A group of Kohandil. and Yar Muhammad in Peshawar. where fourteen years earlier and plundering and sacked the . These bear witness to a sacrifice that is still remembered. where his stood. operated from the southern bank. Mahmud and his son. He did not seek to cross the river or even to neutralize the effect of the Sikh artillery. Akbar. slaying as he went. for it is doubtful if he will be there on the day. who did not pass their way.

Between the murder of Fateh Khan in 1818 and the Nowshera battle of 1823. But once more Chora proved too close to the main road for safety. He accepted Yar Muhammad's tender of submission and went south. peach. The poor struction of early British times. The present stucco is a substitute for sandstone and marble. and the original is said to have been a smaller version of the great Badshahi Masjid in Lahore. In the first years . the Afridis in the Khaibar hills. Shah Shuja made one of his restless attempts to for himself an honoured regain his throne. a proceeding thence north. plum. with Ranjit Singh had now succeeded in bringing Peshawar. apricot and pear. Bannu and the Derajat under his nominal sway. only to be forced out by Azem's residence pressure on the Haidarabad chiefs. He must have felt the hatred blowing up around him. At the outset Azem gave this was withdrawn. He cut the of the garden of Shah Leman cypresses and muddied the basins his below the Fort. Hm again at Ludhiana. the the Sikh Rule the Sikhashahi glory of Peshawar. to have been disseems the of bat Khan. and Shuja tried his fortunes tobut support. The name of and is a synonym for misgovernment oppression in the mouths the mosque of MahaEven this to of teachers and children day. thoughts repose at least to Peshawar. and back went the wanderer to Sind. These held for a while and. or his but in Ludhiana. and is clearly a recon- mantled.THE PATHANS 298 Shah Shuja had received Elphinstone so regally. but the complete reduction of this new province was never effected by the Sikhs. In 1816 he had secured still wandered to Kabul. That Peshawar contains no architectural monuments of any value due mainly to the devastations of 1 823 But Ranjit did not stay. By 1821 he was in is . the chief mosque city. Kohat. he again reoccupied Peshawar for few with took time the third and for out driven but was refuge days. where he resided for a year. and he discounted the British notion that he some hope of had sought asylum. and allowed cavalry to ravage the square miles of delicious orchards. neat enough but commonplace. even where he had succeeded in obtainof his ing the submission of Durrani governors. 5 building was erected by Aurangzeb's governor about 1670. Ranjit's forces were continually stretched in arduous warfare against the tribes. wards Sind and Dera Ghazi Khan.




occupation he was not even able to establish order in the cisIndus tract stretching north-east from Attock and embracing
what is now the lower portion of the Hazara district. In 1824,
only a year after the Battle of Nowshera, the Yusufzai and other
sections on both banks of the Indus above Attock rose in insurrection under the leadership of Sayyid Akbar Shah, their Pirzada.
This was the man who had been the chief organizer of the
tribal resistance at Pir Sabak in the previous year. He belonged to
that well-known family of Sayyids, whose ancestor, Sayyid AH
Tarmezi, known to all the Yusufzai country as Pir Baba, gave his


to the holiest shrine in

all this tribal territory. 6




Shah, was recognized by the later
Mughals as a leader of influence in Swat and Buner, and received
a command and a jagir in Hazara to support it. This Akbar Shah
dant of Pir Baba, Sayyid

The name and fame of this family is woven
tapestry of events on the Swat-Buner border,
from Ranjit's time right down into the twentieth century; they
organized resistance to the Sikhs and later to the British, became

his grandson.

the patrons of the Mujahidin colony
the so-called Hindustani
and from time to time made their influence felt as


political leaders

over the whole area from the

borders of Dir to Pakhli in Hazara. Sayyid Akbar's great-nephew,
Sayyid Abdul Jabbar Shah, is still living, with headquarters at
Sitana on the Indus. 7 Mindful of the family tradition, he has himself been a chief actor on the stage of tribal politics in Swat and
Buner. The family is one which in a remarkable degree and over
several generations has


a capacity to

combine the


of thinker and man of action, a combination that is able to command Pathan respect.
On the Sikh side was Hari Singh Nalwa, the ideal Sikh soldier,
rough but dependable, gallant and genuine, and the most dashing
of all Ranjit's generals. Ranjit had left him with the difficult and
dangerous Peshawar command when he himself went back in 1 8 23
to Lahore.
Sayyid Akbar's fort at Sitana was sited opposite Torbela, a few
miles above the point where the Indus issues at long last from its
mountain cradle and spills out in many channels between the
Chachh and the flat lands of Swabi where Babur hunted the
rhinoceros. The Utmanzai section of the Mandanr Yusufzais held
then, and hold still, lands on both banks of the river, and under



Sayyid Akbar's leadership had been active In raising the levies
which had so nearly defeated the Sikh regulars at Pir Sabak. Hari
Singh, finding the military effort of holding the trans-Indus territory too great a strain in face of the bitter hostility of the


tion, concentrated

on the subjugation of

the Pathan

and other

of lower Hazara. His communications were in constant
from the Mashwanis, a hamsaya tribe of the Yusufzais who live in
the fastnesses of the Gandghar Mountain above Torbela. To control them and their nominal overlords, the Yusufzais of
he constructed a fort near the present
Haripur, which still bears
his name. Sitana, barely fifteen miles from
Haripur, but protected
by the river, was able to hold out and became the nodal centre of
tribal resistance. Hari
Singh attacked the tribesmen at Nara at the
received a decided check, suffering heavy
casualties and being himself wounded.
Lying disabled on the hillside, he was only able to get back to Haripur by
appealing to the
chivalry of a Yusufzai who admired his courage. This brought
Ranjit Singh by forced marches to his frontier, with the object of

rooting out the Sayyid's headquarters at Sitana. He failed. The
Indus at that point was too
deep and rapid for an army to cross,
and he had to content himself with a second demonstration of his
to force a
passage, by swimming his cavalry across near
the Pihur ferry in a very
gallant operation under his French commander, General Allard. Thence he proceeded on a round march


through Topi and Kotha, returning to Attock by way of Jahan8
gira. His display of power was scarcely rewarded by Yar Muhammad's renewed protestations of
allegiance from Peshawar.
This fighting brought to birth a new
menace, a gathering
enthusiasm. There arose one of those
strange and formidable
insurrections among the Pathans which from time to time
across the Frontier mountains like a forest
fire, carrying all before
them. As on a previous occasion there followed a
reaction, but
the fire is not
wholly put out. It continues to smoulder dully until
a fresh wind blows.

In some respects this new movement is
reminiscent of the
Roshaniyya of the Emperor Akbar's time. Both brought a new
interpretation of Islam, both depended on the
message of a
reformer who was also an
in arms, both
met with initial success but ended with the
death, or (as his followers would have it) the
of the founder. But there




are great differences. Bayazid Ansari had fought the Mughal
orthodox Sunnis of
power; the Mughals were, nominally at least,
the Hanafi school, and it followed that on its religious side his

message could be, and was, represented as heresy. (The Emperor
Akbar's own unorthodoxy, his Din Ilahi, is not in point here; it
but his statemight have inclined him to sympathy with Bayazid,
craft forbade, and on this voyage

The reformer who now


arose was contending against
and he was able to rally the

the new-established Sikh power,
oppressed against the tyrant


who was

represented as an

form of puritanical
unbelieving idolator. He preached an extreme
But by many,
zealotism, by his critics regarded
orthodox, he has been
including among them some
pious believe, is sent
accepted as a true mujaddid, one who,


once in a century to reinterpret the Faith and guide the

on the path of righteousness.
The name of this mujaddid was Sayyid Ahmad Shah. He is not
to be confused with Sayyid Akbar Shah, already mentioned,

though their stories are
born at Bareli, 9 and for

closely woven. Ahmad was
that reason the chroniclers refer to

a Hindustani


we know, was a descendant
as Ahmad Brelwi; Sayyid Akbar,
of Pir Baba
among the Yusufzai for
been a follower of the
many years. Sayyid

a leader of mercenaries in the campaigns
Central India
against the freebooters in
waged by
known as the Pindaris. He lost his employment when Amir
Khan's force was broken up at the end of the campaign, and Amir
Khan was recognized as Chief of Tonk 10 in Rajputana. He went to
a band
Delhi, where his religious zeal and piety quickly attracted
of devoted followers, including a number of the learned. He set


Amir Khan,

on the doctrine of the unity of God, and, denouncof worship then prehe
regarded as the corrupt forms
without reference
great emphasis

to the interpretations of the fathers. Many of the educated followed
his exhortahim, while among the humbler folk, the story runs,
efficacious that even the Delhi tailors were moved
return remnants of cloth to their employers.
for all underwas
preached as the proper beginning
to Calcutta in 1822 for the purpose
takings, and Ahmad's journey
of embarkation was one of triumph. He was absent four years in


were so




Arabia, and on return to Delhi called
in a war against unbelievers.

In 1826 he


on the faithful to follow him

out from Delhi, and, after a stay at the



Amir Khan at Tonk, 11 went by way of Sind to
Kandahar. Receiving no encouragement from Kohandil and the

his old master

other Painda Khel brothers then in possession, he
northward through Ghalji country till he reached Peshawar in
1827. There he seems to have been upset by the equivocations of
Yar Muhammad Khan, the Painda Khel Barakzai governor, who
had twice declared his allegiance to Ranjit Singh. But he found


of revolt

fiercely in the

Yusufzai plains and
and the Samah to
Malik in the
Khan, leading
Khudu Khel hills north of Swabi. Here he founded the colony of


and made





across the Landai River

puritan zealots which later came to be called the Mujahidin,
known to English writers as the Hindustani Fanatics.



which commanded Ahmad's




doubt. His detractors say that, when in Arabia, he had become a
strict Wahhabi of the Hanbali School of the
Sunnah, while his
admirers claim for him that, as a Hanafi, he remained
to what

orthodoxy in these


The novelty of

his message, these

claim, consisted only in the reinterpretation expected of a true
mujaddid. The argument is for the schoolmen and cannot be
resolved. But, whatever the
doctrine, it is clear that Ahmad's

preaching fell on fertile ground. Tribes who boasted they had
never within memory yielded more than a nominal and
submission even to Mughal or Durrani had
defeat in open battle at the hands of unbelievers. It was too much
to be borne. Not without
justice the tribesmen attributed their
check to the supineness of the Barakzai chiefs with their Kabul

troops. Their resentment was raised to fever heat by the raids
and depredations of Hari Singh and the Sikh armies. A new message and a new leader were overdue. Sayyid Ahmad and his
Ghazis were hailed as deliverers and won an immediate and
enthusiastic response.

Animated by religious fervour and that notion of tribal
patriotism which demands the
expulsion of the intruder, numerous
bands of ill-disciplined levies
gathered round the new leader from
all the
villages of Yusufzai and Khatak. Ahmad's Hindustani disciples,

now increased by

recruits to nearly 1,000

men, formed the

nucleus round which the


new army was

organized. In addition he
from the Barakzai chiefs at
Peshawar, who from being independent princes had been reduced
by Ranjit Singh to the position of tributary governors.
His first effort was directed against a strong force of Sikhs
which had been pushed forward to Akora under the command of
Budh Singh Sindhanwalia. The Sikh commander had prudently
entrenched a position near Shaidu, between Akora and Jahangira,
and succeeded in beating off the tumultuous assault of the tribesreceived secret,


uncertain, support

men, but with heavy losses including Budh Singh himself, who
was slain at the crisis of the battle. Ahmad claimed a victory, and
was able to extract an agreement from Yar Muhammad in Peshawar to respect the territories of the Yusufzai and exempt them
from revenue-raising forays. A year later (1829) the Sayyid accused the Peshawar governor of attempting to poison him, and
attacked Peshawar itself. Yar Muhammad was killed in the
assault, and, but for the accidental presence of a Sikh force under
the French general Ventura, Peshawar would not have been saved
for his younger brother, Sultan Muhammad Khan. True to type,
Ventura had come up to secure for Ranjit Singh a long-promised
mare of famous breed named Leila, the match of a horse of equal
renown named Kulhar, which the Maharaja had succeeded in
obtaining from the Barakzai brothers in Peshawar.
The Sikhs then withdrew east of the Indus.

Ahmad now

crossed the river into the Hazara hills, raising the
attacking a Sikh force under Hari Singh and
another French general, Allard. Here he was beaten off. Nothing
daunted, he recrossed the Indus and again attacked Peshawar; the
Barakzai was defeated, and late in the summer of 1830 Peshawar
was actually occupied for two months by Ahmad and his Ghazis.
At this point Ahmad seems to have given way tofolie de grandeur;
he claimed sovereign powers, and struck a coin in the name of
Ahmad the Just, Sword-glitterer, Defender of the Faith.
surprising to find Sayyid Ahmad so able to
upon the tribes, and more particularly upon the
warlike Yusufzai. He was after all a man from down-country,
what the Pathans a little contemptuously call a Hindko (the word


first sight, it is

means not a Hindu, but a Muslim from Hindustan, or even from
the Panjab). It seemed improbable that he would be taken up by
the wild hillmen of the Yusufzai, even if his creed appealed to the



Mandanr Yusufzai of the Samah. How did he make the contact?
He owed his position almost entirely to the good- will of Sayyid
Akbat of Sitana. Sayyid Akbar was not only a proved leader in
tribal warfare, but, more important, a Sayyid of the house of Pir
Baba, the Pirkhana of these tribes. This Hindustani had come
with a reputation for piety and zeal, and armed with the credentials
of four years' residence in the Hejaz. He must have impressed
Akbar with his sincerity. Akbar and he had no blood-relationship;
the fact that they were both Sayyids meant little, and in other circumstances might well have led to rivalry. That it did not do so is
greatly to both men's credit. The hatred of the Sikh terror, which
they shared, no doubt helped them to sink all jealousies and work
together for the common end. But there must have been some
quality that each

saw in the

other, a selflessness that binds

men in

a cause.

In a sense Akbar was the newcomer's patron. But it is clear
his descendants say that he, and a younger brother
Umar Shah, sank all pride of place, and were ready to enrol themselves under Ahmad's banner as his lieutenants. They were big

from what

enough to



their allegiance

their disciples with them.


He had come


and to bring

to deliver the oppressed
have seen in him a spark

from the new oppressor, and they must
of the divine. So they followed and were glad.
For a while the cause prospered. But jealousies crept in, not
between Akbar and Ahmad, but between the religious leaders and
the tribal chiefs. Self-interest overcame faith, and the imprudence
of Sayyid Ahmad gave umbrage to his tribal adherents. For the
expenses of the campaign he had levied the normal ushar or tithe
and at the outset this measure caused little dissatisfaction, for it
agreed with tribal notions of the dues of a religious leader. But

when Ahmad began to preach that all young women
able age should at once be wedded,


of marriage-

that the Yusufizai should

their custom, prevalent among the Khans, whereby
daughters and sisters were only disposed of to the wealthy in
return for large dowries, he cut across a peculiar maxim of the
tribe. The Yusufzai custom in this matter is still
notably strict,


some say for reasons of avarice, but more because a tribal marriage, in some sense hard for an outsider to comprehend, is seen
as exposing a family's sense of shame and
As we have

seen in Babur's case

the exception that proves the rule




Yusufzai will not usually marry his daughter or sister outside the
tribe, or even outside a very narrow sept within the tribe, and it

was the custom



tive husband's family.

a substantial

dowry from the prospec-

And when Ahmad was

accused, as many
say unjustly, of assigning maidens one by one to his needy Hindustani followers, the people were greatly incensed and made a

conspiracy against him. In November 1830 he was constrained to
relinquish Peshawar to Sultan Muhammad at a fixed tribute, and,

followed by the few and

faithful, he left for Hazara, where after
a few months' desultory warfare he was surprised by the Sikhs
and slain at Balakot at the bottom of the Kaghan Valley in May
This story has a macabre end. When he set out for Hazara,


left his deputies in most of the Yusufzai villages.
midst of the Yusufzai Samah stands the pineRising
crowned isolated hill of Karamar. It can be seen through the
great avenue of the Guides Mess garden at Mardan. It is a holy
place, and for that reason the summit remains tree-clad and it is a


sin for the faithful to cut the smallest branch.


night that

and on that signal every
put to death. In Yusufsingle
zai thirty years ago a village poet, Aman Akhund, composed a
a strange
ballad on this theme that I have heard recited
Ahmad from whom the tribes had turned away after they had reverenced him. But the company of Mujahidin whom he founded have
lingered on, and his own memory has been kept green by the
family of Pir Baba Sayyids who were his leading disciples upon
winter, a beacon blazed

this peak,

this border.

The story of Sayyid Ahmad's short ascendancy typifies like
that of Sher Shah and his successors the strength and weakness


leader appears, and unites tribal
of the Pathan tribal system.
sentiment in a surge of enthusiasm that carries all before it. For a
while internal jealousies are laid aside, and an enthusiastic loyalty
is forthcoming. Individuals are found ready to face death for a

cost. The idea of sacrifice is in the
of the wave bursts over the barrier, and the victory

and no one counts the



seems won. Then the leader gives way to vain-glory, the stimulus
which gave unity fails, envy and malice show their heads. The
to maintain the
effort, steady and sustained, which is needed



won proves to be beyond the tribal reach. The ground
won is lost, and the leader forfeits confidence and is discarded.


In days gone by Pathans were Kings of Hind
And still in deeds the Mughal they outdo,
But concord they know not, and they have sinned
Against God's unity, so come to rue:
Ah God! Grant them but concord, sweet refrain,

And old Khushhal will rise, a youth again! 12




have seen that on Yar Muhammad's death from


received in action against Sayyid

1829, his brother Sultan

Muhammad Khan




to the Chiefdom of Peshawar

and its dependencies. With him were
brothers, Pir Muhammad and Said Muthese
Painda Khel Barakzais came to be called
the Peshawar Sardars. It is convenient so to distinguish them
from Dost Muhammad Khan who had by now established undisputed control of Kabul in place of Azem, and also from the sons
of the Ghalji mother, Kohandil and the other 'Oils', in control of
Kandahar. These Peshawar Sardars are also later known as the
Musahiban family
the word musabib meaning an aide-de-camp
or courtier
and still later as the Yahya Khel, from Yahya Khan,
Sultan Muhammad's son. Sultan Muhammad is to be remembered
not only for the part he played on the Peshawar stage in Sikh
times, but for the fact that he is the ancestor of the present Afghan
royal family. Nadir Khan, the first of the now-ruling dynasty and
father of the present King of Afghanistan, was Sultan Muhammad's great-grandson. All the Peshawar and the Kandahar Sardars
were older than Dost Muhammad Khan, who had overtaken
them in securing control of the chief capital, Kabul, and had

two younger

thereby occasioned great jealousies among his elder brothers. The
Dost owed his success partly to the confidence which had been
reposed in him by Fateh Khan, and partly to the support of the


Qizilbash guards, the Dost's mother being a Qizilbash lady.
these advantages he built, but the strength of the structure lay in


firmness of purpose as

compared with

his brothers'


The Dost had endeavoured

to allay fraternal jealousy by carethe
title of Shah. He was content to
fully refraining
take his example from the Mangit Chiefs of Bukhara and to name



and pardifferently. They were
submission to which
not ready, save unwillingly, to
as de facto ruler of Kabul he was
Afghan memories are
influence on events
no means
long. This envy was by
a century later when Nadir Khan,
dant, succeeded to the throne

somewhat vaguely, Amir. But his
saw matters
ticularly those in Peshawar,


elder brothers,

The assessments made by English writers of the character and
attainments of Sultan Muhammad Khan are very various. The
first to know him, and admire him, was Alexander Burnes,
now appears on
Afghan stage
Burnes spent a month
through Peshawar on a journey to Bukhara.
in the 'winter capital' in the spring of 1832 as the guest of Sultan


Khan, and long passages of



Travels into

'Bokhara^ are devoted to the delights of Peshawar society, the
charms of the countryside, and praise of the jovial hospitality he

received from the chief and his brothers. He amused himself ty
the country, bearing the
having a new seal cut after the manner of
j>*i*. He chatters gaily of the
name of Sikandar Burnes


of being buried
beauty and freshness of the scenery in spring,
under nosegays of peach-blossom on a picnic, of the open, affable
manways of his hosts, of the simplicity and freedom of Afghan

and it is all good reading. But, compared with
is immature, he lacks balance and backBurnes
and observations indicate the destiny
that was awaiting his sanguine temperament. Of the ladies of
Peshawar he writes: "A veil covers the face, and many a lovely
ners generally

countenance is born to blush unseen




assassination follows sus-

the chief on his assi2es in a
picion/ and again, accompanying
*I felt my blood run cold as I looked at the mangled bodies
and heard the husband justifying the murder of her who had
borne him three children, nor was the summary justice of the
chief, who happened to be passing, the least remarkable part

the dismal scene.'

The words

are a premonition of the writer's




the fate that was in store for him. Six years went by, and Masson
tells us how, when this Sikandar was on embassage to the Dost at
Kabul, his revelries aroused the half-amused, half-angry con-

tempt of men who, remembering the name and fame of Elphin-




stone, expected an English envoy to comport himself with
dignity. In a city of dark jealousies this ekbi filled his house with
music and black-eyed damsels, unmindful of the shadows that a
few years back had clouded his gaiety in Peshawar. And to orgies
by night he added a false and cringing humility by day. In audience with the Dost he would assume an exaggerated
posture of
deference, joining hands together in obsequious attitudes and
addressing the Amir always as gbaribnawa^, cherisher of the poor.
As Gharib Nawaz Khan, Burnes came to be known in the bazaars
of the city. From servility he would turn to an angry petulance,
so that his hearers wondered how such a man could be of the
breed that then bestrode the world.
Sikandar Burnes never spoke with the authentic voice of his
country, and his pathfinding led but to an Afghan war. Yet in the
end even he was able to redeem the bill against him. For when the
death he had feared came upon him, a nasty death at the hands of
a mob which included his own cuckolds, he met it gallantly and
without flinching, as became a bigger and better man.
Like Babur, Sikandar paints pretty scenes. He speaks of his
elevation of mind as his party traversed the open plains between
Pirpiai and Pabbi on their approach to Peshawar; thyme and
violets perfumed the air, and the green sod and clover put him
in mind of a distant country. The orchards close to Peshawar had
by this time been destroyed by the ravaging Sikhs, but there were
pleasant places out by Naguman and in the Doaba. On the
Nauroz or New Year
about z^th March
he was bidden to
a party near Shabqadr, in a garden where all the trees were in
blossom. Pir Muhammad, the chief's younger brother, received the
guests under a bower of roses where carpets were spread and
the boughs shaken before the party sat down, covering them with
the variegated bloom of apricot and peach. There were performers
who chanted to the rabap 'in Pooshtoo and in Parsee', and the
children, rioting amid the confectionery, played at a
pitched battle with the flowers which they threw at each other



do not remember', says Sikandar, any place more
Peshawar at this season; the climate, gardens and
flowers delight the senses, and to all we have been so fortunate as
to add the hospitality of the people.'
Of Sultan Muhammad, the Chief, he writes: 'He is of rather tall
not the illiterate Afghan whom I
stature and dark complexion




and where Afghan-Sikh feeling was still bitter. he is a brave soldier. and sighed for some change that might relieve him from the disgrace of having his son a hostage in Lahore. and a Persian in the party declared that his country was quite independent of Russia. resist when George Lawrence.' Fifteen years later in with the Seiks. but with British Assistants to the Resident in Lahore acting as agents for control and pacification. residence at his . the founder of the Dogra dynasty. were left under return for a the Sikh Durbar.' And then the mild affability on the and turned 'the talk touch this Seiks. of Sooltan Muhammad delighted me. where he had spent most time the rest arrived of the last seven years as a State hostage. the Dost. and it re- quired some consideration to devise a plan for our extrication with credit. This was the when George Lawrence. The subject of the Russians was introduced. without seeing him. with a Resident at the Maharaja's court in Lahore. Kashmir had been handed over to Gulab Singh of Jammu. The remains of this pavilion very dilapidated condition. while the North-West Frontier dishad been a proximate cause of the First Sikh War which tricts. his but in a . in money payment. Nicholson and among the Pathans. The Chief with much good humour. Moreover the Chief was at enmity with his brother of Cabool. but as subordinate to the British government in India. He is a person more remarkable for his urbanity than his wisdom. but he But our transacts all his own business. Abbott. and elder brother of Henry and John.THE PATHANS 310 but an educated. unable to 1847. women and still exist. expected to find. . and wished to persuade us to pass through that a very modern city by stealth. Edwardes. came up to Peshawar after the First Sikh War. On reaching his post George Lawrence prevailed on the Sikh Durbar to permit Sultan Muhammad to return to Peshawar from Lahore. . house was not without inconvenience. remarked that their independence was something like his own glad to compromise. In Peshawar the Chief then occupied the Wazir Bagh which his eldest brother Fateh Khan had laid out during his Wazirate before 1818. and in it he built a fine summer-house where he settled his very large family. He spoke without reserve of Runjeet Sing. Between the two Sikh Wars the Sikh State continued to exist. he saw much of Sultan Muhammad Khan. well-bred gentleman whose open and affable manner made a lasting impression on me.

Moreover. It is not a pretty story. and to inject . affirming that there was nothing under the sun he would not do for the British who had government. he found the Chief as full as ever of professions. Chattar Singh. younger brothers at Peshawar caused Abbott to record in his Hazara diary that the Durranis were detested more than the Sikhs. he paid the Resident a long visit. was the liberation of the land from the cruel grasp of Ranjit Singh and the Sikh armies. When the Second Sikh War was brought on by the murders of Agnew and Anderson in Multan in April 1 848. and even perhaps to displace him on the Kabul throne. he was nothing if not urbane. It is not surprising that the tergiversations of this man and his all is fair. his action might have been excusable as that of a patriot. He thought the Sikhs held the winning cards and that his interests lay in playing up to them. as Burnes had noted. This.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS 31! Sultan Muhammad was profuse in his professions of devotion to Lawrence. When he reminded him of his offers. but found that. So it came about that when the British arrived after the First Sikh War. secured his release from captivity. not words. 4 For their part the Pathan tribes felt it to be impossible to detect any sense of national fervour or patriotism in a family which at that time was notorious for regarding its own short-term interests rather than the overriding need. the Dost. and George Lawrence set himself to understand Pathan mentality and objectives. He only panted for an opportunity to prove in deeds. The fact is that the Peshawar Sardars were entirely ready to go along with the Sikhs if by so doing they should be enabled to maintain a position independent of their younger half-brother. the renewed grant to himself of the Peshawar province. according to the maxim that in war But he was not. Had Sultan Muhammad been playing a hand for his own Afghan people. having incurred this obligation. he was expected to regard himself as a debtor and Sultan Muhammad kept away from him. the lady was not conducted to her destination. 3 Subsequently he entered into communication with the Sikh general in the north. and was instrumental in delivering George Lawrence into Sikh hands for a price. but brought back and handed over with her husband to the Sikhs. his gratitude. Lawrence had trusted the Chief to the extent of asking him to secure the safe-conduct of his wife and family from Peshawar to India. And in the end Sultan Muhammad himself went over to the Sikhs. as Sayyid Ahmad Shah had seen.

the Kabul of recovery ceded Peshawar and the Shah which alliance of formally by treaty the other districts in Sikh possession. this Chief. he thundered to his brother. together advances Persian the of one in until many 1832 the Shah to make caused the Skid from Amirs. had aroused new hope in the sanguine breast of Shah Shuja. The Sind Amirs. went up the Bolan proached towards Kandahar. the peculiar shape and contempt. British envoys. crossed the Indus. to defend the life of Shah Ahmad their swords upon the great taken had which refuge from the hounds even an accursed boar a measure of fair among their tents?' We must go back to 1832. as a counter. disliking the approach of as ready. At that time the strange state of affairs in Peshawar. By the spring of 1835 he was back again once more . ideas relevant covery of his throne. with an invitation with the Sikh's accordance in more definite a more proposal. Here he maintained himself for a few months. actually right between the Indus and the hills. he had to bite the hand professed to love. to accept the Shah as themselves expressed their titular Sovereign. In 1 8 3 3 he proceeded slowly districts towards Sind. and in return was assured of Sikh good-will in his new venture. merely kept on Herat. sign of trouble matter. and caused him to open negotiations with Ranjit for aid in the re- own ideas. proceeded at the first people. but was in due course brought to battle by the Dost and defeated in July 1834. and the other offered to waive his now designs. Muhammad's actions Sultan which Sikh War. that he to Peshawar. as he believed.THE PATHANS of government to dealing into the approach true a cynic in the sense. All this he was ready to surrender to in men and money for the Ranjit Singh in return for assistance followed in August 1833 a There throne. defeated the Sind Amirs at they had broken with him when he actually apShikarpur and. Though he too this in The Dost has the last word the Sikhs in the Second with to co-operate sought. as we shall see. So enamoured was Shah Shuja of this renewed opportunity to recover Kabul by way of Kandahar. But Ranjit had his in play with vain hopes Shah the he and to Peshawar. having secured his base. and also to give a quittance for the Koh-i-nur. and to give him passage towards Kandahar. 'Did you never had assumed aroused his disgust the Khugiani tribe drew 'that hear'. consequent on Sayyid Ahmad' s ascendancy.

The moment was very propitious. apprehending that the defeat of the Sikhs would mean that the Dost would keep Peshawar for himself. the impetuous Sikh general now became a household word in and around Peshawar. But the British government had not yet thought of interference in Afghan affairs. and to turn his suzerainty over Sultan Muhammad at Peshawar into an actual occupation.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS 313 with no gains to his account to offset the heavy loss of the formal surrender of Peshawar. where Ranjit Singh British crown. Sultan Muhammad and his brothers being compelled unwillingly to take refuge with the Dost in Kabul. Ranjit was not slow to take advantage of his new treaty. was not in a position to afford aid to his half-brothers. and. and evaded a direct reply to the Dost's solicitations. Hitherto known mainly as a daring cavalry leader along the Indus and in Hazara. The annexation by the Sikhs of the city which had been Timur's Shuja's winter capital was a bitter blow to Afghan pride. The Dost and Ranjit were thus left to their own means. and Peshawar. had resolved to insure against a possible success by Shah Shuja. to Ludhiana as a student and an unofficial envoy. with whom Sultan Muhammad had taken refuge on the occupation of Peshawar by Hari Singh. having gone south to meet Shah Shuja before Kandahar. Rdghe Han Singh Hari Singh is here was the bogey called up by distraught Khalil and Mohmand mothers to quieten fractious children. and at one moment before he had succeeded in defeating Shah Shuja before Kanhe actually tendered his submission as a dependant of the dahar and Having surmounted the contest with Shah Shuja. the son of Jabbar Khan. Hari Singh became the first Sikh governor. He at Ludhiana. . He began by detaching him from the Dost. As we know. he asked the British government to assist him in recovering Peshawar. Dost Muhammad came down as far as Jamrud at the eastern mouth of the Khaibar. which up to this time had been held by the Peshawar Sardars as tributaries. A large Sikh force under Hari Singh's command advanced from Khairabad. listened to what Ranjit had to say. Sultan Muhammad was jealous of his younger brother. Ranjit knew his man. even had he wished to do so. and his man was Sultan Muhammad. and sent his favourite nephew. was formally annexed to the Sikh dominions in May 1834. for the Dost. The Dost's first reaction was to grasp at British aid. the Peshawar Sardars.

THE PATHANS 314 he had himself concenkept him in play with pourparlers until the Amir was almost surnth On trated his forces. and even to be meditating an advance on Jalalabad after securing the difficult defiles of the Pass against the Afridis. Akbar arrived in the Khaibar in April 1837. The Afghan army attacked followed on the . and Ranjit had intended an attack on the following day. but. This favourable intro- duction secured for the crafty Sardar and his brothers considerable jagirs both in Peshawar and in Kohat. Hari Singh was known to be building a fort at Jamrud at the Khaibar entrance. he first tried a further approach to the British. On the Frontier his memory is bound up with the Battle of Jamrud. They did not. The Sikh gave Amir some hope of obtaining Peshawar. May. management was entrusted to Hari Singh. but in the event Sultan Muhammad was able to pose to Ranjit as their rescuer. a cautious man. just after Lawrence George reached Peshawar. the slayer of Sir William Macnaghten. He died in 1847. of leading others to for some horses think they had won his favour he overplayed his hand. The Dost thought it prudent to retire. rounded. plan he had to carry off the Sikh envoys miscarried if only because he had entrusted its execution to Sultan Muhammad. however. pass across the page of Frontier history. anxious though he was to recover Peshawar. Later he was to be the protagonist in the opposition to the British occupa- tion of Kabul. in which he gained a victory but was denied its fruits. and even to Ranjit. as usual. who had by now decided. the Dost's son. during all this temporizing. the British envoy. which he did with the loss of two guns and most of his prestige. Only at this point does Akbar. The British. The Dost. To this end he sent down his best troops under his eldest and the most thrusting son. 1835. and the captor of the British women and children after the disasters at Jagdalak. The Dost had hoped to use the envoys as hostages. was shrewd enough to surmise that the presentation of horses would be declared by Ranjit as consideration for the retention of Kabul and not for the acquisition of the winter capital. Akbar Khan. as A firmly as was in him. obtain the reversion of the province itself. The Dost decided he must fight. he thought. but when he asked a sure way. were evasive. to join Ranjit Singh. and the battle last day of that month. its civil and military The disgrace of this retreat rankled in the Dost's mind. Moreover.

like a battleship guarding the eastern entry to the Khaibar. He fell. while the Afghan army engaged his centre. set the example by working with his own hands on the construction of the fort at Jamrud which still stands. During the withdrawal the Sikh commander emulating his master at Nowshera fourteen years before. now ailing. elder brother of the Gulab Singh who subsequently ruled as Maharaja of Kashmir. but threw the supporting Sikh troops from Peshawar into disarray. He Mahabat Khan mosque. while he himself. feigned a draw his enemy further into the plains and 5 ravines. hurrying forward with the flower of the Sikh army. occupied as residence of Gorkshrines the Hindu around erected be to he caused which hatri within the city wall. he filled the Peshawar to vindicate his position Valley with his troops. But the field. which put up a stubborn resistance. As on one of his European whose rough judgments and sum- Peshawar the Maharaja's choice fell recalled in the stories told in the hujras 'Abutabela' his name is associated in the local still he is chiefly execrated for his habit of legend with gibbets. After a few days' plundering of the villages. Dhian Singh. in command and in the forefront as always.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS 315 the Jamrud fort. retreat in order to away from the The place of his death is still known as Burj Hari Singh the tower of Hari Singh. but the end of the Sikhashahi was not shed tears when he heard of yet. Akbar too displayed great gallantry and claim a dash. He could with justice or to master unable he was Peshawar. Hari Singh was dead. The tale goes that Ranjit Singh the fall of the only genuine Sikh chief of his creation. Dhian Singh. and trials from the minars of the hanging the convicts of his summary a new fort. much as then erected. the Italian Avitabile. and where he was visited afterwards by . the Afghans were compelled to withdraw once more to Jalalabad. and particularly of Shaikhan on the Bara road. Hari Singh. which enabled Afridi and Mallagori tribesmen to harass his flanks. mortally wounded. As successor to Hari in the difficult governorate of generals. and captured two Sikh guns. striving to hearten them in the difficult operation. mary methods are round the city. was everywhere amid his retiring and rallying forces. Determined on the Frontier. pushed up as far as Rohtas and sent his Dogra favourite. near the spot where now stands the Islamia College and the University of Peshawar. They were unable to carry the fort itself. victory in even the Jamrud fort.

before any of these plans Ranjit Singh died in June his death. it became the residence of stations. The British had assembled in Firozpur by the by way of the Bolan and Quetta destined to force the Khaibar left force end of 1838. by Wade Colonel was force accompanied by by Peshawar. not based on war or feudalism but on new ways that had been learned in the century which succeeded to the Sikhashahi.THE PATHANS 316 many Englishmen on their way to and from Kabul in the course of the First Afghan War. plan was for Shah Shuja and route favourite his taking Kandawith the former. the vital spirit of his With fruition. and for their ultimate successors Muslim state. and dominated by was the Sikh power which brought to an end long centuries of invasion from the north-west. These are of badshahgardi outside Pathan story. save in so far as they arose out of. In later times the dignity of the Gorkthe Assistant hatri was diminished. protege of as the British representative. adventures. are beyond the scope of this book. Although it guile. and was even of considerable significance as affecting the courses and been results of the two wars between the British and Ranjifs successors . and the Sikh to march The Lahore in January 1839. while provided by Ranjit to Kabul route direct the pany Shuja's son. The policies which led to the First Afghan War. or were influenced by. It has never courses which it with sufficiently stressed that the desire to possess Peshawar. But they are notable as furnishing a leading nurtured in force and example of the fate that overtakes a regime followed a series one man's pre-eminence. and particularly of Peshawar. was the real cause of this war. to could be brought in domestic itself contentions. and the changes brought of Afghanistan the invasion for force Ranjit Singh. it was left to others to build where to found a they had ravaged. the fair lands surrounding it. and there to consume race began of palace convulsions beside which even the the Durranis pales into insignificance. following to accomwas force the har on the way. Shahzada Timur. 6 of 1839. by the of an who has written expedition and its interesting diary his. the pull of the Frontier regions. and the followed. The latter a Shahamat and Ali. the city police Police Superintendent in charge of With the Battle of Jamrud we approach the period of the First about by the death of Afghan War.

her outposts in Central 1828 she had forced Persia to cede in of Turkmenchay the Treaty barrier against Russian Transcaucasia. As Russia Asia were moving slowly south. claimant was turned to deal with the Saddozai winter capital. thought each of them to accredit to tive of the commercial empire. medieval the side on the Russian the restless Kingdoms of the Durnearer home. while before Kandahar. tween the Caspian the for chieftains mastery of Kazak other and Sari with Kine 8 2 had demonnorthern Turkistan. Seas.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS which followed it. into the Caspian expansion beyond southward bemove to had Russia begun Ranjit's death (1839) to contend of east Aral. The unfulfilled 317 ambi- tions of that time are to be accounted as a potent cause of the Afghan irredentism of the present day. It was quite and from the events between the battles of reports of Burnes. and Bannu. Alexander Burnes' travels in 1 3 there lay only Asia Russian and India British strated that between Khiva and of amirates Bukhara. Ranjit for his part had shown in no uncertain manner what value he himself set on its possession. hailed be should between the contestants which negotiate a peace evident from the honourable as by both parties. and. but Peshawar itself. the The Dost had then resorted to arms to regain tile he had won a Pyrrhic victory but failed to occupy the key point. By sion. the Govranis and the Sikhs. the representathing then. not only those east of the Indus could claim no racial affinity. from the Afghans their fairest proRanjit Singh had wrested where the Kabul rulers vinces. Aral and and. it seemed imperative to endeavour and honest broker between Afghan and Sikh. already act the to ernor-General's summer retreat. fer- of Afghan and Pathan gardens inhabited by proud peoples unseat the Peshawar to stock. He had taken the opportunity Kabul ruler's back the Sardars. and eliminated her as a At the time of Turkistan. The first . was their near relations. half-brothers of the Dost. Kokand. with an uneasy the from recovered Napoleonic invatier on the Sutlej. Peshawar city. of contention Nowshera and Jamrud (1823-3 ?). We can go even further. that the real bone claimed by tracts fertile was the Peshawar Valley and those other inhabited as but by the Durranis not only as their fairest jewels. The new factor in this situation since the time of Elphinstone was that the British Government was now firmly established as fronthe paramount power in the sub-continent. From Calcutta and Simla.

he was at that time inclined to be convinced. borne out by Masson. for instance. could do the same with the Dost. was sufficiently conversant with Pathan thought to realize that the Yusufzais. self-seeking Durrani. and. to Kabul was anxiBut Lord Auckland. ment by weighting the Peshawar scale in favour of the Durrani. despised the Durrani almost as much as they hated the Sikh. nor it may be added Burnes himself. Burnes' Indian alter ego. and in the writings of a contemporary observer in Afghanistan. Governor-General since 1836 the and ous to be fair. There is also some suggestion. his predilections led him to seize upon Auckland's admission and to encourage Dost Muhammad in his pretensions to Peshawar. 8 Burnes' own feelings and the Dost's hopes founded on them. Neither he. revealing of Durrani character. An interesting footnote. In the scale of respect. So Auckland. believing in what would now be called self-determination. is added to this suggestion by Mohan Lai's comment that the the province to his brother Amir believed the would be more surrender of prejudicial to his . Sikh above the fickle. indeed. And when Burnes reached Kabul to offer the British Government's mediation.THE PATHANS 318 the agent or envoy each was most likely to hear and to respect. brutal. The wishes of Ranjit could no doubt be ascertained by Captain he who was later to accompany Shahzada Timur Claude Wade while Captain Alexander Burnes. that there existed some afterthought for the reversion of Peshawar to Sultan Muhammad rather than to the Dost. 7 sordid page in our history. In brief his advice was that the Peshawar city and province be taken from the Sikhs and handed to Dost Muhammad. lacking knowledge of the real determinants in his search for self-deterrendered Wade's mission to Ranjit impossible of fulfilmination. they put the downright. He had been impressed by youth sanguine temperament of Burnes. and reinforced by Munshi Mohan Lai. No doubt Sikandar Burnes remembered the pleasant parties and the posies in the Peshawar of six years earlier. who had told him that Peshawar was not a place to which the Dost could be expected to resign all claim. From his vantage point behind the scenes in Kabul Masson takes all the trappings off and lays bare the real motives and meaning of this Masson. who had written so charmingly and with such sympathy of the Afghans in his recently published Travels into Bokhara. are clear enough. What then happened is adequately described in Burnes' own correspondence.

Hangu and all places dependent on Khaiber Pass. and all the 'Suddozies' to Kashmir. Ranjit Singh and Shah Shuja at Simla on 25th June. Ranjit was near and powerful.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS 319 by the Sikhs. Peshawar as far as the . Hashtnagar. He could hardly be displaced in favour of a mere vassal So the negotiations broke down. This throne. Auckland agreed. with the approbation of. The honest broker had failed. This would not do at all. so resolving the Peshawar impasse. and in concert with. and all over Peshawar. Bannu. Gurang. signed by the policy Governor-General. What then? Auckknd was piqued. the British Government'. Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk. with the British Government added as a sort of kindly aunt. Kalabagh and Khushhalgarh their dependent districts. Attock. Hazara. Peshawar with the 'Eusufzaee' territory. Dera Ismail Khan and Dera Ghazi Khan and (under different names). It reaffirmed the bilateral treaty between Ranjit and the Shah of five years earlier. There was one Durrani at least. Chachh. it is true. not of the then ruling clan. This Durrani had even gone so far as to embody the cession in a treaty he had concluded in 1833 with Ranjit Singh. should be set up once more upon the Kabul throne. and in possession after all. the 'Vuzeeree' ter11 10 9 with ritory. 1838. Michni. Khabbal. In desperation Burnes advised as &pis aller that this Durrani. his heirs and successors. who had shown willingness to cede Peshawar and all the districts between the Indus and the hills. Under Article I the Shah surrendered all claim and title on the part of himself. So much for Durrani were not bad judges. the Khataks. No matter that he belonged to a discarded dynasty. no man who would bargain like a good Whig and man of commercial instinct? There was. It was in this manner that the need for agreement as to the possession of Peshawar and the Frontier regions impelled the British Government to adopt a policy whereby Shah interests than its retention patriotism: the tribes Shuja would sit again as a dependent prince upon his ancestral and the Frontier districts of his desire. Ranjit keep in was the embodied Tripartite Treaty. was there no man among these quarrelsome princes who could display a larger view. 'the three Kutches' of Upper Sind. This remarkable document was entitled a "Treaty of Alliance and Friendship between Maharaja Runjeet Singh and Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk. Amb with its dependencies. Daur-Tank. Kohat.

The remaining articles of this treaty are more for amusement The Shah was to send fifty-five horses of color and pleasaunt paces' to the Maharaja. As for the British Government. The Shah solemnly bound himself than for interest. the killing of the two envoys. and the Upper Sind districts on the road to the Bolan Pass. who would "approved send fifty-five shawls in return. the occupation of Kabul. the subsequent disasters of the 1841 retreat. and he did .THE PATHANS 320 also the province of Multan. which requires the Maharaja to station an of 5.000 men. It also includes Dera Ghazi Khan and the Isa Khel sub-division of Mianwali west of the Indus. There is one invoked. And on no account was the slaughter of kine to take place when the armies of the two States were encamped in the same place. save as the genial well-wisher and mediator between two outwardly agreeing parties. portions of the Panjab. in return for a promise by the Maharaja to pack and send to the Shah fifty-five loads of the best Bara rice. After more than one failure by others. within army the limits of the Peshawar territory to support the Shah when the British and Sikh Governments in concert should deem it necessary. Of all the extraordinary questions that arise against those who planned the First Afghan War not the least pertinent is that of the responsibility for The which led Auckland to engage English beyond his frontiers on the strength of a treaty the advice soldiers 500 miles such as this. c to despatch the famous sardas. There is no engagement of which the British were entitled article. the Shah Shuja. Pollock forced the Khaibar Pass in April 1842. or musk-melons of Kabul by way of the Cabool River to Peshawur'. the reoccupation of Kabul all these are outside this 1842 by General Pollock story. to be made up of his Muslim troops. murder of the long-suffering Shuja by his own subjects near the Kabul later in early in the following year. it scarcely figures in this document of eighteen articles. Mac- restoration of naghten and Burnes. later to claim the fulfilment on their own and undivided right. Except for Kashmir and Multan of list names this Durrani of the of course once parts Empire covers very comprehensively the trans-Indus Districts and cis- Indus Hazara (together with the Chachh and Attock) of Curzon's North-West Frontier Province. events of the campaign. except for one interesting point. peculiar to Peshawar.

. for decades. his readiness to defend The failure of the restoration policy. It is not that these mountains are everywhere barren.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS 32! by adopting a form of tactics then new to military science a column on Asia. not worth occupation. their own tactics. than Swat or the continued political freedom of the uplands of Waziristan. applied them to the movements of his troops. Pathan the of But the hungry myth ground. as they say. Even Tirah and adjoining Waziristan contain within their limits valleys first-rate pasturage for valuable flocks. now in process of ruination by reason of the stoppage of the Kashmir timber trade. The tribal belt is mainly owing to the love of liberty of the tribesman. and in their recesses splendid soft-wood forests. or the unirrigated portions of the Derajat. as a fighter on it. the tribal This. that he became successful. more smiling or of greater fertility than Swat. the march through the defiles of a mountainous it was only a mention. few granaries producing as fine a crop of wheat as the Bajaur and the Upper Mohmand lands. The instinctive against those who had caught in it tactical reaction of the Pathan tribesman. that is a misconception. and his capacity dies hard. is one a to been has never belt of the tribal lasting subjected portion administration by any of the empires whose armies have traversed the main routes leading through these mountains. not even Kashmir. are far poorer. The tactics of outflanking and the crowning of heights come as second nature to these tribesmen. coupled with the difficulty of the country and so reasons main the of large a why passion for liberty. this is the stock-in-trade of a familiar romance. for the Afridis still remember the occasion. far more barren. looking down on the fertile hungry below him plains . namely the picketing of flank hills to protect It deserves terrain. widely published and utterly untrue. his own and the death of Shah . fighting in his has been remarked by every commander who own hills. 'The Pathan. The Khatak hills between Teri and Shakarall administered darra. and when Pollock adopted. One who once watched a party of Mahsuds surprised in an encampment thirty years ago has related how at once they rushed to higher points of vantage and and turn the tables put themselves in a position to fight back them unprepared.'. in his barren hills. has been engaged against them. In fact there are no tracts in the northern mountains. .

without even conto cancel Shuja' s sulting his government. who was still at Kabul. caused the But its provisions have had a permanent effect. the very expression of the in due course to be went far to consolidate a factual it position made final by the advent to the Frontier of the English power. of course. No doubt he was influenced by Burnes. in favour of the Dost. and. impression these events. had palace convulsions at Lahore. the condate of Azem's defeat at Nowshera. to the the in 1841 temporary restoration of Shah Shuja effecting and surrendered had the Dost and of throne proceeded a Kabul. and his successors. The disasters to British arms and the violent deaths of Macnaghten and Burnes at the end of 1841. the new-gained throne of the Shah secure. For it afforded of the Sikh occupation of Peshawar and diplomatic endorsement and an other trans-Indus districts. was not not to return until 1843.THE PATHANS 322 annulment of the Tripartite Treaty of 1838. Although the de jure four annulled was force effected years firmation of a transfer by transfer in the terms of a treaty later. Peshawar against the Sikh and the trans-Indus region had been lost to Kabul since 1823. having for them to maintain was hard been forgone by the Saddozai. while rebuking the proposal as hasty. together with the need to use Peshawar as the base for the assembly of forces to retrieve the position. so far as the British were concerned. Sir William Macnaghten. It acted as an influence on men's territory along with the Barakzai rulers of the which in the event lowed closely on minds Afghan precluded State from effectively preferring a claim which. seemed still inclined to toy with it. seemed to make the Sikhs of no account. which endured until. when the war was captive to India cast about the over English envoy. The role played by Peshawar in the power politics of the time ^ When the British had succeeded in 1840yet concluded. for means of making no part of this story. Shuja. the British annexed the trans-Indus the Panjab. so creating an atmosphere folwhich Sikh the after Wars. But it was well known to the Lahore Durbar that Burnes had wished to dismember their kingdom. put an end to such notions. In fact. Macnaghten proposed at an end. but events moved too fast. while Macnaghten entertained similar plans in favour of Shah Shuja. and the know- . Peshawar and the other territories ceded to the Sikhs under The bring the sway of the very monarch who had renounced them. Calcutta. and to the to declare Tripartite Treaty engagements.



had insured himself with the Sikhs by surrendering George Lawrence. Kashmir and the northern Ranjit's kingdom was reduced hill territories going to the Dogra chief Gulab Singh. rather than the Sikh. or in the Resident. first den. In April 1848 the killing of Agnew and Anderson in Multan of that war. The Dost decided that the occasion was ripe for action which should not only present the Sikhs. with an Agent to the Governor-General. Lahore. Nicholson. Edwardes. for the region had not yet been included in British India. busy in with a fait accompli. as we have seen. Sultan Muhammad. But there is yet one event to relate on this Frontier before in the Second Sikh War the Sikh temporal power goes down. as had already the Jullundur Doab. By every and process of reasoning they believed themselves threatened. at the capital. be to was they resorted to war. The Amir arrived in Peshawar in December 1848. After much thought gave the signal for the outbreak the Dost. mindful of Hari Singh conthe at contempt for Afghan claims and pretensions. The main body of the Sikh territory around Lahore and Multan remained as a Sikh State. Their story falls in the British. opposing the British on their eastern front. The First Sikh War ended with Sobraon in February 1846. and was back in his old seat. Once more. to arrive viction that the British Government were intriguing with an enemy they had once defeated to encircle and to weaken them. period. and at least in nominal subordination to the Sikh Durbar. . LumsEnglish names. now five years back on the Kabul throne. In a very real sense it led to the Sikh Wars. in size. Lawrence. once for half-brothers tiresome but at the same time remove his Sikh seek to were all from a position in which they always ready comand benefit own their secure aid and connivance in order to took fort. It is at this point that. while the British occupied the Jullundur Doab between the Sutlej and the Beas Rivers. well-known those Sikh two the between brief two-year gap Wars. They were assistants to the British envoy at Lahore. Abbott. determined to seize the occasion and make yet one further bid for the control of Peshawar. but in subordination to the British Government.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS 323 and his ledge caused the Sikh army. appear upon direct administrators. and overran the country south of the possession of the Fort. at first not were men These the Frontier. the lure of Peshawar reckoned as a cause which demanded the arbitrament of violence.

And. himself had died in 1847 Akbar grandson. after he had secured control. To taking to co-operate with friends at Srikot in Mashwani his with Abbott. the Durrani had exploited them. up which they galloped. on the consciousness of the British Government itself. and. Vale of They were the last Afghan troops to be seen in the Peshawar. and the desire of the expanding British power to counteract it. the Derajat. then in sanctuary in a letter 12 that announced he the recesses of the Gandghar hill. Moreover. while dangling Singh an underwar in the him against the English. He left Yusufzai untouched. He himself. to after appointing as governor his escape his clutches. as the histories tell us. After the battle the Dost and his cavalry were hotly pursued over the Salt Range hills. He was to carry his aid of Sikh arms further. over the Indus and across the Peshawar plain. events. he would be happy tp mediator between the English and the Sikhs. Chattar Singh. for in the event he went so far as to send a strong force of cavalry which fought on the Sikh side at the Battle of Gujrat. and act as Hazara. and led directly to the intervention of the Afghan Amir in the Second. His half-brothers were go further south to ready. as they unroll.THE PATHANS 324 Landai River. into the very mouth of the Khaibar Pass. the son of Akbar Sikh the revolted went on to general. indeed the Peshawar Sardars in particular had more than once sold them to the Sikh in order to gather their own tribute and to secure . if necessary. of the Frontier themselves. who were not consulted. The advance of Russia across Central Asia. sent packing to Kohat. this bone of contention was also in some sense a cause of the First Sikh War. past Margalla and Hasan Abdal. losing a few stragglers. through that channelling. In the upshot the Frontier districts fell to the British as the successors of the Sikhs. disclose that the people Whether Saddozai or Barakzai. the grand strategy behind the First Afghan War. may have been. were inclined to echo Abbott's comment that the Durrani was detested by the tribes no less than the Sikh. he had come to take possession of Peshawar. By join the Sikhs from themselves occupying Khairabad he prevented them to the Chachh confined and proceeding across the Indus Chattar before bank and Attock. at which Sikh resistance was finally broken. on the whole. But there can be no doubt that the name of the fair city and incentive working on the province of Peshawar was the local minds of both Sikhs and Durranis.

as far whether in Peshawar. Neither Saddozai nor Barakzai had let Peshawar go without a struggle. and other villages close to Peshawar still value the title as an hereditary distinction. Arbab. and that precariously. there is to be found. A number of families in Tahkal. in these events of the first half of as the hill-skirts. Bannu. . the valley and certain other parts of the North-West Frontier plains were the fairest Durrani provinces. was then known as Yaghistan the land of rebels the Sikhs conducted through Pathan middlemen. a lord the word is one also used for God was a title of dignity in use at the Durrani. even if they cared nothing for the exploiting Barakzai brothers. and in its special designation was applied to the hereditary chieftains of the plains tribes near the Khaibar Pass. of whom the best known are the Khalil and Mohmand Arbabs around Peshawar. Equally. The Sikhs made no attempt to occupy the hill territories. or even to conduct direct relations with their inhabitants. Kohat. are ready and anxious to exploit changing political conditions to win back an ancient love. The Pakhtunistan theme of modern days must be seen against this background to be understood. including the territorial limits of administration. Direct political relations with the hill-tribesmen. Buner. and the fixing of a frontier with the ruler of Kabul. The incursions of Shah Shuja and the Dost had brought the tribes no advantage. are stories which belong to the British period. Landi. Many of the tribesmen. the historical background to the eager irredentism of the present Kabul government. They never entered Swat. or the DeraSuch relations as they found necessary with thehillmen of what jat. The Sikhashahi had extended only. the present rulers of Kabul.THE DOST AND THE PESHAWAR SARDARS 325 their position. It is not surprising that. had fought for the Saddozai. and probably the Mughal. their successors. Peshawar had been the Durrani winter capital. the nineteenth century on the Frontier. through whom the Durranis and Sikhs found it convenient to deal with the Afridis and others whose language and methods even the Durrani could not understand. Bajaur. The Musahiban family of Sultan Muhammad and his brothers had lived in Peshawar for many years and loved it. even after a century. the Kurram Valley or Waziristan. the plural of the Arabic word rabb. but only war and restlessness. has to be traced to its beginnings in the Sikh occupation of Peshawar. Yet much of what followed. Court.

and offered their former). first. and. the world price. opened to them a wider horizon. Yusufzai clearly cared for them. that or this of the than dynasty to the Kabul throne. The heroes of the Pathan struggle against the Sikhs are not the MuDurranis. Sayyid Ahmad and Sayyid Akbar Shah. his Sardar Daud Khan. They did not count the cost. and our grandfathers had come to deliver the oppressed from the allegiance.326 THE PATHANS But those who support that theme must also remember. To us he clutches of the Sikh tyrants. not Shah Shuja. Sayyid Akbar's descendant put it eloBrelwi came as a mujaddld (requently to me: 'Sayyid Ahmad flocked to him. fesses to speak have little reason to be thankful to his ancestors who went before. So. feckless. They are the leaders of those tribesmen. is reviving Premier. while it is true that the present Afghan an ancient claim. not the Dost. that in the century that passed from 1846 to 1947 the tribes had a destiny more worth while. but He himself had to pay the highest knows that the Sikhashahi also dis- appeared within fifteen years of the Sayyid's martyrdom/ . his life. least of all Sultan lived so long at Peshawar and Kohat. support whom the Durrani now profor that the very tribes secondly. and are the reckless. hammad. credentials as a claimant are unlikely to be honoured in the very quarter to which he appeals. and came who and Khatak tribesmen. although he within an ace of shattering Ranjit's French-trained battalions at Pir Sabak.

PART IV THE BRITISH PERIOD AND AFTER A. 1846-1957 (H.D. 1263-1377) .


at Shadi Bagiar. with its leavening of English regiments of the line. now issue the great double highway and the railroad that thread this most forbidding of all passes. the line of administration stopped like a tide almost at the first contour of rough country. There. and no further. or even to secure the main passages through the mountains such as the Khaibar Pass. as Gilbert's horsemen then saw it.. it was to become not only a corridor to Central Asia. But. limit of Sikh rule. so in Bannu and the Derajat. built to commemorate an association and an idea more lasting than any conceived by men who had passed that way before. the college of arts and sciences built against the background of the Tahtarra Mountain. the Sahibzada's 1 Well. that dark defile marked the and there they halted.CHAPTER XX THE PALADINS arrival of the British in Peshawar in 1849. the end also of Durrani rule. The north-western boundary of the new province was drawn along the foothills. was hailed with enthusiasm as a deliverance from the hated Sikhashahi. The vanguard of The the English army was led by Sir John Gilbert. but to him who passes eastward a vesti- bule to the Dar-ul-Ulum of the Frontier. Behind them came Gough's army of the East India Company. as far as the line where the uncertain Sikhs had claimed conquest and revenue. on the heels of the Dost's cavalry. and did not draw rein until the last of the Durrani horsemen had passed Jamrud and was seen galloping into the jaws of the Khaibar defile at Shadi Bagiar. to take over Peshawar and the other Frontier districts as part of the now annexed province of the Panjab. between the mountains and the Indus. It was the end of Sikh rule. the Takht-i-Sulaiman 329 . As in the Peshawar Valley. where Gilbert halted his squadrons. The spot is marked by a solitary arch and a well. The gateway of the Khaibar henceforward would admit influences more enriching than any bestowed by the passage of armies or marauders on the prowl. No attempt was then made to advance into the highlands.

The five northern trans-Indus districts from Peshawar to Dera Ghazi. who. har.THE PATHANS 330 of the Daman. fixed on the old Sikh limits. Peshawar. associated with the name of John Jacob. as it were. and Pathan tribes gave way to the the of a Sind had become part Company's dominion in the 1842the First 844 period before the Sikh wars. Baluch highlands For the first thirty-odd years after annexation it was managed under an energetic system of close-border counter-raiding. unnaturally believing the British star to be had Charles Sir resisted Napier's demands for a treaty and setting. not Sind Amirs. Between the Indus and the high-tide. by which led to hostilities with the in Kabul disasters The into Afghanistan. The administered border. a cliff untrodden. the British formed four districts from north to south. bordering on the Baluch country. And it was not long Valley to touch the Kurram enforce on the Adam Khel Afridis to before they were compelled the short lateral route of only forty the right to passage along miles between Peshawar and Kohat. became the Frontier Districts of the new Panjab province and were . did the new rulers penetrate into the low Khatak hills. divides the settled districts from the tribal areas. and stood. and it was not until much later (1876-80) that it was vitalized by Sandeman's penetration of the Brahuiunder arrangement with the Khan of Kalat. through the famous Darrah. also stopping short on the tidal linewherethesands of the Kachhi lap againstthegreatbayin the southern Sulaiman Mountains on the road to Quetta and KandaBaluch and the Brahui. above the lowlands the inlets into the mountain masses provided by the Kurram. the central one of Kohat. and still lower down the Upper Sind districts. Tochi and Gumal Rivers remained forbidden territory. and Dera Ismail Khan. so it is now. drawn across the map of Central Asia. Only in one district. It is like a Highland Line. But the Sind border was placed under the Bombay government. Hazara. as it was then. There was also Dera Ghazi Khan further to the south. together with one cis-Indus district in the far north. of battles at the resistance a after to annexation submit to gallant Miani and Haidarabad. Kohat. and edge forward along the Miranzai River at Thai. and. really as a result of Kabul to communication of lines the when lay Afghan War 1 Shah Shuja had marched through Sukkur and the Bolan. Otherwise British rule stopped short at the first shadow of the hills. 2 Bannu. speaking generally. founder of Jacobabad.

The Panjab was what was in those days known as a nonregulation province. A Lahore and. equally with all others.THE PALADINS organized in two Commissionerships. except that the Governor-General. Meanwhile its principles held blood-feud within the good. there was no particular concession or endeavour made to ease or adjust the rigours of administrative machinery to fit the notions of the wild Chief Court was set up in and war-like tribesmen of the north. the Pathans of the Frontier were expected to bring a society which sought redress through the smug formalisms of the British Indian law. They were a on easy wicket. and continued to absorb a few military officers up to the year 1900. the Panjab of 1849 was much the same as any other part of British India. the hatred of the Sikhs was accomtribes into this strait jacket panied by contempt for Durranis. The same principle of a mixed civil and military cadre was adopted for the Political Department. such as Sultan Muhammad . and they were hailed as deliverers. and his great Indian Penal Code was on the anvil and was due for issue in 1860. police. But in all matters of law. Lord Macaulay had by this time come and gone as the Government's law-maker. Moreover. Dalhousie. regulation took over from the Company. had selected for its service the officers whom he regarded as the cream of the men then available in India. 331 the Commissioner of Pesha- war and the Commissioner of the Derajat. The had more extensive criminal powers than in a and later. As elsewhere in the each district became the Panjab. which took over the administration of the North-West Frontier Province when in 1 901 the Frontier districts were set up by Curzon as a separate administration. but the distinction came to mean very little. charge of a Deputy Commissioner. later known as the Political Service. with everything in the comparatively playing beginning in their favour. public works. revenue. and all other details of administration. while as for procedure an English legalism was held to be and above reproach. criminal and civil. when after the Mutiny the Crown province. This mixed cadre was known as the Panjab Commission. the superior officer cadre of the District officer province was not confined to officers of the Indian Civil Service but included a number of military officers seconded to civil employ. They succeeded to a regime held by every Pathan in utter loathing and detestation. Fortunately for the British name the men chosen to bring the all-sufficient were no narrow pedants.

James Abbott these four have left a fame that was still remembered by the people heard from their grandthirty years ago. mortally wounded in the assault on the Kashmir Gate. and on one side the assassin struck. and in one case. on the other the avenger. He was called the Lion of the Punjaub'. the Dalhousie had. Herbert Edwardes. there were wild men and fanatics. proud carriage of the head. the men over whom they were set to rule. more particularly irruption into Peshawar improved was when he joined the Sikh armies and ignominiously hunted up of officers sent up by band chosen the Khaibar Pass. The voices of his contemporaries reveal a veneration which places their hero in the rank of the demi-gods.THE PATHANS 332 who had for their own conhad the Dost's temporary Nor game. All Mackeson. the Making every allowance for the easy weather at the start. household words. Next. proclaimed the dedicated man. Englishmen and Pathans looked each other between the eyes. and here was the trump-card as Elphinstone had divined. Khan and the other Peshawar venience played the Sikh Sardars his stock. an Ulsterman. a pale. Of these men Nicholson. the respect. died at thirty-four. survived. of band a indeed were of these splendid early days Englishmen became them of of some names the era the Victorian In brothers. Lastly. They themselves stand forth as devotees of the cult he is said to have inspired. Old men would tell stories fathers and fathers. and knew. and there they found a man. and later to lament his death. I met an ancient Malik who had talked with Abbott. Frederick John all passed for heroes in their day. which led to the storm of the key city of Delhi in the bitter fighting of 1857. black. already tried their hand out in dealing with Pathans between the two Sikh wars. Nicholson. to be related. A commanding figure and presence. . a step vigorous firm. and it was said of him that a sect of 'Nikalsainis' had gathered in Hazara to worship him as their guru. a schoolboy hero who fell in his moment of triumph. His friends. is the one who most struck the popular imagination of his own countrymen at the time. spade-like beard. But the pledge held. one and all. the affection. Herbert Edwardes and John Becher. a high. stern face with dark imperic ous eyes and great. a look half sorrowful and and He scarcely relaxing to a smile. Sometimes the pledge they made was broken. For years he vied with Nelson and Wolfe for first place as the darling of the gods. and were known by.

men who could issue a challenge and respond to a lead. and discovered it belonged to John Nicholson. when Roberts was stationed at Peshawar.THE PALADINS mourned 333 of flowing Victorian hyperbole his death in terms as a grand and glorious piece of handiwork. men who worship influence: daring when it commands success. Roberts spent a day or two surveying the hill and searching for water in the neighbourhood. so he was in the habit of return- ing each evening to the plain below. Roberts proceeds: 4 'His was a name to conjure with in the Puninjaub. It was not safe to remain on the top at night. Nicholson impressed me more profoundly than any man I had ever met before. . as a sanatorium for British soldiers. the result of his having passed so much of his life amongst the wild and lawless tribesmen. . His appearance was distinguished and commanding. Yet to my mind John Nichol- . . having been transferred from Bannu. only lately arrived in Peshawar. and had of observing more closely his splendid qualities and admiration. simple mind. a meteor whose course flashed through a stormy sky. before the outbreak of the Mutiny. 3 in the Khatak range south of Peshawar Valley. But the most telling tribute is that paid by Roberts. On one occasion he found a camp had risen up during his absence. with a sense of power about him which to my mind was . In 1857. . however. for Afridi marauders were close. coming from a man himself accounted heroic. him was immeasurably strengthened served as his staff officer. he was ordered to report on the suitability of the hilltop of Cherat. could He had deed. I might have thought that the feelings with which he inspired me were to some extent the result of my imagination. the Deputy Commissioner. I have never seen anyone like him. or have ever met since. excited by the astonishing stories I had heard of his power and influence: my . himself enrolled in the nation's list of great commanders. Had I never seen Nicholson again. a few weeks later. Roberts had put his finger on the secret of much of Nicholson's he owed it to his intercourse with proud tribesmen who by their own manliness had called forth the man in him. He was the beau ideal of a soldier and a gentleman.' Fine words. I opportunities the workings of his grand. a difficult and troublesome district ruled by him as it had never been ruled before. where his tent was pitched. I had heard it mentioned with an amount of respect no awe which other name excite. who invited him to come over and dine. for when.

in a garden 200 yards from the Kashmir Gate of Delhi. But the most striking city wall where monument is an obelisk erected in 1868 in a cleft of the Margalla 7 sixteen miles north-west of Rawalpindi. but he was more human. he temper like a devil unchained. angry in his tent. The snows of Ghuznee attest his youthful fortitude. carved out of the rock. more officer. of us Achilles. but terrible to those who crossed him. remembered in Bannu and Hasan Abdal 5 his people. government as in arms. head proudly erect. of father the as not from Wah Hayat Khan. and was Commissioner in Peshawar with Nicholson as his Deputy. He had something of Nicholson's panache. and true he was. entrance to the Frontier country. he arrogant to inspire an easy Imperious even to reasonable conaffection. the telling of the great man's exploits. eyes gazing steadfastly towards the breach in the 6 the hero met his death. Herbert Edwardes was Nicholson's friend and his superior Edwardes had preceded Nicholson at Bannu. that repels.THE PATHANS 334 has about him something son. . The songs of the Punjaub his manly deeds. fountain the to water-supply The most touching memorial is the tablet which still stands in the little church at Bannu: mind and body. and can be seen from a twenty miles' distance on either side. This was the scene of a gallant exploit of Nicholson's when commanding levies in the field in 1848 in the Second Sikh War. The enemies of his country know How terrible he was in battle. On the road below is booli. his friends. The against Chattar Singh early obelisk stands well on a hillock in the defile. how gentle. had failed. or drinking fountain. with all his splendour and heroism. came ardent and will of indomitable energy. Gifted in He was Love to brilliant in recall And we. and the true Pass. hand on sword. generous. with an inscription When last I saw the spot. One is a fine statue in bronze. just but as a chieftain He is indeed. There are many memorials to John Nicholson up and down India and Pakistan. The peace of this Frontier his strong rule. he was hardly ready to submit a had trol He never married. an air that reminds too was and intolerant. above both railway and Grand Trunk Road which thread it. his orderly.

he was notable for weaknesses. Sowan Khan Edwardes calls him Swahn Khan. We never hear from Nicholson appealed to him. and he loved a jest. where he first came. he turned Like Nicholson. to secure the from among consent and good-will of the governed. but to the year 1 847when 1 848. gallantry. Herbert Edwardes was a big man. Partly population living in forts. if than that of the paladin who served under him. the new pioneers sought to arrive at settlements with the people. The Pathan he most admired in Bannu was the Sperkai Ahmadzai Wazir. There. In Bannu.1849 P eriod w^en the Panjab had been taken over as a British Indian province. With his good-fellowship.THE PALADINS accessible. he was a man. to do what and tribes Pathan the Sikhs could never do. but most of he was able when the the trusted himself liked and by people. and founded the famous college in that city which bears his name and upholds his memory. win the confidence of and fair dealing into the administration. walking as noted were in-arm along Piccadilly. Viz- . a compression of his contemporary These relate not to the post. tion. Second Sikh War broke out to raise an army from the Bannu his presence and his region and march upon Multan. He 335 has written it all down in his diaries. Unlike his friend. who and heroes make uncomfortable companions. less extravagant. assisas Frontier Edwardes and others came to the North-West inimitable book. Unlike Nicholson. the lull between the stormy gusts of the two Sikh Wars. After the mid-Victorian tradimanner. contrasting as markedly as the rival towers of Merton and Magdalen. and all because he made by firmness. and never held the local headquarters of each district. and. to the Frontier. him the atmosphere was never strained. With Edwardes it is very different. The Sikhs tants to inject justice raised revenue but by sending armies to plunder. easy of approach and tolerant of other men's jolly And for that reason his memory remains greener. he was a deeply pious Christian in the evangelical missions Christian introduced he in he was when Peshawar. Resident in Lahore. heavily bearded and of commanding presence. while raising levies those very people as a force in reserve. a left he smiling countryside. he and Nicholson. partly by cajolery. Demi-gods of any individual Pathan are not like that. In this task Edwardes was he found a remarkably successful. 8 the Henry Lawrence. he was on furlough armheavy and thickset. by the scale.

during negotiations the Bannuchis course to the stronger Wazirs and The next day the Malik came to visit Edwardes again. a more splendid specimen of human nature in the rough I never saw. grappled that. He had on thick boots laced with thongs and rings. dumb and half redeemed by a pink loongee over his broad breast. Mullick Swarm Khan. but with a simple 'Salaam aleikoom' took his seat. and Vizeerees never tell lies. With his dirty cotton clothes. But you are to be on your honor as a Vizeeree! Swahn Khan hereupon stretched out his tremendous arm. 'Well. for in the case of anything occurring to excite hostility would immediately have remake them their sword-arm.THE PATHANS 336 eeree. you say it is justice that you should not pay. chief man the Vizeerees. While admitting that he had no intention of entering Waziristan to subject the tribes to administration. His diaries contain a delightful account of 9 his first meeting with this redoubtable Wazir chief. I will give you a sunnud of exemption. and hear both sides of the question. you are a Vizeeree. Edwardes proceeded to make it quite clear to Sowan Khan that Wazirs who occupied lands in the Bannu plain would have to pay revenue. and a rich dark shawl intertwined into locks that had never known a comb. among the neighbouring tribe of came into camp by invitation to see me. I will make you pay. with a head like a lion. Swahn Khan is just what one might picture the leader of such a ful chief. A very true picture of a Wazir malik. He is a power- country boasts that it has never paid tribute to any it in the but exacted sovereign. shape of plunder from all tribes alike. After you say it is justice that you should pay. and then tell you what I think of it. if and if ' . The Hindostanee servants were struck expected the earth to open. and if so they must pay to the Maharaja the same as the Bunnoochees do. He noted too that to win Wazir confidence would help him greatly in the settlement of the Bannu district. one of his most was to settle with the Wazir immigrants who had been encroaching on the Bannu oasis by virtue of their greater fortitude and superior armaments as compared with the Shitak Bannuchis of the plain. I told him I heard some of his countrymen had got hold of lands in Bunnoo. and his people: an enormous man. When difficult tasks the Englishman arrived in Bannu. I will come and see the lands. but listen to justice! What if we have bought the lands on agreement that we were to pay a round sum for them out and out. the seller to pay the revenue for ever?' Is that the case?' 'Am I a liar?* 'No. and trod my carpets like a lord. and a hand like a polar bear. So I will tell you how it shall be. He made no bow.

but affixed to the the spirit of the place has fled away. new one. Edwardes did not take over the Commissionership of Peshawar 1853. giving the wrong impression. and lets us into his own mind. never forgot this treatment. for a few days leave. and shook it till he nearly dislocated 337 my shoulder.' Then comes a touch. he had served on the Frontier all through the 1839-42 period of the First Afghan . how nobly it was deserved. today. and how useless I should have been without it. He who reads these pages to a close will see how much faith I have had occasion to place in the rudest and wildest of these people. for the the present house as the former residence of the claims inscription The great pioneers. 'Vizeeree manners!' he writes. It was he whose presence in our camp made us as secure in the winter pasture grounds of the Vizeerees as though we had been in the citadel of Lahore. Some ten years before the British left the some reformer pulled it down.' And c then he tells us what the secret is in dealing with Pathans. with fanlight windows and cool verandahs. * Agreed agreed: that is insof justice!' he roared. Mackeson was the oldest until and most experienced of the early British officers. white-washed. and built in its place less worthily. 10 Bunnoochee manners! Ursulla Khan begged to be allowed to sit on the carpet and contemplate me. At a later visit to a village named Michan Khan: I found myself locked in his giant arms and squeezed till I could have cried. It was a well-designed bungalow in mud-brick. as he had fallen in love with me! ^ C c The only way to take these things is philosophically. his predecessor having been Frederick Mackeson. assassinated by a fanatic in that year. who possessed all the virtues with few of the vices of a savage people. Swahn Khan asked. It bore a marble tablet recording that here Edwardes and Nicholson had lived. to go home and sleep with his wife. standing amid wide lawns. garden remains as beautiful as ever. The tablet from the old building has been preserved and Frontier. No offence is intended. which shows how well he understood the foibles of the men he dealt with. In his book Edwardes writes that this rude chief. shaded by great banyan trees.THE PALADINS my hand.' The house in which both Edwardes and Nicholson lived when they were together in Peshawar was still standing when I was in charge of that district in 1930-32.

Mackeson is scarcely mentioned. where the others were forgotten. also beloved of the Afridis. an obelisk among the great trees Bagh in the heart of the Peshawar cantonment. his stature. above that of any other Englishman who has been on the Peshawar border. when he had kept the Khaibar open and made among the Afridis. But his stands. But Mackeson' s name and fame rest the more securely in the hearts of the people whom he served. Abbott and the rest. brave to dare. or Jalalabad. the frontier was his post. and the future his field. On the dark page of the Afghan war the name of Mackeson shines brightly out. who regarded him a great as the finest name master of tactics in hill fighting they had ever known. No portrait of Mackeson has come down.' It is curious that in the writings of the brotherhood. Mackeson the Second. the look in his eye. are unknown to us today. and strong to do. He was cool to conceive. memorial pany of the Com- The inscripcomposed by Dalhousie tion is a fine and flowery piece of English. c himself. In the twenties and thirties of this century the name of Kishin Kaka was on men's lips in the village hujras around Pesha13 war. The defiles of the Khyber and the peaks of the .THE PATHANS 338 War. in every part of Peshawar. The Indian Army was proud of his noble presence in its ranks not without cause. Edwardes. wrote this of him: 11 'Wherever I have been. It was largely by adopting the tactical manoeuvres advised by Mackeson. unlike Nicholson. His untimely death occurred over forty-five years ago. the gallant Handyside was more than once described as Kishin Sani. his features. deeds and life of this man to have kept his memory still so fresh and dear to the people of the Khyber Range. such as the establishment of flank pickets moving column the Khaibar in on hilltops on either side of a in hill country. Unlike Edwardes. he did not belong to a brotherhood in which the glory of the individual was undoubtedly enhanced by the quite genuine esteem in which each was held by his peers. Mackeson left no written monument. Maybe he thought them a trifle flamboyant. the Khyber. Robert Warburton. But Warburton is right. so there must have been something in the character. the name of Mackeson (known as Kishin Kaka 12 by the elders) has been honoured and respected by all. Lawrence. that Pollock succeeded in forcing 18 42 . he was an older man and preferred to work in less dramatic ways.


w u Z w Q W <1 P W 8 C/5 Q i uffi H P ft W Q p .

changing little over the decades and even the To visit Srikot is to reverse the process undergone by Van Winkle. struggling up one of the glens on a stumbling will find horse there are no carriage-ways into Gandghar himself greeted by a fusillade. including the Yusufzais. There remains. Here these Mashwanis have preserved a picaresque Pathan life of their own. and surrounded by groups of tribesmen who look like marauders. true Pathans living in the Gandghar Mountain between the Indus and the Hazara Valley. The Hazara Yusufzais of Kalabhat and Torbela are true Pathans in blood. but most of these. . Death found him in front. the client tribe of Mashwanis who had so much troubled Hari Singh. have adopted the ways and language of the northern Panjab. The traveller. They are a lovable and a loyal folk. of the army. His work lay wholly in the cis-Indus district of Hazara. the chief place in those parts. Abbott was driven back to the Mashwani country. and with the help of his friends among that tribe was able to maintain his position until the battle of Gujrat had been won.' Abbott is the last of this famous quadrumvirate. strove to prevent the Sikh troops from Pakhli (the Mansehra district) from uniting with Chattar Singh. Abbottabad. . and to live again in the Pathan world of Babur's Rip centuries. with Nicholson's aid from the direction of Hasan Abdal. Jaduns. and the remnant of the Sikh armies finally sur- . Their centre is at a group of villages named Srikot. where the town of . Unconquered enemies felt safer when he fell. The loss of Colonel Mackeson's life would have dimmed a victory. The so-called 'Swatis' of Mansehra in the north are descendants of the older inhabitants of Swat driven across the Indus when the Pathans conquered Swat just before Babur's time. and Tarins. but their proximity to Panjabi tribes has caused them to lose their language and something of their Pakhtunwali. but are in fact pensioner subadars time. to lose him thus is a misfortune of the heaviest gloom for the Government which counted him among its bravest and best. tucked away in the recesses of this range of hills. but the Jaduns of Dhamtaur played him false and deserted in the field. however. The people of central and lower Hazara are some of them Pathans.THE PALADINS 339 Black Mountain alike witness his exploits. In this fastness James Abbott took refuge when Chattar Singh and the Dost occupied Peshawar and Lower Hazara in the first year of the Second Sikh War (1848). From this sanctuary Abbott. still bears his name.

but my people 'I fancy I might persuade the corps to return to its duty could I be personally present. which is at the foot of the Gundgurh mountain. my people would follow.) 'Chuttar Singh's camp is halted at Hurripoor within sight of my position. where the main glen leading to Srikot opens out. that if I staid and exposed my life for them. But they have no confidence in the plain against guns and cavalry. inspiring the once we of the Roberts prototype same sort of affection. leading his proud Mashwani north from levies. the best thing the government could think of for this leader of Frontiersmen was to the Gun Foundry at Ishapur near send him off on transfer to Calcutta. knew so well. I replied that I would not remain to be dishonoured by the cowardice of my followers (as had happened at Dhamtaur).' (Nara is at the foot of the Gandghar Mountain. bearded figures a and moustache His bristled. if anywhere. His it because did weather foul and fair. . dapper man. Nicholson and Edwardes. One and all implored me to remain. and I consented to remain.' 'At Nara. They they loved him. I may hope to be supported by Abbott's diaries are extant was most anxious to start myself for the assure me it would be mistaken for flight/ the mountaineers in a stand against the Sikh army. I expected them to stand by me to the death. 'I pass. four years later. still . held the Margalla Pass on the road leading which a roadblock compelled the Sikh Rawalpindi. imperious. On that occasion James Abbott. After 1849 Abbott became Hazara's first Deputy Commissioner until. put it to here or retire to some other place.THE PATHANS 340 rendered on the green sunlit plain of Rawalpindi on i4th March. regiment here to lead the way. James Abbott was a tiny. I trust my people will fulfil Had I a single their solemn promise of standing manfully. They all solemnly vowed that they would do so. and give the picture of the man. 1 849.' 'I assembled my people of the Gundgurh mountain and after reminding them that tion. and they have never forgotten. and acted as him sustained had Mashwanis unflinchingly in capitulation. close to Haripur. wiry and slight-built. This mountain is a haunted spot: it . of very different from the gigantic. pair of rather a of a hint between from out keen eyes looked whiskers. my presence in Huzaura was solely for their protec- would not remain an hour longer them whether I should make my seat and assuring them that I than they desired. .

This section of the Yusufzais also occupies two villages named Kaya and Khabbal on the Indus right bank. a well-remembered playground to the hundreds of British people who have sought solitude upon their fir-clad slopes. We swore we would. Warburton quotes the saying of a Hazara man half a century ago: 'Abbott Sahib was loved in the district. the least worthy of her sons/ He and his Mashwanis successfully held the Gandghar against all alarms and assaults.' My people my people.!. with bristly hair on his face and kind eyes. and more particularly of the twin summits Miranjani and Mokhspuri which stand sentinel over Nathiagali to the north. proof was afforded by his memories of the historic flood of the Indus in 14 at which time he was a youth of some fourteen summers. Among the people of Hazara he left a name which will not die. iS/j.' Qasim died two years later. and had gone on tour to Torbela under Gandghar on the Indus left bank. and we loved him. Gilbert reached Peshawar on 2ist March. . James Abbott not only founded the town that bears his name. And we did! He was our father. he was always thinking of and for his people. he was the discoverer of the Murree and Gali hills. so I asked the old man if he had met him. in the country of the Utmanzai Mandanrs. If I fall. and we were his children. but the story he told will live. He had just completed his hundredth year at the time. His heart was like a faquir's. He was simple. He was hardly any taller than me (old Qasim was not much more than five feet in height!). the loss to my country is one individual. "more than once. and there were tears in our eyes. 1849. 'Yes/ he said. He was a little man.THE PALADINS 341 has been carried but once and then by treachery. and a tear in Abbott Sahib's eye too. and at that time there was living a famous centenarian named Qasim Khan of Khabbal. wrote. brave. and I remember him well. I was in the jirga when he was asking us if we would stand and fight the Sikhs if he stood by us. There are no Angrez like Abbott Sahib now. and the old people reverence his memory even now. for a hundred years is as nothing in the folk-lore of Pathans. the phrase rings like a bell through all that he . Abbott arrived in Hazara in 1847 when Qasim Khan was twenty years old. . For a few months in 1927 1 was in charge of the Hazara district. wellbeloved. Ten days later .

written as to mid. show that the true unknown. was cause of malaria Thereafter. the tropical. the fixing of the blame two decades the success in desthe last in and on the mosquito. The cantonment at seasons has a certain beauty. which then included Rawalpindi and all the River. and George Lawrence. afterwards the first Deputy Lord Clyde and later famous as a commander in the Crimea and for the relief of Lucknow. troying climates in Peshawar in the year enjoys one of the most sparkling than are more months four other The world. mid-May The city of Peshawar remains much as it was in Elphinstone's all time. have that changed everything. Peshawar ague from the barracks to came which up crowding and 'the miasma miliand civil all around'. Sher Singh. ment. to bringing the Sikhashahi finally dominion the of along Company's tricts and Hazara became a part with the rest of the Panjab. where stands the Mackeson memorial. to the north-west of the city towards He crowded the troops. This is the reason why the other the raids of Afridis and all on the north-western perimeter are barracks and guardrooms For half a century Peshahouses. healthy. came up to take over the command of the Frontier region. into as small a more easily to protect the station from space as possible in order tribes. no description today could be better. who had been set free by few a days earlier. and around which. from then on to mid-September it is and perhaps only surpassed for discomfort by the climate of the Persian Gulf. Campbell. sweeps in easy curves through groves of fine trees shading the gardens of the houses on either side.THE PATHANS 242 and Dalhousie issued the proclamation dethroning Dulip Singh distrans-Indus the All an end. and even later. 16 It was Colin Campbell country as far down as the Jihlam cantonthe for who was laying out of the Peshawar responsible the Khaibar. India. but the heat is dry and burning and therefore not unboth hot and humid. known as the Mall. residential and interspersed with station in all unhealthiest the of war had the reputation being to overattributed was and was proverbial. The great main road through it. tary.July the temperatures are among the highest in the world. the marshy. The roads radiate from a central hub fixed at the old Company Bagh. irrigated country Reports. Colin Sir Commissioner. as any visitor . European and Company. was posted as Chattar Singh's son. From late as 1900. Mackeson was the first Commissioner 15 of Peshawar. For eight months plague.

But there is no Guide. banyans. And today. and it was to be as the eyes and ears of regular troops in the field. In 1846. Henry Lawrence as Resident entrusted to Harry Lumsden the raising of an irregular corps to which was given the name of the Guides. stil 1 calls up local associations not without an emotional value. Outside the bounds there lies a stately garden of spreading rich and lovely irrigated cultivation. . stand larger Brigade headquarters. and palms. part of which use as the in is still only two old buildings in the cantonment avenues and trees Many of the specimen will notice. with a garden 17 one of the house.THE PALADINS 343 and thicker clusters of more ancient trees. hemmed in always snow. where both cavalry and infantry remained until the exigencies of reorganization between the two great wars led to a decision to break an association that had lasted for some eighty years. The lateral roads forming of the Mall afford vistas of the nearer mountains. but this was the setting against the first-comers from our country bent to their work over which a hundred years ago. At the east end of the station stands a gracious government house on a knoll. violet-coloured. pines vivors of the famous garden of Ali Mardan Khan. looking out on a lawns. mentioned by Elphinstone. as khaki. coloured loose uniform which later. and at their most beautiful as the sun rises or sets. around the cricket-ground and the Company Bagh probably date from that time. as the Pathans call them. a few years later the corps moved to Mardan. became the fightland forces of the Commonwealth. even Mardan as his spiritual home. The pioneers. even as Elphinstone deribs to the spine by that glorious circle of jagged to the north float. rough made up of trustworthy local men to act parade. ing dress of the whole of the The first cadres were gathered in Peshawar at the end of 1846. even in midand peaks. had already seen that regular troops alone would not suffice to fill the bill. The force was to consist of both horsemen service and not for it was to be dressed for and The footmen. who arrived in Sikh times and before Colin Campbell. Following this the time-honoured scarlet was laid aside for the dustprinciple. beyond which again of everlasting dream-mountains the in clear summer weather. who does not regard the name of the Gad Paltan and Risala. scribed it. trees were smaller then. These great trunks are the surpipals. as soon as the First Sikh War was over.

to be not easily taken aback in a sudden emergency. Later. that a man who knew every and Lumsden. about all his exploits there was a touch of rough humour and justice. To be alert and ready. The historian of the regiment writes: 'Commanders of regiments come and go. and few leave their mark. What do you say?' Dilawar merely laughed and went off. path pass so intimately an offer to come in would be a useful Guide. to rise equal to the occasion. to such are the simple be a genial comrade and a good sportsman maxims left to his comrades by one of the finest soldiers who ever drew sword. but six weeks later walked calmly in. even of the courtesies of the highwayman.. too. On his head was a price. Harry Lumsden. He was the Robin Hood of that part of the border. was the first Assistant Commissioner of the Yusuf2ai country in Mardan. and said he would accept. but over the Guides the influence of Lumsden still burns bright and clear. when with luck you will get a commission. Lumsden. or enlist. without safe-conduct this time. When he came.' 18 Dilawar Khan was a Khatak of Jahangira. But the Guides cannot be passed by. But even that obstacle was got over. was in many ways quite as big a man as any of the early Frontier political officers of whom I have already made mention. and a great number of their first soldiers were drawn from the Yusufzais and Khataks who inhabit that part of the country. One evening. and I do not propose here to follow that treatment. and with much chaffing and good humour the bargain was struck. be the call small or great. one of the Khatak villages north of the Landai River filched from the Yusufzais by Khushhal Khan's family in the early seventeenth century. but on one condition that he did not have to learn the slow march. and it was Lumsden's duty to hunt him down. So he sent Dilawar on safe-conduct. their Commandant until 1 862. when he had reached the highest rank open to him Dilawar told Lumsden he had thought him the ? . they are of the warp and woof of the Frontier fabric. it occurred to sitting outside his tent and considering the reasons for his failure to catch Dilawar.THE PATHANS 344 Too many English books dealing with the Frontier confine themselves to a record of the countless forays and expeditions which pass for Frontier history during the century of British rule. and this the outlaw did. and as much fighting as a man can stomach. a pension in due course. Lumsden said in effect "Either go back and I'll catch you and then you'll hang.

men of action rather than men of thought and plan. One Nicholson. regular part name of Gad c Paltan' was one to conjure with in the Yusufzai country. insight and grace of Elphinstone. Later. yes and selves. Such weaknesses as they I attribute to the fact that to a man they were had as hood was something of governors soldiers before they were civil administrators.' to die in the snow of The Guides formed the nucleus of the civil forces raised after the Panjab Irregular Force 1849 and known subsequently as the Piffers. He had learned something more. good-fellowship. to walk off whence he came. in 1869. manly on. The Mehtar of Chitral of the time captured him and ordered that he be stoned to death. felt and heard of the they were set to rule. had as But such greatness they owed in part to the they whom they were dealing. faithful to his salt and happy in the occasion of his death. for he was suspected of apostasy. They lacked the subtler who had gone before them. George Lawrence. men over whom . Neverthedescribed did shine in his own way less. many years before that special included in the bounds of the then Indian Empire. the loyalty. all. And let him pass the word to Lumsden. in Kitchener's reorganization they became But right down to 1930 the Indian of the a Army. Edwardes. But he had greatest fool he ever came across. and they have all left names that are still remembered among Pathans. 'Dilawar Khaii of the Guides is dead. tell the Commissioner at Peshawar. But he got away. the Pathan that And let no one think despises a full man. Mackeson. every one of the men here the as a bright star through murk. clean. and he had stayed State was survey duty to Chitral.' he said. It that this story of our early dealings with the overfull of British paladins.THE PALADINS 345 only taken on to learn the tricks and ways of military life and had intended. themPathans half than more were Roberts and too. Abbott. he was sent on dealing. only the passes between Chitral and Bajaur. as soon as he learned these things. the meaning of straight. 'Go. with the people challenge put out by even the the the The manliness. what of reflections sense some in were they daily saw and heroism. wit. It is true that the brother- may seem Frontier is a mutual admiration society. For many years the Piffers served under the Panjab Lieutenant-Governor.

the new authority could run.CHAPTER XXI THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY We have seen what sort of men those pioneers were who. and no further. coming and going was con- least better liked and neither socially nor economically were the people to be seen as belonging to different strata. the Pathans of the hills. They had for instance of them revenue required payments and had in return built some tinual. in the neighbouring highlands there had never been control. the Pathans were from almost at least since every point of view. Secondly there was no exact limit. Yet at the time the tribal nexus was strong on both sides of the border. 346 . did they seek to establish out of chaos some sort a of equilibrium which. Durrani and even Sikh. they were at than the Sikhs. was no Mughal times. geographical. linguistic. Mughal. in a state of undiluted tribalism. It is true that previous administrations. crossed the Indus and set about the business of organizing a new frontier to new province in a central Asian land which had no real affinities with India. The fundamental problem lay in the fact that the British were attempting to deal with the Pathans of the plains according to the standards of an imported European-type administration. In the first place tradition of any really firm order even in the plains. and this was certainly not adequately appreciated at the time. and with what machinery. But that was a negative sentiment and could not be expected to endure for long. forty years after Elphinstone. At the very begin- ning there was one thing in the newcomers' favour. historical. had already inured the plains tribes to the duties and the benefits of civilized life as understood by those dynasties. How did they work? On what principles. while leaving their immediate neighbours. however delicately poised. would at least enable the sub-continent to the south to work out its destiny? The there conditions were extraordinarily difficult. ethnic. different even from the Muslims of the Panjab. Thirdly. such as that provided by a stable State up to which.

their revenue collectors. It should be understood that at the time of the British arrival the frontiers with the Afghan Kingdom of Dost Muhammad Khan were undetermined. each officer with the tribes on his own border. for example up to the end of the British period and the with dealt Peshawar of important Deputy Commissioner 1 Commissioner still powerful Mohmand tribe. their police and their their land lawyers. administration and all the rest. Beyond it was a administered the on as standing regarded belt of no-man's-land of unknown extent which acknowledged neither Kabul nor Calcutta as suzerain. 'Yaghistan' was common parlance not only with the British but with the Kabul also the Amir Abdurrahman uses it rulers of in his autobio- the frontier of India was graphy. Since no part of the trans-border territory had been this should be done by the Deputy occupied. and was commonly referred to as ghairilaqa (unadministered territory) or Yaghistan (the land of rebels). they came armed with laws and regulations which had not necessarily.THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY 347 roads. it was necessary that Commissioners. however much ethnic or incline its inhabitants to play in with the ties religious former. ance in might The Kabul name if not ruler himself in deed. the Kohat Deputy . The tribal territory beyond our border was regarded as enjoying at least a factual independence. And most difficult of all. But this was a very different pressure from that which came in with the British with all their paraphernalia of judges and magistrates' courts. in those days border. and sometimes claimed tribal allegimainan important point tained at least a semblance of authority on the main passages through the tribal territory. to establish authority in the trans-Indus districts. forts and even towns. as seen by the people. at least some machinery for dealing with the tribes beyond the border. The British in the beginning were of the Khaibar. any relevance whatever to the standards by which a Pathan society lived. This factual position made it necessary for the new British and in Hazara. At the beginning there were no regularly constituted Political Agencies. Even today this system has survived in certain sectors of the the Frontier. and the Upper Kurram Valley not in occupation remained under a vague Afghan rule. their appellate system. In other words. and there was no defined tribal belt between the high-tide line of administered territory at the foot of the hills and the Kingdom of Kabul.

This appalling tally was to a large extent the direct result of a too rigid adherence to the close-border policy. and on this model a considerable militia was raised and eventually named the Panjab Irregular Force. Swat and Buner. The nucleus of such a force already existed in the Guides. it was clearly necessary to build up a force which should be more mobile than regular soldiers and act under the civil authority. Originour officers conducted relations an d to this I will return ally with the trans-border tribesmen through intermediaries. and the military expedition into tribal territory as a punitive measure was the all-too-frequent panacea for tribal misbehaviour. who expected their visitors to talk Persian and were often too idle to go deep into tribal grievances. There were no less than eleven as its antennae military operations. in the twenty years succeeding the Mutiny (1857-77) an d twelve in the five years 1877-81. since also the gradual disarmament of the people in the districts was in accord with practice elsewhere and deemed to be the prerequisite of settled administration. Bannu with some of the Wazirs. or the Since the trans-border tribes were the most notorious raiders In the early days the Frontier Force operated behind a screen of so-called Border Police better known under a later Piffers. the Khans of Hangu who knew the Orakzais. who were always Khans or notables of border villages whose ancestors had for generations been brought into contact with the tribes of that are to be part of Yaghistan adjacent to their homes. indeed at certain times counter-raiding was a feature. rely on regular military support: the defence of the border was by no means always passive. and so on. armed to the teeth and were and plunderers in history. It was a system we had inherited from the Sikhs. ranking as expeditions. and many deals others. In case of serious trouble it could. who never attempted to speak the language of the Pathans. and honoured name as the Frontier Constabulary who acted and were not employed as policemen on the investigation or control of crime. it sprang from the refusal to attempt any sort of penetration of the territory . Mardan Afridis.THE PATHANS 348 with the Orakzais. Dera Ismail Khan with the Sheranis and Bhitannis. Examples of the Arbabs Mohmand and in the Khalil found villages close to Khans of the in the knew Peshawar who Hoti. the Nawab of Tank who knew the Mahsuds and had married a Mahsud wife. of course. and from the Durranis. and Sudhum who knew the Yusufzais of Dir.

or as tribal police. Subsequent increases were made to the . The object was to them from depredations on their more settled neighbours. one general clause declaring friendship and good-will. been represented as blackmail. During the first twenty years signed agreements were negotiated with every tribe up and down the Frontier and secured. but quite wrongly. and one guaranteeing an annual allowance contingent on good behaviour. as I shall show. The system has frequently. such as service in the army. In later years their importance faded. a surer grasp of which might have suggested the advantages of preventive measures in place of all these drastic purges. and. The most obvious of these were written agree- ments and allowances. and the general atmosphere of payment might would seem to promise a perpetual peace. in civil irregular corps. much larger economic benefits became available through other and more fruitful channels. no legal code was in and no writ ran. But. thumb impressions. were an important element in the system of management. in the early days at least. (if any). there were other causes. restrain ployment. or in recognition of some special service. as subjects but they actually receive money so runs the argument should inducements to behave! It is to be remembered that in those early days the tribes were in no sense subjects. on paper. The allowances are known as muwajib. The application of force by the army or civil power was the negative side of the coin. sometimes by threat of withdrawal of facilities for trade or em- force in their territories.THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY 349 across the border. the be made. their first ever so. Not only do these tribes not pay revenue. A typical agreement would contain a number of clauses. Jokes would pass. A good example is that of the Khaibar Afridis. These payments might be in the form of compensation for roads through their country. protection of communications a clause binding the tribe to deny sanctuary to outlaws. followed by a statement of the services required of the tribe such as the security of the border. and our administrators were not without positive ideas. control of raiders. and to it the maliks and elders of the tribe would affix their seals or. whose original allowances were granted in lieu of the tolls which the tribe itself formerly levied by force on all traffic through the pass. The agreement would be reached in open jirga. It was hardly good-will often enough. everything that the government needed. at others by payments.

commits or whole. The juxtaposition of the two societies. It follows from this principle that an aggrieved on whom he party can enforce his remedy against any tribesman can lay his hands. who tiiose and camps. the to little meant it that the sense in artificial people on either tribe all tribesmen enjoyed more or less close relations with and others in the district towns and villages.THE PATHANS rendered by Afridi allowances as rewards for the signal service and as the tribe in remaining staunch through World War I. while traders order to bring pressure for restitution. and every member of it. 'Baramta is a word of Central Asian Turki origin. such pressure was sometimes effective but slow. any member. and the value of the allowance system is a tribe with in dealing by government's comparative impotence not so subsidized. compensation for roads. railways all that never blackmail recognize have objected to muwajib as on conditional are good allowances. the more likely is restitution. animals or property belonging to side. The punitive expedition was by no means the only remedy for on the districts. in part or Such offences. That is the essence of tribal responsibility. the settled and the to . for whatever reason given. and there were both along the border line italways difficulties of enforcement. if the tribe breaks an agreement most effective weapons of retaliation upon suspension is one of the best shown a lawless tribe. Finally. is of its members. meaning the seizure of pera tribe or an individual at sons. in behaviour and liable to suspension. The baramta weapon works best when enforced against the tribal section actually responsible. or forfeiture. land. in depend on the ing feature is that the tribe as a whole. Apart from the controlling tribal depredation blockade (bandisff) and baramta. or which the aggressors actually belong. just as it and responsible for the misdeeds of any or advantage secured by benefit in to share are entitled any they. In any tribe with a living tribalism the outstand- fault. was there stoppage of allowances Blockade is a means of exerting economic pressure by excluding a from markets. between the people of the disAs trade. a system which admits the justice of baramta as an effective weapon for securing rights and claims. the smaller the section on which pressure can be brought. or grazing in the neighbouring district. of centres the in self and border was often administrative the those tricts and otgbairilaqa. All these systems existence in the tribal society of a communal sense of responsibility.

But while the a verbal noun carrying the approach according to Nanawatai of of the idea of Melin'. was the reception accorded to the outlaw from British justice who fled to the hills. Almost every tribal agreement includes an undertaking to refrain from the harbouring of outlaws from jus- tribal leaders were ready to purchase an end of measures penal by yielding this point in debate. guilty of a crime not justified by Pakhtu. is an extension This meaning 'coming in an extreme mastia. Muhammad Umar Khan of Shabqadr. in fact the underwas never carried out. until he shall grant the boon required. hospitality. In either case the police would be after him. and for a very simple reason. This. It is the greatest of affronts to a Pathan to carry off his guest. and his indignation will be directed not against the guest who quits him but to the person who pre- on him to leave. only a few miles away. would be brought into conflict with law as laid down Or indeed. a man he had often met when he came shopping in the Shabqadr bazaar and to . or dacoity. or partake of his hospitality. vails It was a problem which was never solved. hills where no police could go and where the stupid British writ did not run. The giving of hospitality to the guest is a national point of honour. In pursuance of his own ideas of Pathan honour. The taking denial of sanctuary is impossible for one who would observe Pakhtu. It would table lay a happen like this. such as deliberate murder without cause.THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY 35! tribal. or something like it. or across the fields. or in taking blood for blood. and arrive as a suppliant at the hujra of Malik Mushki in the Tarakzai country of the Mohmands. form. on every magistrate's list of fugitives from justice (mafrur oxfarari). stepped up to the highest a Under Nanawatai degree. and there he would see. expressed for example in killing the lover of his wife or sister. or robbery with violence. As his blood cooled. we will say. And that very night he would cross the border. a creature of contempt. it cannot be refused even to an enemy who makes an tice. The honour of the party solicited will incur a stain if he does not grant the favour asked. posed in an acute form the problem of securing the surrender of criminals. Umar might have been in the Indian Penal Code. the jagged outline of the hills rising from the plain. so much so that the reproach to an inhospitable man is that he is devoid of Pakhtu. Umar would look from his courtyard. person who has a favour to ask goes to the house or tent of the man on whom it depends and refuses to sit on his carpet.

with its lawyers and its appeals and European scale of crime values. one who lives in the tector will him perverted. The pronot give him up to a justice which in any case seems to expected to earn his keep. But not uncommonly he will do it by acting as a guide to raiding parties whom he conducts to harry his old haunts. all food found expenses. he must do something for it. At one time a system of conciliation jirgas was tried. Now Pathan hospitality. Umar will be parasites. shadow of his naik or protector. was hopelessly out of accord with Pathan sentiment. and even to kill his old enemies. but again it is in most cases contrary to Pakhtu to accept blood-money in final settlement of a feud. will not be extended he wishes to stay on. This he may do merely by performing menial tasks or cultivating land. If He becomes in fact a hamsaya. and he would hospitably entertained for a day no and or two. indeed. for ever to mere generous as it is. and the peace of the border is disturbed. the more advanced society. The rigidity of police and magistracy emphasized its .THE PATHANS 352 whom he had once done a small favour. or its rulers. During this time his story would come out. or by exercising some skill or other that he may happen to possess. The fact is that. The theory was sound enough. If the outlaw's crime had been merely in pursuit of the usual Pathan vendetta. a client. Unless. not only in the tribal territory but within the districts also. it was thought that a solution would be found by calling him in on safe-conduct to make a settlement by striking a balance of the blood-money due from both sides. Malik Mushki could not be tutn him away. short of extradition and that is impossible between for it must be mutual there is no final except equals. The tally rises against a tribe which harbours sufficient of such outlaws. are prepared to adjust the rigours of the law to the real ideas of the people and here we approach nearer to the root of the trouble. his naik^ belongs. The British judicial system. solution of the outlaw problem when an administered society living under a twentieth-century system of law lies side by side with a tribal society coming of the same stock and speaking the same language. both societies believing in the principle that the private vendetta is the only sound sanction. but if y Umar chooses to inject himself into the which Mushki. and failing their surrender there was in tribal organization to the old days nothing for it but blockade or military pressure.

in a criminal case. lastly. In 1872 a positive attempt was made to relax this inelasticity by the introduction of the Frontier Crimes Regulation. of disputes about accused. In such case the jirga did not mean all the maliks and elders of a whole tribe. were deemed to be unlikely to arrive at the facts of a case in the conditions of a Pathan society. many . It need scarcely be added that the Bar disliked the Regulation. The whole thing. Where it imposed sanctions or penalties not be no hesitation in evading it by absconding. resting upon the law of evidence and many procedural technicalities. where the law of evidence secured the acquittal of persons whom everybody knew to be guilty there would be contempt for processes regarded as fussy. There is no doubt that. where the law's subtleties opened the road to harassment of an enemy. there would giving false evidence or by realization dawned that the real remedy might lie within the districts. fourteen year's 2 imprisonment being the maximum penalty. with the help of this Regulation. niggling and even unjust. but a group of elders designated by the magistrate (and acceptable to both parties to a dispute) who were required to give a finding as to the guilt or innocence of the blood-feud. and the tendency was to use it only when the processes of the ordinary law. In other words the jirga was a sort of tribal jury. In a belated return to sanity the justified by custom. acting in conclave as a deliberative body. in the eyes of many. of the freer life on the other side of an arbitrary border. On the North-West Frontier the Regulation. was a garment that did not fit. for years. for naturally the professional lawyer was excluded from jirga proceedings. and it was expected to visit the place of the crime or dispute. or on the points at issue in a civil dispute. authorizing settlement by customary methods of quarrels arising out of the women. merely supplemented the action of the regular courts.THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY 353 the advantages. On conviction for murder the court could not sentence to death. and questions generally Pathan honour. and by its own methods and enquiries to state the facts and the solution. The law frequently outraged stronglyheld convictions. The affecting magistrates were given the power to withdraw such cases from the ordinary courts and submit them for arbitration by a jirga. as used in the districts. there would be many sly enough to misuse its technicalities. It wasnot bound by the law of evidence.

I believe the Regulation was a failure. whenever the parties were tribesmen. unless the crime had outraged both custom and the authority of the government. Thus in a criminal case penalties would ordinarily not exceed those imposed by custom. he would do everything he could to evade 'justice'. Let us suppose that A arises out of a blood-feud. and it fell between two stools. Among other things a host of perjured witnesses would be produced in his defence. he would proudly admit. The business of the jirga would then be to arrive. for. indeed claim. and that Shirin Khan has shot case and killed Anwar in revenge for the murder of Shirin's brother by Anwar's uncle. It became merely an easy means of punishing crime as from the State. if possible. But if result in his jirga. that is as a supplement and not as a substitute for British Indian law. but as the sole and substitute code. If Shirin were brought before the ordinary courts which administer a system of law repugnant and incomprehensible to him. to be applied when the ordinary process of law was expected to fail. A North-West Frontier after the forward policy had resulted in the imposition of a loose administration in certain tribal areas in the 'nineties. It failed to administer custom on the basis of local tradition. It was indeed in these new territories regarded mainly as a means of adjudication on custom. A few examples will illustrate the point. without being a recognition of the Pathan idea. The problem can be better understood if we consider the very different method of operation of the Frontier Crimes Regulation after the occupation of Baluchistan had become effective in about similar use was established also on parts of the the year 1880.THE PATHANS 354 crime who would persons were brought to justice for violent in which a concases the too that I think otherwise have escaped. were man so rare as to an innocent in viction was brought against be negligible. at a settlement which will terminate the feud. and not as a procedure for enforcing the sanctions of the State. or by giving of girls in marriage a very common . at least in Baluchistan. In these places the Regulation was operated not as a parallel system. as so operated. that he had done what honour required. either of brought before a by payment blood-money. Nevertheless. as used on the North-West Frontier. knowing that his conviction would probably going to the gallows for doing his duty. According to Pathan custom Shirin only did what honour requires. it satisfied neither the law nor the custom.

but the State also. This would be a violation of every tenet of Pathan honour. is a matter more likely to be resolved by it ever was by ourselves. The law as we understand it concentrates against the aggressor. On many years' experience I believe that. Blood-money and possibly a term of imprisonment might be recommended by the jirga to satisfy the customary element in the case. the girl being known as a swara or by some other expedient such as requiring Shirin and the rival party to enter into bonds to keep the peace. It is an obvious principle law should in some sense grow out of the society. and in what degree. we may imagine that Ashiq Jan has amour with the enticing wife of Fulan Khan. a case C. The law of one civilization cannot be applied to a society with utterly different standards without the most dire results. congenial to the people themselves. In the other case. How and compensation for the aggrieved hardly enters the The Pathan in fact treats crime as a kind of tort. backed by substantial sureties. In such a case custom would approve the killing of Ashiq by Fulan's relatives. the magistrate would impose an additional term of imprisonment as from a feud. picture. or from custom to law.THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY 355 method of composing a feud. and when. had the Peshawar administration of 1849 been Pakistan than that the moulded on less rigid lines. in which there has been a murder of a levyman on duty. if we like. case B. an unjustifiable murder and adultery. should it find Ashiq guilty. the jirga appointed under the Regulation. it should be a projection of the common personality. fourteen years. then. might recommend the highest possible term of imprisonment. and a heavy penalty otsharmana* in addition. In case B. Here not only the relatives of the levyman. the settled dis- . has killed Fulan and eloped with the lady. it may become desirable to shift the emphasis in a Pathan society from law to custom. the State. That result however would almost certainly start entered into an and it was never thought right or wise to use any system of law introduced under British auspices to perpetuate the more extreme sanctions of custom. Pathan custom requires the satisfaction of the aggrieved rather than the punishment of the aggressor. would have an interest. We may suppose. law and order would have been better preserved. There would be no penalty enforced by the State. and incidentally the killing of the woman also. The point to realize is this.

send an abstract of the evidence in English. The matter is of central importance. The group of officers who formed the brotherhood in the early by sheer person- British days triumphed over ality. the service was undermanned.THE PATHANS 356 tricts would not have been severed from the tribal areas to the extent that they were. and when you do. But in conditions as contradictory as those I have sought to describe here few officers were left long enough in Frontier posts to gain the experi- ence which alone could weigh against the difficulties that beset them. officers had not time enough to learn the Frontier language or the ways to the heart of the Pathan. recommendations would need to take account of custom as well as the that on the method from time Injunctions of Islam. to effect this. seeking amendment where it should be needed. and I can never work/ wrote Nicholson to sacrifice common-sense or jus- tice. and advance at a later date would have been that Pakistan will see more harmonious.' And: 'Don't send up any more men to be hanged direct/ wrote John c Lawrence to Nicholson. and proceeded to After 1857 the conduct of the administration fell into the hands of lesser men. It is probable to time adopted to resolve this very difficult question will depend success or failure in the absorption of the Pathan tribal belt in the State of Pakistan. It may be recting some of the present anomalies in its way to cor- the manner provided by Section 198 of the Constitution. "This is the way I treat these things/ he remarked laughingly kick them across the floor. and cannot be evaded without disaster. transfers. though. were too frequent. It was largely owing to lack of experience that the system of middlemen for dealing with the tribes persisted for so long and had such bad results. often to down-country districts. big man like Edwardes could see the virtue of A regular administration and adapt law to conditions with patience. If a Deputy Commissioner could speak . to red tape. Lahore was far away and seems to have treated the Frontier as something of a side-show. and send it through the Commissioner/ Nicholson's biographer tells 4 how a friend found him in his office with a bundle of laws and regulations before him. The quality of the administration seems to have deteriorated. I feel I am little fit for regulation all these difficulties C c Henry Lawrence. or the interests of a people or country.

Sudhum is that part of the drained by the very Samah up against the Buner hills. There he remained for some sixteen years. The change in this system came about largely on the initiative of Warburton. rises the pinecrowned island hill of Karamar. a niece of the Dost.THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY 357 the language well enough to hold fluent converse not only with his tribal visitors but with the jirga in full conclave he needed for this purpose to be able to running argument it was make it. taken over from the Afghan Government as a result of the war. to return later as Political Officer to the Tirah 5 expeditionary force. dominated 6 by the great saw-like peak of the Paj ja mountain. After the Second Afghan War he was put in charge of the Khaibar and its tribes. In his book he states it as his solemn conviction that the majority of the wars and fights between the government and the tribes of the Panjab border were due entirely to the machinations of the Arbabs and others employed as middlemen in dealings across the border. crossing into the valley like the aisles in a theatre. Malan- . The passes from Buner are concentric. But this was a result which flowed from the crea- tion of Curzon's separate Frontier province. Warburton was the son of a British army officer who had served in Shah Shuja's contingent in the First Afghan War and had married an Afghan lady. when lashkars of Bunerwals crossed the Malandrai and Ambela Passes into the district and sacked the border villages in Sudhum. subordinates and not to speeches in far better that leaving detailed haggling to his official local notables. in Panjab days there were of course exceptional men. In illustration of his thesis he tells an intriguing story of the Buner incursion of 1877. It is a valley formed by a northern horseshoe of mountains. and direct relations were possible. He was therefore half Afghan by birth. All this is historic ground. and to take up a he should deal direct. like a raised stage. while to the south. In the last fifty years since 1901 the linguistic standard attained by British officers has been admitted by all Pathans to have been on the whole extremely high. but relations between governors and governed were generally more remote. Mukam stream that so delighted Babur. Warburton had been in charge of this Yusufzai border before he went to the Khaibar and knew all the actors personally. the first Political Agent in effect to hold political control of tribes beyond the border without responsibility in the district.

and Ajab was placed on trial for greatest difficulty making war against the Crown. or Warriors for the Faith. constantly used on the the Mir Babu Khel. Ambela. who had come to be known as the his sons.THE PATHANS 358 where Akbar's host was destroyed. and George from had its Ahmad Lawrence refers to him more than once He and new as a good friend to the Ajab and Aziz. Eventually among truth in 1877. the scene of one of the fiercest frontier wars. were employed as regime. Much faction feeling arose one. had Brelwi. The Khans of Sudhum belong to the Amazai branch of Mandanr Yusufzais. the headquarters of that border. followers. having previously returned to his home at Chargulai in Sudhum and in order. Both Ajab and Aziz thought themselves slighted when not consulted over the Ambela campaign of i863. The tribes poured in over all the passes. 9 Ajab wrote to his friends in Buner that. Information was not slow to come in. The invaders were only beaten off from Rustam. for revenue farmed Yusufzai country. yid When Lumsden arrived in the the Sikhs. to rehabilitate himself with the government. and burned the villages Baringan. to be preserved behind a veil inviolability as jealously as the modesty of a woman. Ajab Khan organized an invasion of Sudhum in force by the Bunerwals. and Ajab fled to Buner. Mir Babu and Shah later. inconsistently enough. The phrase is a graphic by the tribes to emphasize the value they set of their country. it known Sayprogenitor. with the Khans of which Ajab was on bad terms. middlemen in dealings with the Buner and Chamla 7 tribes beyond the border. Ali and Bazar. The trial was a cause celebre. and resulted in Ajab's conviction . Mir Babu was ready to be helpful. The chief Pathan family is known as the Mir Babu Khel. 8 Mujahidin. Karamar. shepherds and herdsmountains that ring men. they also had dealings with the Hindustani colony left behind by Sayyid Ahmad. with the and after heavy losses had been suffered. Both Ajab and Aziz were connected by marriage with the Buner Khans. the purdah of Buner would be lifted for ever. After that fierce campaign Aziz died. the rest of the people in the valley and on the the are mainly Gujars. if they did not do something at once. Mir Babu Khan. as he later admitted. and it was always difficult to sift the from the recriminations of the" various parties. where they lit the beacon which gave the signal for the slaughter of Sayyid Ahmad's drai.

sparsely built. and the words he uttered were always softly delivered. He carried always a silver tooth-pick. with quiet impressive voice and gently twirling his silver toy. and my last word to you all is not to try to manufacture events which are in the hands of God/ But Warburton had good reasons for distrusting the system of the local intermediary as a means of conducting relations with the tribes across the border. with fine features and long black beard. on a Chief Court judgment said to have been the longest then extant. The close-border system had been tried and found wanting. and in this way demonstrate my power. I failed as I deserved to fail. Intending to head them off at the border. hanging by a cord from his neck. Men still tell how. That game is an old one. he stood was on I the scaffold and advised his peers not to follow his example. On hearing the result of his appeal Ajab confessed his guilt. Ajab Khan was a magnificent figure of a man. The speech he made to the large assembly of headmen who attended when he suffered the extreme penalty full of force and dignity and long quoted. and the time had come for bolder policies.THE CLOSE BORDER POLICY 359 and sentence to death. .' he said. and regain the favour of the Government. well over six feet in height. brought the raiders down.

The first is the reaction on the Frontier to the Mutiny of 1857. and forward. while the other. Let us then turn aside from the main stream for a courage and chivalry at its best that moment. attempting in Peshawar to rush the magazine and regain its arms. When the test came. was annihilated in a battle the Khaibar road.CHAPTER XXII AMBELA is no part of this operations. But a more important reason is that the Ambela story displays a number of incidents so typical of Pathan they deserve to be shown to a wider audience. for the remnants of down-country mutineers first provided the spark that lit the second. the building stood. the military commander at Peshawar no less than the others acted with the verve and decision that the moment required. and look again to the Yusufeai border. the other is a milestone in Frontier history. list of military undertaken on or from the ItFrontier. But there are two memorable affairs in the early days of much greater than military interest. one from Nowshera and Mardan was decimated in a ruthless pursuit by Nicholson and its remnants hunted down by the tribes in Swat. and during the eight years that preceded the Mutiny laid the foundations of border control on the lines described in the last chapter. with present-day developments in Swat. the second the Ambela campaign of 1863. of two regiments which did mutiny. not so much because the and Sydney system was sound as that the men themselves Cotton. and both are worth a record. ranking work to describe the long as expeditions. The Hindustani regiments were promptly disarmed often one commanding against the violent protests of their colonels officer in Mardan committed suicide when the men he trusted failed him and. on running 360 . In the beginning the paladins had a pretty free hand. partly because it linked backward with the Sayyids who opposed the Sikhs. One shows from the how vital to the political stability of the whole sub-continent is the attitude of the Pathan tribes. The two are connected. through the Akhund.

Thus in that hard time the Frontier not only stood firm. 2 Quiescent during the opening years of the new British dominion. led the opposition to the Sikhashahi. Sayyid Akbar Shah of Sitana. together with others from around Delhi. fort Sitana. when the news of the Mutiny reached Peshawar. but his place was taken by his brother Sayyid Umar. but his surviving followers were given a home by Sayyid Akbar at his we know. had died in Swat on the very day in 1857. "their stately height and martial bearing made all who saw them proud to have such aid. the place which had defied Hari Singh and later Ran] it himself in I824. their host at Sitana. played with the idea of by showing a ribbon or missing. were raised and did good service down in India. when after a few months' desultory campaigning they returned to the Yusufzai weather. bringing the message that the foundations of sovereignty were ill-laid and now was the time for a supreme effort. who stuck to his bond in spite of the lure of Peshawar and the fact that John Lawrence himself. Sayyid Ahmad. and remained in the front line for the next three months until Delhi fell on zoth September of that year. in concert with Sayyid Ahmad Brelwi.' And in half an hour they were in action. the ruler of the Panjab. Help came flocking in from all directions. his brother . nth May. after a final thirty-mile march. It is fair withdrawing to the Indus. and families who could not recall it a letter used to feel there was something too to bear in mind that a material factor in bringing about this result was the attitude of the Amir. the colony was soon stirred by the arrival of the remnants of the mutineers from Nowshera. of the family of Pir Baba. border. strode manfully into the Delhi camp on the morning of 9th June. at the height of the hot levies As the Guides.AMBELA 361 The scale was turned. 1 This colony took to itself the name Mujahidin. his son Mubarik and his nephew Mahmud. 1857. but helped materially in restoring the situation far to the south. the Guides had already been despatched on their memorable march from Mar dan to Delhi 580 miles in twenty-seven days. will be remembered as the man who. as died at Balakot in 1831 fighting against the Sikhs. Sayyid Akbar himself. They came in as firm and light as if they had marched but a single mile. The year 1857 is still remembered by the grandsons of those men as one of honour untarnished. including five days campaigning on the road.

a Khatak village near Akora. Wherever he went. contrived by Sayyid Ahmad Shah Brelwi. then newly arrived in the Yusufzai country.THE PATHANS 362 Umar's son. so suggesting a reason why the Safis admit themselves to be relatively recent converts to Islam and therefore peculiarly fervent exponents of the Faith. To escape recriminations Abdul Ghafur moved to Gujar Garhi. and thence down to the plains to Beka. After the Sikh victory. 4 Abdul Ghafur himself started life as a herdboy. the local corruption of the Persian word bu^urg. his quiet smile and look of gentle resignation won devotion. descending from the Ham Mountain. a name which may well be a link with the ancient Gandhara. gently tending the animals and listening to the village talk. Here he found rest. walked over the pass from Swat to Pir Baba in Buner. where he lived always on a well. and later to Torderh. In there had been born in X y84 though the date is uncertain the village of Jabrai in Upper Swat one Abdul Ghafur. and he eventually found the title sanctuary higher up the valley at Saidu. and a little later to Batkhela in Lower Swat. 5 Here his refusal to equivocate involved him in a false charge of having been concerned in some way with the death of the Khan of Hund. But even here he was too close to the noise of the Sikh squadrons. close to Mardan. The family belonged to the Qandhari section of the Safis. fasting. earning him of %burg. in a beautiful spot on the south side of the Swat River where a tributary stream. 3 These proceeded in 1 8 5 8 to raise the Yusufzai border were not the only against the British. But the Sitana Sayyids influential persons in Swat and Buner. Abdul Ghafur went first to Sam Ranizai below the Malakand. the son of a Safi shepherd who for one reason or another had left his own tribe and settled among the Yusufzais. praying. The Dost heard of him and besought his blessing in the struggle against the Sikhs. The position in Swat at this time was not lacking in interest. he took his scrip. At Saidu he married a Yusufzai woman of the Nikpi Khel and . unable to find the peace he needed in the turmoil. wandering over the hills in charge of his father's flocks. From there he moved to Hund and on to Salim Khan beneath the shadow of Mahaban. opens into the main valley. applied to a reverent elder. and withdrawn. and here at long last at the age of ninety-three he was buried. Hearing of a saintly teacher in the village of Beka on the Indus bank above the Landai confluence.

like Kim's a lama. of the sinews ing and was known as Badshah. Abdul Ghafur was regarded as the leading man among the Swat Yusufzais. This equivocation makes it hard to tell what a Sayyid' s position no doubt that Akbar Shah was in in Swat is. combining under was temporary banner of the Faith for a special purpose. of how. and became a the devout. unusual for the Yusufzais to admit strangers to marriage. both because he Akbar in vested be Swat should a Sayyid (which the Akhund was not) and in recognition of the part taken by him in the struggle against the Sikhs. he sat exalted in contemplation beneath the shade of chenar. of a soul striving always to draw near to the Great Soul which is beyond all things. the fathers of the Mianguls. place of pilgrimage for Buner. but there is really . and using the Quranic to the pious as a means of furnishprecept for the giving of alms a time Akbar Shah held this position. but no man is called a Persian word meaning a teacher with much the same Akhund unless he is greatly reverenced. are entitled to this kingly honorific.AMBELA 363 by her had two sons. from the time of his arrival in Saidu. and It is only done (and that rarely) with Sayyids and holy men. There is no doubt that. It has been remarked more than once that a man who marries into a tribe not his own always among Pathans casts in his lot with his wife's people. His authority was not absolute. There have been many instances in the history of Swat when the tribes have agreed in time of crisis to set up a Sayyid or holy the man as at least a figure-head. For war. Abdul Ghafur's marriage into the Nikpi Khel explains how his descen6 is win acceptance in this Pathan society. the family from which the present Rulers of Swat are drawn.' shrine 7 was raised over the A Akhund's grave. 1 may come to Paradise later knew holiness when they saw it and I owe them I have workings that way great motions dants have been able to to thy simplicity. Tales are connotation as Guru still current of his sweetness and simplicity. and in question of his assuming any degree that fact he himself suggested temporal authority as 'Badshah' in Shah of Sitana. vying with that of Pir Baba. in During his lifetime there was no just across the pass of temporal power. and quite apart from any question of temporal authority. There is a certain ambivalence about this title. the Yusufzais who felt his spell. forgetting even their blood-lust. Like Mahbub in the same story. for Sayyids as Sayyids.

THE PATHANS 364 When he died in 1857. was a great Nevertheless. the surviving brother of that hidin. This resulted in the expulsion of Sitana. and an agreement by tribes that they would not be allowed to reoccupy neighbouring In this affray Umar Shah. As the descendant of Pir Baba 8 fact recognized for a time as ruler. using the Mujahidin as their sword-arm. and from that centre. reinforced as related the Chamla tribes against by mutineers from the district. and it was thought finally to extirpate that this could be done without incurring the hostility of the Buner tribes who had been peaceful ever since the British arrival and whose spiritual head. Mubarik with the remnants of his Hindustani followers then moved to a less accessible spot named Malka. reMubarik in a huff went off to Panjtar. just across jected Mubarik. and vigorous the same year an attack was made on Later restore the situation. In the autumn of 1863 the Government decided to make an effort this centre of disaffection. recommenced the harassment of the Mardan and Swabi border. was killed and Mubarik Shah himself was wounded after a very gallant defence. That there was to permit the the Akhund of the refusal year was due mainly to Swat Yusufzais to be implicated. as has been said. the border from Swabi. raised in that critical disturbance not more the British. In their eyes at this time the British power seems to have been regarded as little better than the Sikhs. established a stronghold at action had to be taken by the Guides to Narinji. Akbar Shah. place. But. situated on a northern spur of the Mahaban mountain where it falls to the Chamla Valley. From this refuge the Sayyids. But after debate the people. the Akhund. all were unbelievers and should be attacked on any and every opportunity. under the Akhund's influence. there he should be succeeded as son Mubarik Shah. During July August 1858 parties of Mujabacked by the local tribesmen. at fort Mubarik Shah's the their from the Mujahidin stronghold. was much debate in Swat as to whether Badshah by his he belonged to the most respected family of Sayyids in the region. as the aftermath of the Mutiny there from Sudborder the Yusufzai area the deal of trouble in along and hum to the Indus. had little sympathy either with the Sitana Sayyids or their Hindustani followers. this assessment had been made without full consultaor so they thought tion with Ajab and KZVZ Khan of Sudhum with results that were unand considered themselves slighted .

It took more than fortyeight hours for the convoy to come in and the rearguard to close up. as his political officer. The approach to the Ambela Pass is by a narrow. the same section as that of the Sudhum Khans though separated from them. call had gone out. Another force was to occupy a holding position in the neighbourhood of Topi. It was decided to invade Chamla a valley running due east and west just south of Buner and in which Malka is situated with one strong force from the side of Mardan using the Ambela Pass. The . To the front there is a fine field of fire down the Chamla Valley. traversed by a small stream tumbling over boulders. just practicable for ridden and very difficult for laden beasts of burden. snaky gorge about six miles long. It is probable that it was this omission which stirred Ajab Khan to wrath and caused him. when the news was out. and so long as they are held the position is safe. they afford cover enough among their boulders. 9 How any commander. The commander of the force was Neville Chamberlain. and although the two picket positions on the flanking knolls are by no means the summits of the mountains to either side. hoped to get up easily is hard to say. ance to speak of. What Roberts described as one of the strongest positions in the world was then occupied. ated in with the raising of their purdah. and another on the left. indeed it was thought inadvisable to do so as it was important to keep the line of advance secret. having reconnoitred. passable by men afoot. and the tribesmen were colIt was the first time since Akbar's day that a thousands.AMBELA 365 One reason for their annoyance was that Malka is situAmazai country. but not a single baggage animal except the ammunition mules got up that night. with Reynell Taylor. with headquarters in the centre on the Kotal. the Eagle's Nest. The first echelons of troops entered the narrows early on zoth October and reached the Kotal by noon without any resistanimals. On the political assessment made it was not considered necessary to warn the Buner or Chamla tribes of the column's intentions. to taunt the Bunerwals foreseen. between a rocky knoll on the right known later as the Crag Picket. in lecting serious incursion had been made into the mountains which By this time the screen the rich and lovely valleys of the Yusufzai Pathans. the last of the brotherhood. By this time the element of surprise had been lost.

and the British had said they were interested only in Chamla and would not enter Buner. At first the Akhund stood aloof. and in the eyes of the Sayyids usurped a credit which they claimed should have been theirs. around it a thousand men on both sides lost their lives. Opportunity was taken to reason with them. much less Swat. the commander. The tribesman carries only enough food to sustain him for a few days. They would fight . The much longer than is usually the case in tribal hostilities. the Durranis and Sikhs had never dared to penetrate so far. and their leaders talked freely with Neville Chamberlain. was pinned down on the summit of the pass and had to fight for its life. who led one of the assaults on the Crag Picket. the quicker if the first encounters fail and enthusiasm is lost. Roberts speaks of the magnificent courage of the tribesmen and Younghusband of their gallant bearing. the former being attacked four times. But what needs emChamberlain. Furious attacks were made on the Crag Picket and the Eagle's Nest. Neville Roberts himself. After one of the fiercest engagements an attempt to carry the Eagle's Nest arrangements were made for the tribesmen to come in under flag of truce and carry away their dead. The force. The enemy met these advances with the utmost courtesy. is the admission by all of the here phasis amazing gallantry of the tribal enemy. who exposed themselves recklessly. The drums were beaten and the lashkars formed. was severely wounded. thrice captured and thrice recaptured. The troops had 900 killed.000 strong. he therefore melts away. Keyes. 10 some of the dauntless names in British military history appear Brownlow. and the tribesmen. and Reynell Taylor. only a few miles from Ambela.THE PATHANS 366 Mughals had failed and been cut to pieces at Malandrai. Those fierce desultory who look for a fine piece of military writing will find it in Roberts' and Younghusband's books. and engagements continued for another month. but made it clear they thought themselves fighting for a freedom never yet lost. the Commissioner with the force. over 6. many more. and there are usually no commissariat arrangements. Neville Chamberlain himself. or Place of Slaughter. Garvock. But when hostilities were prolonged he too came in. But here at Ambela daily attacks fighting lasted were made on the British position for nearly a month. Ambela led towards the Indus and the homes of the Sitana Sayyids. The Crag Picket is still called the Qatlgah.

with an escort of the Guides and a lashkar of Bunerwals to see Malka sive. Roberts was one of a small band of officers detailed to accompany the Commissioner.AMBELA 367 with clean hands. with all the bitter fighting there were even jokes. but hardly deserved to succeed. decision destroyed. After six weeks' fighting the troops were reinforced and were able to issue at last into the Chamla Valley and pass After this the Buner tribes made to the offen- and a had to be made whether a force strong enough to overcome all opposition should be sent to destroy the Malka settlement another twenty-one miles beyond the point reached or whether the work of destruction should be left to the tribes themselves under supervision. save everybody's face by conducting a small party of British to destroy Malka. and by the chivalry and manliness with which the fighting was conducted. Nowhere in the story is there any hint of the barbarous cruelties that so disfigure later wars. They had also noted that many Pathans. were bad hill-climbers and could not keep their heads down. With astonishing rashness the latter course was adopted. Yusufeais and Afridis. Reynell Taylor. though full of fight. At the same time. thirty years ago. they were determined not to admit it into Swat and Buner. however much they admired the new force. For instance. their submission. and particularly Khataks. but to the end. The people of Swat and Buner had been impressed both by the elan of the forces opposed to them. and fought with determination. Roberts tells how the tribesmen soon discovered how much better in outpost duty were the Pathans and Gurkhas with the force than the Sikhs or Europeans. If opposition were continued. wounded tribesmen had been picked up and treated in the field hospitals and had been sent back cured. The gamble came off. He tells the story in his book. had fought. let the Khans of Buner then make their submission and offer to side.' These. the tale as I give it here the version I heard from one of the Buner Khans. This was a very different business to fighting against the Sikhs. for the Government and that the bond between officers and men was remarkably 11 strong. a descendant is of the story's hero. The tribesmen had suffered losses on a scale they had never known. when they saw Keyes' men they would shout across and tell them they were Pathans and should go away "Give us the men in hats and red turbans [Europeans and Sikhs]. the British would .

fully armed and scowling at the party. The Buner Khans were induced to submit. fearing that further the core of the irreconcilable Mujahidin would only by on the tribes. and under the leadership of Zaidullah Khan of Daggar agreed to conduct the British Commissioner with a small escort to effect the destruction of Malka and the expulsion recoil of the Mujahidin. Again and again. the leading Khan of the Buner Valley. at the village itself and on the way back.THE PATHANS 368 march there with an army. the shrine of the ancestor of Akbar and Mubarik Shah. For there was no doubt that the new place of pilgrimage to the Akhund at Saidu was beginning to gain in popularity at the expense of Pir Baba Ziarat in Buner. But again Zaidullah leapt fiercely forward to Taylor's side. his one eye glinting. But the job was done. Seven officers. and he pledged himself he would see the business through. lay in the territory of the Amazai tribe of Yusufzais. No doubt too the Akhund reflected that the destruction of Malka would lower the prestige of the Sitana Sayyids. They talked in loud tones. including Reynell Taylor. and then Swat. Malka. shouting to those who threatened that the Buner jirga had given their word to destroy Malka Taylor. who and to bring the Englishmen back safe and sound. A great column of smoke rose from the burning village and caused further excited gatherings. a result which would be likely to increase his own. they might even decide to enter Buner. of whom the chief was Zaidullah Khan. Zaidullah haranguing the tribesmen in the name of the Akhund. They meant to carry out their promise. and those who wished to interfere must first fight the united strength of Buner. vowing that the British party should never be allowed to return. of which Daggar on the little Barandu River is the central spot. the Commissioner Roberts was among the party set off with a small escort of the Guides and a party of about one hundred Maliks and elders of Swat and Buner. gesticulating and round Reynell thronging stood quite alone and self-possessed in the midst of an angry multitude. and finally lift a veil that had not been raised since Akbar's armies had been driven out nearly three hundred years before. until at . The Akhund was resistance in favour of this policy. the scene was repeated. Zaidullah was an old man who had lost an arm and an eye in previous wars. and the whole road was beset by angry warriors. as we know. who might lose their independence.

if they think an ultimate interest demands it. The Yusufzais. waving his one arm seeing the thing through against all odds for the sake of the word that had been given. they can be relied on to be more than time-servers. last won through. his single eye flashing. and the Khataks too. It is a fine picture the old grey-beard.AMBELA the party seen again. Another thirty years and more were to pass before the purdah of Swat and Buner was lifted. No malik. or group of maliks. . among those tribes would dream of making such a promise except as a lure and with the intention of breaking it. and still more if Pakhtu nang is held to be involved. the gauntlet was run. are men of firmer purpose. 369 and Ambela was Among Afridis or Wazirs a transaction of this sort would have been impossible.

Here we are concerned not with any strategic effects. It was followed later by very important advances by the establishment in 1893 of an agreed frontier with Afghanistan. up to 1 8 5 9 Swat remained an untrodden land of Erewhon. During those years there were innumerable military promenades through one or other part of tribal territory but no permanent occupation. and consolidated Minister in 1874 to build a strategic line of defence against Russian pressure in Central Asia. On a broad view the first thirty years represent the testing-time of the so-called close-border policy (Chapter XXI). its beauties a legend and unseen by any European. is there observable here any logical and dear-cut division 370 . but with the bearing of the new trends on the Pathans as a whole. and the most favoured tribal regions had not even been seen. The first step forward in the new policy was taken in 1876.CHAPTER XXIII BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY fifty-odd years from the British annexation up to 1901 are best seen in two periods. it is important to bear in mind that. and the second up to the severance of the Frontier districts from that date the Panjab by Curzon. This advance was made not on the NorthWest Frontier but from Upper Sind into the territory now known arrival as as Baluchistan. before just Lytton's Viceroy and two years before the outbreak of the war with Afghanistan. behind the veil. until 1898 Buner too was . the first from 1 849 to the out- The from break of the Second Afghan War in 1878. It is strange to reflect for instance that. And it was associated with the he had become Prime general policy of Disraeli's government elsewhere. The last twenty years are those of the development of the forward policy. There was an overlap between the two periods. no more than with any other example of British political thinking or practice. And when we come to study that.

which (it is to be noted) commonly remains undisturbed during periods of dynastic strife at Kabul. The difference between Dera Ismail and Dera Gha2i was that the former was partly a Pathan district and overhung to the west by the mountains of Waziristan. Sher Ali. and like it under the Panjab governLahore.. Moreover the degree of control exercised in the forward areas varied. who also inhabited the extension of the the ment at Takht-i-Sulaiman mountains to the west. For short periods between these two dates Afzal 1 and Azem. and between wide limits. but it was not until 1869 that Sher Ali made good. since the occupation of Sind in the early 'forties the Upper Sind border had been protected without any real endeavours to come into close relations with the chiefs or tribes who occupied the hills and plateau which overhung it. The Dost had designated a younger son. while on more than one occasion in the forward area among the tribes the order was two paces forward and one pace back. but much activity in negotiation with Persia and Russia on the location of the limits of the Afghan Kingdom to the west and north. intervention was pursued on the Frontier. elder sons but less nobly born. exercised authowas rity in Kabul. as his successor on the ground he was born of a Durrani wife.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 37! between the two policies. Discontent over an award as between Afghan and Persian claims in Sistan. was a that chief cause leading to his estrangement from the British government. a long strip of riverain territory west of the Indus. while the latter was held mainly by Baluch tribes. which Sher Ali regarded as unjust. a continuation southward of Daman of Dera Ismail. Just to the north of the Sind border lay the Dera Ghazi Khan district. The years following Sher Ali's consolidation of power saw the Viceroyalties of Mayo and Northbrook. the 7 ear of the Ambela campaign. 1869-76 little change upon the Frontier itself until the very end of the period. But there were other irritants more closely related to the position Ever on his frontier towards India. holding some of the most formidable Pathan tribes. The Baluch tribes as compared with the Wazirs were much more amenable to pacify- . The Dost had died in 1863. All the features of the old close-border remained in evidence on most parts of the border. During most of this period John Lawrence a of nonstrict his and to policy principles according Viceroy. and the usual struggle for the Amirate followed.

like the Khan. should be the land of the Baluch. owed a vague allegiance to the Khan of Kalat. but about half the total population is Pathan and is concentrated in the rather more fertile hills and valleys north and north-east of the capital. All the country to the northward is a part of the Pathan belt and inhabited by Pathan tribes of which the Tarins. the ancestry of the Kalat Khan is Brahui. Nasir Khan. anything. are they in any way formidable.500 feet above sea-level at the head of the Bolan Pass. But even these are few in number. and many of the leading chiefs of Kalat. considerably less than half a million souls in all. 2 might appear that a digression into the Brahui and Baluch point and has nothing to do with Pathans. Achakzais. 3 Nor with the possible exception of It field is off the who are Durranis. Kakars and Panris are the most important. The Brahui Nasir.misnomer. On a true assessment it is the Pathan tribes of this Baluchistan who count. . are of Brahui stock. this particular one is situated on the plateau about seventy miles south of Quetta at an elevation of some 7. was in loose feudal relations with Ahmad Shah. their chiefs. The valley of Shal. and always ready to follow known as tumandars. The name Kalat is common all over Persia and Afghanistan. Baluchiif means it stan. so called.THE PATHANS 372 much less well-armed.000 feet. about seventy miles north of Kalat and situated at 5. as it were. All of them. is held by Brahui and Baluch tribes. not Baluch. It is true that much the greater area of Baluchistan. Although there has been much intermarriage. is exactly on the line of ethnic division. To the south of Quetta all the people are Brahuis and Baluch. even the Marris and Bugtis who lived adjacent to the border. and is given to a fortress. But Baluchistan is a. stood. who cover the vast upland deserts stretching southward and westward from Quetta to the sea. chief of Mastung and Kalat. The Deputy Commissioner at ing influences. Dera Ghazi maintained relations with the Baluch beyond his border in much the same way as did his brother officers with the Pathans further north. at Ahmad Shah's back door and was the most important chief on the main line of comthe Achakzais. In the centre of it is the town of Quetta. Brahui and Baluch tribes are much mingled in this region. the founder of the Durrani Empire. the ancestor of the Khanate family of Kalat. There are other reasons for bringing Baluchistan into the Afghan and Pathan context.

a Panjab Commission officer with much experience on the Dera Ghazi border. was pressing strongly proposals for an agreement with the Khan of Kalat which. responsible for the Sind marches. while guaranteeing the authority of the Kalat State. although a close-border policy was followed on the Brahui and Baluch border both by the Bom- Shal. the camp at Dadur at the Bolan gateway. The Khans of Kalat themselves have sought to establish that they enjoyed some sort of independence. In 1876. and were not tributary to the Durranis but rather inferior participators in the division of the Persian Empire died. in order to fix his new dependant's loyalty. it would be resolved by the fact that. the Government of India were considering the rival views of the Bombay and the Panjab governments as to the control of this part of the border. and by the Panjab government. should provide for the stationing of a British garrison on the Shal plateau at Quetta. Our officers had marched with Shah Shuja's contingent and its backing of British and Company's troops up the Bolan and past Quetta on their way to Kandahar and Kabul. in which Quetta bay government. the valley of Shal. and Bombay denouncing the whole project as ambitious and fantastic. The proposal was the subject of acrimonious debate between the two provinces. Ahmad Shah proceeded to the unprecedented lengths of bestowing upon him an Afghan district.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 373 munications from Kandahar into India. Kalat had when Nadir long before this time been tributary to Kandahar. Robert Sandeman. on setting up his new kingdom in that city in 1747. responsible for Dera Ghazi Khan. and the tribes were known to be well disposed. there was a great body of knowledge of the hinterland remaining over from the days of the First Afghan War. villages just It is to be remembered too that. the troops crossing the Khojak Pass and many others. Northbrook's last year and after Disraeli's government had come to power but just before Lytton's arrival as Viceroy. enforced the submission of the Brahuis. If any doubt were held to exist upon the point. To men condemned to bake in the ovens of Jacobabad and Sibi the cool airs of the uplands beckoned. But the claim cannot be established. The settlement of Brahuis in the south of Quetta dates from that time. . the Panjab backing Sandeman. 4 and regarded his empire as extending almost to the sea. the valley of is situated. and Ahmad Shah. The admirable water-colours of Atkinson 5 depict vivid scenes in all this country.

like that of the First Afghan War. saying that but for their personal friendship he would have fired on Cavagnari. A British Indian force was cantoned at Quetta and Sandeman became the first Resident. and the Government of India who supported his idea. then Deputy Commissioner at Peshawar.THE PATHANS 374 The Bombay government was inclined to regard the whole merely an ill-conceived notion for the securing of more peaceable conditions on the Sind border. an(i Sandeman had his way. Khiva. were leased to the British Government on a perpetual quit-rent. It was the time of very rapid Tsarist expansion all along the southern frontier of Russia. together with the Bolan Pass leading to it. Sher All greatly resented and feared the advance of India's frontier to Shal. met him. the same who had commanded at Ambela. approached the matter on much larger lines. prompted his decision to play with the Russians and was therefore a cause of the Second Afghan War. is no part of this scheme as . and were anxious with the help of the Khan of Kalat to occupy an outpost against Russian ambitions. however nominal had been Kabul's control of Kalat and the Quetta route since the days of Ahmad Shah. then in Afghan occupation. Faiz Muhammad. Under agreements made by him Quetta and its environs. And so began the Second Afghan War. Unless the rulers of India mounted on their northwestern breastwork. Negotiations with Kalat occupied 1876 and 1877. They were thinking in terms of the defence of India. Faiz Muhammad was courteous but firm. and that this move. The war with Turkey was imminent. even more than the Sistan award. it seemed most probable that Kabul and Kandahar would go the way of Bukhara and Samarqand. to remain under nominal Kalat sovereignty but to be administered by Calcutta in accordance with local custom. He was stopped on the grassy plot just below the shrine of All Masjid. There can be no doubt that. Cavagnari. But Sandeman. Its course. halfway up the pass. Bukhara and Farghana had been overcome. In 1878 Sher All proceeded to receive a Russian mission in Kabul and refused entry to a British mission which sought to proceed through the Khaibar Pass. and not wait to be attacked upon the Indus. where the Afghan commander. had been appointed political officer to the mission under Neville Chamberlain. and was sent forward to try out the way. Trans-Caucasia was being hammered into submission.

ceding not only the Khaibar and Kurram but Pishin. his pupil. who had gone up the Gumal from Dera Ismail Khan as long ago as 1878. Before Sandeman left he had in the 'eighties pushed forward from Pishin into the long and desolate Zhob Valley. It was in Baluchistan that the new policy was first brought to life. It is true that the first territorial result was the expulsion of Afghan forces from the Khaibar and the Kurram. not even in the measures which resulted in the eventual setting up of Sher All's nephew. nominally at least. and pushed by Bruce. This scheme had first been aired by Macaulay. as Amir. there was concluded with his son Yaqub Khan in 1879 the Treaty of Gandamak. Sibi and Loralai (Bori). They were now revived by Sandeman. where a headquarters was built at a place called Apozai. perhaps the most influential of all frontier officers in the 'between' period. Macaulay. not in Roberts' battles at the Paiwar Kotal. who was convinced that what had been done in Baluchistan by his line . Its importance for us sacre of Cavagnari the effect of carrying the frontier across the Khojak range to Chaman within a short distance of Kandahar. but rather in the impetus given by the events of that time to the forward policy. and the abdication of Sher Ali. and during the next ten years the broad-gauge line was carried to the frontier at Chaman by tunnel through the hills. But there was still no lateral communication on the forward between the older trans-Indus territories of the North-West Frontier and the new Baluchistan. now known as Fort Sandeman. The Zhob River is a tributary of the Gumal. had not received enough support. But Sandeman was still surrounded by territory which. but these were small nibbles compared to the accession of great tracts of Baluchistan. Abdurrahman. preceded the outbreak of the war. as we have seen. This cession had story.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 375 lies not in the graphic tale of the masand his escort of Guides at Kabul. and his ideas had lapsed. the Pathan countries north and east of Quetta needed to round off the new province. The occupation of Quetta and the Bolan. and supplement the rear line of communication through Multan. With the success of the two-pronged advance by the Khaibar and the Kurram. and it had long been a cherished scheme much used by Ghalji caravans on their to open the Gumal Pass so providing an upland corridor which annual migrations would connect also with Baluchistan. Charasia and elsewhere. acknowledged Durrani sovereignty.

concentration of force and support of the maliks the Sandeman system is the merest junk. and leaving the tribes to them together by manage their own affairs according to their own customs and working through their chiefs and maliks. and what is the true assessment? The Sandeman system 6 points in Kalat rested on the occupation of central and tribal territory in considerable force. That story must wait for another chapter. In later African parlance the system would have been described as one of indirect rule. and assertions have been made that the adoption of similar methods by men as enlightened as Sandeman upon the North-West Frontier also would have changed the face of history. and in January 1890 a great joint jirga of all the tribes was held by Sandeman at Apozai. Custom was administered by the Political Agents through jirgas.THE PATHANS 376 chief could and should be done by himself in Waziristan. whither he had come on transfer. In 1889 Lansdowne. The tribes of Waziristan were not the tribes of Quetta. The requirements of the State are in . The maliks were required to enlist levies paid by government but regarded as tribal servants. using the instrument of the Frontier Crimes Regulation in manner already described. What then was this system. linking fair-weather roads. High-sounding claims have been made for what is known as 'the Sandeman system'. then Viceroy. the Now I have already said that the use of the Frontier Crimes Regulation to administer Pathan custom and not merely to fill lacunae in the ordinary law does at least achieve some correspondence with the tribal mind. they were much too hard a nut to crack. It is still closed today. of course. there were no regular courts and no police. Allowances were sanc- tioned for the Gumal tribes. For one moment it looked as if Sandeman' s successes might be repeated further north. Without penetration. but let it be said here that the Gumal never has been opened. Such a system. at which Bruce also was present. But it was not to be. The tribes were eager to finger the money and everything went beautifully. Except in the cantonments where troops were stationed and there was an influx of shopkeepers and others from India. including those in Waziristan. was converted and action followed promptly. involved the upholding of the authority of chiefs and maliks. if their authority should be challenged. if necessary by force.

and they a to was able broadly similar system all adopt night. that point. whose tribalism was not disintegratadministrator. he found men such as the be it said so not quite successfully. to be noticed presently. Sandeman advanced into a country which is almost a desert. were unwarlike compared with their brethren further north. to do away with administration courts. This was true even of the method of applying the law. there just is hardly anybody in Baluchistan and the emptiness of has to be seen to be believed. as the Mando Khel in Lower Zhob. Where it could not be done. Instead a system of regular law was imposed. it was not done because there existed quite different conditions. Contrast this with the Afridis or Mahsuds. at any rate of an alien government. Should it be objected that Peshawar haps one-thirtieth of the as a settled area is not comparable. blings on the board recording not all be wiped out overcould Mohmands or Wazirs. To suggest that a model adopted in 1880 in a virgin area such as Baluchistan could have been put into action in the settled districts of the North-West Frontier after thirty years' working of regular administration was to ask the impossible. and all the paraphernalia of regular the distinction Yet the of would have been utterly out question. and those who had not. the root was Frontier West between the two wings on the Northof most difficulties. Sandeman dealt mainly with Brahui and Baluch tribes organized on an oligarchic basis with a when he turned to his Pathans great respect for their chiefs. Sandeman . Sandeman had a clean slate on which to write. with perarea. but an attempt should have been made to apply prinBaluchistan to the tribes of the North-West ciples learned in Frontier beyond the border. Kakars who had imbibed as neighbours something of the Brahui and Baluch tradition. The answer is that ing under the influence of the this was in fact done in such areas as Kurram and the precisely Malakand.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 377 But this was was not done in 1849 wlien the North-West Frontier occupied. there were many scribour dealings with Yusufeais. The Peshawar district that portal alone (before Mardan was separated from it) has more inhabitants than the whole of Baluchistan right down to the sea. police. it can be affirmed that Tirah or Waziristan probably each have about as many people in them as all the Pathan hills in Baluchistan. The advocate for Sandeman will reply that he must concede this way adjusted to the societies over which it rules.

the most notable result of the period of the Second Afghan War. In Quetta Sandeman has become a legend. He was certainly a great pioneer who built with firmness and imagination.THE PATHANS 378 over his new province. not visited. that existed in the Baluchistan of 1 8 80. as Abbott. of which they hardly touch the surface. himself a legend. The Quetta Staff College. Roberts. The forward move in Baluchistan.' His name is however out of the way. I think. he did not have to deal with two societies. The acceptance of the standards of a simple tribalism no doubt made for a general feeling of contentment. Elsewhere the Englishman can claim that in his dealings with the Pathan he has kindled a flame and posed a challenge. was struck by Sandeman' s command of his situation and the he was intimately width of his influence and knowledge and there was not a village. it must be has pK)ved too static. but what of that? The fire gives light and heat. is to be a criticism of the Sandeman system. using the material to hand and applying a suitable and durable mortar. it did not inject new life into the societies. There is little leaven in the lump.West thirty years before him. by a permanent advance into the Khaibar Pass and the exclu- . and less impressionable than when he met Nicholson. The spark more often than not has burst into a fire. with that afterthought of tenderness which follows on the mention of such a still man was not so hard as that of the and there was much in the local circumstances to brotherhood. His testing time lead him to success. which he had c in the people's mouths. in the village the pace of life and thought was scarcely quickened by seventy years of British rule. the railway. but still a name. In Baluchistan it is left to our successors to do much that we left undone. ethnically homogeneous but forced into different strata by the contrasts of administration under law and tribalism. acquainted with every leading man. such as they were. If there that it For the Baluchistan of 1950 is scarcely distinguishable from that of seventy years before. There was no real parallel. was accompanied. are outside the tribal existence. but failed to present a challenge. not so highly coloured or dramatic perhaps as the paladins of the North. the regiments. as I have said. and is not dead. but not.

behind remain for ever cannot that a mir. a great name still Saddo2ai. Aslam. mostly through middlemen. the veil. took and in to refuge in 1843 power by the Dost on his return in held were son his he and great respect. where . Warburton was freely under able to itself and to move He was also admitted open up the pass tribal escort to its western end. where he had learned to distrust the middleman it is from him that we have details of Ajab Khan's system and he turned that lesson to activities with the Buner tribes after his good account in the Khaibar over nearly two decades. beauty their central fastnesses in A Warburton was fortunate in having Aslam Khan as his secondin-command. Warburton. say all the tribes. was much too diffithe Khaibar But range. and all over the Loargai plateau where Landi Kotal now stands. cult and important for treatment on the old lines. As it was then. from must inevitably come. born of an Afghan mother. though the time for opening it bare thirty miles from Peshawar. as it was called at first. the Khaibar tribes included. overlooked by the feet thousand six to seven what a place for a Sufed Koh the middle of summits pine-clad summer retreat from the fury of the hot weather! All Afridis as the rival of Kashspeak of their eyrie. we have met already. Peshawar.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 379 sion of the Afghans from the Kurram Valley (we did not occupy the Kurram until some years later). the Afridis do not yet admit any stranger to to the Mallagori Maidan. so it is still. and its extension Raj gal. He had been trained under Cavagnari on the Yusufzai border. ever books the best of retirement recording his experiences in one 7 revealis to has he What written about the Pathan Frontier. above sea-level. and Shilman country between the pass and the Kabul River. who had been Wazir to Shah Shuja. Deputy Commissioners of to ing both of the true characteristics of a tribe usually supposed the man of the of and all Pathans of faithful be the least sensitivity himself. once at Chora than more among the Afridis who gave him refuge out of Kabul forced been had Usman in the lower Bazar Valley. Aslam was the son of Muhammad Usman Khan. But he was never able to reach the highlands of Afridi Tirah until he went there with the army on the only occasion when any European has ever seen that forbidden land. and it was decided to make a special appointment for which Robert Warburton was selected. Up to that time relations with had been conducted by districts.

For the next ten years no more happened. much on the Sandeman model. behind which lies the Khanki Valley leading to Tirah. stretching westward past Hangu to Thai. First as Adjutant of the Kurram Militia and then as Political Agent. But it had been left unoccupied at the end of the war. but in the 'nineties the forward moves were resumed. burton raised the corps first known as the Jazailchis and later as the Khaibar Rifles. and their valley had been ceded by Yaqub Khan under the Gandamak treaty of 1879. protecting Miranzai from flank attacks from that direction. and his portrait used to look down with eagle eye upon the revelries in the Peshawar Club. he was moreover in his own person a man of commanding It was he who under Warpresence and a very great gentleman. Finally the Turis' own plea that the only alternative to occupation was their submission to Afghan rule led to the setting up of a loose form of administration. and Miranzai over much of its length is overlooked from the north by the great hog-backed and bare Samana ridge. In 1891 the Samana was occupied and forts built along its crest. was in a position to appeal to these old Afridi loyalties. since when chaos had reigned and the Turis were alternately guilty of aggression against their neighbours and sufferers from their retaliation. increased the strife which was often given a as there for sectarian hue. he had stayed some time and even built a house at the beautiful village of Shalozan. a player destined soon to act a star part. In the following year it was at last decided to move beyond Thai into Kurram. Old Sir Aslam was the best-known figure in Peshawar in his day. 9 and all their neighbours Sunnis. which has continued to the satisfaction of all parties to this day. that the Kurram River should run backwards to the Sufed Koh before they could return to an Afghan allegiance. 8 He was War- burton's other self and may well have been the predominant partner in the company. the leading tribe of the valley. this time on the Kurram Line The Kurram is reached by the long finger of the Miranzai Valley. The fact that the Turis are Shias. These moves led to an historic act of state. no less than the .THE PATHANS 380 the son. Kurram had been occupied by Roberts an advanced base in the Second Afghan War. He had assured the Turis. It was thus that Roos-Keppel came upon the stage. he made it clear that the river of Kurram would not reverse its course.

and also by the expulsion of a small Afghan garrison from Biland Khel 10 which followed on the occupation of Kurram. Kurram. and one portion of Waziristan [Birmal] came under my rule. hammad Khan known of by anyone else except myself. and thence up to Koh-i-Malik Siyah [the trij unction or his presence down of Persia. more particularly by the completion of the Khojak tunnel and the construction of the railway as far as Chaman on the Baluchistan side. He wrote in shorthand every word uttered by Durand and myself.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 381 fixing of the famous frontier known as the Durand Line. Kafiristan. Chagai. having greatly enjoyed their visit. Swat. Buner. but to keep a record of every word which was uttered by Sir Mortimer Durand. Habibullah Khan. The short outcome of the conversation was this. The misunderstandings and disputes which were arising about these Frontier matters were put to an end. Mohmand of Lalpura. Afridi. which indicates both his reasons for agreeing to the despatch of the Durand mission and his attitude on the outcome of the negotiations. Ghulam Haidar Khan Charkhi. the rest of Waziri. Dir. Durand being a very clever statesman as well as a good Persian scholar. and after the boundary had been marked out according to the above-mentioned agreements by the Commissioners of both governments a general peace and harmony reigned which I pray God may continue for ever. either in English or in Persian. that the boundary line was agreed upon from Chitral and Baroghil Pass up to Peshawar. and this conversation is all preserved in the record office. Biland Khel. Bajaur. to write every word they spoke to me. for their residence. The Mission was met by my General. After the first ceremonial Durbar we soon started discussing matters. myself. The extract which follows is typical of Abdurrahman's suspicious yet practical mind. all the discussions were soon put right. The Mission left Kabul on the 141*1 November. or among themselves. and I arranged the residence of my son. I had arranged for Mir Munshi Sultan Muto sit behind a curtain without being seen or heard. Chilas and Chitral. and I renounced my claims from the railway-station of New Chaman. The most revealing document bearing on these events is the Amir's autobiography. The Amir Abdurrahman had been perturbed by the forward moves. on their entering Kabul. The reader is here left with no doubt that the Amir was well . Afghanistan and Baluchistan] in this way that Wakhan Asmar. and other speakers of the Mission. 11 Sir Mortimer Durand 12 left Peshawar for Kabul on the 1 9th September 1893.

There was no longer a no-man's-land of uncertain extent. a belt of which the limits were defined on both sides. only to extend their own. through Mohmand country. West of the Khaibar the omission was rectified in 1919. running westward to its culminating peak. The difficulty is due to the fact that geographical watersheds and tribal boundaries do not coincide in this sector. but as the frontier of the Amir's dominions and the line beyond which neither side would exercise interference. I have given in an appendix. and for the moment The details of this agreement. was had pleased him. In the international aspect this was of no account. Sikaram. Something should be said here of a sector agreed on the map but never demarcated on the ground. a tribal belt under British control between Afghanistan and the administered border of India. authority from the territory east and south of the line. That is a question for foreign offices. The Durand Line was conceived as following the Kunar-Bajaur watershed as far as that was defined towards the Kabul River. not Pashtu all well. Along the Sufed Koh the failure to demarcate is of no consequence. for the Amir had renounced sovereignty beyond the line. This was because the British Government did not intend to absorb the tribes into their administrative system. It is true that the agreement did not describe the line as the boundary of India. for the range summit is unmistakable. while it included on the side of . across the west end of the Khaibar. and both authorities could now think and act with greater precision. and reaching the river at Shinpokh. and well known to all concerned. east and west. But in the Mohmand country there has been difficulty. the Pakhtunistan of course an important bearing on movement. and exclude the Amir's. from a point on the watershed between Kunar and Bajaur. Even this line left all the Kama and Goshta Mohmands on the Afghan side. with the subsequent reaffirma13 It has tion by later Afghan rulers. for one argument advanced by Kabul is that the Durand Line cannot be represented as an international frontier and lapsed with the transfer of power in 1947. and we have only to note here that in 1893 for the first time it became possible to think of. one of the most obvious natural features in all this country. and thence skirting the Bazar Valley up to the great range of the Sufed Koh. and refer to. leaving Lalpura satisfied. to Afghanistan (as stated by Abdurrahman).THE PATHANS 382 Durand's command of Persian mark.

living amidst as fine ing. and the two Agencies formed that are now so prominent in Frontier 15 annals. The demarcation on the ground was carried along the frontier of Waziristan. but up to 1947 it was held revised line through offer open. In 1895 there follows the most extensive advance of all. the Amir was offered a India a wezai sections who were Mohmand country further to the east. the Tochi Valley and Wana were occupied. who were compelled to reserve a freedom of action to deal with these clans in the event of their using their Alsatia as a base of hostile action. almost as far as the Upper Oxus and the Pamirs. the 25. More than once this uncertainty proved to be the cause of grave embarrassment to the British authorities. the formation of the Malakand Agency. In consequence. 14 Failing agreement between Pakistan and Afghanistan it is certain that the last has not been heard of this anomaly. For heart of an Alpine scenery and as lovely valleys as can be seen in the world. in every way it was more excitof Baluchistan pation Agency of it carried the frontiers of what is now Pakistan into the some of the greatest mountains in the world.5oo-foot cone of Tirich Mir. an which. The scene includes the paradise of the Swat Valley. running north of Malakand at not much more than 2. there stretches wave on wave of tumbled and surging . To that in due course we must turn separately. would have had the effect of transferring a number of Upper Mohmand clans formally to his allegiance. this move was quite as significant as the occugreat and Quetta. here it need be said only that in the result an attempt was made to control the Wazir country from within. and in contrast. the Dir. It included in its limits some of the most interesting peoples in Asia. a few years later. more formally. or. but led to heavy fighting in that area.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 383 number of Upper Mohmand clans of the Baizai and Khanot in political relations with Peshawar and drew no allowances. is the mightiest of all Hindu Kush peaks.000 feet above sea-level. North and South Waziristan. In many respects. rising beyond Chitral. even as to area covered. The offer has never been taken up. Swat and Chitral. and no attempt was made from Peshawar to enter into agreements with the clans between the two lines. In be- tween. In any case an international line that divides the allegiance of a tribe is a fertile cause of disturbance. if accepted.

son. Russia was watching. when he found Mubarikah. now forested. Very then known of the much shorter route by the Malakand into Swat. and done Chitral from quickly. they knew there was a bourne beyond. It had first been visited from the Gilgit side by William Lockhart. advance was brought about partly by the conduct of the tribes and partly as a counter-move to Russian advances in the Pamirs. and something had to be done. was screened feet from the thousand a few scene of the outer range. but an hereditary part of Dir attacked Chitral and besieged the British Resident. State). to fertilize wide and smiling before 1895.ooo-foot Shandur Pass on only from little was through country not inhabited by Pathan tribes. All this as far as Lowarai was Yusufzai Pathan country.000foot Lowarai pass into Chitral. lifting of perpetual snow. thence up the Panjkora River to Dir. Robert- tions.THE PATHANS 384 to an immense horizon mountain. The Ambela campaign had shown how fiercely the hill Yusufzais were wont to resist the violation of their purdah. and thence over the 10. view by the dropfrom haven. unpenetrated and . A strong force would take the Malakand route through . Up to this time communication with Chitral had been carried the Gilgit side. Year after year men had walked and ridden across the Yusufzai Samah looking towards the first screen of hills to the but even the nearest north.to the British only known from hearsay and road reports. the Pathan chief of Jandul (in Bajaur. now bare. It is strange to think that. It was decided to take the risk and move on two sides. most of this had never been revealed to any Englishman. who had come from Gilgit to report on the situation on the spot. it is in the upper valley of the Kunar which runs down to join the Kabul River near Jalalabad in Afghanistan. rising only wandered Babur that same the over. the Kunar itself rising in to the Baroghil Pass and separated from Russia on glaciers close the Pamirs only by the few miles of the tongue of Wakhan. and threaded by hurrying waters which spread vales. and had maintained friendly subsequently the British Government the country. the valley of Swat. Those first hills were plain. From 1892 of ruler the with touch Aman-ul-mulk. But the relief of Chitral was urgent. had throne the for a onwards struggle brought unsettled condiThis last In 1895 one of the claimants assisted by Umra Khan. across the i2. Chitral in the far north is not a Pathan country.

and has established a police. would march from Gilgit 385 and This advance over the Malakand was strongly opposed. inflict corporal punishment.' Of Ghazan. and even put to death. but as their hereditary ruler with power over their persons. if the clans were to combine. leader of Akbar's armies. the place of Zain Khan's stormy conference with Birbal. although spiritual guide. the greatest chief in these parts. so that his government is far from being unpopular even among his Eusofzye subjects. All the Fakeers in Punjcora now belong to him. the first of the line. The ruler is himself a Painda Khel. a host from the south entered the green belt of the Swat Valley. Raverty writes that he was chief of the 'Molizis' and far the most powerful ruler beyond good the Indus. in counsel with their then this account that. He has extirpated domestic feuds. then ruler of Dir State. indeed as a prince. Khushhal Khan Khatak.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY Dir. while a small reinforcement come in from the north. It should be added to . whom he met. their supreme head would undoubtedly be Rahmatullah. There has been a chief subjects together in Dir for nine generations. which there command the crest. in which the Guides. Qasim's son. but younger than. and pay him a tax. For the first time since the days of Zain Khan. The most powerful of this line are said to have been Qasim and Ghazan Khan. He can imprison. Ismail Khan. having been contemporary with. And of the next in succession that. who held the whole country from Malakand to the borders of Chitral. and was heavy fighting for the pass. known as the Mianguls. the Painda Khel being one of the four sections of the Malizai Yusufzais. Further advance raised entirely fresh political problems. and advanced to Chakdarra. still called Guides Hill. and the spiritual succession was disputed among his four grandsons. turned the scale by climbing and holding the heights. Dir State has always been unique in that there alone among Pathans the tribes acknowledge one of themselves not only as a Khan or malik. There was no State of Swat in those days. all with certain other clans. the great Akhund had died in 1877 and his two sons a few years after him. and it became necessary to open up friendly relations with Muhammad Sharif. Of the former Elphinstone wrote: 'The whole of Kaussim Khaun's Ooloos are now completely at his devotion. along with the regiment which became the 54th. but he derives no revenue from his clan.

to make control effective. martyrs. they form the state's army. as far as I know. became a treaty State. There is no road into Bajaur and. has ever been there. the present Ruler. and for Kashmir the Dir forces. Shah Jahan Khan. But the importance of the Chitral road remains. the with great bravery. and were about the only tribesmen to give a good account of themselves. Dir was recognized as a State in treaty relations with the British Government. as mentioned. Since that time the Ruler of Dir has faithfully observed his agreements and maintains a levy force paid by government to guard this important highway to the north.THE PATHANS 386 the Pathan clansmen do not pay tax. and passage is dependent on the stability of the old-established State of Dir. no officer. and graves of the Kashmir shahids. The immediate environment of Malakand on both sides of the up the Swat Valley as far as the big township of Tanra pass and along the Palai foothills on the Samah side where Babur had wandered were brought under the same sort of loose administrative control that had already proved effective in Baluchistan and Kurram. After the initial fighting at Malakand the Dir Ruler submitted. The Bajaur valleys also to the north-east and toward Afghan Kunar were nominally included in the Agency. British or Pakistani. later first Chief Commissioner on the formation of the North-West Frontier Province in 1901. Dir. Swat. The first officer to be placed in charge of the new Malakand Agency was Harold Deane. In the 1947/48 fighting in by Shah Jahan Khan. despatched present ruler. remained for the time in its chronic condition of tribal welter. So were formed the five Agencies which still exist from . and the force was able to cross the Lowarai and relieve Chitral. are to be seen on many hilltops. but nothing was done then. beyond Tanra. battled many years a biennial relief of regulars was sent through to garrison Chitral. is a man after the fashion of the Yusufzai maliks of the old days. except when it was traversed by troops in 1 897. and will keep his word. and nothing much has been done since. They then suffered heavy casualties. From the beginning this Agency was regarded as so important that it was placed under the direct control of the Central Government. and are reckoned a formidable force. In the thirties of the present century the regulars were withdrawn and Chitral is now garrisoned by a local militia.


O O o rt M CO w H I I 2 PQ w Q p Hi .

but suddenly attacked. Khel tions with Deputy Commissioners of districts. with its growing anxiety. finally. The visitors were at first hospitably received.. Be this as it may. The Adam Afridis of the Kohat Pass are also managed jointly by the Deputy The final pattern was Commissioners of Peshawar and Kohat. Every move had been forced upon fertile A to oppose disdepredations or by the need the presence of what they ruptive influences. but the troops succeeded in as a fine executing a retirement which lives in Frontier history tribes of the the later and steadiness. By August was attacked. more or less complete in 1895 The tribes had watched all this penetration of their valleys with Durand Line.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 387 north to south Malakand. North Waziristan and South Waziristan. where June 1897 Even then their traditions of separatism could Upper with a military escort to choose a site for a levy post. (To those five a sixth has been added by the Mohmand Agency. Kurram. and. considered a common rity either by tribal danger not permit of any needed to set was a unified leadership or councils. of fortnight grit example Malakand rose. a fortnight later Afridi and mand A country Shabqadr and Orakzai Tirah were alight (Warburton was on leave). but not deliberate. the passage of troops in of those all directions through their territory and the garrisoning but the most tracts which were not only strategically important. The southward spread of the conflagration was checked by the fact that the first outbreak had occurred prematurely from in the Tochi. village in the the Political in Agent had gone Tochi. the five Political Agencies. All their officers were killed or wounded. important tribes. and the Kurram was threatened. all this was regarded as a deliberate portions of the land menace indeed it menace to a long-cherished independence.) They do not cover Pakistan since 1947 the the whole tribal belt. authowas. Khaibar. The 1897/98 Wazir Khel a Madda at The train was lit Maizar. The Samana forts had been attacked. and thousands surged round the garrisons on the the blaze had spread to Mohpass and in Chakdarra. the garrison in one case wiped out to a man. the Hazara border. was of war the whole Frontier in a blaze. but only spark on. Controlling operathe point of view of the tribes . and the Khaibar posts fell. The demarcation of the the setting up of accompanying definition of spheres of influence. such as those on still in relaare the and Orakzais Bhitannis. . in the tribes found some sort of union.

Buner. He aspired to the heights. These developments which had led to the penetration of tribal territory. and he does not stir the blood.THE PATHANS 388 were well under way there before Tirah rose. Bajaur. were the only one of importance that did not rise tions in 1897. Among Pathans. the Akhund perhaps and Aslam Khan no others. but he moved on a restricted stage. Why so few of the English? stirring It is hard to assign the reason. and Simla was his home. The entry into Tirah led to the famous battle for the heights of Dargai on the flank of the Samana Range. Durand? 12 no. An extremely successful diplomatist. he could turn a pretty verse in Persian. The birth of the North-West Frontier Province was at hand. He was a political officer who went on missions and accompanied generals in the field he was with Roberts in Kabul in 1879 but he never knew Pathans and his name lives only on a map. but he was a Secretariat man. for the times were enough. building of new roads and more up-to-date forts was begun. Upper Swat. The Frontier began to take on its present look. The Mahsuds. Rifles were Every reader of Frontier history of the period 1860-1901 must how few names stand out from the page as compared with notice the decade of the brotherhood. who indeed were in chastened mood after an expedition in 1 894. Of bold men in the field we can present Sandeman. led Curzon on his assumption of the Viceroyalty in the following year to approach the Frontier problem from a new angle. the French of the East. and the troops in Tochi were able to interpose a screen between Tirah and the Mahsuds. and the magnitude of the problems which it in its turn brought about. the consequent rising. The beauty and fertility of the hidden glens of the Pathan country were The Khaibar was reoccupied. the Mohrnand country and Tirah were traversed from end to end for the first time. and by the spring of 1898 peace had been restored. Military operations were called for on a scale up to that time unprecedented on the Frontier. the most formidable of all the tribes. three years before. In Afghanistan the formidable Amir Abdurrahman grim and sardonic. a sort of successful Macnaghten. the Khaibar and the re-established. In . at last revealed. and there was much other fighting which has passed into Pathan and British story.

it is worth noting. but more in the line of brave Horatius. figure of a burton. and Cavagnari the son of Adolphe Cavagnari. a gardened cantonment stood here or there. and christened Pierre Louis Napoleon himself. He was a picturesque. The railway had reached Peshawar in 1 8 8 1. spent many years in one appointment. Then there is Warwe know. blue-eyed and fair-haired. His best memorial is the fine residence he built at Kohat. mercurial character. but him worthy of the taste of his Savoyard ancestors. and much as it had been when taken over from the Sikhs. seventeen years Deputy Commissioner. Irrigation canals were beginning to make greener the Peshawar vale. town and country still answered to Elphinstone's descriptions of 1809. and remembered in Kohat and Peshawar for his tirelessness on horseback in pursuit of raiders and the quick phrases of his reporting. and a few roads and forts. He was a fine upstanding man. than that of the histories or the Indian Penal Code. except for the ruin of the Durrani palaces.BALUCHISTAN AND THE FORWARD POLICY 389 the Derajat there was one man long remembered Macaulay. Both. Cavagnari was in Kohat for more than a decade. the Attock bridge was built. And Cavagnari. and. Macaulay was a relative of the great jurist and historian. nobly domed and spacious. builder of a famous water- channel and so well respected among the Mahsuds that at least one of that troublesome clan was given the name Makalai Khan. . Otherwise in the villages people and dress and dwellings retained the familiar look of centuries. the Captain of the gate. one of Napoleon's generals. These men passed and left the Frontier outwardly much as they found it. and Macaulay. Warburton was halfAfghan. only thirty-eight when he was killed in Kabul.

Both east and west of the Khaibar hills the Kabul River is the largest affluent of the Indus from the side of the sunset. Here. it arises from the location of the vale of Peshawar on the routes between Kabul and the plains of the Panjab. in the territory roughly comprised between the Kurram and the Gumal Rivers. This is due partly to its fertility which has always acted as magnet drawing both invader and defender within its attraction. we are face to face with quite another and a very different. And for better measure there is the old Bangashat route. and foreshadow tendencies now becom- ing operative over the whole field. That too is almost a side-entrance to Peshawar. geographically the most direct a but until the nineteenth century the least used of these routes. For not only the Khaibar. Gandab. but yet the claim was made.CHAPTER XXIV WAZIRISTAN have reached the last turn of century before our day and the time of birth of a Pathan province. lacking which the picture fails of its full meaning. by the Kurram and Kohat. In so doing we shall find it possible to cross the gap between two centuries and systems. its passage involves some of the same tribes and raises similar political problems. From time to time various empires have sought to establish claims to include within their dominion the hill-tribes of Swat. Bajaur and Swat. tribal complex. through Ba2ar. Further to the south. and on its banks is to be found the most extensive plains country nestling below the mountain spines which strike south from the Hindu Kush. both Mughal and Durrani committed forces to dominate them. But no empire of which we have any record has . Much of the story of the Pathans revolves around the Peshawar Valley. that of Waziristan. debouch on this Peshawar terrain. but many others. Bajaur and even Tirah. with small success it is true. need to stand aside and look more closely at a vivid corner We own there is of the foreground. More directly. if the perspective is to be true and clearly seen.

The south-western tribes occupy a kind of natural geographical fortress. much broader than the upper spar edge. Along mountains guarded by the southern side of this quadrilateral passes the highway from Khurasan into Sind by Kandahar and Quetta and down the Bolan Pass. In like John of Gaunt's England but with ramparts in this is a fortress built by nature for herself. and ear. it runs from Sikaram. That way. north and running nearly south from Thai. is to the east. The longest and western side of the quadrilateral is conceived as the far outer ranges of the Sulaiman system where they drop to the Gardez. down the wall of the Takht-i-Sulaiman to Fort Munro. that of the The Khataks alone over- lap into both areas and divide their cultural allegiance according to their location. place which serve it in the office of a wall. The territory of the south-western tribes can be thought of as a the map. diverges from the side next the mast. armies and trade have always passed. The to the north-east of it. Chaman. described by Raverty and others who believed the Pathans to have extended northward only in the sixteenth century. This western side. in the latitude of Dera Ghazi Khan. The short upper spar side to the north is then the line of the Kurram River from Sikaram on the Sufed Koh to Thai. Ghazni and Kandahar plateaux. of it all speak the soft south-west dialect of hard of the Pakhtu. are speakers and those tribes on this line. as we know. or sometimes Tank. the Miranzai and Kurram River Valley from Thai to Kohat. Peshawar. Pathan tribes. like the outer edge of a mainsail. It The mast Munro which is side of the sail past Quetta to parts the Pashtun own way. by the line of the from their brethren. following the boundary line from the Baluch tribes in that region. Zhob. as the real Afghan homeland of the Sulai- man Mountains. are separated north-eastern The the south-western tribes.WAZIRISTAN 391 making subjects of the tribes of Waziristan. too. runs in a long sweep from Fort table-lands. many of them wear their hair long enough to hide the The metropolis of south-west is the north-east is Bannu. enclosed by boungreat irregular quadrilateral figure on a series of elevated valleys and which walls mountain support dary 1 shaped something like a schooner's mainsail. ever succeeded in Pashtu. The lower or boom edge of the mainsail to the south. its . or Hangu. and more or less follows the Durand Line (but including Khost and Birmal) to the neighbourhood of Toba and Chaman. a of moat.

the nut has proved too hard for the crackers. or succeeded in imposing taxation. Ahmad Shah Durrani made a rough computation of their man-power valley many as mercenaries.500 feet in height. but scene. and their hill fastnesses. they present a different appearance. And to those who know both tribes. Their main centres of population are in the clusters of villages around Kaniguram and Makin on the skirts of the Preghal Mountain. but for all present purposes the Mahsuds are a separate tribe. There is a vague tradition that they once came from Maimana. Their Karlanri classification. are easily entered. In earlier times scarcely known to the historians. They live in the central block of mountains. Chingiz. They hold aloof. Pass along . at whose expense they have encroached to acquire new lands. Timur and others marched through the main alleys which flank their country. the tribes which inhabit the tangle of highlands between Kurram. The outer eastward mountains of this region are the home of the Bhitannis. of Wazirisurrounded by Darwesh Khel Wazirs to the north. in Turkistan north of the Hindu Kush. on their eastern side are the Bhitannis. in the last hundred years or so they have become famous as the doughtiest warriors of all the peoples of the Frontier.THE PATHANS 392 Bori and Duki. and are continually engaged in stan. They are all Karlanris and. which is 1 1. suggest that they may even represent the oldest and purest strain of any of the hill-tribes. The rest of Waziristan is held by the most powerful of the Karlanri Pathans. the Darwesh Khel Wazirs and the Mahsuds. or administered the country. west and south. therefore. There is an ancestral link between Wazirs and Mahsuds. The heart and centre of this tract is what we now speak of as Waziristan. But. according to the genealogies the lineal descendants of Shaikh Bitan in the male line before Bibi Mato came on the and therefore akin to the Ghaljis. the Keep. and both Mughals and Durranis ruled there. further north. aggressive warfare against their Wazir cousins. the British penetrated their every times and established roads and forts in all directions. but none of these disarmed the inhabitants. Tochi and Gumal have defied all efforts to bring them decisively under the yoke. But the Bhitannis are a relatively small and tractable tribe. by our classification Pashtuns rather than Afghans. it is of a kind with the other chessboard theories of Pathan origins and deserving of no more credence than they. as it were. Mahmud of Ghazni may have drawn from these tribes men for his hosts.

a mark indelible.ooo-foot crest of the mountain of Kundighar. The party reached the fluttering flags by the shrine on the hilltop. the holy man whom both a road sections revere as their ancestor. Nikuh Borak. and Harman. rising like a camel's hump above They a story here. But it is the Mahsuds who have left the deepest mark on Frontier story. all within a few months. 2 too. or caravans. a Mahsud lad carrying his rifle. Both are splendid creatures. the Political Agent. like the Wazirs. sleeker and has more grace. but by something indefinby able in his air and carriage. the panther is slier. their great-uncle. as demarcated after 1893. There ment was made of is own country. the Ahmadzais in Wana and Shakai. distinguish one from the other. only to fall down. and has been the scene of attempted encroachment by Afghan authorities. the Wazir to a panther. The nearest I can get to it is to liken the Mahsud to a wolf. 4 Grandpa Borak.' the police their c youth muttered. on the 9. which had once belonged to his friend Harman. and it is them that we must follow to their hills. I beseech thee. a rifle such as this. if I have to kill three men to get it. Musa Darwesh. of these tribesand it is not so hard to men.' But Howell survived. Until the ear is attuned. same. Oh. In Curzon's time the experiraising militias from the local tribesmen to Sarwakai Fort. 3 Two months later he went shooting on Kundighar. is known as Musa Nikuh and his shrine is situated in the far west of the Grandpa Musa Ahmadzai country close to the Durand Line. have their local place of pilgrimage. and in February 1905 Howell had to take the grave decision to disarm and disband the Mahsud contingent. more united and more dangerous. and in the best company. Both Utrnanzais and Ahmadzais have small colonies on the fringes of the Bannu oasis. the Mahsud and Wazir way of talking . "grant me. though all are known as Darwesh Khel. the shrine of Mubarik.WAZIRISTAN 393 which is being used by bahirs. The Utmanzais live as neighbours to the Daurs around the Tochi and towards the Kurram in the north. and as far south as the Gumal. Among Wazirs too there is a cleavage. the wolf-pack is more purposeful. and the gun-carrier was seen to turn and pray to the saint. anxious to secure control of a centre which attracts pilgrims from such important tribes. Mahsud militiamen murdered Bowring. their own Commandant. It lies about a mile on the Pakistan side of that frontier. not his for that is much the dress. that of Evelyn Howell.

male whatever female?" But the fisherman saw the trap. there was also a Kingdom fisherman in the realm. Once understanding comes. say. So he replied: "Your Majesty. and of course was beside a river like our valley. gave a diplomatic answer which siding officer. Thus e or 0. I was enjoying a lively conversation mor or Wen mer. into o into a an o. There was once upon a time story I heard the the King had a Waizir and. So. and he was salt. Said Shahzat: 'Sahib. and ris means envy. and as in duty 5 like all Wazirs. In Hindi of no persons. seeing that King. and this he would be ordered to go or female. and he could never catch another worthy of it. and the Wazir with a phalanx of Utmatmi ris kept constantly cropping word The talk ran on current events. One day uff the fisherman caught catch to the bound presented his ! an enormous fish. who expect perquisites." So the King laughed and is this fish a male or a said to the fisherman: "O fisherman. the least egalitarian There are many such traps of Wasiristan. call isoglott. a man wanted something done.THE PATHANS It is not only that their vocabulary is full very hard to follow. thinking to get the fisherman into "Your Majesty. he said to the King: man if this fish is a male or a female. or possibly equality. fish should have been presented through thought ill of this. he would never be able to do. remind me of a evil the day. as it was the finest fish in the river. The man we jirga as is often wise. be? Suddenly the light broke: it was BJs for RMS. year ago maliks at Miranshah. catch its and mate. changing is also what the linguists means mor Pashtu normal in /. might be respecters it seemed possible my friends. a powerful branch of the interviewing a jirga of was a grey-beard named The Utmanzai Wasirs. the word for of countries. the preall knew well. The him and he was annoyed. Not long ago there was the Tori Khel. it did not fit. the talk of these men can be full of an officer in the Tochi. but when a Mahsud speaks His mother would be mother' but a snake (normal Pashtu mar). what could it But no is A discussing egalitarianism. But the Wazir. jirga's spokesman a twinkle in the eye. King. up. mind of the tribesmen for the unwary. and e and u into one^s of mor he means not his mother. open plains. this fish is a hermaphrodite/' And. Sahib/ con- . jealousy. enquire of this fishertrouble. he said. you put off a at my mother's knee. there of words not used by the Pathans of the broad. but one constantly in the Russia. a with but of great presence Shahzar.



soldier's.' The earliest notice of the Wazirs in an original Muslim source 6 comes from the time of Timur Shah Durrani about the year 1780. This great tribe is wholly independent. The writer did not at that time distinguish between panther and wolf. 'your answer to us reminds me of that fish. they have neither tax nor tribute to pay. and nought besides. The Mahsuds have not forgotten him. scholar's eye. . . sword'.' The Mahsud or Wazir who heard that description today would he would certainly not take recognize himself as he once was amiss the reference to the wolf-pack but he would think the writer superficial and lacking in subtlety. There is a sensitivity in all that Howell writes. but. they are know their own strength and are proud of it. They are not much better than the animals. for save for eating and drinking. they know hills. and owe allegiance to no one. and in his book they have their monument.000 families. that same who as a young man visited the shrine on the crest of Kundighar. gives the colour of his treatment. the Mahsud Pashtu for we. they do not acknowledge the authority of an hereditary or single chief. . and these are chosen with the consent of the branch to which they belong. disagreement exists and the consequence much more powerful. It is a picture whose light is so shot through with darkness 2D . when about whom all to undertake a warlike expedition. but have numerous maliks who hold a little authority. His book Mi^h is the most penetrating of all tribal studies. being more very certain that they other united. What is here written is little more than a poor summary of his thought. moving about their seeking their prey on the highways. its title. He can find himself better represented in the striking picture drawn by Evelyn Howell. and they dwell in an extensive tract of difficult country. he is in the true line from Elphinstone. and c has the courtier's. It is among the Wazdrs than any is that. a leader is selected implicitly obey. c "The Wazir Afghans'. but what he says is generally applicable to both creatures. tongue. he says. Being subdivided into a number of branches. and turned to put in words that will live that mingled attraction and repulsion which makes itself felt to all who have had to do with this intractable people. often capturing his very phrases for none could be better and acknowledging at every point his inspiration. There is no doubt but that very much less internal tribe. are a great and powerful tribe numbering nearly 100. and dying.WAZIRISTAN 395 eluded Shahzar.

look this way. Or he will justify a particularly heinous piece of equivocation by pleading that he has been caught on the horns of a Mahsud dilemma: dale kasa prong. Or. a leopard. when comparing his loose tribal organization with all the apparatus of the modern state. the Alizai. indeed he seems at times to glory in them. yet through the shadows there strikes a gleam of splendour. judged by this standard. a cliff. a pride and a manliness that that command respect and have ensured the Mahsud survival. Shamankhel and Bahlolzai. we three Mahsuds. to this day. 'Therefore let us keep our independence. is not unlike the Scottish 'oorselV. does not always display a unity of conception or a continuity of policy. the Mahsud can smile at his own weaknesses. rela- tively untrammelled.. and have none of your law and order and your other institutions. mi^h laka dangayi. Mahsit. the mi^h of the Mahsuds. look that way. as he deplores the loss to his countrymen of military service by reason of misdemeanours which made their exclusion but an act of common prudence. and. Tosi p'dkh diwol istai. like the Scots and other Pathans. we are a very untrustworthy people. he will come out with the aphorism. to the three main It is rather as if an inhabitant than we Wales of Great Britain. were to refer to England. he will say. or even a better. Scotland and as the three partners in a shared patriotism. you are a cemented wall. the Mahsud system is the best. a comparison that ought to be much truer than it really is. of mi^h drai as the tribesman loves to say. we are like the loose-stone boundary of a field. more self-conscious wont to be. of which all are boast while recognizing its limitations. whether Britain or Pakistan. And again. And indeed. on a narrower field. nor can more primitive societies always be dismissed as barbarians. but stick to our customs and be men like our fathers before us/ 7 The period of British authority on the Frontier from Herbert Edwardes' arrival in Bannu to the demission of power to Pakistan . Howell writes more particularly of the Mahsuds.THE PATHANS it must frighten while it fascinates. c appropriate enough for a people who have as guid a conceit o' theirselY as the Scots. dale kasa kawr. The intelligent Mahsud malik would protest that the end of any social or political system must be to produce a fine type of man. Mi^h der beitibora khalqyi. remarks a Mahsud with a sly grin and an air almost conspiratorial. For the modern state. referring sections.

The record of that century shows that. For in 1930. Nevertheless. when Mahsud country was first penetrated by a military column to hold the tribe to account for a raid on Tank by a lashkar 3. Unlike other wars. and even flattering. or just because the government pathy of Afghanistan was directed by Durranis who were both orthodox Sunnis of the Hanafi school and fellow-Afghans. in British times at least they were apt to produce an after-crop of tribal unrest. From 1860. The operations of 191 91921 were the aftermath of the Amanullah's Third Afghan War. indeed when we were tough enough. to the hard-fought battles of 1919-21.000 strong. Nor was even that the end. This is a tendency which has outlived the coming of Muslim government in Pakistan. sedulously fostered by a Kabul government which has itself made a nominal peace but is only too will- West Frontier. the ing to cause embarrassment to the former opponent by constant intrigue among the border tribes and by the affordance of asylum to groups of outlaws and refugees from justice on the other side. in 1933. and again in the period 1937 to 1940 there was constant trouble with the tribe. for governments in Kabul play as jeal- ously for tribal support against that country as they ever did against the British. This is not to say that the government and officers of Pakistan . The Mahsud effort was inspired by a deep-seated instinct which drove the tribe at all costs to resist subjection and to preserve their own peculiar way of life. they respected and sometimes even and Mahsud opposition was not staged in symrather liked us with Kabul expansionism. To attain this end they were always prepared to make use of adventitious aids such as propaganda or finance from Kabul. or even appeals with a pan-Islamic flavour. That was not in any way the inspiration. of all the Pathan tribes up and down the North- Mahsuds were without question the most intransigent. Afghan wars become serious only when they are over. But the Mahsuds have never really been fanatical they did not hate the British because we were not Muslims.WAZIRISTAN 397 in 1947 lasted exactly one hundred years. to be told that he was a Mahsud first and a Muslim afterwards. when the Mahsuds were subjected to military occupation and roads and posts built throughout their country there were no fewer than six full-scale expeditions. I do not think any Mahsud would regard it as other than truthful.

"Let there be maliks/ said Bruce. loyal disciple through the tribal organization. hitherto these have been given only to his own conception. by way would be of equal efficacy in the condito the Baluch tribes tions of Waziristan. The principle seemed simple and sage enough. in its own realization of the dream of Sher Shah it will way a that the tribes of Roh could be fashioned into an effective shield for the defence of the state. work model. Nevertheless. so the Mahsud requires far more than the appeal of Muslim brotherhood to command even his respect. be an achievement in statecraft of a high order. The design must be to enable the tribes to take their due place in the greater Pakistan. if you want to get anything done in dealings with tribes. which is the preservation of the anarchical freedom of the Drai c Mahsit'. So. let the tribal leaders produce the goods in their own way. As for his allegiance and his loyalty. Bruce believed that the from and applied Quetta with great success principles applied the Pathans of to the Zhob and Loralai as well as Pishin. the captain coincided in time with the arrival of Bruce as Political Agent. if Pakistan can so handle him as to win these also. On the contrary it gives them a very real advantage. This is not an end to be attained through unfettered tribal levies such as those that went with Nadir Khan to Kabul in 1929 or to Kashmir in 1947. just as Khushhal Khan hated and despised Aurangzeb. it was the principle of indirect rule. bright with ideas for the conduct of relations on the Baluchistan A of Sandeman. In war among the more notable was Jaggar of the Abdurrahman Khel section of the who led a furious dawn assault by 2. and the British no doubt would have carried more weight if they had been able to claim a common religion. and maliks there were. The story is interesting. The signing of the Durand Agreement with Amir Abdurrahman in 1 8 9 3 Bahlolzai. In other words.THE PATHANS 398 derive no advantage in their dealings with tribes such as the Mahsuds or the Afridis from the fact that they are brother-Muslims. it .000 swordsmen on Wana Camp in 1894. both in war and in council. those were ventures which did not fall into the pattern of the grand design. Since by the Durand Agreement the Mahsuds were clearly acknowledged as a tribe within the British sphere of influence. There has been more than one remarkable leader among the Mahsuds.

Bruce was instructed to continue his communications with the jirgas with the object of procuring the punishment of the murderers of the maliks by the tribes themselves'. which must be afforded to the tribal authoexpected to obtain the results desired by the government. The opposition among the Mahsuds saw that to bow the knee to the rule of law meant the beginning of the end of their licensed freedom and were determined such things should not be. and if necessary protection. Nothing came of that. glimpse insight man system. Waziristan at that time was an almost pathless rity fiat that there should be maliks hills. Indirect rule does not work in the absence of support. Their leaders were Jaggar as executive. Bruce succeeded in securing surrender for trial by jirga of the five men actually wanted a most remarkable achievement in dealing with Mah- suds. and under his leadership the maliks who had effected the surrender of the five wanted men were made to feel the full weight of the tribal resentment. receiving sentences up to seven years' imprisonment. reinforced by baramta and personal influence. Faced with Jaggar's action. turned a deaf ear. But the Government of India. So perished the endeavour to apply the Sandeman system to the Mahsuds. a Shabi Khel Mahsud who now became prominent for the first time and was undoubtedly the brain behind the resistance. By prolonged negotiation. and as counsellor the Mulla Powinda. the Panjab Governa with of the into essentials of the Sandement. of indirect rule. tangle of tf . In Baluchistan the Sandeman system had been accompanied by the construction of cantonments. two were hounded out of the country. making force available at tactical points for the support of the tribal authority. Jaggar had been concerned in Kelly's murder in Zhob. and a sowar and four sepoys were murdered near the Gwaleri Kotal in the Gumal Pass. two Abdurrahman Khels and three Abdullais.WAZIRISTAN 399 was decided to make efforts to introduce among them this system At this time a Public Works Department officer named Kelly was murdered in Zhob. and both crimes were traced to a gang of five Mahsuds. The was not enough. more interested in the immediate aim of frontier demarcation arising out of the Durand Agreement. forts and roads. the rest went in peril of their lives. Three were killed. recommended a punitive expedition to deal with the offenders. After surrender they were duly tried and convicted. The success was illusory. Baluchistan had been penetrated.

there were only two ways. ride them down and inflict many casualties. in the course of which Mahsud territory was traversed from end to end. replied he declined to communicate with anybody except through the maliks.THE PATHANS 400 With some inconsistency it was decided at the same time to embark on the permanent occupation of Wana. and to the end of the British time was regarded as the centre of opposition . What of their leaders in tribe. but this Mulla' s son. After dawn the tables were turned. He died as long ago as 1913. in the territory of the Ahmadzai Wazirs. for. But no real redress had been obtained for the tribal vengeance taken on the maliks. odd to relate. Later. a year before the outbreak of World War I. for some of whom. And that was the Mahsud leader in war. It speak for the council? Without doubt the most striking was the Mulla Powinda. who do not themselves 'take orders'. 'and blow us all up with cannon. Jaggar condescended to make an uneasy truce with British officers.000 Mahsuds on the that Wana A strong party of swordsmen. and nothing was done to effect any permanent occupation camp. each as good as the other. as cavalry were able to catch up with the retreating Mahsuds. but he is not forgotten. has been able to bank on his father's memory. This is situated well outside Mahsud limits. He was a Shabi Khel Alizai of the Astonai sub-section. unlike the Yusufzais. noting no doubt that in any case Wana is not in Mahsud country. or make all eighteen thousand 8 of us Nawabs!' Jaggar meant that all were equal. the Mahsud religieux are Mahsuds. Bruce. he had a considerable respect. Any young hothead could spoil that game. There followed the night attack by 2. led by Jaggar. Fazl Din. trated to the heart of the of the Mahsud country. peneand did camp great damage before they could be ejected after severe hand-to-hand fighting. Bruce received letters from the Mulla Powinda pressing for the release of the five convicts. Things are changing now. 'Let it be field/ he said one day to Howell. Jaggar himself being wounded. and terms were exacted and fulfilled. On his way up to Wana. There followed the 1894/95 expedition. and insisting that no troops be stationed at Wana. death or glory for the whole was no use to suppose that a selected oligarchy could rest. One of the demands was for the exclusion of the Mulla Powinda until the demarcation of the Durand Line was complete. a pale shadow of himself.

he must say to the It occurred then know. that any forceful and self-respecting opponent would have been bound to react violently. a completely new orientation A was given to the Government's Mahsud policies. During the earlier years. it was anticihis fangs. the Mulla's apcommunications proaches were met with the rebuff that no direct to say through had he what could be held with him. As a corollary to this. What then happened a was Mulla the of the mistake. so vacillating. and would respond to this demo- . as it were assembled in parliament and euphoniously c dubbed the great jirga of the Mahsuds'. we the maliks. On the other side let it be recorded in fairness that the treatment he received at was so contrary.WAZIRISTAN 4 01 form of closer relations with the government. that ignoring policy government henceforth their local officers were to try sailing upon the opposite tack. There was a vague idea that the Pathan. and. which was described as the tuman. Even this was done. would effectually draw hesitation and wooing the Mulla coyly intimated that an allowance would be welcome provided it was paid secretly. Incitement of officers was not outside the Mulla's prescriptions. After a suitable period of pated. and the allowance sanctioned was more than three times that given to any other individual in the tribe at that time. And in the eyes of the Mahsud no moral stigma British hands attaches to assassination. and even induce him to accept an allowance. unlike the Baluch. In his day the Mulla Powinda was the leader of the party which went to Kabul and relied on funds and encouragement given by the then Amir's brother. and so exactly calculated to humiliate by a mixture of cajolery and snubs. for the maintenance of a sancto any to the killing tuary free from British encroachment. 'will only observe that the best method of dealing with the Pathans of Waziristan appears to be still a matter for experiment. and see whether they could not make a friend of him. few years later a further slap in the face was given to the maliks. This. Merk having succeeded Bruce. Nasrullah Khan. as we have seen.' Proceeding one can almost hear the Mulla's chortlings when on this cliche the maliki system was scrapped out of it came to his notice to make allowances payable to the whole decided and it was hand. 'The Government of India/ pompously wrote the Simla Secretariat. Merk's idea was to deal with the whole tribe in mass. prefers popular assemblies to rule by an oligarchy or a chief. tribe.

was asked to sit down with the Political Tahsildar and give his advice as to who those maliks should be. and his scheme perished. it was difficult enough to arrange for the customary and necessary deposit of weapons before jirga. or Curzon who approved Merk's fantastic plans.THE PATHANS 402 was forgotten that 'the great jirga of the a Mahsuds'. There was no Lionel Curtis to tell Merk. It than one Cleon to act as demagogue. in all tribal loss and gain. and. Thus nikat would regulate shares in allow- . So it came to pass that. But the arrival of a tribal levy of many thousand armed men at such a place as Tank raised acute problems of security. in dealings with the government. whole body of what Howell calls the immutable or slowly chang- ing law which fixes the share of each clan and sub-section.000 strong and sometimes double that number. scarcely born. closely. to expect to conduct relations with a discordant array several thousand strong. even of each family. but dangerous. known also as the tribal sarrishta^ benefits would be distributed and liabilities apportioned. But by a strange lapse of sanity the Mulla Powinda. that in this age democracy had outgrown tribalism and could only be expected to work through a system of representative institutions. heredity. without the erudition of Athens. Not unnaturally all the leading men had held aloof from his settlement. or. whose whole object in life it was to supplant and undermine the maliks. and with more cratic treatment. and jirgas can often give points to any 9 parliament in matters of usage and decorum.. By this system. inter-sectional bickering would lead to loss of temper and sometimes to bloodshed. It is true that the jirga tradition is all in favour of order at time of council. and very little experience proved that it was not only expensive. even if feeling was not directed against authority. The word itself is connected with the Pashtu for a grandparent. three months only after Merk's departure. his doctrines were reported by Johnston to be unworkable. Neither Merk nor Curzon understood it. So the maliks were recreated. and means more It has come to imply the hereditaments. Those who know the Mahsuds intimately are well aware that in point of fact the tribe possesses a very close and detailed organization based on heredity and known as nikat. disorderly mob never less than 5. would repeat the excesses of the Athenian agora. but maliks in some form were in fact essential to act as tribal attorneys. even when that was done.

was an attempt. 'No matter how the political officer of the time has wished or tried to make what may be regarded as a proper distribution of the benefits in his gift. The later institution of Khassedars. Like a tree it grows and alters. and had to fall back defeated. and gradually through the years. there are and it is impossible to wish them away. Howell tells how from the earliest times our officers came up against this. in the end he has always been forced to conform more or less closely to the tribal notion. his relationship with section and sub-section. is known to everyone down to the last twig and even to the last bud. dead or rotten. It was. or tribal police. and equally the amount due in fine under any settlement either with the govern- between contending sections. It laid down a strict order of precedence based on heredity. found himself forced to restore them. or even in bloodshed. So fixed is the tribal notion of due shares according to their hereditary system that it has usually been found impracticable to go outside it. But here arose another difficulty. of which every main branch. the system was modified to take account of both maliks and tuman^ representatives and commonalty. Nor was it only over the maliks that Government's policy was They were not content to let their subject to violent oscillations. This was a main difficulty in the enlistment of Mahsuds for the regular army.. to allot benefits to the commonalty. for instance in matters of promotion. the parts to the whole. and defined the exact position of the head of every Mahsud family. So merit has often gone unrewarded.WAZIRISTAN 403 ances from government or booty from a raid. under the supervision of maliks. promote a deserving individual without reference to nikat would be met with a sullen resentment. and ment or as nikat indeed remains. ending perhaps in the desertion of the aggrieved. while iniquity has pros5 pered. Nor was the idea of by any means exhausted by rules of profit and loss. . and the process has a slow and almost terrifying inevitability. reward for good service or penalties for misconduct. and the connection and standing of the whole to the parts. puts forth new branches and throws off those that are old. whatever Mullas or governments may say. any attempt to By nikat. in return for keeping order in the tribe within the framework of nikat. every lateral and sub-lateral branch. a tribal family tree. not altogether unsuccessful. Merk's successor maliks.

and a more fortunate might well have ranked with set- many who In his farewell letter to his countrymen. read out to the Mahsuds in jirga after his death. the creation of the new irregular force lacking a local element in their composition. patriot and champion of his tribe's independence. the Mulla Powinda. known as Scouts. much judged by any standards current among Englishmen/ says Howell. he cannot be denied some tribute of admiration as a determined and astute. restoration. and all the Mulla's local officers lead an active role. A man who. It is not surprising that amid all this opportunism no fixed point could be found. Indeed it was only the character of the local officers benefits and their assistants that kept the business running at alL of this formative period was a during man who knew what he wanted. Subsequently there was yet another swing in policy. But he was more than that. the elimination. he are accounted great men. the introduction of the Khassedar.THE PATHANS 404 them. And there were other changes withdrawal of regulars. "His character cannot be On the other side. though not altogether c single-minded. can have been no little man. From the British point of view it is hard to see him as other than a wily scoundrel who did not shrink from the use of assassination as a weapon. and they who not only gave him a munificent allowance and sanctioned him a grant of land in order (so they said) to undermine his influence. and given more malleable material to work upon than Mahsuds have ever ting in time and space. could make so large an instalment of frontier history character. the creation of militias. and upon occasions were anxious to play had been recreated by Johnston. without any inherited advantages and without education. but just at that very moment put the list of the proposed new maliks into his hands for revision. the occupation by regulars again. striking appearance in effect but a series of chapters in his own biography. who insisted the was Government it upon taking the Mulla under their wing. the Mulla exhorted them to hold their . All officers who ever actually met him will agree that his forceful and persuasive eloquence made a on those with whom he came into personal condeep impression tact. and confidence in authority tended to be slow and uncertain. and second elimination of the Mahsud elements in those militias.' afforded. By those who have made allowances for the environment in which he lived. After the maliks the were cancelled.

and if need be to occupy the open Razmak plateau in the very heart of the mountain massif. was to follow earlier precedents and advance up the Takki Zam Valley to the point where it is joined by the Baddar at Dwa Toi and from that centre to dominate the meaning Watersmeet central strongholds of the Mahsuds around Kaniguram and Makin. Over one hundred raids were made in six months on the adjacent districts and the tale of unrequited was growing higher. and it behoved all good tribesmen to enlist under the Amir's banner. and in 1929 when Nadir Khan with their aid took Kabul.200 new-model rifles and nearly a million rounds of small arms ammunition. and established himself as the first of a new dynasty. while taking the leading part. and generally make themselves as much of a nuisance as possible. The Government's plan.WAZIRISTAN 405 nationality intact. who in the name of the Amir Amanullah gave the impression that the British Government were about to withdraw behind the Indus. had the Mahsuds been possessed of the manners and decorum of Yusufzais. occupy evacuated posts. In the aftermath of the short Anglo-Afghan War of 1919 Waziristan was visited by an Afghan Brigadier named Shah Daula. It is no wonder that it seemed to the Mahsuds and others that they could choose their own way without hindrance. The advance was opposed by the Mahsuds offences . On both occasions the Mahsuds. were reinforced by considerable lashkars of Wazirs. when they finally made up their minds. and allow neither the British Government nor the Amir to encroach upon their country. The British had found it necessary during hostilities to evacuate Wana. under such a leader they might have laid the foundations of a State as stable as the Swat of the Miangul. situated on the skirts of the Pre Ghal Mountain. ousted Bacha-i-Saqao. So might Khushhal Khan have written. to compose their internal differences and to give up raiding so as to deprive Govern- ment of a convenient excuse for occupying Mahsud country. The position was intolerable and clamoured for counter-action. where the tribesmen had captured no less than 1. Or. The two occasions when the Mahsuds made the most striking impact on their neighbours were during the war of 1919-21 when the British Government finally took steps to occupy Razmak and other central points in Waziristan.

aided successful tribal raids. It would be admired for what we might call a true sense of realism and timing. This answer was given. by Malik Mehrdil. The force sustained over 2. Therefore they owed the Wazirs no gratitude. The gap between Government and tribal armaments had been greatly narrowed by in full force. To this appeal the Mahsuds gave a characteristic reply. notable mainly for it throws on conceptions of tribal alliance. but proved that the new weapons had not affected their traditional valour as swordsmen at close quarters.000 casualties in killed. They said that but for Wazir support they would have made peace before the great fight at Ahnai Tangi. missing and wounded. the force sat many down to a blockade. during which hand-to-hand encounters were frequent. while the tribesmen estimated their losses at more than double that figure. but acting on the offensive within Afghanistan. In some respects the adventures of the Mahsud and Wazir contingents which accompanied Nadir to Kabul in 1929 present a picture even more significant. and then only after such fighting as had never before been seen upon the Frontier. I believe. and thus avoided much suffering and heavy losses. but a grudge. full use was made on the tribal side of the new arms of pre- and The battle for the narrows at Ahnai Tangi lasted five days. vicissitudes in the resulting in due course and after making of the peace which led (by 11 negotiation with the Utmanzai Wazirs) to the occupation of Razmak and the construction of a network of roads over the country.THE PATHANS 406 by a strong contingent of Ahmadzai Wazirs from Wana. It was not until two months had passed that the objective was reached. the Mahsuds for whom Mehrdil spoke. The position was that after Ama- the light . and the Mahsuds not only demonstrated great skill in the tactical use of fire-power. now in his eighties and the first Mahsud representative in a Pakistan legislature. For all its the answer is one that at the time won applause from cynicism. When the Wana Wazirs perceived their turn was coming. and probably even wrung a wry smile from the Wazir deputation that heard it. For on that occasion they were not defending their own country from occupation. and they refused all help. including the looting of the Wana Fort. they applied to the Mahsuds for assistance in return for the help they had given them in their hour of need. There followed the reoccupation of Wana. On arrival at destination cision. including 43 officers killed. of the Mai Khel section of the Manzai Alizai.

and there was an assumption. and Nadir Khan had come from France in an attempt to recover the throne for the Muhammadzais. however. like Amanullah. who. 12 He was. Neither they nor others up and down the Frontier have forgotten the lesson. shot through even then with some scepticism. This lashkar formed the spear-head of Nadir's advance. occupying Kurram as they did. whose great-grandson he was. Here he met with success. previously encouraged by Amanullah in hostility to the British Government. and like him descended from Painda Khan. it was they who took Kabul for him and made it possible for a Durrani dynasty to be restored. were able to prevent Tirah tribesmen from crossing into Afghan territory. Nadir occupied the throne for solicitations . and these and others affected to have been deceived when at a later stage. and was joined by considerable lashkars. The absence of reward annoyed those who were unable to obtain what they regarded as their due share of the loot. that they were acting on Amanullah' s behalf. known as Bacha-i-Saqao. but found his efforts severely discouraged by the Government of India. only a collateral. our old friend Sultan Muhammad Khan. Nadir. On arrival on the Frontier Nadir resorted to the Kurram whence he endeavoured to mobilize aid from among the Afridis and Orakzais. They were in fact the King-makers of the day. yielding to from other quarters. in Birmal and elsewhere. not being descended from the Dost but from his brother. had lands on the Afghan side of the Durand Line. He then turned his attention to the Mahsuds and Wazirs. some of whom. He and his brothers Hashim and nullah's fall in 1928 freebooter Shahwali were acting in concert. At the time of his capture of Kabul Nadir had no money and was unable to reward adequately those who had brought about his success. Those on the British side of the line went in defiance of warnings from the Government of India not to meddle in Afghan affairs.WAZIRISTAN 407 power had fallen into the hands of a Tajik named Habibullah. was a Muhammadzai of the Barakzai clan of the Durranis. There are also Wazirs whose permanent homes are on the Afghan side of the line. including numbers of both tribes living in Waziristan itself. He was driven to connivance when the Mahsuds and Wazirs looted a considerable part of the city and to the rather empty grant of honorary rank in the Afghan army. King-makers can as easily be King-breakers.

This family is spread all over the Middle East. As such they regard the Gillani (or Jillani) shrine of Abdul Qadir at Baghdad with strong forces in that region. his agents in the Middle East sought means to disturb Afghanistan. from which centre he began to preach. Geilanis. tier The Gillani family also. His exhortations soon took on a political note. and return to their homes. and a network of Gillanis and others under his control it is significant that Rashid to Pakistan. main agents appear to have been Hajj al Husaini. in 1938. a strong lashkar of both tribes crossed the Durand Line and invested Matun in Khost. Keilanis or Jillanis in every Muslim country from Syria particular reverence. of which the Naqib of Baghdad is the titular head. and he succeeded in mobiliz- . and with it the North-West Frontier. so compelling the British to retain As we know. receives the regard due to a Pir. to prepare a movement in favour of Amanullah's restoration.THE PATHANS 408 himself and founded what was in effect a new dynasty. oust the Yahya Khel as Nadir's dynasty was called after his grandfather. In 1933. was a Gillani. when Hitler was preparing war. first in an earlier year to learn his way about. Nadir himself was assassinated later ini933. while Nadir was still alive. more than once played on both tribes to repeat the success of 1929. and he established himself near Kaniguram. A young Syrian Gillani was sent to Waziristan. back. go once more to Kabul. once more laden with loot. and later. and it was not till air action was taken by Delhi against the homes of those who had joined the lashkar that it was broken up. aiming at his restoration. He seems to have been armed with plentiful supplies of cash. the leader of the Iraq rebellion in 1941. there are Gillanis. his cousin in the third degree removed. the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem.Ini938a still more dangerous situation had to be met. but this proved ineffective. The Government of India attempted to prevent the movement by establishing a cordon of troops. The partisans of Amanullah. the people of the Fronwith few exceptions are orthodox Hanafis. Hitler's Amin AH. the son of for Sultan Muhammad Khan put Amanullah. with the notion of tying the hands of the British Government in India. In that year. the rightful king. With tongue in cheek they complained that they had won the throne Amanullah and not for Nadir. and once This attitude made both Mahsuds and Wazirs a useful weapon for the blackmailer.

Pictures of 'the Shami Pir' in his two incarnations showed a contrast so astonishing that it seemed impossible the man could in his western garb a youngish. with more on Kabul. as with on planes other than that of force as in the field. a beard and a sanctimonious air. the Kaniguram he wore a Sayyid's robes. The Kabul Government will always need some sort of insurance it is never quite strong against tribal blackmail. stroking a flowing beard. on the throne. and. even the struggle to cap his wit. The Pir himself was known to the tribes as 'the Holy Man from Syria. on the hillside or upon the road. The beard's the thing. Who life a burden for months and parties when men who have made your once crowd round with fervent hand-clasps. outside the office. The Mahsud is as redoubtable in council as he is in battle. After his surrender he shaved the beard and donned his customary Levantine suit. It certainly worked with the Mahsuds. plumpish.49 WAZIRISTAN some Wazirs. the effort required to meet his plausibility. which. It is not healthy that the Karachi in tribes keeping should be used as pieces in the ancient game of chess known as bddshdbgardi. Only one who has spent a long day listening to the arguments of Mahsud visitors will understand the exhaustion which difficult to deal comes from resistance to his importunings. in his robes a sly ecclesiastic from Al-Azhar. an utter recklessness of the consequences of individual action. to march once ing large sections of Mahsuds. unaided. And yet. During his residence at Shami Pir'. part they played in putting the present dynasty of theories to not will Pashtunistan. It was only by the most determined use of force 13 that the Government of India were able combined with cajolery to secure the Pir's surrender and removal. do not forget the and Wazirs Mahsuds The enough to control. Lastly and it is remarkable that this quality should be combined alike with discipline in the field and the rigidity of the tribal sarrishta there is always the chance of a rush of blood to the head. and Tribal ebullience yield the time will come when Kabul will need the good-will of it within bounds. bidmake could it be with a tear in the eye ding you God-speed The you half believe that after all the burden was worth carrying? years all at . and the break-up of lashkars already on their way to Kabul. natty be the same dweller on the Mediterranean coast. there is no does not remember those farewell tea- happier companion.

is a charge which imis C c the holder a heavy strain. But the boldest experiment of free that for the provision of parliamentary representation for the and Provincial Assemblies of Pakistan. will be clearer and more comprehensible to a fellowMuslim than ever they were to us. but those who are. we may perhaps add. It is obvious enough that it is not easy to adapt the machinery of administered territory. A trans-border agency'. regard government of Pakistan as their own. Somewhere. they have enormously expanded the means to education. and there is no doubt of the tribesman's interest in them. even demand. moral. and it remains to be decided how they should crystallize. Not all by any means are Pathans. Moreover. who is fit or to poses upon by temperament apt and even amongst the few who are there are fewer still who can stand the strain for long at a time. somehow. polling-stations. are equipped to follow even the Pashtu of Mahsuds and Wazirs and very rough and difficult it is without that concentration of thought and effort required of even the best foreign linguist. the tribes now the A say they. In this respect of course the Pakistani officers who have succeeded us have many cards in their hands. writes Howell. for. but he would be wrong. ballot-boxes people who and all the rest. It is not hard to give examples of the sort of problems to be . It is not every officer. Doubting voices have been raised. but it is already clear that the principle of this new departure is welcomed by the tribes themall is tribes in the Central selves. electoral methods are at present in a very empirical stage. there is a bond. Mahsud is seldom strictly orthodox in his creed. the accompaniment of Mahsud history. physical. mental. and this is striking. who expect. I think. haps the vacillations of policy. his attractions and his repulsions. But the language of communication is a small thing. The Pakistanis claim that there has been a change of heart.THE PATHANS 4*0 sceptic will say the fellow glad to be rid of you. High Schools and Middle Schools are now dotted about all over the tribal regions.' Hence percarry the burden. even amongst members of a picked corps. Nevertheless. with electoral rolls. to have never yielded to the trammels of administrative control. a voice in the affairs of government. We failed there. but at least his mental processes. Representatives have already been chosen and have taken part in legislative proceedings. and.

Where the tribal system is still working. where the Mahsuds and Wana Wazirs live. for instance. It seems clear enough that parliamentary constituencies in tribal regions should be drawn as far as may be according to tribal boundaries. What. There is here an opportunity for wedding Pathan ideas of tribal organization with the western concept of representative institutions. and no authorities for impartial hearing claims and objections? And what should be the limits of the franchise? to ensure an orderly country-wide registers.WAZIRISTAN 4TI faced. In maj or matters such a conclave may represent a whole tribe. but. This the jirga. small or large. The unwritten law is that the jirga takes decisions which in the end overbear opposition and are accepted as unaniis mous. it will represent a clan. and in the last resort by force or threat of force. it was at first thought that the constituency should embrace the whole agency. Further. wherever the tribal spirit is alive. when lesser issues are at stake. The Wana Wazir s did not welcome this result as philosophically as they heard Malik MehrdiPs refusal to come to their aid against the British in 1920. unless the argument or personality is strong enough to sway the jirga. and no Wana Wazir was elected. no procedure for making police (except Khassedars). for the simple reason that the Mahsuds are. The essential point is that everything takes place in the open and there is nothing like secret ballot. Minority opinions will be given. will give the polling officer an anxious day. the stronger and more influential tribe. and supply two members to the West Pakistan Assembly. I have no doubt that the solution is to be found 2E . or sub-section. they are borne down by rude eloquence. In the result both members turned out to be Mahsuds. by the personality of the most persuasive or forceful. as everyone should know. is to be the shape of the constituencies? In South Waziristan. Nor would such procedure be in accord with tribal sentiment. its instrument is the maliks and elders sitting in conclave. what is to be the procedure for voting among tribes where there is no census. or to decide between candidates by show of hands. A Mahsud jirga told to ballot at a police-station. no How among a population in which almost every adult male is armed to the teeth? On an imaginative solution of such practical selection questions everything will depend. surrounded by as many of the younger warriors as may have presence and personality enough to be admitted without question.

last year. are able to build. it should return in full jirga and say. the Loi Jirga of Afghanistan is a feudal body. and working perhaps with a surer and easier touch than was possible for unbelievers. made possible by the hundred years of British association with the Frontier people. these dangers I believe that the idea of tribal representation has come to stay. and tant will make it more likely that. however manfully tribes like the Mahsuds fought us. 'how great a diversion of the ship follows from a slight deflection of the rudder. Having decision. In the task lying before them they can profit from the mistakes of their forerunners. or something like it. Such a system will fix tribal responsibility.THE PATHANS 412 which makes use of the tribe's own custom. and the Mahsuds. adding from their own store. On that Pakistan. there remains on both sides a liking and a memory which abides and carries through into new times. it will ensure that the tribe as a whole. 'This is its our man/ This.' . has had a say. avoiding that easy shift of policy which cares only for immediate advantage and takes no account of ulterior effect. it will be brewed in some place other than the hustings. For. was tried with the Mahsuds and it seemed to work. and that its own methods telling the tribe to go away and decide by in a system means whom it reached wishes to put forward as its representatives. 'Let it be reflected/ concludes Howell. if trouble is to be expected. and it is just in such matters that Despite all Karachi has such a pull over Kabul. The new conception is the child of the century-old marriage of eastern with western thought. It is inconceivable that any Afghan government will have either the vision or the ability to introduce such methods. and not not least imporonly special elements in it.

it becomes more difficult to the picture in true perspective. In 1901 a separate Pathan province was brought to birth. where a foot placed wrong might at any time attract the responsibility not only of the central government in India but of London itself. and improving the relations of the districts with their trans-border neighbours. events. where it could at least be argued that administration by a larger authority had certain advantages. At one time Lytton even proposed 413 . Against the background of this contrast we may be able to bring at least some isolated tendencies. but of tribal territory under a vague executive control. For the trans-Indus area consisted not only of settled districts. a scheme was propounded by Lytton in 1877 with a view to giving the central government a more direct control over Frontier administration and policy.CHAPTER XXV NORTH-WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE approach our own times. But there remains one supreme and final conception. as the tale went on. already foreshadowed in these pages but not yet brought to an issue. But even then.ee Awe crowd on the mind all at once and in disordered array at the conclusion of the story. rather than leave the movements and tendencies of today to . and so see the picture of the last half-century whole. in 1955 that province was once more merged in a larger unit. namely the question of Pathan national consciousness and of the shape and form in which it may best be given its political expression. I have thought it better to relate them as effects to causes. In the earlier days when relations with the tribes were conducted by district officers and the international frontier had not been defined. the anomaly was not so apparent. and even personalities within the coherence of a larger design. under pressure of the Russian advance in Central Asia. Long before Curzon came out as Viceroy in 1899 it had been realized that there existed certain anomalies in the organization of the North-West Frontier as part of the Panjab. For that reason.

9th November. while remaining under the Panjab government and taking their orders from that government in all matters of ordinary administration. . so thirty-nine on his appointment long unresolved. In 1899 the strenuous. the builder of the Malakand Agency. the new administration was in charge of a Chief Commissioner who combined in his placed the administrative charge of the districts with the political person the Durand control of the tribal belt and Central Government. Hazara (cis-Indus). he proceeded to demolish all arguments for the maintenance of the status quo. and the experiences of the tribal risings of 1897-98 gave added point to the arguments of the only logicians. youthful mind of Curzon grappled with this problem. Already. Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan. was that after the troubles of 1897 the British Government had declared against the partition of the Panjab. Curzon was very doubtful of the wisdom of this compromise. The Second Afghan War caused these ideas to be shelved. were separated from the Panjab to form the province proper. Kurram. The position. to create one the British mind. They had decided that the Commissioners no of Peshawar and the Derajat. in 1895. But from the when the occupation of Baluchistan became effective and control still central under was more beginning Quetta and Malakand Waziristan of were when Khaibar. adjacent to these and under the same hand were all the five Political Agencies together with other tribal territory managed by District Officers as far as Line. 1 1901. as Curzon found it. the North.West Frontier Province came into being. Like Baluchistan. There is not much to show what the Pathans themselves thought of the change. and finally in the most elaborate minute ever written by a GovernorGeneral. the management of the States and tribes affected by the great move forward over the Malakand had been entrusted to an officer placed directly under the orders of the Government of India.THE PATHANS 414 immense Frontier province from Peshawar to the sea. and on the King's birthday. Kohat. The was directly subordinate to the officer selected was Harold Deane. for the British. with a fifth. should act directly under the Central Government in their dealings with the tribes beyond the administered border. In a series of letters to Whitehall. parts became obvious even and lack of to the disarray logic occupied. the birth of the new province was easy one. The four trans-Indus districts of Peshawar.

First 415 came a siting shot. scope. as to interpose beits foreign minister and his most important sphere of tween . but through the elaborate machinery of a provincial government.NORTH-WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE Curzon developed his case in characteristic fashion. acting as an intermediary. 1899. 1900. I cannot spend hours in wordy argument with my Lieutenant-Go vernors as to the exact meaning. 'The Viceroy is c responsible for frontier policy/ he writes on 5th April. The result is that in ordinary times the Panjab government does the Frontier work and dictates the policy without any interference from the supreme government at all. of each petty aspect of my Frontier policy. conceivable results. stands on one side. It is fine writing and worth a glance only for that. culminating in a salvo of concentrated rapid fire.' And again. the minute of 1 3th September. Yet his subordinate had replied with a long and disputatious argument which had driven the Viceroy to despair.' As Curzon developed his case. followed by sharp single shots on the bull's-eye. character. has placed between itself and the Frontier the Panjab government which often knows less and which for twenty years has been an instrument of procrastination and obstruction and weakness. so bizarre in practice. object. but that in extraordinary times the whole control is taken over by the Government of India acting through agents who are not its own. In November 1 899 he complains that he had told the head of that province precisely what he felt on certain Frontier problems and had believed the matter closed. I must get some fairly intelligent officer who will understand what I mean and do what I say. l venture to affirm. yet he has to conduct it hot through the agency of officials directly under him. but not realizing that it was duplicating the danger.' he writes bitterly.' ring out the sonorous phrases. possible limitations. "that there is not another country in the world which adopts a system C e so irrational in theory. purport. the Lieutenant-Governor 2 of the Panjab. realizing its own ignorance. If they deliberately refuse to understand it. dispossessed and sulky. . 'The Government of India. 1 cannot work under this system. and haggle and boggle about carrying it out. while the Panjab government. to which the Frontier and its problems are necessarily something in the nature of side-shows.' And now we hear the roll of the full battery. criticizing everything that is done. he met with strenuous opposition from Mackworth Young.

It interposes between the Foreign Minister of India and his subordinate agents not an ambassador or a minister or a consul. as he liked to call it. latter resides in closer official. of exaggerated centralization. were many who still . at the actual time feeling was so stirred that one officer. Fanshawe. but he did not go to the pains of ascertaining the Governor's views and placing them on the record. resigned the service on the ground that a grave public indignity has been thrust upon the fifteen years later. there held strong views against Curzon in this matter. possessed of a high sense of duty and gifted with admirable manners'. of divided counsels. the Commissioner of Delhi. it has yet been the source of friction. Mackworth Young was more than incensed at what he regarded as a studied affront. But Curzon had not thought fit to consult the Panjab governor officially before submitting his proposals to the Secretary of State. They yielded gracefully and sanctioned the creation of the new Frontier Province. might have on a sensitive nature. With the patronage of biographer the grand seigneur he had described Mackworth Young as 'one of the most honourable and high-minded of men.THE PATHANS 416 activity the barrier. it was contrary to all usage that so radical a proposal should go forward without consultation with the head of the province affected. 'You have not cared to consult me about forming a new Administration out of the territory which I have received a commission from Her Majesty to administer. Curzon was curiously insensitive to the effect that the process of 'utterly abolishing an opponent'. Worked as the system has been with unfailing loyalty and with profound devotion to duty. on the mere geographical but of a subplea that the a plea proximity to the scene of action which itself breaks down when it is remembered that for five months in the year the supreme and local governments are both located in the same spot. As his 3 relates. of vacillation. Simla. not of a subordinate ordinate government.' And now the crescendo: 'The system attenuates without diminishing the ultimate responsibility of the Government of India. of interminable delay/ The British Government could not stand up to convictions propounded with this eloquence. It protracts without strengthening their action. but the elaborate mechanism of a local government and the necessarily exalted personality of a Lieutenant-Go vernor.' he wrote. Even when I first knew the Panjab.

Further. Briefly the case for the separatists was that the Frontier was too important a matter to form merely a portion of the duty of a provincial governor who frequently had no experience of its characteristics or requirements. But this defect was to some extent offset by including them in the general cadre of the Political Service. but rather that the real arguments were never fully developed in the records. 4 and for the rest it is reasonable to hold that the attractions of Frontier service drew some of the best men not only from the Panjab but from other provinces and services in standards a cadres of the new India. and that there would be a tendency to subYoung's case to breach of official ordinate the rights of the administered districts to considerations of policy as regards the tribes or Afghanistan. to which the Commissioner gave expression. those who made a name upon the Frontier in Panjab days were the few who served there for long periods and learned the ways and language of the people. the new organization was now able to secure that all the men with a greater part. as unmerited as it to make this sacrifice of his was ungenerous. There is little . The arguments deployed from the Panjab were certainly exaggerated. They proceed to some extent on the assumption that in the matter of administration any severance from Panjab control could not but be for the worse. but unjustly. And behind all this was the knowledge that the management of tribal affairs is inextricably bound up with the conduct of foreign policy and defence on a difficult and dangerous frontier. and must involve a lowering of somewhat arrogant position. For us who remain the point is not so much that the incident was a breach of official decorum. of their official lives. as has been said. Unkind critics hinted that he had acted from motives less altruistic. He own 417 felt called upon service in vicarious vindication of his government's honour. There was a deep and sincere feeling of outrage. and that at best there was under the then existing system delay in matters that brooked no delay. Unlike the Panjab. or that it should have led to a personal wrangle between two men highly placed. It is true that the administration were small.NORTH-WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE province. if flair for Frontier service could stay there for the not the whole. Mackworth somewhat blurred by the recriminations relating decorum was in effect that the Frontier administration would be expensive and inefficient for lack of senior supervisors.

entered the lists against us. But despite the elaboration of argument in his minute his case was never fully stated. had been stirred Any reader today of the documentation of that time will be struck by the omission to consider the bearing of the measures carried through on the populations to be affected by the change. and even those troubles. so far as the Frontier was concerned. by happening in the and in India were not of local origin. Little attempt had been made to get at the root of the trouble by the use of preventive measures. There is little doubt that in the circumstances then ruling the first seven Curzon was right.THE PATHANS 418 doubt that in the main this was an advantage which outweighed the Fronapprehensions in the matter of efficiency. We have seen already that the failure to weigh one against the other before 1900 was the prime cause of those tensions and unease of which the sole cure had proved to be the annual punitive expedition. myself think 5 the standard of the officers in central or provincial services was lower than the admittedly high level attained in the neigh- bouring province. In that . that the Frontier was again subject to storm. In Panjab generally. They this case the post hoc hoc sound is propter argument enough. though the wind blew from the what was Afghan quarter. universally respected in the non-Arab Muslim world. There was also a that one of small and successful Waziristan expedition against the Mahsuds in 1917. and Curzon stands vindicated. the province stood firm throughout the trials of World War I. who succeeded Deane and ruled for eleven years. there was no great cause for pride in the record of Lahore. when the Great War was over. Under Roos-Keppel. Roos-Keppel did indeed start his tour of office with two small operations the scale of which is sufficiently shown by the fact them was called the Week-end War. In the time of Harold Deane no expedithere were of the existence new years province's interests the tions except some counter-raids on the Mahsuds to wind up Merk's blockade. On the point which relates to subordination of district to tribal answer is still clearer. In those days do and I not tier was not so small as to become parochial. In short. reasons which might have been adduced even then in support of the change proposed and made. and there were reasons that in the light of history we can now see go deeper. But it is broadly true to say that it was not until 1919. and that although Turkey.

in the poems of Khushhal. focal point was needed. concentrating on the overriding needs of foreign policy. in the definitions and descriptions of Elphinstone. between the . Curzon. whether in the genealogies. for the Yusufzais and other leading tribes of the Peshawar plain have as good. for instance. claims to the name Afghan as any Durrani or Ghalji chieftain. when they spoke of the subordination of the rights of the people in the districts. Often the blurred. there keeps recurring a distinction between Durranis or Ghaljis on the one hand and on the other the tribes inhabiting the Sulaiman Mountains and the plains between those mountains and the Indus. again between the tribesmen of the land of Roh and the Durranis or Ghaljis. in the dealings of the Mughals with the tribes from Babur to Aurangzeb. again between the speakers of Pakhtu or Pashtu and those further west who are 'half Paktuan half Persian'. The distinction is not clear-cut between Afghan and Pathan. and certainly dis- not accurately defined by any such as the Durand Line. was deaf to the still small voice that might have been heard by him that walked upon the Frontier mountains after the wind and the earthquake and the fire had died away. and then it might be hard to interpret it. For only a people whose aspirations are reasonably free of frustration can provide the conditions in which a confident defence structure may be erected. at others bethe hill-tribes of the Sufed Koh and tween the sons of Karlanri Sulaiman Mountains and all the rest.NORTH-WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE 419 respect. I think. At every point in this book. to wrong deductions. But it or political parting geographical existed long before the British came to draw most of the tribes east of the Sulaiman watershed within the orbit of their dominion. Only one who knew the people's hearts could have heard that voice. The fact that the creation of the new pro- vince provided this focus was its greatest justification. tinction is it is There was always more interchange. Sometimes the distinction appears as one between the Western and the Eastern Afghans. if not better. The voice was the voice of Pathan that conscious sense of Pathan identity which transcends pride the sectional loyalties of the tribe and the statesman's task was change at least real issue A to give that emotion direction in the interests of the larger State. the Panjab protagonists of opposition to showed some glimmerings of perception of a very though they proceeded. greater even than the outward-seeming needs of defence and foreign policy.

and so done much to consolidate a firm frontier. than between any of these tribes and the They are the people of Roh. Bannuchis and Wazirs. carefully nurtured. and. they have in short a conception of oneness. Not Curzon had provided a focus for Pathan selfesteem. the very fact that the administration was subordinate to the Central Government stimulated in those early days a consciousness in the Pathan mind that his concerns and ambitions were of greater than provincial interest. by arranging for a greater concentration of effort and expertise at the decisive point. always consciously expressed. they shop in the marts along changes the Indus. and nothing had been held or fixed. to travel to Lahore. It laid out this area at a time when the allegiance of the Frontier people was uncertain and groping. the * The separation of the Frontier.West Frontier Province was that it provided first an administrative. and later a political. At the same time. the Pathan entirely consciously. not Durranis. The ground had been laid for the final scene. the Mohmands and the Afridis. . Yusufzai and Orakzai. Further. between the Khataks. between the Khalils. which they never were. it did something to draw together the districts and the tribal territory. satisfied this pride. in Peshawar he had once more a natural centre. then. they have many interof thought and commerce. Finally. no need now. to look to the east rather than to the west. one that was dear and familiar to him. dating from Mughal times. Since the break-up of the Mughal Empire the whole region had become a sort of corridor for invasion and counter-stroke. so reviving a tendency. and a transcends the tribal idea. renascence of our times. common interest which main purpose served by the creation and fiftyexistence of the North. And when these unstable forces had been replaced by British rulers. grow into active life. Durrani and Sikh arms had passed over it in ebb and flow. soil in which this idea could take root. the tendency at first had been to treat the Pathans as though they were just an appanage of India. except for pleasure.THE PATHANS 420 Yusufzais of Swat or Dir and the Mandanr of the Samah. Lodi were they and Sur. had ruled in India now to become unconsidered trifles on the margin of Pan jab? As I see odd years it.

The time has come to raise them into history. really their lives for their work. and has reached a position in which the very quintessence of the Pathan spirit begins to be revealed to him.CHAPTER XXVI THE PATHAN RENASCENCE work the transformation on the stage thus set a fresh To band of pioneers was needed. 1 To know and respect. were. and be known and liked by. The Yusufzai Khans used to tell with relish the story of his tactics in persuading the then Khan of Hoti. those whom Pathans still remember. These men were found. men who could not only 'understand what Curzon meant and do what he said'. Tall and spare. the leaders of Yusufzai society means that a man has entered into a sort of Pathan freemasonry. with headquarters at Mardan. In appearance he was imposing. Deane was such a man. that those who were not themselves Pathans but in closest accord with the Pathan mind. too. All three have passed all three. Three of them stand in some ways out. Harold Deane first made his mark as Assistant Commissioner in charge of the Yusufzai sub-division of the Peshawar district. even Roos-Keppel after his manner. I think. at one time or another in charge of this area. to do something he was reluctant to do. it was always notable as the centre and the leading families of the Mandanr Yusufzais and it home of was the cantonment where the Guides were stationed. most of them. with a commanding presence and searching dark-blue eyes. Khwaja Muhammad Khan. Many years later Mar dan became a separate district. he made just the impression of resolution and assurance that Pathans look for in a man. George Roos-Keppel and the greatest Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum. a sardonic sense of humour for which he was long remembered. Harold Deane. gave some memorial. using their own knowledge and skill. It can be claimed. He had. but who would build with foresight and imagination. Deane and the Khwaja set off 421 . He was fearless and he stood firm.

' pretty jest. and his health had been undermined. when he became Viceroy selected him over the heads of many of his seniors as the first Chief Commissioner of the new Province. Deane was appointed Deputy Commissioner of Peshawar at a time when the revenue settlement of that was being undertaken by Louis Dane. he spoke and acted. Deane did great work in the creation of the a finer achievement with a more Malakand Agency. As Chief Commissioner Deane was able to utilize the name he bore among Pathans to reverse the old policy of the punitive expedition by military forces. They walked and walked until the Khwaja's agony could no longer be endured and he was ready to offer the moon. Later. he passed through Peshawar on way up to meet the Amir Abdurrahman in Kabul. an officer of great distinction who in due course became Lieutenant-Governor of the Panjab. The strain was great. and. and above all a cosmopolitan with a vivid sense of the dramatic. having been greatly impressed. The answer came: 'The same as between Shir and district A 2 Sher. firm. but whose lot lay always in pleasant places. Curzon first met him when as a touring M. He never prated peace when there was no peace. he was no more than Cavagnari a typical Englishman. It was because the tribes knew him to be utterly fearless. Of mixed Dutch-SwedishEnglish blood. asked one of the Khalil Arbabs what was the difference between Din and Den. puzzled by the similarity of names. determined to express in thought and action a his behaviour studiously un-English.P. only the other way round. was an accomplished linguist.421 THE PATHANS on a ten-mile walk. Though he started his career in a British regiment of the line. the latter wearing the black patent-leather shoes which were then the fashion. he spent much of his youth in travel. Dane's a naive young spiritual home was in Simla and Lahore. Deane collapsed in harness. and he was believed. He loved to mingle sympathy with callousness. One day Khan in a Peshawar hujra. generosity with . For the benefit of those who deny heredity as a transmitter of character Roos-Keppel can only be explained as a conscious poseur. pride with an easy familiarity. honest and resolute that he became the true peace-maker. intractable people than the much advertised occupation of Baluchistan by Sandeman. Roos-Keppel won his spurs in the Kurram and the Khaibar. and died just after reaching home in 1908. in both of which he combined for a time the duties of Political Agent and Commandant of the local militia.

quite seriously. at least tion comes easily. of chivalry. make a domestic allusion in perfect timing and in communion with those who heard him. but a very dangerous of the weakenemy. A he understood their every mood. loves. He years never married. feared and did. he had a cynical appreciation for any credit ness of human nature. Such a man saw him only twice. confidence in those he governed and he genius for inspiring at a More than any Englishman. moment's notice from dignity to geniality. from command to appeal. social and political scene he detected Pathan the in sonal ambition. to that of the basilisk. a good friend. from argument to Fearless of criticism. inspire in many quarters a regard that fell not far short of adoration. a generous emothough among Pathans. in practice of a way of life that not realization the sense in some some inner spring of convictouched but to him only appealed He cared and worked for the Pathans.THE PATHAN RENASCENCE 42 3 an ill-humour towards those who displeased him that could be vindictive. In youth he had affected a great shaggy beard. once when he growled at an officer on for not showing him prompt outpost duty near Peshawar City he was receiving at the Viceroy's when and again enough respect. heavy and his glare was likened. and even of I tion. There was about order his of Grand Cross hands the and of him an impression unrelenting power that could only grim This at be withstood power did not spring solely from perperil. passion. And this albetween friends. but he relied in later on the cross-bars of a heavy Edwardian moustache. But he could. he is remembered still. and by did not inspire easy affection and he was often never probably loved with tenderness. he had a threat. quote a poet. to turn able. he was as he who deals with a volatile people must be able. He was a man of strong character who stood above all those who surrounded him.' is one of his marrying: 'No need to keep a cow accounts he had his light o' all more familiar sayings. very fluent speaker of their a proverb. and rather resented any of his more trusted officers to get your milk. and seldom gave others and formidable. received their confidence in return. such he was. A born ruler. with Roos-Keppel the more spontaneous expressions were clamped down and hidden behind that grim austerity. a Pathan among Pathans. point a moral. if . His person was huge. An actor on his chosen stage. turn could he language. he has been