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Max Weber

Class, Status, and Party


What do we take away from the introduction?
Weber in "debate" with Marx
Multidimensional view of stratification
Importance of "organizaTION" or association (Gemeinschaft) vs. simple structural similarity
Introduces us to paying attention to inequality related to "style" or "breeding"
Relationship of "legal order" to stratification system

Outline
A. Economically Determined Power and the Social Order
The legal order (and I think Weber would include any legal-rational organizational order) "directly
influences the distribution of power within its respective community."
Power = "chances of realizing own will even against resistance of others"
Social honor power. One can come from the other. Either can be "guaranteed" by legal order. But
these things do not define them.
Marx gave us the idea of a hierarchical class order in society based on how much
Classes, status groups, and parties are all phenomena of power distribution in society

B. Determination of Class-Situation by Market Situation


"In our terminology, 'classes' are not communities; they merely represent possible, and frequent, bases
for social action." We need to pause here and ask what Weber means by communities. The German
here is probably "Gemeinschaft," which means community, association. The implication is the
existence of actual social organization, a sense of "us-ness," and a capacity to, at some level, act as a
unit.
THUS: Class community/group
What is a class? "(1) a number of people have in common a specific causal component of their life
chances, insofar as (2) this component is represented exclusively by economic interests in the
possession of goods and opportunities for income, and (3) is represented under the conditions of the
commodity or labor markets."
Part 1 is what we often call a "structural location" chances that depend on where one is located in
social space (based on all manner of dimensions relationships, assets, race, class, gender, etc.). Part
2 is Weber narrowing class to the economic realm. He will, shortly, show us that life chances can be
influenced by non-economic factors as well. Finally, what is the importance of part 3? In the next
paragraph he seems to argue that his point is that he is limiting this definition to forms of social
organization in which markets are the way that exchange and interaction happens. "Class" as a
concept, doesn't really make sense in non-market situations. If we follow Marx and emphasize
"property" as key to understanding social life, Weber says, yes, but this is only true under the
conditions of "pure markets" prevailing. Two things: one, this alerts us to Weber's coming point that
the status honor dimension "competes" with the economic dimension. Second, it alerts us to the
notion of "market failure" which is important in contemporary social science theory.
Next Weber notes that "ownership" comes in many flavors and that different kinds have different
implications for how life chances are affected. Bottom line, though, is what do your property

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relations do for you in the market "the kind of chance in the market is the decisive moment which
represents a common condition for the individuals fate" (164a8).
Owners (who can either exchange or not) in a distinctively different situation from non-owners (who
must exchange to survive).
The point is that the market is what brings out the "sameness" of one person's possessions and
another's; it is only in the market that the property owning gets converted into life chances.
Adds up to point that "class situation is, in this sense, ultimately, market situation" (164a9).
Class situation = how life chances with respect to possession of goods and opportunities for income
are related to position in economic system.

C. Communal Action Flowing from Class Interest


Just because two people share a class situation is no reason to expect they will react the same way to
events.
No guarantee that either communal or society action will arise from class situation (cf. Marx on classin-itself vs. class-for-itself). Can be mere "mass actions" (e.g., murmurings of workers) -- cf.
Durkheim on social facts not including things that are merely common reactions to general stimulus
(e.g., umbrellas in the rain).
Degree to which mass action communal action societal action is conditioned by cultural (incl.
Intellectual) factors (165a3)
Classes become actors only when there is recognition of situation arising from either (1) distribution
of property [e.g., peasants in middle ages] or (2) structure of economic order [e.g., proletariat]. Point
is that is has to be conceptualized collectively as such in order for RATIONAL association to emerge.

D. Types of Class Struggle


Class does not necessarily constitute community (Gemeinschaft)
Be careful about reifying class as Marx did when he suggested that "classes" know their true interests
even if individuals can be deluded. Note that this issue sets ups Mancur Olson's question in The
Logic of Collective Action. Part of what is going on here is trying to fit a Marxian model into a
methodological individualism world view.
Ecological fallacy critique? "That men in the same class situation react to economic
[situations] in the direction of those interests that are most adequate to their average number
must not lead us to that kind of pseudo-scientific [notion] that the individual may be in error
concerning his interests but that the class is infallible about its interests" (165b2-3).
Classes are not groups (and hence cannot automatically engage in social action) but class situation
does result from social action. But it is the action of lots of "classes" interacting in the market. The
commonality, the identity across individuals, of class situation results from market actions.
Thus: class situation labor/commodity markets & capitalistic enterprise BUT these presume legal
order (165b5).
Note that this is not the same as Durkheim's "pre-contractual basis of contract" but an echo of the
same logic markets require an institutional structure behind them.
AND, Property and ownership achieve their overarching power to the degree that "other determinants
of reciprocal relations [interaction] are, as far as possible, eliminated in their significance" (165b6).

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But STATUS GROUPS get in the way of this (165b7)


Middle ages : discontent about goods availability on market :: modern : disputes over price of labor
(186.5)
Class antagonisms -- market situation -- most bitter among actual interactants (e.g., worker and
management) rather than more separated players (e.g., worker and stockholder) even though the
latter are the ones who most benefit from surplus value. Represents a more nuanced view than Marx
but agreement in principle.
Logic of last paragraph -- compare to Marx in Communist Manifesto -- "it has made possible the
varieties of patriarchal socialism and frequent attempts -- formerly, at least -- of threatened status
groups to form alliances with the proletariat against the 'bourgeoisie'" (186.8).

E. Status Honor
Status groups ARE normally communities (186.9) though often amorphous. They are communities in
that members actually do look at one another and think "us."
Status groups (Stnde) : status situation every typical component of the life of men that is
determined by a specific, positive or negative, social estimation of honor. There are many things on
which honor can be based. Property and power are possible bases, but not guaranteed. may be that
only families coming under approximately the same tax class dance with one another (166b3).
Status distinctions related to but not same as class distinctions (as when only folks in same tax class
dance with one another (166b3). Property becomes associated with status but not determinative.
Explain the difference Weber discusses between German and American clubs. In the
American club, he says, even the richest boss would treat his clerk as an equal while playing
billiards in a club. The German boss, by contrast, would treat the clerk with status conscious
'benevolence' (166b6). There is a "false" sense of equality in U.S. among gentlemen in their clubs -it would not do to emphasize one's "position" (economic) in such circumstances.
What is the main indicator of status honor? 1) STYLE OF LIFE. 2) restrictions on social
intercourse (166b9);
Brilliant paragraph at 167a2-8. We might compare this to points Simmel will make in his essay on
"Fashion." Equal economic opportunity and real or imagined economic mobility might be expected to
be accompanied by more devotion to style-based inequality.
More than anything else, status honor is about "style of life" -- associated with restrictions on social
intercourse (who dines with whom where, etc.). Endogamy.
Who belongs to "society"? Who gets into the best clubs? Who gets invited to the parties?

F. "Ethnic" Segregation and "Caste"


Crystallization of status differences into cultural/religious beliefs. We might say institutionalized or
fully socially constructed. For Weber, point is that group crosses line to caste when it starts to
become it's own closed cultural group (individual castes develop quite distinct cults and gods).
Most common emergence of this when a group sees itself or is seen by others as based in ethnicity
or some version of blood relation.
When consequences are fully institutionalized, status group morphs into caste. Distinctions are
guaranteed by conventions, laws, and now RITUALS. Avoid contact with "lower" elements. Cf.
Durkheim here.

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Usually it only goes this far when underlying differences can be associated with a fundamental
"ethnic" difference. By establishing strict rules (e.g., about intermarriage and about occupational
segregation) different groups live side by side (189.6)
How is caste system different from mere ethnic groupings? It has a strict hierarchical ordering, a
vertical social system of super- and subordination (167b6). In ethnic segregation, each group can
assume it's the best. In caste system the ordering is a collective fact. Caste converts horizontal
ethnic segregation into vertical segregation. In horizontal, there is mutual disdain but each group can
consider its honor highest. Vertical includes collective acknowledgement of ordering.
Research : look for examples of horizontal typifications shifting toward the vertical and vice versa.
"sense of dignity" : positively privileged groups have a dignity and sense of their own "beauty" that is
"of this world" while negatively privileged groups require a sense of dignity that lies beyond the here
and now.
Lots of ways to form status groups but in contemporary society there is a strong influence of the
economic/class situation.
Weber locates the essence of religion in social stratification. Explain.
Dignity is individual manifestation of social honor. If group has lots of honor, dignity is reflection of
aself awareness of their excellence. It's a non-transcendent assessment. They are of this world.
On the other hand, groups with negative status honor locate a sense of dignity in a future, another
life, something beyond the here and now. This transcendent belief is a source of religiosity.

G. Status Privileges
Costume, food, carrying arms and other "material monopolies." Material monopolies. Marriage
monopolies. Status closure ==> legal monopolies on jobs and offices. Can be positive (only group A
does thing B) or negative (members of group A are not allowed to do thing B) (168b6).
Status groups are the bearers of conventions (i.e., most conventions are somebody's conventions).
Hints of Bourdieu and such here. Look at clusters of honorific practices associated with positions,
materials, etc.

H. Economic Conditions and Effects of Status Stratification


Market knows nothing about status honor and status order (in pure form) doesn't care how much
money you have (only whether you know how to behave).
Those with vested interest in status order react powerfully against those who would use their purely
economic power to pretend to be of high status (192.6). Parvenus are disdained.
The frequent disqualification of the gainfully employed as such is a direct result of the principle of
status stratification, and of course, of this principle's opposition to a distribution of power which is
regulated exclusively through the market (169a3). What does this mean?
I think he is pointing out that you can see the difference between the two dimensions in the fact that
sometimes the very act of earning a good living makes it clear you don't belong in the status group of
the really rich.
At 169a4-5 Weber suggests that the dimensions are, in fact, orthogonal! Markets really care nothing
about honor and truth be told, status hierarchies may care nothing about money. The status order
would be threatened...if mere economic acquisition...could bestow upon anyone...the same ...honor...
The parvenu is always despised. Compare McMansions today. And other forms of crass arriviste
style.

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...general effect of the status order ... hindrance of the free development of the market...
Honor abhors hard bargaining (169b6). But note how this is a market distortion. As would be
refusing to sell to Xs who are perfectly interested in your product.
With some over-simplification, one might thus say that classes are stratified according to their
relations to the production and acquisition of goods; whereas status groups are stratified according to
the principles of their consumption of goods as represented by styles of life.
Proposition: when the bases of the acquisition and distribution of goods are relatively stable,
stratification by status is favored (170a3).
Proposition: Every technological repercussion and economic transformation threatens stratification
by status and pushes the class situation into the foreground (170a4).

I. Parties
party oriented social action always involves association it is always a rational drive toward a goal.
How do parties vary?
By the stratification of the community they try to influence. In particular, the style of domination.

Contemporary "Applications"
Gusfield on temperance movements.

economi
c order
legal
order

parties
status
order

Definitions
Law = likelihood of orders being upheld by specialized staff of "conformity specialists'
Legal order affects distribution of power
Economic Order = distribution of economic goods and activities
Class situation = (1) people who have in common causal components of their life chances (2) with respect
to economic interests -- possession of goods and opportunities for income -- (3) related to commodity or
labor markets.
Class = number of people sharing class situation
Communal action = "action which is oriented to the feeling of the actors that they belong together"
(183.7)
Societal action = "action which is oriented to a rationally motivated adjustment of interests" (183.8)
Status situation = "every typical component of the life fate of men that is determined by a specific, positive
or negative, social estimation of honor."

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Weber

Use the text Class, Status, and Party to make a clear distinction between these
three social structures.
H. Economic Conditions and Effects of Status Stratification

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