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Syrian Army and this fall signaled a change in the equation in the civil war
raging in Syria.

Contr
adictions intensify
Contradictions
as US influence wanes
January 20 this year marks not only formal change of guard in the United
States, it also marks formal recognition of change in the world situation. If
any further evidence of transition to multi-polar world was required, December
provided them aplenty. Europe and Middle-East convulsed due to changing
power equations and responses of the imperialist powers, situation in East
Asia and South Asia too saw convulsions signaling the new international
situation. While some countries have adjusted or are adjusting to the
changing world order, some like Modi led India have been caught in the
time-wrap. Possessed with its avowed aim of isolating Pakistan, also largely
due to its domestic consumption, Modi Govt. is isolating India in the world
and the region.

Moscow Meeting on Syria
On 20th December, 2016, Foreign and Defense Ministers of Russia, Iran
and Turkey met in Moscow to discuss the situation in Syria and work out
their plan for cease-fire. The three countries agreed to the cease-fire between
Govt. of Syria and rebel groups barring Islamic State and Al Nusra (now
changed to Fateh al-Sham). According to Russia's Defense Ministry, the
cease-fire covered seven groups. This cease-fire is to be guaranteed by
Russia, Iran and Turkey. It is to be followed by joint operation by Russia
and Turkey against the IS and Al-Nusra. This in essence was the ceasefire agreed to between US and Russia in September 2016 which collapsed
as United States was not willing to honour its part of the bargain. The
importance of this meeting lay in the fact that America and Saudi Arabia
were excluded from it and thus from determining the future of Syria. Ceasefire proclaimed by the parties has been tenuous yet it is holding. It has
been followed by joint air campaign by Russia and Turkey against the Islamic
State. This initiative marked increasing marginalization of the United States
and increasing isolation of Saudi Arabia. Russian military intervention in
Syria and military successes of Assad led Syrian Army supported by Iran
and Hezbollah, have not only changed the ground situation in Syria but
also the political situation in the Middle-East. East Aleppo has fallen to
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A day before this meeting in Moscow, Russian Ambassador to Turkey
was killed in Turkish capital Ankara. Turkish media laid the blame of this
killing at the doorstep of the Western intelligence agencies. However, the
killing could not stop the meeting nor cause estrangement in the growing
relations between Turkey and Russia. This killing, whatever be the extent
of the involvement of western powers and their intelligence agencies,
however, registered the protest by the forces which were being supported
and supplied by Turkey earlier in its drive for ousting Assad from power.
Turkey's rulers have readjusted their stance seeing the growing military
success of Russian military intervention and inability of US and its allies
to militarily intervene in Syrian civil war. Govt. of Turkey has changed its
stance of seeking removal of Assad from power to admitting that Assad is
a necessary party to any discussion on the future of Syria. In brief, it
amounts to Turkey seeking to futher its interests under the new situation
of Russia dominated Syrian landscape and changing equations in this part
of West Asia. Unwilling to commit its ground troops to Syria, United States
increasingly relied upon Northern Syrian Kurds to fight the Islamic State.
This befriending of Syrian Kurds by the United States further infuriated
Turkish rulers who see any strengthening of Kurds in Syria as emboldening
Kurd forces in Turkey. Besides agreeing to cease-fire in the three way
meeting in Moscow, Russia and Turkey have also convened a dialogue
between representatives of Syrian Govt. and opposition forces including
rebel groups barring Islamic State and Fateh al-Sham. This dialogue is to
be held in Astana (a city in Kazakhastan) from January 23. Russia and
Turkey had not invited representatives of Obama Admn. but have now
extended invitation to the incoming Trump Admn. Astana negotiations will
be held under the auspices of Russia unlike the earlier ones held under the
aegis of the United Nations.
Increase in Russian influence in the Middle-East is not limited to Syria.
As a reflection of changing ground reality, Hezbollah supported Maronite
Christian leader, Michael Aoun, has already been elected as the President
of Lebanon. Specially significant was the change in the stance of Hariri led
group (considered to be pro-Saudi Arabia) in support of Aoun.
War unleashed by Saudi Arabia with active participation of US and other
western imperialist powers against Yemen is going badly for the attackers.

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Saudi led war has led to over 10,000 casualties, over half of them civilians.
Despite continuous bombardment for over one and a half year, Saudi
supported Govt. of Hadi has made no headway while indiscriminate
bombardment and heavy civilian casualties have angered people of Yemen,
particularly its Northern and Central parts. Recently, thousands of women
armed with weapons held a march against Saudi led offensive. Western
Govts. are party to this atrocious war against the poorest country of West
Asia. US and UK are supplying arms and ammunition which are being used
by Saudi led Gulf monarchies in their offensive against Yemen. Ongoing
war in Yemen has put further pressure on Saudi Arabia and its US imperialist
patrons.

Russia Extending Influence to Libya
Russia is also trying to increase its influence in Libya, the country which
was a victim of regime change engineered by western imperialist powers in
the wake of Arab Spring. Since western imperialist powers overthrew the
Govt. of Gaddafi, Libya has been undergoing turmoil and different militant
groups have been fighting for influence in the country. In the aftermath of
western intervention, Islamist groups had grown in Libya and are controlling
different parts of the country. Western powers had cobbled together
coalitions between pro-West forces and Islamist groups to rule the country.
However, these coalitions have been very unstable and control of various
cities has changed hands over the years. There has been a bitter struggle
for control over the oil rich eastern region and capital Tripoli in the shifting
sands and alliances in Libya. Western imperialist powers had aligned
themselves with different Islamist groups in the wake of Arab Spring to
scuttle the democratic aspirations of Arab people. However, with the fall of
Morsi Govt. in Egypt and assumption of power by military under Al-Sisi,
Libyan army units have regrouped under Khalifa Hifter (calling themselves
Libyan National Army) and have started controlling some parts of the country.
Hifter is being supported by the Egyptian Army which has conducted air
raids against the Islamist groups in Libya.
Now there are three forces controlling different regions in Libya. Western
imperialist powers have forged a coalition of sorts to run the country. This
Govt. of National Accord (GNA) includes pro-West individuals and some
Islamist forces. The latter control Misrata (Misrata’s Third Force) and some
other centres. Different Islamist groups control capital Tripoli and some
more cities. Rebel Army General Hifter has gained control over some parts
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of eastern Libya which his forces have seized from Islamist groups. Hifter
forces are also launching air raids in the western parts of Libya. There is
increasing friction among West aligned forces, with one section keen on
fighting Hifter and the other advocating targeting other jihadi groups outside
GNA. There is a general embargo placed by UN against supplying arms to
different groups barring the GNA.
Over recent past Russia has moved closer to Egypt and has also
extended support to Hifter. On January 11, Hifter was flown abroad a Russia
Aircraft Carrier that had anchored off Libya’s eastern coast where he held
a video conference with Russian Defense Minister. Russia is aligning with
Egyptian military rulers and Algerian Govt. to increase its influence. The
three held several meetings with different Libyan factions to reach a political
settlement which would include Hifter. This threatens to undermine the
deal signed in December 2015 on the initiative ofthe UN. Deteriorating
economic situation and intensifying faction feuds are tearing GNA. Sensing
this and not to be outmanoeuvred by Russia, Italy has reopened its embassy
in Tripoli on January 10.
In Libya, like elsewhere in Arab world, western powers are torn between
targeting Islamist groups while simultaneously promoting and shielding some
of them, their claim to fight what they term as radical Islamic terrorism
while hobnobbing with some of these groups for their power games in the
region. Their cynicism is heavier than their avowed principles. US imperialism
has faced further erosion of support in the region with Muslim Brotherhood
forces making peace with Russia. Turkey's collaboration with Russia and
recent deals signed by Qatar with Russian oil and gas giant, Resneft, show
the changing alignment in the Middle-East. The two groups i.e. Turkey led
MB forces and Saudi Arabia & Gulf monarchies which were jostling for
influence under US umbrella, are charting their own separate courses.
Overextended US imperialism is engaged in holding together its supporters
and not succeeding in doing that.
To retain a semblance of support on the Arab street, Obama Admn.
allowed a UN resolution to be passed declaring Israeli settelements in the
West Bank as contrary to international law. Though it marks advance on
the UN inability to condemn Israeli transgressions, it is too little too late. A
similar resolution was earlier vetoed by the same Obama Admn. And soon
to be President, Trump, has already criticized Obama for not exercising
veto against the resolution, is threatening to cut aid to UN and has vowed

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to shift the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Faced with this,
Palestinian groups, Fateh and Hamas along with others, assembled in
Moscow and agreed to form a united Palestinian Govt. Moscow has emerged
a centre here as well while Washington's game of running with the hare and
hunting with the hound lies exposed and discredited.

opening to Taliban is in tune with its improving its relations with Pakistan
and brings Pakistan to the centre stage of Russia-China plan for
Afghanistan. Russia gave Pakistan Mi 35M attack helicopters. Pakistan
also imported Kilmov RD-93 engines for the JF-17 war planes it co-produces
with China. Russia also conducted a joint drill with Pakistan after Uri.

Afghanistan : Russia, China and Pakistan

The coming together of Russia, China and Pakistan has important
portents for the region. China has laid out its “one belt one road” outreach
for the countries of the region promising big investments. China Pakistan
Economic Corridor (CPEC) with estimated 46 billion $ investment has
already taken off. There are plans to merge Russia’s Eurasian Economic
Union (EEU) with CPEC thereby converging the interests of the two
important powers of Asia and roping in a number of Central Asian republics
as part of it. Modi led Indian Govt. has displayed ostrich like attitude to
these developments. It got the SAARC summit in Pakistan cancelled to
avert the proposal of making China a member of SAARC to which all other
SAARC members had already agreed. India has now virtually disowned
SAARC replacing it with BIMSTEC but these countries too are drawing
close to China primarily due to economic reasons becasue of the readiness
and ability of China to invest in these countries. Howsoever Modi and RSSBJP may hold US dear, they obviously cannot change India’s neighbourhood.

Another important meeting held in Moscow towards the end of December
2016 was on the future of Afghanistan. The meeting, attended by
representatives of Russia, China and Pakistan, was the third of a series.
Spokesman of the Afghanistan Govt. protested that the meeting about the
future of their country was being held without their participation. To this the
organizers have replied that the Afghanistan Govt. will be invited to
participate in the future meetings. Of particular significance is the absence
of US Govt. representative from the meeting. US has over 10,000 troops
stationed in Afghanistan. Obama Admn. has recently sent 300 more from
Marine Corps (ostensibly as advisors) to augment its military force. India
was of course excluded from the dialogue. The meeting marked a cementing
of a tie-up between Russia, China and Pakistan in the region. Russia has
moved away from India and towards Pakistan and in this, open alignment
of Modi Govt. with US Admn. has played an important part. It is reported
that at the Heart of Asia Conference (Istanbul Initiative) held in Amritsar on
December 3 & 4, 2016, the Russian representative termed Indian allegations
against Pakistan as baseless. Russia obviously did not share the thrust of
the representatives of India and Afghanistan against Pakistan. Earlier Indian
Govt.’s attempts to target Pakistan as state sponsor of terrorism were
torpedoed by China and Russia during BRICS summit in Goa.
One of the significant conclusions of this Moscow Summit is
characterizing of Taliban as a force against Islamic State which, according
to the participants in the summit, is gaining ground in Afghanistan. Russian
spokesman stated that Taliban is an important force for bringing peace to
Afghanistan. Russian spokespersons have recently repeated this stand on
Taliban on several occasions. Taliban too has welcomed the decisions of
Moscow meeting. Even US earlier had tried to open dialogue with Taliban
and to facilitate this an open office of Taliban was opened in Qatar. Russian
characterization of Taliban is important as US is embroiled in a war with
Taliban. India on the other hand sees Taliban solely from an anti-Pakistan
prism and views them as enemies for their closeness to Pakistan. Russian
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In South East Asia, change in Philippines is now well known. Duterte,
President of Philippines, has openly claimed to align his country with China
and Russia and has cancelled military exercises with US. Philippines has
won an international arbitration award but is talking of settling the dispute
of maritime borders through bilateral dialogue. This has seriously dented
the US efforts to rally all the countries of the region against what it describes
as Chinese bellicosity. In South Korea too, the President is being removed
from office on corruption charges and the frontrunner for the office in her
place is in favour of improving relations with China. Several Asian countries
are refusing to be part of the US drive to encircle China and contain its
rise.
A similar mood is there in Europe where increasing number of countries
are electing parties which are in favour of improving relations with Russia.
Front runner in French elections, nominee of the Conservative Party of
France, is close to the Russian establishment and so is the leadership of
the presently most popular party, Five Star Movement, in Italy. Elections
in a number of Eastern and Central European countries have brought similar

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dispensations to power. With decline of US power and increasing
assertiveness of Russia, many European countries wish to accomodate
Russian interests.

Change in America
As Obama is handing over the baton to Trump, the strategy of US
imperialism is set to undergo a change. Obama has carried forward Bush
policy of world hegemony however he has been hesitating to deploy military
personnel abroad. This neo-con enterprise had run into deep crisis with
military adventures running aground and it could not be carried forward
without such military adventures. Hence the deepening crisis of US
imperialism. Obama has tried to placate both the liberal and warmongering
sections of the ruling classes reserving his words for the so-called liberals
and actions for the conservative sections. His Administration has dropped
26,171 bombs in the year 2016 alone, roughly 3 bombs per hour. He has
been termed as Drone President for his excessive use of UAVs (Drones)
for targeted killings and authorizing largest number of killings of political
opponents through such operations.
Obama presidency has exposed the limits of symbolism. He became
the first Afro-American President of USA. However, under his rule, conditions
of Afro-Americans - their economic conditions or treatment received by
them at the hands of security forces - did not change in the least. Though
unemployment rate came down, but the new jobs were low paid and casual
and overall condition of the working people declined, leading to rising anger
among working people. Obama remained hooked to the corporate interests
and to military industrial complex. He promised much but delivered little.
Even Guatanamo Bay detention and torture camp stays despite his promise
to close it down. He remained bent on expanding NATO to the East while
trying to contain China in the East. His opposition to the candidacy of
Bernie Sanders showed where he actually stood, in support of the neoliberal
economic policies and accentuation of global contradictions. Obama
Admn.'s last act of punishing Russian leadership for trying to influence
American presidential election is an attempt to deny the growing
contradictions in American society. The growing contradictions within US
and in the world will continue to shape events.
Trump will assume power shortly. He stands for intensifying attacks on
the working people and middle classes in the name of protecting their
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interests. He is advocating more aggressive pro-corporate policy which
would be soon exposed. His claim of addressing the cause of growing
anger among the people will not stand scrutiny. His prescriptions for
increasing jobs in America involve "Buy American" and "Hire American"
which he had repeated on the campaign trail. He is advocating protectionism
for creating jobs but his prescriptions would not address the real causes of
growing economic crisis in America. Internationally, Trump has advocated
improving relations with Russia while intensifying attacks against China
and Iran. Trump's policies are for readjustment of US imperialist thrust
against China and third world countries. He is demanding increasing
contribution from European and Middle-East countries for deploying US
forces for their defence. Trump is advocating abandoning the "democracy
and human rights projects" with which US imperialism tried to cover its
imperialist aggressions and interference in other countries. Whatever he
may do or not do, he cannot reverse the downward trend of US power nor
address the deepening crisis which engulfs US imperialism either
domestically or internationally. Whichever way he turns, he would only
lead America to greater abyss.
Greater number of people in the imperialist countries are coming forward
against the neoliberal economic policies and against the right wing of the
bourgeoisie unleashing offensive against working people, middle classes,
women and immigrants. These struggles largely still within the confines of
the present system, are targeting the growing inequality, rising
unemployment and intensifying attacks against the democratic rights. These
struggles are challenging the existing paradigm of the economic and social
policies of the ruling bougeoisie.
Trump supporters in India, RSS and its affiliates, are also in a quandry.
RSS had organized "Hindus for Trump" for which functionaries of RSSBJP had travelled to US. RSS-BJP cannot hide thier glee over Trump's
emphasis on fighting what he calls "Radical Islamic Terrorism" but are
anxious at his policy prescriptions for cutting down employment of Indians
in US or imports from and outsourcing to India. Indian ruling classes dream
of becoming a new destination for US capital and are willing to do everything
to be part of US global strategy including that of targeting China.
Trump's promises and prescriptions are a bundle of contradictions,
mirroring the web of contradictions in which US finds itself entangled.

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Land Acquisition (Telangana Amendment) Act 2016

Brutal Attack on Rights of the People
(Vemulapalli Venkatramaiah analyzes various provisions of 2013 Act and
compares them with the changes brought about by KCR Govt. in
Telengana.)
The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition,
Rehabilitation and Resettlement (Telangana) Act, 2016 (RFCTLARRA) has
been approved by the State Legislative Assembly on 28-12-2016 and by
the State Legislative Council on 29-12-2016, without any detailed
discussion. Except TRS and BJP, all the political parties and mass
organizations in the state have opposed this Act. But it was passed without
taking into consideration the opinions of the people, particularly people to
be displaced and affected by the various projects. KCR, Chief Minister of
Telangana State, alleged the RFCTLARRA 2013 is a “useless Act”, “causes
the peasants to drown”, “The Act causes loss instead of benefit to the
peasants”, “This Act has been made without any proper vision”, “Congress
party has made this Act keeping in view, however that they are not coming
to power and irresponsibly”. Moverover, he also said that the Act led to
delay in construction of the various projects and we are amending the
aspects which are contrary to the spirit of the Act 2013 and in the interest
of the Telangana State and to speed up the process of acquiring the land
to take up the construction of various projects intended to benefit the people
and peasants perpetually and to develop the state. He also alleged that
the people opposing the 2016 Act are opposing the construction of irrigation
projects in the state. Surprisingly, the same KCR, who was an MP at that
time, supported the central Act 2013, without any reservation. What are
the facts behind bringing the 2013 Central Land Acquisition Act and
allegations made against the people who are opposing the Land Acquisition
Telangana Act 2016? For this it is necessary to know the salient features
of Central Land Acquisition Act 2013 and the 1894 Act, at least briefly.

Land Acquisition Act 1894
British colonial government enacted the Land Acquisition Act 1894 to
acquire land for projects such as Railways, Roads, Airports, building of
offices for various organizations, Mines etc. The displaced and affected
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peasants and other people had no rights. Compensation for land to the
peasants was nominal and it all depended on the magnanimity of the
Government. At that time, projects to be taken up by the Government were
also few and acquisition of land also limited. Uncultivated and barren lands
were in good amount. Even on cultivated lands, crop yield was less. More
than all these, price of the land was also low. There was less resistance
from the people such as exhibited today by the peasants whose lands are
acquired and from other displaced and affected people. However, acquiring
the land forcefully by terrorising the people was the general feature. This
very Act continued without any major changes upto 1947 and even after
transfer of power in 1947.

Struggles of the displaced and affected people for their rights
Policies of Globalization began to be implemented during the decade of
1990s and acquiring land on a large scale also began in the name of “interest
of the people and development". Governments at the Centre and in states
also acquired more land than required and on a large scale, not only for the
projects to be taken up by the government, but also for projects to be
taken up by the MNCs and corporate organizations in India through the
SEZ Act which came into existence in 2006. At the same time,
consciousness regarding the rights of the displaced and affected people,
including the peasants, had also increased. Government lands had also
decreased considerably. Productivity of the land increased and the prices
of land also increased significantly.
Struggles have taken place against displacement and also demanding
scrapping of the colonial Land Acquisition Act 1894 to safeguard the
interests of the displaced and affected people, particularly peasants.
Peasants resisted militantly with the demand, “We will not leave the lands,
even if we die”. The pressure of the people, mainly militant movements of
peasants, increased. People fought militantly, particularly at Kalinganagar,
Jagatsinghpur (Anti-POSCO), Niyamgiri, Singur, Nandigram, Rayagarh,
Kakarapalli, Sompeta, Gangavaram, Dadri, Bhatta Parsaul and other places.
They resisted heroically and braved arrests, lathi-charge and even police
firing. For instance, Government foisted 230 cases on more than 2000
people during anti POSCO movement between 2006- 2012 in Odisha. Many
people lost their precious lives during the movements. 18 people died in
the movement against Tata project at Kalinganagar in Odisha. 3 persons
died in police firing during the anti thermal power project movement at

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Sompeta in A.P. Impact of these struggles is very high on the people
throughout the country. High courts in various states and even the Supreme
Court also asked the Central government to amend the 1894 Act. Supreme
Court had ordered conduction of pallisabhas in Niyamgiri area to ascertain
the views of tribals on proposed acquisition of their land for mining.

Salient features of Land Acquisition Act 2013
Discussions have taken place throughout the country for several years
on 1894 Act. All party meetings were held twice and Parliament also
discussed this for more than 12 hours. UPA II government at the Centre
made certain amendments to the 1894 Act, due to the pressure of the
people’s heroic militant struggles. Even BJP, which was in opposition at
that time, supported the amendments. Two amendments submitted by
Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley were also accepted by the Parliament.
KCR, who was an M.P. at that time, also supported the amendments.
Parliament unanimously approved the 2013 Central Act on 27.9.2013 and
it came into force on 1 st January, 2014.
Through this Act displaced and affected people have got some rights.
People have got the right to express their opinions concerning the project
and also got the right to hold the Village Sabhas. It stipulated that to acquire
land for private companies, the prior consent of at least 80% and for public
private partnership projects of at least 70% of the displaced and affected
families was mandatory. Social Impact Assessment was made mandatory.
For this study, government should constitute an Expert Committee
consisting of 7 members. Among them, two members should be elected by
the Village Sabhas, two should be non-official social scientists, two experts
on rehabilitation and one a technical expert in the subject related to the
project. Expert Committee has the right to oppose the project if the social
costs and adverse social impacts outweigh the potential benefits. It also
stipulates, “Ensure minimum displacement of people, minimum disturbance
to the infrastructure, ecology and minimum adverse impact on the
individuals affected” and that generally government should abide by the
recommendations of the Expert committee.
Provision for land to the displaced people was also made with a minimum
of one acre of land in the command area of the project to all the displaced
people who are peasants and who have become marginal or landless
peasants due to the project. In case of SCs or STs such land has been
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increased to 2 ½ acres. In case of irrigation or hydel projects, affected
families may be given fishing rights in the reservoirs.

Cruel attack on rights of displaced people by Modi
BJP, which supported the Land Acquisition Act 2013, strived to amend
the key aspects of the Act through ordinances after coming to power at
the Centre, and without implementing the Act at the ground level. The
main aspects sought to be amended were :
1) Annul the consent of the 70-80% of the displaced and affected people
and holding of public hearing and village sabhas.
2) Annul the “Social Impact Assessment study” by the Expert
Committee.
3) Annul the provision of not acquiring multi cropped land and to take
safeguards for food security.
4) Annul the provision of giving back the acquired land to the owner if
the acquired land has not been utilized for the intended project within 5
years of the land acquired.

All round opposition to the Modi amendments
Peasant organizations and anti-displacement movements, revolutionary
organizations and democratic intellectuals condemned this attack of Modi
Govt. Parliamentary opposition parties – Cong., JD, NC, TMC, DMK, SP,
CPI, CPM and several mass organisations also opposed the Ordinance to
the Central Land Acquisition Act 2013. Opposing the Ordinance, many
protests were organized throughout India. On the other land, MNCs and
corporate in India hailed the amendments. KCR government in Telangana
and N. Chandra Babu Naidu in A.P. hailed and supported it. But Modi
government, inspite of its efforts, failed to get the approval of the Parliament
due to lack of majority in Rajya Sabha. Modi declared that the States can
make their own Land Acquisition Acts and the Central Govt. will get the
approval of the President.

Brutal attack on rights of the displaced by KCR Act 2016
KCR said he brought the Telangana Land Acquisition Act 2016 in the
interest of the state and the people, particularly peasants. This is a hoax.

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KCR government resorted to attacking the rights of the peasants and other
affected sections. It deleted four key aspects from 2013 Central Act. Main
changes have been made in Chapters II, III, IV and Section 101 and these
changes are in consonance with the amendments of the Modi Government.
Section 2 deals with the application of the Act. For land acquisition for
“private companies, the prior consent of at least 80%“ and for “public private
projects, the prior consent of at least 70% of those affected families” is
required. (Section 2-2, I & II). It also says, “the process of obtaining the
consent shall be carried out along with the Social Impact Study”.
But according to the Telengana amendment, when the government is
procuring land directly from the peasants, then there is no necessity of
getting their consent. This section which deals with getting consent thus
becomes practically useless.
Chapter II deals with “Preliminary investigation for determining of Social
Impact and public purpose” and “appraisal of Social Impact Assessment
report by an Expert Group”. In this chapter, there are 6 sections i.e. from 4
to 9. This chapter has been completely deleted in Telengana Amendment
Act. Section 4 provides, “To acquire land for a public purpose, it shall
consult the concerned Panchayat and carry out a Social Impact
Assessment Study (SIAS)… completion of the SIAS within a period of 6
months… the study includes …. whether it serves public purpose….
estimation of affected families… whether alternate place found not
feasible… over all costs of the project outweigh the benefits of the project.
Environmental Impact Assessment Study… impact on various components
such as livelihood of the affected families…. Impact on public properties
and utilities”. Section 5 states, “The study report should be available to the
public in the local languages” and public hearing is to be held at the affected
area… and ascertain the views of the affected families and include the
same in the report. Section 7 deals with the composition of the Expert
Group. It consists of “2 non official social scientists, 2 representatives of
panchayats, 2 experts on rehabilitiation and a technical expert related to
the project.” Expert Group should submit its report within 2 months and if it
recommends, “The project does not serve any public purpose or the social
costs and adverse social impacts of the project outweigh the benefits, the
project shall be abandoned." Section 8(2) stipulates the acquiring of the
land should be with “minimum displacement of the people, minimum
disturbance to the infrastructure, ecology and minimum adverse impact on
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the individuals affected."
Chapter II, which deals with the “Social Impact Assessment Study”,
has been deleted. The impact of the projects, including irrigation projects
is on the people, not only on the peasants but also on the tenants,
agricultural labourers, artisans, small traders and others. The impact is on
the social, economic and cultural aspects of society. It affects the
environment, public utilities and infrastructure also. In brief, the impact is
on every one and every aspect of the society of the affected area. With the
deletion of this chapter, there will be no Experts Committee and no Social
Impact Assessment study and no Gram Sabhas. There is no scope of
ascertaining the opinions of the people to be displaced and affected. The
affected people will have no opportunity to express their opinions on any
aspect of the project, including alternatives. The amendment leads to
autocratic discriminatory acts by the political leaders and government
officials.
Chapter III deals with the safeguard to Food Security. Keeping this in
view, it stipulates, “no irrigated multi cropped land shall be acquired under
this Act." [Section 10(1)]. If as a last resort, multi cropped land is acquired,
“an equivalent wasteland shall be developed for agricultural purposes.” This
chapter has been deleted but no steps have been taken to safeguard the
food security.
Chapter IV deals with the acquisition of the land. For land acquisition,
government should issue a notification stating the details of the land, publish
them in 2 dailies of the local language with the “nature of the public purpose
of the project and summary of the SIAS report. Public hearings shall be
conducted in every Gram Sabha.” (Section 16(1)). The Government should
openly declare its Rehabilitation Scheme and it should be published in at
least 2 dailies of the local language. Compensation should be paid at 4
times the market price in rural areas and 3 times the market price in the
urban areas. “Before initiation of any land acquisition proceedings in any
area, take all necessary steps to revise and update the market value of
land on the basis of the prevalent market value of land in that area”. All
these have been done away and a new chapter, VIA, has been inserted. It
speaks about “acquiring the land voluntarily”. Whenever land is required for
any purpose of the government, it would enter into an agreement with the
land owners, who will “willingly and voluntarily” sell the land to the
government. Here land is acquired not only for the needs of the government

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NEW DEMOCRACY
and the people but also for private corporate and MNCs. 2013 Act says
first the government should declare the land requirement through the Gazette
and in the local dailies. It should be exhibited in the office of village panchayat
and Gram Sabha meetings held and the approval of 70-80% of the displaced
and affected people obtained. With this amendment, all these have been
done away. Displaced and affected people will lose the opportunity of
collective bargaining and instead of this, Government deals directly with
individuals. Here, compensation, rehabilitation and resettlement have been
limited to the payment of one time cash for the land. For these, displaced
people have to depend on the mercy and magnanimity of the officials. In
practice finally, the decision of the government officers and the ruling class
political leaders becomes final.
Section 101 deals with the returning of the acquired land to the owner.
It stipulates, if the acquired land remains unutilized or misused for a period
of 5 years from the date of taking possession, the same land shall be
returned to the original owner. Section 101 stipulates, “Any land acquired
under this Act which remains unutilized for a period of 5 years from the
date of taking over the possession, the same shall be returned to the original
owner… or to the Land Bank of the appropriate Government.” This section
is also basically changed in Telengana Amendment Act. The State Act
says, “a period specified for setting up of any project or 5 years, whichever
is later”, which was not in the 2013 Act. The government can fix the
construction period for more than 5 years and even extend it and thereby
the owner cannot get back his land for ever. Moreover, now with this
amendment, peasants who have sold the land to the government on the
basis of one time settlement are not entitled to get back their land, though
it has been unutilised. So, there will be no return of the dispossesed land
from the government. People who have been displaced or affected by an
irrigation project, may also not be entitled to get 1 acre of land or the 2 ½
acres of land for SCs or STs in the command area of the project.

Unitedly fight for rights of the people
KCR brought the 123 G.O. in place of 2013 Central Act. This 123 G.O.
was challenged in the High Court, which on 5.11.2016 stayed 123 G.O. and
directed the State government not to procure land in accordance with the
123 G.O. Now, KCR enacted 2016 Act, with the same provisions of 123
G.O. State government gave assurance to the High Court that the
Government would implement whichever the people want, either 2013 Act
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
or 123 G.O. But in practice he has not implemented the 2013 Act any
where in the state so far. Agitations are going on demanding implementation
of the 2013 Act. In Vamulaghat village, the affected people of Mallanna
Sagar are holding dharna since more than 100 days continuously. KCR
himself said in the State Assembly, “Modi himself asked to make Land
Acquisition Act separately and he would get the approval to the Act by the
President.” He also said, “Gujarat, Maharastra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan
and Tamilnadu states have already made their own States' Acts, to acquire
land for the projects.” Now, Telangana has also joined this list. In A.P.
also cabinet has approved amendments to the 2013 Act. K.C.R. boasted
himself, “We are paying more than 10 times the land price in the area of
Mallanna Sagar. There the price of the land is only Rs. 60,000 per acre but
we have paid Rs. 6,50,000 as compensation. If it is in accordance with
2013 Central Act, peasants would get only Rs. 2,40,000. In that way, it
benefited the peasants." But the ground reality is that he reduced the price
of the land and market rate price has not been updated in the records.
Recently, the price of the land in accordance with the market price has not
been revised. If it is a fact, has the government acquired any land in the
state at the price of Rs. 60,000 per acre? Actually, the government has
bought the cultivated lands at the rate of Rs. 6 to 7 lakhs per acre to
distribute to the Dalits. KCR is uttering blatant lies to deceive the people in
this regard. KCR government has given up the policy of land distribution to
the landless and poor peasants and taken up the task of acquiring lands
from the peasants. He is repeatedly saying “land bank with 5 lakh acres
will be acquired for the projects of the MNCs and corporate in India." 2016
State Act would serve mainly the interests of MNCs and corporate.
Land is under the jurisdiction of both the Centre and the States. Both
have the authority to make laws. If there is any contradiction between
them, then the Centre Act prevails. Though the 2013 Act provides the
scope to make laws regarding acquisition of the land but it was clearly
stated that any state may enact "any law to enhance or add to the
entitlements enumerated under this Act which confers higher compensation
than payable under this Act or make provisions for rehabilitation and
resettlement which are more beneficial than provided in this Act (Section
107)”. But, the Act approved by the State legislature and council is not
only diluting the 2013 Act but also trampling even those rights of the affected
people which were incorporated in the 2013 Central Act.

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Demonetisa
tion: Stor
y of Ailing
Demonetisation:
Story
Banks and a Quac
ker
y
Quack
ery
Ham saada hi aise the ki yuun hi pazirai / Jis baar khizan aai samjhe ki bahar aai.
(We were so simple minded and accepted just like that/ When the autumn came, we
took it to be the spring)
- Faiz Ahmad Faiz
On the 8th of November they claimed it was a surgical strike on ‘black’
money. The Union Minister of Finance admitted in a written reply to the
Parliament on 16th of December that, ‘There is no official estimation of the
amount of black money either before or after the government’s decision of
November 8, 2016’. 1 And the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is silent on the
amount deposited in the banks after 10th of December 2016. They changed
their tune and started talking about going cashless after 27th of November.
The Minister of State for Finance then announced that the Government
never talked of going 100 per cent cashless, and it will be a big achievement
even if the country achieves 15-20 per cent success in going cashless. 2
While the ‘good governance’ is reflected in the 60 policy changes in 43
days 3, the people at large are still searching for ‘Pokémon’ money in the
defunct ATMs. The Prime Minister’s discourse talks about the difference
between ‘Neeti’ (policy) and ‘RannNeeti’ (strategy). Kautilya, Machiavelli
and Sun Tzu lived in different times and different settings. Yet, they had
one advice in common. That was about diverting the attention of rivals
from the real intentions. Economics, politics and the battle strategy do not
exist in isolation. That the financial policy, political moves and the strategies
appear incongruent is not fortuitous. It is by design. It doesn’t matter if the
Prime Minister and the Government appear to be talking in different voices,
in a choking and emotional voice at times and a heckling tone at other
times. The political statements are just a smoke screen.
There have been many an analyses on the impact and consequences
of the government policy decisions. One can argue that these are mere
speculations on the future, which are yet to be proven. However, we can
look at the events in the recent past that have led to the present which in
turn will help us assess the future.
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Banks on the Verge of a Crisis
There were many pointers indicating a deepening crisis affecting the
banking sector over the past few years in India. The speech4 by Raghuram
Rajan, the then Governor of RBI at ASSOCHAM – Interactive Meet with
Industry & Trade, on 22 nd of June 2016 in Bengaluru revealed some
interesting details. He presented the data indicating that ‘public sector bank
non-food credit growth has been falling relative to credit growth from the
new private sector banks (Axis, HDFC, ICICI, and IndusInd) since early
2014’. He showed that there is a slowdown in lending by public sector
banks vis a vis private sector banks. There was a rise in the credit growth
to industry and micro and small enterprises by the private sector banks.
The Interest rates set by private banks are usually equal or higher than the
rates set by public sector banks. He argued that the reason for the slowdown
of the public sector bank lending can neither be attributed to the lack of
demand for credit nor to the higher interest rates. He reasoned that the
public sector banks were shrinking from exposure to infrastructure and
industry risk right from early 2014 because of mounting distress on their
past loans. He further said, ‘There are two sources of distressed loans –
the fundamentals of the borrower not being good, and the ability of the
lender to collect being weak. Both are at work in the current distress’. He
noted that a number of these loans were made during 2007-2008. Accepting
the fact that, ‘Sometimes banks signed up to lend based on project reports
by the promoter’s investment bank, without doing their own due diligence’,
he termed it as a phenomenon of ‘irrational exuberance’'.
Around a year before, the keynote address5‘Financing for Infrastructure:
Current Issues & Emerging Challenges’, delivered by Harun R Khan, Deputy
Governor of RBI, at the Infrastructure Group Conclave of the SBICAP at
Aamby Valley on 8th of August 2015, revealed the numbers. The outstanding
bank credit to the infrastructure sector, which stood at Rs.9,500 crore in
March 2001, had increased to Rs.10.074 lakh crore by March 2015. The
gross NPAs and restructured standard advances increased considerably
from Rs.19,300 croreas at the end of March 2010 to Rs.2.22 lakh crore by
the end of March 2015. The percentage of gross NPAs and restructured
standard advances as against the gross advances to the sector rose from
5.1% to 22.8% in this period.
A recent RBI report released on the 29thof December 2016 revealed that
while private sector banks and foreign banks reported net profits during

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NEW DEMOCRACY
the year 2015-16, the public sector banks incurred losses. The public sector
banks' losses were to the tune of Rs.18,000 crore.6 The total gross NPAs
of banks stood at Rs.5,94,929 crores by the end of March 2016. Over 90%
of these bad loans were on the books of public sector banks. As at the end
of December 2015 quarter, the total GNPAs stood at about Rs. 4,00,000
crore.Thus it was a substantial jump of Rs.2,00,000 crore in just one quarter
from Dec 2015 to March 2016. 7 This significant increase in the NPAs was
due to the March 2017 deadline set by RBI for banks to clean up their
books. Till then the banks were showing these as restructured loans through
‘ever greening’.
Thus there were many reports from RBI as well as various research
and rating agencies on the increasing burden of NPAs seriously crippling
the public sector banks. The important questions now are – What pushed
the public sector banks in to such a quagmire? What was the solution
adopted by the Government? What does the Government intend to achieve
in the future?

31 State co-operative banks (StCBs), 371 district central co-operative banks
(DCCBs), 20 State Cooperative Agriculture and Rural Development Banks
(SCARDBs) and 697 Primary Cooperative Agriculture and Rural Development
Banks (PCARDBs). Despite the presence of so many banks, the paper
noted, ‘Based on data given in Basic Statistical Returns, it is estimated
that rural India had only 7 branches per 1,00,000 adults in 2011 in sharp
contrast with most of the developed and even BRICS economies having
over 40 branches. Regionally, north-eastern, eastern and central regions
are more excluded in terms of banking penetration’.
The banking system in India has evolved in different phases. A closer look
reveals four notable phases in its evolution – first phase starting from 1969
which started with the nationalisation of 14 major banks, second phase
starting in the 1980s, the third phase starting with the liberalisation in 1990s
and the fourth phase starting from 2000.
-

Prior to 1969, the country side was not considered to be the problem
of commercial banks in India. The nationalisation of banks in 1969 can
be traced to the increased (credit) requirements of rural rich with the
introduction of ‘green revolution’ and concomitant costs of inputs and
farming machinery. This phase included establishment of Regional Rural
Banks and setting up of a target of 40 per cent of advances for the
‘priority sectors’ for commercial banks. The priority sector covered
agriculture and allied activities, and small-scale and cottage industries.

-

The second phase in the 1980s witnessed the focus on ‘anti-poverty’
programs and programs for the creation of employment in the rural
areas. The rhetoric of ‘land reforms’ was abandoned. The Integrated
Rural Development Programme (IRDP) was introduced during this phase
which was a directed credit.

-

The changed situation in the 1990s also brought in a change in the
banking outlook. This becomes evident in the 1991 Narasimham
Committee report. This is the period when the focus moved away from
the rural banking and a contraction in the banking credit provided in the
rural areas. 2,723 rural bank offices were closed between March 1994
and March 2000. This phase is also marked by a significant rise in the
suicides of farmers who were driven to desperation by usury and spiraling
costs of cultivation. This phase is also characterised by the shift in the
priorities and even a change in the definition of ‘priority sector’ itself.

Evolution of Banking and the Change in the Priorities
What do the banks do? To simplify the matter, they collect deposits
from the customers and lend the money to those who need it. The lending
activity involves loans to individuals (personal loans) and loans to business
(small, medium enterprises and large corporate). There are unsecured loans
and secured loans where the assets/ properties are placed under a
mortgage. Apart from other sources of income, the banks primarily make
their money from the difference in the rate of interest paid to the depositors
and the rate of interest charged to the borrowers (interest spread). The
central bank, RBI, regulates the domestic and foreign banks operating in
the country.
Banks play an important role in the Indian economy. An RBI discussion
paper8, ‘Banking Structure in India -The Way Forward’ released in August
2013 noted that, ‘Despite significant progress, one aspect of banking in
India that requires deeper analysis is the still inadequate coverage of the
banking and financial sectors. It is instructive that even with 157 [26 Public
Sector Banks, 7 New Private Sector Banks, 13 Old Private Sector Banks,
43 Foreign Banks, 4 Local Area Banks (LABs), 64 RRBs] domestic banks
operating in the country, just about 40 per cent of the adults have formal
bank accounts’. Further there are 1,606 urban co-operative banks (UCBs),
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NEW DEMOCRACY

-

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

‘Priority sector’ lending now includes advances to newly-created
infrastructure funds, to non-banking finance companies for on-lending
to very small units, and to the food processing industry. Loans to
multinationals like Pepsi, Kelloggs, Hindustan Lever and ConAgra now
counted as priority sector advances. More recently, loans to cold
storage units, irrespective of location, have been included in the priority
sector.9

finance league tables. Within a span of four years, India ranked on top in
the global project finance market by year 2009. The domestic Indian market
had raised USD 30 Billion (Rs.1.38 lakh crore) accounting for 21.5 per cent
of the global project finance market. The SBI alone accounted for 67 per
cent (USD 20 Billion) of the total debt in the Indian market. Those funded
by SBI include, Sasan Power, Adani Power, Sterlite Energy, Vodafone and
Unitech among others.11

The fourth phase witnessed a lending spree by the banks and loans
to big corporate and industrialists involved in the public private
partnership projects developing infrastructure (roads, railway lines,
shipping ports, airports, power and communications) sector. Prior to
1990s, the infrastructure development projects were primarily handled
by the Government. The reasons for this were – huge investment
requirements, relatively lower returns and longer gestation period. But
this situation has changed with the advance of privatization and
liberalized bank lending to such projects. This phenomenon is not
limited to India. An IMF paper states that ‘In all a total of over 2700
projects were initiated in developing countries between 1990 and 2003’.10
It also noted, ‘Almost 20 years after privatization began to be touted
as the solution to infrastructure woes, the role of the large scale private
sector in the delivery of infrastructure services in energy, water or
transport is far from being as widespread as many had hoped for, at
least in developing countries.’

The effects of ‘irrational exuberance’ in the lending have started seriously
affecting the banks since year 2014. The 12 large corporate houses of
India have borrowed Rs.10 lakh crore accounting for more than 15% of all
borrowings in India. About a fifth of the loans to these groups are bad
loans.12 Can we expect these loans to be repaid?

Project Finance –Leaving to Twist in the Wind
Project finance has emerged as a preferred financing technique for the
long term financing of large infrastructure projects. In the traditional or
corporate financing the lenders provide capital to the company on the basis
of assets on its balance sheets. Instead, project finance loans are
sanctioned to a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) on the basis of the projected
cash flow of the particular project. Thus the liability of the borrower is
much lower. In other words, the loans to such projects are left to twist in
the wind. Though project finance lending started in the 1990s, it took off in
the years after 2000 in India. In 2005 alone, India’s market share in projectfinanced transactions in the Asia-Pacific region increased from 2.8 per
cent to 12.5 per cent. The State Bank of India (SBI) had moved up from
the fifteenth position in 2004 to the first in 2005 in the Asia-Pacific project
January, 2017

21

The key question now is, how did the public sector banks land in this
situation? One has to look at the lending pattern of public sector banks and
the private sector to know the answer. The ratio of corporate loans to
consumer loans for the seven private sector banks in this time period (20102014) is roughly 1.5, i.e. private banks lent Rs.150 to corporate for every
Rs.100 to the consumer. However public sector banks lent Rs.700 to
corporate for every Rs.100 to consumers. 13 Thus the public sector banks
have lent largely to fund the corporate. This huge lending cannot but be a
part of Government policy. Thus, the rise and growth of the corporate is
intimately linked to those in power, the Government and its policies to help
the corporate. The murkier side of this becomes clearly evident in the large
number of scams that shook the country.
The burden of the NPAs and distressed loans of public sector needs to
be analyzed in this backdrop. The current demonetisation measure is a
disingenuous solution adopted by the current government to tide over the
crisis caused by reckless lending to the large corporate. The Government
also intends to reduce its stake in the public sector banks and make them
more attractive to the private capital. The Basel III requirements also require
a huge infusion of capital in to the banks. The forced deposits due to the
demonetisation of 86% of currency in circulation in the country and the
restrictions on withdrawals are part of the design.

Perilous Future
The lending spree is not going to stop with this. There are more to

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

NEW DEMOCRACY
come. Mega infrastructure projects are underway across the globe. Nuclear
power plants, smart cities, expansion of airports, eight lane high ways and
railway projects are all part of the grand design. Further, the ‘Make in India’
scheme allures with its multibillion deals in the making of military equipment
and armaments with public private partnership. All these will require
humungous amounts. A cutting-edge example of one of the largest public
private partnership projects ever to be envisaged, currently in the final preconstruction stage in the UK, is the Hinkley Point C nuclear power EPR
plant. The total capital commitment for the two reactors is expected to be
around 43 billion Euros (roughly Rs.3 lakh crore). The Government in India
has already paved the way for the entry of private sector in the nuclear
power projects. The recent Indian government initiative of Smart Cities
envisages an investment of nearly Rs.1 lakh crore. The Indian Railways is
planning to invest USD 142 billion (roughly Rs.9 lakh crore) over the next
five years, and intends to double the investments in the next five-year
cycle. 14 The Indian private sector is also scouting for foreign partners with
USD 130 billion (roughly Rs.8 lakh crore) of military contracts up for grabs
in the next few years. 15
The history of the previous phase of development is also linked to the
Rs.500 and Rs.1000 currency notes. As the liberalization measures reached
their peak, the Indian government issued Rs.1000 currency notes in the
year 2000 November. Apart from being a marker of inflation, these notes
also played a role in the large scale corruption, hoarding and distribution of
money associated with it. The current government went a step ahead and
has issued a new Rs.2000 currency note in its place. There are more grand
schemes and further plans for mega projects. Do we get to see the future
here?
(Endnotes)

4

https://rbi.org.in/SCRIPTS/BS_SpeechesView.aspx?Id=1009
https://www.rbi.org.in/Scripts/BS_SpeechesView.aspx?Id=968

5

Report on Trend and Progress of Banking in India 2015-16, Reserve Bank
of India
6

7

http://www.firstpost.com/business/rs-600000-crore-npas-over-90-with-psbs-isthe-bad-loan-story-turning-scary-2822560.html
8

Banking Structure in India – Way Forward, Discussion Paper, RBI, August 13

Financial Liberalisation And Rural Banking In India, V.K. Ramachandran and
Madhura Swaminathan, December 2014
9

From Global Savings Glut to Financing Infrastructure: The Advent of
Investment Platforms, IMF Working Paper, Prepared by Rabah Arezki, Patrick
Bolton, Sanjay Peters, Frederic Samama, and Joseph Stiglitz, February 2016

10

11

12

Down the Rabbit Hole, The Research Collective – PSA, February 2014
Concentration, Collusion and Corruption in India

’s Banks, Roots of the Bad Debt Crisis, Sumit K Majumdar, Economic & Political
Weekly, July 16, 2016
13

http://www.bloombergquint.com/opinion/2016/08/18/the-half-truth-of-prudentprivate-sector-bank-lending
14

http://www.railway-technology.com/news/newsindian-railways-to-invest-142bnby-2020-4787221
15

1

http://indianexpress.com/article/business/economy/black-money-demonetisationincome-tax-department-arun-jaitley-finance-ministry-4430281/

https://qz.com/346941/the-seven-homegrown-firms-fighting-over-indias-620billion-defence-market/

2

http://indianexpress.com/article/india/even-if-15-20-of-transactions-are-cashlessit-will-be-an-achievement-santosh-kumar-gangwar-4433172/
3

http://www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/60-changes-in-43days-u-turns-by-govt-on-demonetisation-116122001414_1.html

January, 2017

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'WHITE MONEY' IS MORE DANGEROUS
THAN BLACK MONEY
.
We can understand this upside-down world by making ourselves upsidedown. Black money has two forms; one is the straight form and the other
an inverted form. As Marx said, this world is being shown in class society
to common people in an upside down shape. So if we wish to know it in a
proper manner, we should be upside-down.
For quite a long time, deliberate publicity has been given to black money.
This has been done by the so called big white financial class showing it as
the cause of all evils in society. And it is being shown in public that no
main problem exists in society other than black money. A feeling is slowly
being etched in the minds of common people, mainly the middle class,
that the eradication of black money would be the panacea for all the burning
issues of society.
In fact, according to Marxism, black money is not the axle for this
exploitative society. The fair and plain looking white money is the real axle
for this exploitative society. Under this 'white' money, many mushrooms
grow. Black money is one amongst them. In fact the so called white money
is not a byproduct of black money but black money is the byproduct of
such white money. The present publicity on black money is strategic and
political. It is to hide the basic issues plaguing this society. Actually, it is
part of a plan to divert the people from basic problems.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
2016. It has had more impact on our people than the four wars with Pakistan
(including the mini war of Kargil) and the one with China. In fact it is a war
without weapons. It has disturbed the entire country.
For the last few years, black money is tactfully being publicized by big
corporate media as the main danger to society. With a well devised plan, a
situation was created for the arrival of a ‘noble man’ to take a risky step
against this black money. It is shown as a crusade on black money. All
this propaganda made the people wait for this step. A systematic publicity
campaign was used to make people think in this way. It is a part of
“Manufacturing of Consent”. As cultivators make the soil ready for sowing,
the white money billionaires prepared a perfect playground and Modi
government played along with Demonetization. It is also a strategy to show
him as a crusader who came to eradicate the black money in society. Here
the exploitating class has its own interest.
The so called respected white moneyed class is actually acting as the
axle for this exploitative society. The black money also strengthens this
exploitative set up in every period with indirect support of the state. But
the state won’t always support black money and its development in the
same manner. Sometimes, it controls it in a limited way. This control can’t
be for the country’s interest or people’s interest. The state controls black
money wherever and whenever it becomes a hurdle for the white money.

It is the “white money” class that plays a key role in depicting black
money as a monster. The ‘white money billionaires’ wish to prove themselves
‘sufferers’ and ‘pious’ by depicting black money as more dangerous. In
fact, it is white money that is ruling and controlling the whole exploitative
setup of society. Moreover the exploitative state is being run and controlled
by such “Pious White Financial Class" in India as well as in the world.

After the 2008 economic crisis, Indian economy is under serious pressure.
International and domestic big capitalists are increasing their intrusion into
Indian economy. The contradiction between their ability to enter into the
market and the business opportunities in the market is increasing day by
day. At the same time, the contradictions are increasing between state
supported white money and officially non supported black money. At this
stage, the state stands with the first category. And in the market, the
second one becomes a hurdle for the growth and expansion of the first
type. The organized white money class tried hard with the help of the state
to remove this hurdle and that help was by way of demonetization of high
value currency.

It has now become inevitable for these white money billionaires to wage
an organized economic war to protect themselves and their class interests
and the Modi Government has acted so. The result is the demonetization
of the high value currency of Rs.500 and Rs.1000 on the night of 8th Nov.

In the present imperialist world order, the production of commodities is
similar for all the exploitative systems. For this system to continue, the
capital needs to increase. For the existence and expansion of the system,
the production process has to continue. The new wealth increases by the

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NEW DEMOCRACY
continuous creation of new goods and services by exploiting labour.
For production of commodities, the capitalists need to invest on 1) Fixed
capital (Machinery, raw material etc.) 2) Variable Capital (Wages). By
selling the finished goods, they get income more than these two
expenditures. This was named by Adam Smith, the first popular Economist
in Capitalist age, as darling "Profit". But Marx analyzed this profit as the
stolen property extracted from the sweat and blood of the labourers. As per
the philosophy of capitalism, it is just earning rightly. This the state treats
as sacred ‘white money’. So the huge profits of corporate are ‘white money’.
Actually black money is only one of the branches of the huge poisonous
tree called ‘white money’. This exists without black money. But black
money can’t survive without the existence of 'white money’.
Marxism teaches that the working class should overthrow by revolution
the state that depends on above said ‘surplus value’. It is not possible for
revolutionary forces to take over only the black money, leaving the surplus
value, the fruits of labour power. If you take over the properties of “white
money” class, then black money will vanish automatically. That is why
this white money is the primary enemy for the working class and the down
trodden, instead of black money, a byproduct of it. But this black money
has been gradually becoming a hurdle for the ‘white money’ in present
market scenario which basically suppresses the working class more and
more. Hence, the task of eradicating black money is not the primary or
only task of the working class and toiling masses. It is to be taken by
working class as a part of its basic tasks.
Black money may be broadly divided into two categories. One is surplus
value extracted from labour power, made white officially by the state. This
is the Primary Black Money or Basic Black Money. The second one is
untaxed money that grew and developed with unofficial support by state
and is being officially declared as Black Money. This is a parasite living
on the first type. This is called Secondary Black Money. Broadly, the basic
black money is stolen property from labour power and the secondary black
money is untaxed money avoiding paying tax to the Government.
This Secondary Black Money can further be divided into two sub
categories. 1. One that by tax evasions, tax exemptions and tax concessions
becomes White Money with the support of the State. 2. The other that
doesn’t get State support to change its form and remains as Black Money.
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27

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
If we observe this micro classification, we can understand the forces working
behind the Demonetization. There is a contradiction between the Basic
Black Money and the Secondary Black Money on one side. On other side
the contradiction exists between the Black Money that can change to white
Money (with support of the State) and the Black Money that can’t change
its form.
The first contradiction becomes reason for the class struggle. The
second one becomes the reason for internal clashes among bourgeois
sections. At present this second contradiction works as a main factor
behind the DEMONETISATION. From behind the curtain and with a legal
mask, it is Modi’s intended Economic War by the most organized criminal
section on the section portrayed as criminalized Black money. The Modi
Government is acting as the driving force for it. In these, the people of the
land have no stake or benefit.
These two types of black money (two sub types of secondary black
money) will have unity and competition. In different situations their roles
and places may change. As per long experienced view of economy of
Indian society, it is seen that for a long time there exists mainly unity
among these two categories. Now the pressure of competition from finance
markets puts this in the forefront. The first sub type of secondary black
money has the open support of the state. It is not possible even for the
state to control second type of secondary black money which has swollen
with unofficial support of the state till now. For this, they need people’s
cooperation. As a part of it, Modi government entered into the arena with
demonetization of high value currency.
Actually it is the real glittering white money that is hard earned that is in
the hands of the people i.e. workers, peasants, employees and toiling
masses. The major part of this hard earned real white money is being
consumed then and there itself. This includes expenditure spent on food,
shelter, clothing, medicines, education, recreation, etc. basing on daily
needs of the people. The remaining small part of it goes to savings.
The banks collect the real white money in the name of savings by the
middle class and the poor people on one side and lend huge money as
loans to the big corporate business magnets on the other. The banks collect
the real white money from these depositors and hand it over to the real
black money holders. They pay little interest to poor depositors on savings

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and collect little more interest from corporate on loans. This is how the
banking system works in society.
For example, they pay 7% interest on savings and collect 10% interest
on loans. If inflation is 6%, then the rupee values shrinks by 6%. The
depositors get only 1% net interest on savings. For instance, if a billionaire
takes one thousand crore as loan to run his / her business or industry, he
/ she has to pay hundred crores as interest. There will be 60 crores shortage
due to 6% inflation and he / she pays only 40 crores as net equal to only
4% of interest. Inflation always harms the depositors but benefits the loan
takers i.e. big industrialists and business people.
The industrialists utilize the loan amount for production of goods. By it,
they extract 30% to 40% more profits i.e. surplus value, a basic black
money on the one thousand crore investment per annum. As explained
above, after deducting 4% of net interest to banks, the rest of the amount
is the profit. This is a newly created surplus value. As per Marxist economy,
this is the stolen property of labour or basic black money. This is the real
face of banking system which is being propagated that it controls black
money and guarantees white money. One can easily understand its bogus
role if we seriously look into its mode of function. If we discuss this system
in terms of surplus value, we can say the banking system plays a dual role
in society. One – as a blood sucker, it squeezes real white money as an
exploiting agency and two– it acts as a broker to produce more primary
black money, surplus value (Profits).
A contradiction lies between the people and big capitalists served by
the State. This, at some specific times, becomes quite serious. Let us
now look into this:
1) For cancellation of lakhs of crores of rupees in the name of NonPerforming Assets of banks to benefit the big Corporate Organizations, 2)
To sanction new loans for corporate sectors through banking system, in
essence, the hard earned real white money. 3) Demonetization of high
value currency to get additional savings from common people to fill that
gap of banks.
Modi government proposed this a year back to the then RBI Governor
to materialize the above said three proposals. But he did not agree for the
same. After sending him off, a former employee of Reliance, Urijit Patel,
was appointed for this post. For the above mentioned three specific aspects,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
the present programme is going on.
To understand in an easy way, let us take one example of a water tank.
There will be certain rules and regulations to let the water go downstream
after finishing with the business of fishing in the tanks. Before getting the
water from the upstream, if water is left to go downstream, the fishing
business will be in trouble. So if any water is to be let out downstream, the
new supply of water should first reach the tank to save fishing. This is the
duty of tank managers. The water is - saving money. The fishing business
is - banking trade. The upstream is - new deposits from people. The
downstream is - the factories and businesses of big corporate. Now we
can understand the hidden agenda of demonetization of Modi Government.
Unless the banks get new savings, it is not possible to waive off the old
debts of corporate sectors. Already Modi Government waived off 1,40,000
crores of rupees of loans of these big corporate sectors. The latest proposal
that 8 lakh crores more of loans be waived is on the table of Modi. If the
Modi government wants to waive off such a large amount, then there should
be a concrete way to get that amount from somewhere. Thus the
demonetization fulfills this need.
By this action of Modi government, the lives of common people are in
tatters. They are feeling insecure. They now fear to keep their hard earned
little money in their houses. They are queuing up in front of banks either to
deposit or withdraw for their day to day needs. Previously these banks cut
short percentage on interests and now they only could make people feel
these places were secure in spite of further low rate of interest for their
little amounts to be deposited. How wonderful! After fifty days of Modi’s
declaration of demonetization, 14 lakh crores of scrapped notes are
deposited in the various banks. This is the first victory of White Money
class that declared terror-war on the people.
The corporate plan is soon going to be realized. The tanks have got
new water. Now the old water may be let off. Again eight lakh crores loan
will be waived off. Such are the games of these capitalist bandicoots that
squeeze blood and sweat of common people and live as parasites.
The retired RBI Governor was quite against giving all concessions to
few big capitalists and neglecting the capitalists as a class. There is no
basic difference between the old Governor and the new one in relation to
primary black money (surplus value or profit). They differ only on their

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distribution policy. For a few opposition leaders, the old Governor seems
to be an ideal man. But from people’s angle, it is not at all an alternative.
The major opposition parties welcomed the demonetization as a policy
matter. Of course this is more suitable for their class interest. Now, let us
look into the various versions of the opposition parties on the issue of
demonetization: “Modi’s objective is good. We differ only in its
implementation”. This is one version. “With a good intention, he demonetized.
But he didn’t awaken the people before the declaration. This is Modi’s
fault”. This is one more version of another opposition party. “Without taking
the Parliament into confidence, he unilaterally declared. Though the decision
is good, he acted undemocratically”. This is the version of another opposition
party. “Modi didn’t consult the opposition first. If it is discussed in an all
party meeting, the people wouldn’t have so many problems. He acted as a
dictator”. Thus says yet another opposition party. “The black money alone
destabilizes the nation’s economy. This is the most dangerous enemy to
the country. That is why all parties should support the war on the black
money irrespective of political affiliations. But the aim is lost. By this, the
intended objectives may not be achieved”. This is another political party’s
version. “It may be partially true that black money holders are terrified by
Modi’s action. By this time some good results are achieved. But more than
the good, troubles engulfed the people. On the whole, this action became
quite harmful”. This is one more political party’s argument.
With a few exceptions, all ruling class parties are making such
arguments. Trinamool Congress says demonetization is an action which
takes Indian economy a hundred years back. The Aam Aadmi Party also
initially criticized it as the biggest scam after 1947. Whatever may be their
reasons, these parties of ruling classes demanded the rollback of the
decision. The other ruling political parties are basically supporting Modi
and criticizing him for not taking required steps to get good results.
This is like supporting the stem of a tree and opposing its branches and
leaves! Even the 'left' parties didn’t expose Modi’s conspiracies. They
simply said that the required results may not be possible. Instead of rollback,
they asked for review. They termed it a blunder but didn’t call it a strategic
conspiracy.
As soon as this step was declared, the corporate media praised Modi
sky high. They appreciated Modi as a hero fighting black money. They
also showed the black money holders throwing away their unaccounted
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
money into drains, canals and dustbins. These pictures were frequently
telecast on the mass media. It is published that the ‘black billionaires’ are
terrified to see Modi.
Modi cult is systematically being developed among the people. In fact,
the media hid the fact that black currency can’t be kept in the almirahs.
90% of the estimated black money might have taken the form of gold and
immovable property. They forget that the speed of circulation of black money
is more than that of white money. So far this so called black money, as
publicized by various sources, was kept in almirahs and secret places
before demonetization. Then why did they throw these bundles in public
places such as drains, canals and dustbins now?
This is the creation of the media. It is the tactful publicity of finance
capitalists – throwing the black money bundles in drains and canals and
along road sides. Scenes are created today for tomorrow’s political gains.
If we peep into the past, it is seen that the Nazi forces under Hitler’s
leadership burnt their Parliament building themselves and made the leaders
of working class and Communist Party as scapegoats. In our country too,
the RSS ,VHP, Bajrang Dal and other Right wing Hindutva forces secretly
indulged in various bomb blasts of Samjhauta Express, Mecca Masjid,
Malegaon, Nasik etc. And these forces shamelessly cried and declared
Islamic fundamentalists as responsible for all those inhuman activities.
When all these plots and conspiracies were exposed by Hemant Karkare,
Anit-Terrorism Chief of Maharashtra, they brutally murdered him to escape
from the ghastly deeds. Why shouldn’t we think that these skilled experts
in conspiracies and plots either burnt down bundles of currency notes or
threw them in the canals and drains? All these the media used to divert
the people. People, on many occasions are taken in by phobia in initial
stages. But after the bitter experience they realize the truth.
But it needs to be noted that the opposition parties are supporting this.
The 'left' parties said that Modi government utterly failed but they didn’t
expose the conspiracies of the finance capitalists. At the same time, all
opposition parties competed with each other in criticizing the inconveniences
to people due to the decision of the Modi Government. The Congress party
waived off crores of loans of big capitalists and gave maximum concessions
in taxes up to 25 lakh crores from 2004 to 2014. And its Vice President
Rahul Gandhi stood in a queue in front of a bank and made a public show!
Whatever these parties might have thought, they publicly resorted to

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posturing. More than these political parties, the Chief Justice of India
criticized it more sharply. But such criticism is not sufficient. It is the need
of the hour to expose Modi as a representative of big corporate magnets
and to fight against his policies. It is deceiving the people to not do so.
For discussion sake, let us view the woes of the people from a different
angle. For the sake of their countries, the people of Iraq, Libya and Cuba
could bear the various problems created by imperialist powers like America.
People of those countries stood strongly behind their respective
governments and played a patroitic role. These people overcame all those
problems with a patriotic spirit. If Modi government acts for the same end,
the people have to bear the troubles. It is not a fault. But if demonetization
is meant for the corporate companies, then it will be the duty of the people
to resist. With this basic political understanding we should review the
decision and take further appropriate steps.
There have been three lakh farmers’ suicides in the country over the
last fifteen years. The government is not ready to waive off their loans. It
says that if it does so, the banks will face bankruptcy. Actually the amount
to be waived off for the year 2008 was sixty thousand crores. But the
government has waived off nearly 1, 40,000 crore loans of corporate
bandicoots. One more set of 8 lakh crores of loans are ready to be waived
off!
Is this waging war on black money!? What a wonder! The big foreign
and Indian rich are eying small and medium scale industries, businesses
and retailers including the national bourgeois sections. If they are closed
down, then the MNCs and their compradors can intrude freely into their
various businesses. The finance capitalists have a good strategy to bring
all these under the control of the state in the name of transparency. These
small sectors transact with cash only.
I knew a software engineer paying seven lakh rupees as taxes per annum.
One more person pays thirteen lakhs as tax per annum. These are not
surplus value. This isn’t business profit. This is the hard money earned
from skilled labour. The IT and professional taxes are being collected from
employees, teachers and workers.
The corporate sectors are aiming to make Indian economic system into
an organized taxing state through Goods & Services Tax (GST). The so
called white money class is only planning for this process. It is Modi’s aim
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
to make the non taxpaying lower middle class and lower income groups
into tax payers, enhancing taxes on the taxpaying employees and middle
class income groups, reduce taxes of big Corporate, write off their bank
loans, sanction new loans for them, get new savings from the people,
finally making the country into the ‘Most Organized Taxing State.' That is
why it is the immediate duty of working class not to become partners in
the intended anti black money war of big corporate. It is also the present
duty of progressive and revolutionary forces to wage war against the
socalled White financial class along with fighting Black Money.
In our country, the natural resources are being looted in the name of
Green Hunt. And in the name of ‘Make in India’, the blood and sweat of
Indian Labour is being exploited at cheap cost. Agriculture sector is being
looted. Lakhs of fishermen, peasants, tribal people and slum dwellers are
being bulldozed and displaced in forcible manner from their lands and
villages, only by 'white' corporate. The people’s movements are now facing
blood baths. The revolutionary forces are being killed in fake encounters.
The people of India are threatened by various wars waged by the so called
white money.
In view of the above, the psuedo White Money class made the Modi
government declare the biggest economic terror-war on the people of India
on 8th of November. In the name of controlling its pet, secondary black
money, in practice this is a big conspiracy and strategy to throw the small
and petty businessmen, middle class, lower middle class, lower class,
employees, teachers, workers, peasants, coolies, high income employees,
even national bourgeoisie, everyone of them into the tax net of a taxing
state - the plastic economic system called DIGITAL ECONOMY. Till now
some of the media (excluding big corporate media), intellectuals and even
some progressive forces are misled in this regard.
Modi government, in essence, is doing what Hitler's Nazi party did in
Germany. After removing the bourgeois democratic set up, on its grave
fascism was built. And here the Demonetization will remain as a milestone
in that way. Resisting it is a historical necessity.
With this political understanding, it is the need of the hour that
progressive, democratic and revolutionary forces take up the organizational
and political tasks and act appropriately to make Modi’s Government roll
back the useless and anti people process of DEMONETISATION.

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SOME ASPECTS OF AND LESSONS
FR
OM J
AL
OOR STR
UGGLE
FROM
JAL
ALOOR
STRUGGLE
. .
Terrorism is the main theme of public discourse these days, especially
in the corridors of powers and in the cozy studios of television channels.
The whole country is being drowned in the propaganda blitzkrieg about socalled terrorism. Well dressed anchors, men and women with the hope of
rising high by faithfully serving the powers that be, are shouting themselves
hoarse about some imagined terrorism as though they are fighting on some
front in the scorching desert. Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh, enjoying
the luxury of power through its electoral wing Bharatiya Janata Party, is
boasting of tit for tat reply to terrorism and advocating pro-active policy on
“cross-border terrorism”. They are using the so-called surgical strike by
the Indian army in Pakistan-side Kashmir as a pump to inflate the Modi
chest of 56 inches as claimed by Modi himself, which was deflated to 28
inches after the crushing defeat in Delhi and the convincing defeat in the
Bihar elections. Stagnant economy with worsening living conditions of toiling
people have given lie to Modi’s claim of “ache din” and development of all.
In such a dwindling situation the pump of a surgical strike was badly needed
for the Sangh Parivar government. This is more necessary when assembly
elections in some important states including Uttar Pradesh are round the
corner. When US ruling classes planned to assert to strengthen their world
hegemony, capture oil sources and oil routes, they through their secret
services organized the attack on twin towers at World Trade Centre, thus
getting an alibi to attack any country as a rogue state helping terrorism or
a threat to world security. Using this alibi they trampled on Afghanistan
and Iraq and destroyed the most ancient civilization and its heritage. Since
then all the stooges of America including Indian rulers are utilizing the
bogey of terrorism. Among this orchestra of anti terrorism with the baton in
the hands of America, the voice of Indian rulers is loud and distinct. They
look out for terrorism by climbing onto the high rise towers on the border
with Pakistan. But there is another terrorism which is thundering in our
villages and towns, in our streets and lanes and in front of our houses but
no one talks about that terrorism. Ministers are silent about it, this is not
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
a matter of debate on TV channels, leaders of opposition have no tongue
to condemn this terrorism.
This terrorism is rampant in the villages of Muzaffarnagar whose culprits
are now ministers in the Central Government and Members of Parliament.
Mohammed Akhlaq and his family had gone through the ordeals of this
terrorism in Bisada village of Dadri in Uttar Pradesh, Rohit Vemula faced
this terrorism. Students of JNU and other institutions are facing it. One
terrorism has gone berserk in Jaloor village of Sangrur district, Punjab,
whose terror is still looming large on the Dalit basti of Jaloor. This has
badly shaken the democratic and revolutionary movement of Punjab.
What happened in Jaloor? According to the Punjab Village Common
Land Act, one third share of panchayat land in villages is reserved for
Dalits, which only Dalits can take on auction for tilling.
Framing of a law is one thing whereas its implementation is quite a
different thing and depends on the social reality on the ground. In a class
divided society, even the most liberal democracy is a democracy only for
the dominant and ruling class. For example, Panchayat raj institutions are
democratic institutions, but in reality are controlled by landlords and rural
rich. Law has reserved seats in panchayats for Dalits but Dalit sarpanches
are merely stamps and thumb impressions for the landlords who have made
them contest the elections and have financed and managed their election
campaigns. They are the real Sarpanches. Similarly seats are reserved for
women in Panchayat raj institutions, but actually those women are wives
or other relatives of landlords/chowdharies, and it is they who run the affairs
of panchayats. Similarly co-operatives are the institutions of the era of
socialism and emerged in that era, but are instruments of economic power
and landlords/rural rich who use them as their weapons for their economic
interests. Same has been the fate of provision of one third reservation of
panchayat land for Dalits by Punjab Village Common Land Act. Landlords
/rural rich take that reserve land in the name of some Dalit on auction thus
defeating the law. This has been a general phenomenon throughout Punjab.
But in March 2014, people, mainly Dalits, organized themselves under the
banner of Zameen Prapti Sangarsh Committee for getting their legal right
on panchayat land, land allotted to nazul land society and land surplus of
ceiling of land. But for the rural rich it was difficult to digest this assertion.
Dalits of village Balad Klan raised the banner of struggle for their share of

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panchayat land in 2014. Government responded with lathicharge and foisting
of false cases including the serious section of attempt to murder and put
43 Dalits including the President of Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee
behind the bars. After a persistent struggle for almost four months they
succeeded in getting land for hadi crop and also got the arrested released
unconditionally. Dalits took to co-operative farming successfully and thus
created a new example as a way for the solution to the crisis being faced
by peasantry, specially small peasantry. In 2015 this movement spread to
two dozen villages.
Though this struggle was only to claim the legal rights but it rang danger
bells for the rural rich and landlords and they pressed upon the government
to suppress this movement. A deputation of pro Akali sarpanches and
panches met Deputy Chief Minister, Sukhbir Singh Badal and urged him to
forcibly suppress this movement because since this ZPSC organization
has come into existence, Dalits are not obeying them, they pose a challenge
to power of rural rich and are defying them because of organization. On the
one hand the Government let loose repression on Dalits of Balad klan.
They were brutally lathicharged by police. Police even resorted to firing
when Dalits were protesting in front of the block office, Bhwanigarh. Police
did not spare even students, women and old men and women. Not only
that, 170 Dalits including the leadership of ZPSC were implicated in false
cases under serious charges including “attempt to murder” (Section 307 of
Indian Penal Code). Eight people were arrested and put behind bars. Some
leaders of ZPSC and the General Secretary were later on arrested and
were jailed. On the other hand landlords tried to divide Dalits by bribing
them. In village Balad Klan some Dalits families were offered rupees one
lakh each. In another village , Ghrachon, Dalits were offered a brand new
tractor but all these tactics did not succeed and Dalits remained largely
united. Despite this carrot and stick policy pursued by the Government
and the local ruling people, the struggle won an important victory. Dalits
got their share of panchayat land in nearly 40 villages. But Dalits could not
get their share of land in three villages, namely Janerhi, Jaloor and Kalaudi.
In Kalaudi some case regarding Panchayat land is pending in court and in
other two villages there were dummy auctions. Despite a number of
representations at various levels and a long drawn struggle, dummy auctions
were not cancelled nor land restored to the entitled Dalits. In this background,
Dalits of Jaloor, frustrated by the attitude of the Government, went for
symbolic harvesting of paddy crop sown by dummy auctioneer on October
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
first 2016. Enraged by this act of defiance by oppressed landlords using
caste card mobilized some people and attacked some Dalits. Dalits lodged
complaints against them with the police but instead of taking action against
the landlords, cases were framed against Dalits. ZPSC staged a dharna in
front of SDM office at Lehragaga. During the dharna itself the goons of
landlords were threatening Dalits. In the village, announcement was being
made that Dalits are to be taught a stern lesson when they return. Leaders
brought the whole situation to the notice of the administration, which assured
full protection. But when Dalits along with people from other villages and
some leaders of fraternal organizations reached the village in the evening
they were furiously attacked. Men and women were badly beaten. Even old
and children were not spared. Property was looted and destroyed. Houses
of the leaders and activists of the ZPSC were specially targeted. Police
was supervising this carnage. State president of Kirti Kisan Union rang up
SSP to apprise him about the situation but SSP replied that there is complete
calm in the village and no tension in the village and that report of KKU
leader was not correct. But when KKU President said that he was speaking
from the village itself, the phone was disconnected. It speaks volumes
about the fact that the attack was planned at the District Level administration
specially police administration. Another fact also proves the connivance of
police and civil administration. Deputy superintendent of police and SDM
reached the village and contacted ZPSC leaders over phone and told them
they want to rescue the people who are from outside the village. These
should be asked to come out at a common place, but when people reached
the spot men were arrested and taken away leaving the women in open,
unprotected. Another fact also reveals police connivance. Some of the
injured Dalits who were admitted to the civil hospital, Lehragaga were taken
away by a police posse personally led by SSP. This beating and looting
continued till 3 AM and again started in the morning till some press people
reached the village. Many houses of Dalits were locked and deserted. Young
boys and girls were sent out to relatives. All works were at a stand still.
Life of Dalits came to a grinding halt. Cattle were without green fodder and
infants without milk.
Jaloor incident is a landmark in the history of people’s struggle in Punjab,
specially in the history of struggles of Dalits. Generally Punjab is considered
to be the metropolis of rural India. It is the state where imperialism made
the first experiment of its model of agriculture, misnamed as Gnreen
revolution. General view is that with the implementation of green revolution

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model, not only class contradictions are not particularly sharp but caste
oppression and repression is substantially muted. Specially, struggle on
issues connected with land is considered to be a thing of past. But this
struggle for Dalit share in panchayat land has shown that land hunger among
laboring masses of rural areas is not only particularly sharp but it is also a
question of honour and prestige for the labouring people belonging to Dalit
castes. The question of honour is particularly very important for the women.
Because it is the women folk who have to face humiliation and sexual
exploitation when they go to the fields for collecting green fodder and for
other chores. That is why women are very actively participating in this
struggle. They have to face not only repression and filthy language from
the policemen but also a very stiff opposition from the family especially
elderly male members of the family and also the jeers from the upper caste
villagers. But despite all these hurdles they have not held back from this
struggle. Some of the women have also moved up to positions of leadership
of ZPSC. Now they don’t fear police and civil officials but fearlessly enter
their office and talk to them with courage. Secondly this struggle has brought
the issue on the political agenda of the state. A committee has been formed
to study and find out a solution of this issue. Apart from it, this has become
a hot topic of discussion among the ranks of communist revolutionary
organizations. Initially most of the revolutionary organizations were looking
towards this struggle with indifference, disbelief and curiosity. But the
persistent and stubborn struggle by ZPSC and successes achieved by
this struggle changed their attitude. The time when repression in Jaloor
took place, all mass organizations belonging to revolutionary stream came
forward and joined together under the banner of “Jaloor Kand Jabar Virodhi
Sangharsh Committee” and fought a prolonged struggle. This struggle also
brought together the communist revolutionary camp.
On the other hand, all ruling class and revisionist parties got lined up
against this struggle. Ruling Akali Dal projects itself as the party of Sikh
peasantry which largely belongs to the Jat caste and this is the vote bank
of Akali party. As landlords of Jaloor succeeded in mobilizing Jat peasants
by utilizing caste divide, so Finance Minister Parminder Singh Dhindsa put
his whole weight behind the Jaloor landlords and directed the administration
to unilaterally support landlords. But the role of parliamentary opposition
parties is in no way different. Congress is the main opposition party in the
state and claims traditional base among the Dalits. It has kept its mouth
tightly shut on this issue. Bhagwant Mann, leader of AAP in Lok Sabha,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
represents this area but has not uttered a single word against this carnage
in Jaloor, what to talk about organizing any protest against this. Bahujan
Samaj Party, which claims to be the sole champion of Dalit interests, kept
a studied silence on the issue. Similarly CPI and CPM, the professed
champions of working class, proving themselves to be the left wing of
ruling classes, also acted according to their class interests and did not
come forward to fight out this tyranny of rural ruling class, rather they
chose to be silent on the issue. Revolutionary Marxist Party (Pasla group)
followed the same course.
Liberation group has a stake here, as the brother of a ZPSC area leader
from Jaloor is state Secretary of the peasant organization of Liberation
group but is supporting this struggle. He was arrested and put behind bars.
So Liberation, of its own and to encash it in the coming assembly elections,
declared to hold a challenge rally in the village. But this group collected 7080 people in the nearby town, shouted some slogans and went to their
homes, after completing a formality. This had an adverse effect and
landlords got emboldened. On the other hand Liberation refused to attend
the joint meeting of peasants and rural labour organizations called by ZPSC,
which was attended by all revolutionary organizations and a committee
against repression in Jaloor was formed. Thus this group revealed its
revisionist character. This struggle effected a polarization between
revolutionaries on one side and all others, ruling class and revisionists on
the other.
Punjab is considered to be most developed and advanced state and it
is believed that here the atmosphere is more democratic compared with
some other states like Bihar, UP and Odisha etc. It is also considered that
caste repression and oppression is not very acute and caste carnages as
a phenomenon are alien to Punjab. Ruling class politicians generally say
that it is not Bihar, it is Punjab. But this struggle has clearly revealed that
this so-called democratic atmosphere is prevalent till class contradictions
remains dormant, people are not organized and conscious of their rights.
But the moment they stand up for their rights, all the parochial elements
and factors come into play. When class struggle gets intensified, Dalits
rise to attain their rights, there is little difference between Punjab and Bihar,
UP and Odisha etc. Ruling classes everywhere, resort to same methods;
they not only let loose brutal repression by state forces but also marshal
all parochial elements in the society and use all sorts of divisive methods

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to break the class unity.
This struggle revealed the caste bias of state functionaries and civil
administration and police beaurocracy. At the time of Jaloor violence, DC,
SSP and SP of Sangrur were from upper castes. Not only that, the SDM
Moonak, DSP and SHO of Lehargaga were also from upper castes. The
way all these officials acted during this incident, the way all the officers of
civil and police administration closed their eyes to the brutality of landlords
of Jaloor, the way SSP himself went at night to arrest Dalits from the Civil
Hospital Lehragaga all show the caste bias of senior state functionaries of
district Sangrur. This reinforces the case for continuation of reservation in
jobs and also in promotion to higher jobs.
This struggle brought forth the basics of caste system. We have been
time and again reiterating that the caste system has its roots in the structure
and expansion in superstructure. Its roots in the structure means that
Dalit castes are deprived of the means of production. This forms the basis
of caste system. The main expression of its expansion in the superstructure
is intracaste marriage. If these two aspects are touched, something is
done to effect a change in these two, there is reaction. In the latter, it even
goes to the extent of killing of boy or both and sometime forcing the
concerned Dalit family to leave the village, parading naked the womenfolk
of the boy's family and even raping them or killing of family members.
Sometime the whole Dalit community is punished. Similarly in this case of
Jaloor, Dalits only demanded what they were legally entitled to, but as this
demand was related to a share in means of production i.e. land - that too
from common land and for limited period - all Dalits were attacked, houses
and shops were looted and destroyed, the aged mother of a ZPSC leader
was beaten so badly that she succumbed in PGI Chandigarh. Women from
other villages were forcibly huddled into the house of the acting sarpanch
and were molested, goons danced naked in front of women folk and forced
a number of Dalit families to flee the village. This struggle reinforced the
understanding of our party on caste question and also the need to wage a
relentless fight.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
number of theatre activists from Punjab Lok Sabhyachark Manch and also
those who are not part of it and writers held a press conference supporting
this struggle and after that they marched in a procession. They also joined
the morcha by Jaloor Jabr Virodhi Committee and performed in a ten
thousand strong gathering of workers and peasants. One well known drama
writer and one popular novelist, both Sahitya Academy award winners,
expressed their desire to write on this struggle. This is a novel phenomenon
in Punjab.
Though there are a number of positive aspects, this struggle posed
serious problems before the revolutionary movement. Of course there are
many divisive elements but as the landlords have utilized caste and
mobilized a large number of Jat peasants behind them, this is a major
stumbling block in the way of building worker- peasant alliance. A faction
of BKU named after its leader, Sidhupur, a Tohra loyalist, has come out
openly in support of landlords, mobilized Jat peasantry on caste basis and
held a prolonged dharna in Sangrur. This has further complicated the issue.
This is the problem before the ZPSC and its leadership. Because taking a
cue from this, landlords in other villages will also try to use this weapon,
symptoms of which are already visible. The future of this movement will
largely depend upon how this problem is handled.

A very important aspect of this struggle is that it exerted a big influence
on a section of writers, intellectuals and cultural activists and they openly
came out in support of this struggle. Some writers and intellectuals marched
on the streets of Sangrur supporting this struggle. Apart from this, a large
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Two y
ear
s of AAP Go
vt. in
year
ears
Govt.
Delhi
The Capital of India has seen two years of governance by the ’party
with a difference’, ‘new type of party’ i.e. AAP. Born subsequent to the
Anna Hazare led anti corruption movement in Delhi from the section of
activists known for their NGO backgrounds, the AAP rode to power in the
Delhi Assembly on the shoulders of the middle class backed powerfully by
the poor and working masses of Delhi. Fresh to power, highly active on
social media and very proficient in its use of propaganda and mobilization,
on high moral ground due to the participation of its leading elements in the
anti corruption movement and offering some immediate relief on the burning
civic issues of the people, AAP won all but three of the Assembly seats.
They never enunciated policy, always stating that they would make up
their minds as they went along. However it is not difficult to place their
political stand. As the anti people policies of Globalization hurt common
people throughout the world, people in country after country led typically
by students, youth and middle class, targeted the ruling elites who were
invariably corrupt and serving the interests of imperialist masters. In this
process came forward a stream in various parts of the world advocating
what is easy to understand as policies of globalization ‘with a human face’.
If the acts of the AAP Govt. in Delhi are scrutinized, this becomes
immediately clear. Their policies are totally in consonance with the ruling
classes of India and are pro imperialist and pro corporate. But they appear
to interact with common people, take some very visible measures for some
relief by a method which the pro globalization policies totally wanted to
withdraw- extending limited state subsidies. They do nothing to basically
alter anything in the system but some relief is real and makes for credibility,
AAP leaders make a fetish of being intellectuals, well versed in modern
technologies, appealing to youth and students and with an unspoken
statement that they gave up cushy positions and possibilities in order to
come to politics for the sake of moral rule.
Delhi is a very useful ground for AAP’s tactics. Being the capital of
India it has a statehood limited by the fact that the control over the police
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
vests with the Central Government whose seat of power is here. In return,
of course, Delhi has a Budget funded largely from the Central treasury.
However, this gives the opportunity to the Kejriwal led AAP to play the
‘little’ man taking on the giant Central Govt. of Modi and not being able to
have their way on people’s welfare despite putting up a stiff fight. In the
first year of governance, the AAP Govt. concentrated on full statehood
and control of police being necessary till even common people realized
that the Govt. was not acting to implement what was within its power. The
Delhi Govt. also seems to have realized this and has used the second
year intelligently, trying, as shown below, to redirect the anger of different
sections who are fighting against its false promises towards the Central
Govt. and thus escape responsibility. The most important such issue
concerns its tall promises for regularization of different types of contractual
workers.
The AAP Govt. came to power ‘differently’, both times (once earlier for
around two months when Congress backed its govt.) holding the swearing
in at Ramlila Maidan- before the people of Delhi and not in a ‘closed space’
where common people could not participate. The first time they had declared
that the Delhi secretariat would be open for the people, AAP volunteers
stationed there would ensure redressal of all grievances etc. etc. Kejriwal
spent a highly publicized period being provided security at this own home
in Ghaziabad, before shifting into a huge accommodation created for him
in New Delhi area but the shift was in the name of the need of the
contingencies of governance. But this time, when sent back to power with
an unbelievable majority, they have not gone for the old methods. Much
more innovative acts have followed in which the ‘people’s representatives’
usurped state land as never before despite all the corruption in earlier
Govts., all of course to serve the people. Thus AAP MLAs have usurped
state land in the spacious Labour Dept. offices of Delhi in many districts to
build themselves sprawling offices for their party in the name of being
accessible to the people. AAP MLAs have in addition usurped rooms in
many Labour offices in the districts for themselves, displacing usually the
district factory inspector- again for the ‘sake of the workers’. The Factory
inspectors are now mainly available at the head office and inaccessible in
times of especially factory accidents.
Then all this got coupled with open nepotism. The post of the Chairman
of the Delhi Commission of Women was filled by an APP activist unknown
in the field of women’s issues. In turn she made whole sale appointments

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of her workforce, all without advertising the posts and all enrolled drawing
salaries from the Treasury of Delhi. MLAs were appointed to various posts
under the Delhi Govt. on which they drew salaries and also such posts
were given to hundreds of AAP leaders who had not made it to ministerial
posts or had not been given tickets in elections. A Minister in the AAP
Govt.- the Law Minister to be precise- has been charged with lying about
his educational qualifications and is currently under investigation. Mohalla
Clinics had been promised by the AAP manifesto to provide cheap and
good medical treatment in their neighbourhoods to citizens. Citizens failed
to note that this carefully removed the emphasis from strengthening the
dispensaries of the Delhi Govt. which are also situated in various
neighbourhoods, and which the Shiela Dixit Govt. was handing over to
private corporate hospitals for evening clinics. So, this was advertized as
the AAP innovation towards swaraj in mohallas. The early mohalla clinics
were set up in rooms in the houses of AAP supporters or activists and they
were paid rent for the same from the state exchequer. Now, most are in
porta cabins. Few of them have any staff, mostly the majority of the staff
and doctors of the local dispensaries under the Delhi Govt. go during duty
hours and man the mohalla clinics so that the official dispensaries running
for years together are now deprived of their staff (an example is the Model
Town Dispensary). What every clinic does have compulsorily is a huge
hoarding featuring Arvind Kejriwal, Chief Minister. The hoarding war is at
stalemate now; otherwise Arvind Kejriwal jostled with Modi both in size
and number of hoardings in Delhi. So much for the government of a party
born of an anti corruption movement.
AAP came to power with guns blazing about regularization of contract
labour. This was one of the most attractive points on its election agenda
for the people of Delhi- almost as attractive for its audience as the issue of
cheap electricity and water. The AAP has tried to combine smartness with
withdrawal in dealing with this issue. Soon after assuming power in February
2015, it declared that until the issue was dealt with all those employed on
contractual posts in the areas under the Delhi Govt. would not be terminated.
This did provide actual relief and large sections of contract workers were
willing subsequently to give the Govt. some time to actually announce
regularization of all contract workers which is exactly how the issue was
phrased in the AAP’s election propaganda. Meanwhile contract workers of
the DTC (Delhi Transport Corporation) began a dharna outside the Govt.
office demanding regularization. Similarly, ‘guest’ teachers of the schools
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45

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
under the Delhi Govt. began a sit-in at the residence of Deputy CM and
Education minister Manish Sisodia , carrying on from the promises he had
made them in the earlier 46 days of governance, demanding that they be
regularized. Both sections were eventually forced off the struggle by the
‘people’s govt.’; in the case of the guest teachers the police was used. The
AAP Govt. then clarified that their electoral promise was misunderstood.
Labour Minister Gopal Rai stated clearly that the AAP manifesto had never
stated that contract workers would be regularized. For the working class,
there was no question of regularization. In the case of guest teachers, the
Govt. would recommend that these posts be advertized, those who were
working on contract would get additional points if fulfilling the criteria of
those essential qualifications which had never been invoked in years and
years of work on the same posts as ‘guests’; in plain words, of course, as
contractual employees.
In fact, from the very onset, AAP tried to focus the attention of the
people on issues where the control was with the Central Govt. and to make
the issue of statehood the principal issue while doing just nothing on the
issues under its jurisdiction. The Govt. got into a series of tussles with the
Central Govt. via the LG on the personnel to be posted to its various Depts.,
creation of large numbers of posts paid for by the Treasury and which were
distributed to its own members and supporters even to its MLAs. The Central
Govt. has of course done the same nepotism with RSS BJP members but
it tried to thwart the Delhi Govt. With the Punjab elections approaching, the
Kejriwal Govt. launched an all out effort to use the disputes between it and
the Centre for its own benefit to redeem itself in the eyes of an increasingly
skeptical people of Delhi. It sent a file on the guest teachers to the Lt.
Gov. of Delhi, not for their regularization but calling for their posts to be
advertized while granting the serving guest teachers extra points. Their
pay has been hiked from Rs. 1800 per month to Rs 3200 per month for 30
days work (done in the last quarter of 2016), but is not equal to regular
teachers and they remain contractual. The pay hike was accompanied by
the termination of 300 guest teachers from duty. They will still get no pay
for the period of vacations. After the file was withheld by the LG, the AAP
Govt. called a general meeting of all the guest teachers in December at
which attendance was compulsory. There they were told what the Delhi
Govt. had done for them and further informed that actually their issue was
still stuck with the LG. The irate teachers, who had been forced to forgo
one day duty and pay to attend the gathering, protested. Following the

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protests they were forcibly dispersed by the police.
Similarly, in the case of the DTC workers, while no regularization has
occurred, while all the time there is talk from the Govt. of introducing more
buses so that private vehicles can be taken off the road, the reality is
different. No buses have been procured, rather in the past two years 1000
buses have been taken off the roads due to being too worn out to repair,
the Govt. has no plans to buy more buses and Minister Satyendra Jain has
clarified that any plan to introduce more buses depends entirely on private
players bringing in buses under the ‘PPP scheme’. Earlier, Transport (and
Labour) Minister Gopal Rai was declared ‘very ill’ following exposures of
irregularities in placing orders for procuring more buses. Nothing further
was heard about the proposed procurements.
Now for the Education sector. In the RTE Act there is provision for a
SMC (School Monitoring Committee) consisting of the area MLA and two
other local persons connected to Education to oversee the school. The
Delhi Govt. has made SMCs for all the Govt. schools under it, each
consisting of some AAP leader (not necessarily the MLA) and locally
powerful people close to AAP but disconnected with anything to do with
Education. These are the new power centres and they are above the
Principals; many teachers forthrightly characterize these elements as
hoodlums. For example, in the Govt. school in Sarita Vihar in South Delhi,
such an SMC complained that a teacher was ‘not even a B.A. pass’. The
teacher in question had done his M.Sc. and then M. Ed. In another such
school in Madanpur Khadar, members of the SMC threatened ‘to hang’ the
Principal in full view of the teachers. In the schools of Delhi Govt., Pragati
Books are replacing the NCERT textbooks upto ninth standard; these are
books written by an NGO close to the AAP and are substandard. There is
no improvement in the student teacher ratio. Students in all the Delhi Govt.
schools are being classified into three categories of good, adequate and
those not up to the mark. The vast majority are in the latter two categories.
Now all these students are to be segregated and also to be coached by the
regular teachers after school hours. The teachers will get no extra
remuneration for these classes though the number of students in each
makes it like repeating the regular class all over again. The ‘no detention’
policy is being done away with by the Delhi govt. and an upper age limit will
be fixed for high schools. Delhi is a city where children of migrant parents
form a large section of the students and hence this bar will take away the
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
freedom of children of this section to study beyond 10 th std. The way the
AAP Govt. has phrased it is that no child on whom the Juvenile Justice
Act does not apply can be a student in its schools. They are justifying this
by an incident where a student repeater backed by a local politician stabbed
a teacher to death when stopped from copying in the exam. Education
Minister Sisodia launched a scheme with much fanfare asserting that every
child in such schools would be able to read by 14 th November 2016; no
assessment of the same is available. The Department has announced
building of schoolrooms and bathrooms with much fanfare; bathrooms have
been built in some schools, some have got good furniture and teachers
claim that one school in Mahipalpur has now got 280 classrooms. The
AAP manifesto had promised some 500 new schools for Delhi. In actual
fact, the number of schools they have opened in one year is less than what
the Shiela Dixit Govt built every year in the last four years of its rule. Only
4 new schools have been added to the 1007 such present in 2014-15. 20
new colleges had been promised by the AAP Govt. but now there are 84
colleges compared to 85 earlier. However the AAP Govt. is unfazed by
such facts. In the first year itself Kejriwal stressed that they had been
elected for 5 years and had that much time to fulfil their promises.
However, one aspect of their initiatives on education has to be underlined.
The AAP Govt. has made no move (nor was this aspect there in their
election manifesto) to curtail in any way the flourishing industry of private
‘public’ schools in Delhi which charge huge amounts in fees. They do not
have any fight with the dual education policy. But the reality is that they
have also not exerted to ensure that the EWS (seats for economically
weaker sections) seats are filled by the private schools.

AAP ‘s Delhi Govt. and the Working Class
AAP’s victory in Delhi would have been impossible without the outpouring
of support from the poor, working class, jhuggi dwellers and especially
auto drivers of Delhi. The AAP Govt. in its previous incarnation itself, had
stopped the police from harassing auto drivers, which provided them real
relief. However, the problems of passengers being harassed due to the
arbitrary fares being demanded by the auto drivers continued; rather
worsened, as the drivers no longer feared police complaints. The Delhi
Govt. has tackled this in a way which both caters to its middle class base
and also exhibits its policy of agreement with privatization and MNCization

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of services. Without adding a single bus to the public transport fleet, the
Govt. has pampered the entry of app based cab services in the city. Offering
competitive rates and more effective services, this entry diverted a large
section which used to rely on autos. The auto drivers' unions held one or
two strikes against the entry of this sector but the Govt. remained unfazed.
Now a section of the auto drivers has also enrolled with the auto section of
these companies and can charge only the fixed fares.
For the general working class, the AAP Govt. has not moved on a
single issue apart from its initial subsidization of electricity and free water
up to 20,000 litres per day. The former benefits around 36 lakhs and the
latter 18 lakhs according to the statistics of the Govt. The subsidies are to
a large extent met by charging a higher rate from those whose water and
electricity use is higher than specified for subsidy. Having done this, the
movement of the Govt. to extend piped water services to jhuggi clusters
still crawls, while some interest has been shown to provide this for
resettlement colonies. The AAP Govt. had talked about ensuring auditing
of the private companies supplying electricity and exposed that the Shiela
Dixit Govt. had ignored the proof that these companies were overcharging.
They themselves have also not moved to lower the actual rate.
Apart from this, regarding contract workers there is also no move to
ensure that contract workers under the Delhi Govt.’s institutions should at
least be ensured statutory rights of ESI, PF or that the wages released for
them should be paid to them without the monthly cut taken by the
contractors. The situation in the Labour Depts- the law implementation
machinery for the working class- is deplorable. There are hardly any
Inspectors or any permanent staff, factory inspectors have been removed
from the districts and most of the staff in the Labour offices is contractual
itself. Enforcement of implementation of minimum wages and other labour
laws is unheard of unless the staff are driven to it by trade unions. Despite
repeated factory accidents in industrial areas, there has been no move to
ensure industrial safety, to ensure factory inspectors be posted to the areas
from where more accidents are reported, nor a single move by the Labour
Minister to visit the area or the families of the workmen killed in such
accidents. There is one authority under Payment of Wages Act for the
whole city; owners withhold earned wages on petty pretexts knowing full
well that it will be months before the proceedings even start. Workers are
forced to take wages months late because to wait for orders under the Act
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
(when 10 times the wage can be ordered as penalty) is not possible for
them. The demand that the regional Deputy Labour Commissioners be given
powers under this Act remains unheard by this pro owner Govt. just as it
was under the erstwhile Congress Govt.
Just before the all India one day Industrial Strike on 2nd September in
2016, the AAP Govt. suddenly decided that it supported the demand for
Rs.15,000 monthly minimum wage. Accordingly it put together a Minimum
Wage Board consisting of whosoever Minister Gopal Rai chose to invite on
it- NGOs and AICCTU as the only union- and passed a recommendation
for this minimum wage and sent the file to the LG. The owners’ organization
of AAP passed some resolutions against this move, raised objections,
threatened to move industries out of the city, but CM Arvind Kejriwal remained
unfazed because he knew exactly what was going to happen; in fact had
taken this step only to achieve this end. The LG returned the file objecting
to the irregular constitution of the Minimum Wage Board and also regarding
the quantum. The matter has remained there with the Delhi Govt.
triumphantly explaining that it could not hike the minimum wage because it
was blocked by the Modi Govt. Despite persistent demands, Delhi Govt.
has also refrained from stating that it would not implement the anti worker
Labour law reforms proposed by the Modi Govt.
Construction workers are the flagship section of the AAP Govt. no doubt
also because of the massive amount of money available with the Board
from collection of cess for construction works. The AAP Govt. organized a
public programme for these workers spreading information that workers
would be distributed their pending cheques by Labour Minister Gopal Rai
under various schemes in this meeting. Some token distribution was done
and the rest returned empty handed to try their luck with the Labour Dept.
A manager has been appointed for the Construction Workers Board who is
himself a contract employee. There is open corruption in the Labour Depts
by the officials of the anti corruption Govt. to move the files of the claims
of the workers under various schemes. Despite provision in the Act, no
safety kits or cycles are distributed by the Board in Delhi to the construction
workers nor does the Govt. ensure safety kits at the hundreds of
construction sites under various Govt. project though it has the legal rightrather, the responsibility- to do so. None of the labour chowks have been
given an overhead cover nor provided with arrangements for drinking water
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Labour Minister of Delhi has categorically announced that only those children
of construction workers who are studying in Delhi itself will receive
scholarships. Since the vast majority of construction workers in Delhi are
migrants, the long standing demand has been that their children studying
in their native villages should be allowed to avail of the scholarships they
are entitled to.
Delhi has a large force of ASHA workers and anganwadi workers. Despite
the longstanding demand of both sections for a regular minimum wage the
response of the Kejriwal Govt. is no different from that of the Dixit Govt.-it
has never even held negotiations with the representatives of these workers
on this issue. ASHA workers are not even entitled to ESI cover or any
other medical facility. Their subsistence on commissions is quite satisfactory
for the AAP’s actual conviction that employees should be contractual or
temporary as the neo liberal regimes worldwide believe.
While the AAP Govt. makes the most of its so called contradictions
with the Central Govt. of Modi, it is never behind in implementing the
programmes of the Central Govt. With the chaos in the country and the
problems faced by the people so obvious, Arvind Kejriwal started off by
opposing demonetization and then realized that his middle class base was
at variance on this opinion. His ministers asserted that their survey showed
that over 4 lakh workers had migrated from Delhi due to demonetization;
everyone agreed that the construction industry was badly hit. But the Delhi
Govt. did just nothing to protect the jobs of the workers hit or even to give
them a subsistence allowance- though it knew who they were as it had
carried out a survey. This is especially true of construction industry in
which the rich Delhi Board could have immediately given unemployment
allowance to all registered members. Not only was this not done, Kejriwal
Govt promptly showed its real opinion by announcing that henceforth all
work in the Transport Dept. including issuing of licenses to common people
would be done by cashless methods! Similarly, Modi’s Swach Bharat
Abhiyan had the Delhi Govt.’s ministers follow suit, without lifting their
fingers to protect the rights of the Class IV workers in the city.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
could have been addressed for women. This is even if one overlooks the
fact that the Govt. of Dixit also had no control over the police and AAP was
constantly attacking it for that very reason. The Act on sexual harassment
at workplace stipulates notification of Dist. Magistrates and committees
for looking into such incidents. Under various pretexts no move at all has
been made by the Delhi Govt. on this issue and it bears recalling that the
provision of such external committees in the Act was opposed by all
employers’ bodies. No progress has been reported for adequate lighting of
streets and parks in Delhi, which is the constant demand of women’s
organizations. Another demand that remains unaddressed is for providing
all women workers in Delhi right to PF which is a concrete way of empowering
them. Marshals have been finally put into DTC buses to ‘ensure women’s
safety’; they can be found if looked for, sleeping in the last seat and usually
waking up when all issues are sorted out or the regular police has arrived.
CCTVs to be installed in Delhi are now a forgotten rhetoric. Kejriwal met
representatives of major women’s organizations of Delhi once, a day before
the Delhi assembly held a one day special session on women’s issues.
Since then even speaking on women’s issues has become expendable for
this Govt. The head of the DCW remains in the news for the staff she
appoints without advertising posts, for her demands to spend four nights in
Tihar to understand the problems there and other such issues. The actual
and burning issues of the women hardly figure in this scheme of things.
AAP's bid for power in Delhi was supported in the elections by the 'left'
parties e.g. the CPM, the CPI and Liberation. In the past two years, these
parties or the mass organizations linked with them have not waged a single
struggle on the issues of the people of Delhi especially on the issues of
the wokring class including non-implementation of the labour laws. AAP
did not condemn anti-Muslim violence of Hindutva elements backed by
Delhi police in Trilokpuri and other areas of Delhi. A section of intellectual
supporters of AAP have turned away from that party especially following
removal of several founders of the Party. However being in the governance
for the first time gives AAP the advantage that people of Delhi are still
hoping that it will perform on some of its promises.

No description of the two years of AAP’s governance in Delhi would be
complete without detailing the experiences of its women. AAP came to
power with its rhetoric brimming about the rights of women. Given that it
does not have control over the police, there are many other issues that
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CPI(ML)-ND Call on Assembly Elections in Five States

Expose Anti-People Repressive Rule of
Ruling Classes & Undemocratic Elections!
Oppose the R
uling Class P
ar
ties!
Ruling
Par
arties!
Suppor
tes!
Supportt CPI(ML)-ND Candida
Candidates!
Elections to the State Assemblies in five states are being held at a
time when the economic crisis of the system is deepening, unemployment
is rising and conditions of the people is worsening. These elections are
being held at a time when RSS-BJP Govt. at the Centre is moving towards
imposing fascist dictatorship over the country and towards that end is
unleashing jingoist propaganda targeted against Pakistan and is deepening
communal division in the country. RSS-BJP Govt. is couching its utmost
anti-people acts in the garb of cleansing the system and fighting corruption,
is serving big capital including foreign capital and giving it the name of
spurring growth and development. Demonetization of high value currency
notes was such an exercise which rendered tens of millions of workers
jobless, harassed hundreds of millions of peasants in the service of
corporate. Agriculture is being deliberately undermined to siphon off the
toil of the hard working peasants and agricultural labourers. Make in India
is making Indians further destitute and unemployed. Further, small
businesses are being crushed and retail sector is being brought under the
control of foreign capital and their compradors. Forcible displacement of
peasants, large part of these tribals, is continuing. Mafia-bureaucrat-ruling
politicians nexus is being employed to rob the natural resources. Smart
cities are being planned to oust the jhuggi dwellers and toiling people from
these urban centres. The inequality in the country has grown to the extent
that top 1 percent own 58% of the country's wealth and 57 billionaires have
as much wealth as 70% of the people!
RSS-BJP Govt. represents the most cruel and cynical attack of the
ruling classes against the toiling people of the country. On the other hand,
the other ruling class parties are also following the same economic policies,
advocating and implementing ‘development’ in the interest of big capital.
These too are defending landlords’ control over lands and rural life. Land
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
reforms have even disappeared from their agenda. Attacks on Dalits and
tribals are growing as also their dispossession from land. Attacks on women
are growing as feudal values are being glorified. Youth are being fed on
drugs and led astray into chauvinist channels. Health and Education are
being privatized and taken out of the reach of the common people. While
opposition ruling class parties talk of opposing RSS-BJP brand of aggressive
Hindu communalism (Hindutva), these are neither consistent nor really
secular but view it only as a way to garner votes. All ruling class parties
are looting the people and the exchequer and amassing wealth at the
expense of the people. Ruling class politicians, while serving foreign and
domestic big capital, are themselves amassing enormous wealth.
People are groaning under the weight of exploitation and oppression of
the big capitalists and big landlords. State machinery denies them even
those democratic rights enshrined in the Constitution and law of the land.
Provisions of the laws enacted by colonial rulers to crush Indians have not
only been kept intact but are routinely abused to suppress the struggles of
the people. Police force is routinely used to suppress people’s struggles
including firing on the people and fake encounters of revolutionary cadres,
false criminal cases are foisted against leaders and cadres of people’s
movements, reactionary and goonda elements are used against the people’s
struggles and their leaders and even democratic rights of assembly and
agitation are being denied to the people. As the crisis of the system deepens,
the ruling classes are sharpening their tool of repression and increasingly
using their tools of suppression.
Even as the vast majority of the people of the country are going through
inhuman conditions of existence and braving increasing attacks of the rulers,
their concerns are not the issues in these elections. With the help of
corporate controlled media, the agenda before the people is distorted in
such a way that people are made to choose between the ruling class
alternatives all of which agree on the basic policies which are causing
havoc in the lives of the people. Elections in the country are controlled by
3Ms- money, muscle and media- all in the service of the ruling classes.
Elections have become so costly that a common person or a party depending
on them has little opportunity of taking its message to the people. Seats
are decided in such a way that a party getting a small proportion of votes
gets clear majority as seats are not apportioned in proportion to the votes
polled by the parties. A candidate once elected amasses wealth without

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NEW DEMOCRACY
fearing any backlash from the people for not honouring his/her promises or
manifesto of their parties as there is no right to recall. On top of it, the
whole system is heavily controlled by the unelected representatives of the
ruling classes controlling bureaucracy, police and judiciary. Ruling classes
have devised their system in such a way as to preclude people’s assertion
and to subvert it in case it makes it through. No ruling class party or
corporate media raises any such issue as this undemocratic system serves
their interests.
Even on the question of communalism which is one of the main issues
of these elections particularly in UP, these parties wish to only benefit
from communal polarization without making any effort to outlaw the
communal politics itself, without curbing attempts to unleash communal
violence. No action is taken against the officers of police and administration
nor against so-called people’s representatives for communal violence under
their watch in which they play an important role. A Bill against communal
violence was not even tabled in the Parliament.
Allies of the BJP like Akali Dal and opposition parties of the ruling
classes like Congress, SP, BSP etc. do not represent any alternative policy.
These serve the interests of the same ruling classes. SP and BSP are the
main regional parties in the most populous province of UP but their rule
over the last decades proves that they serve the same ruling class interests.
Even a new party like AAP which scored a big victory in Delhi in 2015 only
focuses on the failures of the main ruling class parties but has no different
economic or social policy nor is opposed to the undemocratic election
system. They shout a lot about not having control over the police in Delhi
but do not favour that police should not have any right to harass common
people nor intervene in people’s struggles. It is silent on the struggles of
the masses e.g. Dalits' struggle for their share of panchayat lands in Punjab.
Revisionist parties are acting as the left wing of the ruling classes, defending
the interests of the ruling classes and striking election alliances and
adjustments with ruling class parties. CPI(ML)-Liberation, which came out
of the election front of the revisionist parties on the question of one seat,
is supporting AAP in Punjab except where they have fielded their candidates.
Earlier these revisionist parties - CPI, CPM and Liberation - had supported
AAP in Delhi. These revisionist parties are not building struggles of the
basic masses nor even supporting them where such struggles are being
built.
January, 2017

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
In Uttarakhand, both the parties - Congress and BJP - are traditional
parties of the ruling classes. In Goa, AAP is a new entrant even as BJP
and Congress are facing erosion in their support. In Manipur, the issue of
AFSPA is a live issue but none of the main parties of the ruling classes is
in support of repealing AFSPA.
Workers, peasants and middle clases; tribals, Dalits and women;
students, youth and other margnalized sections are groaning under the
heavy economic burden, are being deprived of their legitimate share and
being attacked for fighting for the same, are being subjected to police
repression for defending their lands and livelihood and for demanding basic
legal rights. The bankruptcy of the system and the ruling classes is coming
out clearly.
CPI(ML)-New Democracy appeals to the people of the five states to
see through the designs of the ruling class parties and oppose these parties
and their candidates in the elections.
CPI(ML)-New Democracy appeals to the people to see through the
election process designed to help the anti-people parties and forces.
CPI(ML)-New Democracy appeals to the people to support the candidates
of CPI(ML)-New Democracy to build struggles for the economic, social and
political rights of the people. To build struggle against police repression on
people’s struggles, to build struggles for rights of the people over their
means of livelihood – land, minerals and other resources, to build struggles
against anti-people policies of the ruling class parties and the fascistic
attacks on people’s struggles, support and vote for CPI(ML)-New Democracy
candidates!
Where CPI(ML)-New Democracy candidates are not in the field, vote
NOTA to express your opposition to ruling class parties’ policies and antipeople governance!

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January, 2017