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A Grammar of Ben Tey (Dogon of Beni)

Dogon language family


Mali

Jeffrey Heath
University of Michigan

citable version dated December 2011


now indexed (at end) and with consecutive numbering
when citing, include date of version and cite by section not page no.

author's email
schweinehaxen@hotmail.com

color codes (excluding headings)


black: new material for this grammar
blue: transcription of Nanga forms
green: transcription of other Malian languages and of reconstructions
red: comments to myself (e.g. data to collect or reanalyse)
pink: raw data not yet incorporated into text prose
yellow highlight: needs checking or commentary
Contents

1 Introduction........................................................................................1
1.1 Dogon languages....................................................................................1
1.2 Ben Tey language...................................................................................1
1.3 Locations and environment....................................................................2
1.4 Previous and contemporary study of Ben Tey........................................3
1.4.1 Fieldwork.........................................................................................3
1.4.2 Audiovisual and internet..................................................................4
1.4.3 Acknowledgements.........................................................................4

2 Sketch..................................................................................................7
2.1 Prosody..................................................................................................7
2.2 Inflectable verbs.....................................................................................8
2.3 Noun phrase (NP)...................................................................................9
2.4 Postposition phrase (PP).......................................................................10
2.5 Main clauses and constituent order......................................................10
2.6 Relative clauses....................................................................................11
2.7 Verb-chaining.......................................................................................12
2.8 Interclausal syntax................................................................................13
2.9 Quotations............................................................................................13

3 Phonology.........................................................................................15
3.1 General.................................................................................................15
3.2 Internal phonological structure of stems and words.............................15
3.2.1 Syllables........................................................................................15
3.2.2 Metrical structure...........................................................................16
3.3 Consonants...........................................................................................16
3.3.1 Alveopalatals (c, j, ).....................................................................17
3.3.2 Voiced velar stop g and g-Spirantization (g)............................17
3.3.3 Velar nasal ()................................................................................18
3.3.4 Voiceless labials (p, f)....................................................................18
3.3.5 Laryngeals (h, )............................................................................18
3.3.6 Sibilants (s, ss, z, zs).........................................................................19
3.3.7 Nasalized sonorants (r, w, y).....................................................19
3.3.8 Consonant clusters.........................................................................20
3.3.8.1 Initial CC clusters....................................................................20
3.3.8.2 Medial geminated CC clusters................................................20
3.3.8.3 Medial non-geminate CC clusters...........................................21
3.3.8.4 Medial triple CCC clusters......................................................22
3.3.8.5 Final CC clusters.....................................................................22
3.4 Vowels..................................................................................................22
3.4.1 Short and (oral) long vowels..........................................................22
3.4.2 Nasalized vowels...........................................................................23
3.4.3 Initial vowels.................................................................................23
3.4.4 Stem-final vowels..........................................................................24
3.4.5 Vocalic harmony............................................................................24
3.5 Segmental phonological rules...............................................................24
3.5.1 Trans-syllabic consonantal processes.............................................24
3.5.1.1 Nasalization-Spreading...........................................................24
3.5.2 Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs..............................................25
3.5.2.1 Suffixal Vowel-Spreading.......................................................25
3.5.2.2 Presuffixal V2-Raising.............................................................26
3.5.3 Vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure..................27
3.5.3.1 Vowel-Lengthening before verbal derivational suffix.............27
3.5.3.2 Syncope and Apocope.............................................................27
3.5.4 Local consonant cluster and consonant sequence rules..................28
3.5.4.1 Derhoticization (/r/ to n)........................................................28
3.5.4.2 Rhotic Assimilation.................................................................28
3.5.4.3 /yr/ n in Perfective Negative.............................................28
3.5.4.4 /yr/ /l/ in Hortative Negative.............................................29
3.5.4.5 /rr/ becomes lr or ll in verbal morphology..................29
3.5.4.6 {w w} m...........................................................................30
3.5.4.7 /r/ /d/...................................................................................31
3.5.4.8 CCC simplification.................................................................31
3.5.5 Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences.............................31
3.5.5.1 VV-Contraction.......................................................................31
3.5.6 Local vowel-consonant interactions...............................................32
3.5.6.1 Fluctuation between short high vowels {i u}..........................32
3.5.6.2 Monophthongization (/iy/ to i:, /uw/ to u:)..............................32
3.6 Cliticization..........................................................................................33
3.6.1 'it is' clitic =mm =....................................................................33
3.6.2 Past clitic =bm- .............................................................................33
3.6.3 Stative Negative =raa-...................................................................33
3.7 Tones....................................................................................................33
3.7.1 Lexical tone patterns......................................................................34
3.7.1.1 At least one H-tone in each stem.............................................34
3.7.1.2 Lexical tone patterns for verbs................................................34
3.7.1.3 Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems..............36

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3.7.1.4
Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals...................38
3.7.1.5
Tone-Component location for bitonal noun stems...................40
3.7.1.6
Tone-Component location for tri- and quadri-tonal noun stems
43
3.7.1.7 Possibility of lexically all-low-toned nouns............................46
3.7.2 Grammatical tone patterns.............................................................47
3.7.2.1 Grammatical tones for verb stems...........................................47
3.7.2.2 Grammatical tones for noun stems..........................................47
3.7.2.3 Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals......................48
3.7.3 Tonal morphophonology................................................................49
3.7.3.1 Autosegmental tone association (verbs)..................................49
3.7.3.2 Phonology of {HL} and {LH} tone overlays..........................49
3.7.3.3 Tone-Grafting (1Sg possessor)................................................50
3.7.3.4 Initial-High-Tone Suppression (possessed nouns)...................51
3.7.3.5 Atonal-Syllabic-Suffix Tone-Spreading..................................52
3.7.4 Low-level tone rules......................................................................53
3.7.4.1 Contour-Tone Mora-Addition..................................................53
3.7.4.2 Contour-Tone Stretching.........................................................54
3.7.4.3 Final-Cv <LH>-to-H Reduction (after L-tone)........................54
3.7.4.4 Downstep <LHL>H to <LH>H..............................................55
3.8 Intonation contours...............................................................................55
3.8.1 Phrase and clause--final nonterminal contours (, , , , )...55
3.8.2 Lexically built-in intonational prolongation ()...........................56
3.8.3 Dying-quail word-final prosody ()..............................................56

4 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology.......................61


4.1 Nouns...................................................................................................61
4.1.1 Simple noun stems.........................................................................61
4.1.2 Irregular human nouns ('child', 'boy', 'girl')....................................63
4.1.3 Use of Singular and Plural suffixes with kin terms........................63
4.1.4 'So-and-so' (maa:n, am-maa:n).............................................................64
4.1.5 Reduplicated noun stems...............................................................64
4.1.5.1 Frozen Ci m- or Cum- reduplication in nouns................................64
4.1.5.2 Other reduplicated and iterated nouns.....................................66
4.1.6 Frozen initial am- in nouns...............................................................68
4.2 Derived nominals.................................................................................68
4.2.1 Characteristic derivative (- gua- ).....................................................68
4.2.2 Verbal Nouns (- i a: ~ -ym)..................................................................68
4.2.3 Deverbal nominals with final i a: and y............................................70
4.2.4 Uncompounded agentives..............................................................71
4.2.5 Irregular reduplicated nominal (ti m- ti arum)..........................................72
4.2.6 Deadjectival abstract nominals......................................................72

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4.3 Pronouns..............................................................................................74
4.3.1 Basic personal pronouns................................................................74
4.3.2 Discourse-definite function of Inanimate pronoun kua....................75
4.4 Demonstratives.....................................................................................76
4.4.1 Demonstrative pronouns ('this', 'that')............................................76
4.4.2 Demonstrative adverbs..................................................................77
4.4.2.1 Locative adverbs.....................................................................77
4.4.2.2 Emphatic/Approximinative modifiers of adverbs....................78
4.4.2.3 'Like this/that' (aaamy)..............................................................78
4.4.3 Presentatives..................................................................................78
4.5 Adjectives............................................................................................79
4.5.1 Underived adjectives.....................................................................79
4.6 Participles.............................................................................................83
4.7 Numerals..............................................................................................83
4.7.1 Cardinal numerals..........................................................................83
4.7.1.1 'One', 'same (one)', and 'other'.................................................83
4.7.1.2 '2' to '10'..................................................................................84
4.7.1.3 Decimal units ('10', '20', ) and combinations ('11', '59', ). 85
4.7.1.4 Large numerals ('100', '1000', ) and their composites..........87
4.7.1.5 Currency..................................................................................88
4.7.1.6 Distributive numerals..............................................................88
4.7.2 Ordinal adjectives..........................................................................89
4.7.2.1 'First' and 'last'.........................................................................89
4.7.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix -na).......................................................89
4.7.3 Fractions and portions....................................................................90

5 Nominal and adjectival compounds...............................................91


5.1 Nominal compounds............................................................................91
5.1.1 Compounds of type (xm nnn)...............................................................91
5.1.2 Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type (xm nnn).............................92
5.1.3 Agentive compounds of type (xm vs-Ppl)..........................................93
5.1.4 Compounds with - yi a: 'child of'......................................................94
5.1.5 'Woman' (yam- , yam:- ), 'man' (amram- )..................................................95
5.1.6 Possessive-type compounds (nn na, nn nm)...........................................95
5.1.7 'Owner of' (Sg bmga bma).........................................................96
5.1.8 Loose and tight compounds with naa: ('authentic', 'entire')..............97
5.1.9 Instrumental relative compounds with -ym ('oil for rubbing').........97
5.1.10 Resultative compounds ending in nominalized verb (-ua).............98
5.1.11 Phrasal compounds......................................................................98
5.2 Adjectival compounds..........................................................................99
5.2.1 Bahuvrihi ("Blackbeard") compounds (nnn aa)...................................99
5.2.1.1 With adjectival compound final..............................................99

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5.2.1.2 With numeral compound final...............................................100

6 Noun Phrase structure...................................................................101


6.1 Organization of NP constituents.........................................................101
6.1.1 Linear order.................................................................................101
6.1.2 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.)............102
6.1.3 Bifurcation of NP (in relatives)....................................................102
6.1.4 Internal bracketing and tone-dropping.........................................102
6.2 Possessives.........................................................................................103
6.2.1 Nonpronominal NP possessor......................................................103
6.2.2 Pronominal possessor..................................................................106
6.2.3 Domain of possessor-controlled tone contour..............................109
6.2.4 Recursive and embedded possession............................................110
6.3 Noun plus adjective............................................................................111
6.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective.........................................................111
6.3.2 Adjective-like quantifier gammbua 'certain'.....................................116
6.3.3 Expansions of adjective...............................................................116
6.3.3.1 Adjectival intensifiers............................................................116
6.3.3.2 'Near X', 'far from X'.............................................................120
6.3.3.3 'Good to eat'..........................................................................120
6.4 Cardinal numeral................................................................................121
6.4.1 Noun (and adjective) plus cardinal numeral.................................121
6.4.2 Adjective-Numeral Inversion.......................................................121
6.5 Noun (or core NP) plus demonstrative...............................................122
6.5.1 Prenominal kua (pseudo-possessor)...............................................122
6.5.2 Postnominal demonstratives........................................................123
6.6 Plural (bem)...........................................................................................124
6.7 Definite (kum, bua:)................................................................................125
6.8 Universal and distributive quantifiers.................................................126
6.8.1 'Each X' and 'all X' (woay, dam- woay, cam ~ caw)..........................126
6.8.2 [X wea X] 'from (one) X to (another) X'...................................127
6.8.3 '(Not) any X' (kaa:)......................................................................127

7 Coordination...................................................................................129
7.1 NP coordination..................................................................................129
7.1.1 NP conjunction (X ya, Y ya)................................................129
7.1.1.1 Conjunction with final quantifier..........................................130
7.1.1.2 Interrogation of one coordinand............................................130
7.1.2 NP conjunction (X bem, Y bem)................................................130
7.1.3 wea:y 'as well as'...........................................................................131
7.1.4 "Conjunction" of verbs or VP's....................................................132
7.2 Disjunction.........................................................................................132

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7.2.1 'Or' (ma) with NPs and pronouns.............................................132
7.2.2 'Or' (ma) with adverbs..............................................................132
7.2.3 Clause-level disjunction...............................................................133

8 Postpositions and adverbials.........................................................135


8.1 Tonal locatives (absent)......................................................................135
8.2 Accusative =ni m ~=nm.........................................................................135
8.3 Dative and instrumental......................................................................136
8.3.1 Dative maa: ~ mam:.........................................................................136
8.3.2 Instrumental aay.........................................................................137
8.4 Locational postpositions.....................................................................138
8.4.1 Locative, allative, and ablative functions.....................................138
8.4.2 'In, on, at' (wo).............................................................................138
8.4.3 'Inside, within' (X pi arem)................................................................139
8.4.4 'on; on the head of' ([X kua] wom)...................................................139
8.4.5 'On' ([X maani m:] wom).....................................................................139
8.4.6 'close to, near' ([X doasum] wom).......................................................140
8.4.7 'in front of' (X ji arem).......................................................................140
8.4.8 'Behind, after' ([X tualum] wom)........................................................141
8.4.9 'Beside' ([X bealem] wom)..................................................................141
8.4.10 'Under' ([X boalom] wom)................................................................141
8.4.11 'Between' ([[X Y] gaalum] wom, [X Y] barkmlamw)...........................142
8.5 Purposive and causal postpositions....................................................143
8.5.1 Purposive gi sn (and variants) 'for'.................................................143
8.5.2 Causal dagmy and gi sn 'because of'..............................................143
8.5.3 Causal [[X ni a:] wom]......................................................................144
8.6 Other adverbials (or equivalents).......................................................145
8.6.1 Similarity (gaay 'like')..............................................................145
8.6.2 Extent (msi a or di ayaa-w woa 'a lot' and i mllaa, dam, daa:-woa 'a
little') 145
8.6.3 Specificity....................................................................................146
8.6.3.1 'Approximately' (gaay).......................................................146
8.6.3.2 'Exactly' (cak)........................................................................146
8.6.3.3 'Specifically' (tea)................................................................147
8.6.4 Evaluation....................................................................................147
8.6.4.1 'Well' and 'badly'....................................................................147
8.6.4.2 'Appropriate, right' (jaa:w).....................................................147
8.6.5 Manner.........................................................................................148
8.6.6 Spatiotemporal adverbials............................................................148
8.6.6.1 Temporal adverbs..................................................................148
8.6.6.2 'First' (kumya:).........................................................................148
8.6.6.3 Spatial adverbs......................................................................149

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8.6.7 Expressive adverbials..................................................................149
8.6.7.1 'Straight' (deam, sa)........................................................150
8.6.7.2 'Apart, separate' (deay).......................................................150
8.6.7.3 'Always' (amsua) , 'never' (ambaadaa)..........................................151
8.6.7.4 'All together'..........................................................................151
8.6.7.5 'All, entirely' (soay, namamnaa:)...................................................151
8.6.8 Iterated adverbials........................................................................152
8.6.8.1 Distributive adverbial iteration..............................................152
8.6.8.2 'Scattered, here and there' (kaalum-kaalum, koal-koal, arm-arm)......152
8.6.8.3 Other adverbs with iterated stem...........................................153

9 Verbal derivation............................................................................155
9.1 Reversive verbs (- rva- )........................................................................155
9.2 Deverbal causative verbs....................................................................157
9.2.1 Productive Causative suffix (- wua- ).............................................157
9.2.2 Minor Causative suffix (- gi a- )......................................................158
9.3 Passive (- wua- )...................................................................................158
9.4 Mediopassive - yva- and Transitive -rva- ~ -lva-.....................................159
9.5 Passive (- yay)....................................................................................161
9.6 Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation...................................162
9.7 Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs........................................162
9.8 Denominal verbs................................................................................165
9.9 Obscure verb-verb relationships.........................................................166

10 Verbal inflection.............................................................................93
10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs..................................................93
10.1.1 Suffixes or chained verb stems?...................................................93
10.1.2 Overview of categories................................................................93
10.1.3 Verb-stem shapes.........................................................................95
10.1.3.1 Generalizations about verb-stem shapes................................95
10.1.3.2 Monosyllabic verbs...............................................................95
10.1.3.3 'Come' (ys)............................................................................98
10.1.3.4 'Bring' (j:)............................................................................98
10.1.3.5 Lexical tone distinctions in Cv verbs...................................100
10.1.3.6 Cvy verbs...........................................................................101
10.1.3.7 Bisyllabic verbs...................................................................102
10.1.3.8 Triisyllabic verbs.................................................................104
10.2 Positive indicative AN categories.....................................................106
10.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect and stative).........106
10.2.1.1 Unsuffixed Perfective with all-low toned stem....................106
10.2.1.2 Unsuffixed Perfective with lexical tone and 3Sg -wm , 3Pl -mam
107

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10.2.1.3 Variant third-person Perfective Cva:- with <HL> tone.........109
10.2.1.4 Other variant third-person Perfectives.................................110
10.2.1.5 Perfective-1a :-rm-. Perfective-1b -ti a-..................................111
10.2.1.6 Resultative -soa-....................................................................114
10.2.1.7 Experiential Perfect 'have ever' -taa-.....................................115
10.2.1.8 Recent Perfect -ja-...............................................................116
10.2.1.9 Reduplicated Perfective (Ci m- plus {HL}, 3Sg -)...............117
10.2.1.10 Stative ({H}, 3Sg -wa )........................................................118
10.2.1.11 Reduplicated Stative (Ci m- plus {HL}, 3Sg -wm )..................119
10.2.2 Imperfective positive system.....................................................122
10.2.2.1 Unsuffixed Imperfective (unreduplicated)...........................122
10.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Ci m-, 3Sg -mm )............................126
10.2.2.3 Imperfective-1 (:-ram-)...........................................................128
10.2.3 Negation of indicative verbs......................................................129
10.2.3.1 Categories expressed by negative verbs..............................129
10.2.3.2 Perfective Negative (-ri a-) and related forms........................129
10.2.3.3 Imperfective Negative (-mm -doa-, :-ram=raa-)...........................132
10.2.3.4 Stative Negative (=raa- without reduplication)....................133
10.3 Pronominal-subject suffixes for indicative verbs..............................134
10.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixes.......................................................134
10.4 Deictic temporal clitics and particles................................................137
10.4.1 Past =bm- (=ba- ) and its conjugated forms.............................137
10.4.1.1 Past unsuffixed Imperfective (positive and negative)..........138
10.4.1.2 Past Stative..........................................................................139
10.4.1.3 Past Perfect..........................................................................140
10.4.1.4 Past of Perfective-1a............................................................141
10.4.1.5 Past Imperfective-1.............................................................142
10.4.1.6 Past of 'be' and 'have'...........................................................142
10.4.2 'Still', 'up to now', (not) yet'........................................................144
10.5 Imperatives and Hortatives...............................................................144
10.5.1 Imperative and Prohibitive.........................................................144
10.5.2 Imperative stem.........................................................................145
10.5.3 Irregular imperative stems.........................................................149
10.5.4 Imperative Plural (positive) - nm (- ni)..........................................149
m
10.5.5 Prohibitive - ra- ~ -la-, Plural - ra- nm ~ - ra- ni m ~ - la- nm ~ - la- ni....150
m
10.5.6 Hortatives (- ma , Pl - maay) and their negation (- rm- ma ~ - lm- ma )..151
10.5.7 Third Person Hortative (- ya - ym) and its negation (- ra- ya).........153
10.5.8 Third person Hortative form with 1Sg subject reference...........157

11 VP and predicate structure.........................................................159


11.1 Regular verbs and VP structure........................................................159
11.1.1 Verb types (valency)..................................................................159

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11.1.2 Valency of causatives.................................................................160
11.1.3 Verb Phrase................................................................................160
11.1.4 Fixed subject-verb combinations...............................................161
11.1.5 Idiomatic and cognate objects....................................................162
11.1.5.1 Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verb....163
11.1.5.2 Grammatical status of cognate nominal...............................166
11.1.6 'Do' or 'be done' kaay.................................................................166
11.2 'Be', 'become', 'have', and other statives............................................167
11.2.1 Copula clitic =mm (=) 'it is '...............................................167
11.2.1.1 Unconjugated positive forms...............................................167
11.2.1.2 Conjugated positive forms (1st/2nd persons)......................172
11.2.1.3 Conjugated positive forms (3Pl =-ba).............................173
11.2.1.4 Unconjugated negative 'it is not ' (=mm =daa, =raa)..........174
11.2.1.5 Conjugated negative 'it is not ' forms (1st and 2nd persons)
176
11.2.1.6 Conjugated negative 'it is not ' forms (3Pl)......................176
11.2.2 Existential and locational quasi-verbs and particles...................177
11.2.2.1 Existential (yaa)....................................................................177
11.2.2.2 Locational quasi-verbs (bum- ~ bua- 'be', mgoa- 'not be')...........178
11.2.2.3 Existential quasi-verbs with yaa............................................180
11.2.3 'Be in, on'...................................................................................180
11.2.4 Stative stance verbs 'be sitting', 'be lying down'.........................181
11.2.5 'Doesn't connect' (di mmbam- wm =raa- )..............................................181
11.2.6 Morphologically regular verbs...................................................182
11.2.6.1 'Remain' (bes).......................................................................182
11.2.6.2 'Become, happen' (taagi a-)....................................................182
11.3 Quotative verb and quasi-verb..........................................................183
11.3.1 'Say' (gusy- )...............................................................................183
11.4 Adjectival predicates........................................................................183
11.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates with 'be' quasi-verb (bua- )............185
11.4.2 Adjectival predicates with 'it is' clitic (=m, etc.).......................188
11.4.3 Bare-stem adjectival predicates.................................................190
11.4.4 Negative adjectival and stative predicates ( =raa- ).....................191
11.4.5 Past forms of adjectival predicates (=ba:- , =bm- )....................192
11.5 Possessive predicates........................................................................194
11.5.1 'Have' (yaa soa- , negative som- loa- ).................................................194
11.5.2 'Have possession of' (som- )..........................................................195
11.5.3 'Belong to' predicates (ka:, ya- m).............................................196

12 Comparatives...............................................................................197
12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives.............................................................197
12.1.1 'More, most' (maga)...................................................................197

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12.1.2 'Surpass' (laawaa)..........................................................................200
12.1.3 'Be better, more' (i mresw)...............................................................200
12.2 Symmetrical comparatives...............................................................200
12.2.1 Expressions with gaay 'like'....................................................200
12.2.2 'Equal; be as good as' (bas- )........................................................201
12.2.3 'Equal(ly)' (ci a- caw, caw- caw)....................................................201
12.2.4 'Equal(ly)' and 'since' (bas)......................................................202
12.2.5 'Attain, equal' (ds- )....................................................................203
12.3 'A fortiori' (wea:y)..............................................................................203

13 Focalization and interrogation....................................................205


13.1 Focalization......................................................................................205
13.1.1 Subject focalization...................................................................205
13.1.2 Object focalization.....................................................................207
13.1.3 Focalization of PP or other adverbial.........................................209
13.2 Interrogatives...................................................................................209
13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogative (ma)...............................................209
13.2.2 'Who?' (asm)................................................................................209
13.2.3 'What?' (nmjea), 'with what?', 'why?'..............................................210
13.2.4 'Where?' (aan- daa:, aan, aagomy)......................................................211
13.2.5 'When?'......................................................................................212
13.2.6 'How?' (amaay)............................................................................212
13.2.7 'How much?', 'how many?' (am:gaa).............................................213
13.2.8 'Which?' (asm, amgua)...................................................................213
13.2.9 'So-and-so' (am- maa:n)..................................................................214
13.2.10 'Whatchamacallit?'...................................................................214
13.2.11 Embedded interrogatives.........................................................214

14 Relativization................................................................................217
14.1 Basics of relative clauses..................................................................217
14.1.1 Tone-dropping on final word(s) of NP in relative clause...........218
14.1.2 Restrictions on the head noun in a relative clause......................219
14.1.3 Relative clause with conjoined NP as head................................219
14.1.4 Headless relative clause.............................................................220
14.1.5 Preparticipial subject pronominal in relative clause...................220
14.1.6 Participial verb in relative clause...............................................220
14.1.6.1 Participles of unsuffixed Perfective verbs (-mm , -mam, -wm ).....221
14.1.6.2 Participles of unsuffixed Imperfective (-m, -, -mm , -ym).....222
14.1.6.3 Participles of bum- 'be' and soa- 'have'.....................................225
14.1.6.4 Participles of stative verbs...................................................225
14.1.6.5 Participles with positive perfective-system suffix...............226
14.1.6.6 Participles with positive imperfective-system suffix...........227

11
14.1.6.7 Participles of negative verbs................................................228
14.1.6.8 Relative-clause participle including Past clitic =bm-..........230
14.1.7 Relative clause involving direct verb chain...............................232
14.1.8 Final morphemes added to relative clause (non-tone-dropping) 233
14.1.9 Final morphemes added to relative clause (tone-dropping)........235
14.1.10 Relative morpheme (kam:)........................................................235
14.2 Subject relative clause......................................................................236
14.2.1 Ordinary subject relative clause.................................................236
14.3 Object relative clause.......................................................................238
14.3.1 Ordinary object relative clause..................................................238
14.4 Possessor relative clause..................................................................240
14.5 PP relative clause..............................................................................241

15 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses.................................243


15.1 Chaining...........................................................................................243
15.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbs.......................................244
15.1.2 Tone contour of nonfinal verb stem in chain.............................244
15.1.2.1 Medial chained verb with {L} tone contour........................244
15.1.2.2 Nonfinal chained verb with {HL} tone contour..................244
15.1.3 Chains including a time-of-day verb..........................................245
15.1.4 Chains including dumwa- 'leave'..................................................245
15.1.5 Chains including a motion verb.................................................246
15.1.6 Chains including mm:lua- 'be/do/put together'.............................246
15.1.7 Negation of verb chains.............................................................247
15.1.8 VP-chaining with Same-Subject Past Sequential =ni a ~=na. .....248
15.1.9 VP-chaining with Same-Subject Future Sequential =naay.......249
15.1.10 VP-chaining with Different-Subject =ni m ~=nm........................254
15.1.11 Chaining with linker ti.............................................................256
a
15.1.12 Chaining with ji-a jm 'go with'.................................................257
15.1.13 Chaining with jumwa 'do first, proceed to'................................258
15.2 Adverbial clauses.............................................................................259
15.2.1 Temporal adverbial clauses........................................................259
15.2.1.1 Noun-headed temporal relative clause ('the time when ') 259
15.2.1.2 'While X was/am VP-ing' (-mm \wm =bamy, -mm \-wm dem, mm \-wm nm)260
15.2.1.3 'While X was VP-ing' (-mm =bs-wm kua aay).........................261
15.2.1.4 '(While) X continue(-s/-ed) to VP' (-mm , ti anam, tuana, -jm, da:-,
woa) 262
15.2.1.5 'While VERB-ing' (iterated Imperfective as adverb)...........264
15.2.1.6 'Before ' (mam:, -rm)...........................................................265
15.2.1.7 Clause-final =ram: 'when'....................................................267
15.2.1.8 Verb with lengthened final vowel as complement of 'be tired'
268

12
15.2.1.9 'While standing/sitting' (type i a-i ayam-m)...............................268
15.2.2 Spatial adverbial clause ('where ')..........................................269
15.2.3 Manner adverbial clause (damy 'how ')..............................269
15.2.4 Headless adverbial clause (- wm )..................................................270
15.2.5 'From X, until (or: all the way to) Y'..........................................271
15.2.6 'As though ' clause (gaay)...................................................272
15.2.7 'Be really true that ' (- mm wom bes).............................................272

16 Conditional constructions...........................................................275
16.1 Hypothetical conditional with de 'if'.................................................275
16.1.1 Extensions of de (dea woay, dea wom woay)......................................275
16.1.2 Clauses in - wm kum dem (perfective) and in - wm dem (pseudoconditional)
276
16.2 Alternative 'if' particles.....................................................................277
16.2.1 kaalam 'even if '..........................................................................277
16.2.2 taan 'as soon as '.......................................................................277
16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents ('whether X or Y ')..........278
16.4 'Unless' antecedent...........................................................................279
16.5 Counterfactual conditional...............................................................279

17 Complement and purposive clauses...........................................281


17.1 Quotative complement.....................................................................281
m
17.1.1 'Say that ' with 'say' verb (gusy- ) ..........................................281
17.1.1.1 Quotative Subject maa: ~ mam:...............................................281
17.1.1.2 Complement with regular AN-marked verb........................282
17.1.1.3 Complement with stative verb or quasi-verb.......................286
17.1.1.4 Complement with adjectival predicate................................286
17.1.1.5 Construction with preposed quotative verb.........................287
17.1.2 Quotative clitic wa (after nasal: ba)...........................................288
17.1.3 Jussive complement...................................................................289
17.1.3.1 Embedded imperative with Third Person Hortative -ya -ym. 289
17.1.3.2 Embedded hortative (-ma , -maay).........................................291
17.2 Factive (indicative) complements.....................................................292
17.2.1 'Know that ' complement clause.............................................292
17.2.2 'The fact that ' (Definite kum)...................................................292
17.2.3 'See (find, hear) that '.............................................................293
17.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complements...............................293
17.3.1 Structure of Verbal Noun Phrase................................................294
17.3.2 'Begin' (tuamdi a- ).........................................................................295
17.3.3 'Prevent' (gam:li a- ).........................................................................296
17.3.4 'Consent' (amwua- ).........................................................................296
17.3.5 Obligational 'must' (waa:ji abum)......................................................296

13
17.3.6 'Dare' (dam:ri a- , sua:sa- )..................................................................297
17.3.7 'Cease', 'desist' (dumwa- )..............................................................298
17.3.8 'Want' (jmra- , maa:-yi a- ~ maa:-yi a-, negative mi m- raa- )....................298
17.3.9 'Forget' (i mra- ), 'remember' (i mli m- ri a- ).............................................299
17.3.10 'Be afraid to' (ua:- yi a- )................................................................300
17.4 Complements with bare combining form (direct chains)..................300
17.4.1 'Finish' (dummdua- dummdi a- ).......................................................301
17.4.2 'Help' (bamri a- )..............................................................................301
17.4.3 'Be able to, can' (bmra- )..............................................................302
17.5 Purposive, causal, and locative clauses............................................303
17.5.1 Purposive clauses.......................................................................303
17.5.1.1 Verb with Purposive suffix (-raa: ~ -ra:)...............................303
17.5.1.2 Quasi-purposive clause in manner-adverbial form (damy). . .304
17.5.1.3 Clauses ending in Purposive postposition gi sn.....................304
17.5.1.4 Purposive [jmy ni a:] wom.....................................................305
17.5.2 Causal ('because') clause............................................................305
17.5.2.1 Clause-initial saabum 'because'................................................305
17.5.2.2 Causal clause with gi sn and variants.....................................306
17.5.2.3 Clauses with final Causal dagmy........................................306
17.5.2.4 Clauses with final Causal ni a: wom.........................................307
17.5.3 Negative purposive (= prohibitive) clause.................................307

18 Anaphora......................................................................................309
18.1 Reflexive and Emphatic pronouns....................................................309
18.1.1 Third-person Reflexive pronouns (aa, Pl aa:)................................309
18.1.2 Reflexive possessor (aa, Pl aa:)....................................................310
18.1.3 Expressions with 'head' (kua:)......................................................311
18.1.4 Emphatic pronouns with namamnaa: 'all'.........................................311
18.2 Logophoric and indexing pronouns..................................................311
18.2.1 True logophoric function...........................................................312
18.2.2 Non-logophoric topic-indexing function....................................314
18.2.3 Relative-clause reflexive subject...............................................315
18.3 Reciprocal........................................................................................315
18.3.1 Simple reciprocals (tus:)..............................................................315
18.4 Restrictions on reflexives.................................................................317

19 Grammatical pragmatics.............................................................319
19.1 Topic................................................................................................319
19.1.1 Topic (kamy, kamy dem, bamndem, ksy)................................................319
19.1.2 'Now' (nuawmy, na:)..................................................................320
19.1.3 'Also, even' (kaalam, yam).................................................................320
19.2 Presentential discourse markers........................................................322

14
19.2.1 'Well, ' (haayam).........................................................................322
19.2.2 'But ' (gam:)..............................................................................322
19.2.3 'Lo, ' (jaakam).............................................................................323
19.3 'Only' particles..................................................................................323
19.3.1 'Only' (sasy).................................................................................323
19.3.2 'Only (one)' (loak)........................................................................324
19.3.3 'Only' (taan).................................................................................324
19.3.4 Clause-final adverbial nam 'just'...............................................325
19.4 Phrase-final emphatics.....................................................................326
19.4.1 Clause-final komy.........................................................................326
19.4.2 Clause-final de...........................................................................326
19.4.3 Clause-final yam:..........................................................................327
19.4.4 Clause-final ga...........................................................................327
19.4.5 Clause-final '(not) at all!' particles (pay, pas).............................328
19.5 Greetings..........................................................................................329

20 Text................................................................................................333

15
1 Introduction

1.1 Dogon languages

This work is part of a larger project on a number of Dogon languages, beginning


with Jamsay. Dogon is a family of perhaps twenty languages, though no
complete survey has been undertaken. The family is considered to be part of the
vast Niger-Congo family, which includes Bantu, Mande (e.g. Bambara and
Boso), and West Atlantic (e.g. Fulfulde), but to date it has not been shown to be
particularly close to any other Niger-Congo branch.

1.2 Ben Tey language

The language is referred to by its speakers in Beni and Gamni as bea:n temy,
literally "Beni's language." I write is as Ben Tey, abbreviation BenT. The
Koumboye dialect is localled called kummbosy teay 'Koumboye's language."
The combined population of Beni, Gamni, and Komboy was said to be
around 3000 in 2004-5.
The genetically most closely related Dogon languages are Bankan Tey and
Nanga. Bankan Tey is spoken in Walo, north of Douentza at the base of
Gandamiya inselberg. Nanga is spoken in several villages south of Beni.
Jamsay is spoken as a second language by virtually everyone who speaks
Ben Tey. It is the lingua franca among Dogon in the zone. Many young people
have gone to school recently in Jamsay-speaking Dianwely Maoud, which also
has a modest market on Tuesdays. Jamsay is replacing Ben Tey as in-group
language among younger speakers in Gamni, though Ben Tey is still locally
dominant in Beni.
Fulfulde is also widely spoken as a second language. It is used locally in
contacts with Fulbe people, who are commissioned by Dogon livestock owners
to herd the animals, and whose women make the rounds selling fresh and
curdled milk. Fulfulde is also the primary language of Douentza, which has the
major regional market on Sundays.
Other local Dogon languages that are often known to people from Beni are
Nanga and Tommo-So.
Bambara is not yet widely spoken in the area. However, many young men
and some young women migrate annually to Mopti, Bamako, or other southern
cities for seasonal work. Others stay in the south for several years, often
working as domestics or street pedlars, then return to their native village. These
people pick up a basic knowledge of Bambara in the south.
French is the major language of education and is spoken to a variable extent
by those who have passed through the school system.

1.3 Locations and environment

Ben Tey is spoken in the communities in (1). GPS readings are in degrees,
minutes, and decimal fractions (.000 to .999) of minutes.
Beni and Gamni are located on a large flat rocky shelf between an inselberg
cliff and the sandy plain. Standard Jamsay is spoken in villages in the plains
such as Dianwely. Farther south on the same rocky shelf as Beni and Gamni is
the village of Pergue, where an unusual dialect of Jamsay is spoken. Across the
sandy plains from Beni is another long inselberg ridge leading in the north to
Fombori near Douentza. Koumboye is located at the base and on the lower
slopes of this inselberg.

(1) a. village of Beni (bea:n), locally also called bem:n naa: 'Beni mother' (i.e.
'Beni proper') to distinguish it from (b). Coordinates are N 14
51.144 by W 02 56.785, about 3 km SSE of Dianwely Maoud, a
Jamsay-speaking market town some 13 km south of Douentza. Beni
is on the edge of the rocky shelf overlooking the plains on one side
and a deep ravine on the other. Beni people cultivate fields in the
plains below, primarily millet, and some light herding (often
entrusted to local Fulbe) ; there is some off-season gardening in the
ravine (African eggplant, chili pepper, yam, lettuce, sugar cane,
onion) along with guava and mango; other activities are bee-
keeping (apiaries in trees and in caves), spinning and weaving
(cotton cloth), and oil extraction from fruit pits (wild grape Lannea,
wild date Balanites, and karit Vitellaria). Surnames are Kagoye
and Morogoye.

b. Beni-Djinekala (bem:n ji mrem kamlaa "Beni house new", archaic name


mam:-taaam), an offshoot of Beni proper; coordinates N 14 50.770 by
W 02 54.965. Same activities and surnames as Beni,

c. Gamni (gammnua) village, on the same rocky shelf as Beni but at the
base of the cliffs some distance from the plains at N 14 51.248 by
W 02 56.860. Cultivated fields are mostly on the rocky shelf,
some light herding, no significant off-season gardening. Other

2
industries are indigo dye-ing (Timte women), weaving, wooden
beds, and leather sandals. Surnames are Djire, Dielekoumaga, and
Timte. Younger people are becoming Jamsay-dominant, while most
older people are bilingual.

b. Koumboye (kummbosy) hamlet cluster, about 6 km south of Douentza,


at the base and on the lower slope of the mountain ridge including
Fombori (2 km from Douentza). Kumboy's coordinates are N 14
56.043 by W 02 55.586. Mostly scattered thatch huts on the plains
at the base of the mountain, but two families have stone houses on
the lower slope. Farming and light herding, no gardens. Industries
include woven doum-palm fans and mats, and wooden beds and
stools. Surnames are Ouologuem, Seiba, and Guindo. There are no
close social relations with Beni-Gamni.

Beni and Gamni are said to be among the oldest villages in the zone, pre-
dating the Jamsay-speaking villages in the plains.
In the past, Beni and Walo were closely affiliated, with the chiefhood
switching from one to the other on the death of a chief (Hogon). Walo is well-
separated from the Ben Tey-speaking communities, as Walo is north of
Douentza while Beni, Gamni, and Kouboye are south of Douentza. Combined
with the strict Islamization of the entire zone, which has led to a ban on most
traditional ceremonies and to the destruction of masks, idols, and tomtoms, this
geographical separation has led to a severe attenuation of social relations
between Beni and Walo.

1.4 Previous and contemporary study of Ben Tey

The existence of this language was long unknown both to western scholarship
and to Dogon applied linguists in Bamako. Aside from myself, the only linguist
known to have visited the area is Roger Blench, who made a brief survey of the
language of Walo in March 2005. He was told that the Walo variety was a
dialect of the language under study here. He referred to the language
provisionally as Walo-Kumbe in a survey report and word list disseminated on
his website since 2005.

1.4.1 Fieldwork

I began work on Jamsay in mid-2004. Jamsay is the major Dogon language of


the zone south of Douentza, with extensions to Mondoro and to near Koro. It is

3
therefore a kind of Dogon lingua franca in this area, and is widely spoken as a
second Dogon language by native speakers of Ben Tey, Nanga, Najamba, and
Toro Tegu languages.
During September 2004 I began surveying these four non-Jamsay Dogon
languages, spending one week for each in a representative village. Much of this
early work involved making contacts, and doing flora-fauna vocabulary (many
insects and plants are only collectible in the late rainy season). I returned to
Beni for 4-6 day visits on several subsequent occasions.
Additional fieldwork on Ben Tey was done in 2006-11 as part of the larger
project. Texts were recorded and transcribed, an extensive general lexicon
developed, and the grammar drafted.

1.4.2 Audiovisual and internet

This grammar and the text transcriptions/translations are in conventional print


form. The lexical data are currently included in a pan-Dogon spreadsheet that is
also the basis for the lexical pages in the project website:
http://www.dogonlanguages.org
The flora-fauna terms are currently in separate spreadsheets on Dogon flora
and Dogon fauna.
The lexical senses (in English and French), and the flora and fauna taxa, are
associated with five-digit reference numbers (internal to our project).
Audiovisual materials, which include photos (jpg), short video clips that
illustrate individual lexical senses, and longer videos that might be described as
amateur documentaries. The photos and the short lexical clips have the relevant
five-digit number codes in their file names, so it is relatively easy to go back
and forth between lexical entries and associated images and clips.
Our geographical data on Dogon villages are shared with the LL-MAPS
project at Eastern Michigan University.
With help from Salif Morogoye and Minkailou Djiguiba, I have produced a
number of videos about practical activities in Beni, including agriculture, food
preparation, collecting honey, and weaving. These may be viewed on the project
website or on my personal page at Linguistics Dept, U Michigan.

1.4.3 Acknowledgements

The original Jamsay-focused project, which included the first short visit to Beni,
was funded by grant PA-50643-04 from the National Endowment for the
Humanities. The larger Dogon project during which most of the work on BenT
has been done has been supported by the National Science Foundation,

4
Primary support is from the National Science Foundation, grants BCS-0537435
(2006-08) and BCS-0853364 (2009-12). Additional support is from the
University of Michigan.

5
2 Sketch

In this chapter a few major features of the language are introduced. For all
topics raised, muchfuller coverage can be found in the following chapters.

2.1 Prosody

The great interest of Dogon languages is the grammaticalization of (usually


stem-wide) tone contours, which are overlaid on lexical tone contours by a
nearby word. I call this tonosyntax, defined as the imposition of a tone contour
on one or more words (the targets) by another word or constituent (the
controller). A brief summary of the overlaid tone contours in BenT is in 3.7.2.
Some Dogon languages, including BenT, also have more exaggerated word-
final "intonational" contours (prolongation, with or without slowly falling pitch
as in the dying-quail intonation), which can be lexicalized, grammaticalized, or
(as in English) discourse-sensitive. See 3.8 for a summary.
The syllabic tones in BenT, whether lexical or grammatical, are H, L,
<HL>, <LH>, and bell-shaped <LHL>. The latter occurs lexically in some
monosyllabics, and can also be created secondarily by combining tones from a
stem syllable and a suffix, or by docking a floating L-tone (1Sg possessor) on a
monosyllabic noun. There is no <HLH> syllable tone.
Stems (except for some expressive adverbials) must have at least one
H-tone. The normal lexical contours are {H}, {HL}, {LH}, {LHL}, and
{HLH}, the latter in e.g. bi assm 'tree sp. (Acacia tortilis)'. {HLH} is also
possible in Toro Tegu, but generally not in other Dogon languages. Nouns with
contours like {HLHL} are treated prosodically by native speakers as
compounds.
Tone contours controlled by elements to the right are always {L}, i.e. stem-
wide low tone, also known as tone-dropping. This happens to a noun before an
adjective, a noun or adjective before a demonstrative, a word (not already tone-
dropped) in the head NP of the relative, a verb stem before a negative
inflectional suffix, or a verb in the unsuffixed Perfective.
BenT also has the intonational prolongation feature (symbol ) built into
some lexical stems, chiefly expressive adverbials like deam 'straight, directly'.
BenT makes extensive use of phrase-final intonational features (prolongation,
rise or fall in final pitch) in parallelistic constructions ('X or Y', polar
interrogative 'will you go, or will you not go?').
Possessed nouns (plus any adjectives and numerals) have a different tone
contour controlled by a preceding possessor (NP or pronoun). The possessor-
controlled contour is {HL} for determined/quantified possessor NPs and for
pronominal possessors. For simple (undetermined and unquantified)
nonprominal possessors, the contour on the possessed NP is {HL} after final
H-tone and {L} after final L-tone. There are further complications, including
differences between alienable and inalienable (kin-term) possession as to
whether numerals are included in the targeted domain.
1Sg possessor is marked only by a floating L-tone that docks on the left
edge of the possessed noun. The latter has the possessor-controlled {HL}
contour, which combines with the floating L-tone of the 1Sg to produce {LHL}.
For a rare noun like by 'beard' that already consists of a lexically <LHL>
syllable, the possessed stem with the {HL} overlay is bay, and the 1Sg form
with the extra L-tone on the left edge is therefore by 'my beard', identical (to
my ears) to the unpossessed form.
Because a possessor has tonal effects on a noun to its right, while an
adjective or demonstrative has tonal effects on a noun to its left, we must
consider what happens when the noun is caught in the cross-fire. In BenT, a
possessor has tonal scope over the possessed sequence consisting maximally of
a noun, one or more modifying adjectives, and a following numeral. The
relevant possessed noun tone contour, {HL} or all-low, is overlaid on the full
domain.
There is a process reminiscent of terminal intonation modulation in verbal
morphology, where 1Sg - y and 1Pl - y, and likewise 2Sg - w and 2Pl - w,
differentiate singular from plural by means of prolongation of the preceding
vowel and by imposition of [HL] (falling) pitch on the final syllable. Whether
this can be handled using ordinary phonological length and tone, or can be
thought of as intonational, is discussed in 3.8.3.

2.2 Inflectable verbs

The system of derivational and inflectional categories is similar to those of other


Dogon languages. The major suffixal derivations are Reversive (e.g. 'untie') and
Causative for verbs, and Inchoative and Factitive for adjectives. There are also
some passive-like constructions. The verb stem, simple or suffixally derived, are
followed by an aspect-negation (AN) suffix plus a pronominal-subject suffix,
or by a modal suffix that also includes pronominal-subject information.
The principal AN categories are based on the intersection of Perfective and
Imperfective aspects with polarities (positive, negative). The core of the
indicative system therefore consists of the four poles Perfective (positive),
Perfective Negative, Imperfective (positive), and Imperfective Negative. There
is limited morphological connection between positive and negative forms. The
(positive) Perfective and Imperfective both have a (more or less) unsuffixed
basic form, and a few more specialized categories marked by suffixes. The
perfective (positive) system therefore includes marked Experiential Perfect,
Recent Perfect, and Resultative, while the imperfective (positive) system
includes a reduplicated variant and a marked form that I label Imperfective-1.
Stative forms can be derived from some regular verbs, and there are several
defective stative quasi-verbs ('be', 'have', etc.). Suffixally marked modal
categories are Imperative and Hortative, the latter with subcategories. Tense is
not central to the morphology, but an inflected Past clitic =ba: may be added to
certain predicates.
An example of a verb form is loa:-rm-w 'you-Sg went', markup go-Perf1a-
2SgS. The Perfective-1a is a suffixal form used with motion verbs and more or
less mediopassive intransitives (including inchoatives derived from adjectives).

2.3 Noun phrase (NP)

For nouns, the main morphological feature is the opposition between (animate)
Singular - m, and zero both for (animate) Plural and for Inanimate
(undifferentiated singular and plural). (Many other Dogon languages have - m as
a human or animate Plural morpheme).
Typical modifying adjectives have a three-way suffixal distinction, with -m
(Animate Singular), zero (Animate Plural), and - w (Inanimate). Such adjectives
directly follow the noun, and force tone-dropping on it. A numeral or determiner
may follow the adjective; numerals and the Definite morpheme kum do not force
tone-dropping on a preceding word, but demonstrative pronouns do.
As previously indicated, a possessor may precede the noun and its
modifiers. The presence of a possessor forces overlay of a {HL} tone contour
(the high is limited to the initial syllable or mora). {HL} becomes becomes
all-low when the possessor itself ends in a low tone, unless the possessor NP is
complex (e.g. with a determiner).
An example of a NP is [yam ps-m] i anjm pmrum '(a/the) old woman's ten dogs'.
The NP yam ps-m is marked up [woman.L old-AnSg], where ".L" indicates
tonosyntactic tone-dropping The Animate Sg suffix shows up only once, at the
end of the core NP (noun plus any adjective). The adjective controls tone-
dropping on the noun, which appears without an adjective as yas-m. This NP
functions as preposed possessor of the NumP (noun plus numeral) that would
otherwise appear as i mnja parua, mark-up 'dog-Pl ten', with zero marking of
Animate Pl. This NumP is subject to a possesor-controlled {HL} tone contour.
The mark-up of the possessed NP is [dog.HL ten.L].

9
2.4 Postposition phrase (PP)

Postpositions include Dative maa:, Instrumental aay 'with', and Locative wo.
The latter is atonal, and gets its tone by spreading from the final tone of the
preceding NP or pronoun. Postpositions do not usually affect the form of the NP
complement, except for minor tone sandhi.
Further postpositions are created by combining Locative wo with a form
that functions like a possessed noun. For example, 'behind X' is expressed as
[[X tualum] wom], literally 'in X's rear', where tumlua 'rear' takes possessed-noun {HL}
tone contour.
Examples of PPs are, with another composite postposition, [ti mwsy bealem]
wom 'beside (a/the) tree' (originally 'in/at the tree's side'), mark-up [[tree side.HL]
in], and and the simpler nmjea aay 'with what?', mark-up [what? with].

2.5 Main clauses and constituent order

BenT is verb-final. The basic order of nonpronominal constituents is SOV.


Pronominal objects and dative PPs immediately precede the verb unless
focalized or topicalized. There is no case-marking for subject NPs. Object NPs
including pronominals have an optional Accusative clitic =ni m that sometimes
seems to mark object focus.
Temporal, and to some extent spatial, adverbs often precede the subject NP,
epecially when they describe the general spatiotemporal setting. In (2a),
'yesterday' typically precedes the subject, but the place name 'Douentza' follows
it because it is a complement of 'come'. 'Yesterday' can also follow the subject
NP (2b). On the other hand, (2c-d) show both temporal and spatial adverbs
preceding subjects. Manner adverbs and others that are tightly connected to the
predication, while the adverb 'a lot' in (2c) follows it.

(2) a. yeagum b: duawaansaan ya-wm =bm-


yesterday 1SgP-father D come-3SgS=Past-3SgS
'My father came to Douentza yesterday.'

b. b: yeagum duawaansaan ya-wm =bm-


[=(a)]

c. yeagum bea:n bosl msi a mi mrm-


yesterday Beni rain(n.) a.lot rain.fall.Perf.L-3SgS
'Yesterday it rained a lot in Beni (village).'

d. yeagum [mra: daa:] amsumwm-[yi m-t:]

10
yesterday [outback around] boy-[children]
jaay jamyam-bm
fight(n) fight.Perf.L-3PlS
'Yesterday the young men had a fight (squabble) in the fields.'

e. nus: namwaa: bay kumwom-bm


person.Pl meat a.lot eat.meat.Perf-3PlS
'The people ate a lot of meat.'

f. yi m-t: aay suaya-ra


children thus hit-Prohib
'Don't-2Sg hit children like that!'

Many of the most common "adverbs," other than full PPs and
spatiotemporal adverbs, are expressive adverbials syntactically (8.6.7).

2.6 Relative clauses

Relative clauses in BenT are fairly similar to those in Jamsay and other Dogon
languages (other than Toro Tegu). The head NP remains, up to and including a
numeral, inside the clause, but peripheral elements (determiners, non-numeral
quantifiers) appear after the verb. The "verb" is actually a participle, agreeing
with the head NP (not the subject, if different) in animacy and number, though
the agreement suffixes differ in form from those used with nouns and from
those used with adjectives. A Relative morpheme kam: optionally occurs at the
end of the clause-internal head NP. This morpheme, or a covert Relative
operator, controls tone-dropping on one or more words in the clause-internal
head NP. The noun in the head NP is not repeated as a possessed noun after the
entire relative clause as it can be in Jamsay and Togo Kan. In nonsubject
relatives, if the subject is pronominal it is expressed by an independent pronoun
that is proclitic to the participle. In a nonsubject relative, if the subjects of the
relative and main clauses are coindexed third persons, the relative clause has a
Reflexive pronoun as subject.
The schemas in (3) will give the general idea of how a main clause is
converted into subject and nonsubject relatives. 'Stone' is tone-dropped in (3c)
as the head NP, but not in (3b) where it is not the head. The main clause (3a) has
a pronominal-subject suffix on the verb, but the relative clauses (3b-c) replace
this with a participle that agrees with the head NP.

(3) a. main clause


[stone see-Imperfective-1SgS]

11
'I see a stone.'

b. subject relative
[person-Pl.L stone see-Imperfective.Ppl-AnPl Definite]
'the people who see a stone'

c. nonsubject (in this case, object) relative


[stone.L 1Sg see-Imperfective-Inan Definite]
'the stone that I see'

Among several peculiarities of BenT relative clauses is the use of agentive


forms as imperfective participles for animate heads.
Relativization is covered in Chapter 14.

2.7 Verb-chaining

Verbs and VPs may be chained together. In these cases, the final verb has its
regular inflected form. In a direct verb-verb chain, the nonfinal verbs are in the
combining form, which is also used in some inflectional forms, and the verbs
in question are immediately adjacent (i.e. in a compound-like structure). This is
typical of semantically tight combinations where each verb denotes an aspect of
a larger event structure (co-events). An example is dsy dumsa- 'put down and
leave', where the nonfinal verb remains in the combining form while AN and
pronominal-subject affixes occur only on the final verb.
There are also looser chains, where one complete clause or VP is linked to
another by means of a clause-final particle like =naay or other morpheme on
the nonfinal VPs. In loose chains, the eventualities denoted by the various
clauses may be spatiotemporally distinct and need not be construable as co-
events.
Both direct verb-verb chains, and (to a large extent) loose chains such as
those with =naay, are associated with same-subject (SS) sequences. The
corresponding different-subject (DS) clause-final subordinating particle is =ni m
~ =nm, which suspiciously resembles the Accusative morpheme that is
optionally added to with direct-object pronouns and other NPs. For example,
ym=naay 'come.L=and.SS' is in e.g. 'I came and (then) went back', while ya=nm
'come=and.DS' can occur (with a preceding subject NP or pronoun) in contexts
like 'He came and (then) I went away'.
Chaining (serialization) and switch-reference subordination is described in
detail in Chapter 15.

12
2.8 Interclausal syntax

VP chains and relativization account for a good part of the interclausal syntax,
since some matrix verbs like 'can(not)' take the form of direct chains, and since
many spatiotemporal and manner adverbial clauses are special cases of
relativization. In addition, a subordinated clause (or VP) may be expressed with
the verb in verbal-noun form.
The basic clause-final 'if' particle in conditional antecedents is de, which
takes its tone from the preceding word. This particle also occurs in pseudo-
conditional clauses that function to link one future event to another than will
follow it (16.1.2).

2.9 Quotations

Quotations have a rather complex syntax (17.1). Quoted material can be


framed by an explicit 'say' verb gusy-, or just by a clause-final Quotative clitic
wa. The subject of a quoted sentence is set off by a special Quotative Subject
morpheme. First and second person pronominal subjects are not expressed in
the usual way by suffixation on the verb. Instead, they appear as independent
pronouns with the Quotative Subject morpheme at the beginning of the clause,
and the verb has an unmarked 3Sg suffix. However, 3Pl subject is marked on
the verb. This is one of several cases in BenT (mirrored in several other Dogon
languages) where 3Pl subjects get special favored treatment in verbal
agreement. The schema in (4) shows how a 1Sg subject is treated in main
clauses and in the corresponding quotation.

(4) a. donkey(-Accusative) tie-Perf1b-1SgS


'I tied the donkey.'

b. [1Sg QuotS] donkey(-Accusative) tie-Perf1b-3SgS Quot


'(X) said that I tied the donkey.'

When the quoted speaker (or thinker) is coindexed to a NP within the


quoted matter, i.e. when the original speaker (thinker) used "I/me," it takes the
form of a Logophoric pronoun. So if (4a) were uttered by X, and the current
speaker is quoting him/her, we get the schema (5).

(5) [LogoSg QuotS] donkey(-Accusative) tie-Perf1b-3SgS Quot


'(X) said that he/she (=X) tied the donkey.'

13
Logophorics have the same form as third-person Reflexive pronouns in
BenT (unlike e.g. Tomo Kan, where the two series are different in form).
Imperatives ('go!') and hortatives ('let's go!') can also be quoted, but here
too there is a special syntax for such (jussive) complements. In addition to the
usual first person inclusive dual/plural hortative ('let's go!'), there is a third-
person version used in wishes like 'may God be with you' and indirect
commands like 'let him (=tell him to) come!' (10.5.7). This third-person form
is used in reported imperatives (17.1.3.1).

14
3 Phonology

3.1 General

Syllables and metrical structure are briefly covered in 3.2. The consonants are
presented in 3.3, followed by vowels in 3.4. The vowel-harmony system
(3.4.5) is not much of a factor in the morphophonology. Segmental (i.e. non-
tonal) phonological processes are covered in 3.5, followed by remarks on
cliticization in 3.6. The tonology is 3.7, and intonation patterns (some of them
grammaticalized) are reviewed in 3.8.

3.2 Internal phonological structure of stems and words

3.2.1 Syllables

Monosyllabic words are Cv, Cv:, or CvC, rarely Cv:C.


Verb stems are fond of the Cv shape. Nearly all monosyllabic verb stems
are of this monomoraic shape: ds 'burn', mas 'shape (pottery)', loa 'go'. (The vowel
is lengthened before a derivational suffix such as Reversive or Causative, but
remains short before an inflectional suffix or when chained to another following
verb.) Even a rising tone does not force an additional mora: ys- 'come', nus-
'hear', gs- 'jab'. We do get a long vowel in j:- 'bring' with its <LHL> tone.
With the exception of a few Cv nouns and adjectives, stems other than verbs
have at least two moras, so vowel-final monosyllabic stems are usually of the
shape Cv:, as in kua: 'head', naa: 'big'.
The defective noun naa 'time(s)' is always short-voweled. It is always closely
combined with a following numeral or other quantifier: naa yesy 'twice'. Other
nouns and adjectives that appear to be lexically Cv are /yas/ 'woman', /nuu/
'person', /oa/ 'mouse', /sos/ 'horse', reduplicated /ti m-tea/ 'hawk', /ps/ 'old', and /las/
'other'. However, the vowels of these stems are lengthened when they are
unsuffixed, presumably because they all have contour tones; see Contour-Tone
Mora-Addition 3.7.4.1.
BenT (like Najamba) has a large number of nouns ending in a final long
vowel with falling tone. For example, 'meat' is namwaa:, compare Jamsay nmwa
and Toro Tegu nammaa. The final rising tone is also found in two Dogon languages
subgrouped with BenT: Nanga nammaa, Bankan Tey nammaa:. If we reconstruct
*nammaa-, we must consider the possibility that BenT and its relatives have
preserved a trace of an original L-toned suffix.

3.2.2 Metrical structure

Weak positions in metrical structure are characterized by raising and/or


reduction of short vowels. Metrical structure is not a major factor in BenT in
(uncompounded) noun, adjective, or numeral stems. The initial syllable is
arguably a strong position, and there are many bisyllabic stems with an initial
heavy syllable, e.g. bm:ta 'sack', jamba 'bag'. However, nouns like semgearem
'filtering basket' show no phonological signs of strong and weak positions; in
particular, the second syllable of a trisyllabic stem is stable. However, in a
bisyllabic stem, a final short high vowel {i u} may be apocopated under some
conditions, e.g. CvCi CvC (3.5.3.2, below).
In verbs, there are some suggestions of metrical structure insofar as some
types of nonmonosyllabic verb stems show alternations between final / a/ and a
somewhat unstable high vowel {i u}. Other Dogon languages often associate
the high vowel in such alternations with weak metrical position (the high vowel
may reduce to schwa, is subject to coloring by nearby consonants and vowels,
and may be deleted entirely). However, there is a cart-and-horse issue here; does
weak metrical position favor raising and lenition of a vowel, or does an
independently occurring vocalic alternation happen to feed into lenition of the
high-vowel alternant?
In BenT, the verbs with a final-vowel alternation have final / a/ in the
Imperative, and final high vowel (or zero) throughout the remainder of the
paradigm, including forms where the final high vowel is "strengthened" by a
tautosyllabic final consonant. For example, 'think' has Imperative mas:nam,
combining form mam:ni a (e.g. in chains), Perfective mam:ni a- ti a- , Imperfective
mi m- mam:ni a- mm , etc.
In verbal derivation, there are some cases where the final vowel of a
bisyllabic input is raised before a derivational suffix, as in taaraa- 'paste (on),
affix', reversive taali a- ri a- 'remove (something pasted or affixed)', where the
second syllable of taali a- ri a- is our focus. However, there are several reversives
like gomlom- roa 'uncover (someone)', kuamjoa- roa- 'uncrumple', etc., where no raising
of the second-syllable vowel is observed. So metrical structure plays a relatively
small role in BenT phonology.

3.3 Consonants

The consonants are listed in (6).


(6) Consonants

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

labial p b m (f) w w
alveolar t d n s l r r
alveopalatal c j ((ss)) y y
velar k g
laryngeal (h) (())

c is IPA [t], j is [d], ss is [], y is [j].


key to columns: 1) aspirated voiceless stops ( c is affricated); 2) voiced
stops; 3) nasals, 4) voiceless fricatives (including sibilants); 5)
laterals; 6-7) respectively unnasalized and nasalized sonorants; 8-9)
laryngeals

3.3.1 Alveopalatals (c, j, )

As elsewhere in the northeastern Dogon language zone, there is some


fluctuation between {k g} and {c j} pronunciations before front vowels {i e }.
Where both pronunciations have been recorded, I normalize the transcription as
{c j}.
is fairly common before a vowel. Examples: nsy a 'eat a meal', am:ri a
'hold near fire', aarum 'night', and umwa 'do for a long time'.
An interesting alternation of /y/ and // is intransitive yumra '(someone) wake
up' and transitive um:rua 'wake (someone) up'. In other languages, cognates have
either a nasal element in both forms (Jamsay n), Walso nj), or a non-nasal
element in both forms (Nanga and Najamba w).

3.3.2 Voiced velar stop g and g-Spirantization (g)

Spirantization of intervocalic /g/ to is fairly common, though not obligatory,


when intervocalic within a word and flanked by vowels from the set { a }. Thus
kum- damaa 'agemate', dma 'state of being disdained'. One may consider g to be
phonologically basic.
Historically, some original *g have been deleted between nonhigh vowels,
resulting in long vowels in BenT. For example, amrss:-m 'domestic animal'
reflects *(g)amrsmga, cf. Jamsay and Nanga gamsmga. It is ultimately from Arabic.

17
Likewise d: 'Dogon (people)' and a: 'chiefs' derive from *dmga and *mga. For
deletion of * in similar contexts see 3.3.3 below.

3.3.3 Velar nasal ()

Aside from the homorganic clusters g and k, we get // in amaay 'how?', pamaa
(variant of pamgaa) 'strength', aay 'thus', dua dumoa 'get dressed', smarmy 'spinal
cord', and several other stems.
As with *g, original * has disappeared intervocalically in certain words,
e.g. nas:- m 'cow' (*namaa), though it is retained in namam- nam:rua 'butter (from cow's
milk)', which may have been borrowed from the identical form in Jamsay. In
sawua 'make thorn-branch fence', we seem to have w for * (Jamsay saaaa,
Nanga sai a).

3.3.4 Voiceless labials (p, f)

As in other Dogon languages, f is not a full-fledged consonant, and a borrowed


word containing it may show p. Thus mamrpaa: 'rifle', kampea: (alongside kamfea:)
'coffee', pumrum- puarum 'wheat-flour fritters'.
I have recorded f in some loanwords that I assume also have variants
with /p/: cea:famm 'fever', tea:fam 'fee paid to witness of livestock sale', famrni a: 'wheat-
flour fritters', naa:fi agum 'trouble-makers', dafm 'good-for-nothing adult', namfaa:
'usefulness', maa:fm 'red sauce', saa:fam 'evening prayer', and a few others. However,
I also recorded /f/ in jafum (intensifier for 'wet')

3.3.5 Laryngeals (h, )

/h/ occurs in loans, chiefly from Fulfulde (some of these were originally
Arabic). One of these is the important particle haal 'until, all the way to'. Others
include ha:la 'trust (verb)', hamraam 'a Muslim holy day', hi ajji m 'pilgrimage to
Mecca', hi a:la 'dupe, trick'.
// (glottal stop) is found in guarumaa:nam 'Koran (book)', where it reflects
Arabic , and in the semi-linguistic utterance am 'nope!'. A glottal stop is also
inserted after a v- (for Cv-) reduplicative segment before a vowel-initial stem,
see e.g. 10.2.1.9.

18
3.3.6 Sibilants (s, ss, z, zs)

Only /s/ is clearly established as a phoneme. Other sibilants { ss z zs) occur in a


few loanwords from French: aalaazes ra i a: 'Algeria', zaanaarmaa 'gendarmes', ssinwaa:
'Chinese'. There is no strong tendency to phonetically palatalize / s/ before front
vowels.

3.3.7 Nasalized sonorants (r, w, y)

These nasalized sonorants can be independent phonemes in (noninitial)


intervocalic position within words. In stems like bamraa 'beat (tomtom)', kaawaa
'mash (to press out oil)', awa 'milk (a cow)', pi a:yi a 'confine', di ayam 'old', and
gasy 'put', the sonorant is the only nasal or nasalized segment. In such words,
BenT intervocalic w corresponds to m in some other languages, e.g. BenT
numwi a:, Jamsay ni sm, Nanga ni mmi a 'cow-pea'.
y and w may also occur syllable-finally, though only y is common here:
gasy 'put', kaay 'do', psw (sound of fart).
When a consonant from the set { r w y} occurs in a word with a
preceding nasal or nasalized consonant, and no intervening non-nasal
consonant, the nasalization in {r w y} may be attributed to Nasalization-
Spreading, which normally operates from left to right within a word. In such
cases, the sonorant is lexically unspecified for nasalization. Examples are
namwaa: 'meat', nawa 'taste', namraa 'mother', jmmsy 'metal protrusions on rifle
cock', mumyi a '(shoulder) be dislocated'. However, the predictability of
nasalization is compromised by cases where m reflects *mb, as in mamraa 'become
lost' (cf. Bankan Tey mm bamraa), where the r is not nasalized.
In e.g. namri my- wa (for /namri myi m-wua/) 'expand (e.g. one's herd)', we observe
spreading of nasalization across the entire word, which includes a suffix
(elsewhere - wa ). This is possible when there is no intervening nonnasal
consonant to block the spread from left to right.
A syllable-final y or w in a nasalizing environment could be transcribed
with or without the nasalization diacritic. I generally transcribe without the
diacritic, except for verbs (in the citation form with final vowel apocopated),
since when suffixes are present the final semivowel is intervocalic and clearly
nasalized. Thus noun si myasw 'lover', pronounced [si mjasw], and verb namri my- wa
'expand (e.g. one's herd)'.
In aawyi a '(wound) swell', awmy 'milk (noun)', ji mresy 'rainy season', and
some few other stems, there are two mutually reinforcing consonants from the
set {r w y}. Given that Nasalization-Spreading primarily works from left to
right, if one must identify a (lexically) primary nasalized consonant it would be
the leftmost one.

19
Initial w was heard in certain words, suggesting a modest tendency for
nasalization to spread from the right to the onset of the word. Examples: some
pronunciations of the (undoubtedly borrowed) term for 'rice or millet pancake'
(wa:um, but also woa:njum, etc.); the final element (not otherwise attested) in
kmnjm- wamyasy 'strong, effervescent millet beer' (cf. kmnja 'millet beer'); wa
m:rua '(vine) spread out'. There is no general leftward Nasalization-Spreading, as
shown by examples like wmmbi a 'uproot peanuts' and yammdi a 'be useless'. 'Woman'
is yas:- m, plural yas: (unnasalized).

3.3.8 Consonant clusters

3.3.8.1 Initial CC clusters

Word-initial CC sequences are nasal-stop sequences mg and mm b. mg is seen in


demonstrative mgua 'this' and in some other deictics, in mgoa 'not be', and a few
Fulfulde loanwords like mgua:rm 'livelihood'. Initial mm b, which often alternates
with simple m, is illustrated by mm bos: mos: 'mouth' and mm basw masw
'interethnic cousinhood'; intermediate pronunciations like [mm bos:] with a faint
oral release on the nasal are also observed.
When spoken in isolation, or after a word ending in a consonant, the initial
nasal is syllabified separately. It is pronounced with low pitch in this position,
but arguably this is a phonetic pitch rather than phonological tone.

3.3.8.2 Medial geminated CC clusters

Geminated medial CC clusters are generally limited to Fulfulde (and other)


borrowings.
Geminated clusters in words not likely to have been borrowed are:
ll: i mllaa 'slightly', ki alli ayea 'be lost to sight', palli a 'break or cut off', i allea 'lift
from underneath'.
nn: damnni a 'hunt (verb)', ksnnm 'ladle (noun)' (variant of kmtuanm).
Other geminated clusters attested in probable loanwords are exemplified
below:
bb: tabbm- tabbm 'spotted'.
cc: hacca 'chew cud'.
dd: saaddam amyi a 'be responsible for'.
gg: laggi a 'make dirty'.
jj: hi ajji m 'pilgrimage to Mecca'.
kk: juakka 'assess a fine'.
mm: juammam 'Friday prayer'.

20
pp: si appa 'describe'.
rr: yaarra:rm 'tolerance'.
tt: matta 'be desperate'.
yy: laayyam 'Feast of the Ram'
There are no attestations of #f, #hh, #ss, #ww.

3.3.8.3 Medial non-geminate CC clusters

These clusters typically begin with a syllable-final sonorant. The following


syllable-initial consonant may be any full-fledged consonant phoneme. The
most common type is the homorganic nasal-stop cluster. Those found in native
vocabulary are:
mb: tambum 'traditions'.
nd: suandum 'child's medicine'.
nt: bmnta 'loincloth'.
nj: kmnja 'millet beer'.
g: koagoaroa 'chew on (bone)'
k: yoakum 'soul'
Attested in Fulfulde loanwords:
mp: haampa 'chew (tobacco)'.
There are no attestations for #nc.
Other clusters that seem possible in native vocabulary are these:
lg: jealgea 'dangling'.
Other non-geminate CC clusters attested are found mostly in loanwords,
especially from Fulfulde. They include many combinations beginning with a
sonorant {y w r l}.
yb: haayba 'watch over'.
yk: taayka 'notice'.
yl: leaylam 'night of 27th of Ramadan'.
yn: laayna 'chant (invoking God)'.
yr: boayri m 'porridge'.
yt: semytaa:n 'demon'.
wd: jaawdum 'livestock'.
wg: ti awgua 'be disoriented'.
wl: daawlm 'renown'.
wt: saawta 'be fed up'.
wy: awyi a '(hen) brood'.
wy: jamwyi a 'branch out'.
rb: daarboay 'sword'.
rd: wi ardum 'saying one's beads'.
rg: dmrgua 'ransom'.

21
rk: amrkalm 'armpit'.
rm: baarmaa 'pot'.
rn: famrni a: 'wheat-flour fritters'.
rp: mamrpaa: 'rifle'.
rs: moarsi anm 'large gunpowder horn'.
rt: saartum 'deadline'.
lb: amlbaarkam 'thanks!'.
lc: amlceaw 'stirrup'.
lj: aaljuamaa:rm 'Friday'.
lk: amlkammi a:sam 'Thursday'.

3.3.8.4 Medial triple CCC clusters

These are rare and occur only in Fulfulde loans. The attested clusters, illustrated
below, consist of a sonorant /y/ or /r/ plus a homorganic nasal-stop cluster.
yg: poaygoal 'illumination'.
yk: saaykm 'Songhay (people)'.
rnd: barndm 'cattle disease'.
rmb: kamrmbua 'horse's muzzle'
In poorly assimilated loanwords there are also a few cases like kmmplea:
'(clothing) outfit' (Fr complet).

3.3.8.5 Final CC clusters

None.

3.4 Vowels

3.4.1 Short and (oral) long vowels

The inventory of oral vowels is the same as for other Dogon languages. The
vowel qualities are high { i u}, mid-height [+ATR] {e o}, mid-height [-ATR]
{ }, and low a. The qualities all occur in short and long forms.

(7) short oral long oral

u u:
o o:
:

22
a a:
:
e e:
i i:

3.4.2 Nasalized vowels

Phonemically nasalized vowels are fairly rare, though there are a fair number
with a-vowel. Examples below are sorted by vowel quality. Those with high
vowel seem to have an expressive or onomatopoeic character. I know of no
cases with +ATR e or o vocalism. The attested nasalized vowels are in (8).

(8) short nasal long nasal

u u:

:
a a:
:

i:

ji a: 'odor', gi a: (or gi ay) 'fart (noun)', ci a:- cam:- ci a: 'creaking sound


(onomatopoeic)', msi a 'very much' (intonational prolongation makes
identification of phonological length impossible), ji a:- jam: 'staggering or
stumbling along' (expressive adverb), si a: 'liquid animal fat (for sauce)'.
sus: sua 'breathe'.
ka: 'possession (of someone)'; ja: ja 'make a criticism'.
ca: 'inheritance'.
a and a: : - kas: 'doers' (agentive) as in si mrdi m- kas: 'magicians'; gas: 'putters'
(agentive) as in yum:rum- gas: 'fortune-tellers who analyse fox tracks', paa 'take (a
step)', amjasy jaa 'sow (seeds) in a pit with manure'.

3.4.3 Initial vowels

Words may begin with any oral vowel quality. Examples are aarwua 'thunder
(verb)', awmy 'milk', eaw-yea 'sit', oasum 'road', umsua 'sun', i mrsy 'ripe', mrua 'fresh'. Long
vowels are uncommon but attested: i a:ray 'iron'

23
3.4.4 Stem-final vowels

A fairly large number of nouns end in a long vowel, often with a <HL> or
<LHL> tone: namwaa: 'meat', lmmda: 'tongue'

3.4.5 Vocalic harmony

The active vowel-harmonic sets in Dogon languages are { } versus {e o},


whether analysed in terms of relative height or in terms of the feature [ATR].
Typically vowels from the same set may co-occur, but mixing the two sets
(especially within an unsegmentable stem) is not allowed. High vowels { i u} are
extraharmonic and may combine with vowels of either set, while the
relationship of /a/ to the harmonic sets is variable. The languages differ as to
whether vowel harmony extends through to the end of words (i.e. from stem or
suffix, or vice-versa). In compounds, each stem may have its own harmonic
character. Since nouns and adjectives have little suffixal morphology, the issues
generally apply only to verbal derivation and inflection.
In BenT, uncompounded stems of all word-classes respect harmony at the
lexical level and do not mix the two active sets. To a large extent this is a trivial
consequence of the strong preference for repeating the same mid-height vowel
quality across a stem, as in jamba 'bag', cea:lea 'do well', sara 'sprinkle', and domsoa
'(rain) strike'. In other words, even combinations of / / with //, or of /e/
with /o/, are uncommon. However, we do seem to have harmonic effects in the
nativization of loanwords such as pi astoalea: 'pistol' from French, and ha:la 'trust
(verb)' from Fulfulde.

3.5 Segmental phonological rules

3.5.1 Trans-syllabic consonantal processes

3.5.1.1 Nasalization-Spreading

Nasalization (from a nasal or nasalized consonant) can spreads from left to right
within a word, affecting the sonorants { r w y}, which become {r w y}. The
spreading occurs over intervening vowels, but is blocked by an intervening non-
nasal consonant. Spreading is iterative within a word, so that e.g. / nrw/
becomes /nrw/. I do not normally transcribe the nasalization in word-
final position in nouns and other non-verb words.

24
In reversive verbs (9.1), note pi a:yi a- 'shut', reversive pi a:- ri a- 'open' (i.e.
'un-shut'). A causative example is aawyi-a 'be swollen', causative aawyi a- wua-
'cause to swell'.
The situation is complicated by cases where the potential target of
Nasalization-Spreading is separated by a vowel from a preceding original *mb
or *g cluster that now alternates between the original nasal-stop pronunciation
and a simple nasal {m }, or that has now shifted entirely to the simple nasal
pronunciation. In most such cases, Nasalization-Spreading fails to apply, which
makes it important to transcribe nasalization in other words with similar
sequences where it does apply. Examples of non-application are in (9).
Nasalization-Spreading does apply in mmsy 'sorghum' (compare Bankan Tey
mmbsy) and for younger speakers in masy 'hard' (archaic mm basy is also attested).

(9) a. baamamram 'Bambara (ethnicity)'


mamraa 'become lost' (cf. Bankan Tey mm bamraa)
mi m- raa- 'not want' (cf. Bankan Tey mm bi mraa-)
daamaay 'courtyard' (cf. Bankan Tey daambaay)
summosy 'earth, dirt' (cf. Bankan Tey summbasy)

b. taagamy taaamy 'side'


mgua- rum ua- rum 'here'
kmgmra kmmra 'stem'
mgmra mmra 'husband'

Furthermore, some verbal inflectional endings undergo Nasalization-


Spreading while others do not. In particular, the (third) plural category appears
to be allergic to secondary nasalization. For example, Perfective Negatie suffix
- ri a- is regularly nasalized to - ri a- in combinations like ni m- ri a- 'did not give'
(verb ni a- ), hence 3Sg ni m- ri a- , 1Sg ni m- ri a- ym, 1Pl ni m- ri a-ym, 2Sg ni m- rua- w,
and 2Pl ni m- rua-wm , but the 3Pl form is ni m- r- aa 'they did not give' with
unnasalized /r/. Likewise, a suffix - ym with various Plural or 3Pl functions
(Plural of adjectives, 3Pl of Imperfective), does not nasalize: ni a- ym 'they do/will
give'. Other suffixes that do not nasalize are Perfective-1a :- rm- (nua:- rm- 'did not
go in'), Imperfective-1 :- ram- (nus:- ram- 'is not going in'), and Purposive - raa:
- ra:.

25
3.5.2 Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs

3.5.2.1 Suffixal Vowel-Spreading

Reversive suffix - rva- occurs (disregarding nasalization of the rhotic to / r/) in


the forms - ri a- (interchangeable with - rua- ), - roa- , and - rea- . The less common
surface forms - roa- and - rea- continue the /o/ or /e/ vocalism of the input stem or
at least its final syllable ( kuamjoa- roa- 'uncrumple', gomlom- roa- 'uncover', neagea- rea-
'become uncaught'). The example pi area- ri a- 'get unbogged' shows that - ri a- may
occur even where the phonological conditions permitting - rea- appear to be
present. For the data, see 9.1.
Causative - wua- has invariant suffixal vocalism (9.2.1), as does the minor
Causative suffix - gi a- (9.2.2). The vocalism of Transitive suffix - rva- (rarely
- lva- , 9.4) is consistent with that of Reversive - rva- (surface forms are - ri a- and
- rea- ). In di m- rea- 'bathe (someone)' from intransitive di-m yea- 'bathe', and in si a- lea-
'take down' from intransitive si-a yea- 'go down', the suffixal e is carried over from
the intransitive stem-final vowel, even though its syllable is truncated in tthe
causative. Data are in 9.2.
Deadjectival inchoatives are tricky, since they are not necessarily formed by
adding a suffix directly to the adjective. Focusing on the form of the inchoative
verb itself, we note that stem-wide vocalism limited to { o u} vowels is
associated with - loa- - roa- , i.e. with suffixal o (dumgua- 'fat', inchoative
dumgum- loa- ; dumsua- 'heavy', inchoative dumsum- loa- ; kuanjum-m 'coarse', inchoative
kuanjua- loa- , oarum- m 'smooth', inchoative oaloa- roa- ; nusm 'difficult', inchoative
nuam- doa- ). There are some unusual cases where an or a in the adjective is
associated with a shift to e vocalism the suffix and in the stem itself in the
inchoative (ari mm 'sweet', inchoative ealea- rea- ; pi ala 'white', inchoative pi alea- rea- ;
jeawem- 'black', inchoative jemm- dea- ; paarum-m 'sour', inchoative paalea- rea- ; gaarum- m
'bitter', inchoative gamlem- rea- ). We also get suffixal e in si am 'pointed', inchoative
si am- dea- , i.e. in the one case where the adjective has only i vowel(s). Other
stems with an { a}, and all stems with an anywhere in the stem, have i in the
suffix: gumra- 'long', inchoative gumlum- ri a- ; msua- 'good', inchoative asi a- li a- ; aasum-m
'half-sweet, slightly bitter', inchoative aasi a- li a- , and a few others. See 9.7 for
more data.

3.5.2.2 Presuffixal V2-Raising

In verbal derivation, the final syllable of a CvCv- (or similar) input shifts to a
high vowel in some cases.
In reversives, we get a shift from stem-final { a} to a high vowel in several
cases (which also have / i/ as the suffixal vowel): paga- 'nail (verb)', reversive

26
pagi a- ri a- 'remove (nail)'; paaaa- 'tie', reversive paagi a- ri a- 'untie', i mra- 'forget',
reversive i ali a- ri a- 'remember; taaraa- 'paste, affix', reversive taali a- ri a- 'unpaste,
remove (something affixed)'. I know of no reversives involving input stem-final
. When the input stem-final is { e o}, no shift occurs in this vowel before the
suffix: gomroa- 'cover', reversive gomlom- roa- 'uncover'; neagi ayea- be caught in tree',
reversive neagea- rea- 'become uncaught', pi area- 'get bogged', pi area- ri a- 'get
unbogged'. For data see 9.1.
There is no shift in stem-final vowel quality before Causative - wua-
(9.2.1). With a different Causative suffix allomorph, we do get vowel raising in
umra- 'go up', causative umlum- rua- 'take up'. Similarly, the two verbs with Causative
- gi a- (kaawaa- 'separate oneself' and saayaa- 'be dispersed') delete the stem-final / a/,
presumably after first raising it to a high vowel: kaaw-gi a- 'separate (X from Y)',
saay- gi a- 'disperse (others)'.
Overall there is reasonable evidence for a process raising stem-final { a }
in nonmonosyllabic stems to a high vowel (variably pronounced / i/ or /u/)
before a verbal derivational suffix other than Causative - wua- .

3.5.3 Vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure

3.5.3.1 Vowel-Lengthening before verbal derivational suffix

Cv with short vowel is an acceptable shape for verb stems, e.g. ta 'step on'. Such
short vowels are lengthened before derivational (but not inflectional) suffixes:
reversive derivative ta:- ri a- 'remove foot from (something that one has stepped
on)' but e.g. Perfective (inflectional) ta- ti a:- 'stepped on'. Causative examples
include a- 'eat (meal)', causative a:- wua- 'feed, give food to' and nua- 'enter',
causative nua:- wua- 'cause to enter'.
Failure to lengthen was observed in irregular (frozen) causatives that
involve truncation of an intransitive Cv- yv- stem to Cv- , rather than an
underlying /Cv/ stem: di m- yea- 'bathe, take a bath', causative di m- rea- 'bathe
(someone)'; si-y a ea- 'go down', causative si a- lea- 'take down'.

3.5.3.2 Syncope and Apocope

A short high vowel {i u} can be deleted at the end of an unsuffixed stem (nouns,
verbs, etc.), or at the end of a stem before a consonant-initial suffix (verbs). The
deletion is generally optional. Syncope denotes deletion before a suffix, while
Apocope is the term for word-final deletion not specifically involving a
following word. For a discussion of weak metrical positions, those that lend
themselves to reduction or deletion of a vowel, see 3.2.2, above.

27
When the stem in question ends in yi or wu, the deletion is very
common and the variant without the final high vowel is the most common form
heard. For example, verb dmwua 'cover (something)' is normally heard as dsw,
both in the bare form (used in chaining) dsw and in suffixed forms like
Perfective-1b dsw- ti a:- . Pronunciations dmwua and dmwua- ti a:- are possible in
careful speech. The bisyllabic character of such verbs is better brought out in
e.g. Imperative dswam (with a vowel mutation) and Imperfective ( di m- )dmwua- mm
'he/she covers'. Other verbs with similar patterns include amwua- 'receive', dam:yi a-
'encounter', and wamyi a- 'hold', which are heard as asw- , das:y- , and wasy- in the
relevant environments.
Of the other sonorants, r is frequently associated with Syncope and
Apocope in similar positions. Examples are amri a- 'call', bamri a- 'help', and lamri a-
'chase', which are often heard as asr- , basr- , and lasr- .
Nouns like yamrua 'cloudy weather' have both full and reduced ( yasr)
pronunciations occur, with the full pronunciation favored in isolation and the
reduced pronunciation common before a consonant-initial word, as in yasr gos-
'cloudy weather go out (= end)'.

3.5.4 Local consonant cluster and consonant sequence rules

3.5.4.1 Derhoticization (/r/ to n)

It is difficult to find contexts where a short vowel following /r/ obligatorily


syncopates (or apocopates). The forms of the word-family 'red' retain a vowel
after r, e.g. adjective baaram- 'red'. There is no synchronic r in e.g. kaay- 'do,
make'.
The best example of /r/ n is probably the agentive compound
ti mn- ti mri a- m 'wood-gatherer', whose initial is the noun ti mrua ti mri a 'firewood'.
Stem- or word-final ri or ru optionally drops the vowel before certain
consonants, especially alveolars { t d n}, and in this case the /r/ may be realized
as n.

3.5.4.2 Rhotic Assimilation

There are no synchronically clear cases, since a short high vowel after r or r
does not usually totally syncopate or apocopate. For a list of stems with ll,
which in other northeastern Dogon languages sometimes arise from *rl, see
3.3.8.2.

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3.5.4.3 /yr/ n in Perfective Negative

Perfective Negative /-ri a-/ combines with final /y/ in verb stems to produce - ni a- .
The three verbs with final /y/ are kaay- 'do, make', gasy- 'put', and gusy- 'say'.
The Perfective Negative forms are kam- ni a- , gam- ni a- , and gum- ni a- . The origin of this
shift is more complex than the synchronic data suggest. 'Do, make' has cognates
in other Dogon languages with bisyllabic shape and a medial consonant
{n r}, e.g. Jamsay kara aa- .

3.5.4.4 /yr/ /l/ in Hortative Negative

The /y/ of the three Cvy verbs (see preceding section) combine with Hortative
Negative /-rm-ma / to give - lm- ma . Thus kaa- lm- ma 'let's not do!' from kaay 'do', and
gas- lm- ma 'let's not put!' from gasy.

3.5.4.5 /rr/ becomes lr or ll in verbal morphology

Reversive verbs (9.1) normally add - rva- suffix to the stem. When the stem is
of the shape Cvrv with medial r, the output in most cases is Cvlv- rv- rather than
#Cvrv- rv- (10a), converging with the output from input stem Cvlv (10b). This
suggests that a dissimilatory shift of /rr/ to lr has taken place in the
reversives in (10a). That this is not fully productive is suggested by one
exception in (10c), which involves a somewhat less common reversive (less
likely to be lexicalized).

(10) input gloss reversive gloss

a. gomroa- 'cover (person)' gomlom- roa- 'uncover (person)'


taaraa- 'paste, affix' taali a- ri a- 'unpaste, detach'
i mra- 'forget' i mli m- ri a- 'remember'

b. kali a- 'hook, hang up' kali a- ri a- 'unhook, take down


(sth hanging)'

c. pi area- 'get bogged' pi area- ri a (gos) 'get unbogged'

The Causative suffix allomorph - rva- is responsible for a similar, though


frozen and isolated, alternation in umra- 'go up', causative umlum- rua- 'take up'.

29
Similar alternations take place in Inchoative derivatives of adjectives,
where we get e.g. arum- m 'sweet', inchoative ealea- rea- 'become sweet', and gumra-
'long', inchoative gumlum- ri a- 'become long'; for more examples see 9.7.
These alternations are typical of suffixal derivation, but are not systematic
in AN inflection. In particular, Perfective Negative - ri a- does not regularly
induce the shift of an r in the stem to l. Thus tmrm- ri a- 'did not chop', gumrom- ri a- 'did
not steal', bamgi mri m- ri a- 'did not hide', etc.
However, the verb bmra- 'get, obtain' does combine with Perfective Negative
- ri a- as bml- li a- 'did not get', a form that is multiply attested in texts. The key
difference between bml- li a- and e.g. tmrm- ri a- is syncope, which is not regular for
Cvrv- verbs with final non-high vowels but which does apply idiosyncratically
in /bmrm-ri a-/. When syncope does apply, the resulting /rr/ cluster is realized as ll.
Evidently /rr/ is disfavored. Indeed, rr clusters do not occur within stems, in
native Dogon vocabulary, though there are some Fulfulde loans like yaarra:rm
'tolerance'.
Another example of the ll output from /rr/ after syncope is si myes-l=lam: from
/si myem-ri a=ram:/ 'it has not gone down' (text 2005.1b.-5). Another is dam:l- li a- ,
syncopated variant of dam:ri m- ri a- 'did not please'.
The shift /rvr/ to ll is arguably accomplished in two stages, a dissimilation
to /r(v)l/ or /l(v)r/ (perhaps before syncope), followed by an assimilation (after
syncope) to ll. There is one attestation of unassimilated rl, namely laayaa:r=laa 'it
isn't a sacrificial animal', for /laayaa:rum=raa), text 2005.1b.04, where only the
dissimilation has occurred (noun laayaa:rum is a multisyllabic Fulfulde loanword
and apparently resists modification of its rhotic, but the clitic shifts /r/ to l. On
the other hand, we have seen unassimilated lvr from /rvr/ in unsyncopated
reversives (10a). Underlying /lvr/ also becomes as ll after syncope in taml- li a- ,
syncopated variant of tamli m- ri a- 'did not transform' (10.2.3.2).

3.5.4.6 {w w} m

When a stem with shape like Cvwv- or Cvwv- undergoes Syncope or


Apocope of the final vowel, the now syllable-final semivowel is converted to m
under limited conditions. This may occur in conjunction with a shift in a
following consonant from {r l} to d as well.
The adjective am 'plump' has an inchoative derivative ('become ADJ')
aawaa- 'become plump'. Here the alternation of m with w is clearly conditioned
by syllabic position.
Many other inchoatives are formed using Inchoative derivational suffix - lva-
or less often - rva- (9.7). In the case of 'black', we get adjective jeawem- but
inchoative jemm- dea- 'become black' (the /md/ cluster is pronounced [mnd] in

30
careful style). Likewise, kaawam- 'spacious, wide (space)' has inchoative kaam- di a-
'become (more) spacious'.
A minor Inchoative suffix allomorph is - yva- . For 'cold', the adjective is taam
while the inchoative is taaw- yi a- 'become cold, cool off'.
w does not shift to m in adjectives with a following nominal suffix (Sg, Pl).
Thus aw 'hot, fast', Sg aw- m, Pl aw- ym. The shift does not occur before
Reversive derivational suffix - ri a- (9.1), to judge by the one known example:
dsw 'cover (object)', reversive dsw- ri a- 'uncover (object)'. It does not apply
before the minor Causative suffix - gva- in kaawaa- 'separate oneself', causative
kaaw- gi a- 'separate (X from Y)'.

3.5.4.7 /r/ /d/

Negative clitics beginning with / r/, and verbal derivational suffixes beginning
with /r/ hift the liquid to /d/ after a nasal.
The most common case is Stative Negative clitic =raa- . It becomes =daa in
e.g. i a=mm =daa 'it isn't me', where it follows the 'it is' clitic =mm , see 11.2.1.4.
See also di mm- di a- 'cause to follow' with Transitive suffix (9.4) from /di mmbi m-
ri a-/, and ti am- di a- 'uncover (remove lid)' from /ti ambi a-ri a-/ with Reversive suffix
(9.1), in both cases after Syncope.

3.5.4.8 CCC simplification

If a disallowed triple consonant cluster is produced by syncope from /CCvC/,


the cluster is simplified. The examples known to me involve /mbvr/ becoming
md, for example in di mm-di a- 'take (sth) along', transitive of mediopassive di mmbi m-
yi a- 'follow', and in ti am-di a- 'take lid off'', reversive of ti ambi a- 'put a lid on'. I
interpret this as deletion of the /b/, followed by hardening of /r/ to d, see
3.5.4.7 just above.

3.5.5 Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences

3.5.5.1 VV-Contraction

Contraction of two vowels to one vowel occurs in verbal morphology.


In verbs, the Imperfective-1 suffix appears as :- ram- , i.e. as lengthening of a
stem-final vowel followed by ram. The suffix could be represented as /-vram-/ with
an underspecified initial vowel ("v") that contracts with a preceding short vowel
to form a long vowel with the quality features of the first vowel.

31
The Perfective-1b suffix likewise appears as :- rm- , and could be
represented as /-vrm-/.
There are no opportunities for VV-Contraction to arise in nominal
inflectional morphology, where the few suffixes are consonant-initial.
Hiatus between vowels requires a glottal stop (arguably nonphonemic), as
in the noun i a- swrm 'tree sp.' (Spondias), which may be reduplicative. Clearer
cases of reduplication occur in verbal morphology. The usual reduplicative
syllable is an initial Ci m- , but when the verb stem is vowel-initial (as in eaw- yea-
'sit') we get reduplicated forms like i m- eaw- yem- w 'he/she is sitting', again with
glottal stop between the /i/ and the first /e/.

3.5.6 Local vowel-consonant interactions

3.5.6.1 Fluctuation between short high vowels {i u}

There is much fluctuation between the two short high vowels, especially in
noninitial syllables of verb stems. While the same verb can be heard in different
variants in the same positions, some of the fluctuation involves assimilation to
an adjoining consonant, especially semivowels / y/ versus /w/ but also {j c }
versus {m}, and/or to a non-low front versus back rounded vowel in an
adjoining syllable (which vowel may itself be unstable).
My general sense is that short high vowels in noninitial syllables of verb
stems tend toward unrounded [i] when no rounded or labial. Thus ymli m- ri a-
'(meat) become tender' seems more common than ymlum- rua- in spite of the initial-
syllable //, while the causative ymlum- rum- wua- favors rounded vowels because of
the /w/ of the Causative suffix.

3.5.6.2 Monophthongization (/iy/ to i:, /uw/ to u:)

Syllable-final (i.e. word-final or preconsonantal) / iy/ monophthongized


phonetically to [i:], and /uw/ likewise monophthongizes to [u:]. In general I
transcribe /iy/ and /uw/ since this brings out the morphological structure more
clearly.
Examples are the Perfective-1b combinations 1Sg - ti a- ym [ti ai]m and 2Sg - tua- wm
[tuaum], and a few similar cases in verbal inflectional morphology. This
transcriptional system permits an orthographic distinction in the Perfective-1b
between 1Sg - ti a- ym and 3Sg - ti a:- (the latter is from /- ti a- / with the /i/a
lengthened to permit articulation of the contour tone), although the two are
homophonous phonetically.

32
Further examples occur in combining forms of nonmonosyllabic verb stems
ending in sequences like /iyi/ and /iwu/. When the final short vowel
syncopates or apocopates, we get syllable-final /iy/ and /uw/, which then
monophthongize. This happens with e.g. dmgi myi a- 'look up at', bamgi m- yi a- 'hide
(oneself)', and gmnjumwua- 'turn around (and go back)', which appear in some
contexts as e.g. [dmgi s:].
Inanimate suffix - w may be added to adjectives that end in u, as in ymrua- wm
'tender (e.g. meat)', which is heard as [jmrua:].

3.6 Cliticization

The boundary between clitics (enclitics) and suffixes is not sharp. All clitics are
of the phonological (rather than floating) type; that is, they are independent
functional elements that happen to be pronounced as part of the preceding word.
The best candidates for clitic status are those mentioned below.
If Nasalization-Spreading is determined to be characteristic of word-internal
morphology, the failure of a "suffixal" { y w r} to be nasalized after a nasal
syllable could be taken as an indicator of clitic status. In this analysis, Passive
- yay (9.5), adjectival Plural - ym (4.5.1), and even Imperfective-1 :- ram-
(10.2.2.3) would have to be reassigned to clitic status. I am reluctant to do this,
since the Imperfective-1 is in other respects clearly suffixal, but readers may
disagree.

3.6.1 'it is' clitic =mm =

I consider 'it is' to be a clitic on syntactic/semantic grounds. The phonology of


this clitic is complex and heavily morphologized, and I cover it in the section on
this clitic (11.2.1).

3.6.2 Past clitic =bm-

The motivation for treating this as a clitic is that it constitutes an outer


morphological layer with its own pronominal-subject inflection, following a
(somewhat reduced) internal verb-suffix combination; see 10.4.1.

33
3.6.3 Stative Negative =raa-

Stative Negative =raa- (10.2.3.4) is more clitic-like than the regular perfective
and imperfective Negative suffixes. It is added to already complete word forms,
rather than replacing a positive suffix. It can also be added to the positive 'it is'
clitic (11.2.1.4).

3.7 Tones

Tones at the level of syllables are H[igh], L[ow], <LH> (rising), <HL> (falling),
and bell-shaped <LHL>. There are no <HLH> syllables. Angled brackets are
used to express contour tones within a syllable. Stem - or word-level patterns
involving more than one syllable, including at least one contour tone, are
expressed as e.g. H<HL> (H followed by <HL>).
Contour tones must have at least two moras. In other words, light Cv
syllables must be simple H or L. Heavy Cv: or CvC and superheavy Cv:C
syllables may be H, L, <LH>, <HL>, or <LHL>. There is no increase in
duration for <LHL> as opposed to <HL> or <LH> syllables; the three tone
segments are articulated over a similar duration, with the initial L-tone segment
generally brief. Thus j: 'bring' does not have noticeably greater duration than
e.g. ca: 'scale', and gaw 'tall' is pronounced with a short vowel.

3.7.1 Lexical tone patterns

3.7.1.1 At least one H-tone in each stem

Except due to grammatically conditioned tone overlays, each stem must have
at least one H-tone segment, i.e., at least one H, <LH>, <HL>, or <LHL>
syllable. This applies to noun, adjective, numeral, verb, and adverb stems; it
does not necessarily apply to functional elements (such as pronominal clitics
and clause-final subordinating morphemes).
For the possibility that some nouns might have no lexical high tones, see
3.7.1.7. Whether lexical or not, even these nouns must have at least one high
tone element as surface forms (where not tone-dropped by morphosyntactic
factors).

34
3.7.1.2 Lexical tone patterns for verbs

In their (lexically basic) bare form, regular verbs end in a H-tone. The primary
tone contours are {H} (all-high) and {LH} (rising). Each verb is lexically either
{H} or {LH}, except for one {LHL} verb, j: 'bring'. A verb-stem-initial voiced
obstruent {b d j g} is strongly associated with {LH} tone, and the
counterexamples are mostly Fulfulde loanwords. A verb-stem-initial voiceless
obstruent {p t c k} is strongly associated with {H} tone. Stems beginning with a
sonorant or with zero initial consonant (i.e. with initial vowel) have a lexical
choice between {H} and {LH}. The voicing of noninitial consonants is
irrelevant to lexical tone contour. As will be indicated below, the strong
association between initial-obstruent voicing and tone contour applies only to
verb stems.
For {LH} stems, the tone break is just before the right edge of the stem.
The patters are therefore Cvs, Cvs:, CvmCva, CvmCCva, Cvm:Cva, CvmCvmCva, etc. This
pattern is enforced for suffixal derivatives as well as for underived stems; for
example, a CvmCva stem has suffixal derivatives of the shape CvmCvm- Cva.
Examples of lexical verb stems of one syllable (disregarding reduplicative
Ci- ) are in (11). For a fuller list see 10.1.3.

(11) Monosyllabic verb tone contours

stem gloss reference

a. {H} tone
nua 'enter'
a 'eat (meal)'
kaay 'do, make' 10.1.3.6

b.{LH} tone
gos 'go out'
ys 'come' 10.1.3.3
nus 'hear'
gasy 'put' 10.1.3.6
gusy 'say' 10.1.3.6

c. <LHL> tone (only example)


j: 'bring' 10.1.3.4

Some bisyllabic and longer stems of the {H} and {LH} types are in (12).

(12) Nonmonosyllabic verb tone contours

35
stem gloss

a. {H} tone contour


ti awa 'die'
paaaa 'tie'
pagi ari a 'unbutton'
toagoaroa 'chew'

b. {LH} tone contour


ji mya 'kill'
wamraa 'do farm work'
wam:rua 'spread out'
bi mli mrea 'roll oneself (on the ground)'
damgi mri a 'break in half'

Cv:Cv- stems with {LH} contour are pronounced Cvm:Cva- in careful speech.
However, especially when the final vowel is {i u} and the medial consonant is a
sonorant, syncope can occur, resulting in Cvs:C-. A pronunciation Cvs:Cva- is also
possible, with the pitch rise jumping the gun. An example is bam:rua- ~ bam:ri a- 'go
around (obstacle)', whose alternative pronunciations include bas:r- and bas:ri a-
(with faintly articulated final vowel).
These lexical tone contours are subject to modification in inflected forms.
See Chapter 10 for details.

3.7.1.3 Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems

Nouns are subject to the general rule that there must be at least one H-tone
segment in the stem, but are otherwise rather unconstrained. Unlike verbs,
nouns may end in a L or H tone segment.
Examples of lexical stems of one syllable (disregarding reduplicative Ci- )
are in (13). The animate Singular (Sg) suffix - m present in some examples does
not affect the tone.

(13) stem gloss

a. H tone
yi a- m 'child'
naa 'time(s)'
naa: 'entire (e.g. plant)'
d:-m '(a) Dogon'

36
b. <LH> tone
yas: 'women' (Sg. yas- m)
pos: 'knife'
nsm 'salt'

c. <HL> tone
kua: 'head'
koa: 'scab'
yua: 'millet'
daam 'gunpowder'

d. <LHL> tone (fairly full list, excluding Cvs- ym verbal nouns)


o: 'guinea-fowls'
: 'fiber, tree bark' (contrast a: 'chiefs')
d: 'Dogon'
mi : 'cut (wound)'
go: 'fire'
g: 'pigeons'
by 'beard'
bay 'tibia of bird's leg'
with initial L-toned Ci-/Cu- reduplication
ti m- ta: 'hyenas' (Sg ti m- ta:- m)
ci m- c: 'beetle, bug'
ki m- ka: 'grasshopper'
si m- si : 'grub, worm'
ji m- j: 'flies'
tum- tu: 'termites'
ti m- tay 'dancing ground'
with initial H-toned Ci-/Cu- reduplication
gi a- ga: 'crows'
gua- gu: (pemrem- gi mrem gua- gu: 'vinaceous dove')
with L-toned compound initial
samwam- se: 'tall grass sp. (Andropogon)'

e. <HLH> tone
[none]

Some rather complex tonal patterns occur in noun stems of two or more
syllables. However, these stems are probably understood as prosodically
composite by native speakers. Hyphenation is omitted in most cases in (14), but
the natural prosodic break is suggested by spaces (not used elsewhere) and by

37
the tone formulae above. If divided in the manner suggested, the tone contours
of the components are unremarkable.

(14) stem gloss

{H} {LH}
aa-kumgumra 'giant turtles' (4.1.6)

{H} {LHL}
kar p: 'tree sp.' (Piliostigma)
saa go: 'ostriches'
ti a go: 'hornbills'

{H} {LHL}
i a- swrm 'tree sp.' (Spondias)
pata p: 'grasshopper sp.' (Oedaleus)
saara s: 'grasshopper sp.' (Kraussella)
pealea gi mrea: 'doves'
- saa kemlea: 'tiny scorpions' (compound final)

{LH} {H}
pomrua yoaloa 'weaver (bird)'
gomrosmgoamjoa 'millipedes'

{LH} {HL}
jomlosmjoarum 'herb sp.' (Xysmalobium)
pemlesmpearum 'tall herb sp.' (Aeschynomene)

{LH} {LH}
masy ki mra 'tree sp.' (Maerua)

{LH} {LHL}
amraa wey 'tree sp.' (Crataeva)
bas: k: 'glossy starling sp.'
tumtus: bsndm 'herb sp.' (Cassia)
kmrs kes:sum 'shellfish'

{L} {LHL}
yi m-t: 'children' (Pl of yi a- m)
yam-t: 'female (lizard)' (cf. yam- 'woman')
kmtm k: 'lice'

38
With these compound-like forms factored out, the regular lexical tone
contours for noun stems are {H}, {HL}, {LH}, {LHL}, and{HLH}. The
patterns are best illustrated with bisyllabic stems, disregading initial
reduplication (15). {LHL} is especially typical of BenT nouns. {L} is ruled out
by the constraint that all stems (except a few expressive adverbials) must have
at least one H-tone element. This constraint insures that tonosyntactically
controlled tone-dropping is always audible.

(15) contour stem gloss

{H} ki a-kearea-m 'cricket'


{HL} tarm 'mountain'
{LH} jemsua 'body'
{LHL} semgua: 'waterjar'
{HLH} bi asesm 'tree sp. (Acacia tortilis)'

3.7.1.4 Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals

Adjectives are generally mono - or bisyllabic. The tone patterns (allowing for
possible accidental gaps) appear to be the same as for nouns.

(16) stem gloss

a. all-high tone contour


ni anaay 'respectable'
pi ala 'white'

b. {LH} tone contour


las- 'other' (las- w, las- m, las:)
mas: 'dry'
gmlua 'crooked'
komrosy 'empty, bare'
bomlomrosy 'half-ripe'

c. {HL} tone contour


aw 'hot'
kaalam 'new'
arum- 'sweet' (arum- m, etc.)
taam 'cold'

d. {LHL} tone contour

39
mmnja- 'thin' (mmnja- w etc.)
smsua- 'nearby' (smsua- w, etc.)
sos:rom 'young'

The inventory of numerals is more limited. The attested tone patterns are
illustrated in (17). There is no clear indication that numerals differ from nouns,
and adjectives, in their tonal possibilities.

(17) stem gloss

a. all-high
parua 'ten'

b. {LH}
tam:nua 'three'
ni s:y 'four'
nummusy 'five'
tem:si sm 'nine'

c. {HL}
suaymy 'seven'
gaa:ramy 'eight'

d. {LHL}, in part
tumwa- 'one' (tumwa\\tumwa- m\\tumwa- ym, cf. tumwa: 'same')

3.7.1.5 Tone-Component location for bitonal noun stems

The bitonal contours are {HL} and{LH}. Both are well-attested as tone
contours for nouns and other non-verb stems. In some {LH} cases, one could
argue that the final high tone is secondary.
There is no suspense about tone-component location when the stem is
monosyllabic, or a bimoraic (i.e. CvCv) bisyllabic (18).

(18) stem gloss

<LH>
bi s: 'tree sp.' (Sclerocarya)
gusy 'sedge'
js: 'hares' (Sg js:- m)
ss: 'mongooses' (Sg ss:- m)

40
<HL>
sua: 'francolin (bird)' (Sg sua:- m)
aa: 'bee' (Sg aa:- m)
oa: 'mice' (Sg oa- m)

LH
wamrua 'tree sp.' (Anogeiussus)
dumrua 'spear for fruits'
si msa 'father's sister'

HL
loasum 'duiker (mammal)'
waaram 'daba (hoe)'

In bisyllabics of the types Cv:Cv and CvCCv, the tone break is at the
syllable boundary (19).

(19) stem gloss

LH
pem:lua 'tree sp.' (Detarium)
kam:rua 'crack'
kam:saa 'wool (fabric)'
jammbaa 'betrayal'
jmlga 'foot-chain'

HL
jaa:sum 'shiftlessness'
toa:rum 'idol'
daawlm 'recognized value'
saalgum 'ablutions'

However, when the second syllable of a bisyllabic stem has two moras,
there is a choice between locating the tone break at the syllable boundary, or
in the middle of the final syllable. For {LH}, LH with the break at the syllable
boundary is the break point for nouns ending in a long vowel, while L<LH> is
usual for nouns ending in CvC (20a-b). For {HL}, again a final long vowel
favors a break at the syllable boundary, but both HL and H<HL> occur when
the stem ends in CvC (20c-d). H<HL> is typical of Fulfulde loanwords.

(20) stem gloss

41
a. LH with break at syllable boundary
final Cv:
sam:yua: 'wild fonio grass'
mra: '(the) bush, outback'
dummda: 'end (finish)'

b. L<LH> with break in middle of final syllable


final CvC
pmresy 'calcdrat tree'
jammsesy 'grass sp.'
mssy 'tree sp.' (Grewia)
ci mrgesy 'spike, point (of spear)'
morphologically composite
gum:-gus: 'shrub sp.' (Calotropis)
am-ki s: 'edible winged termites'

c. HL with break at syllable boundary


final Cv:
wuarom: 'shrub sp.' (Salvadora)
si anji m: 'knee'
kuari m: 'rosary, prayer beads' (variant)
final CvC (also a few numerals like suaymy 'seven')
awmy 'milk'
sammy 'spices'
awmy 'cemetery'
tearemw 'truth'
saadamm 'expense'

d. H<HL> with break in middle of final syllable


final CvC (mostly Fulfulde loans)
daarboay 'single-edged sword'
kaa:faay 'sword'
poaygoal 'illumination (on horizon)'
ti alaay 'certainty'
gaarbaal 'animal market'

In bitonal trisyllabic stems that are not treated prosodically as composite, if


the final syllable has only one mora, the tone break is always at the final
syllable boundary (21). Some quadrisyllabic LLLH cases are also included in
(21), but they are most likely structured prosocially as LL-LH compounds.

42
(21) stem gloss

LLH with final monomoraic syllabie


msmra 'baobab tree'
kemrkemlea 'tree sp.' (Dalbergia)
gamgamraa 'herb sp.' (Cassia)
bi myam:kua 'guava'

LLLH with final monomoraic syllabie


dom-gomm-dom:rua 'burry herb sp.' (Pupalia)
kammamkmra 'vine sp.' (Leptadenia)
amsampmrua 'herb sp.' (Cassia)

HHL
koagoalum 'doum palm'
ti a-taawrum 'tree sp.' (Boscia)
saateallem 'tree sp.' (Bauhinea)
naa:fi agum 'trouble-maker'

However, there are a minority of trisyllabic {LH} noun stems that shift
tones after the first syllable (22). I suspect that most of these examples are
etymologically composite (L-HH with low-toned initial). amnsaa:raa is borrowed
and was probably contracted from *amni msaa:raa as in some other local languages.

(22) stem gloss

LHH
cmmkuasua 'tall herb sp.' (Sesbania)
samsagam 'grass sp.' (Aristida)
sumpuargua 'nightjars'
tamwara 'ducks'
amnsaa:raa 'white people'

As with bisyllabics, if the final syllable is bimoraic, there may be (in


theory) a lexical choice in trisyllabic nouns between breaking tones at the final
syllable boundary, or in the middle of the final syllable, though good examples
(not composite prosodically) are difficult to find. In most cases the break is in
the middle of the final syllable (23).

(23) stem gloss

LL<LH> or LLL<LH> with tone break in middle of final syllable

43
bam:ramm(-)basm 'tall grass sp.' (Panicum)
pumtumm(-)pus: 'herb sp.' (Commelina)
msmgmrsy 'lemon grass sp.'

HH<HL> with tone break in middle of final syllable


baalaagaal 'donkey-cart poles'

3.7.1.6 Tone-Component location for tri- and quadri-tonal noun stems

Leaving compounds aside, {LHL} is moderately common as a tone contour for


nouns and other non-verb stems. There are also several cases of {HLH}.
Bisyllabic {LHL} may be realized as L<LH> (24a) or <LH>L (24b-c). The
difference between L<LH> and <LH>L usually correlates with syllabic
structure. If the final syllable ends in a long vowel, we get L<LH> (24a); if the
final syllable is monomoraic, we get <LH>H (24b). Judging from (24c), a final
sonorant (or at least a final semivowel) is disregarded.

(24) stem gloss

a. L<HL>, ends in long vowel


inanimate
ommdoa: 'tamarind'
kumroa: 'wild grape' (Lannea)
mm:ra: 'wild date' (Balanites)
ji mmbea: 'shrub sp.' (Feretia)
animate
mnja: 'chickens' (Sg mnja- m)
cemgua: 'agama lizards' (Sg cemgua- m)

b. <LH>L, ends in short vowel


kesrsum 'grass sp.' (Cynodon)
yus:rum 'sand foxes'

c. <LH>L (disregarding cpd initial), ends in CvC syllable


gam:y-ks:lmy 'tree sp.' (Ficus sur)'
kmlm-pas:lamy 'spleen'

However, there is something circular about the correlation of tone contour


with final vowel length. This is because a word-final short-voweled /Cva/ can be
easily lengthened to Cva: by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (3.7.4.1). One could
therefore posit underlying /ommdoa/ etc. for (24a), with the same syllabic and

44
moraic structure as e.g. kesrsum in (24b). The animate nouns 'chickens' and 'agama
lizards' in (24a) have singulars with suffix - m after a short vowel.
Examples of the {LHL} contour with noun stems of three or four syllables
are in (25). If the final syllable is short, we get LHL (25a). If the final syllable
has a long vowel, we get LL<HL>. The sparse data on noun with a final short
vowel plus semivowel are too sparse to allow generalizations (25c-d).

(25) stem gloss

a. LHL or LLHL, ends in short vowel


mamgoarom 'mango'
semkuarum 'bush sp.' (Hibiscus)
gam:ni a:km 'tree sp.' (Celtis)
lamsaa:sum 'rifle'
samramkuaym 'squirrels'
tambamtarum 'colubrid snake sp.'
womgomtoarom 'donkey cart'

b. LL<HL> or LLL<HL>, ends in long vowel


mum-mumrua: 'scorpions'
mdumnua: 'owls'
amsamgumsa: 'tree sp.' (Combretum)

c. LHL, ends in short vowel plus semivowel


kamnaaramy 'watermelon'
ti mgi army 'segment'
smarmy 'spine'

So much for {LHL}. The other tritonal pattern, {HLH}, is less common.
The examples known to me are in (26). They are of the type H(H)<LH>, with
rising tone in the final syllable. I missed the final H-tone on most of these until
late in the fieldwork, since in isolation a final <LH> syllable is realized with
level and rather low pitch when it follows a H-toned syllable in the same stem.
However, on closer inspection the pitch is closer to mid (similar to downstepped
high), and the nouns in question are treated as ending in H-tone in that they
control {HL} as opposed to {L} tone on a following possessed noun (or noun-
like postposition). For example, baa:rasm is pronounced [baa:ranm], and in PPs
like baa:rasm tualum wom 'behind (a/the) acacia' we hear the initial H-tone on the
postposition.

(26) stem gloss

45
H<LH>
plants
baa:rasm 'tree sp. (Acacia nilotica)'
bi asesm 'tree sp. (Acacia tortilis)'
narsy 'nr tree (Parkia biglobosa)'
sawrsm 'tree sp. (Cassia sieberiana)'
daagsy 'grass sp. (Dactyloctenium)'
muayasm 'aromatic sedge tubers'
ethnicities
puals: 'Fulbe (people)', Sg puals-m
sargs: 'Bizo (people)', Sg sargs-m
jambs: 'blacksmiths', Sg jambs-m
other nouns
bua:sasm 'marrow'
huakusm 'tent'
dawrsm 'pit-trap'
sa:rsm 'upstairs'

HH<LH>
poaruayosm 'bush sp. (Pergularia tomentosa)'
samagsm 'tree sp. (Acacia seyal)'

I know of three bisyllabic <LH><LH> nouns, all flora terms: yasmbosm 'tree
sp. (Gyrocarpus americanus)', s:mbsm 'grass sp. (Andropogon gayanus)', and
ks:lsy 'tree sp. (Cola cordifolia)'. It is possible that these, or at least the first
two, are analysed (by native speakers) as compounds prosodically.
We can summarize the analysis of tone-element positioning in nouns as
follows: the tone breaks are located as far to the right as possible, but there is
some variation as to whether break points occur at syllable or mora boundaries
in cases where the two can be distinguished.

3.7.1.7 Possibility of lexically all-low-toned nouns

Most {LH} toned animate nonmonosyllabic noun stems that end in a short
vowel are arguably lexically low-toned with a final high tone added by
phonological rule (to satisfy an output constraint against all-low stems). The
examples in (27a) simply add Singular - m to the final-high-toned stem. By
contrast, those in (27b), which constitute a majority, have singulars with final
rising tone (with the high tone on the suffixal - m). One could argue that the
stems in (27b) lack a lexical tone.

46
(27) plural singular gloss

a. wamrua wamrua- m 'antelope sp.'


mumnjua mumnjua- m 'Mossi' (ethnicity)
temua temua- m 'Tengou' (ethnicity)
bi mri m- pi mgi mri a bi mri m- pi mgi mri a- m 'spotted skink sp.'

b. amwaa amwas- m 'aardvark'


amwaa amwas- m 'snake'
umlua umlus- m 'whiptail lizard'
amnjaa amnjas- m 'tree snake sp.'
amram- mmra amram- mmrs- m 'grey heron'
semrum- kumwaa semrum- kumwas- m 'crowned crane'
i mnjea i mnjes- m 'dog'
gumla gumls- m 'slave'
ni m- ni mwa ni m- ni mws- m 'cat'
pmra pmrs- m 'sheep'
komlomroa komlomros- m 'genet (mammal)'
amsmmba amsmmbs- m 'striped skink'
samram- gamlamraa samram- gamlamras- m 'mongoose sp.'
ambum:loa ambum:los- m 'spotted skink sp.'
aa- kumgumra aa- kumgumrs- m 'giant tortoise'

If we were to decide to represent these stems as all-low-toned lexically,


there would be no reason not to do the same for inanimate nouns and kin terms
that have a {LH} contour with the high tone on the final mora.

3.7.2 Grammatical tone patterns

3.7.2.1 Grammatical tones for verb stems

Verb stems have a combining form that is used in bare form in verb chains, and
is also used before several (positive) inflectional suffixes. Verbs are lexically
either all-high toned {H}, or have a rising tone pattern {LH} with the rise on the
final syllable.
In the Perfective Negative (suffix - ri a- ), and in the unsuffixed Perfective,
regular verbs undergo tone-dropping to all-low tones. The exception is the
irregular verb j:- 'bring', which preserves its unique <LHL> contour in both of
these morphological contexts.

47
Modifications of the tone contour of the combining form also occur in
several other inflections. In the unsuffixed Imperfective, monosyllable and
bimoraic bisyllabic shift to all-high stem tones if not already lexically all-high.
Within the perfective system, the reduplicated Perfective and the reduplicated
Stative have a {HL} tone contour overlaid on the stem (following the
reduplicative segment).
Significant tonal changes also occur in the imperative and hortative forms.

3.7.2.2 Grammatical tones for noun stems

When they are present, tone contours overlaid on noun stems completely erase
lexical tones.
Nouns undergo tone-dropping to all-low tone contour when followed by a
modifying adjective or by a demonstrative pronoun; see 6.1.4. Thus i msea:
'village', i msem: msua 'a good village', i msem: mgaa 'that-Distant village'. There is no tone-
dropping before Definite kum or its plural bua:.
If a noun has escaped tone-dropping from such NP-internal factors, if the
NP functions as head NP of a relative clause, the noun drops its tones.
Therefore in a relative like 'a village that I know' or 'the village that is on top of
the hill', i msea: 'village' will appear as i msem: even without a following adjective or
demonstrative; see 14.1.1.
In some kinds of compounds, a nominal compound initial drops its tones;
see 5.1.1-3.
Nouns, or rather core NPs (also including, for example, an adjective) have a
basic {HL} tone contour when preceded by a possessor. Here the high tone
element is confined to the first syllable of a bisyllabic or longer noun, or to the
first mora of a monosyllabic noun (Cv: or CvC). This {HL} contour is clearly
heard when the possessor ends in a high tone, as in ua i asem: 'your-Sg village'.
When the possessor ends in a low tone, the high-tone element of the {HL}
contour is suppressed and we get an all-low tone contour, as in ua: i msem: 'your-Pl
village'. I prefer not to describe this as (stem-wide) tone-dropping, since I see
the resulting all-low contour as the accidental by-product of combining {HL}
possessed-noun contour with an idiosyncratic tone-assimilation process
applying (locally) to the first syllable of the possessed noun.

3.7.2.3 Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals

A modifying (i.e. NP-internal) adjective not followed by another adjective or by


a demonstrative has its regular tones in most syntactic enviroments, as do all
cardinal numerals.

48
An adjective that is followed by another modifying adjective in the same
NP drops its tones, as a noun would in the same position. Therefore only the
final word in a core NP (noun plus adjectives) escapes tone-dropping.
In adjectival predicates with following 'be' verb bua-, the final mora of the
adjective shifts to H-tone, with some further adjustments. The adjective ends up
with {H} or {LH} word-level contour. The phonological analysis depends on
whether the adjectival stems (minus nominal suffixes) are assumed to be already
{H} and {LH}, or are assumed to be {HL} and {LHL}. See 11.4.1.
If a demonstrative pronoun follows a core NP, the final word in the core NP
is tone-dropped.
Numerals do not interact tonally with a preceding core NP. However, a
demonstrative pronoun following the numeral forces simultaneous tone-
dropping on both the numeral and on (the last word of) the core NP. Therefore
in e.g. [[house.L big] [two] 'two big houses', there is no tonal interaction
between the numeral and the core NP, and both have the same tones they would
have elsewhere. However, in e.g. [[[house.L big.L] [two.L]] that] 'those two big
houses', the demonstrative forces tone-dropping on both 'big' and 'two'.
Any modifying adjectives and/or numerals in a NP are bundled together
with the noun in constituting the scope of the possessed-noun tone contour
required by a preceding possessor. Since the possessed-noun tone contour is
{HL}, which in some contexts ends up as all-low, and since the initial high-tone
element in {HL} never extends beyond the first syllable of the noun, the effect
is that a modifying adjective or a numeral in the tonal scope of a possessor
always appears in all-low toned form.
A modifying adjective or a numeral that has dodged all of these bullets is
still subject to stem-wide tone-dropping when the NP in question is the head of
a relative clause.

3.7.3 Tonal morphophonology

3.7.3.1 Autosegmental tone association (verbs)

Verbs, whether underived or suffixally derived (e.g. causative, reversive), may


have a lexical all-high {H} or rising {LH} tone contour. In the {LH} case, the
break between the low-toned portion and the high-toned portion is at the onset
of the stem-final syllable. In cases like wamsaa- 'remain' and its causative
wamsam- wua- (the latter often subsequently apocopated to wamsam- wa ), we see that the
{LH} contour is (re- )applied to the derived trisyllabic stem, there being no tonal
trace of an earlier cycle with a high tone on the /sa/ syllable.
As in e.g. Jamsay, this suggests an autosegmental analysis with {LH} on a
tonal tier separate from the segmental tier.

49
3.7.3.2 Phonology of {HL} and {LH} tone overlays

We start with {HL}. Lexically {HL}-toned nouns position the tone break near
the right edge. For example, trisyllabic nouns have HHL if the final syllable is
light, and either HHL or HH<HL> if the final syllable is heavy (3.7.1.5).
However, tonosyntactically controlled {HL} works differently. The main
context for this overlaid contour is the possessor-controlled {HL} on possessed
nouns (including any adjective, and under some conditions a following
numeral), see 6.2. {HL} is also overlaid on adjectives in comparative clauses
after maga 'more, most' (12.1.1). There is also a type of 'while VERB-ing'
clause involving {HL} overlaid on an Imperfective verb (15.2.1.5), and the
Reduplicative Perfective has {HL} on the base following L-toned reduplicant,
10.2.1.9.
If the domain targeted for {HL} has more than one syllable, the high tone is
positioned on the initial syllable and the low tone is spread out over the
remaining syllables. Thus in ua tuagumrumm 'your-Sg stool', the initial high tone is
coterminous with the syllable [tu]. If the target domain is monosyllabic, the
{HL} contour is, as we would expect, realized as a falling tone: ua bay 'your-Sg
beard', phonetically [uabaj m] with the low tone on the final semivowel.
Although a modifying adjective following the noun is included in the scope
of the possessed-noun tone contour required by the possessor, the boundary
between the noun and the adjective is still recognized. Therefore a monosyllabic
noun like sy 'meal' has falling tone in (28c), even though an adjective follows.
If the boundary between the noun and the adjective were not recognized, so that
the segmental string /ydumd:/ were treated as a unit, we would have
expected that the tone break between the high and the low of the {HL} contour
would have occurred at the syllable boundary (# ua ay dummdm:), as in e.g. ua
aarsm: 'your animal'.

(28) a. sy
meal

b. ua ay
2SgP meal.HL
'your-Sg meal'

c. ua ay dummdm:
2SgP meal.HL last.L
'your-Sg last meal'

50
Lexically {LH}-toned trisyllable noun stems are usually realized as LLH, or
LL<LH> if the final syllable is heavy, but there are a number of cases of LHH
(perhaps mainly frozen *L-HH compounds), see 3.7.1.5. {LH}-toned
trisyllabic verb stems likewise appear as LLH with the tone break near the right
edge.
The same bias is found in tonosyntactically controlled {LH} overlays. This
pattern occurs in the final of agentive compounds, as in tomgomrom- [tomgumrua- m]
'meat-chewer' (5.1.3) from verb toagoaroa- 'chew'.

3.7.3.3 Tone-Grafting (1Sg possessor)

The only clear case of a floating tone that must be grafted (or dock) onto an
adjacent morpheme is the 1Sg possessor morpheme. Possessors precede
possessed nouns, and the latter have an overlaid possessed-noun {HL} contour
with the high tone on the first syllable (or the first mora of a monosyllabic
stem).
The 1Sg possessor morpheme is a floating low tone, so when it is grafted
onto the left edge of the possessed noun, the posssessed noun ends up with
{LHL}. If the noun is monosyllabic, this produces a <LHL> syllable. If the
noun has more than one syllable, we get rising tone on the first syllable, then
low tones starting with the stecond syllable.

(29) noun gloss possessed {HL} 'my '

a. nas: 'hand' naa: na:

b. tuaguaruam 'stool' tuagumrumm tusgumrumm

c. bamnamkua: 'cassava' baanamkum: basnamkum:

The articulatorily and perceptually difficult case is (29c), because the 1Sg
possessor form has a rising tone on a nonfinal monomoraic syllable. On
occasion the high-tone element spills slightly into the onset of the second
syllable, which makes it easier for an addressee to catch the {LHL} contour. I
have also noticed pronunciations, especially in elicitation, where an initial
voiced consonant, especially { b m}, is slightly prolonged, again making it
easier to hear the tone contour.

51
3.7.3.4 Initial-High-Tone Suppression (possessed nouns)

A possessed noun, with or without a following adjective and/or numeral, is


subject to the overlaid {HL} tone contour required by a preceding possessor
(noun or pronoun). The high tone element is confined to the first syllable (or to
the first mora of a monosyllabic noun).
When the possessor NP is a pronoun or a noun or core NP (not ending in a
numeral, Plural bem, or Definite kum), and ends in a low tone, the initial high-tone
element on the possessed noun is suppressed. Therefore instead of [L]
[HL(L)], we get [L][L(L)], the possessed noun ending up entirely low-
toned. Thus i msea: 'village', ua i asem: 'your-Sg village' showing the {HL} overlay, but
ua: i msem: 'your-Pl village' and aaram- m i msem: '[a man]'s village' with final low tone on
the possessor.
The possessor may be a core NP including an adjective, as long as there is
no following Definite morpheme or quantifier. Therefore 'village' does have its
initial high-tone suppressed, and therefore ends up as all-low, in (30).

(30) [amram di ayam] i msem:


[man.Pl.L big.Pl] village.L
'a great men's village' (a village of great men)

This suppression does not occur when the possessor NP ends in a numeral,
in Plural bem, or in Definite kum, in spite of the low tones of these particles, so we
get audible {HL} on i asem: in (31a-c).

(31) a. [aaram tam:nua] i asem:


[man.Pl three] village.HL
'a village of three men'

b. [[aaram- m kum] i asem:]


[[man-AnSg Def] village.HL
'the man's village'

c. [ua leasum bem] i asem:


[2SgP uncle.HL Pl] village.HL
'your-Sg uncles' village'

Presumably the suppresion would also not occur after a demonstrative


pronoun ending in a low tone. However, all demonstrative pronouns end in a
high tone, so the issue is moot.
See 6.2.1 for more detail.

52
3.7.3.5 Atonal-Syllabic-Suffix Tone-Spreading

The 3Pl pronominal-subject suffix has a wide range of allomorphs depending on


the AN category (- ba, - ym, etc.). Of interest here is the 3Pl Perfective-1b form
- ti a- yam. The Perfective-1b suffix is /-ti a-/ (3Sg - ti a:- with an extra mora added,
1Sg - ti a- ym, 2Sg - tua- wm , etc.). The general tonal structure of verbal inflectional
suffixes suggests that 3Pl - ya (like most other pronominal-subject suffixes) is
atonal, acquiring its tone from the preceding morpheme. To get from /-ti a-ya/ to
- ti a- yam, the low-tone element of the falling tone in /-ti a-/ must be delinked from
the Perfective-1b suffix and must be transferred to the 3Pl ending - ya.
Arguably, the same thing is going on in the Recent Perfect, with
suffix /- ja-/. The 3Pl form appears as - j- aa:, which could be derived from /-ja-a/
via /-ja-am/.
A similar process may be at work in a suffix - ma, which occurs both as yet
another 3Pl subject allomorph, in Experiential Perfect - taa- mam (10.2.1.7), and
as a Participial suffix for (animate) Plural head NP in perfective relative clauses
(14.1.6.1). If we represent the Experiential Perfect suffix as - taa- with <HL>
tone, its other forms (- taa-m, - taa- w) are analysable as having atonal suffixes.
One could envision a similar analysis for - taa- mam, namely as
underlying /-taa-ma/, the only difference being that this time the final L-tone
element is realized on a syllabic suffix.

3.7.4 Low-level tone rules

3.7.4.1 Contour-Tone Mora-Addition

At the end of a word, a mora is added to a final short-voweled Cv syllable,


lengthening its vowel, to allow a contour (i.e. non-level) tone to be articulated
with ease. Contour tones are <HL>, <LH>, and <LHL>. In the case of final
<LH>, lengthening is pre-empted when the preceding syllable is L-toned. In this
case, Final-Cv <LH>-to-H Reduction (3.7.4.3) applies, simplifying the final
<LH> to H, at which point there is no contour tone and therefore no basis for
adding a mora (i.e. lengthening the vowel).
Contour-Tone Mora-Addition is observable in verbal morphology, when an
aspect-negation (AN) suffix of the shape /-Cva-/ is followed by 3Sg (zero)
pronominal-subject ending. The relevant suffixes are Perfective-1b /-ti a-/
(10.2.1.5) and Recent Perfect /-ja-/ (10.2.1.8). The 3Sg forms are heard as
- ti a:- and - ja:- , respectively, which show the extra mora in the form of
vowel length. For the underlying short vowel of the AN suffixes, cf. e.g. 3Pl
Perfective-1b - ti a- yam and 2Sg Recent Perfect - ja- wm .

53
All cases of this type in verbal morphology involving falling tone. In nouns
and adjectives, examples with rising as well as falling tone can be adduced.
'Woman' is an example of rising tone. In singular yas- m, the suffixal sonorant is
sufficient to carry to final high-tone element, but in the unsuffixed plural /yas/
there is no such cushion, so the vowel is lengthened and we get yas: 'women'. A
bisyllabic example is /puals/ 'Fulbe (ethnic group)', where singular puals-m
corresponds to plural puals:. However, if the penult is L-toned, lengthening does
not apply to a final rising tone, which instead shifts to H-tone as mentioned
earlier. An example is /i mnjes/ 'dog' with singular i mnjes-m and plural i mnjea. A final
short <HL> vowel in a noun stem is lengthened in all available examples, which
are either monosyllabic, or nommonosyllabic with L-toned penult: /oa/ 'mouse'
with singular oa-m and plural oa:, /cemgua/ 'agama lizard' with singular cemgua-m
and plural cemgua:.
Adjectives are treated like nouns as far as the data reveal. Adjectives: /ps-/
'old' with Animate Sg ps-m and Animate Pl ps:, /nam:raa/ 'easy, cheap' with
Animate Sg nam:raa-m and Animate Pl nam:raa:. The only relevant numeral is 'one',
and here the data are somewhat tricky, as both tumwa: and tumwa are attested (in
different senses) alongside tumwa-m, see 4.7.1.1.
There is no lengthening of vowels in non-final syllables. Contour tones are
rare in monomoraic nonfinal syllables, but they can be created secondarily by
adding the 1Sg possessor morpheme (floating low tone) to a noun. The result is
a noun whose first sylalble begins with LH tones, as in usrom 'my house' (uarom
'house'). Speakers have difficult articulating the contour tone on the first syllable
(the high-tone element may spill into the onset of the second syllable), but I
have never observed lengthening of the first-syllable vowel to accomodate the
contour tone.

3.7.4.2 Contour-Tone Stretching

In cases where a vowel-final stem is followed by an atonal suffix consisting of a


(sonorant) consonant, such as 1Sg -y, 1Pl - y, 2Sg - w, or 2Pl - w in inflected
verbs, or (animate) Singular - m for nouns and adjectives, the tone of the stem-
final vowel spreads to the end of the syllable. This is phonetically trivial when
the tone in question is a simple high or a simple low. When it is a contour tone
(falling, rising, or <LHL>), the final tone element gravitates toward the
suffixal sonorant. For example, Recent Perfect - ja- combines with (atonal) 2Sg
- w as - ja- wm , where the pitch drop is roughly coterminous with the final
semivowel. Likewise, in yas- m 'woman' from noun stem /yas/ plus (atonal)
animate Singular /- m/, the high tone peaks on the suffixal nasal.

54
3.7.4.3 Final-Cv <LH>-to-H Reduction (after L-tone)

A few nonmonosyllabic animate noun stems ending in short vowels have a


L-toned penult, and a final short syllable that has <LH>-tone when Animate
Singular - m is present but H-toned when unsuffixed (i.e. in the plural).
Example: i mnjes- m 'dog', plural i mnjea. See (37c) in 4.1.1, below.
It seems reasonable to posit lexical representations of the type /i mnjes/ with a
rising-toned short final vowel. When a suffix consisting of a sonorant consonant
is added, the rising tone is articulated over the now bimoraic final syllable, as in
i mnjes- m, phonetically [i mndmma]; see Contour-Tone Stretching (3.7.4.2), above.
When there is no suffixal consonant, the rising tone cannot be articulated since
the final syllable is monomoraic. If it is a falling tone as in /cemgua/ 'agama
lizard', or if it is a rising tone following a H-toned syllable as in /jambs/
'blacksmith', the vowel is lengthened by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition ( cemgua:
'agama lizards', jambs: 'blacksmiths'). This lengthening is pre-empted in stems
like 'dog', i.e. those with underlying final /Cvm(C)Cvs/, by Final-Cv <LH>-to-H
Reduction, resulting in final CvmCva.
Another type of final <LH>-to-H raising affects final rising-toned long
vowels in nonmonosyllabic stems that are followed by a word beginning in a
high tone. Examples of the words affected are yamri s: 'sky', kommbi s: 'burrow,
animal's hole' (distinct from kommbi a: 'shell'), and amrss: '(livestock) animal'. The
raising seems to be most consistent before monosyllabic postpositions (Locative
woa) and similar clitic-like elements, but it is at least optional in some other
combinations.
Examples (using the nouns just listed), involving Locative woa, are yamri a: woa
'in the sky' and kommbi a: woa 'in the burrow'. An example with conjunction particle
yaa is amrsa: yaa 'animals and '. An example with a numeral is amrsa: kuaromy
'six animals', contrast amrss: lesy 'two animals'.
<LH>-to-H raising does not apply to monosyllabic stems. For example, mas:
'dry' remains rising-toned in gmym mas: woa 'in the dry season', as does tas: 'pond'
in tas: woa 'in the pond'.

3.7.4.4 Downstep <LHL>H to <LH>H

There are few opportunities for a <(L)HL> syllable to be followed within a


word by a H-toned suffix or clitic. This is because verb stems (with one
exception) end in a H-tone, and because nominal suffixes are atonal (acquiring
their surface tone by spreading) or L-toned.
However, there is one <LHL>-toned verb, j:- bring'. When it is followed
by a H-toned suffixal or clitic syllable, the verb stem simplifies to <LH> and its
final L-tone is heard as downstep (partial pitch drop) on the H-toned suffix or

55
clitic. If the suffixal/clitic syllable is <HL>-toned, the delinking and downstep
do not occur; instead, the falling tone is clearly articulated. An example is
Perfective Negative js:-ri a- 'he/she didn't bring'. See 10.1.3.4 for more
examples. The symbol marks downstep of the following syllable.
The external conditions for downstep are also present in some complex verb
forms. The most common is the Imperfective Negative -mm -doa- (3Pl form
- mm - n- a) which is preceded by a H-tone (10.2.3.3). However, in this case the
L-tone does not delink; it is clearly audible on the -mm - formative. The pitch of
the following -doa- is usually lower than that of the preceding H-tone, so we
have a kind of downdrift, but I do not consider this to be downstep.

3.8 Intonation contours

3.8.1 Phrase and clause--final nonterminal contours (, , , , )

Especially in texts transcribed from recorded dialogues, I use arrows from time
to time to suggest the terminal intonation of a clause.
In many cases, intonation functions in BenT as in English to characterize
the pragmatic relationship between a phrase or clause and others that it adjoins.
Dogon discourse is rich in parallelistic phrasing. A final pitch rise ( ) and/or
prolongation () is typical of nonfinal phrases in such parallel constructions; I
use to indicate that both prolongation and at least somewhat higher than
usual pitch are present. The final phrase in the parallelistic progression typically
has neutral or unusually low final pitch; the latter is indicated by . Where the
final phrase ends with intonational prolongation in addition to a low pitch, I use
.
Before (rather than after) a word or syllable indicates downstep.

3.8.2 Lexically built-in intonational prolongation ()

Many expressive adverbials have a lexically built-in intonational prolongation,


symbol . This is distinct from vowel length, as seen especially in cases like
deam 'straight', where the prolonged segment is the final nasal, not the vowel.
For examples of expressive adverbials, see 8.6.7.

3.8.3 Dying-quail word-final prosody ()

This final-syllable prosody involves prolongation and a terminal low pitch.

56
In Jamsay, a conspicuous dying-quail intonational effect is observed on both
coordinands in NP or pronoun conjunction. This is not the case in BenT.
Instead, in BenT it is used to pluralize pronominal-subject suffixes, taking the
corresponding singular as input. This is also the case in Nanga.
The phonetic implementation of is also different from language to
language. In Jamsay, the final syllable begins with high or low pitch depending
on its phonological tone, so a pitch decline is only observable when the
phonological tone is high (or falling). In Jamsay, the prolongation applies to the
end of the syllable, so that a syllable like Cvn with final nasal prolongs the nasal
rather than the vowel. Therefore H-toned Cvan is heard as [Cvannnm], with most
of the pitch decline realized slowly as the nasal is prolonged.
In BenT, with pronominal-subject suffixes is realized as [HL] pitch,
erasing the phonological tone, combined with lengthening of the vowel. In
Nanga, the phonetic realization of is more complex, and in some contexts it
involves the penult as well as the final syllable.
In BenT, prosodic effects of this general type (prolongation and final low
pitch) are associated with plural pronouns and with their association
pronominal-subject suffixes in verbal inflection. However, there is an issue
whether this is intonational (notably, with high variability in duration) or
phonological (combination of ordinary tones and vowel-length).
First, consider the plural independent pronouns as they relate to the
corresponding singulars (32).

(32) person singular plural

first i a i a:
second ua ua:
third ara bua:
Logophoric/Reflexive aa aa:

In three of the four persons, the plural is transparently derived from the
singular by lengthening the vowel and by transitioning from high to low pitch.
The remaining plural form, bua:, is unrelated segmentally to the corresponding
singular but shows the same prosodic shape as the other plurals. Structurally, an
interesting possibility would be to transcribe the plurals as i a, ua, bua, and
aa, with the understanding that is phonetically implemented as length plus
terminal low pitch. This would essentially match the Jamsay dying-quail
intonational effect. Since the BenT pronouns lack coda consonants, it is moot
whether the extra duration would be on such a coda consonant if present (as in
Jamsay).
However, I cannot detect any consistent audible difference between the
duration of the syllabic nucleus in the plural pronouns and that of ordinary

57
stems of Cva: shape, in similar clausal positions. Independent pronouns are
always nonfinal in clauses, except in rather artificial citation-form
pronunciation. In nonsubject relative clauses, these pronouns occur in
immediate preverbal (i.e. preparticipial) position, so it is possible to compare
their duration with those of Cva: nouns as objects in subject relatives. The plural
pronouns in (33a) directly precede the participle, as does 'millet' in (33b). I was
unable to detect any difference in the pitch or duration of the long <HL>-toned
vowels in the pronouns and in 'millet' in this position. Likewise, in (33a), no
prosodic distinction was audible in the sequence of 'millet' and a plural pronoun.

(33) a. umsum yua: ua: (i a:, bua:, aa:)


day.L millet 2PlS (1PlS, 3PlS, LogoPlS)
kasua-wm kum
harvest.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the day when we (you-Pl, they, they-Logophoric) harvested the
millet'

b. amram yua: kasua-mm kum


man.L millet harvest.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the man who harvested the millet'

Similar examples, this time with a Ci a: noun ('water') as the comparandum,


are in (34). Again, I could detect no prosodic difference between the plural
pronouns and the noun.

(34) a. umsum ni a: i a: (ua:, bua:, aa:)


day.L water 1PlS (2PlS, 3PlS, LogoPlS)
ns-wm kum
drink.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the day when we drank the water'

b. amram-m ni a: ns-mm kum


man.L water drink.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the man who drank the water'

3Pl bua: is also homophonous (to my ear) with Inanimate participial bua- wm
from the existential-locational quasi-verb bum- 'be' (14.1.6.3), and with 3Sg
bua:- 'he/she/it is' in adjectival predicates (11.4.1).
I will therefore transcribe the plural pronouns as i a:, ua:, bua:, and aa:. However,
the prosodic derivation from singulars suggested above remains attractive.
The situation is different for pronominal-subject suffixes on verbs. Unlike
independent pronouns, inflected verbs are clause-final (except for emphatic

58
particles and clause-linking morphemes). Furthermore, the relevant
prolongation and pitch modification occur in noninitial syllables within the verb
(or tightly-knit verb chain, if suffixally marked perfective verbs are analysed as
chains). A further difference is that the pronominal-subject cases involve
superheavy Cva:C rather than just Cva: syllables. Such syllables are rare even in
monosyllabic stems and do not otherwise occur at the end of multisyllabic
words (in the absence of a compound break). Since the terminal prosody of the
relevant inflected verb forms stands out in sharp relief in this context, and since
it is typically clause-final (prepausal), I consider it to be intonational in the same
sense as the Jamsay dying-quail intonation on coordinands, although the
phonetic implementation differs from BenT to Jamsay. I will therefore
transcribe the relevant plural-subject forms as the corresponding singular-
subject forms plus .
This dying-quail intonation applies to 1Pl and 2Pl suffixes on indicative
(but not imperative or hortative) verbs and other predicates. There is no
Logophoric category in verbal inflection, as Logophoric subjects have the usual
3Sg and 3Pl verbal suffixes.
1Sg suffix -y and 2Sg -w are word-final in verbs, following the stem and
any nonzero AN suffix. The effect is to create a final Cv-y or Cv-w syllable with
"v" a short vowel. In the great majority of cases, this syllable is noninitial in the
word (or tightly-chained sequence). A monosyllabic Cv-y or Cv-w inflected
verb is possible when a Cv stem (verb or quasi-verb) is followed directly by the
pronominal suffix (in the unsuffixed Perfective). A monosyllabic Cv:-y or Cv:-
w inflected verb occurs in similar forms of j: 'bring'.
The dying-quail effect is realized on 1Pl and 2Pl counterparts of these 1Sg
and 2Sg forms as follows: the vowel is prolonged, and a falling [HL] pitch
contour replaces the regular phonological tone of the final syllable.
(35) gives examples for 1Pl suffixes; the 2Pl forms with -w are parallel
prosodically. The table shows the 1Sg form in the central column. The right-
hand column shows the phonetic realization of the 1Pl form, which consists
structurally of the 1Sg form plus the effect. Verbs in (35) are dumya 'pound (in
a mortar, to dislodge grains from grain spike)' in several forms, loa 'go'
(Perfective-1a), and bi m-yea 'lie down' (statives).

(35) Dying-quail intonation for 1Pl suffixes

1Sg 1Pl (i.e. 1Sg plus )


a. Sg Cva-y > Pl [Cvaa:-j]
'have' (H-toned) yaa soa-y [jaasoa:j]
'be there' yaa bua-y [jaabua:j]

b. Sg Cvm-y > Pl [Cvaa:-j]

59
Imperfective-1 dumya:- ram-y [dumja:raa:j]
Perfective-1a loa:- rm-y [loa:ra:j]
Reduplicated Stative bi m-bi ayem-y [bi mbi ajea:j]
simple Stative yaa bi a-yea-ym [jaabi ajea:j]

c. Sg Cva-y > Pl [Cvaa:-j]


unsuff Perfective (lexical) dumya-ym [dumja:j]
Perfective Negative dumym- ri a-ym [dumjmri a:j]
Perfective-1b dumya-ti a-ym [dumjati a:j]
Experiential Perfect dumya-taa-ym [dumjataa:j]
Resultative dumya-soa-ym [dumjasoa:j]
Recent Perfect dumya-ja-ym [dumjaja:j]
unsuff Imperfective duaya-ym [duaja:j]
Imperfective Negative duaya-mm - doa- ym [duajammdoa:j]
Past Imperfective duaya-mm =bm- y [duajammba:j]
Past Stative (bi m-)bi a-yea-w=ba- ym [(bi m)bi ajeawba:j]
Stative Negative bi m-yem-w=raa- ym [bi mjemwraa:j]
Imperfective-1 Negative dumya:- ram=raa- ym [dumja:ramraa:j]
'not have' som-loa-y [somloa:j]
adjectival predicate mmsua bua-ym [mmsuabua:j]
'be (a child)' (copula) yi a-m=m-i a- ym [ji am:i a:j]
'be (a Fulbe)' (copula) pualm-m=m-i m- ym [pualmm:i a:j m]
'not be (somewhere)' mgoa- ym [mgoa:j]

Whether the 1Sg form has a final syllable with H-tone (35a), L-tone (35b),
or <HL>-tone (35c), the 1Pl has <HL>-tone. In other words, erases the input
tone on this syllable. The vowel (but not the suffixal semivowel) is also
noticeably prolonged; in (35c) this is the only audible change from the 1Sg.
To determine whether the dying-quail effect can be expressed by regular
phonological vowel-length and regular falling tone, it would be necessary to
compare the forms in the 1Pl column of (34) with other Cv:y and Cv:w syllables
in comparable positions in the word and the clause. Such syllables do occur in
noun and verb stems, but only in a limited number of surface monosyllabics. All
verbs of these (apparent) shapes are really bisyllabic Cv:yi and Cv:wu,
respectively.
Among true nouns, the only examples of Cv:y and Cv:w stems known to
me are tas:y 'shed', ps:y 'fonio (a cultivated grain)', duawaa:w 'blessing'
(<Arabic), and ji mrem-js:y as cognate nominal in the collocation ji mrem-js:y jm:yi a
'glare at'. 'Shed' and 'fonio' are frozen diminutives with *-ya, see 5.1.4. There
are also a few Cv:-m nouns including the Animate Sg suffix, e.g. nas:-m 'cow'
and as:-m 'monitor lizard'.

60
Among adjectives, I can cite wa:w 'distant' and the related noun ('distance')
or adverb ('far away') was:w, g:w 'short', suffixed forms of daa:- 'small' (daa:-w,
daa:-m), and gas:y in i mri m gas:y 'molar tooth'.
The marginal status of superheavy syllables in final syllables of
nonmonosyllabic stems, combined with the productivity of the prosodic features
in 1Pl and 2Pl suffixal forms, suggests that the latter do have a special prosodic
status outside of the regular tone system. I will therefore transcribe them with
following the transcription used for the singular.

61
4 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology

4.1 Nouns

4.1.1 Simple noun stems

Inanimate nouns (including flora terms) have no regular singular/plural


distinction. Thus ti mwsy 'tree' may denote a single tree or a number of trees.
These nouns appear as simple stems with zero suffix.
Most animate (including human) nouns take Singular - m suffix and zero
Plural suffix. For exceptional animate nouns that do not allow Singular - m,
including several kin terms, see 4.1.3.

(36) Nominal Suffixes

- m (animate) Singular
- (animate) Plural, Inanimate

The Sg - m suffix may follow a vowel or a semivowel. It is omitted when


the noun is followed by an adjective or demonstrative pronoun (in this case, the
noun is also tone-dropped). Because of alternations of final long and short
vowels there are some phonological decisions to make. Length patterns for final
vowels in nonmonosyllabic animate stems of two or more syllables are
exemplified in (37).

(37) Animate nouns (nonmonosyllabic)

gloss Singular Plural before adj

a. final level-toned short vowel not subject to lengthening


'European' amnsaa:raa- m amnsaa:raa amnsam:ram
'man' aaram- m aaram amram
'farmer' womgumrom- wamrua- m womgumrom- wamrua womgumrom- wamrum

b. final <HL>-toned short vowel subject to lengthening, 3.7.4.1


'Messor ant' ci m- cmrua- m ci m- cmrua: ci m- cmrum

c. final short <LH>-toned after L-tone, simplified to H-tone, 3.7.4.3


'dog' i mnjes- m i mnjea i mnjem
'snake' amwas- m amwaa amwam

d. final short <LH>- after H-tone, subject to lengthening, 3.7.4.1


'blacksmith' jambs- m jambs: jmmbm
'Fulbe' puals- m puals: pumlm

e. final <LH>-toned long vowel not subject to shortening (only known


ex.)
'animal' amrss:- m amrss: amrsm

f. final semivowel (rare)


'Jamsay' jammsasy- m jammsasy jammsamy
'X's kinsman' X taw- m X taw

The basic types of monosyllabic animate nouns are in (38).

(38) Animate nouns (monosyllabic)

gloss Singular Plural before adj

a. short <LH> or <HL> tone subject to lengthening, 3.7.4.1


'woman' yas- m yas: yam
'person' nus- m nus: num
'hawk' ti m- tea- m ti m- tea: ti m- tem

b. long vowel not subject to shortening


'chief' a:- m a: m:
'hyena' ti m- ta:- m ti m- ta: ti m- tam:

Compounds may preserve archaic Cv- forms of stems that are now
regularly Cv:. For more examples and discussion, see 6.3.1.
Animate Singular -m is a puzzle historically. Jamsay and other languages
outside the BenT/Bankan Tey/Nanga subgroup have human/animate singular
-n(v) (probably related to a noun 'person') and human/animate plural -m(b)(v). I
suspect that BenT (and Bankan Tey) -m is a mutation from *-n, possibly via a
lenited *- (preserved in Nanga as singular suffix in yas- 'woman'). The 'it is'
(also focalizing) clitic very likely played a decisive role. Its fullest variant is
=mm but it is often reduced to = in BenT. It readily fuses with nominal suffixes
to the left, and with pronominal-subject suffixes to the right, in a manner
favoring resegmentations and reanalyses.
4.1.2 Irregular human nouns ('child', 'boy', 'girl')

As an uncompounded noun, 'child' has the forms in (39). The singular has suffix
- m as expected. The plural is irregular, though it begins in the same yi
segmental sequence. Since yi in yi m-t: has L-tone, yi m-t: may have originated as
a noun-adjective sequence ('child-small'). As compound final with human
reference, we get - yi a- m (with <HL>-tone) and regular plural - yi a: in terms for
'boy' and 'girl' (39b).

(39) a. 'child' yi a- m yi m-t:

b. 'boy' amsumwm- yi a- m amsumwm- yi a: ~ amsumwm- [yi m-t:]


'girl' yam:- yi a- m yam:- yi a: ~ yam:- [yi m-t:]

For - yi a: as compound final with nonhuman reference (e.g. 'seed/fruit of X'),


see 5.1.4.

4.1.3 Use of Singular and Plural suffixes with kin terms

Many kin terms (and a few other nouns) have a distinctive morphosyntax; I
refer to them as "inalienable" although they may occur in unpossessed as well as
possessed forms.
Most kin terms do not require the Singular suffix - m in either possessed or
unpossessed forms (but see below). Instead, the unsuffixed form is interpreted
as singular, and Plural particle bem is added to mark plurality. Thus namraa
'mother', plural namraa bem 'mothers', possessed ua naaram 'your-Sg mother' and ua:
namram bem 'your-Pl mothers'.
In the terms for 'cross-cousin' and 'younger sibling' (usually same-sex but
not always), Sg suffix - m appears consistently in possessed forms. It is usually
absent in unpossessed forms, though I did record ti myes- m as a variant of ti myea for
'cousin'.

(40) gloss singular plural

a. '(a) cousin' ti myea, ti myes-m ti myea bem


'your-Sg cousin' ua ti ayem- m ua ti ayem bem

b. 'younger sibling' omnjoa omnjoa bem


'your-Sg y. sibling' ua oanjom- m ua oanjom bem

65
As noted just above, Singular - m is not required with most kin terms even
when the reference is singular. However, Singular - m can be used with
apparently unpossessed singular kin terms when they have specific reference,
that is, when a specific possessor is implied. In the indefinite context 'I don't
have a (father, mother, )', Singular - m is absent (bs:, namraa, ). However, in
texts one finds such forms as bs:- m '(the) father' and namras- m '(the) mother',
with a contextually clear, already named possessor, i.e. as alternatives to an
explicit third-person possessor combination. Other attested forms of this type
are omnjos- m 'younger sibling' and demres-m 'elder sibling'.
The term for 'child' (Sg yi a- m, Pl yi m-t:), which is in essence a common noun
that can also be used (with a possessor) as a kin term, has Sg - m in unpossessed
and possessed forms (yi a- m 'a child', ua yi a- m 'your child').

4.1.4 'So-and-so' (maa:n, am-maa:n)

The 'So-and-so' noun, denoting a variable personal name, is am-maa:n or maa:n (as
in Jamsay). It is common in descriptions of generic activities, as in a text about
name-giving ceremonials (baptisms) where the generic father is quoted as
saying 'I want the newborn child to be called So-and-so.'

4.1.5 Reduplicated noun stems

4.1.5.1 Frozen Ci m- or Cum- reduplication in nouns

Examples of a more or less frozen initial Ci m- or Cum- reduplication are given in


(41). The form is often but not always heard as Cu- when the first syllable of
the base has a rounded vowel. The reduplicative syllable is normally L-toned,
but there are a handful of possible H-toned cases. If the base is V-initial, the
resulting vowel sequence is pronounced with a glottal stop.

(41) Ci m- and Cum- nouns

form gloss related form

a. insects/arthropods
ci m- c:- m 'beetle, bug'
ki m- ka:- m 'grasshopper'
si m-si :- m 'grub, worm'
tum- tu:- m 'termite'
gi m- g:- m 'fly'

66
ci m- cmrua- m 'Messor ant'
ci m- cawm- m 'mosquito'
ni m- nm:rsy- m 'spider'
mum-mumrua-m 'scorpion'
gum-gomgoarum-m 'ant' (generic)
H-toned reduplicated syllable
ki a-kearea-m 'cricket'

b. birds/bats
gi m- gi asi m- m 'bat; swift'
ti m- tea- m 'hawk'

c. other fauna
kum- kmsua- m ~ ki m-kmsua-m 'viper sp.'
ni m- ni mws- m 'cat'
ti m- ta:- m 'hyena'
gum-gumsua-m 'giant pouched rat'

d. plants and plant parts


(ji m-)jmlay 'leaf'
gum-gummtom:roa 'bush sp. (Datura)'
[ji m-jamm]-domroa 'thorny herb (Tribulus)' domroa 'thorn'
kum-kommbi a: ~ ki m-kommbi a: 'tree bark' also unredup.
H-toned reduplicated syllable
i a-swrm 'tree sp. (Spondias)'
ti a-taawrum 'tree sp. (Boscia angustifolia)'
kua-kara 'tree sp. (Sarcocephalus)'
ki a-kasm 'dried-out leaves on ground'

e. body parts and similar


sum- sos: 'sweat'
pi m-pas: 'shank'
gum-gumws: 'front-leg section (butchery)'
ki m- ki mlea: ~ ki m-ki mlea 'shade'
gi m- gmli a: ~ gum- gmli a: 'soft spot below knee'
ti m- tmsi a: ~ tum- msi a: 'calf (of leg)'
H-toned reduplicated syllable
nam:-[ti a-taw] ~ -[tua-taw] 'elbow' nas: 'hand'

f. verbal concepts
kum- kos: ~ ki m- kos: 'cowardice'
lum-loa:rumm 'cowardice'

67
ti m- ti arum 'mission' verb ti a- 'send'
ti m-tay 'dancing ground'

g. weather, time, space


ti m- tasm 'cool weather'
ni m- ni s: 'sun'
H-toned reduplicated syllable
ti a- team 'dune, elevation'
dua- duam 'mound'

h. artefacts
di m- dea: 'statuette' di m-dea:-m 'midgit'
tum- tum:lua 'horn (for blowing)'
pi m-pamtamraa 'vat, basin' -pamtamraa in cpds
H-toned reduplicated syllable
di a- daam 'large basin/vat'

i. substances
kum- kummboa 'smoke'
pi m- pmtua ~ pum-pmtua 'mud'

4.1.5.2 Other reduplicated and iterated nouns

The data are presented in (42) without further commentary.

(42) a. CvmC-CvmCvaC (noisy birds)


kamw-kamraaw-m 'white-bellied bustard'
cmw-cmraw-m 'black-headed lapwing'

b. final -Cv: or -CvC with repeated initial C


final is <LHL>-toned
kamtam-ka:-m 'spotted thick-knee'
pata-p:-m 'grasshopper sp. (Oedaleus)'
saara-s:-m 'small grasshopper sp. (Kraussella)'
kmtm-k:-m 'louse'
[ki m-kamram]-kay 'gravelly terrain' (variant kamgamram-kay)
final is <HL>-toned
ti m-tam: kaara-kay 'spotted hyena' (ti m-ta: 'hyena', 2 spp.)
final is <LH>-toned
pumtumm-pus: 'herb sp. (Commelina)'
wam:rumm-was: 'vine sp. (Cissus)'

68
bam:ramm-basm 'tall grass sp. (Panicum)'

c. full iteration
gum:-gus: 'shrub sp. (Calotropis)'
pa:-pa: 'herb sp. (Evolvulus)'
wi al-wi al 'hawk-moth' (hums)
ti am-ti am 'herb sp. (Scoparia)'

d. double or triple iteration with or final or medial a-vowel(s)


o-a
msmy-[komroa-kamraa] 'tree sp. (Grewia flavescens)'
o-a-o
toa:-tam:-toa:-m 'woodpecker'
hoa:-ham:-hoa: 'loud chatter'
komroa- kamram- komroa 'noise, din'
u-a-u
kuar-kamr-kuar 'hubbub'
e-a-e
temm-tamm-tea-m 'black cricket'
-a-
ca:-cam:-ca: 'rattling sound'
ks:-kam:-ks: 'croacking (of toad)'
i-a-i
ci a:-cam:-ci a: 'creaky sound'
i--i
pi m:-pm:-pi a: 'motorcycle' (archaic)

e. iteration (?) flanking an unrelated medial (only example)


dom-gomm-dom:rua 'herb sp. with burrs (Pupalia)'
cf. Jamsay dom-nam:-dos for this sp.

f. miscellaneous
pemlesm-pearum 'tall herb sp. (Aeschyomene)'
jamsuam-jamsaaram 'tiny grass sp. (Tripogon)'
gomrosm-goamjoa-m 'giant millipede'

Roughly similar to (42b) are expressive adverbials goamboa-goam and jeambea-


geam, both meaning 'jutting out' (along with gommbom-goamboa).

69
4.1.6 Frozen initial am- in nouns

An original *am- prefix of unclear meaning may survive in the 'so-and-so' noun
am- maa:n with variant maa:n, in am-jemrua 'wrestling', in cognate nominals am-peatum '(a)
jump' and am-jasy 'act of sowing in a pit with manure' (11.1.5.1), and in several
fauna terms: am-ki s: 'edible winged termites', am-bum:los-m 'spotted skink', am-smmbs-m
'five-lined skink', and aa-kumgumrs-m 'giant tortoise'. In some other cases where
Jamsay has initial am, the BenT form lacks this vowel: kemgua- m 'agama lizard',
pamraa: 'millet-cake meal', tambum 'tradition(s)' (Jamsay am-ces: ~ ces:, am-pamlaa, am-
tam). I refrain from segmenting the initial a in amsampmrua 'herb sp. (Cassia
nigricans)' and amsamgumsa: 'tree sp. (Combretum)', since they can be parsed
prosidically as CvCv-CvCv compounds (amsamgumsa: is also a borrowing, from
Songhay).

4.2 Derived nominals

4.2.1 Characteristic derivative (- gua- )

The Characteristic nominal derivational suffix is - gua- . The animate singular is


- gua- m and its plural is - gua.

(43) stem gloss Characteristic gloss

a. mostly nominal
dasy 'wealth' damy- gua- m 'rich person'

b. mostly adjectival
lam 'filth' lmm- gua- m 'dirty'
temrea 'intelligence' temrem- gua- m 'smart'

4.2.2 Verbal Nouns (- i a: ~ -ym)

The regular Verbal Noun suffix is - i a:. With a monosyllabic Cv- or Cv:- stem we
get Cvs- ym with short stem vowel). For longer stems (which always end in a short
vowel), the - i a: replaces the final vowel.
The presuffixal syllables drop tones to all-L. This is automatic with non-
monosyllabic stems. Most monosyllabic stems respect the rule, hence Cvm- i a:, but
there are a few exceptional monosyllabic stems with H-toned Verbal Noun
(Cva- i a:).

70
With monosyllables, the - i a: suffix shows a tendency to desyllabify. One can
transcribe either Cvm- i a: or Cvs- ym (or even Cvm- ya), for example dm- i a: or ds- ym
'arriving'. I still hear three tonal components (L, H, L), so if we transcribe Cvs- ym
we must add that the two moras manage to express three tone components.
The rare semivowel-final verb-stem type, namely in gasy 'put' and kaay 'do',
has a <LHL> Verbal Noun pattern Cam- i a: (or Cas- ym), indistinguishable from that
of Ca(:)- stems.

(44) gloss combining form VblN

a. nonmonosyllabic
'hide' bamgi a bamg- i a:
'hit' suaya sumy- i a:
'tie' paaaa pamg- i a:
'shout' pi ayea pi my- i a:
'winnow in wind' mri myi a mri my- i a:

b. monosyllabic
'drink' ns ns- ym
'go' loa los- ym

c. irregular monosyllabic verb


'bring' j: js- ym

d. Cvy stems
'put' gasy gas- ym
'do' kaay kas- ym

A number of verbs have a high-frequency cognate nominal that is often


used instead of the Verbal Noun. However, even here the regular Verbal Noun is
also in use, especially in combination with the cognate nominal (i.e. in
compound form). For example, the phrase jaay jamyaa- 'fight a fight' with cognate
nominal jaay '(a) fight' has a verbal noun jamy- [jamy- i a:] 'fighting fights', where the
cognate nominal takes the form of a (low-toned) compound-initial.
Suffix -ua after {L}-toned nonmonosyllabic stem, which corresponds in form
to the productive Jamsay verbal noun, is found in BenT only in its secondary
Jamsay function as a device for converting verbs into resultative modifiers
(compound finals or adjectives), see 5.1.10.

71
4.2.3 Deverbal nominals with final i a: and y

A number of nouns or adjectives have a high tone and final i a:, suggesting that
this was once a regular suffixal derivation. In (45a), the noun is still clearly
related to the verb or other stem from the same word-family. In (45b), the noun
is isolated, and whether it belongs with (45a) even historically is unclear.
Adjectives or perhaps compound finals are in (45c).

(45) stem gloss related form

a. cognate nominals
ma:li a: 'collective (feast)' mm:li a- 'gather'
yoari a: '(s) stroll' yamri myi a- 'take a stroll'
goari a: 'blanket, sheet' gomroa- 'cover (w. blanket)'
jeawi a: '(a) curse' jmwa- 'curse' (note e/ alternation)
omromsum- paagi a: 'woman's wrap' paagi a- 'tie'
yam- peambi a: 'woman's wrap' peambi a- 'gird (with rifles)'
ti ambi a: 'lid' ti ambi a- 'cover'
maa:ni a: 'thought, worry' mam:ni a- 'think'
sua:ri a: 'rest (noun)' sua:rua- 'rest, relax'
tuambi a: 'small mound' tuambua- 'make (mound)'
umsum- dari a: 'daytime' dmra- 'spend mid-day'
daa:ri a: 'nostalgia' dam:raa- 'miss (sb)'
tuamdi a: 'beginning' tuamdi a- 'begin'
uasuari a: 'question' uasuarua- 'ask (question)'

b. other nouns
tea:li a: 'wooden bed'
tuani a: 'mortar' (Nanga tuandi a etc.)
bi ani a: 'ladder'
umrom- jeagi a: 'neighbors'

c. adjectives or compound finals


kuasi a: 'private (field)'
tuambi a: 'massive (rock)'

There are also a few instrument nominals with low-toned stem and suffix
- i a:, like mmbi a: 'tweezers' (verb ambi a- 'hold by pinching'), di m:si a: 'file (tool)' (verb
di m:sea- 'file'), and perhaps i mni mri a: 'name'. In BenT this is the productive verbal
noun formation, so I do not include these examples in (45).
Final -y occurs in tuamboa-y 'sunrise', cf. verb tuambua '(sun) rise', ummgos-y
'draught, mouthful', verb uamgoa- 'fill up (mouth)', kmss- y '(millet) harvest', cf.

72
verb kasua- 'harvest (with knife)', mumys-y 'patience', cf. muaya- 'be patient,
wait', pmrs-y 'row', cf. verb para- 'align, form into rows', and pamas-y 'tied
bundle', from paaaa- 'tie'. The compound final in kmsum-[namras-y] 'gourd fruit' and
yum:-[namras-y] 'millet plant that has grown a substantial spike' is related to verb
namraa- 'give birth, bear (fruit)'. See also the cognate nominals tosy, ji mmbasy, and
momgosy in 11.1.5.1. Note the predominance of L<LH> contours except for
'sunrise'.

4.2.4 Uncompounded agentives

Agentives (always animate) are based on verb stems but have nominal
inflection. The regular Singular suffix - m is used, and the plural is unsuffixed,
as with other animate nouns. In the predominant agentive formation, the stem
ends in /i u/ before Sg - m and /u/ in the unsuffixed plural, and the stem has
{LH} tone.
Most agentives include a compound initial, so for further examples of the
forms see (5.1.3). jmgua- m 'healer' (Pl jmgua) is attested both in a simple form,
see C's second turn in (678) in the sample text, and with a cognate nominal as
low-toned compound initial: jomgi m- jmgua- m.
One older speaker used a morpheme - mum in apparent Agentive Plural
function, following a stem-shape identical to that of the singular (46). My
younger assistant had difficulty understanding this, and it is clearly not typical
of agentives.

(46) buanuagoay yemy,


group two,
[[mas: lasm] di mmbi m- yi a- mum yam]
[[dry foot.HL] follow-MP.Agent-Pl and]
[[ni a: lmsm] di mmbi m- yi a- mum yam]
[[waer foot.HL] follow-MP.Agent-Pl and]
'two groups, those who followed a dry route, and those who followed
the water route (along the river).' [2005-2a.08]

I can cite one uncompounded noun with agentive sense in common use, but
it does not have the same morphological structure as the productive Agentive
compound construction (47).

(47) verb gloss agentive agentive plural

damnni a- 'hunt' dasnnam- m dasnnam

73
Underived nouns with agentive-like sense include waayaa:jm- m 'butcher' and
jambm- m 'blacksmith'. Most such nouns really denote a social category or caste
rather than a trade as such.

4.2.5 Irregular reduplicated nominal (ti m- ti arum)

The noun ti m- ti arum 'mission, commissioned task' (also in Jamsay) is irregularly


related to the verb ti a- 'send (sb, on a mission)'.

4.2.6 Deadjectival abstract nominals

Abstractive nominals are most common with scalar adjectives. In (48), the
modifying adjectives (leftmost column) are shown in the Inanimate form, which
is generally expressed by the suffix -w (opposed to Animate Sg - m and Animate
Pl -ym). Adjectives already ending in a consonant, including those with a final
formative -m, have no suffix (48b). The productive Abstractive nominal has
{LH} tone contour, with only the final mora H-toned. In most cases the
Abstractive is segmentally identical to the Inanimate form of the adjective,
including the suffixal -w. However, some u-final adjectives have Inanimate -w
but no suffix on the nominal (48a). Many Abstractive nouns shift to a {H}-toned
form in comparative constructions, after maga 'more', specifying the domain of
comparison (e.g. 'X is more than Y with respect to height'). Some other
Abstractives keep their {LH} tone contour in comparatives. The forms used
with maga recur in predicative adjectives before 'be' quasi-verb variant bua- , see
11.4.1. Not shown here is a {HL}-toned form that is also used in comparatives,
but which is syntactically adjectival rather than nominal (12.1.1).

(48) Abstractive nominals from adjectives

adjective gloss noun gloss (nouns)


regular with maga
{LH} {H} or {LH}

a. u-final, no {H}-toned form


Inanimate -w
dumgua-w 'fat, thick' dumgua dumgua 'thickness'
dumsua-w 'heavy' dumsua dumsua 'weight; respect'
smsua-w 'near' smsua smsua 'vicinity'
ymrua-w 'soft' -- ymrua 'soft'
mrua-w 'light' -- mrua 'lightness (weight)'

74
Inanimate -
mmsua- 'nasty' -- mmsua 'nastiness'
msua- 'good' msua msua 'good'

b. consonant-final
final w or m, no {H}-toned form
gaw- 'tall' gasw gasw 'height'
wa:w- 'distant' was:w was:w 'distance'
am- 'plump' -- asm 'plump'
like preceding, but reduplicated in basic Abstractive form
taam- 'cold, cool' ti m-tasm taam 'coolness'
nusm- 'difficult' num-nusm nusm 'poverty'
final -m formative, {H}-toned in comparative
arum-m 'sweet' mrus-m arua-m 'sweetness'
gaarum-m 'bitter' gamrus-m gaarua-m 'bitterness'

c. ends in vowel other than u


{H}-toned form in comparative
di ayam-w 'big' di myas-w di ayaa-w 'size'
warm-w 'deep' wmrs-w wara-w 'depth'
kaawam-w 'thick' kamwas-w kaawaa-w 'thickness'
no {H}-toned form
gumra-w 'long' gumrs-w gumrs-w 'length'

For 'big', cf. also the noun di myaa 'status of being the oldest freeborn man in
the village'. was:-w can also be used adverbially ('far').
In addition to these morphologically marked Abstractives, ordinary
adjectives are attested in nominal function. These are arguably headless core
NPs with the noun omitted. They do not allude to scales, rather they have a
more absolute sense (cf. take the good along with the bad). (49) is from a
passage discussing the typically bad relations among co-wives (women who
share a husband). The first adjective 'bad' is combined with a semantically light
noun 'thing'; the second adjective 'good' has no noun.

(49) [yam- nmrua maa:] [km: mmsua] jaa:w,


[co.wife Dat] [thing.L bad] normal,
msua [ara maa:] jam:w=raa
good [3Sg Dat] normal=StatNeg
'(For) to a co-wife, (giving/doing) something bad is normal. (To give)
something good to her isnt normal.' (2005.1a.05)

There are no nominals derived from expressive adverbials.

75
4.3 Pronouns

4.3.1 Basic personal pronouns

The basic morphological series are those in (50).

(50) a. independent (also used for preparticipial subject [e.g. in relative


clauses], and optionally for object)
b. accusative (optional for direct object)
c. pronominal-subject suffix on verbs
d. possessor form, also used for complements of postpositions

The basic forms are given in (51). 3Sg and 3Pl are animate categories
(including humans and animals), while Inan[imate] applies to plants and non-
living things.

(51) Personal Pronouns


subject
indep. Accusative _Verb Verb-_ poss/PP

a. 1Sg i a i a=ni m i a - ym
1Pl i a: i a:=ni m i a: - ym i a:

b. 2Sg ua ua=num ua - wm ua
2Pl ua: ua:=ni m ua: - wm ua:

c. 3Sg araa ara=ni m ara [see below] ara


3Pl bua: bua:=ni m bua: [see below] bua:

d. Inan kua kua=num kua [see below]m kua

e. 3ReflSg aa aa=ni m aa [see below] aa


3ReflPl aa: aa:=ni m aa: [see below] aa:

The morphology is rather simple and regular. In both first and second
persons, there is a singular/plural split defined by vowel-length and tone (the
singular has a short vowel and H-tone, the plural has a long vowel and <HL>-
tone). The accusative is =ni m except for 2Sg ua=num and Inanimate kua=num,
where the short ua of the first syllable has induced rounding in the suffixal
syllable.
Of interest is the use of ara as all-purpose nonsuffixal 3Sg morpheme. It is
evidently cognate to Jamsay mna, which however is an anaphoric 3Sg

76
pronominal (used for reflexive possessor and as a logophoric). It is likely that
Jamsay (not BenT) shifted the functions of this morpheme.
In the verbal suffixes, the animacy opposition is neutralized, so 3Sg and
Inan[imate] have the same forms. For this 3Sg/Inan category, and even more so
for often irregular 3Pl, the form of the verbal suffix depends on the AN
category. This is seen in (52), using loa- 'go' and (for the Perfective-1b) dammbi a-
'push'. For fuller discussion of pronominal-subject suffixes, see 10.3.

(52) category 3Sg/Inan 3Pl

a. Perfective-1a loa:- rm- loa:- r- am:


Perfective-1b dammbi a- ti a:- dammbi a- ti a- yam
b. Imperfective li m- loa- mm li m- loa- ym
c. Perfective Negative lom- ri a- lom- r- aa
d. Imperfective Negative loa- mm - loa loa- mm - n-a

4.3.2 Discourse-definite function of Inanimate pronoun kua

Inanimate kua in its various forms can be used to denote an abstraction, such as a
situation or eventuality just described in preceding discourse. A good example
of this is (53), where kua toward the end resumes the earlier proposition.

(53) nus- m ara gmrm- ,


person-AnSg 3SgO be.stronger.Perf-3SgS,
[bea:n num- m] kua amw- ri a-
[B person-AnSg.L] InanSgO accept-PerfNeg-3SgS
'(That) someone (else) has dominated (=been stronger than) him, the
person (=man) of Beni did not accept that.' [2005-2b.04]

This discourse-resuming function of kua is apparent in a number of adverbial


phrases that resume something just stated. For example, instrumental PP [kua
asy] 'with that' or 'in that way' is a common phrase in texts, connecting one
clause or paragraph to the next.
kua can also be used as a NP-initial pseudo-possessor ( kua X) in a similar
discourse-definite resumptive fashion, functioning as a slightly stronger version
of postnominal Definite kum (i.e., X kum), with which it may co-occur. See 6.5.1,
below.

77
4.4 Demonstratives

4.4.1 Demonstrative pronouns ('this', 'that')

Animate and inanimate demonstrative pronouns are shown in (54).

(54) form (Sg) gloss Pl form

a. mus: 'this' (Proximal, Sg) mus: bem


mgua 'this' (Proximal, Inan) mgua bem

b. - m kua 'that' (Near-Distant, Sg) - m kua bem


- kua 'that' (Near-distant, Inan) - kua bem

c. mm baa ~ mm baa 'that' (Far-Distant, Sg) mm baa bem


mgaa 'that' (Far-Distant, Inan) mgaa bem

d. - m kum 'that' (Definite, Sg) - kum bem


- kum 'that' (Definite, Inan) " " "

The deictic categories (Proximal, Near-Distant, Far-Distant) apply to


entities at successive distances from the speaker. Near-Distant is often
specifically associated with the addressee, but the precise spatial range is
flexible and relative. The Far-Distant category can be used in discourse as a
kind of obviative, denoting the 'other' of two paired or otherwise homologous
protagonists or locations ("Meanwhile, the other brother was "). For example,
in a tale where Hare and Hyena travel together, after a passage focusing on
Hyena the topic shifts to Hare, who is reintroduced into the discourse as mm baa
'that (Far-Distant) one'. A similar example is mm baa in the second line of (660) in
the sample text. Except for this special case, the usual postnominal discourse-
definite forms are those in (54d).
The Animate Singular suffix - m is not used on the noun stem before mus:
or mm baa. Example: yas- m 'woman', yam mus: 'this woman', yam mm baa 'that woman'.
One could argue that the m of mus: and that of mm baa are actually instances of the
(animate) Singular suffix /- m/, but since the demonstratives can be used
absolutely (mus: 'this one', mm baa 'that one'), and since they are not dropped in the
plural, I take the m to be part of the demonstrative. Before Near-Distant kua and
Definite kum, /- m/ is present on animate singular nouns.: yas- m kum 'that
(aforementioned) woman', cf. plural yas: kum bem.
Tone-dropping occurs on a modified noun before all of the deictic
demonstratives: Proximal, Near-Distant, and Far-Distant. Tone-dropping does

78
not occur before Definite kum. Tones (on both words) distinguish Near-Distant
from Definite NPs (55).

(55) a. nam:- m kua


cow-AnSg.L NearDist
'that cow (e.g. near you)'

b. nas:- m kum
cow-AnSg Def
'that (same) cow (e.g. that we were talking about)'

The Plural is expressed by adding bem. For mus: and mm baa, the noun (if
present) has the same form as in the singular: yas- m 'woman' and plural yas:
'women', with demonstrative yam mus: 'this woman' and plural yam: mus: bem 'these
women'. For Near-Distant kua, the plural is expressed by adding kua bem to the
regular plural form of the noun (with tones dropped): yam- m kua 'that
(aforementioned) woman', plural yam: kua bem 'those (aforementioned) women' (the
plural is based on yas: 'women' with long vowel).

4.4.2 Demonstrative adverbs

4.4.2.1 Locative adverbs

The adverbs in (56) are the most common all-purpose spatial adverbs based on
demonstrative stems, and may be used to indicate specific, well-defined
locations. The forms with - daa: (sometimes pronounced - raa:, though not by all
speakers) denote a more general space (56).

(56) a. mgua- rum ua- rum 'here'


mgaa- rum aa- rum 'there' (deictic)
yaa: 'there' (discourse-definite)

b. mgua- daa: 'around here; on this side'


mgaa- daa: ~ amaa-daa: 'around there; on that side'
yaa- daa: ~ yaa- raa: 'around there' (discourse-definite)
kua- daa: ~ kua- raa: 'there' (discourse-definite)

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4.4.2.2 Emphatic/Approximinative modifiers of adverbs

jaa:ti,m a regional emphatic (e.g. Fulfulde), can be added to a demonstrative


adverb: mgua- rum jaa:ti m 'right here', yaa: jaa:ti m 'right there (in that same place)'.
For approximate location, there are expressions like bemlem mgua- rum 'around
here' and (especially for younger speakers) tamgamy mgua- rum 'around here'.
For 'the near/far side of X' (with reference to the deictic center and to a
fixed location X), we get expressions involving a motion verb 'reach' or 'pass'
(57).

(57) a. i sram [bea:ni m ua ds:- rm mam:] bum-


1SgP.field.HL [Beni 2SgS reach-Perf1a before] be-3Sg
'My field is this side of Beni.' (lit. " it is before you reach Beni")

b. i sram [bea:ni m laawaa:- rm- w dea] bum-


1SgP.field.HL [Beni pass-Perf1a-2SgS if] be-3Sg
'My field is on the far side of Beni (lit. " it is when you have
passed Beni")

4.4.2.3 'Like this/that' (aaamy)

aaamy 'like this, like that, thus' is normally accompanied by a visual


demonstration or by preceding explanatory text. It differs tonally from amaay
'how?'.

4.4.3 Presentatives

The presentative morpheme is uagomy, used with following 'be' quasi-verb, a


stance or motion verb, or a VP denoting an activity. A subject NP generally
precedes uagomy, presumably as a topicalized NP. However, a subject NP can
optionally follow uagomy if there is at least one other constituent separating the
subject NP from the verb. Non-subject NP's (if not topicalized) follow uagomy.

(58) a. a:- m uagomy bum-


chief-AnSg here's! be-3Sg
'Here's the chief!'

b. uagomy y- a:
here's! come.Impf-3PlS
'Here they come!'

80
c. uagomy eaw-yea- y
here's! sit-MP.Impf-1SgS
'Here I am, sitting!.' (= 'I'm sitting over here!')

d. uagomy bi ara bi ara- m


here's! work(n.) work.Impf-3SgS
'Here he/she is, working!'

e. M uagomy bi ara bi ara- m


e. uagomy M bi ara bi ara- m
M here's! M work(n.) work.Impf-2SgS
'Here is M (personal name), working!'

4.5 Adjectives

4.5.1 Underived adjectives

The forms in (59) are those used in modifying function after a noun. There is
frequently a three-way distinction between Inanimate - w, (animate) Singular
- m, and (animate) Plural - ym (59a). In another important set of forms, the Inan
form is unsuffixed, versus Singular - m and Plural - ym (59b). If the stem itself
ends lexically in m, both the Inan and Sg forms are unsuffixed, or at least have
no audible suffix, and the m is heard before Pl -ym (59c). A number of adjectives
have - m as an Inan/AnSg suffix, versus Pl - ym without the m (59d). There are a
handful of adjectives with a noun-like unsuffixed plural instead of Pl suffix - ym
(59e).
A number of other adjectives have incomplete paradigms, either because
they do not apply to inanimates (59f) or, conversely, do not apply to animates
(59g). In (59g), if the only existing form ends in m, the decision whether to
segment it as the Inan/AnSg suffix mentioned above, or to take it as part of the
lexical stem, can be decided when there is an associated inchoative verb. The
absence of m from the inchoative verb suggests segmentation in the cases of
aasum-m, paarum-m, and kuanjum-m. The inclusion of m in the inchoative verbs for si am
'pointed' and num 'difficult' shows that in these cases the m is lexical. No verb
corresponding to gam 'foul' or to guam 'bland' is known, so this test does not
work for them. However, all monosyllabic Cvm stems that do have full
paradigms (am 'plump', taam 'cold, slow') or for which the inchoative-verb test is
available (si am, nusm) have lexical m, so there is no good reason to segment the
m as a suffix in monosyllabic gam and guam.

81
The suffixes - w (Inan) and - m (Sg) are atonal (at least in my analysis), so
the tone of the final syllable of the adjectival stem proper simply fills out the
relevant syllable including the suffix; see Contour-Tone Stretching (3.7.4.2).
An alternative analysis in which these suffixes are L-toned would work for
many cases, but - m is atonal as nominal suffix (Animate Sg), and is clearly not
L-toned in several adjectives in (59b) and (59f). The suffix - ym is always low-
toned.
Nasalization-Spreading affects Inanimate - w (which is tautosyllabic with
the source of the nasalization), but y in Plural - ym is unaffected. In general, - ym
acts like an independent particle and does not interact phonologically with the
stem.

(59) Adjectives

gloss Inan AnSg AnPl

a. Inan - w, Sg - m, Pl - ym (Inan ua-w arguably just lengthened ua:-)


{HL}-toned, stem-final unrounded vowel
'big, adult' di ayam- w di ayam- m di ayam- ym
'spacious' kaawam- w kaawam- m kaawam- ym
'small, young' daa:- w daa:- m daa:- ym
a
like preceding, colors (for bamraa-y, jemwea-y, see discussion below)
'red' baaram- w baaram- m baaram- ym
'black' jeawem- w jeawem- m jeawem- ym
{LH}-toned
'good' msua ~ msua-w msua- m ~ msi a- m msi a- ym
{LHL}-toned
'fat, thick' dumgua- w dumgua- m dumgua- ym
'heavy' dumsua- w dumsua- m dumsua- ym
'soft (skin)' ymrua- w ymrua- m ymrua- ym
'lightweight'' mrua- w mrua- m mrua- ym
'nearby' smsua- w smsua- m smsua- ym
'bad, ugly' mmsua- w mmsua- m mmsua- ym
'long, tall' gumra- w gumra- m gumra- ym
'thin' mmnja- w mmnja- m mmnja- ym

b. Inan - , Sg - m, Pl - ym
{H}-toned
'white' pi ala- pi ala- m pi ala- ym
'respectable' ni anaay- ni anaay- m ni anaay- ym
'skinny' koamboa- koamboa- m koamboa- ym
'living' uawa- uawa- m uawa- ym

82
{HL}-toned
'hot, fast' aw- aw- m aw- ym
'new' kaalam- kaalam- m kaalam- ym
{LH}-toned
'old' ps:- ps- m ps:- ym
'empty, bare' komrosy- komrosy- m komrosy- ym
'unripe, raw, fast' cemsua- cemsua- m cemsua- ym
'crooked' gmlua- gmlua- m gmlua- ym
{LHL}-toned
'tight' w- w- m sw- ym
'short' g:w- g:w- m g:w- ym
'distant' wa:w- wa:w- m wa:w- ym
'young' sos:rom- sos:rom- m sos:rom- ym
'flat' pamtam-paatam- pamtam-paatam- m pamtam-paatam- ym
'easy, cheap' nam:raa:- nam:raa- m nam:raa- ym

c. m-final with Inan - , Sg - , Pl - ym


{LHL}-toned
'plump' am- am- asm- ym
{HL}-toned
'cold, slow' taam- taam- taam- ym

d. Inan - m, Sg - m, Pl - ym
{HL}-toned
'sweet; sharp' arum- m arumm- m arum- ym
'bitter' gaarum- m gaarum- m gaarum- ym
'smooth, sleek' arum- m arum- m arum- ym

e. unsuffixed plural
{LH}-toned
'other' las- w las- m las:-
[las- w is often adverbial 'otherwise, further']
'blind' ji mmdua ji mmdi a- m ji mmdua

f. no inanimate form
{H}-toned
'runty' cata- m cata-

g. no animate forms
{LH}-toned
'half-ripe' bomlomrosy-
'ripe, cooked' i mrsy-

83
'rotten' mmbua-
'weak, diluted' semrea-
'dry' mas:-
'difficult, costly' nusm-
{HL}-toned
'deep' warm- w
(variant woarom- w)
'coarse' kuanjum-m
'dense' uali m-
'full' baa:-
'pointed' si am-
'unflavored, bland' guam-
'foul (odor)' gam-
'half-bitter' aasum-m
'sour, salty' paarum-m
{LHL}-toned
'thin (wall)' pmgua- w

For 'red' and 'black' there are alternative forms, perhaps archaic, with suffix
-y instead of -w and with L<HL> tones. These forms occur in a few highly
lexicalized combinations, all inanimate. For 'black': semgum jemwea-y 'earthenware
cooking pot' (lit. "black pottery") and mlmy jemweay 'groundnut' (lit. "black
peanut"). For 'red': namwam: bamraa-y 'flesh, muscle tissue' (lit. "red [i.e. not
cooked] meat"), and combinations of bamraa-y with terms for certain fruits
(mango, wild grape, zaban, kola) denoting ripeness as manifested by redness.
A probably unresolvable issue is whether Inanimate forms of u-final stems
like dumgua- w should be treated as having Inanimate suffix -w, or as having suffix
- with long vowel due to Contour-Tone Mora-Addition. In the latter case, they
should be transcribed as dumgua:- , and shifted from (59a) to (59b). There is no
audible difference between ua: and uaw in BenT, to my ear.
Vowel-length is distinctive in Cv(:) and Cv(:)C adjectives, as in nouns. We
see consistent long vowels in daa:- 'small, young' (59a), and in g:w 'short' and
wa:w 'distant' (59b), though in the two latter cases the final -w might be
segmentable. las- 'other' (59e) and perhaps ps- 'old' (59b) are lexically short-
voweled, but are lengthened when unsuffixed (and not tone-dropped) by
Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (3.7.4.1). Plural ps:-ym might argue against this
formulation, but -ym itself is arguably a clitic or even a separate particle (it does
not interact phonologically with the stem, for example resisting Nasalization-
Spreading). We also have short-voweled CvC adjectives (aw- 'hot, fast', aw-
'tight', am- 'plump', taam- 'cold').

84
Many adjectives use a form segmentally identical to the Inanimate
modifying form (but with final H-toned syllable) as an all-purpose predicative
form for all pronominal categories (11.4.1).
The two semantically adjective-like elements meaning 'many, much' are
joa and bay. Both are syntactically (expressive) adverbials, though like
adjectives they immediately follow the element they have scope over. They
have no suffixal morphology. Tone-dropping (as for nouns before true
adjectives) occurs only sporadically with joa, so that in e.g. uarom joa 'many
houses', uarom 'house' has lexical tones. However, there are some textual
occurrences where a noun is tone-dropped before joa.

4.6 Participles

Participles are forms of verbs with more or less adjective-like suffixes that agree
with the head NP of a relative clause. The forms are rather complex and depend
on the aspect-negation (AN) category of the verb. For the morphology, see
14.1.6.

4.7 Numerals

4.7.1 Cardinal numerals

4.7.1.1 'One', 'same (one)', and 'other'

The numeral for '1' is based on a stem tumwa, which has a presuffixal (and
occasionally unsuffixed) form tumwa- (note the L<HL> tone contour). It is
treated as a modifying adjective, so a preceding noun drops tones and omits its
own inflectional suffix (the L<HL> contour is likewise characteristic of
adjectives). Examples: nam: tumwa- m 'one cow' (nas:- m 'cow'), amram tumwa- m 'one
man' (aaram- m), kumrum tumwa 'one stone' (kuarum).
In the sense '(the) same' (indicating identity or other substantive sameness),
the Inanimate form is tumwa: with L<HL> tone, and the animate forms are the
same Singular tumwa- m and Plural tumwa- ym as in the numeral function. The
'same' function is most common in predicates, either as a modifier of a
predicative noun (60a) or as an adjectival predicate (60b).

(60) a. [num mus: bem] [num tumwa- ym]


[person.L Dem Pl] [person.L one-Pl]
'Those people are the same (e.g of a single extended family).'

85
b. [karabarm yam] [puals: yaa] tumwa:
[Songhay and] [Fulbe and] same.be
'Songhay and Fulbe (ethnicities) are the same.'

The common phrases 'one (=same) mother' and 'one (=same) father', used in
phrases distinguishing full from half-siblinghood, are namraa tumwa and bs:
tumwa, respectively.
In the phrase umsua tumwa- m 'one day' (i.e. a certain day in the past), we
unexpectedly get - m suffix (elsewhere Animate Singular), as in (527) in 15.2.4
and in (616) in 18.2.2. I am hesitant to suggest a connection with the use of
suffix -m for both Animate Singular and Inanimate in some adjectives, such as
arum- m 'sweet' (4.5.1).
Warning: English 'same' in the discourse-definite sense ('that same dog that
I mentioned before') can be expressed using Definite kum (6.7) or a prenominal
demonstrative kua (4.3.2).

4.7.1.2 '2' to '10'

The forms of these simple numerals are in (61).

(61) gloss form

'2' yesy
'3' tam:nua tas:n
'4' ni s:y
'5' nummusy
'6' kuaromy
'7' suaymy
'8' gaa:ramy
'9' tem:si sm
'10' parua

Numerals '6' to '8' have a fixed HL tone pattern with final y (or y), a pattern
that is conspicuous when reciting the numeral sequence.
With numerals other than '1', a preceding modified noun has its regular
tones (no tone-dropping occurs).
With a preceding noun and before a pause (or in isolation), numerals with
final-syllable <LH>-tone (i.e. '2' to 5' and '9') regularly omit the final H-tone
component and appear with all-L-tone: nas: yemy 'two cows', uarom nummumy 'five
houses'. The lexical <LH>-tone reappears if there is a following modifier, like
the demonstrative in nas: yesy bua: 'those two cows', uarom nummusy kum 'those (same)

86
five houses'. The lexical tone is also usually audible when an NP ending in the
numeral is followed quickly by a verb or other clause-internal constituent: nas:s
yesy smwm- y 'I slaughtered two cows'. The lexical tone is also audible in
isolation (e.g. in counting sequences): yesy 'two'.
Both the preservation of the tone of a preceding modified noun, and the
dropping of the final <LH>-tone of the numeral prepausally after a modified
noun, distinguish noun-numeral combinations (for numerals '2' and up') from
ordinary sequences of noun plus modifying adjective (including ordinals, and
the numeral '1'). A further difference is that the numerals do not take the

(62) a. nas: yemy


cow two.L
'two cows'

b. nam: ps:-m
cow.L old-AnSg
'(an) old cow' (nas:)

c. tmrm tumwa
mountain.L one
'one mountain' (tarm)

This sharply distinguishes numerals (except '1') from ordinary modifying


adjectives, including ordinals (4.7.2), which force tone-dropping on the
modified noun. The shift to all-L-tone in e.g. 'two cows' is a characteristic of
numerals not shared by regular modifying adjectives or by the numeral '1': note
the final <LH>-tone in the adjectives in tmrm ps: 'old mountain' and tmrm tumwa
'one mountain'.

4.7.1.3 Decimal units ('10', '20', ) and combinations ('11', '59', )

The decimal terms, based on parua '10', are in (63). parua is modified in various
ways when compounded with a following single-digit numeral to produce '20'
through '90'.

(63) gloss form

'10' parua
'20' pmri a- yesy
'30' pa- tas:n pa-tam:nua
'40' pa- ni s:y

87
'50' pa- nummusy
'60' pmr- kuaromy
'70' pmr- suaymy
'80' pmr- gaa:ramy
'90' pmr- tem:si sm

If one recites the list out loud, as one would do in counting, one notices
more readily that adjacent decimal terms have similar forms of parua- . Thus '30'
through '50' begin with pa- , while '60' through '90' begin with pmr- . The tonal
difference between these two variants correlates inversely with the first tone
component of the following single-digit numeral, so we get H-toned pa- before
a L-initial numeral in '30' to '50', and L-toned pmr- before a H-initial numeral in
'60' through '90'. However, there is no phonological basis for the loss of r in pa-
and its preservation in pmr- . Note that in '30' and '90' the following numeral
begins in t.
As with the numerals '2' to '9' (see just above), a modified noun preceding
a decimal numeral has its regular lexical tones (64a-b). If the decimal numeral
itself ends in an <LH>-toned syllable ('20' through '50'), the <LH>-tone reduces
to L-tone prepausally and in isolation (64a) but not before another constituent
(64b).

(64) a. uarom pmri a- yemy


house ten-two
'twenty houses'

b. nas: pa- nummusy kum


cow ten-five Anaph
'those (same) five cows'

A decimal term may be combined with a single-digit ('1-9') numeral to


produce compound numerals like '11' and '59'. The morpheme saa: follows the
single-digit numeral; I gloss it as 'plus' but it is confined to numerals.

(65) a. para [tumwa saa:]


ten [one plus]
'eleven'

b. pa- nummusy [tem:si sm saa:]


ten-five [nine plus]
'fifty-nine'

c. umsua [pa- tas:n tas:n saa:]

88
day [ten-three three plus]
'thirty-three days'

4.7.1.4 Large numerals ('100', '1000', ) and their composites

The key stems are in (66). They can be considered to be nouns, and (like any
countable noun) can be followed by any of the numerals given above.

(66) gloss form

a. 'hundred' ta:mdarm (<Fulfulde)

b. 'thousand' mumsua

c. 'million' mi mlya: (<French)

Like other numerals '2' and up, these numerals do not force tone-dropping
on a preceding modified noun: nas: ta:mdarm '(one) hundred cows', nas: mumsua
'(one) thousand cows', nas: mi mlya: '(one) million cows'.
The archaic term sumgua is still used among older people for '80' in
connection with currency (see below).
These nouns may be directly followed by a single-digit numeral '2' to '9'
denoting the number of higher units: ta:mdarm yesy 'two hundred', mumsua tas:n
'three thousand'. A single-digit numeral ending in <LH>-tone drops to L-tone
under the usual conditions, hence e.g. ta:mdarm yemy prepausally.
Numerals involving more than one level ('1-99', hundreds, thousands)
normally require repetition of a modified noun (67).

(67) [pmra mumsua yesy] [pmra ta:mdarm nummusy]


[sheep thousand two] [sheep hundred five]
[pmra pmri a- yesy]
[sheep ten-two]
'two thousand, five hundred, (and) twenty sheep'

When there is no modified noun, ya, which might be analysed as a


variant of the 'and' particle, is optionally used between a hundred (or thousand)
term and a '1-99' term. In careful speech, it is grouped prosodically with the
following component (68). It is always heard with intonational prolongation.
Although there may be prosodic breaks after the two nonterminal right brackets
in (68), these breaks are associated with nonterminal intonation (i.e. anticipating
more to come), so the final <LH>-tones in yesy and nummusy are audible.

89
(68) [mumsua yesy] [ta:mdarm nummusy]
[thousand two] [hundred five]
[yaa pmri a- yesy]
[and ten-two]
'two thousand, five hundred, (and) twenty'

4.7.1.5 Currency

The official unit is the CFA franc. In all native languages, the unit for currency
expressions less than one million CFA francs is the riyal, equivalent to five CFA
francs. Thus '100' when referring to money means '100 riyals', i.e. '500 CFA
francs'. The noun meaning 'riyal' is bua:dum, shared with Fulfulde, Jamsay, and
some other regional languages. '5 CFA francs' is therefore bum:dum tumwa, '10 CFA
francs' is bua:dum yesy, etc.
For very large amounts, mi mlya: 'million' is used, meaning 'one million CFA
francs (not riyals)'.

4.7.1.6 Distributive numerals

A numeral may be iterated to denote price per unit, or other distributive numeral
(e.g. 'ten each', 'ten by ten', 'ten at a time').

(69) maagoarom [pmri a- yesy pmri a- yesy] ti aya- ym


mango [ten-two ten-two] sell.Impf-3PlS
'They sell mangoes for twenty riyals (=100 francs) each.'

With '1', the form is invariant tumwa- tumwa even with animate referents (70).
Compare animate singular tumwa- m.

(70) nas:- tumwa- tumwa ym- ba


cow-Pl one-one come.Perf.L-3PlS
'The cows came one by one.'

90
4.7.2 Ordinal adjectives

4.7.2.1 'First' and 'last'

These ordinals differ in form from the bulk of ordinals (on which see just
below). They both end in a:, which is otherwise not observed with numerals or
with modifying adjectives. As with ordinary adjectives, a modified noun drops
its tones before 'first' and 'last'.

(71) a. umrom kumya:


house.L first
'the first house'

b. umrom dummda:
house.L last
'the last house'

Human Sg forms are seen in num kumya:- m 'the first person' and num dummda:- m
'the last person'. The plurals are num kumya: and num dummda:.

4.7.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix - na)

All other numerals have an ordinal with suffix - na. Slightly irregular forms are
tamy- na 'third' and pmr- na 'tenth'. Representative examples are in (72). Ordinals
behave morphosyntactically like modifying adjectives and induce tone-dropping
on a preceding noun: umrom yemy- na 'the second house'.

(72) form gloss

a. single-digit numeral
yemy- na 'second'
tamy- na 'third'
ni m:- na 'fourth'
kumromy- na 'sixth'
pmr- na 'tenth'

b. decimal
pmri m- yemy- na 'twentieth'

c. decimal plus single-digit numeral


pmrm tumwm sam:- na 'eleventh'

91
d. huindred
tm:mdmrm- na 'hundredth'

e. hundred plus '1-99' numeral (two levels)


ta:mdarm yam: pmri-m yemy- na 'hundred and twentieth'

4.7.3 Fractions and portions

'Half' is pakarm. (Someone's) 'share' of a whole is kemri myeay, e.g. kesri myemy 'my
share'. The noun or adjective 'some, certain (ones)' is gammbua (variant gasm), see
6.3.2.

92
5 Nominal and adjectival compounds

5.1 Nominal compounds

Many compounds are expressed with the initial X in its regular (lexical) tone,
and the final N in all-L tone (tone-dropped), schematically ( xnn nm). This is
indistinguishable from the possessive construction with any possessor X other
than a first or second person pronoun.

(73) a. bea:ni m yam:


Beni woman.Pl
'the women of Beni'

b. i msea: m:- m
village chief-AnSg.L
'village chief'

In addition to these productive types, the lexicon (especially for flora-fauna)


contains many compounds where both initial and final have tone contours not
attributable to tone-dropping or to possessor control. For example, in naa:-lmmda:
'herb sp. (Portulaca)', we have an unexpected H-toned variant of nas: 'cow'
before lmmda: 'tongue'. One would have expected #nam:-lmmda: matching Bankan
Tey nam:-lmmbi mra: (applied to the same herb sp.). The regularly possessed form is
nas: lamdm: 'cow's tongue', but this is not used as the flora term. There are quite a
few compounds, and prosodically compound-like terms with four or more
syllables, that likewise do not fit into the productive patterns that I focus on in
this chapter. Some that have a reduplicative flavor are listed in 4.1.5.2.

5.1.1 Compounds of type (xm nnn)

In this pattern, the initial drops its tones, while the final has its regular lexical
tones. The initial may denote the source, location, substance, or other
characteristic of the referent denoted by the final noun.

(74) a. mamrpam:- gi myea


rifle.L-dance
'rifle dance (dance in which rifles are shot off)' (mamrpaa:)
b. mnjm- sumwa
chicken.L-excrement
'chicken excrement' (mnja- m)

c. kum:- umrumyi a:
head.L-pain
'headache' (kua:)

d. sumkmrm- ki mloa:
sugar.L-kilo
'kilo of sugar' (suakarm)

e. pmrm- kua:
sheep.L-head
'sheep's head' (pmrm- m)

f. i mnjm- uarom
dog.L-house
'doghouse' (i mnjs- m)

5.1.2 Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type (xm nnn)

This (xm nn)n pattern is also used when the final is a verbal noun and the initial
denotes the complement (usually a direct object), as in (75).

(75) namwam- [kumw-i a:]


meat.L-[eat-VblN]
'eating meat'

In some compounds of this structure, the verbal noun functions as an


adjective-like modifier for the noun, which is therefore the logical head. An
example is ni m:- [tmgi mr- i a:] 'antivenin (antidote for snakebite)' in line 7 of (671) in
the sample text, with ni a: 'water' and verbal noun of tagi ari a 'revive', i.e. 'water
(liquid) of/for reviving'. However, this type of sense, where the compound final
specifies the function or purpose of the entity, can also be expressed by
instrumental relative compounds (5.1.9).

5.1.3 Agentive compounds of type (xm vs-Ppl)


Most agentives are not simple ('dancer'), rather they are compounds with an
initial low-toned noun ('dance-dancer'). In the regular pattern described in this
section, the initial drops its tones, while the final has {LH} tone contour with
just the final syllable high. Examples with ordinary noun as compound initial
are in (76).

(76) a. mamgomrom- [ti myi a- m]


mango.L-[sell.Agent-AnSg]
'mango seller' (mamgoarom ti aya- )

b. amrsm:- [bemrea- m]
animal.L-[tend.Agent-AnSg]
'herder, shepherd' (amrss: bemrea- )

c. wemrem- [dasnnam- m]
gazelle.L-[hunt.Agent-AnSg]
'gazelle-hunter' (wearea- m damnni a- )

The plurals are mamgomrom- ti myua, amrsm:- bemrea, and wemrem- dasnnam, respectively.
Of the examples in (76), that in (76a) illustrates the regular
morphophonology of the agentive verb (i.e., the compound final), in that the
stem has a final i u before Singular - m, and a final u in the unsuffixed Plural
form. (For trisyllabics, the medial vowel also raises.) The final in 'herder' (76b)
is related to the noun bemrea: 'pasture'. 'Hunter' (76c) belongs to the same word-
family as verb damnni a- 'hunt' but is not a regular derivational form.
Examples with cognate nominals as compound initials are in (77).

(77) a. yomgum- [ymgua- m]


running.L-[run.Agent-AnSg]
'runner' (yoagum yma- )

b. bi mrm- [bi mri a- m]


work(n.).L-[work.Agent-AnSg]
'worker' (bi ara bi mra- )

Further examples of morphologically regular agentive finals are in (78). The


initial has the same form in the singular and plural agentives. (78a) shows the
shift of the final vowel from low or mid-height to high in the agentive, for verb
stems of two or more syllables. This does not apply to monosyllabic stems, and
gasy 'put' loses its final semivlwel (78b).

(78) verb gloss Agentive gloss

95
Sg Pl

a. sawa- 'saw' kmsum- [smwua- m] - smwua 'calabash-sawer'


cawa- 'build' umrom- [cmwua- m] - cemwua 'homebuilder'
ti aya- 'weave' gmrum- [ti myi a- m] - ti myua 'basket-weaver'
ti ara- 'get wood' ti mn- [ti mri a- m] - ti mrua 'wood gatherer'
wamraa- 'farm' womgumrom- [wamrua- m] - wamrua 'farmer'
numwa- 'sing' numwm- [numwua- m] - numwua 'singer'
ji myea- 'dance' ji myem- [ji myi a- m] - ji myua 'dancer'
ti a- 'send' lm:tmrm- [ti myi a-m] - ti myua 'letter-sender'

b. toaroa- 'pound' tomri m:- [tomrua- m] - tomrua 'pounder'


peatea- 'jump' ampemtum- [pemtua- m] - pemtua 'jumper'

c. ta- 'stomp' gumsum- [ts- m] - ts: '(hide-)tanner'


gasy- 'put' gamram- [gas- m] - gas: '(indigo-)dyer'
kaay- 'do, make' mmsum- [kas- m] - kas: 'evil-doer'
dua- 'carry' dum:- [dus- m] - dus: 'porter, carrier'

d. toagoaroa- 'chew' tomgomrom- [tomgumrua- m] - tomgumrua 'meat-chewers'

These agentive compounds should be distinguished from the superficially


similar resultative compounds (alternatively, noun-adjective sequences)
presented in 5.1.10.

5.1.4 Compounds with - yi a: 'child of'

With a nonhuman referent, a compound with L-toned initial followed by - yi a:


'child' can denote the fruit or other product (of a plant), or other small object
closely associated with a larger object. The larger entity may be unmarked, or
may itself be a compound with - naa: (5.1.8).

(79) a. mm:nm:- yi a:
wild.date-child
'wild date' (mm:na: or mm:nm:- naa: 'wild date tree')

b. [numm- nam:]- yi a:
[?-big]-child
'small round grinding stone' (held in hand for grinding on numm- naa:
'large flat grinding stone')

96
These compounds are distinct from simple possessor-possessed
combinations involving yi a- m 'child' or related forms, like that in (80). Here the
possessor has its regular tones, while the possessed noun has a superimposed
{HL} or all-L contour.

(80) uarom yi m-tm:


house children.L
'the children of the house'

Numerous nouns with final rising tone and ending in y, such as tas:y 'shed',
mmsy 'sorghum', dmysy 'ashes', jmmsy 'waterjar shard', and ps:y 'fonio
(grain)', originated as diminutive compounds with *-ya (another 'child' form)
after L-toned stem. Compare Nanga tas:, m:mba, dumyaa, jm:mba, and ps:. The
BenT forms, however, are now frozen.

5.1.5 'Woman' (yam- , yam:- ), 'man' (amram- )

'Woman' is singular yas- m, plural yas:. The short-voweled form yam is used as a
compound initial (or preadjectival noun form) in yam- gumra- m 'adolescent girl',
yam- saagtaaraa- m 'full-grown woman', yam- ps:- m 'old woman', yam daa:-m 'junior
wife', yam di ayam- m 'senior wife', yam- nmrua 'co-wife', yam- bi ari am 'betrothal',
yam- [taml- i a:] 'bridal procession' and yam kaalam- m 'new bride'. The phonologically
more regular long-voweled preadjectival form yam: is less common but occurs in
yam: yi a- m 'girl' and yam: kua- m 'unmarried woman'.
'Man' is aaram- m, plural aaram. It has the regular form amram as compound initial
or before an adjective: amram ps- m 'old man', amram kua- m 'bachelor', etc.
As modifying adjectives ('female', 'male'), the same forms used
independently in the senses 'woman' and 'man' are used, with appropriate
agreement.

5.1.6 Possessive-type compounds (nn na, nn nm)

A construction indistinguishable in form from a possessor-possessed


combination may be lexicalized and function as a compound. The initial is a
noun with its lexical tones, and the final is {HL}- or {L}-toned following the
usual rules for possessor-controlled tone contours. Such combinations compete
with the basic (xm nn) compound type, but are generally less thoroughly
lexicalized, and new ones can readily be constructed.
There are many examples in the flora-fauna vocabulary. For example, pata-
p:-m denotes a conspicuous and abundant grasshopper (Oedaleus

97
senegalensis), which is common in fields and meadows. Less conspicuous
species of the same subfamily that occur in gravelly terrain are called ki m-kamram-
kay pmtm-pm:-m, literally "gravel's Oedaleus." Creatures associated with a
particular plant sp. have similar names, e.g. gumrum-pi arua ki a-kam:-m 'grasshopper sp.
(Acrodideres)', literally "Guiera tree's grasshopper."

5.1.7 'Owner of' (Sg bmga bma)

As an uncompounded noun, we have bmgs- m bms- m 'owner', plural bmga


bma 'owners'.
Much more often, this noun has possessed-noun tone contour, i.e. {HL} or
{L} depending on the structure and final tone of the preceding noun or NP. In
this construction there is no Singular - m, instead we get singular bagm ~ bmgm,
with the plural expressed by adding Plural bem.

(81) a. uarom bmgm


house owner.L
'home-owner (head of household)'

b. womgomtoarom bmgm bem


cart owner.L Pl
'cart-owners'

c. [umrom tam:n mgua] bagm


[house.L three.L Prox.Inan] owner.HL
'the owner of these three houses'

d. [uarom kum] bagm


[house Def] owner.HL
'owner of the (aforementioned) house'

The sense can be 'owner of X' or more generally 'someone associated with
X' (e.g. 'resident or native of X village'). For the latter, see two examples near
the end of (673) in the sample text.

5.1.8 Loose and tight compounds with naa: ('authentic', 'entire')

With flora terms, adding naa: to the L-toned noun as compound initial
unambiguously denotes the entire plant. naa: is often omitted since the most
common reference is to the entire plant, but without naa: the noun can also

98
loosely denote the fruit or other part. naa: can also be used adjectivally in the
sense '(the) main, (the) primary', denoting the most prototypical or most
important member of a set. Since the initial noun is {L}-toned in both noun-
adjective sequences and noun-noun compounds, there is no sharp boundary
between the two analyses.

(82) a. msmrm-naa:
baobab.L-entire
'baobab tree'

b. tam:y naa:
shelter.L main
'togu-na, main palaver shelter of a village'

c. sumgomy naa:
boubou.L main
'large, elegant boubou (man's robe)'

d. yum: naa:
millet.L main
'ordinary millet'

numm-naa: 'large grindstone' is now fused; the small grindstone held in the
hand while grinding on the larger stone is [numm-nam:]-yi a:, not *numm-yi a:.

5.1.9 Instrumental relative compounds with -ym ('oil for rubbing')

A loose compound consisting of a nominal compound initial (low-toned) and an


Imperfective verb with suffix - ym is used to define a type of object by its typical
function. The verb stem plus - ym has the form of a 3Pl Imperfective, but here it
is used as a participle; see discussion of (436) in 14.1.6.2.
In the cases relevant to the present section, e.g. 'drinking water' is phrased
as 'water (that) they drink'. This and other examples are in (83).

(83) a. ni m:- [na- ym]


water.L-[drink.Impf-Ppl.Pl]
'drinking water'

b. ni m:- [di myea- ym]


water.L-[bathe.Impf-Ppl.Pl]
'water for bathing'

99
c. my- [a- ym]
food.L-[eat.Impf-Ppl.Pl]
'food to eat' [2005-1a.05]

5.1.10 Resultative compounds ending in nominalized verb (-ua)

There are also some combinations where a verb in L-toned form with suffix - ua
functions as a compound final (or, arguably, modifying adjective) to a preceding
{L}-toned noun. The final denotes an event or process that has left the entity in
a changed state. In Jamsay, the form in -ua is the productive verbal noun for
nonmonosyllabic verb stems, but it is also used in resultative modifying
functions.

(84) a. yum:-[yamg-ua]
millet.L-[fall-Nom]
'fallen-off millet grain spikes' (verb yamaa 'fall')

b. namwam:-[si mmb-ua]
meat.L-[roast-Nom]
'roasted (=grilled) meat' (verb si ambea)

c. pi mram-[samr-ua]
cream.of.millet-[coarsely.grind-Nom]
'coarsely ground millet' (verb saaraa)

Perhaps also mumrum-[kms-ua] 'long pants' (verb kasa 'cut').


These resultative compounds superficially resemble agentive compounds
with incorporated theme noun (5.1.3).

5.1.11 Phrasal compounds

[ka: lem] i mrea-m 'I am bigger than a grasshopper', borrowed entirely from Jamsay,
denotes tiny birds such as the cricket warbler (Spiloptila clamans).
ss:-i mmi a-lm-m, from a Tommo-So phrase meaning 'talk-doesn't.like', i.e.
unsociability, denotes a psychid caterpillar that carries its sheath around and
hides in it when disturbed.

100
5.2 Adjectival compounds

5.2.1 Bahuvrihi ("Blackbeard") compounds (nnn aa)

In this type, the initial has its usual tones, while the final has a {HL} tone
overlay. In the uncommon case where the final has more than two tones, the H
spreads to the penultimate syllable, leaving just one L-toned syllable.

5.2.1.1 With adjectival compound final

Examples are in (85).

(85) a. amram pi mrea- duagum- m kum


man.L belly-fat.HL-AnSg Def
'the big-bellied (=pot-bellied) man' (dumgua)

b. amram pi mrea- duagum- ym


man.L belly-fat.HL-Pl
'big-bellied men'

c. pi mrea- [paataa-paatam]- m
belly-flat.HL-AnSg
'flat-bellied' (pamtam-paatam)

d. kua:- koaromy- m
head-empty-AnSg
'empty-headed' (komrosy)

e. lmsa:- ceasi m- m
foot-fast-AnSg
'fleet-footed' (cemsua) [2005-2a.09]

A double bahuvrihi is team-duagum namwaa-arum, literally "fat-femured, sweet-


meated". It denotes (and accurately describes) the grasshopper Acorypha
glaucopsis.

5.2.1.2 With numeral compound final

Examples are in (86).

101
(86) a. nam: kua:- ni a:y- m
cow.L head-four.HL-AnSg
'four-headed cow' (ni s:y)

b. gi mrea- tuawm- m
eye-one.HL-AnSg
'one-eyed person' (/tumwa/)

c. sammbam: mos:-yeay
spear.L mouth-two.HL
'spear with blades at both ends' (yesy)

102
6 Noun Phrase structure

6.1 Organization of NP constituents

6.1.1 Linear order

The ordering of elements within NPs is indicated in (87).

(87) Order within NP

a. prenominal possessor
b1. possessor NP
b2. pronominal possessor
b2. Inanimate kua 'its' in discourse-anaphoric sense

b. noun

c. modifying adjective(s)

d. cardinal numeral (or distributive)

e. deictic demonstrative pronoun 'this/that'

f. Definite morpheme kum (kua)

g. Plural bem

h. universal quantifier 'all' (dam- woay)

The primary ordering relationships can be seen in (88). (88a) has all slots
filled except that for numerals. A numeral does occur in (88b).

(88) a. aa:maadum umrom di myam- w mgua kum bem dam- woay


Amadou house.L big-Inan.L Prox.Inan Def Pl all
'all of those big houses of Amadou'

b. ua uarom di myamw tam:num kum


2SgP house.HL big.L three.L Def
'your-Sg three big houses'

When Plural bem is combined with a demonstrative, the sequence is tightly-


knit and may be followed by a numeral: mus: bem yesy 'these two'.

6.1.2 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.)

mgua 'that' can be used absolutely: mgua ma: ni a 'give me that!'.


An adjective can be used absolutely, with an understood but unexpressed
noun: [baaram-w kum] ma: ni a 'give me the red one!'.
A numeral can be used absolutely: tam:nua ma: ni a 'give me three!'.

6.1.3 Bifurcation of NP (in relatives)

As head NP of a relative (chapter 14), a NP is bifurcated, with a core portion


remaining clause-internal and the remainder appearing after the verbal
participle.
The bifurcation point in a long head NP is usually after, but may also be
before the numeral. So at least the core NP, and often the NumP also including
the numeral, remains clause-internal. Late-NP morphemes (determiners, 'all', the
independent Plural morpheme), and sometimes the numeral, follow the verbal
participle. See chapter 14 for more examples. (89a) shows the numeral
following the participle, (89b) shows it preceding.

(89) a. [[nam: jmwm] yamgaa-s-a: tam:nua bua:]


[[cow.L black.L] fall-Reslt-Ppl.Pl three DefPl]
yaa yi s:-ram-wm mam
Exist see-Impf1-2SgS Q
'Do you-Sg see the three black cows that fell?'

b. [[nam: kumromy] i a awa-mam bua:] aan-daa: b-


m:
[[cow.L six.L] 1SgS buy-Perf.Ppl. DefPl] where? be-
3PlS
'Where are the six cows that I bought?'
6.1.4 Internal bracketing and tone-dropping

The noun stem (simple or compound), plus any modifying adjectives,


constitutes the core NP. Within the core NP, leaving aside the tonal effects of a
possessor NP, all nonfinal words drop their tones. For example, in the
sequence [noun adj1 adj2], only the final adjective preserves its lexical tones.
A demonstrative pronoun (but not a Definite morpheme) also forces tone-
dropping on a preceding noun (or whatever word, noun or adjective, occurs at
the end of the core NP). If the demonstrative is preceded by both a core NP
(noun with or without adjectives) and a numeral, both the numeral and (the final
word of) the core NP are tone-dropped.
The tonal effect of a demonstrative on a preceding word within the NP is
blocked by the tonal contour imposed on the relevant word by a preceding
possessor NP. In (90), the bracketing brings out the tonological relationships.
'House' (normally uaroa) has overlaid {HL} possessed-noun contour imposed by
the preceding possessor 'woman'. In the absence of this possessor, the
demonstrative mgua (which has semantic scope over 'house') forces tone-
dropping on the noun: umrom mgua 'this house'. However, in (90) the demonstrative
has no effect on the tone of 'house' (or 'woman'). This indicates that the
possessor and the noun (or core NP if any modifying adjective is present) forms
a tonosyntactic island.

(90) [yas- m uarom] mgua


[woman-AnSg house.HL] Prox.Sg
'this house of a/the woman'

6.2 Possessives

There is no difference in form or position between possessors in alienable and


inalienable contexts. However, kin terms ("inalienable," though they do have
unpossessed forms) do have some distinctive morphological features. There are
also subtle differences in tonosyntactic control domains that distinguish NPs
containing kin terms from other NPs when a numeral is included in the mix
(6.2.3).
Possession is marked by a possessor pronominal or NP preceding the
possessed noun, and by a tonal change in the possessed NP (in some cases up to
an including a numeral). For 1Sg possessor, the possessor is segmentally zero
but is expressed by a floating L-tone that docks on the left edge of the possessed
NP.

105
6.2.1 Nonpronominal NP possessor

There is no possessive (genitive) marking on the possessor, which has its


normal form and is simply juxtaposed to a following possessed noun. The latter,
however, undergoes a tonal change to {L} (i.e. tone-dropping) or to {HL} if not
already in this form lexically.
When the possessor is a nonpronominal NP ending in a noun, modifying
adjective, or cardinal numeral, the final tone of this NP determines the tone of
the possessed noun. If the NP ends in H-tone (including <LH>-tone), the
possessed noun has {HL} contour, with the H component on the first syllable
(or the first mora of a monosyllabic stem). If the NP ends in L-tone (including
<HL>-tone), the possessed noun has all-L contour. In other words, the possessed
noun is basically L-toned, but the final tone of the preceding NP is carried over
onto its first mora. In the following examples, the lexical tone of the possessed
noun is shown in parentheses after the free translation.
In (91), the possessor NP ends in L-tone, so the possessed noun has all-L
tone.

(91) a. aa:maadum umrom


Amadou house.L
'Amadou's house' (uarom)

b. aa:maadum yam- m
Amadou woman-AnSg.L
'Amadou's woman (=wife)' (yas- m)

c. aa:maadum i mnjm- m
Amadou dog-AnSg.L
'Amadou's dog' (i mnjs- m)

d. aa:maadum womgomtomrom
Amadou pushcart.L
'Amadou's pushcart' (womgomtoarom)

e. [yas: gaa:ramy] i mnjm- m


[woman eight] dog.L
'the dog of (the) eight women' (i mnjs- m)

f. [yam daa:- m] i mnjm- m


[woman.L small-AnSg] dog.L
'the dog of (the) small woman' (i mnjs- m)

106
In (92), the possessor NP ends in H-tone, so the possessed noun has the
{HL} pattern.

(92) a. yas- m uarom


woman-AnSg house.HL
'(the) woman's house' (uarom)

b. yas- m i anjm- m
woman-AnSg dog-AnSg.HL
'(the) woman's dog' (i mnjs- m)

c. yas- m woagomtomrom
woman-AnSg pushcart.HL
'(the) woman's pushcart' (womgomtoarom)

e. [yas: yesy] i anjm- m


[woman.Pl two] dog-AnSg.HL
'the dog of (the) two women' (i mnjs- m)

f. [yam ps- m] i anjm- m


[woman.L old-AnSg] dog-AnSg.HL
'the dog of (the) old woman' (i mnjs- m)

If the possessor NP ends in a postnominal particle (Plural bem or Definite


kum), the possessed noun has {HL} contour, even though it is preceded by a
L-tone. This suggests that {HL} is morphologically the most basic tone
contour for possessed nouns, and (by implication) that the all-L pattern seen
above is the result of a local morphophonological tone-spreading rule.

(93) a. [nus: yesy kum] i anjm- m


[person two Def] dog-AnSg.HL
'the dog of the two people' (i mnjs- m)

b. [uarom bem] yi a-tm:


[house Pl] children.HL
'(the) children of the houses' (yi m-t:)

Another possible shred of evidence for the basic status of {HL} is from the
fact that what I take to be underlying short-voweled /nus-/ 'person', /yas-/
'woman', and /sos-/ 'horse' appear, in the plural (i.e. without a suffix) as Cvm:
rather than as Cvm after a possessor ending in a L-tone: gaanam num: 'people of
Ghana', etc. See 6.3.1 for more data. These stems, in the unsuffixed plural,

107
lengthen to nus: 'people', yas: 'women', and sos: 'horses' by Contour-Tone Mora-
Addition. One could argue that e.g. gaanam num: is initially /gaanam nua/, with the
{HL} contour then inducing Contour-Tone Mora-Addition to /gaanam nua:/, and
that the long vowel is retained when the {HL} contour is reduced to {L} after a
possessor ending in L-tone. But this derivation is far from certain, and it is
probably simpler to take the long vowel in gaanam num: as directly reflecting that in
unpossessed plural nus:.
The phonology of the {HL} contour is illustrated in more detail in (94). In
(94a), there is no audible change since the lexical form happens to already have
a {HL} contour. In (94b-d) we do have audible changes. The monosyllabic
stems in (94b) end up with <HL>-tone. The nonmonosyllabic examples have
H-tone on the first syllable, whether this first syllable is short ( Cv- ), heavy
(CvC- , Cv:- ), or superheavy (Cv:C- ) (94c-e).

(94) gloss lexical form {HL} possessed form

a. 'house' uarom uarom


'road' oasum oasum
'water' ni a: ni a:

b. 'women' yas: yaa:


'person' nus- m nua- m

c. 'fabric' omromsua oaromsum


'children' yi m-t: yi a-tm:

d. 'mango' mamgoarom maagomrom


'stool' tuaguaruam tuagumrumm
'dog' i mnjs- m i anjm- m
'kola nut' gos:rom goa:rom

e. 'short hoe' dam:mbaa: daa:mbam:

6.2.2 Pronominal possessor

A pronominal possessor is expressed by the same form used as independent


pronoun and as preparticipial subject (optionally also for direct object), except
that the 1Sg form is segmentally zero. This is also the case with postpositional
complements, .
The possessor forms are in (95). They are identical to the forms used as
postpositional complements, reflecting the close relationship between

108
possessor-possessed and complement-postposition relationships (8.2-5).
Except for the zero 1Sg, these forms are also identical to those used as
independent pronoun, as preparticipial subject pronominal, and optionally as
direct object.

(95) category possessor form (preceding possessed noun)

1Sg (zero, with floating L-tone)


1Pl i a:
2Sg ua
2Pl ua:
3Sg ara
3Pl bua:
Inan kua
3ReflSg aa
3ReflPl aa:

The tonal pattern of the noun depends on which pronominal possessor is at


hand, as summarized in (96). Except for the special case of 1Sg possessor, the
pronominal data are consistent with those seen for nonpronominal NPs above.
Specifically, if the possessor ends in a H tone segment, the possessed noun has
{HL} tone contour, while if the possessor ends in a low tone, the possessed
noun has all-L tones.

(96) possessors possessed noun

a. 1Pl i a:, 2Pl ua:, 3Pl bua:, 3ReflPl aa: all-L


b. 2Sg ua, 3Sg ara, 3ReflSg aa, Inan kua {HL}
c. 1Sg (segmentally zero) {LHL}

The 1Sg possessor is segmentally zero, but is expressed by a {LHL} tone


overlay on the possessed noun. The initial L of {LHL} is arguably the real 1Sg
possessor morpheme, i.e. a foating L-tone that "docks" on the onset of the
possessed noun, while the residual HL is identical to the {HL} associated
with the other singular possessors. However, the details of tone association for
the 1Sg differ from those valid for the other pronouns with {HL} possessed
noun. Consider the data in (97).

(97) possessed, after


stem gloss 2Sg 1Pl 1Sg

a. yua: 'millet' ua yua: i a: yum: yu:

109
kua: 'head' ua kua: i a: kum: ku:
si aw 'hoe' ua si aw i a: si mw si w
s: 'well' ua a: i a: m: :
by 'beard' ua bay i a: bmy by

b. aa:raa 'rice' ua aa:ram i a: am:ram as:ram


emnji a: 'roselle' ua eanji m: i a: emnji m: esnji m:
dam:mbaa: 'short hoe' ua daa:mbam: i a: dam:mbam: das:mbam:
gos:rom 'kola nut' ua goa:rom i a: gom:rom gos:rom
bamrmesy 'corn' ua baarmemy i a: bamrmemy basrmemy

c. uarom 'house' ua uarom i a: umrom usrom


kamraa 'mat' ua kaaram i a: kamram kasram
bearea 'stick' ua bearem i a: bemrem besrem
mmsy 'sorghum' ua ammy i a: mmmy smmy
dumrua 'long pole' ua duarum i a: dumrum dusrum
mombi al 'vehicle' ua moabi ml i a: mombi ml mosbi ml

d. tuaguaruam 'stool' ua tuagumrumm i a: tumgumrumm tusgumrumm


mamgoarom 'mango' ua maagomrom i a: mamgomrom masgomrom

e. bamnamkua: 'cassava' ua baanamkum: i a: bamnamkum: basnamkum:


gi m-gamsaa: 'pioche' ua gi a-gamsam: i a: gi m-gamsam: gi s- gamsam:
kamnaaramy 'melon' ua kaanamramy i a: kamnamramy kasnamramy
msm-karm 'throat' ua asm-kmrm i a: msm-kmrm ssm-kmrm
kum-kumya 'hair' ua kua-kumym i a: kum-kumym kus-kumym

f. bi myam:kua 'guava' ua bi ayam:kum i a: bi myam:kum bi syam:kum

In the 1Sg forms, we observe the following:

(98) a. a monosyllabic stem has <LHL> tone (97a).


b. in bisyllabic and longer stems: the initial syllable has <LH>-tone
and the rest of the word is low-toned

However, phonetically, when the initial syllable is monomoraic, the high-


tone component is pushed to the right by the low tone of the 1Sg possessor
morpheme, and the high tone may spill slightly into the onset of the second
syllable. This is understandable, since a nonfinal monomoraic syllable makes it
difficult to clearly articulate both the low and high components of an initial-
syllable rising tone. Possibly in connection with this, I have noticed occasional
pronunciations of the 1Sg possessor form where an initial voiced consonant,

110
especially {b m}, is slightly prolonged and allows an earlier phonetic
expression of the 1Sg possessor's low tone, so that e.g. besrem 'my stick'
approaches phonetic [mb:earem].
For human and other animate nouns, the tone overlays apply to the entire
input noun including Sg - m (99a) and the regular plural form (99b).

(99) possessed, after


stem gloss 2Sg 1Pl 1Sg

a. i mnjs- m 'dog' ua i anjm- m i a: i mnjm- m i snjm- m


pmrs- m 'sheep-Sg' ua parm- m i a: pmrm- m psrm- m
yas- m 'woman' ua yaa- m i a: yam- m yas- mm
yi a- m 'child' ua yi a- m i a: yi m- m yi s- mm

b. yas: 'women' ua yaa: i a: yam: ya:


yi m-t: 'children' ua yi a-tm: i a: yi m-tm: yi s-tm:
pmra 'sheep-Pl' ua parm i a: pmrm psrm
i mnja 'dogs' ua i anjm i a: i mnjm i snjm

6.2.3 Domain of possessor-controlled tone contour

The domain of the possessed-noun contour extends to the end of the core NP,
i.e. includes any modifying adjectives (100a-b). We use the {HL} version of the
contour for clarity. The bracketings in the examples in this section show the
domain of the controlled contour.

(100) a. ua [uarom di myam- w]


2SgP [house.HL big-Inan.L]
'your-Sg big house'

b. ua [uarom di myam- w bamram- w]


2SgP [house.HL big-Inan.L red-Inan.L]
'your-Sg big red (=brown) house'

With alienable possession, a cardinal numeral is also included in the scope


of the possessor-controlled contour (101a). With inalienables (kin terms), the
numeral is external to the contour and retains its lexical tones (101b). In
other words, with alienables the domain of the possessor-controlled contour is
the NumP, but for inalienables it is the core NP (noun plus adjectives).

(101) a. ua [uarom (di myam- w) pmrum] (kum)

111
2SgP [house.HL (big-Inan.L) ten.L] (DefSg)
'your-Sg ten (big) houses'

b. [ua lasum] pearua bua:


[2SgP uncle.HL] ten DefPl
'your-Sg ten uncles'

(101a) shows that an adjective precedes a numeral with a possessed


alienable. For possessed inalienables, my assistant instead applied Adj-Num
Inversion as in (102), and rejected a construction parallel to (101a) with the
adjective included. In (102), the numeral is still external to the scope of the
possessor-controlled domain. Therefore, so is the adjective. Moreover, in this
construction the adjective fails to tone-drop the preceding numeral. In effect,
if the adjective is removed from the core NP in a construction containing a
possessor, it loses its power to control tone contours on preceding words.

(102) [ua lasum] pearua mmsi a-ym bua:


[2SgP uncle.HL] ten bad-AnPl DefPl
'your-Sg ten bad (wicked) uncles'

A late-NP morpheme such as woay 'each' is not included in the possessor-


controlled domain under any conditions (104). Likewise with DefPl bua: in
preceding examples.

(103) [ua lasum/uarom woay]


[2SgP uncle.HL/house.HL each]
'each of your-Sg uncles/houses'

6.2.4 Recursive and embedded possession

Complex possessed NPs of the type [X's Y's Z] are normally bracketed as
[[X's Y]'s Z]. The [X's Y] NP has its normal tones, which may be {L} or {HL}
depending on what X is, or {LHL} with (segmentally zero) 1Sg possessor.
Since 'X's Y' always denotes a third person entity, it requires tone-dropping on
the following possessed noun Z. Examples are in (104).

(104) a. nasram bm:


1SgP.mother.HL father.L
'my mother's father'

b. [ua naaram] bm:

112
[2SgP mother.HL] father.L
'your mother's father'

c. [aa:maadum namram] bm:


Amadou mother.L father.L
'Amadou's mother's father'

6.3 Noun plus adjective

6.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective

A noun may be followed by one or more modifying adjectives. For this purpose,
ordinals ('first', 'second', ) function as modifying adjectives. The adjectives
agree with the noun in nominal features (animate Singular and Plural,
Inanimate). In fact, many adjectives overtly distinguish animate Plural (no
suffix) from Inanimate (suffix - w), whereas both categories have zero suffix
with nouns.
Simple examples are in (105). When an adjective is added, the noun drops
to all-low tones (105b-c). When two adjectives follow, the noun and the
nonfinal adjective drop tones (105d).

(105) a. mamgoarom
'mango'

b. mamgomrom dumgua- w
'(a) big mango'

c. mamgomrom baaram- w
'(a) red (= ripe) mango'

d. mamgomrom dumgum- w baaram- w


'(a) big red mango'

When they occur without an adjective, most animate nouns have Singular
- m, opposed to a suffixless plural. When an adjective follows the noun, the
Singular suffix disappears (or rather, it is expressed on the adjective). Different
patterns of final vowel length are observed. For monosyllabic animate Cv(:),
noun stems, the common pattern is (106a), with consistent long vowel. A few
nouns with <HL> or <LH> tone (106b) are Cv- before Animate Singular -m and
(often) when tone-dropped by a controller to the right. However, all of these
nouns happen to have contour tones. When not tone-dropped by a controller to

113
their right, and when unsuffixed, these nouns lengthen their vowel to Cv: by
Contour-Tone Mora-Addition 3.7.4.1.

(106) Monosyllabic animate nouns

gloss Sg Pl before adjective

a. underlying Cv:, length retained in all positions


'cow' nas:- m nas: nam: msua- m 'good '
'francolin' sua:-m sua: sum: dumgua-m 'big '
'monitor liz.' as:-m as: am: pi ala-m 'white '
'honey bee' aa:-m aa: am: mmsua-m 'nasty '
reduplicated
'grub, worm' si m-si :-m si m-si : [si m-si m:] daa:-m 'small '
'beetle, bug' ci m-c:-m ci m-c:: ci m-cm: mmsua-m 'beetle sp.'
'hyena' ti m-ta:-m ti m-ta: ti m-tam: pi ala-m 'white (i.e.
striped) hyena'

b. underlying Cvs, Cva, lengthened when contour tone audible


<LH>-toned
'person' nus- m nus: num msua- m 'good '
'woman' yas- m yas: yam msua- m 'good '
'horse' sos-m sos: som jeawem-m 'black '
<HL>-toned
'mouse' oa-m oa: om jeawem-m 'black '
'hawk' ti m-tea-m ti m-tea: ti m-tem dumgua-m 'big '

c. irregular monosyllabic
like (b) but H-toned singular
'child' yi a-m yi a: yi m: msua- m 'good '
[yi a: is animate/abstract, plural is irreg. yi m-t:]

Compounds and in possessed forms complicate the situation. 'Hyena' is now


usually treated as Cv: (106a), but occurs as Cv- in two archaic compounds: tam-
dumgua-m 'lion' and tam-mrs-m 'leopard'. Conversely, 'woman', and 'horse' (106b)
have Cv:- forms in some compounds. For those with 'woman' see 5.1.5. For
'horse' as compound initial I have Cvm:- in e.g. som:-patum 'horse race' but Cvm- in
e.g. som-am 'horse bridle' (I suspect there is inter-speaker variation in the 'horse'
compounds, though the 'woman' compounds are fixed).
While 'person', 'woman', 'horse', and 'mouse' are regularly Cvm before
adjectives, they have long vowels when plural and preceded by a possessor
ending in a L-tone: gaanam num: 'people of Ghana', bea:n yam: 'women of Beni', bea:n

114
som: 'the horses of Beni', bea:n om: 'the mice of Beni'. We might be able to finesse
these possessed forms by intially applying the more general possessor-
controlled contour {HL}, then Contour-Tone Mora-Addition lengthens the
vowel, then the tone simplifies to {L}. For more on this (rather dubious)
analysis see 6.2.1.
For longer animate nouns, the patterns are those in (107). If we take the
stem-final vowels to be underlyingly short in (107a-d), but long in (107e), we
can account for all the data based on the underlying final tone, in the cases of
(107c-d) also considering the preceding tone. Contour-Tone Mora-Addition
(3.7.4.1) lengthens the vowels of the unsuffixed plurals in (107b,d). This
lengthening is pre-empted in (107c) by Final-Cv <LH>-to-H Reduction
(3.7.4.3), which fails to apply here because of the H-tone in the preceding
syllable.

(107) Nonmonosyllabic animate nouns

gloss Sg Pl tone-dropped

a. final short level H- or L-tone, no lengthening


'left-hander' bamri ayam- m bamri ayam bamri myam msua- m 'good '
'fish' i asi m-m i asi m i msi m jeawem-m 'black '
'cricket' ki a-kearea-m ki a-kearea ki m-kemrem baaram-m 'red '

b. final <HL>, lengthened when <HL> audible (3.7.4.1)


'agama lizard' cemgua- m cmgua: cmgum msua- m 'good '
'bird' ni m:yi a- m ni m:yi a: ni m:yi m baaram-m 'red '
'scorpion' mum-mumrua- m mum-mumruu: mum-mumrum mmsua-m (type)
'frog' mkumnjua-m mkumnjua: mkumnjum dumgua-m 'big '

c. final short <LH> after H simplified to L in unsuffixed Pl (3.7.4.3)


'owner' bmgs-m bmga uarom bmgm 'house owner'
'wasp' amrgamlas-m amrgamlaa amrgamlam mmsua-m 'bad '
'snake' amwas-m amwaa amwam baaram-m 'red ''

d. final short <LH> after L lengthened in unsuffixed Pl (3.7.4.1)


'blacksmith' jambm- m jambs: jmmbm msua- m 'good '
'Fulbe' pualm- m puals: pumlm msua- m 'good '

e. final underlying long vowels (never shortened)


<LH>
'animal' amrss:- m amrss: amrsm: msua- m 'good '

115
Inanimates lack the -m and -ym suffixes, but similar issues arise in
comparing independent and tone-dropped (e.g. pre-adjectival or compound-
initial) forms. Again we start with monosyllabics. The majority pattern is
(108a), where again the final vowel is always long, compare the animates in
(106a) above.

(108) Inanimate monosyllabic nouns

gloss independent tone-dropped gloss

a. underlying Cv:, length retained in all positions


'hand' nas: nam: dumgua-w 'big '
'water' ni a: ni m: taam 'cold '
'tree sp.' bi s: bi m: gaaw- 'tall '
'millet' yua: yum: msua-w 'good '
'fire' go: gom: dumgua-w 'big '
'head' kua: kum: daa:-w 'small'
reduplicated
'sweat' sum-sos: sum-som: paarum-m 'sour '
iterated
'shrub sp.' gum:-gus: gum:-gum: dumgua-w 'big '

b. underlying Cvs, Cva, lengthened when contour tone audible


[none]

For kua: 'head' (especially as abstraction), tone-dropped kum: is productive, as


in kum:-bmri a: 'fontanel' and kum: dumgua-w 'big head'. However, (probably archaic)
kum- occurs in kum-toagoaroa 'head', kum-calm 'crown of head', kum-kmsua: 'top and back
of head', and kum-tumumri a: 'head of bed', cf. also the composite postposition [X kua]
wom 'on (the head of) X', 8.4.4. Similarly, nas: 'hand' keeps its long vowel in
most combinations, e.g. nam: dumgua- w 'big hand', but a short form occurs in the
probably archaic nam bamnasy 'left hand' and nam sy 'right hand', and old verbal
noun compounds denoting span measures involving the arm or hand (nam-susy,m
nam-tasym ). These data further support the view that *Cv was formerly more
widespread.
Nonmonosyllabic inanimates are in (109). The type with final short vowel
(109a) is unproblematic and only token examples are given. Of the stems with
final long vowel in the independent form, most retain length under tone-
dropping before an adjective (109b). However, a few appear with short vowels
when tone-dropped before an adjective (109c). I treat them as underlying short
vowels, lengthened by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition. The stems in question
occur very often with adjectival modifiers or compound finals.

116
(109) Nonmonosyllabic inanimate nouns

gloss independent tone-dropped gloss

a. consistent final short vowel with level tone (among many)


'eyes' ji mrea ji mrem pi ala 'white eyes'
'soap' sasmnam sammnam jeawem-w 'black soap'

b. final underlying long vowel preserved before adjective


<HL>-toned final syllable
'leaf' jmla: jmlm: daa:-w 'small '
'medicine' amyaa: amyam: msua-w 'good '
'village' i msea: i msem: msua:- 'good '
'tea' aatea: amtem: arum-m 'sweet '
'grass' samwaa: samwam: mrua 'fresh '
'wild grape' kumroa: kumrom: gaaw- 'tall '
'leaves' bi myaa: bi myam:-[li my-i a:] 'cooked leaves'
'children' yi m-t: yi m-tm: bi m-bamni a: 'newborns'
'spear' sammbaa: sammbam: si am- 'sharp '
'waterjar' semgua: semgum: koa:roa- 'worn-out waterjar'
'tongue' lmmda: lmmdm: daa:-w 'small '
'rifle' mamrpaa: mamrpam: dumgua-w 'big '
'waterskin' ommdoa: ommdom: asa- 'small waterskin'
'pick-hoe' (gi m-)gamsaa: (gi m-)gamsam: ps:- 'old '
'daba' dam:mbaa: dam:mbam: msua- 'good '
'plow' samri a: samri m: ps:- 'old '
'grindstone' tmga: tmgm msua- 'good '
'tree sp.' amsamgumsa: amsamgumsm: gaaw- 'tall '
'indigo' gamraa: gamram: msua- 'good '
<H>-toned final syllable
'tomtom' bamlpa: bamlpm: msua- 'good '

c. underlying final short <HL> syllable (/kmsua/ etc.)


'calabash' kmsua: kmsum ps:- 'old '
'foot' lmsa: lmsm msua-w 'good '
'pottery' semgua: semgum msua-w 'good '

For emnji a: 'roselle', tone-dropped emnji m: is productive, as in emnji m:-temweay 'stray


roselle', but emnji a-kos:rom 'roselle cultivars with large calices' shows a short-
voweled variant.

117
6.3.2 Adjective-like quantifier gammbua 'certain'

This word indicates a strict subset of a set, or a portion of a whole. The


pronunciation varies from gammbua to gasm. It is treated syntactically like a
cardinal numeral, so both gammbua and the preceding NP keep their usual tones.

(110) a. nus: gammbua loa:- r- am:,


person certain go-Perf1a-3PlS
nus: gammbua waasaa:- r- am:
person certain remain-Perf1a-3PlS
'Some people went away, some (=others) stayed.'

b. yua: bealea gammbua a=na,


millet part certain eat-and,
bealea gammbua dumwa- y
part certain leave.Perf.L-1PlS
'We ate some of the millet and left some (=the rest).'

c. [[arm gammbua] woa] loa- wm dem


[[place certain in] go.Perf-2SgS if
'if you-Sg go to certain spots' [2005-1a.10]

6.3.3 Expansions of adjective

6.3.3.1 Adjectival intensifiers

Like all Dogon languages and others in the zone, BenT is rich in interjection-
like or stem-iterated intensifiers for adjectival and some other senses. The
closest English equivalents are those seen in phrases like brand new and dead
drunk, but the BenT intensifiers are more distinctive phonologically (by
intonational prolongation or some form of iteration or reduplication), and
generally do not also occur as ordinary nouns or other stems. There is no sharp
distinction between these intensifiers, which may co-occur with a semantically
more ordinary adjective (or other stem) with the same general sense, and
expressive adverbials, which are more autonomous.
The first and largest batch of examples are full-stem iterations
(reduplications), mostly all-high toned (111a-c). The pattern CvaCva- CvaCva is
found when C2 = C4 is an obstruent, versus CvaC- CvaC when C2 = C4 is a
sonorant. Minor patterns are listed in (111d-f). In most cases the stem is a

118
"nonsense" syllable not found elsewhere in the lexicon. Under "comment" I give
the ordinary lexical item often associated with the intensifier.

(111) form gloss associated stem

a. CvCvC- CvCvC, all-high tone


paaraay- paaraay 'shiny new' kaalam 'new'
kaalaa- kaalaa 'very dry' mas: 'dry/hard'

b. CvCv- CvCv, final C = obstruent, all-high tone


badua- badua 'very fine (powder)' buatm 'fine'
badua- badua 'very supple (hide)' ymrua 'supple'
badua- badua 'very soft'
catua- catua 'very short' g:w- 'short', cata
'runty'
ci ati a- ci atua 'nauseating' (2nd /i/ influenced by
the preceding /c/)
kaatua- kaatua 'very bitter' gaari mm 'bitter'
kuasua- kuasua 'glare at'
kuasua- kuasua 'very black' jeawem- 'black'
leagea- leagea 'sharply pointed' si am 'pointed'
pualaa- pualaa 'very hot' aw 'hot'
tuakaa- tuakaa 'very dusty, lots of dust' kum- kmrsy 'dust'
teagua- teagua 'very dusty, lots of dust' kum- kmrsy 'dust'
paarua- paarua 'very white' pi ala 'white'

c. CvC- CvC, final C = sonorant, all-high tone


boam- boam 'very thick (linear object)
buay- buay 'very red' baaram- 'red'
ceaw- ceaw 'very lightweight' mrua 'lightweight'
di am- di am 'very straight' deam 'straight'
(adverb)
deam- deam 'very straight' deam 'straight'
(adverb)
doa- doa 'furious, seething' calm bamraa 'be angry'
duay- duay 'very rotten' mmbua 'rotten'
gaay- gaay 'very full (sated)' baa '(meal) sate (sb)'
gaay- gaay 'very tight (rope)' w 'tight (rope)'
gea- gea 'very tight (tomtom)' w 'tight (rope)'
kaay- kaay 'very crowded' agi a '(market) be
crowded'
kaay- kaay 'very hard' m()aw 'hard'

119
keay- keay 'very tight (tomtom)' w 'tight (rope)'
keay- keay 'very hard' mas: 'dry'
kuay- kuay 'very stocky'
peay- peay 'very unripe (fruit)' cemsua 'unripe'
peam- peam 'very tight (garment)' w 'tight (rope)'
paal- paal 'very hot' aw 'hot'
peaw- peaw 'completely used up' dumwa 'be finished'
pual- pual 'brand new' kaalam 'new'
seal- seal 'very tall' gumra- 'long, tall'
sal- sal 'very long and thin'
sal- sal 'very long and thin'
soal- soal 'very long' gumra- 'long, tall'
taaw- taaw 'very hot (sun)' aw- 'hot'
taaw- taaw 'very fast' aw- 'fast'
team- team 'fully inflated' pi atea 'be inflated'
msm- [taw- taw] 'very unfertilized (field)' asa 'be unfertilized'
msm- [taw- taw] 'very bland (meal)' asa 'be unfertilized'

d. CvC- CvC, final C = sonorant, rising tones


tasy- tasy 'very sweet' ari mm 'sweet'

e. CvCv- CvCv, final C = sonorant, LH-LH toned


lomroa- lomroa 'clean-shaven (head)'
lemrea- lemrea 'cleaned up completely'
nmwa- nmwa 'very smooth/sleek' oarum- m 'smooth, sleek'
ci mra- ci mra 'very thin' mmnja- 'thin'

f. CvCvCv- CvCvCv, LLH-LLH toned


cmri mya- cmri mya 'brand new' kaalam 'new'

A more modest number of intensifiers show more unusual, partially


reduplicated forms (112). Some of these clearly share phonological material
with the semantically related ordinary term ('very sour', 'very heavy', 'foul,
stinking', and 'very sweet', and perhaps aasaasaa 'very bright' if related to the word-
family including noun asm 'light'). Others are unrelated to any ordinary lexical
item.

(112) form gloss associated stem

a. type va1Cxva2Cxva2
i asaasaa 'well-branched' jamwyi a- 'ramify'
oayoayoa 'very bright (light)' asm 'light' (noun)

120
aasaasaa 'very bright (light)' asm 'light' (noun)

b. type CvmCxvaCxvaCxva (with r/n and r/l alternations)


dumsuasuasua 'very heavy' dumsua 'heavy'
cmranana 'very cold' taam 'cold'
pomroaloaloa 'foul, stinking' poarumm 'strong (odor)'
pamraalaalaa 'very sour' paari mm 'sour', paalea- rea- 'be sour'

c. type vmCxvmCxvaCxvaCxva (with r/l alternation)


emlemrealealea 'very sweet' ari mm 'sweet', ealea- rea- 'be sweet'

The isolated examples in (113) are not reduplicative, but have some
prosodic similarity to the quadrisyllabic examples in (112b,d), above. The first
part of lemrem- gemdesw may be related to lemrea- lemrea in (111e), above.

(113) form gloss associated stem

a. lemrem- gemdesw 'absolutely everything' naaaanam: = dam- woay 'all'

b. kaaaaraanaa '(running) very fast' aw 'fast'

The remaining examples have no reduplicative features. Those in (114a) are


of shape CoaC(um), including several cases with final unvoiced stop (not allowed
as final consonant in ordinary stems) and one with f, a supposedly "non-Dogon"
consonant. Those in (114b-c) have built-in intonatioal prolongation of the final
consonant (symbol ). Aside from puatuam, which is attested with two distinct
senses (114b), these are of the shape CvaC with a final sonorant. None of the
intensifiers in (114a-c) is phonologically related to the corresponding
semantically related stem.

(114) form gloss associated stem

a. interjection-like
jafum 'very wet' mrua 'wet'
cak 'completely, every bit'
loak, loa 'sole, lone' tumwa 'one'
pap 'very full (container)' baa 'be full'

b. intonational prolongation, final sonorant, bisyllabic (CvaCvaC)


puatuam 'with many flowers' pumrusy 'flower'
puatuam 'very foggy' aaaa 'mist, fog'

121
c. intonational prolongation, final sonorant, monosyllabic H-toned
(CvaC)
poam 'enormous' di ayam 'big'
jaay 'very uncooked (meat)' cemsua 'raw, uncooked'
taay 'very full (sated)' baa '(meal) sate (sb)'

d. intonational prolongation, final sonorant, monosyllabic <LH>-toned


(CvsC)
csy 'tiny'
ksy 'emaciated' koamboa 'lean'
kasy 'oversized (eyes, teeth)' samlaa:, daa:, t:, i mlaa: 'small'
ji mrea dasm 'totally blind' ji mmdua 'blind'
(contains ji mrea 'eye')

6.3.3.2 'Near X', 'far from X'

Adjectives 'near' and 'far, distant' can be expanded by adding an adverbial


phrase when used as predicates (115b), but not when used as simple modifying
adjectives ('the nearby house', etc.).

(115) a. uarom was:w / smsua bua:-


house distant / near be-3SgS
'The house is far away/nearby.'

b. uarom [i msea: aay] was:w / smsua bua:-


house [village with] distant / near be-3SgS
'The house is far from/close to the village.'

6.3.3.3 'Good to eat'

'Grasshoppers are good to eat' is phrased as '[grasshoppers' eating-VblN] is


sweet' (116). The verbal noun in this case is low-toned as a possessed noun
(following a possessor that ends in a low tone).

(116) [ki m- ka: kumw- i m:] aruam


[Rdp-grasshopper eat.meat-VblN.L] be.sweet
'Eating (of) grasshoppers is sweet.' (kumw- i a:)

122
6.4 Cardinal numeral

6.4.1 Noun (and adjective) plus cardinal numeral

A noun, or more generally a core NP (noun with or without following modifying


adjectives), may be followed by a cardinal numeral. Both the core NP and the
numeral have the same tones they would have in isolation. In other words, there
is no tonal interaction between the core NP and the numeral (they are in a kind
of prosodic "apposition"). In (117b), the tone-dropping on 'cow' is due to the
adjective, not the numeral.

(117) a. nas: tam:nua


cow three
'three cows'

b. [nam: di ayam] tam:nua


[cow.L big.Pl] three
'three big cows'

6.4.2 Adjective-Numeral Inversion

In bare NPs or NPs with only a final Definite morpheme like kum, the order N-
Adj-Num is fixed. However, in the presence of a possessor or a demonstrative,
or when the NP is the head of a relative clause, the adjective and the numeral
optionally (but often) switch positions. We may think of the possessor, the
demonstrative, and the Relative operator as licensors of this inversion. (These
are also the reference-restricting elements that control tone-dropping.)
In (118), the order is fixed. In (119-21), the numeral and adjective may
occur in either order, the inversion having been licensed by the demonstrative
(119), the possessor (120), or the Relative operator (121).

(118) umrom di ayam-w kuaromy (kum)


house.L big-Inan six (Def)
'six big houses' (#nmdom kumromy di ayam-w (kum) was rejected)

(119) a. umrom di myam-w kumromy mgua bem


house.L big-Inan.L six.L Prox.Inan Pl
'these six big houses'

b. umrom kumromy di myam-w mgua bem


house.L six.L big-Inan.L Prox.Inan Pl

123
[=(a)]

(120) a. ua uarom di myam-w kumromy kum


2SgP house.HL big-Inan.L six.L Def
'your-Sg six big houses'

b. ua uarom kumromy di myam-w kum


2SgP house.HL six.L big-Inan.L Def
[=(a)]

(121) a. [umrom di myam-w kumromy] yamaa-wm kum bem


[house.L big-Inan.L six.L] fall-Partpl.Inan Def Pl
'the six big houses that fell'

b. [umrom kumromy di myam-w] yamaa-wm kum bem


[house.L six.L big-Inan.L] fall-Partpl.Inan Def Pl
[=(a)]

Whether switching from Adj-Num to Num-Adj order allows the adjective to


control tone-dropping on the numeral is difficult to determine. This is because
other controllers are also present, as we see from the fact that 'six', lexically
kuaromy as in (118), is tone-dropped to kumromy in all of the (a) as well as (b)
examples in (119-21). However, if the alienable possessor of (120) is replaced
by an inalienable possessor, the possessor-controlled domain is limited to the
noun. An inalienable Poss-N-Adj-Num sequence may undergo Adj-Num
Inversion, just like its alienable counterparts, but in the inalienable case the
[Poss-N] segment is a tonosyntactic island, leaving the adjective and numeral
free. I would have expected the adjective to control tone-dropping on the
numeral in this case, as it does in other Dogon languages, but this turns out to be
incorrect; see (102) in 6.2.3, where the numeral is tonally free.

6.5 Noun (or core NP) plus demonstrative

6.5.1 Prenominal kua (pseudo-possessor)

It was pointed out in 4.3.2, above, that the Inanimate pronoun kua may be used
to resume a proposition or other abstraction from preceding discourse.
As a pseudo-possessor, i.e. in NP-initial position, kua can likewise function
as a discourse-definite demonstrative ('that same X we were talking out'). For
example, (122) occurs in a text just after the initial mention of two groups of
settlers (who followed different routes).

124
(122) [kua buanumgomy yemy kum], aa: kaawaa- wm kum
[Dem group.HL two.L Def], 3ReflPlS separate.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'Those two (just-mentioned) groups, (when) they separated.' [2005-
2a.08]

The {HL} tone overlaid on the noun buanuagoay 'group' shows that kua behaves
morphophonologically like a possessor. A case might be made for a literal
syntactic interpretation along these lines in some passages, but here such a
reading would be quite abstract and somewhat forced: 'the two groups of that
(discourse/situation)'. In any event, kua basically functions here as a discourse-
definite demonstrative, slightly stronger than the simple NP-final Definite
morpheme kum (which co-occurs with it in this example).
This prenominal kua may co-occur with a postnominal Definite kum (or other
determiner).

(123) [kua aarum kum] yam:-ji myea


[Dem night.HL Def] woman.L-dance(n.)
ji myea naa-ym=b-am:
dance spend.night.Impf-3PlS=Past-3PlS
'That night (the night of that same day), they used to dance the women's
dance all night.' [2005.1b.01]

6.5.2 Postnominal demonstratives

A postnominal demonstrative pronoun forces tone-dropping on the final word of


a core NP. Since all nonfinal words of a core NP are already tone-dropped, the
effect is that all words in the core NP are tone-dropped before a demonstrative
pronoun.

(124) a. umrom mgua


house.L Prox.Inan
'this house' (uarom)

b. [umrom bamram- w] mgua


[house.L red-Inan.L] Prox.Inan
'this red house' (umrom baaram- w)

If the core NP is followed by a numeral and then a demonstrative pronoun,


both the numeral and (the last word of) the core NP are tone-dropped. Neither

125
'house' nor 'six' are tone-dropped in (125a), but both are tone-dropped before the
demonstrative in (125b).

(125) a. uarom kuaromy


house six
'six houses'

b. [umrom kumromy] mgua


[house.L six.L] Prox.Inan
'these six houses'

6.6 Plural (bem)

Postnominal Plural particle bem is morphosyntactically quite unlike the regular


Plural marking for animate nouns, which is zero suffix versus Singular - m, as in
nas:- m 'cow' versus nas: 'cows' and in yas- m 'woman' versus yas: 'women'. Plural
bem occurs at or near the end of the NP, often well-separated from the noun. It
follows demonstrative pronouns: [[ua leasum] mus: bem] 'these uncles of yours'
[[2SgP uncle.HL] this Pl]. It also occurs after the verbal participle in relative
clauses.
The particle bem is optional with inanimate nouns to specify plurality.
Ordinarily such nouns make no singular/plural distinction (either in the NP or in
subject agreement). Thus kuarum 'stone' or 'stones', alternatively kuarum bem to
clearly specify plural 'stones'.

(126) yaa: ommdom: i ayam- wm bem


there tamarind.L stand.Stat-Ppl.Inan Pl
'the tamarind trees that are standing there' [2005-1a.05]

bem is also regularly used with nouns denoting animate beings, if the nouns
(for one reason or another) are not capable of marking grammatical number
suffixally. This is the case with several kin terms that do not allow Singular
suffix -m and therefore have no suffixal distinction between singular and plural.
Therefore 'your-Sg (maternal) uncle' is ua leasum, and its plural 'your-Sg uncles' is
ua leasum bem.
When Accusative clitic =ni m =nm or Locative postposition wo, is added to
bem, the results are bea:=ni m ~ bea:=nm and bea: woa with long vowel and high tone.
The lengthening is difficult to analyse.

(127) a. [mma: i anji ari a:-rm- dem]


[morning get.up-Perf1a-3SgS if]

126
[semytam:n mus: bea:=nm] ta:rua-mm wam
[seytan.L Prox.An Pl=Acc] instruct.Impf-3SgS say
'(It is said:) if he gets up in the morning, he gives orders to these
seytans' [2005.1b.11]

b. [bua: ys [[uali m bea:] woa] b-m:-bm]


[3Pl come [forest Pl] in] be-3PlS-3PlS]
'They (=dwarves) come and stay in the (dense) forests' [2005.1b.11]

When the 'it is' clitic (also used for focalization) is added to bem, we get
[ bea:]= (11.2.1.1). An example is in C's second turn in (661) in the sample
text.
We also get high-toned (but unlengthened) bea before the Dative
postposition maa: (128a) and before woay 'all' (128b) and optionally in other
contexts where the relevant NP is closely grouped prosodically with some
following material.

(128) a. [cmray j:] [[aa: bm: bea] maa:] ni a- ym


[money bring] [[3ReflPlP father.L Pl] Dat] give.Impf-3PlS
'They bring money and give (it) to their fathers.' [2005.1b.06]

b. [[bua: tam: bea woay] ni a: yi a-ym] wam


[[3Pl pond.L Pl all] water see.Impf-3PlS] say
'(It is said:) they (=short people) even see water in their (=dwarves')
ponds.' [2005.1b.11]

Therefore Plural bem, like Definite kum, shows signs of being underlyingly
(or at least historically) high-toned, though in phrase-final position it is
always heard as low-toned.
With animate nouns that already distinguish singular from plural by
suffixes, bem is at best marginal. This statement does not apply to emphatic
conjunctions of the 'both X and Y' type, such as [[yas: bea] [aaram bem]] 'both
men and women'.

6.7 Definite (kum , bua : )

The Definite morpheme is kum for (animate) Singular and for inanimates: nas:- m
kum 'the cow', kuarum kum 'the stone'. Inanimates are optionally pluralized by adding
Plural bem to kum, as in kuarum kum bem 'the stones'. (Animate) Plural has a special
Definite form, bua:, as in nas: bua: 'the cows', though kum can also be used in this
context.

127
Unlike the demonstrative pronouns, Definite kum and bua: do not interact
tonally with the preceding words in the NP.
Definite kum does not usually co-occur with demonstrative pronouns ('this',
'that') at the end of a noun-headed NP. However, kum does occasionally follow
demonstratives that function as referential-tracking devices, where kum indicates
that the referent is the same as one previously introduced; see mm baa kum 'that
(same) other one', with Far-Distant demonstrative in obviative function, in (660)
in the sample text.
kum can also follow a personal pronoun, as in [ara kum] 'he' (reactivating a
previously introduced discourse referent) in the second line of (666) in the
sample text.
kum may occur before other NP-final discourse particles such as neay (and
variants) 'now' and Topic kamy. In this non-NP-final position, kum may appear as
high-toned kua. However, in specific textual passages it can be difficult to
distinguish between e.g. [noun kua X], where X is a discourse particle added to a
Definite noun, from [noun] [kua X], where kua is an Inanimate pronoun (e.g.
resuming an already described situation.

6.8 Universal and distributive quantifiers

6.8.1 'Each X' and 'all X' (woay, dam- woay, cam ~ caw)

The stylistically unmarked quantifier for 'all' and 'each' is woay, which is often
extended as dam- woay (variants dom-woay, dm- woay), with no apparent change in
meaning. In (129a), it is clearly distributive 'each' and occurs with noun in
singular form with no determiner. In examples like (120b-c), with the universal-
quantifier sense 'all', the nouns are marked as plural (if morphologically
possible) and allow Definite determiners.

(129) a. [[aaram- m woay] mam:] [yua: sam:gum]


[[man-AnSg each] Dat] [millet sack.L]
tumwa- tumwa ni a- ym
one-one give.Impf-1PlS
'We will give one sack of millet to each man.'

b. [nas: bua: dam- woay] saa:ta:- r- am:


[cow.Pl Def.Pl all] animal.die-Perf1a-3PlS
'All of the cows died (without being slaughtered).'

c. [yi stm: dam- woay] amri a- ym


[1SgP.children.HL all] call.Impf-1SgS

128
'I will call (= summon) all of my children.'

Other forms for 'all' include cam ~ caw, which may reflect Jamsay
influence. It is most often used abstractly in complex conditional antecedents
(16.3) and in reduplicated or iterated forms meaning 'equal(ly)' (12.2.3).
For the more emphatic soay 'entirely' and noun namamnaa: 'entirety' (becoming
naaamnam: when "possessed"), see 8.6.7.5.

6.8.2 [X wea X] 'from (one) X to (another) X'

The combination [X wea X], where X is a common noun denoting entities


from a set, means 'from (one) X to (another) X (in succession)' or 'each X
(independently)'. It can function as a stylistically strong way of saying 'each X'.

(130) a. amsumwm- yi a- m wea amsumwm- yi a- m, tas: loa- mm


boy-child-AnSg to boy-child-AnSg, pond go.Impf-3SgS
'Each boy (=young man) goes to a water source (e.g. pond), (and)
he gets water and brings (it).' [2005.1a.11]

b. [damda wea damda]


[roofing to roofing]
[bm:- uarom mm:li m=naay] dmmbi a- ym
[father.L-house assemble=then.SS] cover.Impf-3PlS
'From (one) roof-building to (another) roof-building (=on each roof-
building occasion), the villagers will get together and do the
roofing.' [2005.1a.11]

It is possible that wea is a variant of wea:y 'as well as' (7.1.3).

6.8.3 '(Not) any X' (kaa:)

The adjective kaa: 'any' (animate Singular kaa:- m) modifies the noun, which is
singular in form (where morphologically relevant). The noun is tone-dropped as
before other adjectives. Animate Singular suffix - m is omitted on the noun (nam:
kaa:- m 'any cow', yam kaa:- m 'any woman', amram kaa:- m 'any man'). The verb (or
other predicate) is negated.

(131) a. [yi m kaa:- m] amrua- mm - doa- ym


[child.L any-AnSg] call-Impf-Neg-1SgS
'I will not call (= summon) any children.'

129
b. [umrom kaa:] awa- mm - doa- ym
[house.L any.Inan] buy-Impf-Neg-1SgS
'I will not buy any house.'

c. [km: kaa:]=raa-
[thing.L any.Inan]=not.be-3SgS
'It isn't anything.'

km: kaa: 'no/any thing', num kaa:- m 'no- /anybody', and mr kaa:
'no- /anywhere' are common combinations.
kaa: may be used in the sense 'any' in a conditional antecedent clause in the
absence of negation, like English any.

(132) [[km: kaa:] yi a- ja- wm dem],


[[thing.L any] see-RecPf-2SgS if],
'if you-Sg see anything, '

130
7 Coordination

7.1 NP coordination

A conjoined NP 'X and Y' of the type [[X ya] [Y ya]] or [[X be] [Y
be]] does not systematically undergo tone-dropping as relative-clause head,
though a full study might reveal the existence of variants with at least partial
tone-dropping (e.g. of the second coordinand only) as in e.g. Jamsay. See
14.1.3 for discussion.

7.1.1 NP conjunction (X ya, Y ya)

The common NP conjunction construction is symmetrical, with a particle ya


following both conjuncts. The individual coordinands may be singular or plural.

(133) [aaram yam] [yas: yaa]


[man.Pl and] [woman.Pl and]
'men and women'

The vowel of ya is extended intonationally () after both conjuncts. The


phonological tone is carried over from the final tone of the preceding conjunct,
but the parallelistic structure lends itself to sharp intonational modification of
the pitch. Therefore the pitch on the first ya is typically rather high (symbol )
even when phonologically low-toned, and the pitch on the second ya is either
close to what one would expect from the phonological tone (no symbol) or else
has the pitch lowering typical of the final phrase in a series (symbol ). In
careful speech (in elicitation sessions), the intonational differences between the
first and the second ya tend to be leveled out.
The same construction is used with two pronouns (134a), or with a pronoun
and a nonpronominal NP (134b).

(134) a. [i a yaa] [ua yaa]


[1Sg and] [2Sg and]
'I and you-Sg'

b. [i a yaa] [b: yaa]


[1Sg and] [1SgP.father.HL and]
'I and my father'

7.1.1.1 Conjunction with final quantifier

A concluding 'all' quantifier, such as emphatic soay 'all, every last one' (in
context also 'both') may be added at the end of a conjunction. In this case, there
is less noticeable intonational variation on the ya conjunction itself.

(135) [aaram yam] [yas: yam] [yi m-t: yam] soay loa- ym
[man.Pl and] [woman.Pl and] [childrenand] all go.Impf-3PlS
'Men, women, and children are all going.'

7.1.1.2 Interrogation of one coordinand

In (136), one of the two 'X and Y' coordinands is the interrogative 'who?'. A
literal translation is "[who? and a lion] fought a fight?"

(136) [[asm yaa] [tam-dumgua- m yaa]] jaay jamyam- bm


[[who? and] [lion-AnSg and] fight(n.) fight.Perf-3PlS
'Who was it who fought with a lion?' [2005-2b.05]

7.1.2 NP conjunction (X bem, Y bem)

The conjunctive particle ya is optionally replaced by bem (with the same


exaggerated intonational prolongation) and the same pitch pattern. This is most
common when either a) the coordinands are plural (including inanimates not
overtly marked for plurality), or b) the overall conjunction functions as a list
that is, or might have been, extended to more than two coordinands.

(137) a. [aaram bem] [yas: bea]


[man.Pl and] [woman.Pl and]
'men and women'

b. [[[kari ayam taagamy] mgua]


[[[K side.HL] Prox.Inan]
[i a: bem] [pmrga nua: bem] loa- wm dem]
[1Pl and] [P people.HL and] go.Perf-Ppl.Inan if]
'If this Koriyom side (=area) goes (=extends) between us (=Beni)
and the people of Pergu (a village)' [2005-1a.06]
c. [[gaaw bem] [komgoml- yi a: bem], [nam:- sumwa bem],
[[onion and] [doum.L-child and], [cow.L-excrement and],
aay] uaguaroa- ym [haal cea:lea- mm ]
Instr] give.scent.Impf-1PlS [until be.good.Impf-3SgS]
'We give it a smell using onion, and doum-palm nuts, and cow
manure, until it's good.' [2005-1a.09]

In (137c), Instrumental postposition amy takes scope over the conjoined


sequence, but is set off prosodically. This is typical of such conjoined NPs.
An abbreviated construction [X bem X], with the same common noun X
repeated in singular form, with just one occurrence of bem, is also attested. It
means, in effect, 'all X's'.

(138) [i a: [aaram-m bem aaram-m] kamy]


[1Pl [man-AnSg and man-AnSg] Top]
[jarm jmrm-ra:] loa:-ram-wm
[search(n.) seek.L-Purp] go-Impf1-Ppl.Inan
'The fact that all of us men go in order to search (for work)'
[2005.1b.06]

7.1.3 wea:y 'as well as'

A phrase-final morpheme wea:y is recorded in the sense 'as well as, along with'
(French ainsi que). The phrasing is [[X wea:y] Y] 'X, as well as Y' (139). The
textual context of the example suggests an emphasis on the accumulating
quantity of territory. This particle is also used in 'a fortiori' clauses (12.3). It
can be intonationally prolonged as wea:y, and could perhaps be transcribed
weay with dying-quail intonation. It may be related to wea in the [X wea
X] 'from X to X' construction (6.8.2).

(139) ea:, [tarm kum wea:y] [kua i aram kum]


yes, [mountain Def as.well.as] [InanP field.HL Def]
[amyua- wm dem]
[take.Perf-Ppl.Inan if]
'Yes, if it takes (=including) the mountain along with its field(s)' [2005-
1a.07]

133
7.1.4 "Conjunction" of verbs or VP's

Verbs are not conjoined using the same mechanisms found with NP or
pronominal conjunction. Instead, they may be chained in various ways; see
Chapter 15.

7.2 Disjunction

The 'or' disjunction ma is difficult to separate from the interrogative particle ma


in yes/no questions (which often take the parallelistic form 'X, or not X?').
Pragmatically, 'X or Y' suggests doubt as to whether X or Y (or both) are valid,
so that 'X or Y' and 'X? or Y?' are closely related. In both cases, ma is clause-
final, is obligatory after the first phrase and commonly repeated after the
second, gets its phonological tone from the end of the preceding word, and is
highly subject to intonational prolongation and pitch modification.

7.2.1 'Or' (ma) with NPs and pronouns

The disjunctive particle is ma, which regularly shows intonational prolongation


(symbol ). In (140a-b), only one occurrence of ma occurs, between the two
coordinands. There is no clear intonational break either before or after the
particle, except when the speaker hesitates (e.g. while searching for a term as
right coordinand).

(140) a. ua maa [ua aati myam- m]


2Sg and [2SgP friend.HL-AnSg]
'you or your friend'

b. [namwaa: mam numwi a:] msua bua:-


[meat or cow.peas] good be-3Sg
'(Either) meat or cow-peas is fine.'

In either example, a second occurrence of ma after the second coordinand


is possible but not required.

7.2.2 'Or' (ma) with adverbs

An example is (141), with temporal adverbs.

134
(141) [i ayea maa] [ay maa] ys- mm
[today or] [tomorrow of] come-Impf.3SgS
'He/She will come today or tomorrow.'

My assistant also gave a version of this with 'it is' clitic on 'today' and
'yesterday', beginning [i ayea=mm mam]

7.2.3 Clause-level disjunction

It is especially difficult to distinguish the 'or' particle from the interrogative


particle in these cases, where two propositions are involved. The elicited
examples (142) and (143) were designed to force a disjunctive rather than
interrogative reading.
In (142), the two 'if' clauses do not exhaust the set of possibilities, since the
"Goldilocks" scenario remains in play (it might rain the just-right amount, not
too much or too little). Therefore the context does not lend itself to a 'whether X
or Y' interpretation, which would verge on a polar interrogative.

(142) [bomlua mi mrm- ri a- maa]


[rain(n.) rain.fall-PerfNeg-3SgS or]
[mi mra laa:- rm- mam]
[rain.fall overflow-Perf1a-3SgS of]
yua: goa- m- doa-
millet go.out-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'If it doesn't rain, or if it rains too much, the millet won't come out.'

In (143), the speaker is making a promise in two alternative versions, and


an interrogative reading (in the usual sense) is not possible.

(143) [ys- ym mam] [nus- m ti a- ym mam]


[come-Impf.1Sg or] [person-AnSg send-Impf.1SgS or]
'(Either) I will come (myself), or I will send someone.'

135
8 Postpositions and adverbials

8.1 Tonal locatives (absent)

No tonal locatives of the Jamsay type have been observed. uarom 'house' has the
HL tone contour of Jamsay tonal locative uarom 'at home' (cf. Jamsay noun uaroa
'house'). However, in BenT this contour is lexical.

8.2 Accusative =ni m ~=nm

Accusative =ni m (postvocalically also =nm) which I transcribe as a clitic, could


be taken as a suffix (but then it is the only suffix added directly to pronouns), or
as a postposition (but it interacts in its segmental phonology with the preceding
element in a manner not typical of postpositions). It is optional even in clear
direct-object function. For its forms with personal pronouns, including 2Sg
ua=num and Inanimate kua=num where the clitic vowel has assimilated to the
pronoun's back rounded vowel, see 4.3.1. The clitic is also used (optionally)
with other NPs (144), though it is most common with personal names. The clitic
is particularly common when the direct object is focalized (13.1.2).

(144) [b:(=ni m)] yi m- ym


[1SgP.father.HL(=Acc)] see.Perf.L-1SgS
'I saw my father.'

The Accusative morpheme is occasionally added to other nonsubject NPs


that have some focal properties. See, for example, [uasuari a woa]=nm '(we come) on
(=because of) a request' in (654) in the sample text, and yaa:=nm 'there' at the end
of B's long turn in (676) in the sample text.
An interesting issue is whether there is an affinity, or even morphemic
identity, between Accusative =ni m ~=nm added to nouns and pronouns, and
Different-Subject chaining morpheme =ni m ~=nm added to a nonfinal clause in
a (loose) clause chain (15.1.10).
The Accusative occurs optionally on objects of imperatives (145), as on
objects of other inflected verbs.

(145) [b:(=ni m)] suaya


[1SgP.father.HL(=Acc)] hit.Imprt
'Hit-2Sg my father!'

8.3 Dative and instrumental

8.3.1 Dative maa: ~ mam:

This postposition has a basic form maa:, becoming L-toned mam: after a L- or
<HL>-tone. The low-toned variant mam: is homophonous with the low-toned
form of Quotative Subject (QuotS) morpheme maa:, which occurs in clause-
initial NPs (chiefly subjects, 17.1.1.1). The 1Sg Dative form is <LHL> toned
ma: with no segmentally overt pronominal (146c).

(146) a. [summaaylam mam:] bua:dum ni a- ti a:-


[Soumaila Dat] money give-Perf1b-1SgS
'I gave the money to Soumaila.'

b. mwra [ua maa:] i m- awrua- mm


story [2Sg Dat] Rdp-narrate.Impf-3SgS
'He/She will tell you-Sg a story.'

c. bua:dum ma: ni m-
money Dat.1Sg give.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She gave me the money.'

d. [[ua uarom- jemgi m:] mam:] ni a- wm


[[2SgP house-neighboring.HL] Dat] give.Impf-2SgS
'You-Sg will give (honey) to your-Sg neighboring house
(=neighbors)' [2005-1a.09]

The Dative is used for the indirect object of 'give' and 'say', and in more
abstract contexts like (147), which occurs in a text about collecting honey from
apiaries.

(147) [[yesy kum] maa:] amaay kaa:- ram- wm


[[honey Def] Dat] how? do-Impf1-2PlS
'What do you-Pl do for (=with) the honey?' [1005.1a.09]

'X call Y "Z"' (Y discourse referent, Z its name or other designation) is


expressed as 'X say Z [Y-Dative]'.

(148) [kua maa:] tomy- bi msi a gua- ym

138
[Inan Dat] sowing-moist say.Impf-1PlS
'We call that (activity) "toy-bisi".' [2005-1a.10]

8.3.2 Instrumental aay

Standard instrumental senses ('with/by means of a stick') and more abstract


extensions ('by force') are expressed by the postposition aay. It appears as amy
after L- or <HL>-tone.

(149) a. [waaram amy] waaraa- ym


[daba Inst] farm.Impf-1SgS
'I do farming work with a daba (hoe).'

b. [i msea: kum] [pamgaa aay] amy- ba


[village Def] [force Inst] take.Perf.L-3PlS
'They took (control of) the village by force.'

The Instrumental is also used in various more or less spatial functions


(150a-b) and in expressions denoting points in time (150c). The Instrumental
therefore competes to a limited extent with Locative postpositions.

(150) a. [ua: yam] [[i msea: kum] aay] was:w bua- wm


[2Pl too] [[village Def] Inst] distant be-2PlS
'you-Pl are far from the village.' [2005-1a.07]

b. [asa aay] ti a- ym
[shoulderbag Inst] pour.out.Impf-3PlS
'They dump (the millet spikes) with (=from) the shoulderbags?'
[2005-1a.10]

b. [[midi trente domgumrum mgua] aay]


[[noon thirty time.L Prox.Inan] Inst]
'at 12:30 (PM)'

The high-frequency phrase [kua aay] 'with that' can be translated in context
'at that point', 'that being the case', or just 'then'. It essentially resumes a
situation just described, as background for the next section of discourse.

139
8.4 Locational postpositions

8.4.1 Locative, allative, and ablative functions

As in all languages of the zone, spatial adverbials including locative PPs denote
locations only and are neutral as to whether the referent in question is located in,
heading toward, arriving at, or departing from the location. This information is
expressed in verbs, either alone or chained to other verbs. gos- 'go out, exit,
leave' expresses the ablative ('from') when combined with a preceding locational
expression. In its absence, loa- 'go' or other motion verb normally implies allative
('to') when combined with a locational.

8.4.2 'In, on, at' (wo)

The most general Locative postposition is / wo/. The tone of the postposition is
the same as it would be if it were a noun possessed by the preceding
complement NP or pronoun. Since it is monomoraic, it is therefore usually low-
toned after a low tone, and high-toned after a high tone, but it is also high-toned
after certain types of multiword NPs (e.g. those ending in Definite kum or Plural
bem).
The postposition is used in various temporal (151a) as well as spatial (151b)
senses. It competes most directly with the semantically more precise pi arem 'inside'
(8.4.3, below).

(151) a. [ji mrea: woa] bi ara msi a bi ara- ym


[rainy.season in] work(n.) very work-Impf.1PlS
'During the rainy season we work a lot (=work hard).'

b. [[i msem: di ayam- w] wom] km:- kaa: mgoa-


[[village.L big-Inan] in] things not.be-3SgS
'There is nothing in town (=in the city).'

c. sawm [tos: woa] taaraa- ti a- ym


paper [wall in] affix-Perf1b-1SgS
'I stuck (pasted, pinned) the paper on the wall.'

wo is also part of many of the complex postpositions described below. Since


the immediately preceding stem is a noun-like element that takes possessed-
noun {HL} tone contour, wo appears in low-toned form as wom in these
combinations.

140
8.4.3 'Inside, within' (X pi arem)

This postposition, based on noun pi mrea: 'interior' but with final short vowel, is
sometimes interchangeable with Locative wo (see above). However, pi arem is
more concrete, meaning 'inside, within', with reference to a container-like entity
(house, sack, etc.) capable of enclosing something. The form is pi mrem after L- or
<HL>-tone.

(152) a. [uarom pi mrem] b- m:


[house inside.L] be-3PlS
'They are in(side) the house.'

b. suakarm [jama pi arem] gasy- ti a- ym


sugar [bag inside.HL] put-Perf1b-1SgS
'I put-Past the sugar in(side) the sack.'

8.4.4 'on; on the head of' ([X kua] wom)

This composite postposition is historically related to kua: 'head', though it is now


phonologically distinct from kua: wom 'on the head'. For vestiges of short-voweled
forms of 'head' see discussion of (108) in 6.3.1. ([X kua] wom is used in contexts
where something is (physically or metaphorically) weighing down on the
reference object or person. The metaphor is resonant in a society where people,
especially women, carry burdens (pails of water, large baskets full of millet or
other products) on their heads over long distances.

(153) [[koaroa:jum kum] dua: namamnaa:] [ua kuawom] bum-


[[family Def] burden.HL all] [2SgP on] be-3SgS
'The whole burden of (supporting) the family is on you-Sg.'

8.4.5 'On' ([X maani m:] wom)

The complex postposition maani m: wom consists of Locative wom and a form maani m:
that has the HL tone pattern of a possessed noun. It is related to the adverb
mamni a: 'above'.

(154) namwaa [tuaguaruam maani m: wom] dmyi m- ym


meat [stool on.HL in] put.down.Perf.L-1SgS
'I put-Past the meat on the stool.'

141
In most cases this postposition specifies location of a smallish object at or
near the apex of, or on the upper side, of the reference object. However, it may
be extended to a wall, provided the focal object gives the impression of being
supported by it. This is the case with house geckos, lizards capable of moving or
"standing" on walls (155).

(155) aakmlam [tos: maani m: wom] loa- mm


gecko [wall on.HL in.HL] go.Impf-3SgS
'The gecko is moving on the wall.'

8.4.6 'close to, near' ([X doasum] wom)

This complex postposition is frozen, there being no noun # domsua or the like.
Nevertheless, doasum has the HL tone pattern typical of bisyllabic possessed
nouns.

(156) a. [[ua doasum] wom] bum-


[[2SgP beside.HL] in] be-3SgS
'He/She/It is near you-Sg'.

b. [[aaram domsum] wom]


[[man.Pl beside.L] in]
'near the men'

8.4.7 'in front of' (X ji arem)

This postposition has the form ji arem, becoming ji mrem after L- or <HL>-tone.

(157) a. [tarm ji mrem] bum-


[mountain in.front.of] be-3SgS
'He/She/It is in front of the mountain.'

b. ti mwsy ji arem
tree in.front.of
'in front of the tree'

'In front of the house' is generally expressed as 'at the doorway' (158).

(158) [omrummoa: woa] yaa eaw-yea- wa

142
[doorway in] Exist sit-MP.Impf-3SgS
'He/She is sitting in front of the house.'

8.4.8 'Behind, after' ([X tualum] wom)

The possessed form of the noun tumlua 'rear (area)', cf. tumlum- kalm 'back (body
part)', is the basis for a compound postposition, with Locative woa. The regular
possessed forms of tumlua are used.

(159) a. [uarom tumlum] wom


[house rear.L] in
'behind the house'

b. [ua tualum] wom


[2SgP rear.HL] in
'behind you-Sg'

c. tuslum wom
1SgP.rear.HL in
'behind me'

8.4.9 'Beside' ([X bealem] wom)

The noun bealea 'side (of object or body)' is the basis for bealem wom 'beside, at the
side of'.

(160) a. [ti mwsy bealem] wom


[tree side.HL] in
'beside the tree'

b. [i a: bemlem] wom
[1Pl side.L] in
'beside us'

8.4.10 'Under' ([X boalom] wom)

The noun bomloa 'bottom, lower part' is used in the compound postposition boalom
wom 'under'. We get bomlom wom after a L- or <HL>-tone.

143
(161) a. sawm [[jamba boalom] wom] yaa bua-
paper [[sack underside.HL] in] Exist be-3SgS
'The paper is under the sack.'

b. [ua: bomlom] wom


[2PlP underside.L] in
'under you-Pl'

The noun bi mri a 'rear end' is used in the sense 'at the base of', when the
reference object is e.g. a tree or a mountain.

(162) [ti mwsy bi ari m] wom


[tree bottom.HL] in
'at the base of (=under) the tree'

8.4.11 'Between' ([[X Y] gaalum] wom, [X Y] barkmlamw)

[[X Y gaalum] wom] is a compound postposition meaning 'between X and Y'. It can
also mean 'within (a duration)'.

(163) [[umsua parua] gaalum] wom


[[day ten] between] in
'within ten days' [2005.1a.14]

barkmlamw 'between', based on noun bmr- kalam: 'middle', is used in its literal
(spatial) sense (164). If both endpoints are specified, they are conjoined
(7.1.1).

(164) [bea:ni m yam] [duawaansaan yaa] barkmlamw


[Beni and] [Douentza and] between
'between Beni and Douentza'

It can be used in literal and figurative senses with human reference objects.
Of course a single NP or pronoun denoting the endpoints can be used instead of
a conjunction (165).

(165) i a: bmrkmlamw
1Pl between
'between us' (literally, or e.g. in confidence between us)

144
8.5 Purposive and causal postpositions

8.5.1 Purposive gi sn (and variants) 'for'

This postposition is illustrated in (166). It can have purposive or causal


('because of') sense, but the purposive sense ('for', 'in order for') is most
prominent. The variant forms attested are gi sn, gi mni,a gusn, and gumni.a The
postposition is slightly mutated from gumy=ni a (variant gi my=ni),a a same-
subject clause-linking form of gusy ~ gi s: 'say'. In other words, 'he came for
meat' originated as 'saying (=thinking) meat, he came'. This use of a quotative
expression in purposive contexts is typical of Dogon languages.

(166) a. [namwaa: gi sn] ym- y


[meat Purp] come.Perf.L-1SgS
'I came for the meat [focus].'

b. [ua gi sn] ym- y


[2Sg Purp] come.Perf.L-1SgS
'I came on account of you-Sg.'

For gi sn with a clausal complement (purposive or causal clause), see 17.5.3


and 17.5.2.2. In the latter section, I point out that native speakers are aware of
the relationship between gi sn (with its variants) and the 'say' verb gusy gi sy
(11.3.1), which combines with the Same-Subject clause chaining clitic =ni a as
gum=ni a or gi m=ni.a So there is a connection between e.g. 'I came on account of
you' and 'I came saying/thinking "you."'

8.5.2 Causal dagmy and gi sn 'because of'

The postposition dagmy has a HL tone contour, cf. noun dagsy 'reason, cause'.
It can be glossed 'because of', specifying the causal factor that impels an action.
gi sn (see preceding section) may also be used in this context, though its core
meaning is purposive (future-oriented).

(167) [bomlua dagmy] num- ba


[ " gi sn] "
[rain because.of] go.in.Perf.L-3PlS
'They went inside because of the rain.'

145
8.5.3 Causal [[X ni a:] wom]

This is a complex postposition involving a noun-like element ni: and Locative


wo. Particle ni: is not used in similar sense elsewhere, but I will gloss it as
'cause' in interlinears. The lexical tone of ni: cannot be determined, since X
always functions as a possessor and imposes possessed tone contour (HL, in
some contexts then dropping to all-L) on ni:. The final tone segment of ni: is
therefore always L, and this spreads into the Locative postposition, which is
therefore always L-toned wom.
[[X ni a:] wom] can be translated 'because of X' or 'on account of X'. There is
no sharp semantic distinction between this and other causal constructions, but in
the textual examples [[X ni a:] wom] usually expresses a human motivation rather
than physical causality. That is, [[X ni a:] wom] describes the background situation
within which the following eventuality makes sense.
The most common combinations are [kua ni a:] wom] 'because of that, for that
(aforementioned) reason' and [[mgua ni a:] wom] 'because of this/that, for this/that
reason'. [kua ni a:] wom] is always anaphoric, resuming prior discourse and
establishing it as the motivational background for the following eventuality
(168a). [[mgua ni a:] wom] is based on a deictic demonstrative (mgua 'this', 'that') and
may be cataphoric (prospective), when the speaker is about to describe a
motivational background, as in (168b) in the context of its text (the speaker
went on to give the explanation).

(168) a. tamraa: [[kua ni a:] wom]


collective.hunt [[Inan cause.HL] in]
taar- ym=b- am:
hunt.Impf-3PlS=Past-3PlS
'They used to do the collective hunt for that purpose.' [2005-1b.01]

b. [i a: [yi m-t: nemwem:] [[mgua ni a:] wom]


[1Pl [children benefit.L] [[Prox.Inan cause.HL] in]
kaa:- ram- ym]
do-Impf-1PlS
'(As for) us, the benefit of (having) children, because of this [focus]
we do (it, i.e. have lots of children).- [2005-1b.07]

The textual context for (169) contrasts two motivations for slaughtering a
goat, dumsua 'respectfulness' (i.e. to honor someone), and kaalaa 'sanction' (i.e. as a
penalty), and both nouns occur in the frame [[X ni a:] wom].

(169) nuawmy [[dumsua ni a:] wom] [nus: maa:]


now [respect cause.HL] in] [people Dat]

146
bmr bua: sawa- mm
goat 3PlS slaughter.Impf-Ppl
'Now it's due to respectfulness that (there is) a goat that they slaughter
for (other) people, ' [2005-1b.04]

In (170), [[X ni a:] wom] is not obviously causal. Instead, it gives a context for
the main predication, and can be approximately glossed 'with respect to' or 'in
the context of'.

(170) emnji a: [[kmssy ni a:] wom] [emnji a: kumya: i ara- mm ]


roselle [[harvest cause.HL] in] [roselle first ripen.Impf-3SgS
'Roselle, with respect to the (millet) harvest, roselle ripens first.' [2005-
1a.10]

8.6 Other adverbials (or equivalents)

8.6.1 Similarity (gaay 'like')

This high-frequency adverbial most often follows, and has scope over, a NP or
adverb.

(171) yas- m gaay


woman-AnSg like
'like a woman'

8.6.2 Extent (msi a or di ayaa-w woa 'a lot' and i mllaa, dam, daa:-woa 'a little')

Adverbial 'a lot, greatly, thoroughly' is usually msi a. An occasional alternative


is di ayaa-w woa, cf. adjective di ayam- 'big', noun di myas-w 'size', and Locative wo.
For 'a lot' in the quantitative sense ('many, much') see bay and joa (4.5.1)
See also the intensifiers used with specific adjectival concepts (6.3.3.1).
Adverbial (or nominal) 'a little' is either i mllaa umllaa, dam, or daa:- woa, cf.
adjective daa:- 'small' and noun daa:-w 'smallness'.

(172) a. msi a ni m:yi m-


a.lot sleep.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She slept a lot.'

b. i mllaa ni m:yi m-
a.little sleep.Perf.L-3SgS

147
'He/She slept a little (=briefly).'

c. dam ni m:yi m-
a.little sleep.Perf.L-3SgS
(= b)

These adverbs are often superceded by more specific expressions, notably


intensifiers 6.4.4.1.
Emphatic 'be/do a lot, excessively, too much' can be expressed by laa-
'overflow', see line 5 of (671) in the sample text.

8.6.3 Specificity

8.6.3.1 'Approximately' (gaay)

Particle gaay 'like' (8.6.1) may be used to indicate approximate quantity


(173b).

(173) a. [uarom parua] s- m:- ba


[house ten] have-3PlS-3PlS
'They have ten houses.'

b. [[uarom parua] gaay] s- m:- ba


[[house ten] like] have-3PlS-3PlS
'They have like (= approximately) ten houses.'

8.6.3.2 'Exactly' (cak)

Particle cak 'exactly' specifies the exactness of a quantity.

(174) [[uarom parua] cak] s- m:- ba


[[house ten] exactly] have-3PlS-3PlS
'They have exactly ten houses.'

For exactness of locations, see 4.4.2.2.

148
8.6.3.3 'Specifically' (tea)

tea is used in contexts where the speaker emphasizes the precise identity
(rather than quantity) of a referent. It can, for example, be used with singular
pronouns as well as with other NPs and pronouns.

(175) [ua tea] lumgumroa:- ram- ym


[2Sg specifically] look.for-Impf-1SgS
'I'm looking specifically for you-Sg.'

8.6.4 Evaluation

8.6.4.1 'Well' and 'badly'

msi a can mean 'well', evaluating the quality of someone's poerformance or


knowledge, in addition to its quantitative sense 'a lot, greatly' (8.6.2).

(176) msi a bemn- tey juawa- mm


well Beni.L-language know-Impf.3SgS
'He/She knows Beni language well.'

The verb cea:lea has meanings like 'make, manufacture' (transitive) or 'be
made, manufactured' (intransitive), usually with the connotation 'make well' or
'be well-made'. In many contexts the 'well' component becomes dominant,
resulting in translations like '(rainy season) turn out well'.
There is no adverb 'badly', so other ways of phrasing the relevant concepts
are used. For example, adjective mmsua 'bad' can modify a direct object noun,
perhaps a cognate nominal.

(177) [bi mrm mmsua] bi ara- mm


[work(n.).L bad] work-Impf.3SgS
'He/She works does poor work (= works badly).'

8.6.4.2 'Appropriate, right' (jaa:w)

A phrase with jaa:w 'normal, right, (socially) acceptable' can be used. It behaves
syntactically as a predicative adjective. The positive form is jaa:w bua:- 'it is
normal, right' or just jaa:w. The negative is jam:w=raa 'it isn't right'. For the
morphosyntactic frames see 11.4.1 (positive) and 11.4.4 (negative).

149
8.6.5 Manner

There is no productive morphological mechanism for producing manner


adverbials (cf. English -ly). It is very easy to chain verbs together, so most
"manner adverbials" are really chained verbs or VPs. Postpositional phrases like
pamaa aay 'by force' are also common.

8.6.6 Spatiotemporal adverbials

8.6.6.1 Temporal adverbs

Some of the major temporal adverbs are in (178).

(178) a. i ayea 'today; nowadays'


i ayam 'again'
pi ani awua 'again' (verb 'do again')
yeagum 'yesterday; formerly, in the old days'
i ayea umsua tam:nua 'day before yesterday'
nuawmy 'now'
na: (and variants) 'now' (especially topicalizing)

b. ay, ay dea 'tomorrow; in the future'


aranaa: 'day after tomorrow'
mrmnam: tuagm 'second day after tomorrow'
tuagm ti a: 'third day after tomorrow'
lag-temrea 'fourth day after tomorrow'
bam:nasy 'fifth day after tomorrow'

c. jy 'last year'
namguarum 'next year'
ni ayaw ~ nuaya: ~ ni aya: 'this year'

8.6.6.2 'First' (kumya:)

'First' as adverb, in the sense of chronological sequencing of events, is kumya:. As


in English, this is identical to the ordinal adjective 'first (of a series)'.

(179) bi ara kumya: bi mra jm=naay,


work(n.) first work ExpPf=then.SS,

150
aaamy sy a- ym
like.that meal eat.Impf-1PlS
'We'll do the work first, then we'll eat.'

8.6.6.3 Spatial adverbs

Deictic locative adverbs ('here', 'there') are presented in 4.4.2.1. Other locative
adverbs are listed in (180).

(180) a. mamni a: 'above, top, summit'


bomloa: 'below, bottom, down'

b. dua: ji mrem, dum daa: 'east'


temi m daa:, tem daa: 'west'
bomsomn daa:, boasoan 'north'
mumnjumrom daa:, gamw tarm 'south'
[mumnjumrom daa: is now archaic]

c. tumli m:- tuali m: 'going backward, in reverse'


tumlua woa, tumlua daa: 'in the rear'
ji mrea: 'forward; in front' cf. ji mrea 'eye'

Note the morpheme daa: in several cardinal-direction terms, but daa: in tumlua
daa: 'in the rear' (cf. Jamsay daaaa).
'Left hand' is nam- bamnasy, 'right hand' is nam- sy (with nas: 'hand'). Nowadays
these can be used as directional terms, as in 'turn left'.

8.6.7 Expressive adverbials

As in all Dogon languages there are many expressive adverbials. Many of them
end in a syllable that is protracted intonationally (symbol ). A few of the most
important are given in the following sections. 6.3.3.1 presents adjectival
intensifiers, which belong to the larger class of expressive adverbials.
These forms may be used adverbially. They are rather independent, and do
not constitute subconstituents of syntactic phrases like NP and PP (181a).
However, they can be made predicative by adding an auxiliary verb, either
stative quasi-verb bum- 'be' to denote a state (181b), or the regular verb bes-
(elsewhere 'remain') in the inchoative sense 'become'. mgoa- 'not be' is the
negative in the stative sense (181b). The syntax even of predicative forms of

151
expressive adverbials is clearly distinct from that of predicate nouns and
predicate adjectives.

(181) a. yi a-m bea:n deam ymga lom-


child-AnSg Beni straight run go.Perf-3SgS
'The child ran straight to Beni.'

b. oasum deam bum-


road straight be-3SgS
'(The) road is straight.'

c. bearea deam bes:-rm-


stick straight become-Perf1a-3SgS
'The stick became straight.'

d. oasum deam mgoa-


road straight not.be-3SgS
'(The) road is straight.'

8.6.7.1 'Straight' (deam, sa)

'Straight' in the sense of a direct, non-meandering trajectory or path is expressed


by the adverbial deam. The m is prolonged. Examples are in the immediately
preceding section.
'Straight' in the context 'look straight at' is sa or variant sa.

(182) i a=ni m sa ti mni m- ba


1Sg-Acc straight look.Perf.L-3PlS
'They looked straight at me.'

8.6.7.2 'Apart, separate' (deay)

To indicate that two objects, or classes of object, are physically separated or are
conceptually distinct, both NPs are followed by adverbial deay in a
parallelistic construction.

(183) [aaram deay] [yas: deay]


[man.Pl apart] [woman.Pl apart]
'Men and women are separate (or: are distinct).'

152
8.6.7.3 'Always' (amsua) , 'never' (ambaadaa)

'Always, foreover, eternally' is amsua, which was perhaps originally a phrase


including umsua 'day'. This advebial is also found in some other Dogon languages
(Nanga, Najamba).
'Never', also an emphatic negative ('in no way', 'not on your life') is the
ubiquitous ambaadaa from Arabic. It is used as an addition to a regular negative
clause.

8.6.7.4 'All together'

No adverbial meaning 'together' (cf. Jamsay si a-sa: and cognates in other


northwestern Dogon languages) was elicitable. Instead, a verb chain beginning
with mm:lua 'be/do together' is the only way to express e.g. 'we work together'.
See 15.1.6.

8.6.7.5 'All, entirely' (soay, namamnaa:)

soay (with interjection-like emphasis) can be used to emphasize that an


eventuality applies to the entirety of a set. It is therefore basically an emphatic
version of 'all' (the less emphatic form is woay).

(184) [uarom kum] soay amwaa:- rm-


[house Def] all.Emph be.ruined-Perf1a-3SgS
'All (= every last one of) the houses were ruined.'

namamnaa: 'entirety' (of a group or mass) as possessed noun can emphasize that
an eventually applies in a complete or extreme fashion to one or more objects.
As a possessed noun the surface form is [X naaamnam:] or, if X is an undetermined
and unquantified NP ending in a L-tone, [X namamnam:].

(185) a. [usrom kum] naaamnam: amwaa:- rm-


[1SgP-house.HL Def] entirely be.ruined-Perf1a-3SgS
'My house was completely ruined.'

b. [bua: namamnam:] smllm- r- aa


[3PlP all.L] be.healthy-PerfNeg-3PlS
'They are all sick.'

153
c. [kua naaamnam:] dumwa:- rm-
[InanP all.HL] be.finished-Perf1a-3SgS
'It (e.g. sugar) is finished (= depleted).'

For namamnaa: in emphatic pronoun function, see 18.1.4.

8.6.8 Iterated adverbials

8.6.8.1 Distributive adverbial iteration

Iteration of a numeral is used to indicate distribution over time and space ('two
by two', 'two apiece', etc.). In the market, iteration can also indicate the price per
unit.

(186) a. yesy- yesy ym- ba


two-two come.Perf.L-3PlS
'They came two by two.'

b. mamgoarom pmri a- ysy pmri a- yesy


mango ten-two ten-two
'Mangoes are twenty riyals (= 100 francs CFA) apiece.'

8.6.8.2 'Scattered, here and there' (kaalum- kaalum, koal- koal, arm- arm)

Adverb kaalum- kaalum and variants kaal- kaal and koal- koal (cf. Jamsay kaan-kaan)
indicates scattered (not dense) occurrence in several locations not very far apart.
I know of no simple (un-iterated) form of the stem.

(187) yi a- m sumwa kaalum- kaalum sumwm-


child-AnSg excrement here.and.there defecate.Perf.L-3SgS
'The child defecated (a little bit) here and there.'

Another iterated adverbial with similar meaning is arm- arm, iteration of


arm 'place'.

154
8.6.8.3 Other adverbs with iterated stem

The iterations of adjective stems in (188), with low-toned initial and {HL}
toned final, are used as adverbs. The formation is distinct (in form and sense)
from distributive iterations.

(188) form gloss related adjective

nam:ram- naa:ram 'easily' nam:raa 'easy'


numm- nuam 'with difficulty' nusm 'difficult'

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9 Verbal derivation

9.1 Reversive verbs (- rva - )

The reversive verb-to-verb derivation is like that with English un- (or dis-, etc.).
The basic suffix is - rva- . The derived stem preserves the {H} or {LH} stem-
level lexical tone contour of the input verb, but {LH} is spread over the entire
derived stem. The derivation is most common with (underlying) bisyllabic
stems (189a). The inner stem itself shifts its (presuffixal) vowel to a high vowel,
here written i except where syncopated. This is a weak metrical position in a
trisyllabic verb. However, some other reversives discussed below fail to raise
the presuffixal vowel, suggesting that this raising is not fully productive. In
(189b), the verbs are pi a:yi a- and pi a:- ri a- , to judge by imperatives pi a:yam 'shut!'
and pi a:- ram 'open!', but the phonology is murky since pi a:yi a- is usually
pronounced [pi a:]. Stative pi m- pi ayam- w 'it is shut' clearly has a short i in the
medial syllable, suggesting that an alternative representation of 'shut' as /pi ayi/a
may also be present. This would then suggest an alternative analysis of 'open' as
/pi ayi a-ri a-/, and perhaps of pi a:yi a- as /pi ayi a-yi a-/. (189c) shows a dissimilation
of /r/ to l before the suffixal r, see 3.5.4.5. In (189d), the end of the input stem
is truncated before the suffix, and suffixal /r/ shifts to d after m (3.5.4.7). In
(189e), a final -yva- is lopped off before -rva-. In the case of 'caught'/'uncaught',
this truncation might be attributed to the unacceptability of a trisyllabic stem
before the Reversive suffix, and/or to deletion of Mediopassive -yva- before
another derivational suffix. The 'lock'/'unlock' case is synchronically messy and
isolated (compare Nanga damgaa/damgi a-ri m and Bankan Tey das:/dam:-ri)a . (189f)
shows lengthening of Cv- stem to Cv:- before the derivational suffix (3.5.3.1).

(189) input gloss reversive gloss

a. bisyllabic stem as input (predominant type)


dmwi a- 'cover (object)' dmw- ri a- 'uncover (object)'
mmli a- 'fold' mmli m- ri a- 'unfold'
kali a- 'hook, hang up' kali a- ri a- 'unhook, take down
(sth hanging)'
paga- 'nail [verb]' pagi a- ri a- 'remove (nail)'
paga- 'button' pagi a- ri a 'unbutton'
paaaa- 'tie' paagi a- ri a- 'untie'
b. phonology problematic (discussed above)
pi a:yi a- 'shut' pi a:- ri a- 'open'

c. /r/ to l (3.5.4.5)
gomroa- 'cover (person)' gomlom- roa- 'uncover (person)'
i mra- 'forget' i mli m- ri a- 'remember'
taaraa- 'paste, affix' taali a- ri a- 'unpaste, detach'

d. syncope (3.5.3.2), CCC simplification (3.5.4.8), /r/ to d (3.5.4.7)


ti ambi a- 'cover (w lid)' ti am- di a- 'uncover (remove lid)'

e. Mediopassive -yva- omitted


neagi a-yea- 'be caught in tree' neagea- rea- 'become uncaught'
dam:-yi a- 'lock' dam:- ri a- 'unlock'
[Imperative daa]

f. Cv- lengthened to Cv:- before suffix (3.5.3.1)


ta- 'wind' ta:-ri a- 'unwind'
was- 'pull up (pants)' wam:-ri a- 'let (pants) down'

Some frozen reversives are used only in chained form before gom- loa-
'remove, take away' if transitive (190a), and before gos- 'go out, exit' if
intransitive (190.b).

(190) a. gmgum- rua gom- loa- ti a:-


fence.in-Revers remove-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She removed the fence (opened up the space).'

b. pi area- ri a gos:- rm-


get.bogged-Revers go.out-Perf1a-3SgS
'It (e.g. truck) got unbogged.'

Reversive verbs attested only in this construction (with gom- loa- or gos- ) are
in (191). As in (189f), Cv- verbs lengthen to Cv:-.

(191) input gloss reversive gloss

a. transitive with gom- loa-


gmgi a- 'wall/fence in' gmgum- rua- 'remove fence from'
ni agi a- 'tangle' ni angi a- ri a- 'untangle'
ta- 'step on' ta:- ri a- 'remove foot from'
koa- 'roll up (pants)' koa:- roa- 'let (pants) down'
kuamjoa- 'crumple' kuamjoa- roa- 'uncrumple'

b. intransitive with gos-


pi area- 'get bogged' pi area- ri a- 'get unbogged'

9.2 Deverbal causative verbs

9.2.1 Productive Causative suffix (- wua- )

The productive derivational suffix for deverbal causatives is - wua- . It readily


nasalizes to - wua- by Nasalization-Spreading. It is often apocopated (or
syncopated) to - w- (or - w- if nasalized) word-finally and before consonants.
(For a handful of cases where this suffix is passive rather than causative, see the
immediately following section.)
For inputs of more than one mora, the lexical {H} or {LH} tone contour is
preserved in the - wua- derivative. Short-voweled V-final monosyllabic inputs
also have their vowels lengthened.

(192) Causatives with - wua-

input gloss causative gloss

a. {H}-toned from {H} toned input (2+ syllables or CvC-)


peatea- 'jump' peatea- wua- 'make jump'
kuawoa- 'eat (meat)' kuawoa- wua- 'feed (with meat)'
aawyi-a 'be swollen' aawyi-a wua- 'cause to swell'
ara- 'escape' ara- wua- 'let escape'

b. {LH}-toned from {LH} toned input (2+ syllables or CvC-)


jumwa- 'know' jumwm- wua- 'inform'
gasy- 'put' gam:- wua- 'cause to put'
wamsaa- 'remain' wamsam- wua- 'let remain'
di mmbi-m yi a- 'follow' di mmbi-m yi m- wua- 'make follow'
bumroa- 'be reanimated' bumrom- wua- 'reanimate, bring back
to life (e.g. fire)'
dumwa- 'end' dumwom- wua- 'cause to end'
gomgi mri a- 'spin' gomgumrum- wua- 'make spin'

c. {H}-toned from monosyllabic {H} input


a- 'eat (meal)' a:- wua- 'give food to'
loa- 'go' loa:- wua- 'allow to go'

159
nua- 'enter' nua:- wua- 'make enter'

d. {LH}-toned from monosyllabic {LH} input


bes- 'remain' bem:- wua- 'cause to remain'
ns- 'drink' nm:- wua- 'give drink to'
ys- 'weep' ym:- wua- 'make weep'
gos- 'go out' gom:- wua- 'take out' (uncommon)
nus- 'hear' num:- wua- 'make hear'

9.2.2 Minor Causative suffix (- gi a- )

The known cases of -gi a- are in (193).

(193) Causatives with -gi a-

input gloss causative gloss

gva-
kaawaa- 'separate self' kaaw- gi a- 'separate (them)'
saayaa- 'be dispersed' saay- gi a- 'disperse (them)'
bumroa- 'come back to life' bumrum- goa- 'resuscitate'
momloa- 'be punctured' moml- goa- 'puncture'

Transitive -rva- ~ -lva- (9.4 below) functions much like a causative in some
combinations.

9.3 Passive (- wua - )

The verbal derivational suffix - wua- is normally causative. It is, however, rarely
passive. The known examples are in (194).

(194) Passive - wua-

input gloss passive gloss

tambua- 'find, encounter' tambua- wua- 'exist, be found (findable,


regularly present)'
bmra- 'get, obtain' bmrm- wua- 'be available, obtainable'
paa:ma- 'understand' paa:ma- wua- 'be understood'
gmra- 'be stronger than' gmrm- wua- 'be mastered, dominated'

160
yi s- 'see' yi m:-wua- 'be visible'

tambua- wua- and bmrm- wua- are often used in imperfective sentences, positive
and negative: bmrm- wua- mm - doa- 'it's not obtainable'. These two passive verbs
indicate that the entities in question can be found/obtained, i.e. occur in the
relevant zone in reasonable number. On the other hand, the attestation of
gmrm- wua- is an impersonal passive (195).

(195) [i ayea kaalam] bua: gmrm- wua- mm - doa-


[today even] 3Pl be.stronger.than-Pass-Impf-Neg
'Even today one cannot dominate them (=men of Beni).' [2005-2B.04]

In the Perfective positive, the only form used for passive verbs with suffix
- wua is a special form - wua- wm , as in (with Nasalization-Spreading) pa
a:ma- wua- wm 'it has been understood' (a phrase used to acknowledge
understanding what an addressee has just said). The ending might be compared
with Stative 3Sg - wm and related forms. Alternatively, but less convincingly it
could be transcribed - wua:- and compared to other falling-toned 3Sg
perfective-system forms such as Perfective-1b - ti a:- and Recent Perfect - ja:-
No distinct plural form is used, hence gumrua tambua- wua- wm 'thieves were findable'.
The negative counterpart, howerver, is the regular Perfective Negative: pa
m:mm- wum- ri a- 'it has not been understood'.

9.4 Mediopassive - yva - and Transitive -rva - ~ -lva -

There are a small number of verbs that alternate between a mediopassive in


- yva- and a causative-like transitive whose usual suffix is -rva- (196a).
Monosyllabic (C)v- inputs are not lengthened to (C)v:- before either suffix
('bathe', 'lie down'). Two irregular variations on this pattern have been found. In
(196b), we appear to get -lva- instead of -rva- in the transitive form. This
derivational pair ('go down', 'take down') is also irregular in several other Dogon
languages. In (196c), an expected /di mmbi m-ri a-/ syncopates to /di mm-ri a-/, then the
tap /r/ (which can only occur intervocalically) hardens to d (see 3.5.4.7).

(196) Mediopassive/Transitive alternations

MP gloss Tr gloss

a. - rva- replaces - yva- to form transitive


i a:- yi a- 'stand, stop' i a:- ri a- 'make stop/stand'
ua:- yi a- 'fear, be afraid' ua:- rua- 'scare, frighten'

161
di m- yea- 'bathe' di m- rea- 'bathe (sb)'
eaw- yea- 'sit' eaw- rea- 'seat, cause to sit'
bi m- yea- 'lie down' bi m- rea- 'cause to lie down'
tuagua- yua- 'kneel' tuagua- rua- 'cause to kneel'

b. - lva- is added to bisyllabic stem minus Mediopassive - yva- ending


si a- yea- 'go down' si a- lea- 'take (bring) down'

c. - dva- after m
di mmbi-m yi a- 'follow' di mm- di a- 'cause to follow'

Nasalization-Spreading can apply: tari a-yi a 'squat', cari a-yi a- '(lightning)


flash'. In teami a-yea 'be soaked', the suffix is unnasalized, as often after m from
*mb.
There are also a handful of cases where -lva- is added directly to an
unsuffixed monosyllabic intransitive (197a), with Cv- lengthened to Cv:-
(3.5.3.1) before the suffix, or where -rva- is added directly to an unsuffixed
bisyllabic intransitive (197b), with /(C)vrv-rv-/ dissimilating its liquids
(3.5.4.4) to (C)vlv-rv- in the case of 'go up'/'take up'.

(197) Transitive suffix added to unsuffixed intransitive

MP gloss Tr gloss

a. - lva- added directly to (monosyllabic) stem


bas- 'learn' bam:- li a- 'teach (sb, a trade)'
ds- 'arrive' dm:- li a- 'deliver'

b. - rva- added directly to unsuffixed stem


umra- 'go up' umlum- rua- 'take up'

For l-r instead of expected r-r in 'take up' in (197b), see 3.5.4.5. For
other cases of -rva- or -lva- being added to a stem without -yva-, see deadjectival
factitives in 9.7.
There are many other verbs ending in yva- that may be frozen derivatives
originally containing the Mediopassive suffix. Examples are ni a:yi a 'sleep'
(regular causative ni a:yi a- wua- ) and tari ayi a 'squat'.
Another, perhaps unrelated, apparent - y derivative of intransitive verbs is
observed in time-of-day greetings, apparently imperative verbs in form (19.5):
naay (arguably naa- ya) 'good morning' (cf. naa- 'spend the night'), dmrsy
(arguably dmrm -m ya) 'good evening' (cf. dmra 'spend the mid-day').

162
Intransitive alternations of this type are much more common in Najamba,
where -ya is more clearly identifiable as a Mediopassive suffix.

9.5 Passive (- yay )

A morpheme that is often heard as [jaj] can be added to a {H}-toned form of the
bare verb stem to produce a resultative passive. I take this to be - yay (with high
tone) plus the 'it is' clitic, which in this phonological context is realized as a
final low-tone element (11.2.1). With (animate) 3Sg subject we get - yay=mm ,
with an audible form of the 'it is' clitic. So the form in -yay is syntactically
nominal rather than verbal, and I have some examples in NP function without
the 'it is' clitic, e.g. mum-cmm na:-w-yay 'poisoned arrow', with a {L}-toned
form of mumnjum-csm 'bow and arrow' followed by the {H}-toned passive of nm:-
wua- 'cause X to (=let X) drink', or in this context 'apply liquid to X'.
The initial y of - yay is not subject to Nasalization-Spreading from the
preceding stem (198a). This raises the possibility that the morpheme is a clitic
not subject to word-internal processes. (198d) is a relative clause.

(198) a. [uarom kum] cawi a- yay=


[house Def] build-Pass=it.is.Inan
'The house was built.'

b. yeagum bas: tagua- yay=- ba


yesterday since write-Pass=it.is-3PlS
'They (=letters) have been written since yesterday.'

c. ti syam- m ji aya- yay=mm


1SgP.friend-AnSg.HL kill-Pass=it.is.3Sg
'My friend has been killed.' (ji mya-)

d. [aaamy ti a:- yay kum] bua:=m


[like.that sell-Pass Def] 3Pl=it.is
'The ones who were sold like that were them.' [2005-2b.02]
[contraction of ti aya-yay]

First and second person subjects are expressed with the corresponding
conjugated forms of the 'it is'. The singular forms are added to (animate)
Singular suffix - m. - yay- has high tone in these combinations.

(199) a. i a ji aya- yay- m=m- i ay dem


1SgS kill-Pass-AnSg=it.is-1SgS if

163
'if I am killed, '

b. i a: ji aya- yay=m- i ay dem


1PlS kill-Pass=it.is-1PlS if
'if I am killed, '

In at least one combination, the form with - yay functions as a modifying


adjective. This is mlmy waa:mbua- yay 'roasted peanuts' (local French cacahutes),
where alay 'peanut' is low-toned (as it should be before a modifying adjective).
This term for 'roasted peanuts' competes with mlmy ti mgam- laam- laam (partially
borrowed from Fulfulde). I did not record - yay in other such expressions; 'roast
meat' (local French viande grille) is namwam: si mmbua (cf. verb si ambea- 'roast').
The construction is negated by adding Stative Negative clitic =raa after
- yay, which again takes the falling-toned form - yay- suggesting the presence of
the 'it is' clitic (11.2.1.4).

(200) [uarom kum] cawi a- yay==raa-


[house Def] build-Pass=it.is=StatNeg-3Sg
'The house wasn't built.'

9.6 Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation

Some verbs have no change in stem shape when shifting between intransitive
and transitive functions. An example is mm:lua- , which can be intransitive 'come
together' or transitive 'bring together, assemble'.

9.7 Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs

For an adjective A, the inchoative means '(X) become A', and the factitive
(logically a causative of the inchoative) means '(Y) make (X) A'. Examples: pa-
'become (=get) old', pa:- wua- 'make (sb, sth) old, age (sth)'.
In (201), the inchoative has no derivational suffix. It is cognate to the
adjective, without there being any regular morphological relationship (or clear
derivational directionality). The factitive is the regular causative in - wua- of the
inchoative.

(201) gloss adj inchoative factitive

'old' ps: pa- pa:- wua-


'ripe' i mrsy i ara- i ara- wua-

164
'half-ripe' bomlomrosy bomlomroa- bomlorom- wua-
'plump' am aawaa- aawaa- wua-
'red' baaram- bamraa- bamram- wua-
'empty, bare' komrosy koaroa- koaroa- wua-
'weak, diluted' semrea searea- searea- wua-
'crooked' gmlua gmli-aa gmlum- wua-
'skinny' koamboa koamboa- koamboa- wua-
'easy, cheap' nam:raa naa:ri a- naa:ri a- wua-
'rotten' mmbua ambi a- ambua- wua-

In the more isolated cases in (202), Factitive suffix - lva- ~ - rva- (probably
identical to the Transitive suffix) is used instead of the usual Causative suffix
- wva- .

(202) gloss adj inchoative factitive

a. -li a- after monosyllabic


'full' bas: bas- bam:- li a-
'firm, solid' sw a- a:- li a-

b. -ri a-
'tilted' jmgua jmgi a- jmgi m- ri a-

In many other cases, the inchoative is derived suffixally, though


idiosyncratic segmental differences between it and the adjective are observed in
certain cases. The factitive is again the regular causative of the inchoative. The
most common type is with - lva- in the inchoative (203a). If the input contains a
medial liquid {l r}, the inchoative has l in the stem and - rva- instead of - lva- as
suffix (203b). In other words, the only liquid sequence allowed in inchoatives is
lr. If the input contains medial r, the output has n in the stem and - rva- as the
suffix (203c). A medial y in the stem is associated with suffix - nva- in the only
relevant example (203d). If the stem ends in m, including m from
underlying /w/ after Syncope, the Inchoative suffix is - dva- (203e). In some but
not all cases, suffix allomorphs - rva- and - dva- are associated with a stem-wide
vowel-harmonic shift from to e; note especially 'sweet; sharp' and 'white' in
(203b).

(203) gloss adj inchoative factitive

a. Inchoative - lva- , stem with no {l r}


'squeezed' pmgua pagi a- li a- pagi a- li a- wua-
'thin' mmnja- mmnji m- li a- mmnji m- li m- wua-

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'fat' dumgua- dumgum- loa- dumgum- lom- wua-
'coarse' kuanjum-m kuanjua- loa- kuanjua-loa- wua-
'short' g:w- gm:- li a- gm:- lum- wua-
'good' msua- asi a- li a- asi a- lua- wua-
'bad, ugly' mmsua- masi a- li a- masi a- li a- wua-
'heavy' dumsua- dumsum- loa- dumsum- lom- wua-
'half-sweet' aasumm aasi a- li a- aasi a- li a- wua-

b. Inchoative - rva- after stem with l (from l or r)


'sweet; sharp' arum- m ealea- rea- ealea- rea- wua-
'white' pi ala pi alea- rea- pi alea- rea- wua-
'long, tall' gumra- gumlum- ri a- gumlum- rum- wua-
'smooth, sleek' oarum- m oaloa- roa- oaloa- roa- wua-
'salty, sour' paarum-m paalea- rea- paalea- rea- wua-
'soft (skin)' ymrua ymli m- ri a- ymlum- rum- wua-
'moisten' mrua ali a- ri a- alua- rua- wua-
'bitter' gaarum- m gamlem- rea- gamlem- rem- wua-

c. Inchoative - rva- after stem with n (from r)


'lightweight' mrua- mni m- ri a- mni m- ri m- wua-
'deep' warm- wmni m- ri a- wmnum- ru- wua-

d. Inchoative - nva- after stem with y


'big, adult' di myaa- di myam- ni a- di myam- ni m- wua-

e. Inchoative - dva- after stem with m (from w or m)


'black' jeawem- jemm- dea- jemm- dem- wua-
'pointed' si am si am- dea- si am- dea- wua-
'difficult, costly' nusm nuam- doa- nuam- doa- wua-

A few adjectives containing a labial (including / w/) have an inchoative in


- yva- (204).

(204) gloss adj inchoative factitive

'dry' mas: mam- yaa- mam- yam- wua-


'cold' taam taaw- yi a- taaw- yi a- wua-
'hot, fast' aw aw- yi a- aw- yua- wua-

Various idiosyncratic cases are lumped together in (205).

(205) gloss adj inchoative factitive

166
'spacious' kaawam- w kaam- di a- kaam- di a-
'distant' was:w wamn- gi a- wamn- gum- wua-
'dirty' lam lag- gi a- lag- gua-
'clean' asm asa- asi a- li a- wua-

For 'spacious', the inchoative fits pattern (203e), above, but the factitive
lacks an additional derivational suffix. For was: (<*wamgaa) 'distant', inchoative
wam- gi a- 'go far away' is now quite opaque morphologically, but the g was
originally transposed (metathesized) from the *g of the stem; compare Jamsay
wamaa 'distant', wamnam-aa- 'go far away'. lag- gi a- 'become dirty' is the other case I
know of with g in the suffix; compare Jamsay laa-joa- 'become dirty' (and lam
'filth'). One could argue for a denominal rather than deadjectival inchoative here
(see below). The factitive is lag- gua- , irregularly contracted from *lag-gua-wua-.
For 'clean', the factitive is morphologically the causative of a putative inchoative
with suffix - lva- , but the inchoative in common use is unsuffixed asa- .
Adjectives with no corresponding derived verbs, or that have a suppletive
inchoative and/or factitive, are in (206).

(206) Adjectives

gloss adj inchoative factitive

a. suppletive
'small' daa:- saali ari a- saali arua- wua-

b. no verb attested
'young' jakkalm-
'unripe, raw' cemsua
'other' lasw
'new' kaalam

9.8 Denominal verbs

A few scattered cases of verbs apparently derived from nouns (rather than
adjectives) are in (207a-c). lam 'filth' (207d) can also be an adjective 'dirty', so
lag- gi a- may really be deadjectival rather than denominal. The cases in (207e)
exemplify noun-verb pairs with no clear derivational directionality, perhaps best
analysed synchronically as involving cognate nominals (11.1.5.1), but in some
cases the verb may be historically denominal.

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(207) noun gloss verb gloss

a. suffix -rva-
dua: 'load' dum:- rua- 'load (e.g. cart)'

b. suffix -lva-
pos: (greeting) poa:- li a- 'greet'

c. suffix -gva-
uali m 'forest' ualua- goa- '(zone) become densely
vegetated (e.g.after rains)'
lam 'filth; dirty' lag- gi a- 'get dirty'

d. baarmm 'injury' baarma- 'injure, wound'


umrumyi s: 'pain' umrumyoa- 'be in pain'
kemri myeay '(a) share' keari ayea- 'share, divide up'
ti mraa: 'family name' ti ari a- '(griot) chant the ancestry
of (sb)'

9.9 Obscure verb-verb relationships

Minor patterns are listed without comment in (208).

(208) verb gloss related verb gloss

naa- 'spend night' naa:- wi a- 'greet in morning'


amwaa- 'malfunction' amgi m- ri a- 'do harm to, ruin'

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10 Verbal inflection

10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs

10.1.1 Suffixes or chained verb stems?

There is a general issue as to whether nonzero AN (aspect-negation) morphemes


following verbs are suffixes or chained verbs. I transcribe them as suffixes,
since some of the AN morphemes show clear phonological interactions with the
stem (tone-dropping and/or consonantal interactions involving sonorants).
However, several perfective-system positive AN morphemes ( - ti a- , - soa- , - taa- ,
- ja- ) do not induce tone-dropping, do not contain sonorants, and themselves
have contour tones. These could be taken as separate verbs, chained with a
preceding (uninflected) verb stem.
The best evidence for autonomous word status is the fact that these
perfective-system "suffixes" can be separated from the main verb by
preparticipial subject pronouns, in relative clauses; see 14.1.7.

10.1.2 Overview of categories

The indicative categories primarily mark aspect and negation, though there are
also some perfect categories (here treated as subcategories of the perfective
aspect).It is useful to think of the aspect-negation (AN) system as the product of
an intersection between a binary perfective/imperfective opposition and polarity
(positive/negative).

perfective positive perfective negative


imperfective positive imperfective negative

Most inflected verb forms are of the type STEM-AN-Pron, i.e. a verb stem
followed by an AN (aspect-negation) suffix and then a pronominal-subject
suffix. There are also some categories in both the perfective positive and
imperfective positive systems with zero AN suffix, so their structure is just
STEM-Pron (or STEM--Pron). These unsuffixed AN categories occur in both
reduplicated and unreduplicated forms. The reduplication is initial Ci m- or Cvm1-
(choice depends on speaker) in all reduplicated categories (of which there are
three: reduplicated Perfective, reduplicated Stative, and reduplicated
Imperfective). The unsuffixed AN categories (reduplicated and unreduplicated)
are distinguished from each other by stem-tone contours, by third person subject
suffix allomorphs, and (in the case of the Stative) by a change in stem-final
vowel quality for some verbs.
The full set of categories is summarized in (209).

(209) a. perfective positive system


unsuffixed Perfective (tone-dropped stem)
reduplicated (unsuffixed) Perfective (stem with {HL} tone)
reduplicated (unsuffixed) Stative (stem with {HL} tone, final vowel
shift)
Perfective-1a :- rm- (motion verbs, intransitives)
Perfective-1b - ti a- (mostly transitive/active verbs)
Resultative - soa-
Experiential Perfect - taa-
Recent Perfect - ja-

b. perfective negative system


Perfective Negative - ri a-
Experiential Perfect Negative - tam- li a-
Recent Perfect - jm- ri a- (limited use)

c. imperfective positive system


unsuffixed Imperfective (stem ends in high tone)
reduplicated (unsuffixed) Imperfective (stem ends in high tone)
Imperfective-1 :- ram-

d. imperfective negative system


Imperfective Negative - mm - doa- (based on unsuffixed Imperfective)

e. modal categories
Imperative
Imperative Singular (positive): with Imperative stem
Imperative Plural (positive): - nm - ni m added to Imperative stem
Imperative Negative Singular: - ra after combining form
Imperative Negative Plural: - ra- nm - ra- ni m after combining
form
Hortative (first person)
Hortative 1Dual (positive): - ma after low-toned stem
Hortative 1Plural (positive): - maay after low-toned stem
Hortative 1Dual Negative: - rm- ma after combining form
Hortative 1Plural Negative: - rm- maay after combining form
Hortative (third person)
Hortative (positive) 3Sg: - ya or - ym
Hortative (positive) 3Pl: - ba added to 3Sg form
Hortative Negative 3Sg: - ra- ya after combining form
Hortative Negative 3Pl: - ra- ya- ba after combining form

10.1.3 Verb-stem shapes

10.1.3.1 Generalizations about verb-stem shapes

Verb stems not clearly containing a derivational suffix may be monosyllabic,


bisyllabic, or trisyllabic. A Causative suffix can be added to increase the stem-
syllable count by one. Monosyllabic verbs are mostly short-voweled
(monomoraic), Cv- and all stems of more than one syllable end in a short vowel
(which, if a high vowel, is subject to Syncope and Apocope in some syllabic
positions).
Lexical stem tone contours are all-high {H} and rising {LH}. The tone split
in the {LH} verbs is at the right edge, as seen in trisyllabic CvmCvmCva (as in e.g.
Jamsay, but unlike e.g. Bankan Tey or Nanga where the tone shift occurs after
the first mora, hence trisyllabic CvmCvaCva).
There is one irregular <LHL> monosyllabic stem: j: 'bring'.
A few examples of verb stems are in (210), given in the combining form
(which is used in nonfinal position in chains).

(210) stem gloss

ns 'drink'
ti a 'send'
kaayaa 'shave'
ti awa 'die'
bi m-yea 'lie down'
jamgi a 'knock together'
dumsumroa 'poke'

10.1.3.2 Monosyllabic verbs

A full list of Cv- verb stems known to me is (211). Within each set, the verbs
are sorted with high vowels at the top. The initial C slot may be vacant, though I
can cite only a as a consonant-less verb shape. All oral vowel qualities are
represented, though Ci a and Cea- are relatively uncommon. Three stems with

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nasalized vowels are included in the list. Only regular inflectable verbs are
included (see below for quasi-verbs and inflectional suffixes). If the verb is
normally used with a cognate nominal or other fixed nominal, the relevant
phrase is given in parentheses after the gloss.
For a discussion of the underlying high versus low lexical tone of the
various Cva- verbs, see 10.1.3.5, below.

(211) form gloss

a. high-toned Cva- after voiceless obstruent


ca 'take (handful of food)'
cea '(grasshopper) bite off (grain)'
ka 'eat (crushed millet)'
koa 'yawn' (mom:- koa: koa)
koa '(snake) slough (skin)' (koa: koa)
paa 'get a mate for'
pa 'break off (protrusion)'
pa 'get old'
pa 'spend the first half of the day' (mmmy- pa: pa)
poa 'skin and butcher (animal)'
poa 'heap up (firewood)' (ti mri m- pos: poa)
poa 'whistle' (pos: poa)
saa 'reply' (mos: saa)
saa 'strain off water from'
saa 'uproot (large plant) with daba'
sa 'trim (hair, shrub)'
sa 'scoop'; 'shovel up'
soa 'dip briefly'
sua 'breathe' (sus: sua)
taa 'avoid (taboo)' (tas: taa)
taa '(ripening fruit) begin to turn color'
taa 'shoot'
taa '(trap) be sprung'; '(bone) be fractured'
tea '(muddied water) become clear'
tea 'be worried' (tea: tea)
ti a 'send'
toa 'build (wall)' (tos: toa)
ta 'sow (by slashing earth)' (tosy ta)
ta 'step on'
ta '(millet) grow a stem'
ta 'coil up'

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b. high-toned Cva- after sonorant or with zero initial consonant
a 'become tight'
a '(woman) marry (man)'
loa 'go'
a 'eat (meal)' (sy a)
laa 'choose, reserve'
naa 'spend night'
ni a 'give'
nua 'go in'

c. {LH} toned Cvs- after voiced obstruent


bas 'learn'
bas '(container) be full'; '(person) be sated'
bes- 'remain'
bs 'unsheathe'
bos 'sip'
das 'endure'
das 'lock' (also dam:yi)a
ds 'be tired'
ds 'arrive, reach'
ds 'roast, burn'
dus 'carry (on head)'
gas 'cut (grass, rice) with sickle'
gos 'go out'
gs 'jab'
js 'pick (out)'
js 'take out (hot coals)'
js '(man) marry (woman)'

d. {LH} toned Cvs- after sonorant or with zero initial consonant


mas 'shape (pottery)'
nus 'hear'
ns 'drink'
yi s 'see'
ys 'come'
ys 'weep' (ys: ys)
wos 'catch'

b. <LHL> toned Cv:


j: 'bring'

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Except for the irregular verbs 'come' and 'bring' (discussed below), the
quality of the vowel of these monosyllabic vowel-final verbs is stable across
inflections, including the Imperative.
Quasi-verbs bum- 'be (somewhere)' and soa- 'have' may also be mentioned.
Perfective-1b - ti a- , Resultative - soa- , Experiential Perfect - taa- , and Recent
Perfect - ja- , are treated here as inflectional suffixes, but they could alternatively
be analysed as auxiliary verbs.

10.1.3.3 'Come' (ys)

Representative inflected forms of this verb are in (212).

(212) form category comment

a. regular
ys combining form (in chains)
ym- ri a- Perfective Negative

b. irregular
yaa Imperative vowel shift
ys:- rm- Perfective-1a rising stem-tone
yi m- yea- mm reduplicated Imperfective // /e/

Although this is a monosyllabic Cv- verb in BenT, it may have originated


as a bisyllabic stem with rising tone (cf. Jamsay ymra). The shift of the (final)
vowel to a in the imperative stem is typical of nonmonosyllabic stems.
Paradigmatic alternation of with e is also found with the 'come' verb in
Jamsay, though the details differ.
There is no morphological causative or other suffixal derivative, as j:
'bring' is the functional equivalent of a causative.

10.1.3.4 'Bring' (j:)

This verb is unique in having a basic <LHL> tone contour. It is therefore the
only verb stem ending lexically in a low-tone element. <LHL> tone is heard in
the unsuffixed forms (combining form and Imperative), and before several
suffixes. Of particular interest is the fact that suffixes and clitics that force tone-
dropping on other verb stems fail to drop the H-tone of 'bring'. In other words,
suffix/clitic-controlled tone-dropping affects verbs with {H} and {LH} lexical
tone contours, but has no effect on the only {LHL} verb. In other words,

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suffix/clitic-controlled tone-dropping applies only to stem-final H-tone
autosegments (those adjacent to the suffix or clitic). The unsuffixed Perfective,
which for other verbs has all-low stem tone, likewise retains the full lexical
<LHL> tone: j:- 'he/she brought '.
When the <LHL>-toned form j:- is followed by suffix or clitic with H-, but
not <HL>, tone, tonological adjustments are applied. If it is followed by a
H-toned suffix/clitic syllable, the verb simplifies to <LH>, but its original final
L-tone is audible in the form of downstep (partial pitch lowering) on the
following H-toned syllable. One might expect this to apply when the
suffix/clitic is <HL>-toned, but my assistant pronounces the full <LHL> tone on
the verb in this case, which allows clear articulation of the falling tone on the
suffix/clitic.
The Imperfective (and therefore the Imperfective Negative which is built on
it) has the form expected of a simple Cva- verb, and shifts the stem vowel quality
from to e.

(213) form category comment

a. unsuffixed (no audible AN suffix)


j: combining form <LHL>
ja: Imperative "
j:- unsuffixed Perfective "

b. Imperfective jea-
ji m- jea- mm reduplicated Imperfective e
jea- mm - doa- Imperfective Negative "

c. suffix- or clitic-controlled tone-dropping resisted


<LHL>
j:- ri a- ym 1Sg Perfective Negative <LHL><HL>
<LH> plus downstepped H
js:- ri a- 3Sg Perfective Negative <LH><H>
js:- naay Same-Subject "

d. non-tone-dropping suffixes and clitics


<LHL> before <HL>
j:- ti a- Perfective-1b <LHL><HL>
<LHL> before <L>
j:- ram- Imperfective-1 <LH><L>
js:-ym 1Sg unsuffixed Perfective "
" 3rd person Hortative "
<LH> plus downstepped H

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js:- ni a Same-Subject <LH><L>

The causative is jm:-wua (less often j:- wua- ) 'cause to bring'. The more
common variant treats the stem as <LH> rather than as <LHL>.
Like ys- 'come', j:- 'bring' may have originated as a bisyllabic stem (cf.
Jamsay jm:ra). In Toro Tegu, several paradigmatic forms are based on a tonally
irregular <HL>H toned stem zea:rua- .

10.1.3.5 Lexical tone distinctions in Cv verbs

Cv verbs (i.e. those with a single mora) distinguish high from rising tone,
though the difference is difficult to hear in the bare stem form. It is easier to
hear the difference in certain suffixal forms that provide one or more additional
moras and that do not override the lexical tone. An example is the Third Person
Hortative, which is Cvm- ya for some Cv- verbs and Cva- ya for others. See 10.5.7
for lists.
The distinction betwen {H} and {LH} monosyllables is also respected in
suffixal derivatives from these Cv stems (214). The stem is also lengthened
before such a suffix (214).

(214) stem gloss derivative gloss

a. reversive from {H} input


ta 'step on' ta:- ri a- 'remove foot from'

b. causative from {H} input


a- 'eat (meal)' a:- wua- 'give food to'
loa- 'go' loa:- wua- 'allow to go'
nua- 'enter' nua:- wua- 'make enter'
saa- 'reply' saa:- wua- 'make reply'

c. causative from {LH} input


bes- 'remain' bem:- wua- 'cause to remain'
ns- 'drink' nm:- wua- 'give drink to'
ys- 'weep' ym:- wua- 'make weep'
nus- 'hear' num:- wua- 'make hear'
yi s- 'see' yi m:- wua- 'cause to see'
bas- 'learn' bam:- li a- 'teach (sb, a trade)'
ds- 'arrive' dm:- li a- 'deliver'

100
The Perfective-1a with suffix :- rm- and the Imperfective-1 with suffix :- rm-
also make a distinction between high and rising-toned verbs. The Perfective-1a
suffix is used with a subset of verbs and is therefore not as useful as the
Imperfective-1 suffix. Relevant forms of Cv- verb stems are in (215). Those in
(215a) have high tone on the stem, those in (215b) have rising tone.

(215) gloss stem Perfective-1a Imperfective-1

a. 'go' loa- loa:- rm- loa:-ram-


'spend night' naa- naa:- rm- naa:-ram-
'go in' nua- nua:- rm- nua:-ram-
'become tight' a- a:- rm- a:-ram-
'send' ti a- ti a:- ram-
'shoot' taa- taa:- ram-
'reply' saa- saa:- ram-
'eat (meal)' a- a:- ram-

b. '(food) sate (sb)' bas- bas:- rm- bas:-ram-


'fill [intr]' bas- bas:- rm- bas:- ram-
'arrive' ds- ds:- rm- ds:-ram-
'go out' gos- gos:- rm- gos:-ram-
'remain' bes- bes:- rm- bes:-ram-
'get tired' ds- ds:- rm- ds:- ram-
'abound' jos- jos:- rm- jos:- ram-
'see' yi s- yi s:- ram-
'catch' wos- wos:- ram-
'endure' das- das:- ram-
'pick' js- js:- ram-
'slash (rice)' gas- gas:- ram-
'jab' gs- gs:- ram-
'shape, form' mas- mas:- ram-
'hear' nus- nus:- ram-
'come' ys- ys:- ram-
'drink' ns- ns:- ram-
'weep' ys- ys:- ram-

10.1.3.6 Cvy verbs

Usually a verb heard as e.g. Cv(:)y (v = vowel) with any final semivowel
reflects optional (but very common) syncope or apocope from
bisyllabic /Cv(:)yi/. The fuller inflectional paradigm brings out the underlying

101
bisyllabic quality. The Imperative changes the final /i/ to a. Several suffixal
inflections also bring out the bisyllabic quality.

(216) gloss combining form Imperative Imperfective

'shut' pi a:y pi a:yi a pi a:yam pi a:yi a- mm -


'fart' gi s:y gi m:yi a gi s:yam gi m:yi a- mm -
'take' asy amyi a aayaa amyi a- mm -
'hold' wasy wamyi a waayaa wamyi a- mm -

There are, however, three very common verbs with true Cvy shape. All
happen to have nasalized y (217). The Imperative retains the Cvy shape rather
than ending in a second-syllable a. The y disappears the Imperfective (and
other inflections based on it), which is of the form (Ci m- )Caa- mm , arguably
from /Caa-mm / with nasalized vowel.

(217) gloss combining form Imperative Imperfective

'put' gasy gasy gi m- gaa- mm


'do, make' kaay kaay ki m- kaa- mm
'say' gusy gusy gum- gua- mm

The final y is also absent in the Perfective Negative: gam- ni a- , kam- ni a- ,


gum- ni a- . The - ni a- allomorph of the suffix is unique to these verbs (other verbs
have - ri a- , or - ri a- due to Nasalization-Spreading).
kaay has a causative kaa:- wua- 'have (someone) do/make'. kaay and gasy
have agentive forms(with the complement in compound-initial form) of the type
plural - kas: and - gas:, singular - kas- m and - gas- m.

10.1.3.7 Bisyllabic verbs

Bisyllabic verbs may be of the segmental shape CvCv, CvCCv, or Cv:Cv. The
final vowel is always short. The initial C position may be vacant (vCv), etc. The
lexical tone is all-high or {LH}. In the case of {LH}, the normal tone break is at
the syllabic boundary, hence CvmCva, CvmCCva, Cvm:Cva. However, in CvmCva and
Cvm:Cva verbs, when the final vowel is high { i u}, it may be lost by Syncope or
Apocope, and in this case the first syllable (always a long syllable in this
situation) has rising tone.
Except for the Imperative, where final high vowels and final shift to a.
bisyllabic verbs have stable vowel qualities including the final vowel. That is,
the bare chaining form and the presuffixal form, which together constitute the

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"combining form," have constant vowel qualities (disregarding low-level
deletion of high vowels in certain positions).

(218) bare form presuffixal Imperative gloss

a. vowels identical except : CaCa, CaC, CoCo, CeCe


taawaa taawaa- taawaa 'touch'
namraa namraa- naaraa 'bear child'
pata pata- pata 'toss'
dommboa dommboa- doamboa 'roll on turban'
teagea teagea- teagea 'speak'
cea:lea cea:lea- cea:lem 'do or make well'
eaw- yea eaw- yea- eaw- yem 'sit down'

b. identical vowels: CC (shift to final a in Imperative)


awa awa- awaa 'buy'
bmra bmra- baraa 'get'

c. {i u} plus adjacent mid-height vowel except: CiCe, CiC, CuCo,


CuC
si a- yea si a- yea- si a- yea 'go down'
gi myea gi myea- gi ayea 'dance'
kuawoa kuawoa- kuawoa 'bite'
numwa numwa- nuawa 'sing'
suasa suasa- suasa 'be cured'
dumya dumya- duaya 'insult'

d. i plus adjacent : CiC (shift to final a in Imperative)


ji mya ji mya- ji ayaa 'kill'
bi mra bi mra- bi araa 'work'

e. final high vowel (various preceding vowels)


lamri a lamri a- lasram 'chase'
dam:yi a dam:yi a- dam:yi a 'encounter'
kaawrua kaawrua- kaawram 'split (nut)'
dmyi a dmyi a- dsyam 'put down'
amji a amji a- amjam 'urinate'
jmgi a jmgi a- jagam 'cure'
ti ani a ti ani a- ti anam 'look'
tuamdi a tuamdi a- tuamdam 'begin'
tambi a tambi a- tambam 'find, inherit'

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Although I have includes CvCCv- and Cv:Cv- stems along with CvCv- in
this section, the phonologically most relevant division of nonmonosyllabic
verbs is into bimoraic and longer stems, with CvCCv- and Cv:Cv- in the latter
category (along with trisyllabic and longer stems). This division is relevant to
tone contours in the Imperative stem. Therefore little is at stage in the issue
whether e.g. kaawrua 'split (nut)' is bisyllabic or, via Syncope of a medial high
vowel, trisyllabic (/kaawuarua/).

10.1.3.8 Triisyllabic verbs

Verbs with three syllables may be derived or underived (some of the


synchronically underived stems may have originated as derivatives). These
verbs have fairly complex interactions between the vowels of the three
syllables.
The first type to be considered ends in e or o (219). This ending is
obligatory when the first vowel is likewise e or o, and it is possible when the
first vowel is high {i u}. The medial syllable has a high vowel (eie, ii
e, ouo).

(219) bare form presuffixal Imperative gloss

eie
yemgi msea yemgi msea- yemgi asem 'cut up'

iie
si ari ayea si ari ayea- si ari ayem 'cut into strips'
bi mli mrea bi mli mrea- bi mli arem 'roll over'
ji mgi mrea ji mgi mrea- ji mgi arem 'sway'

ouo
koaguasoa koaguasoa- koaguasom 'cough'

uuo
dumlumroa dumlumroa- dumluarom 'roll on ground'

Patterns eee and ooo, which differ from those in (219) by not
raising the medial vowel to {i u}, occur occasionally in underived stems. For
eee, I have recorded bemlemrea- 'smooth (e.g. a soap ball) by rubbing in one's
palm', memgemrea- (with variant memgi mrea- ) 'rub into balls (in one's hands)', and
bemgemrea- 'belch' (used with cognate nominal as beagearem bemgemrea- 'belch, emits
belches') For ooo, I can cite doaloaroa- 'shape into balls'.

104
Additional stem-vowel sequences occur in suffixal derivatives of e.g.
CvCv- Cv- shape when a final non-high vowel of the input CvCv- stem is not
shifted to a high vowel in the derivative. Examples are eee in reversive
peambea- rea- 'ungird, remove (woman's) wrap)' and neagea- rea- 'become uncaught
(from tree)', and uoo in reversive kuamjoa- roa- 'uncrumple'.
The other general class of trisyllabic verbs ends in a high vowel, which
may be either i or u depending on the surrounding vowels (and semivowels).
The medial vowel is also a high vowel. There is a fair amount of fluctuation in
pronunciation of these high vowels, but I think i is usually more basic, since
phonetic [u] is most often heard in the presence of another rounded segment in
the stem, i.e. from the set {u o w}.
The general pattern with a final high vowel is obligatory when the vowel of
the first syllable is from the set { a }, and is possible when the first vowel is
high {i u}. In the Imperative, the final high vowel is replaced by / a/, and if the
first vowel of the stem is from the set { a }, the vowel of the second syllable
assimilates totally to this initial vowel (220).

(220) bare form presuffixal Imperative gloss

ii
mri myi a mri myi a- mri ayam 'winnow (in wind)'
padi agi a padi agi a- padi agam 'winnow (by shaking)'
sasi ari a sasi ari a- sasi aram 'filter (liquid)'

ii/ui/u
wi mnji mwua wi mnji mwua- wi mnji awam 'spin'
pi ani awi a pi ani awi a- pi ani awam 'go back'
di mmbi m- yi a di mmbi m- yi a- di mmbi a- yam 'follow'

ui/ui/u
umumrua umumri a- umuaram 'quiver, move (while
stationery)'

aii
damgi mri a damgi mri a- damgaaram 'break in half'
bamgi mri a bamgi mri a- bamgaaram 'hide (something)'

ii
gmgi mri a gmgi mri a- gmgaram 'go around'

In suffixally derived verbs, we can also cite patterns that do not occur with
underived stems. These are cases where the middle vowel is non-high, in

105
vocalic environments that require a medial high vowel in an underived stem.
Exampels: aau in causative wamsam- wua- 'let remain', u in causative
ara- wua- 'let escape', eeu in causative eaw-yea- wua- 'cause to sit', iei in
reversive pi area- ri a- 'get unbogged', uou in causative bumrom- wua- 'reanimate',
and uu in causative jumwm- wua- 'inform' (cause to know).

10.2 Positive indicative AN categories

10.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect and stative)

10.2.1.1 Unsuffixed Perfective with all-low toned stem

The unsuffixed Perfective (positive) is used instead of a marked perfective-


system form when another constituent is focalized (whether or not it is overly
marked with the Focus clitic). In other words, the unsuffixed Perfective is used
when the verb is part of a defocalized clausal residue.
The unsuffixed Perfective is characterized by all-low tones overlaid on the
stem (tone-dropping). The only exception is j:- 'bring' (unsuffixed Perfective
j:- ), although some monosyllabic verbs also have an alternative Perfective with
long falling-toned vowel (see below). I use the notation ".Perf.L" in interlinears.

(221) a. am- yua: dumym-


who?=Foc millet pound.Perf.L-3SgS
'Who [focus] pounded the millet (ears)?'

b. faa:tuamam=m yua: dumym-


Fatouma=Foc millet pound.Perf.L-3SgS
'It was Fatouma [focus] who pounded the millet (ears).'

c. [km: nmjea] dumym-


[thing.L what?] pound.Perf.L-3SgS
'What [focus] did she pound?'

d. aan- daa: yua: dumym-


where? millet pound.Perf.L-3SgS
'Where [focus] did she pound the millet (grain spikes)?'

The paradigm is (222), using dumya- 'pound (grain spikes)' and loa- 'go'. In
the 1Pl and 2Pl, the dying-quail intonation ( ) involves prolongation of the
final vowel and superimposition of a [HL] pitch pattern on the final syllable.

106
(222) Paradigm of unsuffixed Perfective (after low-toned stem)

category suffix 'pound' 'go

1Sg - ym dumym- ym lom- ym


2Sg - wm dumym- wm lom- wm

1Pl - ym dumym- ym lom- ym


2Pl - wmm dumym- wmm lom- wm

3Sg/Inan - dumym- lom-


3Pl - ba (or: - bm) dumym- ba (dumym- bm) lom- ba (lom- bm)

Note the zero 3Sg, with no lengthening of the final vowel. The 3Pl suffix is
often heard as H-toned - ba in elicitation, and it was heard as such in some
textual examples. However, L-toned - bm is also possible, especially when
clause-final (pre-pausal). One speaker featured in the texts pronounced the 3Pl
suffix as - baa (- bam) with a-vowel. (Jamsay likewise has this dialectal split, with
-bam in the plains villages such as Dianwely and -bm in some montane villages
such as Pergu).
The unsuffixed Perfective is common (in elicitation), though not obligatory,
when a pronominal direct object is present (223), even when this object shows
no overt signs of focalization.

(223) a. i a si mym-
1SgO hit.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She hit me.'

b. ara sumym- ym
3SgO hit.Perf.L-1SgS
'I hit-Past him/her.'

10.2.1.2 Unsuffixed Perfective with lexical tone and 3Sg - wm , 3Pl - mam

A distinct unsuffixed Perfective, this time with lexical tones, has the
pronominal-subject paradigm (224). The pronominal endings are all L-toned.

(224) Paradigm of alternative unsuffixed Perfective (lexical tones)

category suffix 'pound'

107
1Sg - ym dumya- ym
2Sg - wm dumya- wm [homophonous with 3Sg]

1Pl - ym dumya- ym
2Pl - wm dumya- wm

3Sg/Inan - wm dumya- wm [homophonous with 2Sg]


3Pl - mam dumya- mam

This paradigm is unusual. For some verbs, the 1st/2nd person forms are
indistinguishable from the corresponding unsuffixed Imperfectives, except that
the latter is optionally reduplicated in some contexts.
On the other hand, 3rd person - wm (Sg) and - mam (Pl) are identical in form to
the suffixes used in Perfective relative-clause participles, so the difficulty in
interpretation is to distinguish these main clauses from relative clauses. When
the subject is pronominal, one can observe whether it appears as a preparticipial
pronoun. If so, the clause is subordinated (relative or similar). See 16.1.2 for
clauses ending in - wm kum dem and - wm dem. However, the distinction between main
clause (in a narrative sequence) and a subordinated clause is not very great in
BenT discourse.
In addition, - wm is the Stative 3Sg subject suffix, and - mam also appears in the
3Pl subject form of the Experiential Perfect.
A textual example of 3Pl -mam is loa-mam 'they went' in line 7 of (684) in the
sample text. For more 3Sg and 3Pl examples see (550a-c) in 17.1.1.2.
The clearest 1st/2nd person subject example in the texts is (225). The
speaker was offering to add something to what someone else had said in an
interview-style text.

(225) [i a kaalam] [mgua kamy] nus- ym daa:- woa,


[1Sg too] [Prox.Inan Top] hear.Perf-1SgS a.little,
[ua maa:] bamrum- ma
[2Sg Dat] help-Hort
'I too, as for that, I have heard a little. Let me help you-Sg.' [2005-
2b.04]

Elicitation of parallel forms of other verbs produced e.g. dumwa- ym 'I (have)
left' and toaroa- ym 'I (have) pounded'. All such 1st/2nd person forms can also
function as unsuffixed Imperfectives. However, the sense of (225) in the text
was clearly perfective (or resultative), and my assistant rendered the example
above into Jamsay with the Perfective-2 (aaaa-sam-m 'I heard'). Moreover, the
assistant gave the (BenT) 3Sg subject counterpart to the 1Sg verb in the
example as nus- wm , and the 3Pl subject equivalent as nus- mam.

108
The greeting phrase jaam dmra- wm ('peace' plus 'you-Sg spent day'), see
(653) in the sample text, is another probable example.

10.2.1.3 Variant third-person Perfective Cva:- with <HL> tone

Some Cv- verbs have a variant third-person Perfective with <HL> tone, which
requires lengthening of the vowel by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (3.7.4.1).
These forms occur as alternatives to the regular unsuffixed Perfective and
suffixally marked perfectives. Attested forms are in (226).

(226) stem gloss <HL> Perfective comment

ni a- 'give' ni a:-
gos- 'go out' goa:-
ds- 'arrive' da:-
ds- 'be tired' da:- (see 15.2.1.4)
j:- 'bring' ja:- [2005.1b.06]

A 3Pl subject form has the usual 3Pl Perfective allomorph - bm, as in ni a:- bm
'they gave'. However, an informant rejected all potential 1st/2nd person subject
combinations.
It is likely that the various <HL>-toned perfective-system inflectional
suffixes, such as Perfective-1b - ti a:- and Recent Perfect - ja:- (shown here in
their lengthened 3Sg forms), originated as similar formations (10.2.1.5-8).
Textual examples are in (227). (227c) suggests that the <HL> form (like the
regular unsuffixed Perfective) may occur in clauses with a focalized constituent.

(227) a. sum:- di ayaay [bua: mam:] gom- loa ni a:-


francolin.L-thigh [3Pl Dat] go.out-Caus give.Perf.HL-3SgS
'She took out and gave them the francolin thigh.' [2005-2a.06]

b. js:- m ys da:- ,
hare-AnSg come arrive.Perf.HL-3SgS
[ys aa da- wm kum dem]
[come 3ReflS arrive.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def if]
'Hare came and arrived. When he had come and arrived, ' [2005-
2a.07]

c. mgua=mm [mrm:-[los-ym] kum] ja:-


Prox.Inan=Foc [outback.L-[go-VblN]Def] bring.Perf.HL-3SgS

109
'This [focus] is what has brought (about) that going away (for
work).' [2005.1b.06]

For {HL}-toned nonfinal verbs in chains, attested with verbs of conveyance


('bring', take [convey]''), see 15.1.2.2. The relationship between the two
constructions, historical and synchronic, is unclear.

10.2.1.4 Other variant third-person Perfectives

There is a perfective form taagi m- with a vague sense (here glossed simply as
'do'), combined with a preceding chained VP. The unusual feature here is the
{HL} tone contour, which is reminiscent of the monosyllabic Cva:- perfectives
discussed in the preceding section. In (228b), taagi m- is phonetically reduced to
taa- in allegro speech.

(228) a. [kua ari mm kum] laa laawaa taagi m-


[InanP sweetness.HL Def] overflow pass do.Perf-3SgS
'Its tastiness was extreme.' [2005-2a.07]

b. bamy [amaay amy] [bea:n dumwa ti a=na]


well [how? Inst] [B leave Perf=and.SS]
bua: i anji ari a yma taa- bm
3PlS get.up run do.Perf-3PlS
'Well, how was it that they (residents of other villages) got up and
fled once and for all, having left Beni (behind)?' [20045.2b.04]

The {HL} contour in taagi m- suggests a connection with Jamsay taaam:, which
(in this form) is confined to 'if' clauses ('if it happens that '). The BenT verb
taagi a- can also mean 'cross (e.g. river)', '(fire) be lit', or 'become [with noun]',
and is clearly cognate to Jamsay taaaa- with similar meanings. In both languages
the {HL}-toned perfective form of this verb is unique. Togo Kan taaaa yem with L-
toned form of yes 'go' corresponds to Jamsay taaam: in conditionals and points to
an original verb-chain.
A variant 3Sg form, apparently Perfective, with final short /i / replacing a
lexical mid-height vowel is attested in (229), if correctly analysed.

(229) aaywam [lmsa: kum] dumri m-


well [foot Def] follow.track.Perf-3SgS
'Well, she went following the tracks.' [2005-2a.07]

110
10.2.1.5 Perfective-1a :- rm- . Perfective-1b - ti a-

The Perfective-1 is a suffixally marked Perfective. It has two versions,


Perfective-1a :- rm- (which lengthens the preceding vowel), and Perfective-1b
- ti a- . Both are added to the combining form of the verb, with no special overlaid
tone contour, so the lexical tones appear. While the Perfective-1a suffix
contracts with the stem, the Perfective-1b suffix has no phonological interaction
with the stem, and could be analysed as an auxilary verb following the
combining form of the verb.
Perfective-1a :- r- - is used with motion verbs, stance verbs, and a wide
range of basically stative intransitives. The presence of a locational NP,
arguably a "direct object," with a motion verb does not affect the choice of
Perfective allomorph, so (230a) and (230b) have the same verb forms.

(230) a. loa:- rm-


go-Perf1a-3SgS
'He/She went.' (loa- )

b. bammamka loa:- rm-


Bamako go-Perf1a-3SgS
'He/She went to Bamako.'

c. eaw-yea:- r- am:
sit.down-MP-Perf1a-3PlS
'They sat down.' (eaw-yea- )

d. taga:- rm-
become.big-Perf1a-3SgS
'He/She has grown up.' (taga- )

Some other verbs taking :- rm- include umra- 'go up', gos- 'go/come out', yamaa-
'fall (down)', ti awa- 'die', and adjectival inchoatives like jemm- dea- 'become black'
and bamraa- 'become red'.
Cv- verbs show their lexical {H} or {LH} contour. in the Perfective-1a.
Examples of {H} are naa:- rm- 'spent night' (naa- ) and loa:- rm- 'went' (loa- ).
Examples of {LH} are gos:- rm- 'went out' (gos- ), ds:- rm- 'arrived' (ds- ), and
bes:- rm- 'remained' (bes- ).
A handful of syntactically transitive verbs take :- rm- . These include 'forget'
(the ultimate non-impact transitive), and '(body part) hurt, be painful to (sb)'
(231).

(231) a. awaa: i mra:- rm- ym

111
market forget-Perf1a-1SgS
'I forgot the market.' (i mra- )

b. ku: i a umrumyoa:- ram- w


1SgP.head.HL 1SgO hurt-Perf1a-1SgS
'My head hurt me' (= 'I had a headache')

The paradigm of :- rm- has 3Pl :- r- am:, but is otherwise regular (232).

(232) category form

1Sg :- rm- ym
2Sg :- rm- wm

1Pl :- rm- ym
2Pl :- rm- wm

3Sg/Inan :- rm-
3Pl :- r- am:

Perfective-1b - ti a- is used with the great majority of transitives, and with


some active intransitives, including verbs of speaking and thinking (but not
with motion or stance verbs). These active intransitives can also be transitive,
insofar as they are easily combined with cognate nominals in apparent direct-
object function. Examples of such active intransitives are mamni a- 'laugh', teagea-
'speak', pi ayea- 'shout', and mam:ni a- 'think', which are optionally expanded with
cognate nominals as maan mamni a- 'laugh (=give out) a laugh', tey teagea- 'speak
words', pi myea: pi ayea- 'shout (=give out) a shout', and maa:ni a: mam:ni-a 'think (=have)
a thought'. These verbs take - ti a- whether or not the cognate nominal is present.

(233) a. yua: dumya- ti a:-


millet pound-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She pounded the millet (ears).'

b. nam:- [yi a- m] paaaa- ti a:-


cow-[child-AnSg] tie-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She tied up the calf.'

c. maanum mamni a- ti a- ym
(laugh[noun]) laugh-Perf1b-1PlS
'We laughed.'

112
Among the many transitives taking - ti a- are ni a- 'give', perception verbs like
yi s- 'see', reversives like pi a:- ri a- 'open', and causatives like eaw- rea- 'cause to sit'.
VPs regularly expressed by a verb plus cognate nominal or another
conventionalized nominal object also take - ti a- (235).

(234) a. sus: sua- ti a:-


breathing breathe-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She breathed.'

b. ni a: di myea- tua- wm
water bathe-Perf1b-2SgS
'You-Sg bathed.'

The third person forms of - ti a- are 3Sg/Inan - ti a:- (homophonous with 1Sg
- ti a- ym), and 3Pl - ti a- yam (onre could also segment this as - ti ay- am) The 1st/2nd
person forms are based on - ti a- , but the vowel assimilates to a following
semivowel. Phonetically, the resulting homorganic vowel-semivowel
combination monophthongizes. The paradigm is (235).

(235) category form

1Sg - ti a- ym
2Sg - tua- wm

1Pl - ti a- ym
2Pl - tua- wm

3Sg/Inan - ti a:-
3Pl - ti a- yam (could also be written - ti ay- am)

pearea- or peatea- 'jump' takes :- rm- when formally intransitive, but when a
cognate nominal is added it shifts to - ti a- .

(236) a. peatea:- rm-


jump-Perf1a-3SgS
'He/She jumped.'

b. am-peatum peatea- ti a:-


jump[noun] jump-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She jumped (=made) a jump.'

113
Perfective-1b - ti a- (but not Perfective-1a :- rm- ) could be interpreted
morphophonologically as a chained verb. An etymological connection with the
verb ti a- 'send' or 'dump out' is likely ( ti a 'pour on' is an improbable candidate). In
some constructions, a perfective-like ti a- is separated from the main verb, or is
treated as the final stem in a verb chain; see 15.1.11.
Both positive Perfective suffixes, 1b - ti a- and 1a - :rm- , correspond to - ri a- in
the Perfective Negative.

10.2.1.6 Resultative - soa-

The sense is resultative, i.e., the VP in question describes a state resulting from
an action. It can be translated freely, depending on context, as a perfect ('have
VP-ed') or with the present tense ('I want'). For example, the event denoted by
umra:- rm- 'he/she went up (=mounted)' leads to the resulting state expressed by
(237a). An example with a more clearly transitive verb is (237b).

(237) a. sosm umra- soa- wm


horse go.up-Reslt-3SgS
'He/She is mounted on the horse.'

b. [ua bua:dum] a- soa- wm


[2SgP money.HL] eat-Reslt-2SgS
'You-Sg have eaten (= spent) your money.'

Resultative - soa- is added to the combining form of the stem, with no


modification to the lexical tone contour. The paradigm is (238). Because the
3Sg has suffix - wm , it is homophonous with the 2Sg. The 3Pl is irregular.

(238) category form

1Sg - soa- ym
2Sg - soa- wmm

1Pl - soa- ym
2Pl - soa- wm

3Sg/Inan - soa- wm
3Pl - s- a:

This suffix is undoubtedly related historically to 'have' quasi-verb soa- , but


the 2Sg, 3Sg, and 3Pl differ tonally in the two paradigms (for 'have' we get

114
2Sg=3Sg soa- wa and 3Pl s- a:, with high tones). A continuing synchronic
connection between the two is suggested by the fact that Resultative - soa- is
sometimes negated as - som- loa- , i.e. with the (irregular) negative form of soa-
'have' (239).

(239) sosm umra- som- loa-


horse go.up-Reslt-3SgS
'He/She is not mounted on the horse.'

Resultative - soa- is circumscribed by competition with Recent Perfect - ja- ,


which however puts more emphasis on the recent completion of the event ('has
already VP-ed'). Perception verbs ('I saw/have seen him', 'I [have] heard it')
strongly favor Recent Perfect - ja- (unlike the case in Jamsay, where the
Resultative -sam- is the unmarked positive past-time AN morpheme for these
verbs).

10.2.1.7 Experiential Perfect 'have ever' - taa-

In positive utterances, the Experiential Perfective is common in questions ('have


you ever ?'), but it can also be used in indicatives ('I have once '). It
indicates that the subject has, at any point in the past, performed the action
denoted by the VP at least once.

(240) a. bammamka loa- taa- wm


Bamako go-ExpPf-2SgS
'Have you ever gone to Bamako?'

b. tam- dumgua- m yi s- taa- ym


lion-AnSg see-ExpPf-1SgS
'I once saw a lion.'

c. mgua nus- taa- mam


this.Inan hear-ExpPf-3PlS
'They have heard this (before).'

d. ji myea ji myea- taa- wm


dance(n.) dance-ExpPf-3SgS
'He/She danced (once).'

The suffix (arguably an auxiliary verb) is added to the combining form of


the verb, with no change in lexical tone contour. The paradigm is (241).

115
(241) category form

1Sg - taa- ym
2Sg - taa- wmm

1Pl - taa- ym
2Pl - taa- wm

3Sg/Inan - taa- wm
3Pl - taa- mam

Because the 3Sg is expressed by - wm , it is homophonous with the 2Sg. 3Pl


- taa- mam has the - mam ending also seen in plural participles (in relative clauses
with plural head NP)

10.2.1.8 Recent Perfect - ja-

This AN suffix can be translated as 'already' plus past tense. It competes with
the Resultative, since the recent event in question often has a continuing effect,
as in (242).

(242) a. sy a- ja- ym
meal eat-RecPf-1SgS
'I have already eaten.' (hence: 'I am not hungry')

b. laawaa- ja:-
pass-RecPf-3SgS
'It (e.g. bus) has already gone past.' (hence: 'You'll have to wait')

- ja- can be used with perception verbs nus- 'hear' and yi s- 'see', which avoid
regular Perfective - ti a- and Resultative - soa- . Again, the context involves a recent
event that results in a state. In (243a), for example, the speaker had been asking
where the kettle was, and now indicates that he has located it.

(243) a. saataalam yi s- ja- ym


kettle see-RecPf-1SgS
'I have (just) seen the kettle.'

b. ci mwarum nus- ja- wm


news hear-RecPf-2PlS

116
'Have you-Pl heard the news?'

The suffix - ja- is added to the combining form of the verb, with no change
in the lexical tone contour. The paradigm is (244). The 3Sg form is not
homophonous with the 2Sg form.

(244) category form

1Sg - ja- ym
2Sg - ja- wm

1Pl - ja- ym
2Pl - ja- wm

3Sg/Inan - ja:-
3Pl - j- aa: (-ja:-ba also attested in a text)

For - jm in durative clauses in narrative, see 15.2.1.4.

10.2.1.9 Reduplicated Perfective (Ci m- plus {HL}, 3Sg - )

In this form, there is an initial reduplication of the form C1i m- (with fixed vowel
i)m or C1vm1- (with a copy of the first stem vowel), depending on the speaker. If
the first vowel of the stem is from the set { u o} (but not ), the i of the
reduplicative segment shifts to u. If the verb begins with a vowel, there is no C1
in either the reduplicative segment or the base stem. A glottal stop is heard
between the two occurrences of the vowel, as in um- uarom- 'go up' and i m- awm-
(varying with m- awm- ) 'buy'.
The reduplicative segment has L-tone (as do all such reduplicative segments
in verbal morphology). The base stem has overlaid {HL} tone contour,
erasing the lexical tones. The H-tone component is expressed on the first stem
syllable, or on the first mora of a monosyllable. In third person forms only, a
Cv- monosyllable like wos- 'catch' has its short vowel lengthened to permit the
<HL>-tone to be expressed; see Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (3.7.4.1). The
tone contours are illustrated in (245).

(245) gloss stem Reduplicated Perfective

'take' asy- i m- aay-


'catch' wos- wi m- woa:-
'want' jmra- ji m- jarm-

117
'buy' awa- i m- awm-
'go up' umra- um- uarm-
'go back' pi ani awi a- pi m- pi ani mwi m-

The Reduplicated Perfective is not common in texts. An example is (246).

(246) ji m- jarm- ba
Rdp-want.Perf.HL-3PlS
'They wanted.'

The paradigm is (247). The suffixes are the same as those of the unsuffixed
Perfective. Also shown are paradigms for wos- 'catch', illustrating the
lengthening of the stem vowel in 3rd person forms for Cv- monosyllables, and
awa- 'buy' as a more typical bisyllabic verb.

(247) category suffix 'catch' 'buy'

1Sg - ym wi m- woa- ym i m- awm- ym


2Sg - wm wi m- woa- wm i m- awm- wm

1Pl - ym wi m- woa- ym i m- awm- ym


2Pl - wm wi m- woa- wm i m- awm- wm

3Sg - wi m- woa:- i m- awm-


3Pl - ba ~ - bm wi m- woa:- ba ~ - bm i m- awm- ba ~ - bm

This form is partially homophonous to the Ci -m Reduplicated Stative,


which is is attested only with stance verbs like 'sit' (10.2.1.11, below). The two
are distinguishable by suffixal allomorphs in the third person. The reduplicated
Perfective and reduplicated Stative are both distinguished from the reduplicated
Imperfective by stem tone (the latter ends in a high tone).

10.2.1.10 Stative ({H}, 3Sg - wa )

An unreduplicated Stative form is derived from certain verbs, particularly verbs


of stance (position). The verb has the pronominal-subject paradigm (248). Its
most distinctive feature is Stative 3Sg - wa , homophonous to 2Sg (contrast low-
toned 1Sg - ym).

(248) category suffix

118
1Sg - ym
2Sg - wa [note H-tone]

1Pl - ym
2Pl - wm

3Sg - wa [note H-tone]


3Pl - wa - ba [note H-tone]

The verb stem itself is high-toned (except as noted below), and ends in a
non-high vowel. Verbs whose combining form ends in a high vowel replace it
with a in the Stative (for more details see below on the Reduplicated Stative).
All attested forms are precisely bisyllabic. For this purpose (presumably),
Mediopassive - yva- is omitted if it is the third syllable of the underlying stem:
jemgi m- yi a 'come up next to (sth)', yaa jeagea- wa 'it is up against (sth)'.
The verb is preceded by a locational element, such as Presentational agomy
'here's ', a demonstrative adverb ('here', 'there', etc.), or Existential yaa (which
is associated with predications of location). Examples: yaa bi a- yea- wa 'he/she is
lying down' (bi m- yea- ), yaa naayaa- wa 'it (e.g. teapot) is up on (e.g. burner)' from
naayi a 'be put up on'.
From dmyi a- 'put down, set', the Stative is yaa deayaa- wa .
In the absence of such a preverbal locational element, the Reduplicated
Stative is normally used, see below. An exception is that in contexts where a
preceding constituent is focalized, a low-toned unreduplicated Stative form
may be used (249).

(249) [[kua ni a:] wom] [nas: kum] di mmbam- wm - bm


[[Inan cause] in] [cow Def] follow.Stat.L-3SgS-3PlS
'It's for that reason [focus] that they follow (=tend) their cattle.'
[2005.1a.15]

10.2.1.11 Reduplicated Stative (Ci m- plus {HL}, 3Sg - wm )

A Stative reduplication is used with stance verbs ('be sitting', 'be connected',
etc.). It belongs to the perfective system, as seen by the use of perfective third
person suffix allomorphs, but it has stative sense. The reduplicative segment has
the same form as for the Reduplicated Perfective (just above) and for the
Reduplicated Imperfective (below).
The stem has {HL} tone contour, again as in the Reduplicated Perfective.
By contrast, the Reduplicated Imperfective always has a stem ending in a high
tone, and the simple (unreduplicated) Stative (preceding section) has high tones.

119
The Reduplicated Stative imposes a bisyllabic shape on the stem proper
(trisyllabic including the reduplicative segment), so for mono - and tri-syllabic
stems there is a clear difference between the Reduplicated Stative and the
Reduplicated Perfective. Another difference between the two is in the form of
third person suffixes. The three-way distinction for stance verbs with 3Sg
subject is illustrated in (250).

(250) a. i m- eaw- yem- wm


Rdp-sit-MP.Stat.HL-3SgS
'He/She is sitting (in sitting position)'. [Stative]

b. i m- eaw- yem-
Rdp-sit-MP.Perf.HL-3SgS
'He sat down.' [Perfective, uncommon]

c. i m- eaw- yea- mm
Rdp-sit-MP-Impf.3SgS
'He/She will sit down.' [Imperfective]

In the first and second persons, for bisyllabic stance verbs (including 'sit')
that do not end in a high vowel there is no audible distinction between the
Reduplicated Stative and the Reduplicated Perfective (251a-b), but the two of
them are (jointly) audibly distinct from the Reduplicated Imperfective (251c).

(251) a. i m- eaw- yem- ym


Rdp-sit-MP.Stat.HL-1SgS
'I am sitting (in sitting position)'. [Stative]

b. i m- eaw- yem- ym
Rdp-sit-MP.Perf.HL-1SgS
'He sat down.' [Perfective, uncommon]

c. i m- eaw- yea- ym
Rdp-sit-MP.Impf-1SgS
'I will sit down.' [Imperfective]

In the Reduplicated Stative only, nonmonosyllabic verbs ending in a high


vowel shift this vowel to a , a mutation that also takes place in the Imperative
stem. In this case, the three-way distinction among the reduplications is audibly
expressed even for first and second person categories. The 3Sg and 1Sg forms
for di myi a- 'be connected' bring this out (252).

120
(252) 'be connected' 3Sg 1Sg

Reduplicated Stative di m- di ayam- wm di m- di ayam- ym


Reduplicated Perfective di m- di ayi m- di m- di ayi m- ym
Reduplicated Imperfective di m- di ayi a- mm di a- di ayi a- ym

I had no difficulty eliciting Reduplicated Stative forms where they made


sense semantically (denoting stances and similar physical positions). Examples
are in (253), in 3Sg subject form. For the verbs in (253a), the segmentation of
- yi a- /- yea- is based on intransitive/causative alternations ( i a:- ri a- 'cause to
stand/stop', bi m- rea- 'cause to lie down', eaw- rea- 'cause to sit', tuagua- rua- 'cause to
kneel'), though segmentability is semi-opaque. Note that the - yi a- /-yea- is
retained in the Reduplicated Stative when the root is monosyllabic. 'Stand, stop'
appears to shorten its long i:, though one could alternatively argue that the - yi a-
suffix of the combining form has been lopped off and the remaining i a:- treated
as though /i ayi a-/ (253a). In any event, there is no general shortening of long
vowels in the first stem syllable of the Stative, see (253c). The examples in
(253b-c) are prosodically straightforward. The trisyllabic verbs in (253d)
probably originated as *Cv(C)Cv-yv- with Intransitive suffix *-yv-, but
segmentation is now somewhat opaque (for tari ayi a- the causative elicited was
tari ayi a- wua- ). Even if we segment the stems in (253d), there is no basis for
claiming that Intransitive - yv- is systematically omitted from the Reduplicative
Stative, since the much clearer cases of - yi a- /- yea- in (253a) do not drop the
suffix. I therefore prefer to analyse the examples in (253d) as involving
truncation of a final syllable to satisfy a bisyllabic output constraint.

(253) gloss combining form Reduplicated Stative

a. 'stand, stop' i a:- yi a- i m- i a- yam- w


(segmentation arguably i m- i ayam- w)
'lie down' bi m- yea- bi m- bi a- yem- w
'sit' eaw- yea- i m- eaw- yem- w
'kneel' tuagua- yua- tum- tuagam- w

b. 'be tilted' jmgi a- ji m- jagam- w


'be hanging' kali a- ki m- kalam- w
'(mat) be laid out' tayi a- ti m- tayam- w

c. 'be right-side up' taa:ri a- ti m- taa:ram- w


'be arranged' ta:li a- ti m- ta:lam- w

d. 'squat' tari ayi a- ti m- taram- w

121
'sit up' bmgi myi a- bi m- bagam- w

The Stative pronominal-suffix paradigm is (254). The 2Sg and 3Sg are
homophonous. The 3Pl is built by adding the (perfective) 3Pl suffix - ba (- bm) to
the 3Sg suffix - wm .

(254) category suffix

1Sg - ym
2Sg - wm

1Pl - ym
2Pl - wm

3Sg - wm
3Pl - wm - ba ~ - wm - bm

10.2.2 Imperfective positive system

10.2.2.1 Unsuffixed Imperfective (unreduplicated)

An unreduplicated form with no segmentally characterized AN suffix is used in


positive indicative clauses with present or future time reference. It is the normal
all-purpose imperfective form used after an overtly focalized preverbal
constituent, such as a WH-interrogative (255).

(255) aan- daa: loa- wm


where? go.Impf-2SgS
'Where are you-Sg going?' = 'Where will you-Sg go?'

With a preverbal constituent that is not overtly focalized, or with no


preverbal constituent, there is a choice between this form and its reduplicated
counterpart, the Reduplicated Imperfective (see the next section, below). In
elicitation, my assistant suggested that the Reduplicated Imperfective tended to
have future sense (256).

(256) a. namwaa: kuawoa- ym


meat eat.Impf-1SgS
'I eat meat.'

b. namwaa: kum- kuawoa- ym

122
meat Rdp-eat.Impf-1SgS
'I will eat meat.'

c. na- mm
drink-Impf.3SgS
'He/She drinks.'

d. ni m- na- mm
Rdp-drink-Impf.3SgS
'He/She will drink.'

The stem tone, and the third person pronominal suffixes, are different
from those of the Reduplicated Perfective and of the Reduplicated Stative (on
which see above). The stem tone of the unsuffixed Imperfective, which always
ends in a high tone element, is determined as in (257).

(257) Stem Tone of unsuffixed Imperfective

a. lexical all-high tone contour is preserved (all shapes);


b. shift from {LH} to all-high: Cvs and Cvsy monosyllabics, short-
voweled (CvmCva and CvmCCva, but not Cvm:Cva) bisyllabics ending in a
non-high vowel;
c. no change in lexical {LH}: all nonmonosyllabic stems ending in a
high vowel; long-voweled bisyllabics ending in a non-high vowel;
trisyllabic and longer stems.

The only audible change vis--vis the lexical tone (which is directly
observable in the bare stem in verb chains) is that LH-toned short-voweled
bisyllabic stems ending in a non-high vowel, and rising-toned monosyllabic
stems, shift to all-H (258c-d,f). This shift does not apply to the frozen causative
gom- loa- 'take out' or to the parallel (and semantically close) jomloa- 'take away,
convey' (258d). Minor segmental changes occur in a few irregular monosyllabic
verbs, all of which are listed in (258b-c).

(258) gloss combining unsuffixed Imperfective

a. stem already all-high toned, no audible change, all syllabic shapes


'go' loa- loa-
'tie' paaaa- paaaa-
'take down' si a- lea- si a- lea-
'go back' pi ani awua- pi ani awi a-
'cough' koaguasoa- koaguasoa-

123
b. irregular monosyllabics, shift of short or long / (:)/ to /e/
'come' ys- yea-
'bring' j:- jea-

c. Cvy verbs, become Cva-


'put' gasy- gaa-
'say' gusy- gua-
'do, make' kaay- kaa-

d. {LH}-toned stem, bcoming {H}-toned


Cvs
'go out' gos- goa-
'drink' ns- na-
'hear' nus- nua-
CvmCva
'pound (spikes)' dumya- duaya-
'steal' gumroa- guaroa-
'dance' ji myea- ji ayea-
'fall' yamaa- yaaaa-
exceptions (Transitive/Causative - lva/- rva, Mediopassive - yea):
'take out' gom- loa- gom- loa-
'take away' jom- loa- jom- loa-
'make lie down' bi m- rea- bi m- rea-
'bathe' di m- yea- di m- yea-

e. bimoraic bisyllabic ending in high vowel, {LH} preserved


'receive' amwua- amwua-
'help bamri a- bamrua-
'call' amri a- amrua-
'cover' dmwua- dmwua-
'put down' dmyi a- dmyi a-
'hold' wamyi a- wamyi a-
'laugh' mamni a- mamnua-

f. CvCCv bisyllabic ending in non-high vowel, {LH} all-high tone


'split' gummboa- guamboa-
'roll on turban' dommboa- doamboa-
'place in basket' dummboa- duamboa-
'stutter' bemmbea- beambea-

g. Cv:Cv bisyllabic ending in non-high vowel, no change in {LH}

124
'tease' bem:rea- bem:rea-
'be moving' ji m:rea- ji m:rea-
'lie in wait' yom:roa- yom:roa-

h. trimoraic bisyllabic ending in high vowel, no change in{LH}


'fill' bam:li a- bam:li a-
'uproot' wmmbua- wmmbua-
'think' mam:ni a- mam:ni a-
'dig' gamnji a- gamnjua-

i. trisyllabic ending in non-high vowel, no change in {LH}


'cut up' yemgi msea- yemgi msea-
'roll on ground' dumlumroa- dumlumroa-
'roll' bi mli mrea- bi mli mrea-

j. trisyllabic ending in high vowel, no change in {LH}


'hide (sth)' bamgi mri a- bamgi mri a-
'winnow in wind' mri myi a- mri myi a-
'follow' di mmbi m- yi a- di mmbi m- yi a-

The pronominal paradigm is exemplified in (259), using loa- 'go', dumya-


'pound (millet ears)', and paaaa- 'tie'. The 1st/2nd person forms are regular. In
the third person, we get 3Sg/Inanimate - mm and 3Pl - ym (dialectally also - yam).

(259) category 'go' 'pound' 'tie'

1Sg loa- ym duaya- ym paaaa- ym


2Sg loa- wm duaya- wm paaaa- wm

1Pl loa- ym duaya- ym paaaa- ym


2Pl loa- wm duaya- wm paaaa- wm

3Sg/Inan loa- mm duaya- mm paaaa- mm


3Pl loa- ym duaya- ym paaaa- ym

3Pl - ym is not subject to Nasalization-Spreading, hence ni a- ym 'they (will)


give'.
As this paradigm shows, the unsuffixed Imperfective has no AN suffix. This
could, in theory, result in confusion between the unsuffixed Imperfective and
the unsuffixed Perfective. However, the two can always be distinguished.
To begin with, the third person suffixes are different in the two paradigms.

125
In addition, while the unsuffixed Perfective drops stem tones, the
unsuffixed Imperfective stem always has at least one H-tone. Lexical bisyllabic
(C)vmCva- stems (with short vowels) shift from LH to HH tone, as with dumya-
'pound' in (259). This is also the case with (C)vmCCva- stems, e.g. gummboa- 'split',
3Sg imperfective guamboa- mm . All other stems, including monosyllabics like 'go'
in (259), HH bisyllabics like 'tie' in (259), bisyllabics with long-voweled first
syllable, and all longer stems (e.g. LLH and HHH trisyllabics) retain their
lexical tones, which always include at least one H-tone. A representative
bisyllabic with long-voweled first syllable is bam:li a- , 3Sg imperfective bam:li a- mm
'he/she will fill'. Examples of trisyllabics, in 3Sg form, are koaguasoa- mm 'he/she
will cough' (koaguasoa- ) and ji mgi mrea- mm 'he/she will shake (sth)' (ji mgi mrea- ).

10.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Ci m- , 3Sg - mm )

In the absence of a preverbal constituent, an unsuffixed Imperfective is


normally reduplicated. As a result, the Reduplicated Imperfective is very
common in texts, much more so than the Reduplicated Perfective.
The reduplicative segment has the same form as for the Reduplicated
Perfective (10.2.1.9, above). However, the Reduplicated Imperfective has the
same stem-tone contour as in the unreduplicated Imperfective. Therefore a
mono- or bisyllabic stem has all-H tone whether the lexical tone is all-H or
{LH}. Longer stems keep their lexical tone contour, either all-H or {LH}. There
is no lengthening of the short vowel of a Cv- monosyllable like wos- 'catch'.

(260) a. li m- loa- ym
Rdp-go.Impf-1SgS
'I will go.' (loa- )

b. um-uara- ym
Rdp-go.up.H-1SgS
'I will go up.' (umra)

c. sum- suaya- ym
Rdp-hit.Impf-1SgS
'I will hit (it).'

d. i m- awa- ym
Rdp-buy.Impf-1SgS
'I will buy (it).' (awa- )

e. wi m- woa- mm

126
Rdp-catch-Impf.3SgS
'He/She will catch.' (wos- )

f. gum- gumlum- rua- mm


Rdp-long-Fact-Impf.3SgS
'He/She will lengthen.' (gumlum- ri a- )

Imperfective verbs are often reduplicated in the absence of a preverbal


constituent. This pattern is observed in the excerpt (261), which contains two
perfective-imperfective sequences denoting actions performed in a given order
in constructing a wooden apiary for honey bees. In the first sequence, the
Imperfective verb is not reduplicated because it has a preverbal object NP. In the
second, there is only an implied object and the Imperfective verb is
reduplicated.

(261) kaam- di a:- rm- doa woay, mom:- ti ambi a: jara- ym,
wide-Inch-Perf1a-3SgS if all, mouth-covering want.Impf-1PlS,
ti ambi a- ti a- ym dem, um-uaguaroa- ym
cover-Perf1b-1PlS if, Rdp-scent.Impf-1PlS
'When it (=section of hollowed tree trunk) has become wider, we look
for a covering (to close up the opening). When we have covered (the
opening), we give it (=apiary) a smell.' [2005-1a.09]

The paradigm is (262). Note the specifically Imperfective suffixes for 3Sg
and 3Pl.

(262) category suffix

1Sg - ym
2Sg - wm

1Pl - ym
2Pl - wm

3Sg - mm
3Pl - ym

The Reduplicated Imperfective is distinguished from the Reduplicated


Perfective by the tone of the stem. The Reduplicated Imperfective has all-H or
(for some multisyllabic stems) {LH}, while the Reduplicated Perfective and the
Reduplicated Stative have {HL} tone contour on the stem. The third person
endings also distinguish the Reduplicated Imperfective from the others.

127
The 3Sg form of the Reduplicated Imperfective (suffix - mm ) should be
distinguished from a temporal adverbial construction with initial high-toned
reduplication, {HL} stem contour, and final - m, type i a- i ayam- m 'while standing'
(15.2.1.9).

10.2.2.3 Imperfective-1 (:- ram- )

A suffixally marked imperfective stem, here called Imperfective-1, is used in


progressive and habitual function. The suffix has a basic form :- ram- , lengthening
the stem-final vowel. The stem has its lexical tone.

(263) a. bi ara bi mra:- ram- ym


work(n.) work-Impf1-1PlS
'We are working (now).' (bi mra- )

b. damnni a:- ram- wm


hunt-Impf1-3SgS
'He/She hunts (regularly).' (damnni a- )

c. barum- m wos:- ram- ym


goat-AnSg catch-Impf1-1SgS
'I am catching the goat.' (wos- )

The paradigm is (264). The 3Sg is homophonous to the 2Sg, as in Stative


inflections. The 3Pl adds - bm ~ - ba to the 3Sg.

(264) category suffix

1Sg :- ram- ym
2Sg :- ram- wm

1Pl :- ram- ym
2Pl :- ram- wm

3Sg :- ram- wm
3Pl :- ram- w- ba (often heard as :- ram- w- bm)

Cv- verbs reveal their lexical {H} or {LH} tone in this form. Attestations of
{LH} tone are: ys:- ram- 'comes' (ys- ), wos:- ram- 'catches' (wos- ), gos:- ram- 'goes out'
(gos- ), nus:- ram- 'hears' (nus- ), gas:- ram- 'slashes (rice)' (gas- ), yi s:- ram- 'sees' (yi s- ),
ys:- ram- 'weeps' (ys- ), das:- ram- 'endures' (das- ), bas:- ram- 'fills' (bas- ), jos:- ram-

128
'abounds' (jos- ), ds:- ram- 'gets tired' (ds- ), mas:- ram- 'gives shape to' (mas- ), js:- ram-
'picks' (js- ), and ns:- ram- 'drinks' (ns- ).
Examples of {H} tone are nua:- ram- 'goes in' (nua- ), loa:- ram- 'goes' (loa- ), ti a:- ram-
'sends' (ti a- ), taa:- ram- 'shoots' (taa- ), saa:- ram- 'replies' (saa- ), naa:- ram- 'spends the
night' (naa- ), and a:- ram- 'eats (meal)' (a- ).
{LHL} toned j:- 'bring' has j:- ram- 'brings'.

10.2.3 Negation of indicative verbs

10.2.3.1 Categories expressed by negative verbs

There is little connection in form between positive and negative inflectional


categories. Most perfective and perfect positive categories correspond to
Perfective Negative - ri a- . Most imperfective positive categories correspond to
Imperfective Negative - mm - (n)dom- .

10.2.3.2 Perfective Negative (- ri a- ) and related forms

The basic Perfective Negative is formed with suffix - ri a- , before which a stem
drops its tones to all-L.
The /r/ is subject to Nasalization-Spreading, becoming r after a nasal, in
num- ri a- 'he/she did not hear', bamram- ri a- 'did not beat (tomtom)', dumwm- ri a-
'did not finish (was not used up)', and ni m:yi m-ri a- 'did not sleep'. Nasalization-
Spreading does not apply to the 3Pl form - r- aa, hence num- r- aa 'they did not
hear'.
Verbs of the shape Cvy- combine /y/ and suffixal /r/ as n : gum- ni a- did not
say' (gusy- ), gam- ni a- 'did not put' (gasy- ), kam- ni a- 'did not do' (kaay- ), see
3.5.4.3.
bmra- 'get, obtain' forms bml- li a- 'did not get' (showing syncope of the stem-
final vowel and /rr/ replaced by ll, 3.5.4.5). By contrast, other verbs with final
r plus vowel have unsyncopated forms: tomrom- ri a- 'did not pound', sm:rum-ri a- 'did
not slide in', pemrem- ri a- 'did not clap'. taali a- 'transform, convert' has taml- li a- as a
variant of tamli m- ri a- 'did not transform', showing that when a short high vowel is
syncopated the resulting /lr/ cluster is realized as ll. One might use this datum to
argue that the conversion of /rr/ to ll in bml- li a- (see beginning of this
paragraph) has an intermediate (dissimilated) stage /lr/.

(265) a. ym- ri a-
come.L-PerfNeg-3SgS
'He/She didn't come.'

129
b. ua yi m- ri a- ym
2SgO see.L-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I didn't see you-Sg.'

c. bua: pamam- rua- wa


3PlO tie.L-PerfNeg-2SgS
'You-Sg didn't tie them up.'

d. lom- r- aa
go.L-PerfNeg-3PlS
'They didn't go.'

The verb is normally low-toned before the suffix. However, the irregular
{LHL} toned 'bring' (j:- ) has js:- ri a- , with <LH> tone on the stem and
downstepped H-tone on the suffix.
The pronominal-subject paradigm is (266).

(266) Paradigm of Perfective Negative

category suffix

1Sg - ri a- ym (phonetic [- ri a:])


Pl - ri a- ym
2Sg - rua- wa (phonetic [- rua:])
2Pl - rua- wm

3Sg/Inan - ri a-
3Pl - r- aa

Note the phonetic monophthongization in the 1Sg and 2Sg, and the H-tone
of the 2Sg form. The third person forms are 3Sg/Inan - ri a- (with no
lengthening) and 3Pl - r- aa.
The Experiential Perfective Negative is formed by adding Perfective
Negative allomorph - li a- to a L-toned form of Experiential Perfective - taa- ,
resulting in -tam-li.a The preceding stem also has {L} tone contour, showing that
the final suffix controls tones on the entire word. The combination is common,
as it is the usual way to express 'have never VPed'. The pronominal endings are
the same as for Perfective Negative - ri a- .

(267) a. bammamka lom- tam- li a- ym


Bamako go-ExpPf-Neg-1SgS

130
'I have never gone to Bamako.'

b. mgua yi m- tam- l- aa
this.Inan see-ExpPf-PerfNeg-3PlS
'They have never seen this (before).'

The synchronically puzzling shift of r to l is best explained historically,


since cognates of - taa- contain a rhotic (e.g. Jamsay -tarm-), and since underlying
/rv-r/ sequences in verbal morphology may shift one or both rhotics to l
(3.5.4.4-5).
Perfective Negative - ri a- may follow Recent Perfect - ja- , in the sense 'have
not finished VP-ing'. In this combination, the main verb stem keeps its regular
tone, but - ja- itself drops its tone to jm- . In other words, the main verb and ja-
behave tonally like two verbs in a chain. The pronominal endings are the same
as for simple - ri a- .

(268). woagoaroa wamraa jm- ri a- ym


farming farm RecPf-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I haven't (yet) finished farming.'

An explicit negation of Resultative - soa- (cf. quasi-verb soa- 'have') is not


common in texts, but it is attested. The negative paradigm is identical to that of
'have', thus - som- loa- plus the pronominal-subject suffix. For an example, see
(619c) in 18.3.1.

(269) Paradigm of Resultative Negative

category suffix

1Sg - som- loa- ym


2Sg - som- loa- wa

1Pl - som- loa- ym


2Pl - som- loa- wm

3Sg/Inan - som- loa-


3Pl - sm- na (alternative transcription: - s- m- n- a)

131
10.2.3.3 Imperfective Negative (- mm - doa- , :- ram=raa- )

The Imperfective Negative is based on - mm - doa- , except for an irregular 3Pl form
- mm - n- a. In careful speech, - mm - doa- is heard as [mm nmdoa], as the nasalization
extends beyond the transition from labial to alveolar place of articulation.
Native speakers correct the linguist's pronunciation when the [n] is left out.
The - mm - is identifiable with the 3Sg - mm suffix in the unsuffixed
Imperfective (positive). Furthermore, the stem of the Imperfective Negative has
the same tone as that of the corresponding unsuffixed Imperfective, {H} or
{LH} depending on the stem. This strongly suggests that the Imperfective
Negative - mm - doa- is directly built on the unsuffixed Imperfective (positive),
specifically on the 3Sg form of the latter, merely adding a Negative suffix - doa.
Thus dumya- 'pound (millet ears)', unsuffixed Imperfective (positive) duaya- (3Sg
form duayoa- mm ) with HH tones, and Imperfective Negative duaya- mm - doa- with the
same HH stem tones. In interlinears I gloss -m- in this combination as "Impf"
and - doa- as "Neg."
The paradigm is (270). Segmentation of the irregular 3Pl form is difficult.

(270) Paradigm of Imperfective Negative

category suffix

1Sg - mm - doa- ym
Pl - mm - doa- ym
2Sg - mm - doa- wm
2Pl - mm - doa- wm

3Sg/Inan - mm - doa-
3Pl - mm - n- a

A similar =mm =daa is the negation of the 'it is' clitic =mm (11.2.1.4).
The {HLH} tone sequence involving stem plus -mm -doa- is pronounced with a
lower pitch on -doa- than on the H-toned part of the stem. Since this is a
predictable phonetic implementation (a kind of downdrift), I do not mark it
explicitly and do not consider it to constitute downstep (3.7.4.4).
Examples are in (271).

(271) a. tea: na- mm - doa-


tea drink-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'He/She doesn't drink tea.'

b. mgua- rum bi ara bi ara- mm - n- a

132
here work(n.) work-Impf-Neg-3PlS
'They don't work here.'

The final high tone is often heard as low in texts when prepausal. The high
tone is easier to hear before a clause-final particle such as Emphatic komy.
Imperfective-1 :- ram- , whose positive conjugation already shows stative
features (3Sg - wm ), is negated by adding conjugated Stative Negative =raa- ,
resulting in :- ram=raa- . The verb stem retains the same tones as in the positive.

(272) a. i ayea dumwa:- ram=raa-


today leave-Impf1=StatNeg-3SgS
'Nowadays it (=water) doesn't cease (=run out).' [2005-1a.04]

b. [msum bua: j:-ram-wm ] yi s:-ram=raa-ym


[good.L 3PlS bring-Impf1-Pp.Inan] see-Impf1=StatNeg-1PlS
'We don't see anything good that they bring (back).' [2005.1b.06]

The paradigm is (273). Only the final Stative Negative clitic is conjugated.

(273) Paradigm of Imperfective-1 Negative

category suffix

1Sg :- ram=raa- ym
Pl :- ram=raa- ym
2Sg :- ram=raa- wa
2Pl :- ram=raa- wm

3Sg/Inan :- ram=raa-
3Pl :- ram=raa- ba

10.2.3.4 Stative Negative (=raa- without reduplication)

Compare positive example (274a), from 10.2.1.11 above, with its negative
counterpart (274b).

(274) a. i m- eaw- yem- y


Rdp-sit-MP.Stat-1SgS
'I am sitting.'

b. emw- yem- w=raa- ym

133
sit-MP-Stat=StatNeg-1SgS
'I am not sitting.'

In the negative form (274b), the reduplicative segment is gone. The stem
drops to L-tone, as it does before the Perfective Negative suffix - ri a- . Negative
clitic =raa- is added to - wm - , which could be identified morphemically with - wm ,
the 3Sg subject allomorph used in the Stative positive (cf. i m- eaw-yem- w 'he/she is
sitting'). However, - wm =raa- is the basis for the entire Stative Negative
paradigm (275), not just the 3Sg, so I gloss it in this combination as "Stat" in
interlinears.

(275) category suffix

1Sg - wm =raa- ym
Pl - wm =raa- ym
2Sg - wm =raa- wa
2Pl - wm =raa- wm

3Sg/Inan - wm =raa-
3Pl - wm =raa- ba

As in some other Negative paradigms, the 2Sg suffix is H-toned, so its final
syllable has high rather than falling tone.
Stative Negative =raa-

10.3 Pronominal-subject suffixes for indicative verbs

10.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixes

To pull together data from the various AN categories given above, the basic
forms of first/second person pronominal-subject suffixes on inflected verbs are
those in (276).

(276) category suffix

1Sg - ym
2Sg - wm (or - wa )

Pl - ym
2Pl - wm

134
There is an issue as to whether these suffixes have intrinsic tones or get
their tones from the preceding morpheme. Many of the AN categories have
suffixes that end in a falling tone in the zero 3Sg form, and the unsuffixed
Perfective is all-low toned. In these forms, the low tone on a first/second person
suffix could be analysed as due to Contour-Tone Stretching (3.7.4.2). The test
is therefore what happens when the first/second person suffix follows a high
tone. This happens in Perfective Negative with suffix - ri a- and in the Stative
Negative with - raa- , but here the evidence is split. The 1Sg combination has
falling tone (- ri a- ym, - raa- y) suggesting an intrinsic low tone on 1Sg - y. However,
the 2Sg combinations have high tone (- rua- wa , - raa- wa ), suggesting that the tone
has spread from the Negative suffix to the 2Sg suffix. The 1Pl and 2Pl suffixes
are moot in this respect, because of their dying-quail intonation.
Segmental irregularities in combinations involving first/second person
suffixes are minor and usually have a clear phonological basis. 1Sg - ym
undergoes monophthongization with a preceding i, both in the marked
Perfective (/-ti a-y/, pronounced - ti a:- ) and in the Perfective Negative (/-ri a-y/,
pronounced - ri a:- ). The original HL tone sequence is preserved in the <HL>-
toned monophthong. A parallel monophongization with 2Sg - wm occurs in the
marked Perfective-1b (/-tua-w/, pronounced - tua:- ) and in the Perfective
Negative (/-rua-w/, pronounced - rua:- ).
For 3Sg/Inan, the allomorphs are as in (277).

(277) 3Sg/Inan allomorph AN category suffix + 3Sg/Inan

a. - unsuffixed Perfective -
reduplicated Perfective -
Perfective-1a :- rm-
Perfective Negative - ri a-
Imperfective Negative - mm doa-
Stative Negative - wm - raa-

b. - (long vowel) Perfective-1b - ti a:-


Recent Perfect - ja:-

c. - wm Experiential Perfect - taa- wm


Resultative - soa- wm
Imperfective :- ram- w
reduplicated Stative - wm

d. - mm unsuffixed Imperfective - mm
reduplicated Imperfective - mm

135
The - wm in (277c) suggests a morphological connection with - w as an
adjectival suffix (Inanimate). In verbal morphology, 3Sg - wm entails homophony
between 3Sg and 2Sg. The lengthening of the vowel of the AN suffix in (277b)
is necessary to permit the contour tone to be expressed; see Contour-Tone Mora-
Addition (3.7.4.1). In the specific case of Perfective - ti a:- , the lengthening
results in (accidental) homophony with the 1Sg, which monophthongizes
from /-ti a-y/ to - ti a:- .
As with the first/second person suffixes, one can argue whether the nonzero
3Sg allomorphs, - wm and - mm , are intrinsically low-toned, or acquire their tones
by spreading from the left.
The 3Pl forms are especially irregular (278). In parsing texts, it is
particularly worth noting that 3Pl :- r- am: is from Perfective-1a :- rm- and not from
Imperfective-1 :- ram- .

(278) 3Pl allomorph AN category AN suffix + 3Pl

a. - ba (- bm) unsuffixed Perfective - ba ~ - bm


Imperfective :- ram- w- ba
reduplicated Perfective - ba
reduplicated Stative - wm - ba
Stative Negative - wm - raa- ba

b1. - am (- yam) Perfective-1a :- r- am: (< :- rm- )


Perfective-1b - ti a- yam (< - ti a- )
Recent Perfect - j- aa: (< - ja- a)
Perfective Negative - r- aa (< - ri a- )

b2. - ym unsuffixed Imperfective - ym


reduplicated Imperfective - ym

b3. - m Imperfective Negative - mm -n- a (< - mm -doa- )

c. - mam Experiential Perfect - taa- mam

One could perhaps group (278b1-b3) together into a set { - am - m - yam - ym}, but
the phonological relationships among the variants are opaque. The quite distinct
form - ba (278a) resembles the 3Pl independent pronoun bua:, while the
allomorph - mam (278c) could be identified with the Plural Perfective Participial
suffix (in relative clauses).
- ba is basically high-toned. The other 3Pl allomorphs are heard with low
tone, but as usual one could argue that the low tone is spread from the left.

136
10.4 Deictic temporal clitics and particles

10.4.1 Past =bm- (=ba- ) and its conjugated forms

The Past clitic =bm- or =ba- repositions the eventuality denoted by a clause
into a past time frame. The low-toned, always short-voweled form =bm- is used
in certain combinations where it follows a low-toned verb form. The form =ba-
with falling tone, which expands to =ba:- when followed by zero 3Sg suffix
(by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition, 3.7.4.1), is used when the preceding verb
form ends in a high tone, and in a few other combinations.
I suspected originally that L-toned =bm- might really just be a
downstepped version of <HL>-toned =ba- , but careful listening indicated that
=bm- is entirely L-toned. The pitch does not rise from the preceding L-tone,
and there is no falling tone internal to the syllable =bm- .
=ba: is conjugated for pronominal subject, in two paradigms that occur in
distinct constructions. The regular paradigm including tones is (279). The
1st/2nd person forms are based on ba- and are regular in form. 3Sg/Inan ba:-
has a long, <HL>-toned vowel. 3Pl =b- aa: can be interpreted as the contraction
of =ba:- (or presurface /=ba-/) with 3Pl - a.
The paradigms of the two variant forms of the clitic are in (279).

(279) category <HL>-tone form L-tone variant

1Sg =ba- ym =bm- ym


2Sg =ba- wm =bm- wm

1Pl =ba- ym =bm- ym


2Pl =ba- wm =bm- wm

3Sg/Inan =ba:- =bm-


3Pl =b- aa: =b- am:

The first and second person forms are unremarkable. In the 3Sg, the <HL>-
tone form has a long vowel as noted above. The 3Pl forms involve a
suffixed /-a/ that contracts with the // of the clitic.
There are four major combinations of the Past clitic with inflectable verb
stems: Past unsuffixed Imperfective, Past Imperfective-1, Past Stative, and Past
Perfect (a better label than Past Perfective, as we will see). There are positive
and negative versions for each of these. The Past Perfect marks pronominal
subjects both on the verb proper and on the clitic, though the 3Sg and 3Pl
suffixes on the verb proper appear to be participial. In the other Past AN
categories, either - m- (Imperfective) or - w- (Stative) generalizes as the ending

137
of the verb before the Past clitic, except that (in most cases) the 3Pl has double
suffixal marking, on the verb proper and again on the Past clitic.
The Past forms of the unsuffixed positive AN categories are first up here:
unsuffixed Imperfective, Stative, and unsuffixed Perfective, in that order, before
turning to combinations with nonzero AN suffixes. The corresponding negations
will also be given immediately after each positive type.

10.4.1.1 Past unsuffixed Imperfective (positive and negative)

The Past unsuffixed Imperfective is rather common ('was working', 'used to


work'). The verb form preceding the clitic generalizes the - mm suffix that, in the
simple inflected paradigm, expresses 3Sg/Inanimate subject, to all subject
categories except 3Pl. So we see - mm =bm- for example with 1Sg (280a), 1Pl
(280b), and 3Sg subjects (280c). The Past clitic is low-toned because it follows
the low-toned suffix - mm . Before the Past clitic, I gloss - mm - simply as "Impf" in
interlinears. In the 3Pl, the regular 3Pl Imperfective suffix - ym- appears before
the Past clitic, so there is double marking of the 3Pl category (280d).

(280) Past unsuffixed Imperfective

a. bi ara bi ara- mm =bm- ym


work(n.) work-Impf=Past-1SgS
'I was working.'

b. bi ara bi ara- mm =bm- ym 'We were working.'


c. bi ara bi ara- mm =bm- 'He/She was working.'
d. bi ara bi ara- ym=b- am: 'They were working.'

The morpheme sequence - ma =b- am: does not belong here; instead, it is a
variant of - mam=b- am: (3Pl Past Perfect), 10.4.1.3.
A textual example of - ym=b- am: is (281).

(281) namamnaa: mgmrm- uarom ys taagua- mm ,


entirely husband.L-house come transfer.Impf-3SgS,
aaamy kaa- ym=b- am:
thus do.Impf-3PlS=Past-3PlS
'she (=bride) would definitively come and move to the husband's house.
They used to do thus.' [2005.1a.14]

The Past Imperfective Negative is based on the conjugated Imperfective


Negative with suffix - mm - doa- . This form of the suffix complex occurs in all

138
subject categories except 3Pl. The latter adds the 3Pl form of the Past clitic to
the already 3Pl suffix complex - mm - n-a- . Since - mm - doa- and 3Pl - mm - n-a- end in
a high tone, the Past clitic takes its falling-tone form.

(282) Past Imperfective Negative

a. bi ara bi ara-mm - doa=ba- ym


work(n.) work-Impf-Neg=Past-1SgS
'I was not working.'

b. bi ara bi ara-mm - doa=ba- ym 'We were not working.'


c. bi ara bi ara-mm - doa=ba:- 'He/She was not working.'
d. bi ara bi ara-mm - n-a=b- aa: 'They were not working.'

10.4.1.2 Past Stative

In the Past Stative (chiefly for stance verbs: 'I am/was sitting'), the verb form
preceding the Past clitic has the regular Stative stem shape segmentally, but it is
high-toned. The initial reduplication is optionally present. The Stative stem is
followed by suffix - wa - , which has generalized from 3Sg Stative - wm , but here
also has high tone (so the Past clitic has its falling-toned form). The 3Pl has
- wa - before the Past clitic, as do the other pronominal categories. The - wa - suffix
before the Past clitic is glossed simply as "Stat[ive]" in the interlinears. Since
statives like 'be sitting' make no perfective/imperfective distinction, the Past
suffix is especially useful with these verbs. The examples in (283) use the
Stative form of ewa - yea- 'sit'.

(283) Past Stative

a. (i m- )eaw- yea- wa =ba- ym


(Rdp- )sit-MP-Stat=Past-1SgS
'I was sitting.'

b. (i m- )eaw- yea- wa =ba- ym 'We were sitting.'


c. (i m- )eaw- yea- wa =ba:- 'He/She was sitting.'
d. (i m- )eaw- yea- wa =b- aa: 'They were sitting.'

Negative counterparts add Stative Negative clitic =raa- before the Past
clitic. The Stative Negative clitic forces tone-dropping on the preceding stem.
Thus emw- yem- w=raa=ba- ym 'I was not sitting'.

139
10.4.1.3 Past Perfect

The third and last positive AN category with no audible AN suffix is the
unsuffixed Perfective. The (more or less) related form used with the Past clitic is
somewhat different formally, and the sense is past perfect ('had VP-ed'). It is
used, for example, in counterfactual conditional clauses (16.5), and I will refer
to it as Past Perfect (instead of Past Perfective).
Before the Past clitic, the verb takes the lexical combining form of the stem
(including high tones, which are suppressed in the regular inflected unsuffixed
Perfective). The verb, moreover, takes a full set of pronominal-subject suffixes,
so the subject is marked both on the verb and on the Past clitic. The suffixes for
first and second person subject are low-toned, so the Past clitic takes its low-
toned form. Cvs- verbs like ys- 'come' that have {LH} tones in some similar
syllabic positions have H-tone (284).

(284) Past Perfect (first/second person)

a. ya- wm =bm- wm
come-2SgS=Past-2SgS
'You-Sg had come.'

b. ya- ym=bm- y
come-1PlS=Past-1PlS
'We had come.'

c. kua gom- loa- ym=bm- ym


Inan.Sg go.out-Caus-1SgS=Past-1SgS
'I had taken it out.'

In the Past Perfect, special third person suffixes are used in the verb
preceding the clitic: 3Sg/Inanimate - wm - (285a), and 3Pl - mam- or less often - mm -
(285b). The 3Pl suffix variant - mam- is identical in form to the Plural Perfective
Participial suffix - mam. In this light, one might connect the 3Sg - wm - suffix to the
Inanimate Perfective Participial suffix - wm , though it seems odd that a
specifically Inanimate morpheme would generalize to animate 3Sg. The 3Pl
variant - mm - could cause the uninitiated to misparse a 3Pl Past Perfect as a 3Pl
Past Imperfective. Thus loa- mm =b- am: 'they had gone' (text 2005-1a.08) was
initially misconstrued by the fieldworker as 'they were going' by analogy to
(non-3Pl) Past Imperfective forms like 3Sg loa- mmm =bm- 'he/she was going'.
However, the sense 'they were going' is actually expressed by loa- ym=b- am:.

140
(285) Past Perfect (third person)

a. ya- wm =bm-
come-3SgS=Past-3SgS
'He/She had come.'

b. ya- mam=b- am:


come-3PlS=Past-3PlS
'They had come.'

A version of the Past Perfect in relative-clause form with suffix - wm is


recorded in a text: ya- wm =bs- wm 'they (locusts) had come (many years earlier)'
[2005-1a.08].
The Past Perfect Negative ('had not VP-ed') is built on the Perfective
Negative with - ri a- , which (as usual) forces tone-dropping on the preceding
verb. The form in - ri a- with no further suffix generalizes to all subject categories
except 3Pl, which has its regular Perfective Negative form - r- aa: before the Past
clitic (286d).

(286) Past Perfect Negative

a. ym- ri a=ba- ym
come.L-PerfNeg=Past-1SgS
'I had not come.'

b. ym- ri a=ba- wm 'You-Sg had not come.'


c. ym- ri a=ba:- 'He/She had not come'
d. ym- r- aa:=b- aa: 'They had not come'

10.4.1.4 Past of Perfective-1a

Though the combination is uncommon, an explicitly Perfective-1a form with


suffix :- rm- is attested with the Past clitic. In (287), the speaker first used this
form, then restarted the clause and repeated the same verb without the Past
clitic, suggesting that he preferred the latter phrasing. My assistant did indicate
that the combination with Past clitic is grammatical, though not common.

(287) [kua aaram- gumsum] [[pa- nummusy nummusy saa:]


[Dem year.HL] [[ten-five five plus]
ds:- rm=bm- ] gumy- bm,
arrive-Perf1a=Past-3SgS] say.Perf-3PlS,

141
ds:- rm- gumy- ba
arrive-Perf1a say.Perf-3PlS
'This year was the 55th year since they (=locusts) had (last) arrived,
they said.' [2005-1a.08]

10.4.1.5 Past Imperfective-1

The Past Imperfective-1 with suffix :- ram- can be followed by the Past clitic. In
this combination, the form that generalizes throughout the paradigm has suffix
- wm - (as in the Past Stative) added to the Imperfective-1 suffix. In the 3Pl, I
recorded a form with - ram- w- ba before the clitic.

(288) Past Imperfective-1

a. bi ara bi mra:- ram- wm =ba- ym


work(n.) work-Impf1-Stat=Past-1SgS
'I was working.'

b. bi ara bi mra:- ram- wm =ba:- 'He/She was working.'


c. bi ara bi mra:- ram- wm - ba=b- aa: 'They were working.'

The Past Imperfect-1 Negative adds Stative Negative =raa- before the Past
clitic (289).

(289) Past Imperfect-1 Negative

a. bi ara bi mra:- ram=raa=ba- ym


work(n.) work-Impf1=StatNeg=Past-1SgS
'I was not working.'

b. bi ara bi mra:- ram=raa=ba:- 'He/She was not working.'


c. bi ara bi mra:- ram=raa=b- aa: 'They were not working.'

For kaa- w=bm 'it happened' and its negation kamn- i a=ba:, see 11.1.6.

10.4.1.6 Past of 'be' and 'have'

Defective stative quasi-verbs 'be (somewhere)' and 'have', and their negations,
can combine with the Past clitic.

142
For 'was', the stem itself ends in a high tone, whether or not Existential yaa is
present, and the 3Pl form is doubly conjugated.

(290) Paradigms of 'was' and 'was not'

category 'was' 'was not'

1Sg bua=ba- ym mgoa=ba- ym


2Sg bua=ba- wm mgoa=ba- wm

1Pl bua=ba- ym mgoa=ba- ym


2Pl bua=ba- wm mgoa=ba- wm

3Sg bua=ba:- mgoa=ba:-


3Pl b- a:=b- aa: mgoa=b- aa:

ba- may also replace bua- , as in yaa ba:- 'there used to be (3Sg)' in text
2005.1b.01.
For 'have', the positive forms (except the doubly-conjugated 3Pl) are based
on soa- wa - , with Stative - wa - .

(291) Paradigms of 'had' and 'did not have'

category 'had' 'did not have'

1Sg soa- wa =ba- ym som- loa=ba- ym


2Sg soa- wa =ba- wm som- loa=ba- wm

1Pl soa- wa =ba- ym som- loa=ba- ym


2Pl soa- wa =ba- wm som- loa=ba- wm

3Sg soa- wa =ba:- som- loa=ba:-


3Pl s- a:=b- aa: sm- na=b- aa:

The Resultative verb form, with suffix - soa- , is occasionally combined with
Past clitics, and has the same forms as for 'have'.

(292) mmsua mam:ni a-soa-wa =ba-wm kaalam


bad think-Reslt-Stat=Past-2SgS even
'even if you-Sg were to think (something) evil' [2005.1b.07]

143
10.4.2 'Still', 'up to now', (not) yet'

'Still' is amsua (also 'always'), optionally expandible as amsua dam woay.

(293) [amsua dam woay] smllm- ri a- maa


[still all all] be.healthy-PerfNeg-3SgSQ
'Is he/she still sick?'

'Up to now, as of now' can be expressed as dam kaalam or as nuawmy kaalam,


with kaalam 'even'.
'(Not) yet' is expressed with a negative predicate plus dam '(up to) now'.

(294) dam ym- ri a-


up.to.now come-PerfNeg-3SgS
'He/She hasn't come yet.'

10.5 Imperatives and Hortatives

10.5.1 Imperative and Prohibitive

A representative paradigm of positive and negative imperatives is in (295), for


the verb 'come' (ya). The (positive) imperative is based on the Imperative stem
(10.5.2, below), which for this verb involves a shift in the final vowel to a. The
prohibitive (=negative imperative) forms involve Prohibitive suffix - ra- . In both
cases, there is no further affixation for 2Sg subject, while 2Pl subject is marked
by a suffix - nm.

(295) form gloss

yaa 'come!-Sg'
yaa- nm 'come!-Pl'
ya- ra 'don't come!-Sg'
ya- ra- nm 'come!-Sg'

Because basic reflexive-object pronouns ( aa, Pl aa:) are limited to third person
subjects, they cannot be used to test whether imperatives have a syntactically
operative covert second person subject. In (296a), the object is 2Sg with no
reflexive marking, compare (296b) with a disjoint subject. However, marked
reflexives with possessed kua: 'head' can occur in imperatives as in other types of
clause (296c). Reciprocal objects are also allowed in plural-subject imperatives

144
(296d). Optional Accusative marking of objects, as in (296a), shows that these
NPs have the same grammatical status as objects in ordinary clauses.
For some verbs the imperative form has the same vocalism as the
unsuffixed Perfective, in which case the distinction between e.g. 2Sg imperative
(296a) and 3Sg perfective (296e) is made by tone contour.

(296) a. ua=ni m suaya


2Sg=Acc hit.Imprt
'Hit-2Sg yourself!'

b. ua=ni m sumym-ba
2Sg-Acc hit.Perf-3PlS
'They hit-Past you-Sg.'

c. [ua kua:] suaya


[2SgP head.HL] hit.Imprt
'Hit-2Sg yourself!'

d. tus: suaya-nm
Recip hit,Imprt-Imprt.Pl
'Hit-2Pl each other!'

e. ua=ni m sumym-
2Sg=Acc hit.Perf-3SgS
'He/She hit-Past you-Sg.'

10.5.2 Imperative stem

The Imperative stem, which is used without further modification as a singular-


subject positive imperative ('come!'), is not always identical to the bare stem
used in chains and before indicative suffixes (the combining form).
The Imperative stem and the combining form are identical for H-toned
monosyllabics not ending in // (297a), for HH-toned bisyllabic CvaCva stems
(bimoraic, with light initial syllable) ending in { a e o }, i.e. not ending in a
high vowel or in (297b), and for the three nasal-final CvC stems (297c). As
always, the stem-initial C position in these schemas may be vacant.

(297) gloss combining form Imperative

a. 'go' loa loa


'spend night' naa naa

145
'give' ni a ni a
'enter' nua nua (homophonous with 'hear')

b. 'jump' peatea peatea


'speak' teagea teagea
'go down' si a- yea si a- yea
'affix, paste' taaraa taaraa
'choke' para para

c. 'do' kaay kaay


'put' gasy gasy

Verb stems with other shapes undergo an audible tonal change to final low
tone, and/or a mutation of the final vowel to a . These changes are predictable
from the phonological form of the bare stem.
To begin with the tonal changes, {LH} toned monosyllabic stems, and
{LH} toned bisyllabic stems with light first syllable, i.e. CvmCva, shift to {H}
tone (298) in the imperative. Because of this shift, all Cv and CvCv stems
(regardless of lexical tone contour) have CvaCva imperatives. Therefore the
identity between combining form and Imperative for the lexically {H}-toned
Cv and CvCv stems described above is accidental (resulting from a phonetically
inaudible {H} tone overlay on an already {H} toned verb).

(298) gloss combining form Imperative

a. {LH} monosyllabic
'go/come out' gos goa
'drink' ns na

b. {LH} CvCv
'pull' bamsaa baasaa
'stop up' mumsoa muasoa
'sprinkle' mi msea mi asea
'kill' ji mya ji ayaa

Trimoraic bisyllabic stems, which have a heavy initial syllable, and all
bisyllabic stems regardless of syllable weight that end in a high vowel {i u},
add a stem-final low-tone formative in the Imperative. If the lexical tone is
all-high, the result is a HL contour (299a,c). If the lexical tone is rising, the
result is a <LH>L contour (299b,d). In the case of bimoraic lexical CvmCva stems
(299d), the <LH> portion of <LH>L is expressed chiefly on the first syllable
even though this syllable is monomoraic. Phonetically, there can be some

146
spillover of the high-tone element into the onset of the second syllable. A
similar issue of phonetic realization was seen with 1Sg possessor forms of
CvCv noun stems (6.2.2).

(299) gloss combining form Imperative

a. trimoraic (any final vowel), all-high tone


'screw in' pi a:rea pi a:rem
'sit' eaw- yea eaw- yem
'do well' cea:lea cea:lem
'encounter' tambi a tambam

b. trimoraic (any final vowel), initial rising tone


'think' mam:ni a mas:nam
'rake up' yamwrua yaswram
'dig' gamnji a gasnjam
'sneak up on' yom:roa yos:rom
'finish' dummdua, dummdi a dusmdam

c. bimoraic with final high vowel, all-high tone


'look' ti ani a ti anam
'hang up' kali a- kalam

d. bimoraic with final high vowel, initial rising tone


'put down' dmyi a dsyam
'chase away' lamri a lasram
'help' bamri a basram
'take' amyi a asyam

Stems of three syllables also shift the final tone to low. An all-high toned
verb shifts from HHH to HHL (300a). The rising-tone trisyllabics shift from
LLH in the combining form to LHL in the imperative; note that the final lexical
high tone is preserved, but displaced to the medial syllable (300b).

(300) gloss combining form Imperative

a. 'get up' i anji ari a i anji ar- am


'cough' koaguasoa koaguasom

b. 'roll on ground' dumlumroa dumluarom


'roll over' bi mli mrea bi mli arem
'hide' bamgi mri a bamgaar- am

147
'go around' gmgi mri a gmgaram

In addition to the tonal changes, if a nonmonosyllabic stem ends in a high


vowel {i u} (301a), or if a stem (even monosyllabic) ends in (301b), the vowel
mutates to a in the imperative. When the final syllable of a trisyllabic shifts to
a, a medial high vowel {u i} shifts to a or to assimilate to an initial-syllable a
or , respectively. Therefore CaCi/uCi/u stems have Imperative CaCaCa, and
CCi/uCi/u stems have Imperative CCCa (301c). Monosyllabic stems with
high vowel (Cua- , Ci a- ), and all stems ending in { e o}, audibly retain their final
vowel quality (301d-e). For stems ending in a, it is moot whether the a that
appears in the Imperative stem is the lexical a or the mutated a (301f).

(301) gloss combining form Imperative

a. final high vowel a in nonmonosyllabics, no other segmental


change
'fill' bam:li a- bas:lam
'push' dammbi a- dasmbam
'tamp down' dmgi a- dsgam
'clean off' kaa:si a- kas:sam
'caress' pua:rua- pua:ram
'scare' ua:rua- ua:ram
'pinch' ambi a- ambam
'push down on' lasi a- lasam
'put up on' naayi a- naayam
'twist' uanjuawua- uanjuawam

b. final // a, even in monosyllabics


'come' ys- yaa
'take (hot coals)' js- jaa
'bring' j:- ja:
'hone' nara- naraa
'kill' ji mya- ji ayaa
'swallow' mi mra- mi araa

c. final high vowel a, medial vowel assimilates to initial {a }


'hide' bamgi mri a- bamgaaram
'go around' gmgumrua- gmgaram

d. no change in final high vowel in monosyllabics


'see' yi s- yi a
'hear' nus- nua (homophonous with 'enter')

148
e. no change in final {e o }
'take down' si-a lea- si-a lem
'do well' cea:lea cea:lem
'file' di m:sea- di s:sem
'catch' woa woa
'eat (meat)' kuawoa kuawoa
'hit' suaya suaya
'drink' ns na

f. stem already a-final


'tie' paaaa paaaa
'bear (child)' namraa naaraa
'spend night' naa naa

10.5.3 Irregular imperative stems

All regular verbs including 'come', 'go', and 'take' have regular Imperative stems.
Certain greetings are imperative-like in form, and have a plural-addressee
form ending in - ni m that resembles Imperative Plural suffix - nm, but these
greetings are somewhat irregular and difficult to parse; see 19.5.

10.5.4 Imperative Plural (positive) - nm (- ni)m

The (positive) Imperative Plural is expressed by adding - ni m ~ - nm to the


Imperative stem (i.e. to the singular imperative). If the Imperative stem ends in
an <HL>-toned vowel, i.e. in <HL>, the L-tone element is absorbed by the
L-toned Imperative Plural suffix. The result is that the audible opposition
between final <HL>- and H-toned Imperative stems is neutralized in the plural
(302b).

(302) gloss combining form Imprt Sg Imprt Pl

a. 'go' loa loa loa- nm


'come' ya y- aa yaa- nm
'twist' uanjuawua- uanjuaw- am uanjuawam- n
'tie' paaaa paaaa paaaa- nm
'hide' bamgi mri a bamgaar- am bamgaar- am- nm
'think' mam:ni a mas:n- am mas:n- am- nm
'finish' dummdua, dummdi a dusmd- am dusmd- am- nm

149
'put down' dmyi a day- aa day- aa- nm

b. 'gather' bamraa baaraa baaraa- nm


'help' bamri a baaraa baaraa- nm

10.5.5 Prohibitive - ra- ~ -la-, Plural - ra- nm ~ - ra- ni m ~ - la- nm ~ - la- ni m

The Prohibitive stem includes a suffix - ra- , which undergoes no phonological


interactions with the stem. It is compatible with any stem-vocalism (i.e. its
vowel does not harmonize to stem-vowels e or o). The rhotic is not subject to
Nasalization-Spreading under the influence of a nasal in the stem. The stem
occurs in the combining form, with its lexical tone contour.

(303) gloss combining form Prohibitive

'go' loa loa- ra


'go in' nua nua- ra
'come' ys ys- ra
'hear' nus nus- ra
'drink' ns ns- ra
'take out' gom- loa gom- loa- ra
'do well' cea:lea cea:lea- ra
'hit' suaya suaya- ra
'swallow' mi mra mi mra- ra
'hide' bamgi mri a bamgi mri a- ra
'pinch' ambi a- ambi a- ra
'get up' i anji ari a i anji ari a- ra
'twist' uanjuawua- uanjuawua- ra

The three Cvy stems have prohibitives with - la, whose l replaces the /y/ of
the stem, leaving no trace of nasalization. Thus gasy 'put', prohibitive gas- la
'don't put!'. Likewise kaa- la 'don't do!', gum- la 'don't say!'.
The Prohibitive stem is used without further modification as the singular-
subject prohibitive ('don't-Sg !'). For plural subject, the suffix -nm ~ -ni m is
added, as for the (positive) imperative. Thus nua- ra 'don't-Sg go in!', nua- ra- nm
'don't-Pl go in!'

150
10.5.6 Hortatives (- ma , Pl - maay) and their negation (- rm- ma ~ - lm- ma )

When the speaker is addressing one other person, i.e. for first person inclusive
dual subject, the Hortative suffix is - ma following L-toned stem.

(304) a. lom- ma
go-Hort
'Let's-2 go!'

b. sy m- ma
meal eat-Hort
'Let's-2 eat (the meal)!'

c. emw-yem- ma
sit-MP-Hort
'Let's-2 sit down!'

Further examples of the simple Hortative are in (305). Stems ending in a


short high vowel pronounce it as / u/ before - ma , and if there are no other / i/
vowels or palatal consonants the rounded pronunciation spreads leftward to a
noninitial medial syllable, as in 'hide'. The Cvy stems ('say', 'put', 'do') lose the
final semivowel.

(305) gloss combining form Hortative

'hide' bamgi mri a bamgumrum- ma


'go back' pi ani awi a pi mni mwum- ma
'pinch' ambi a- mmbum- ma
'hit' suaya sumym- ma
'say' gusy gum- ma
'put' gasy gam- ma
'do' kaay kam- ma

There are textual examples with Hortative - ma in a clause with non-second-


person subject. For example, near the end of B's turn in (685) in the sample text
we see ara ji mya jumwm- ma 'let him (=the linguist) kill (=turn off the recorder)'. In
other words, the Hortative is not limited to second person subjects, rather its
basic sense is suggesting or proposing (rather than commanding).
The suffix - maay is added to an L-toned verb stem to produce a 3+-plural
hortative, used when the speaker is addressing two or more persons, so the
implied subject is first person plural (minimally three referents).

151
(306) a. lom- maay
go-Hort.Pl
'Let's-3+ go!'

b. sy m- maay
meal eat-Hort.Pl
'Let's-3+ eat (the meal)!'

c. emw-yem- maay
sit-MP-Hort.Pl
'Let's-3+ sit down!'

A (first person) hortative negative is formed by adding - rm- ma or (plural)


- rm- maay to the stem (which has its regular tones). The Negative element - rm-
has some similarity to Perfective Negative - ri a- , but - rm- does not force tone-
dropping on the verb stem, and its r is not subject to Nasalization-Spreading
triggered by a nasal in the stem. It is therefore to be directly connected to
Prohibitive - ra- .

(307) a. loa- rm- ma


go-Neg-Hort
'Let's-2 not go!'

b. sy a- rm- ma
meal eat-Neg-Hort
'Let's-2 not eat (the meal)!'

c. eaw-yea- rm- ma
sit-MP-Neg-Hort
'Let's-2 not sit down!'

d. loa- rm- maay


go-Neg-Hort.Pl
'Let's-3+ not go!'

For nua- 'enter' and nus- 'hear', I recorded nua- rm- ma 'let's-2 not go in!' and
nus- rm- ma 'let's-2 not hear!'.
The r of - rm- ma combines with the final nasal of Cvy- verb stems as l. Thus
kaay- 'do, make' has kaa- lm- ma 'let's not do!', gasy- 'put' has gas- lm- ma 'let's not
put!'.
The Hortative form in - ma can also be used as a 1Sg Hortative, where the
speaker exhorts the addressee(s) to allow the speaker to do something. This

152
requires an explicit 1Sg pronoun i a preceding the verb, and the examples I have
of this also involve a syntactic frame including either imperative dumwa 'leave
(=let, allow)' or a special invariant form j: with similar sense, as in (308a). The
corresponding plural form has 1Pl pronoun i a: and Hortative Plural - maay, which
in this context may denote any number of persons from two up.

(308) a. i a:yam, j: i a amyi m- ma


stand.Imprt, let! 1SgS take-Hort.1Sg
'Stand-2Sg (=wait), let me take (=get) it!'

b. i a:yam- nm, j: i a: amy- maay


stand.Imprt-Imprt.Pl, let! 1SgS
'Stand-2Pl (=wait), let us (instead of you-Pl) take (=get) it!'

A quoted form of a clause like (308), with Logophoric aa instead of 1Sg i,a is
attested in a text (2005-2a.07).
In (309), the 1Sg hortative construction is used to make an offer to help.

(309) [i a kaalam] [yaa: umllam i a nus- wm ]


[1Sg too] [there a.little.L 1SgS hear.Perf-Ppl.Inan]
[[umllaa samy] yaa: bamrum- ma
[[a.little only] there help-Hort
'I too, what little I have heard there (=about that), let me add (=help)
just a little there.' [2005-2b.04]

See also 17.1.3.2, below, on explicitly embedded hortative clauses.

10.5.7 Third Person Hortative (- ya - ym) and its negation (- ra- ya)

A 3Sg-subject hortative (or quasi-imperative) occurs in contexts like 'may/let


him/her/them VP', expressing a wish or indirect command. It is used, for
example, in (good or bad) wishes with 'God' as subject, which are illustrated in
this section (below). The Third Person Hortative is also regular in reported
imperatives (jussives); see 17.1.3.1, below.
The 3Sg Hortative suffix is - y, added directly to the stem.
For Cv- monosyllabic stems, the lexical tone is respected (310a-b).
'Bring' keeps its lexical <LHL> tones, and the whole word comes out as
<LHL> rather than <LHLH> (310c). The three Cvy verbs have third person
hortatives homophonous to the combining form (310d).

(310) gloss combining form Hortative (3rd)

153
a. 'go' loa loa- ya
'eat' a a- ya
'give' ni a ni a- ya
'go in' nua nua- ya
'sow' ta ta- ya
'spend night' naa naa- ya
'reply' saa saa- ya
'shoot' taa taa- ya
'(woman) marry (man)' a a- ya
'choose, reserve' laa laa- ya

b. 'come' ys ym- ya
'drink' ns nm- ya
'see' yi s yi m- ya
'go out' gos gom- ya
'catch' wos wom- ya
'arrive' ds dm- ya
'hear' nus num- ya
'learn' bas bam- ya
'(food) sate (sb)' bas bam- ya
'shape (pottery)' mas mam- ya

c. 'bring' j: js:-ym

d. 'put' gasy gasy- (or: gam- ya)


'say' gusy gusy- (or: gum- ya)
'do, make' kaay kaay- (or: kaa- ya)

Bi- and trisyllabic verbs ending in a non-high vowel are illustrated in


(311). When the lexical tone is all-high, the Third Person Hortative is all-high if
bimoraic (311a), and {HL} with the low on the final syllable if longer than
bimoraic (311b). Frozen causatives gom- loa- 'take out' (cf. gos- 'go out') and si a- lea-
'take/bring down' (cf. si a- yea- 'go/come down'), along with another verb of
conveyance jomloa- 'convey, take (somewhere)', are treated for this purpose as
though they had more than two moras (311c). For bisyllabic stems ( CvCv,
CvCCv) with lexical rising tone contour, the Third Person Hortative has all-low
toned stem followed by a high-toned suffix - ya (311d). Trisyllabic stems with
lexical rising tone contour have LHL tone in the Third Person Hortative (311e).

(311) gloss combining form Hortative (3rd)

154
a. {H}-toned CvCv (bimoraic)
'cut' casa casa- ya
'hit' suaya suaya- ya
'tie' paaaa paaaa- ya
'go down' si-a yea si-a ye- ya

b. {H}-toned, longer than bimoraic


'do well' cea:lea cea:lem- ym
'sit' eaw- yea eaw- yem- ym
'destroy' haalka haalkm- ym
'cough' koaguasoa koaguasom- ym

c. CvCv-, frozen causatives (all relevant examples)


{H}-toned
'take down' si-a lea si-a lem- ym
{LH}-toned
'take out' gom- loa goa- lom- ym
'convey' jomloa joalom-ym

d. {LH}-toned, Cv(C)Cv- (two vocalic moras)


CvCv
'leave' dumwa dumwm- ya
'work' bi mra bi mrm- ya
'go up' umra umrm- ya
CvCCv
'roll turban' dommboa dommbom- ya
'stutter' bemmbea bemmbem- ya

e. {LH}-toned, more than bimoraic


'poke' dumsumroa dumsuarom- ym

Bi- and trisyllabic stems ending in a high vowel are in (312). The
bisyllabic stems, whether the lexical tone is all-high (312a) or rising (312b),
have a HL tone pattern in the Third Person Hortative. In the trisyllabic cases, the
first syllable preserves the initial tone of the lexical contour, so we get HHL for
all-high trisyllabics (312c) and LHL for {LH} trisyllabics (312d).

(312) gloss combining form Hortative (3rd)

a. 'ignite' taali a taali m- ym


'look' ti ani a ti ani m- ym
'encounter' tambi a tambi m- ym

155
'begin' tuamdi a tuamdi m- ym
'split nut' kaawrua kaawri m- ym

b. 'help' bamri a baari m- ym


'cover' dmwi a dawi m- ym
'receive' amwua aawi m- ym
'hold' wamyi a waayi m- ym

'dig' gamnji a gaanji m- ym


'finish' dummdua, dummdi a duamdi m- ym
'encounter' dam:yi a daa:yi m- ym

c. 'go back' pi ani awi a pi ani awi m- ym

d. 'hide [tr]' bamgi-m ri a- bamgi-a ri m- ym


'hide [intr]' bamgi-m yi a- bamgi-a yi m- ym

Examples of the Third Person Hortative are in (313). Further examples


occur in the section on greetings (19.5).

(313) a. ji snjm ua haalkm- ym


God 2SgO destroy-Hort.3rd
'May God destroy you-Sg!' (haalka- )

b. ji snjm ua dumwm- ya
God 2SgO leave-Hort.3rd
'May God leave you-Sg (in peace)!' (dumwa- )

c. S loa- ya
S go-Hort.3rd
'May S (person's name) go!' (loa- )

- ya undergoes monophthongization with a preceding i, resulting in a


phonetic long [i:] with the appropriate tone. Thus, the hortatives in (314a-b) are
pronounced [ni a:] and [baari m:], respectively.

(314) a. ji snjm jaam [ua maa:] ni a- ya


God peace [2Sg Dat] give-Hort.3rd
'May God give you-Sg peace (and well-being)!' (ni a- )

b. ji snjm ua baari m- ym
God 2SgO help-Hort.3rd

156
'May God help you-Sg!' (bamri a- )

The 3Pl Hortative (positive) adds - ba (i.e. the 3Pl subject allomorph used
with the unsuffixed Perfective and a few other inflected verb forms) to the 3Sg
Hortative: gom- ya- ba 'may they go out!', gaanji m- y- ba 'may they dig!', paaaa- ya- ba
'may they tie!'.
The 3Sg Hortative Negative is expressed by - ra- ya added to the regular
combining form of the stem: goa- ra- ya 'may he/she not go out!', gamnji a- ra- ya 'may
he/she not dig!'.
The 3Pl Hortative Negative adds - ba to the 3Sg Hortative Negative:
goa- ra- ya- ba 'may they not go out!', gamnji a- ra- ya- ba 'may they not dig!'

10.5.8 Third person Hortative form with 1Sg subject reference

To verify that an interlocutor or a third party wants the speaker to perform an


action, the speaker may use a phrase like those in (315), essentially an implied
indirect quotation based on an imperative. Local French equivalents have
clause-initial de plus infinitive (d'acheter du lait?, etc.)

(315) a. awmy awa- ya maa


milk buy.Impf-Hort.3SgS Q
'(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to buy some milk?' (awa- )

b. yua: duaya- ya maa


millet pound-Hort.3SgS Q
'(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to pound the millet (ears)?' ( dumya- )

c. gom- ya maa
go.out-Hort.3SgS Q
'(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to go out?' (goa- )

d. baari m- ym mam
help-Hort.3SgS Q
'(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to help?' (bamri a- )

e. saataalam js:- ym mam


kettle bring.Impf-1SgS Q
'(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to bring the kettle?' (j:- )

f. ym- ya maa
come.Impf Q

157
'(Did you/they ask/tell/want) me to come?' (ya- )

Here ma is the standard morpheme for polar interrogatives. Since the 1Sg
subject suffix is - y (atonal), one is initially inclined to assume that this suffix is
present in the verbs of (316). However, inspection of the forms (especially the
tone contours) shows that the verb here is in the 3Sg Hortative form (see
preceding section). Indeed, all of the examples in (315) can also be read as true
3Sg hortative sentences: '(Did you/they ask/tell) him/her to go out?' and so
forth.
In most cases, the question format and the conversational context make it
clear that the subject is 1Sg. It is possible, however, to add an explicit
independent pronoun to clarify the pronominal category of the subject. This can
be done, for example, to specify 1Pl (exclusive) instead of 1Sg subject.

(316) i a: gom- ya maa


1Pl go.out-Hort.3SgS Q
'(Did you/they ask/tell) us to go out?'

158
11 VP and predicate structure

11.1 Regular verbs and VP structure

11.1.1 Verb types (valency)

Verbs are intransitive (no direct object) or transitive. The distinction in


transitivity is less important than in e.g. English since some verbs occur with a
cognate nominal as a kind of object.
ni a 'give' takes a dative NP denoting the recipient, and a direct object
denoting the entity transferred (317).

(317) a. pmrs- m ma: ni a- ti a:-


sheep-AnSg 1Sg.Dat give-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She gave me a sheep.'

b. [sesydum mam:] pmrs- m ni a- ti a:-


[S Dat] sheep-AnSg give-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She gave a sheep to Seydou.'

c. ma: ni a- ti a:-
1Sg.Dat give-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She gave (it) to me.'

ca:ri a- 'show', however, takes two direct objects.

(318) a. pmrs- m i a ca:ri a- ti a:-


sheep-AnSg1SgO show-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She showed me a sheep.'

b. i a ca:ri a- ti a:-
1SgO show-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She showed (it) to me.'

Basic directional motion verbs gos- 'go out; leave, depart from', ys- 'come',
and loa- 'go' may take simple NPs (not explicitly marked by postpositions as
locative) as apparent direct objects. However, one could argue for a covert
Locative postposition in such cases.

(319) a. [bea:n gom=na] [duawaansaan ym- ]


[B leave=and.SS] [D come.Perf.L-3SgS]
'He/She left Beni and came to Douentza.'
(= 'He/She came from Beni to Douentza.')

b. i msea: lom-
village go.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She went to a/the village.'

'Say' (gusy ~ gi s:) takes a dative complement denoting the person


addressed.

(320) [km: kaa:] ma: gi m- ni a-


[thing.L any] 1Sg.Dat say-PerfNeg-3SgS
'He/She didn't say anything to me.'

11.1.2 Valency of causatives

Most causatives are simple transitive verbs derived from intransitive inputs.
However, it is also possible to make causatives from already transitive input
verbs. In this case, there are two direct objects, one of which represents the
logical subject (agent) of the embedded clause.

(321) a. msmrm- ni mgua i a m:- wi m-


baobab.L-sauce 1SgO eat-Caus.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She fed (= caused me to eat) millet cakes (with baobab sauce).'

b. pmrs- m i a smwm- wi m-
sheep-AnSg 1SgO slaughter-Caus.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She had me slaughter the sheep-Sg.'

11.1.3 Verb Phrase

The concept of verb phrase (VP), excluding the subject but including direct
objects and other arguments, is most useful in the context of the chaining of a
VP to another VP (or to a verb), with subjects held constant.
11.1.4 Fixed subject-verb combinations

In the following phrases, the subject precedes the verb stem. The most obvious
examples are those involving weather and celestial bodies, along with emotions;
a few examples are in (322).

(322) subject and verb gloss comment

a. umsua tuamboa- 'sun rise' tuamboa- also 'emasculate by


crushing' and 'hammer with butt of
one's hand'
umsua yamaa- 'sun set' yamaa- 'fall'

b. bomlua mi mra 'rain fall' mi mra- '(water) submerge (sb)', also


'frustrate (sb) by being stingy',
'swallow'

c. yasr gos- 'cloudy weather go out (= end)' (circa October)


yasr ds- 'cloud weather approach' (circa May-June)
[also yamrua]

d. X calm bamraa- 'X get angry' ('X liver get.angry')

In (322a), the other senses of verb tuamboa- listed under "comments" might
give rise to rather violent, Goya-esque celestial imagery. Jamsay tuamoa- and
Nanga tuamboa- have similar semantic ranges. However, Bankan Tey umsua tuamboa
'sun rise' is unrelated to tuawoa 'hammer with ', suggesting that the two senses
of BenT tuamboa- may reflect accidental homophony. Najamba tuambi a- means
'(sun) rise' and also e.g. '(tree) grow leaves', suggesting a more benign cosmic
image.
The 'X get angry' construction may well have originated as '[X's liver]
become.red', where calm (or kalm) 'liver (plus heart)' is the seat of the emotions,
and the 'get angry' verb originally meant 'become red; become fiery'. However,
X (not X's liver) is now the syntactic subject. In (323a), the HL tones of calm are
incorrect for a noun possessed by b: 'my father' (which ends in a L-tone), cf.
b: cmlm 'my father's liver' with {L}-toned 'liver'. In (323b), calm is separated
from the subject by an intervening constituent. The same-subject (SS)
subordinator in the first clause in (323c) confirms that 'my father' and not 'liver'
is subject of the second clause.

(323) a. b: calm bamraa:-rm-

161
1SgP-father.HL liver be.angry-Perf1a-3SgS
'My father got angry.'

b. b: ay calm m
bamraa:- rm-
1Sg-with
'My father got angry at me.'

c. [mgua yi s=na] calm m


bamraa:-rm-
[Prox see=and.SS] liver be.angry-Perf1a-3SgS
'He saw this and got angry.'

Similar constructions where a body-part or other noun functions as a


pseudo-subject (really a kind of adverb) are X amraa gos- 'X show(s) off', X ci mn-
duarum gos- 'X have a bloody nose (nosebleed)', and X mom:-ni a: gos- 'X slobber'.
Although the blood and the saliva are what 'go out' (gos-), the syntactic subject in
each case is X, a NP that is not a possessor (there is no possessor-controlled
tone contour on the pseudo-subject).

11.1.5 Idiomatic and cognate objects

Some examples of fixed combinations of object noun and verb are in (324).
Many more can be found in the lexicon.

(324) a. with gasy 'put'


sea:njem: gasy 'tell a story (tale)'
aalbamtaaram gasy 'tell a riddle'
gaa:jm gasy 'tell (crack) a joke'
sa:rua gasy 'slip a stone (under)'; 'sheathe (knife)'
haacci alm gasy 'pay attention to'
ka:rm gasy '(e.g. lion) let out a roar'
gumrm- gamdasy gasy 'tie hobbles on (quadruped)'
tmrmmbaa:sum gasy 'tie a slipknot'

b. with kaay 'do, make' (complement may be nominal or adverbial)


ca:rm kaay 'be amazing (to sb)'
daswrum kaay 'take actions'
kuati abaa kaay '(imam) read fixed part of sermon'
taabsi a:r kaay 'give unofficial sermon'
si ardi m kaay 'do magic tricks'

c. others (among many)

162
woagoaroa wamraa- 'do (manual) farm work (in field)'
sy bi mra- 'cook a meal'

11.1.5.1 Formal relationships between cognate nominal and verb

A representative set of pairs of verb and cognate nominal are given in (325). It
is somewhat difficult to sort them into groups, since both the noun and the verb
are of variable shape. Since verb shapes are tightly constrained, the bias in
organizing the data is toward the shape of nouns. In general, the order proceeds
from cases where the noun may derive from a specific suffixal pattern, most
likely deverbal (325a-h), to cases where the noun seems autonomous and the
verb may be secondary (325i-p). Fulfulde borrowings bring up the rear.

(325) noun verb gloss of combination

a. noun in form of verbal noun (4.2.2)


smr- i a: sara-a '(woman) emit cry of joy'
tmg- i a: tagua- 'write, do some writing'
tey teagea- 'speak'
tamri a: taaraa- 'lay egg'

c. Cvy noun, Cva- verb (cf. 4.2.3)


tosy ta- 'sow (seeds); sow the seedstock'

d. bisyllabic noun with final falling-tone vowel


lemmdea: leamdea- 'request, beg'
sm:nja: sa:nji a- 'do the second round of weeding'
pamraa: paari a- 'cook pamraa: (a dish with cow-peas)'

e. bisyllabic, noun ends in vy diphthong not present in verb (cf. 4.2.3)


final y in noun only
ji mmbasy ji mmbi a- 'double up, have two'
kmssy kasua- 'harvest (with knife), do the harvest'
final y in noun corresponds to yv in verb
momgosy momgumyoa- '(insects) be one on top of the other'

f. noun ends in long i a: (cf. 4.2.3)


uasuari a: uasuarua- 'ask a question'
jeawi a: jmwa- 'curse, utter a curse'
gagi ari a: gmgumrua- 'make a circuit (trip)'
ti awri a: ti awrua- 'formally counsel'

163
g. {LH}-toned bisyllabic noun ending in u (possible old VblN)
kmrua kara- 'lie, tell a lie'
ti mrua ti ara- 'go search for firewood'

h. {HL}-toned bisyllabic noun ending in u not present in verb


pearum pearea- 'clap, applaud'
saalum saalaa- 'pray, perform the Muslim prayer'
duarum dumroa- 'let out a groan'
yoagum yma- 'run'
joagum jmgi a- 'treat (medically), provide care to'
maanum mamni a- 'laugh, let out a laugh'
beambum bemmbea- 'stutter'
doambum, doam dommboa- 'roll turban (on head)'

i. Cvs: noun, Cva- verb


ys: ya- 'weep'
pos: poa- 'give out a whistle'
tas: taa- 'avoid, respect (a taboo)'

j. bisyllabic, verb and noun end in same non-high vowel


ji myea ji myea- 'dance'
sumwa suawa- 'defecate, take a shit'
ti mwa ti awa- '(a) death occur'
bi ara bi mra- 'work, do a job'
dumwa dumwa- 'perform black magic'
goasom gomsoa- 'divide into parts'
guarm gumra- 'vomit'
barm bmra- 'gain, make a profit'
cmmna camna- 'have fun, stage festivities'
mwra awrua- 'converse, chat'
numwa numwa- 'sing, perform a song'

k. trisyllabic, verb and noun end in same non-high vowel


yi ami arm yi mmi mra- '(beggar) sing koranic verses'

l. noun CvC with final semivowel, verb bisyllabic ending in non-high


vowel
jaay jamyaa- 'fight, engage in a fight'

m. bisyllabic, verb ends in high vowel, noun in high vowel or zero


gi ay gi m:yi a- 'fart, let out a fart'

164
tas:y taa:yi a- 'build a shed (stall)'
csl cali a- 'dig rainwater channel'
daswrum damwrua- 'cast a spell'

n. bisyllabic, noun ends in non-high vowel, verb ends in high vowel


pmmba pambua- 'compete, be in a race'
dasnnam damnni a- 'hunt, go on a hunt'

o. CvCvCv, noun with HHL tone


galarm gmlumrua- 'snore'
beagearem bemgemrea- 'belch'

p. other
umwasw ua:- yi a- 'be afraid'

q. Fulfulde borrowing, final in noun and verb, noun HL, verb HH


ti anem ti anea- 'make a profit'
jaayrm jaayra- 'poke fun at'
pi allm pi alla- 'tell a story'
waa:tm waa:ta- 'swear an oath' (<Fulfulde)

r. Fulfulde borrowing, final in noun, verb ends in high vowel


waa:jm waa:ji a- 'preach a sermon'

In (326), there is a partial cognate relationship. In (326a), the noun has an


initial vocalic formative that is absent in the verb. In (326b), the final syllable of
the noun is truncated in the verb. In (326c), the noun is really a frozen noun-
adjective sequence (cf. cemsua 'unripe; raw'), with the verb based on the noun only.
In (326d), the noun contains a compound initial that is disregarded in the verb.

(326) noun verb gloss of combination

a. initial a- on noun but not on verb (4.1.6), noun with final u


am-peatum peatea- 'jump, take a jump'
am-jasy jas- 'sow in a pit with manure'

b. final syllable of noun truncated in verb (noun probably borrowed)


saambaal saambi a- 'hire (sb) by the day'

c. noun-adjective combination
pi myem cemsua pi ayea- 'give out a shout'

165
d. noun has compound initial
amram- ts: ta- 'scold'
ji mrem- ni a: ni a:yi a- 'sleep' (ji mrea 'eye')
cmlm- beagum bemgea- 'hiccup'
nam:- si mnjesy si anjea- 'draw lines'

11.1.5.2 Grammatical status of cognate nominal

The cognate nominal may be modified adjectivally (327b) or quantified over


(327c).

(327) a. jaay jamyaa- ti a:-


fight(n.) fight-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She fought (= got into) a fight.'

b. [jamy di ayam- w jamyaa- ti a:-


[fight(n.).L big] fight-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She fought (= got into) a big fight.'

c. [jamy yesy] jamyaa- ti a:-


[fight(n.) two] fight-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She fought (= got into) two fights.'

11.1.6 'Do' or 'be done' kaay

The verb 'do, make', also used intransitively ('be done'), has bare stem form
kaay, Perfective kaay- ti a- , unsuffixed Imperfective kaa- (3Sg kaa- mm ), and
Imperative kaay. The Perfective Negative is kam- ni a- , and the Imperfective
Negative is kaa- mm - doa- .
The intransitive forms of kaay can also mean 'happen, take place', with
reference to e.g. a celebration or other activity. Only 3Sg/Inan forms with
inanimate subject are attested. In the positive example (328a), the verb is in
stative form with Stative 3Sg suffix - wm . The positive example (328b) is
Perfective Negative. Both have the Past clitic, with (as usual) =bm after a low
tone and =ba: after a high tone.

(328) a. cmmna kaa- wm =bm-


festivity be.done-Stat=Past-3SgS
'The festivities (e.g. dancing) had taken place.'

166
b. cmmna kam- ni a=ba:
festivity be.done-PerfNeg=Past
'The festivities had not taken place.'

For some fixed collocations involving kaay and a noun or adverb, see
(324b) in 11.1.5, above.

11.2 'Be', 'become', 'have', and other statives

11.2.1 Copula clitic =mm (=) 'it is '

This clitic has unconjugated and pronominally conjugated forms. The


morphological analysis is tricky because the clitic itself sometimes appears only
in the form of a slight tone change on a noun or adjective. There has also
probably been a partial historical fusion with nominal suffixes (Animate Sg -m,
Animate Pl/inanimate - ), but the split in 'it is' clitic allomorphs groups
(animate) Pl with Sg, so there is no clean synchronic connection.
For the 'it is' clitic with Passive - yay- , see 9.5.

11.2.1.1 Unconjugated positive forms

A clitic with various allomorphs is added to a NP (e.g. an independent pronoun)


or to an adverbial in predicative function, as an identificational predicate. We
begin with the impersonal form of the clitic, which is not conjugated for subject
pronominal category. It resembles 'it is ' in English, as in 'it's me' or 'it's dogs
[focus] that I don't like.' This form is identical to the 3Sg conjugated form, as in
'he/she/it is '. The full set of conjugated forms is described in the following
subsection.
After a pronoun, demonstrative pronoun, or demonstrative adverb (all
of which end in vowels), the clitic is =mm , with L-tone. In (329) and later
examples, the ordinary form is given in parentheses after the translation. Note
that animate and inanimate referents are involved.

(329) a. ara=mm
3Sg=it.is
'It's him/her.' (ara)

b. i a=mm
1Sg=it.is
'It's me.' (i)a

167
c. bua:=mm
3Pl=it.is
'It's them.' (bua:)

d. mgua- rum=mm
here=it.is
'It's here.' (mgua- rum)

h. mgua=mm
this.Inan=it.is
'It's this.' (mgua)

i. [amram mus:]=mm
[man.L this.Sg]=it.is
'It's this man.' (amram mus:)

Inanimate nouns take a (segmentally) zero allomorph of the 'it is' clitic.
We first consider vowel-final stems. If the final vowel is otherwise H-toned, as
in mra: 'bush (outback)' or bomlua 'rain', in the 'it is' combination it appears with
<HL>-tone. A final short vowel is lengthened to permit this contour tone to be
articulated; see Contour-Tone Mora-Addition (3.7.4.1). Likewise, if the stem-
final vowel is <LH>-toned, as in tas: 'water source', in the 'it is' combination it
appears with bell-shaped <LHL> tone. In other words, the 'it is' clitic in this
instance is audible only by grafting of a segmentally empty low-toned
morpheme at the right edge of the stem. There is no audible change when the 'it
is' clitic is added to a noun that already ends in a long L - or <HL>-toned vowel,
like i msea: 'village', its possessed form i asem:, and tarm 'mountain' (330a-c). The final
low tone is audible in (330d-f).

(330) a. i msea:=
village=it.is
'It's a village.' (i msea:)

b. [ua i asem:]=
[2SgP village]=it.is
'It's your-Sg village.' (ua i asem:, from i msea:)

c. tarm=
mountain=it.is
'It's a mountain.' (tarm)

168
d. mra:=
outback=it.is
'It's the bush (=outback)." (mra:)

e. bomlua:=
rain=it.is
'It's (the) rain.' (bomlua)

f. ta:=
water.source=it.is
'It's a water source (pond etc.).' (tas:)

If the noun ends in a consonant (either lexical or suffixal), the clitic again
appears as (segmental) zero, with a final L-tone component that is audible only
when the noun would otherwise end in a H- or <LH>-toned syllable (331a-b). It
is inaudible when the noun would otherwise already end in a L - or <HL>-toned
syllable (331c-d). Care must be taken to distinguish Animate Singular suffix - m
(which has no intrinsic tone) from the 'it is' clitic allomorph =mm . However,
historically it is likely that the 'it is' variant =mm was partially shaped by
resegmentation of old animate singular forms.

(331) a. i mnjs- mm =
dog-AnSg=it.is
'It's a dog' (i mnjs- m)

b. tum:- buanuagoay=
age.group-group=it.is
'It's a group of age-mates.' (tum:- buanuagoay)

c. aaram- m=
man-AnSg=it.is
'It's a man.' (aaram- m)

d. [[amram mus:] yaa- m]=


[[man.L this.Sg] woman.HL]=it.is
'It's the woman (= wife) of this man.' ([ yaa- m], from yas- m)

The (usually optional) Plural particle bem behaves as though H-toned bea, and
therefore appears (regularly) as bea:= (lengthened to permit the <HL>-tone to
be articulated).

(332) a. i msea: bem

169
village Pl
'(some) villages'

b. i msea: bea:=
village Pl=it.is
'It's (some) villages.'

Definite particle kum is treated as though it were H-toned Inanimate pronoun


kua. We therefore get kua=mm (333), homophonous to kua=mm 'that's it'.

(333) a. aaram- m kum


man-AnSg Def
'the (aforementioned) man'

b. [aaram- m kua]=mm
[man-AnSg Def]=it.is
'It's the (aforementioned) man'

There are quite a few nouns that end in a long <HL>-toned vowel, whether
underlying or due to lengthening by Contour-Tone Mora-Addition; see (109b-c)
in 6.3.1. The 'it is' form is homophonous to the simple independent form, e.g.
kmsua: 'calabash', kmsua:= 'it is a calabash'.
Vowel-final animate nouns, including personal names like 'Amadou' and
certain kin terms like 'father', present analytical problems. In the singular, the 'it
is' combination has a final mm even where the stem lacks this final consonant
elsewhere. In (334a,c), 'father' lacks (animate) Singular suffix - mm in other
contexts, but a final mm appears in the 'it is' combinations (334b,d). (334d) shows
final mm after a personal name in the 'it is' construction. One can argue whether
the mm in (334b,d-e) is the 'it is' clitic itself, or a morphosyntactically specialized
instance of (animate) Singular suffix - mm . I will take it to be the 'it is' clitic.

(334) a. ua ba:
2SgP father.HL
'your-Sg father'

b. mus: [ua ba:]=mm


this.Sg [2SgP father.HL]=it.is
'This (man) is your-Sg father'

c. bs:
father
'(a) father'

170
d. bs:=mm
father=it.is
'It's a father.'

e. aa:maadum=mm
A=it.is
'It's Amadou (man's name).'

Some other singular kin terms are more complex, since they have (animate)
Singular - m and overlaid {HL} tone contour in their possessed forms, as for
'mother' in (335). In the possessed form, the 'it is' clitic is now inaudible, as we
see by comparing (335b) to (335a). In the unpossessed forms, however, the 'it is'
clitic is clearly audible as =mm (335d), contrast (335c).

(335) a. ua naaram- m
2SgP mother-AnSg.HL
'your-Sg mother'

b. mus: [ua naaram- m]=


this.Sg [2SgP mother-AnSg.HL]=it.is
'This (woman) is your-Sg mother'

c. namraa
mother
'(a) mother'

d. namraa=mm
mother=it.is
'It's a mother.'

In the plural, kin terms take Plural particle bem. In the 'it is' combination, we
get the same bea:= described above.

(336) a. ua ba: bem


2SgP father.HL Pl
'your-Sg fathers' (i.e. father and father's brothers)

b. ua ba: bea:=]
2SgP father.HL Pl]
'It's your-Sg fathers.'

171
Likewise, for ' are your-Sg mothers', ua naaram bea:=.

11.2.1.2 Conjugated positive forms (1st/2nd persons)

The simple clitic =mm can be conjugated for 1st/2nd person subject.

(337) category after H-tone after L-tone

1Sg =m- i a- ym =m- i m- ym


2Sg =m- ua- wm =m- um- wm

1Pl =m- i a- ym, =m- ua- ym =m- i m- ym, =m- um- ym


2Pl =m- ua- wm =m- um- wm

The H-tone forms are probably basic. The tone drops to low when the
preceding stem ends in a L-toned (including <HL>-toned) component. This is
the same L-tone spreading observed in possessive constructions and in noun-
postposition combinations.
For some speakers, the 1Pl and 2Pl clitics are added to a noun stem without
Singular - m, as in [bea:n num]=mum- ym 'we are the people of Beni' [2005-1a.06],
as pronounced by an older speaker. For other speakers, including my younger
assistant (born 1986), even the plural-subject forms are (at least seemingly)
added to nouns that are singular in form (with Animate Singular suffix - m),
when the subject is 1Pl or 2Pl. The audible effect is that we hear a geminate
[mm] in (338b) as well as (338a), and in (338d) as well as (338c). My assistant
pronounced the same expression just given as [bea:n num- m]=mi m- ym 'we are the
people of Beni', in the same recorded text.
The further examples in (338) have interlinears that take the first / m/ to be
the (animate) Singular suffix.

(338) a. yi a- m=m- i a- ym
child-AnSg=it.is-1SgS
'I am a child.'

b. yi a- m=m- i a- ym
child-AnSg=it.is-1PlS
'We are children.' (cf. yi m-t: 'children')

c. pualm- m=m- um- wm


Fulbe-AnSg=it.is-2SgS
'You-Sg are a Fulbe.'

172
d. pualm- m=m- um- wm
Fulbe-AnSg=it.is-2PlS
'You-Pl are Fulbe.'

However, there are indications that the geminate [mm] may function for
these speakers as an allomorph =mm- of the =m- 'it is' clitic, rather than as the
sequence of Animate Singular - m- and the =m- clitic. In this analysis, the
examples above are segmented as yi a=mm- i a- ym, yi a=mm- i a- ym, pualm=mm- i a- wm ,
and pualm=mm- ua- wm . The best evidence for this is that the geminated / mm/ is
heard after vowel-final singular nouns (339).

(339) a. aa:maadum=mm- i m- ym
A=it.is-1SgS
'I am Amadou.'

b. [ara ba:]=mm- i m- ym
[3SgP father.HL]=it.is-1SgS
'I am his/her father.'

However, there is also some counterevidence to this (re - )analysis. In a case


like pualm- m 'Fulbe person', plural pualm: 'Fulbe (people)', there is a difference in
stem-final vowel length, correlated with presence/absence of the (animate)
Singular suffix - m. We saw in (338d) above that pualm- m=m- um- wm 'you-Pl are
Fulbe' resembles pualm- m with short vowel. A similar example is
nus- m=m- i a- ym 'we are people', cf. nus- m 'person' and its long-voweled plural
nus: 'people'. A partisan of the =mm- analysis of the clitic could respond that
the shortening may be due to a (perhaps morphologized) phonological rule,
e.g. /pumlm:=mm- um- wm / with long /:/ shortening to .
For the noun yi a- m 'child' and (irregular) plural yi m-t: 'children', the
idiomatic expressions seem to be based on yi a- m, e.g. yi a- m=m- i a- ym 'we are
children' (338b). However, in elicitation I also recorded yi m-t:- =mm- i m- ym 'we
are children', based on the irregular plural stem.

11.2.1.3 Conjugated positive forms (3Pl =- ba)

The 3Pl conjugated form is =- ba, with an ending that resembles 3Pl subject
inflectional suffix - ba (- bm) in certain verb paradigms (including the unsuffixed
Perfective). Unlike the case with 1Pl and 2Pl clitics just illustrated, an animate
noun takes its normal morphological plural form (without Singular suffix - m),
e.g. pualm: 'Fulbe (people)', before 3Pl =- ba. However, the stem (if otherwise

173
ending in H- or <LH>-tone) undergoes the tonal changes characteristic of the
= clitic allomorph (see above), as for 'dogs' in (340e). Nouns (such as 'father'
and 'village') that would otherwise take Plural particle bem omit this particle
before =- ba.

(340) a. pualm:=-ba
Fulbe.Pl=it.is-3PlS
'They are Fulbe.'

b. i msea:=-ba
village=it.is-3PlS
'They are villages.'

c. [mus: bem] [ua ba:]=-ba


[this.Sg Pl] [2SgP father.HL]=it.is-3PlS
'These (men) are your-Sg fathers'

d. yi m-t:=-ba
children=it.is-3PlS
'They are children.' (never #yi a- m=bm)

e. i mnja:=-ba
dogs=it.is-3PlS
'They are dogs.' (i mnja)

11.2.1.4 Unconjugated negative 'it is not ' (=mm =daa, =raa)

Where the positive 'it is' form has =mm , the corresponding negative is expressed
by =mm =daa- . The stem has the same tones as with the positive =mm clitic. In
slow speech, the Negative morpheme is pronounced [nmdaa], and native
speakers correct the linguist's pronunciation when the [nm] is omitted. However,
in normal allegro speech I hear just [mm daa] with no distinct alveolar nasal, and
the phonetic [n] can be explained as a timing divergence between the labial
release and the closing of the velar passage in the articulation of the m. I
therefore transcribe =mm =daa, and I take =daa to be a post-nasal form of Stative
Negative =raa- .

(341) a. kua=mm =daa


Inan=it.is=StatNeg
'It isn't that (discourse-definite).'

174
b. i a=mm =daa
1Sg=it.is=StatNeg
'It isn't me.'

c. aa:maadum=mm =daa
A=it.is=StatNeg
'It isn't Amadou.'

d. mgua=mm =daa dea


this.Inan=it.is=StatNeg if
'if it isn't this' (= 'other than this, aside from this')

The 'if it isn't ' construction illustrated in (341d) is very common, with
mgua 'this.Inanimate' or kua 'that (aforementioned)' as the host of the clitic.
For inanimate nouns or adjectives, the 'it is not ' construction is expressed
by ==raa. As with the positive =, there stem must end in a low tone.

(342) a. i msea:==raa
village=it.is=StatNeg
'It is not a village.' (i msea:)

b. [ua i asem:]==raa
[2SgP village]=it.is=StatNeg
'It is not your-Sg village.' (ua i asem:, from i msea:)

c. tarm==raa
mountain=it.is=StatNeg
'It is not a mountain.' (tarm)

d. mra:==raa
outback=it.is=StatNeg
'It is not the bush (=outback)." (mra:)

e. bomlua:==raa
rain=it.is=StatNeg
'It is not (the) rain.' (bomlua)

f. ta:==raa
water.source=it.is=StatNeg
'It is not a water source (pond etc.).' (tas:)

g. kmsua:==raa

175
calabash=it.is=StatNeg
'It is not a calabash.'

11.2.1.5 Conjugated negative 'it is not ' forms (1st and 2nd persons)

This =mm =daa 'it is not' clitic sequence can be conjugated pronominally for
1st/2nd person subject (343).

(343) a. i mnjs- mm ==daa- ym


dog-AnSg=it.is=StatNeg-1SgS
'I am not a dog.'

b. pualm- m==daa- wa
Fulbe-AnSg=it.is=StatNeg-2SgS
'You-Sg are not a Fulbe (person).'

The paradigm for first and second person categories is (344). The 2Sg ends
in H-tone.

(344) 'It is not' (1st.2nd person)

1Sg =mm =daa- ym


1Pl =mm =daa- ym
2Sg =mm =daa- wa
2Pl =mm =daa- wm

11.2.1.6 Conjugated negative 'it is not ' forms (3Pl)

The 3Pl conjugated form is ==raa- ba, with a 3Pl subject morpheme added to
the end. The construction is based on the regular plural form of the noun, as for
the irregular plural 'children' in (345.b) and pualm: 'Fulbe (people)' in (345.c).
However, the noun is subject to the usual final tonal modification associated
with the = clitic if it would otherwise end in H - or <LH>-tone, as with 'dogs'
in (345.a), which appears with final <HL>-tone (and has its final vowel
lengthened accordingly).

(345) a. i mnja:==raa- ba
dog=it.is=StatNeg-3PlS
'They are not dogs.' (i mnja)

176
b. yi m-t:==raa- ba
children=it.is=StatNeg-3PlS
'They are not children.' (yi m-t:)

c. pualm:==raa- ba
Fulbe=it.is=StatNeg-3PlS
'They are not Fulbe (people).' (pualm:)

11.2.2 Existential and locational quasi-verbs and particles

11.2.2.1 Existential (yaa)

The morpheme yaa is used before a positive (quasi -)verb of existence or


possession.

(346) a. namwaa: yaa bua-


meat Exist be-3SgS
'There is some meat.'

b. barum- m yaa soa- ym


goat-AnSg Exist have-1SgS
'I have a goat.'

For bum- ~ bua- 'be', see 11.2.2.2-3 just below. For soa- 'have' see 11.5.1,
below.
The Existential morpheme is suppressed if there is a focalized constuent,
such as a WH-interrogative (347).

(347) a. [km: nmjea] bum-


[thing.L what?] be-3SgS
'What is there?'

b. am= barum- m som-


who?=Foc goat-AnSg have-3SgS
'Who has a goat?'

In other words, yaa is not used with a defocalized 'be' or 'have' quasi-verb.
These quasi-verbs occur only in a single (positive) series, and so cannot
themselves express the distinction between ordinary and defocalized status. In
effect, yaa rectifies this morphological gap. The form with yaa is the functional

177
equivalent of a suffixally marked Perfective, while the form without yaa is the
equivalent of the (defocalized) unsuffixed Perfective.
yaa is also absent from negative clauses (348).

(348) a. namwaa: mgoa-


meat not.be-3SgS
'There is no meat.'

b. barum- m som- loa- ym


goat-AnSg have-Neg-1SgS
'I do not have a goat.'

yaa is, however, compatible with conditional antecedents (349).

(349) namwaa: yaa bua- dea


meat Exist be-3SgS if
'If there is some meat, '

With the 'have' quasi-verb, my assistant made a distinction between


presence and absence of yaa even in positive contexts, whereby yaa soa- indicates
ownership or other lasting possession, and som- indicates temporary possession
(custody). See 11.5.1-2, below.

11.2.2.2 Locational quasi-verbs (bum- ~ bua- 'be', mgoa- 'not be')

A locational predicate 'be (in a place)' is expressed by an inflected form of


quasi-verb bum- following the locational expression, which may be a place name
(without spatial postposition) (350a), a locative demonstrative adverb (350b), or
a locational PP (350c). In this construction, bum- is L-toned and has a short vowel
(unless lengthened by a suffix). L-toned bum- is also used to make expressive
adverbials into predicates (8.6.7). I will usually cite the stem as bum-. However,
in a number of other constructions we get H-toned bua- or a form based on it; the
H-toned form is used, for example, after Existential yaa (11.2.2.3). For <HL>-
toned variant bua- in adjectival predicates, see 11.4.2.

(350) a. duawasaan bum-


Douentza be-3Sg
'He/She/It is in Douentza'

b. mgua- rum bum- ym


here be-1Sg

178
'I am here.'

c. [uarom tumlum- daa:] b- m:


[house behind] be-3Pl
'They are behind the house.'

The paradigm is (351). Only the 3Pl form is irregular. There is a single
positive paradigm, morphologically comparable to the unsuffixed (L-toned)
Perfective of regular verbs. This single series is used without reference to
temporal boundaries, and is usually translatable with a present-tense English
verb.

(351) category form

1Sg bum- ym
2Sg bum- wm

1Pl bum- ym
2Pl bum- wm

3Sg bum-
3Pl b- m: b- m:- ba

The negative counterpart is mgoa- (352).

(352) bammamka mgoa- ym


Bamako not.be-1SgS
'I am not in Bamako.'

The negative paradigm is (353). The 2Sg form (disregarding the nasal) is
H-toned mgoa- wa , not <HL>-toned #mgoa- wm . The other 1st/2nd person forms are
regular. The 3Pl form ea- ba consists of 3Pl subject allomorph - ba plus a
thoroughly irregular allomorph ea- instead of mgoa- .

(353) category form

1Sg mgoa- y
1Pl mgoa- ym
2Sg mgoa- wa
2Pl mgoa- wm

3Sg mgoa-

179
3Pl ea- ba

11.2.2.3 Existential quasi-verbs with yaa

In existential function (and in vaguely defined locational function, e.g. 'be


present' with no locational adverb), the 'be' quasi-verb is preceded by Existential
yaa.

(354) a. suakarm yaa bua-


sugar Exist be-3SgS
'There is some sugar.'

b. pmra yaa b- m:
sheep.Pl Exist be-3PlS
'There are some sheep.'

c. yaa bua- ym
Exist be-1SgS
'I am present.'

The paradigm is in (355). The 'be' verb takes the H-toned form bua- , and
the 2Sg (for which we might expect <HL>-toned # bua- wm ) appears as H-toned
bua- wa . The 3Pl form b- m:, however, is L-toned, as it is in locational function
without yaa.

(355) category form

1Sg yaa bua- ym


1Pl yaa bua- ym
2Sg yaa bua- wa
2Pl yaa bua- wm

3Sg yaa bua-


3Pl yaa b- m: yaa b- m:-ba

11.2.3 'Be in, on'

No suppletive stative verbs of the type 'be (put) in' or 'be on', as in Jamsay, have
been noted for BenT. The combination yaa bua- 'be (in a place)' is used in all such
contexts.

180
11.2.4 Stative stance verbs 'be sitting', 'be lying down'

I have recorded no suppletive or irregular stative stance verbs comparable to


those of Jamsay (where stative 'be sitting' and active 'sit down', for example, are
expressed by different lexical items).
The reduplicated Stative stem (10.2.1.11) is used with stance verbs to
denote static position (356). The same verbs occur in other AN stems in the
active sense ('sit down', 'stand up', 'lie down', etc.).

(356) a. i m- eaw-yem- y
Rdp-sit-MP.Stat-1SgS
'I am sitting.'

b. i m- i ayam- y
Rdp-stand.Stat-1SgS
'I am standing.'

c. bi m- bi a-yem- wm
Rdp-lie.down-MP.Stat-2SgS
'You-Sg are lying down (=in prone position).'

11.2.5 'Doesn't connect' (di mmbam- wm =raa- )

Parallel to Jamsay di mgm=laa-, BenT uses di mmbam- wm =raa- 'does not follow' (which
may take pronominal-subject suffixes). In form, this is the negative (with
Stative Negative clitic =raa- ) of the Stative, cf. positive di m- di ambam- w 'it follows,
is positioned following (something else)'. The phrase can be translated
contextually as '(I) don't care whether ' or 'it doesn't matter whether '. The
context lends itself to parallelistic constructions (357).

(357) [aarum= di mmbam- wm =raa- ba]


[night=it.is follow-Stat=Neg-3PlS]
[mma:= di mmbam- wm - raa- ba]
[morning=it.is follow-Stat=Neg-3PlS]
'They don't care whether it's night or morning (= day).'

181
11.2.6 Morphologically regular verbs

11.2.6.1 'Remain' (bes)

This verb is used to indicate the stability of a situation. It is not used in the sense
'(quantity) be left over', which is expressed by wamsaa- .

(358) a. damwaa aay bem- y


thing thus remain.Stat.L-3SgS
'The problem has remained like that.'

b. aay bem- ri a-
thus remain-PerfNeg-3SgS
'It didn't remain like that.'

The combining form is bes As (358b) shows, the verb has a regular
Perfective Negative. The primary positive paradigm in stative function is (359).
An unusual feature is that the third person forms end in - ym and are
homophonous to the 1Sg forms.

(359) category form

1Sg bem- ym
1Pl bem- ym
2Sg bem- wm
2Pl bem- wm

3Sg/Inan bem- ym
3Pl bem- ym

In contrast to its usual sense 'remain, stay', bes- is inchoative ('become')


when it follows an expressive adverbial (eg. 'become straight'). See 8.6.7 for
examples and for more on the syntax of expressive adverbials.

11.2.6.2 'Become, happen' (taagi a- )

In addition to kaay- 'be done' (hence 'happen, take place'), on which see 11.1.6
above, there is a verb taagi a- 'become', with NP complement (360).

(360) a:- m taagi a:- rm-


chief-AnSg become-Perf1a-3SgS

182
'He became chief.'

11.3 Quotative verb and quasi-verb

11.3.1 'Say' (gusy- )

The basic inflected quotative verb, following a quotation, is gusy- (variant


gi sy- ). It is one of three monosyllabic Cvy stems, the only CvC or otherwise
C-final verbs in the language (10.1.3.6). The Imperfective 3Sg is gum- gua- mm .
The Same-Subject chaining form is gum=ni a ~ gi m=ni,a and this is the probable
etymological source of Purposive postposition gi sn ~ gi mni a ~ gusn ~ gumni a (8.5.1).
For uninflectable quotative particle wa, commonly used instead of an
inflected 'he/she said' verb, see 17.1.2.

11.4 Adjectival predicates

There are two basic constructions in the absence of focalization. One has the
relevant inflected form of the locational-existential quasi-verb bua- 'be (in a
place), exist' following the adjective (which has invariant "inanimate" form).
The other has the adjective, in animate or inanimate form (depending on
referent), followed directly by the 'it is' clitic =m (first or second person) or the
regular 3Sg or 3Pl counterpart.
Some adjectives are regularly used with bua- , others with =m. The
adjectives attested with each are given in (361). The adjectival forms shown in
(361) are not the predicative forms as such (on these forms, see the sections
below). Rather, the forms used in modifying function (after inanimate noun
unless otherwise specified) are shown here. There is a fairly good correlation
between the choice of predicate construction, (361a) versus (361b), and the final
segment of the stem and/or with presence/absence of Inanimate suffix - w.

(361) gloss modifying form (Inanimate)

a. with bua:-
final vowel with Inan suffix - w
'big, adult' di ayam- w
'spacious' kaawam- w
'good' msua- w
'fat' dumgua- w
'long' gumra- w
'heavy' dumsua- w

183
'nearby' smsua- w
'small' daa:- w
'thin' mmnja- w
'soft' ymrua- w
'lightweight' mrua- w
final w
'tight; brave' w
'hot' aw
'distant' wa:w
final u
'crooked' gmlua
'bad, ugly' mmsua
final m
'plump' am
'cold, slow' taam
'coarse' kuanjum-m

b. with =m 'it is' clitic


final vowel with Inan suffix - w
'unripe' kemsua- w
'deep' warm- w
'other' las- w
'red' baaram- w
'black' jeawem- w
final vowel, zero Inan suffix
'white' pi ala
'skinny' koamboa
'living' uawa
'old' ps:
'weak, diluted' semrea
'new' kaalam
'flat' pamtam-paatam
'easy, cheap' nam:raa
'runty' cata- m (animate Singular)
final y
'half-ripe' bomlomrosy
'empty' komrosy

If the subject is focalized, the adjective may have simple, low-toned form.

(362) a. [kua=mm msum]


[Inan=Foc good]

184
'That [focus] is what is good.'

b. [kua=mm dumgum]
[Inan=Foc big]
'That [focus] is what is big.'

c. [kua=mm wam:w]
[Inan=Foc distant]
'That [focus] is what is far away.'

11.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates with 'be' quasi-verb (bua- )

In the regular pattern described here, the form of the predicative adjective is
often but not always segmentally identical to the Inanimate modifying adjective,
but it usually differs tonally. The adjective is followed by an inflected form of
bua- , a special <HL>-toned version bua- of the locational-existential 'be' quasi-
verb bum- ~ bua- (11.2.2.2-3). The 3Sg (and Inanimate) form is bua:- , and the
3Pl form is b- a:. While the predicative adjective itself is invariant in form, a
Sg/Pl distinction is made in this way by the quasi-verb.
The predicative adjective before bua- is either {LH}- or {H}-toned,
depending on the adjective. In most cases this form is tonally distinct from the
Inanimate modifying form, which respects the lexical tone contour of the
adjective, often {HL} or {LHL}, less often {LH}, and only rarely {H}. The
form of the predicative adjective is idential to that of the Abstractive nominal,
specifically the form, {H}-toned for some adjectives, used in comparative
constructions to specify the domain of comparison (12.1.1).

(363) gloss Inan modifying predicative with bua-

a. {LH} contour in both functions, no nonzero suffix


final u
'crooked' gmlua- gmlua
'nearby' smsua- smsua
'bad, ugly' mmsua- mmsua
'good' msua- (~ msua-w) msua

b. {LHL} modifying with -w, {LH} predicative without -w


final u
'heavy' dumsua- w dumsua
'fat' dumgua- w dumgua

185
'soft' ymrua- w ymrua
'lightweight' mrua- w mrua
final
'long' gumra- w gumrs- w

c. {LHL} modifying, {LH} predicative, both with final w


with -w
'thin' mmnja- w mmnjs- w
lexical final w
'short' g:w- gs:w
'tall' gaw- gasw
'distant' wa:w- was:w
final consonant, no suffix
'plump' am- asm

d. {HL} modifying, {H} predicative


final a, with -w
'small' daa:- w daa:- w
'big, adult' di ayam- w di ayaa- w
'spacious' kaawam- w kaawaa- w
final u, with -m
'sweet; sharp' arum-m arua-m
'coarse' kuanjum-m kuanjua-m
final consonant, no suffix
'hot' aw- aw
'cold, slow' taam- taam

e. irregular output {H} with nasal extension


'tight; brave' w- an
'full' baa-w baani a

Even aside from the outright irregularities in (363e), the tonal phonology is
somewhat opaque. Analysis depends on whether the final L in the {LHL} and
{HL} adjectives in the middle column of (363a-d) is attributed to the stem (with
suffixes Inanimate -w and Animate Singular -m underlyingly atonal), or whether
it is attributed to the suffix. In the first analysis, to get the correct outputs in the
rightmost column we would need a rule converting {LHL} to {LH} and {HL}
to {H}. Call it Adjectival Final L-Tone Deletion. In the second analysis, the
final L is not part of the stem proper, and the tones in the rightmost column are
exactly the lexical tones, so no tone rule is needed. This second analysis is
probably preferable but I leave the question open.

186
Examples of the adjectival predication type with 3Sg/Inan bua:- are in
(364). bua:- is homophonous with 3Pl pronoun bua: and with Inanimate
participial bua- wm (14.1.6.3).

(364) a. mmsua bua:-


bad be-3Sg
'He/She/It is bad.' (mmsua)

b. asm bua:-
plump be-3SgS
'He/She/It is plump.' (aam)

c. mmnjs- w bua:-
thin-Inan be-3SgS
'He/She/It is thin.' (mmnja- w)

d. gs:w bua:-
short be-3SgS
'He/She/It is short.' (g:w)

e. kaawaa- w bua:-
spacious-Inan be-3SgS
'It is spacious.' (kaawam- w)

f. di ayaa- w bua:-
big-Inan be-3SgS
'He/She/It is big.' (di ayam- w)

g. arua- m bua:-
sweet-Inan be-3SgS
'He/She/It is sweet'. (arum- m)

A textual example is nusm bua:- '(it) is difficult' in line 4 of (673) in the


sample text.
For 3Pl subject, b- a: 'they are' follows the adjective (365).

(365) a. mmsua b- a:
bad be-3PlS
'They are bad.' (mmsua)

b. asm b- a:
plump be-3PlS

187
'They are plump.' (aam)

For first and second person subject, the appropriate inflected form of bua-
'be' is used (366).

(366) a. mmsua bua- y (or: bi a- y)


bad be-1SgS
'I am bad' (mmsua)

b. asm bua- y
plump be-1SgS
'I am plump.' (aam)

a. aam bua- w
plump be-2PlS
'You-Pl are plump.' (aam)

For adjectives that have a suffix - w or - m when modifying an Inanimate


noun, this suffixal form is used predicatively for all pronominal categories.

(367) a. mmnja-w bua:-


short-Inan be-3Sg
'He/She/It is thin.'

b. mmnja-w bua- y
short-Inan be-1Sg
'I am thin.' (g:- w)

c. mmnja-w bua- y
short-Inan be-1Pl
'We are thin.' (g:- w)

11.4.2 Adjectival predicates with 'it is' clitic (=m, etc.)

Adjectives may function predicatively without an overt 'be' quasi-verb. In this


case, the adjective itself has the same suffixed form it has as a modifying
adjective, except that animate plural is merged into inanimate (except as
noted below). We therefore get - mm for animate singular reference, and - wm or
zero (depending on the adjective, 4.5.1) for animate plural as well as inanimate
reference. An exception is that the 1Pl and 2Pl forms add - mm instead of zero.
The adjective is then followed by the conjugated 'it is' clitic forms in (368).

188
(368) category form

1Sg =m- i my
1Pl =m- i my
2Sg =m- umw
2Pl =m- umw

3Sg/Inan
after consonant: = (with final L-tone)
after vowel: =:m- (vowel lengthened, with final L-tone)
3Pl =ba

Examples with pi ala 'white' and jeawem- 'black' (the latter taking InanSg - w
suffix) are in (369). Both 'black' and 'white' have their regular "inanimate
singular" forms (pi ala, jeawem- w) for inanimate or plural reference (369a-b). The
lengthening and <HL>-tone in pi ala:- = are due to the clitic; a rendition
pi ala- =:m would capture this better but is typographically ungainly. For animate
singular reference, the adjective ends in (animate) Singular - mm for both 'white'
and 'black' (369c-d). For animate plural reference, 'white' is pi ala- mm ("animate
singular") while 'black' is jeawem- wm (morphologically "inanimate") in (369e-f).

(369) a. [ua bearem]


[2SgP stick.HL]
pi ala:- = (jeawem- w=)
white-Inan=it.is.3SgS (black-Inan=it.is.3SgS)
'Your-Sg stick is white (black).'

b. [ua bearem kum bem]


[2SgP stick.HL Def Pl]
pi ala:- = (jeawem- w=)
white-Inan=it.is.3SgS (black-Inan=it.is.3SgS)
'Your-Sg sticks are white (black).'

c. pi ala- m=m- i ay (jeawem- m=m- i my)


white-AnSg=it.is-1SgS (black-AnSg=it.is-1SgS)
'I am white (black)'.

d. pi ala- mm = (jeawea- mm =)
white-AnSg=it.is.3SgS (black-AnSg=it.is.3SgS)
'He/She/It (person, animal) is white (black).'

189
e. pi ala:- =bm (jeawea- wm =ba)
white.Inan=it.is.3PlS (black.Inan=it.is.3PlS)
'They (e.g. people, sheep) are white (black).'

f. pi ala- ma =m- i ay (jeawea- wm =m- i my)


white-AnSg=it.is-1PlS (black-Inan=it.is-1PlS)
'We are white (black)'.

g. pi ala- ma =m- umw (jeawea- wm =m- umw)


white-AnSg=it.is-2PlS (black-Inan=it.is-2PlS)
'You-Pl are white (black)'.

11.4.3 Bare-stem adjectival predicates

A predicate consisting of just the Inanimate form of the adjective, in {L}-toned


clause-final form, occurs in texts in the presence of a focalized constituent. For
example, the regular predicative form msua bua- 'be good' is replaced by msum in
(370a). The other examples in (370) show that the adjective is inanimate in form
even with a human singular or plural subject.

(370) a. kua=mm msum


Inan=Focus good.L
'That [focus] is what is good.' (2005.1a.05)

b. mgua=mm gm:-w
Prox=Focus short-Inan.L
'This [focus] is what is short.'

c. mgua=mm mrum-m
Prox=Focus sweet-Inan.L
'This [focus] is what is sweet.'

d. i a=mm di myam-wm
1Sg=Focus big-Inan.L
'It's I [focus] who am big (adult).'

e. bua:=mm di myam-wm
3Pl=Focus big-Inan.L
'It's they [focus] who are big (adult).'

190
11.4.4 Negative adjectival and stative predicates ( =raa- )

The Stative Negative clitic =raa- is added to the form of the adjective used as
modifier of an inanimate noun. After a nasal, the clitic takes the form =daa- ,
which in careful pronunciation comes out as =nmdaa- . The Negative suffix
induces tone-dropping on the stem. The regular pronominal-subject suffixes
follow - raa- . The paradigm is (371). The 2Sg form is H-toned (as in other
negative-suffix paradigms). The 3Pl is also H-toned.

(371) category form

1Sg =raa- ym
1Pl =raa- ym
2Sg =raa- wa [note H-tone]
2Pl =raa- wm

3Sg/Inan =raa-
3Pl =raa- ba [note H-tone]

Examples with 3Sg (animate), inanimate, and 3Pl referents are in (372).

(372) gloss 'he/she is not ' 'it is not ' 'they are not '

'bad' mmsum- =raa- mmsum- =raa- mmsum- =raa- ba


'red' bamram- w=raa- bamram- w=raa- baaram- w=ram- bm
'short' gm:w=raa- gm:w=raa- gm:w=raa- ba
'cold' tamm- =daa- tamm- =daa- tamm- =daa- ba

Examples with mmsua 'bad, ugly' showing a fuller range of pronominal


subjects are in (373).

(373) a. mmsum- =raa-


bad-Inan.L=StatNeg-3SgS
'He/She/It is not bad.'

b. mmsum- =raa- ba
bad-Inan.L=StatNeg-3PlS
'They are not bad.'

c. mmsum- =raa- ym
bad-Inan.L=StatNeg-1SgS
'I am not bad.'

191
d. mmsum- =raa- wa
bad-Inan.L=StatNeg-2SgS
'You-Sg are not bad.'

e. mmsum- =raa- ym
bad-Inan.L=StatNeg-1PlS
'We are not bad.'

f. mmsum- =raa- wm
bad-Inan.L=StatNeg-2PlS
'You-Pl are not bad.'

=raa- may be followed by the conjugated Past clitic: samlam=raa=ba:- 'it


was not small' (samlaa).

11.4.5 Past forms of adjectival predicates (=ba:- , =bm- )

The Past clitic (10.4.1) may be added to a positive or negative adjectival


predicate to relocate the time frame into the past. Variant =ba- with falling
tone, therefore surfacing with long vowel when not followed by a consonantal
suffix, is used when the adjectival form used in this construction ends in a high
tone. When the adjective ends in a low tone, we get low-toned and short-
voweled =bm- .
Examples with third person subjects are in (374). In the 3Pl, two
constructions are possible. One has =ba=b- aa:, beginning with the 3Pl subject
suffix used in perfective positive forms (374b). The other has 3Pl Past =b- am:
added to the Plural form of the adjective with suffix - ym (374d). Further
examples (not reproduced here) confirm that either construction may be used
with any adjective. For example, (374d) can also be expressed as
jeawem=ba=b- aa:.

(374) a. pualm- m mmsua==ba:-


Fulbe-AnSg bad=be.3SgS=Past-3SgS
'The Pullo (=Fulbe man) used to be bad.'

b. pualm: mmsua=ba=b- aa:


Fulbe.Pl bad=be.3PlS=Past-3PlS
'The Fulbe-Pl used to be bad.'

b. jeawem- m=bm-

192
black-AnSg=Past-3SgS
'He/She was black.'

c. jeawem- w=bm-
black-Inan=Past-3SgS
'It (inanimate) was black.'

d. jeawem- ym=b- am:


black-Pl=Past-3PlS
'They (animate) were black.'

e. ni a: taam- =ba:-
water cold-Inan=Past-3SgS
'The water was cold.'

Examples with first/second person subjects are in (375).

(375) a. jeawem- m=bm- y


black-AnSg=Past-1PlS
'We were black.'

b. gumrs- w=ba- ym
long-Inan=Past-1PlS
'We used to be tall.'

c. koamboa=ba- wm
skinny=Past-2SgS
'You-Sg used to be skinny.'

d. dumgua=ba- ym
fat=Past-1SgS
'I was fat.'

e. dumgua=ba- ym
fat=Past-1PlS
'We were fat.'

Past negative examples are in (376). The structure is the same as above,
except for the addition of Stative Negative clitic =raa, which forces tone-
dropping on the adjective.

(376) a. jemwem- w=raa=ba- ym

193
black-Inan.L=StatNeg=Past-1PlS
'We were not black.'

b. ni a: mw- =raa=ba:-
water hot-Inan.L=StatNeg=Past-3SgS
'The water was not hot.'

11.5 Possessive predicates

11.5.1 'Have' (yaa soa- , negative som- loa- )

The common 'have' predication is a quasi-verb soa- that occurs in a single


paradigm, generally with present (or timeless) time reference. In positive
clauses with no focalized constituent, and when possession in the sense of
ownership or other lasting possession is involved, Existential yaa (11.2.2.1)
occurs before the quasi-verb.

(377) uarom yaa soa- ym


house Exist have-1SgS
'I have a house.'

The paradigm is (378). The 2Sg and 3Sg forms with - w are homophonous,
and have H-tone. The 3Pl is idiosyncratic but is also H-toned.

(378) category form

1Sg soa- ym
1Pl soa- ym
2Sg soa- wa [note H-tone]
2Pl soa- wm

3Sg/Inan soa- wa [note H-tone]


3Pl s- a: s- a:-ba [note H-tone]

In the negative, the form is som- loa- , used without Existential yaa.

(379) nas:- m som- loa- wa


cow-AnSg have-Neg-2SgS
'You-Sg don't have a cow.'

194
The negative paradigm is (380). The 2Sg form is H-toned, but distinct
from the 3Sg form. The 3Pl form is again idiosyncratic.

(380) category form

1Sg som- loa- ym


2Sg som- loa- wa [note H-tone]

1Pl som- loa- ym


2Pl som- loa- wm

3Sg/Inan som- loa-


3Pl sm- na (or: s- m- n- a with double 3Pl conjugation)

11.5.2 'Have possession of' (som- )

Jamsay distinguishes the basic 'have' verb sam, denoting ownership, from verbs of
temporary possession (custody) ji mnem and jemrem, roughly 'hold'. BenT has no such
lexical distinction. However, low-toned som- without Existential yaa can in some
situations be used to express temporary possession, as in (381b). The core sense
is 'be holding'.

(381) a. nas:- m yaa soa- ym


cow-AnSg Exist have-1SgS
'I have (= own) a cow.'

b. nas:- m som- ym
cow-AnSg have-1SgS
'I have a cow (with me).'

In (382), the locative adverbials appear to be (contrastively) focalized, so


Existential yaa is absent.

(382) ua mgua- rum som- wm dem,


2Sg here have-2sgS if,
[mm baa yam] mgaa- rum som- wm
[FarDist also] there have-3SgS
'If you-Sg have (one) here, that (other person) too has (one) there,'
[2005-1a.06]

195
This construction without yaa did not occur in my data in connection with
having money in one's pockets. Here the full construction was used even when
the context was clearly about temporary possession.

(383) pemri a- yesy yaa soa- wa


ten-two Exist have-2SgS
'Do you have twenty riyals (= 100 CFA francs) on you?'

11.5.3 'Belong to' predicates (ka:, ya- m)

The noun ka: 'thing' is used in predicate genitives ('X belongs to Y'). It takes
possessed form, hence it has HL tone ka:, subject to further tonal modifications
of a regular type (e.g. 1Sg k:, 1Pl i a: km:). The subject X is typically a
discourse-definite, or deictically established, inanimate entity. The 'it is' clitic is
presumably present, but it has no audible effect since ka: already ends in a long
vowel with falling tone.

(384) a. [umrom mgua] k:=


[house.L this.Inan] 1SgP.thing.HL=it.is
'This house belongs to me (=is mine).'

b. bua:dum [F ka:=]
money [F thing.HL=it.is]
'The money belongs to F (personal name).'

For animate (but nonhuman) subject, the noun ya- m '(unspecified) animal,
critter' or its plural ya: is used instead of ka:. The basic possessed forms are
singular ya- m, subject to further tonal modification (1Sg y- m, 1Pl i a: ym- m),
and plural ya:. Again, the 'it is' clitic is presumably present but has no audible
effect, as the possessed-noun tone contour is already falling.

(385) pmrs- m [ua ya- m=]


sheep-AnSg [2SgS animal-AnSg.HL=it.is]
'The sheep-Sg is yours-Sg.'

196
12 Comparatives

12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives

12.1.1 'More, most' (maga)

The noun maga 'more, most' is common in comparatives. This stem is


pronounced with high tones in isolation (386e). In most actual examples it
follows a dative (which always ends in a low tone), denoting the
comparandum. Some speakers usually pronounce it in low-toned form as
mmgm in this position, suggesting a tonal behavior similar to that of nouns
following a possessor ending in a low tone. Other speakers clearly pronounce
high-toned maga in post-dative position, and this form is shown in the examples
below (though some were originally transcribed with mmgm).

(386) a. ma: maga di ayaa-w


Dat.1Sg more big(ness).H
'He/She is older than I (am).'

b. [ua maa:] maga gasw bi a- ym


[2Sg Dat] more tall(ness) be-1SgS
'I am taller than you-Sg (are).'

c. [ua: mam:] maga juawa- ym


[2Pl Dat] more know.Impf-1SgS
'I know more than you-Pl (do).'

d. [ma: ara ni a- w kum]


[1Sg.Dat 3SgS give.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def]
[[ua ka:] mam:] maga
[[2SgP Poss.HL] Dat.L] more
'She gave me more than (she gave) you.'
(lit: "What she gave me [is/was] more than yours.")

e. ara=mm maga m-
3Sg=Foc more eat.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She ate more (or: the most).'
If the domain of comparison is adjectival, e.g. height or sweetness, it is
optionally expressed in the form of a deadjectival Abstractive nominal
following maga. Abstractives, in other contexts, have a {LH} tone contour.
Many of them end in a suffix -w that resembles the Inanimate suffix on
modifying adjectives (which, however, generally have a different tone contour).
After maga, several of these Abstractive nominals shift to {H}-tone. di ayaa-w
'bigness, size' in (386a) exemplifies this shift, compare the usual {LH}-toned
Abstractive di myas-w. By contrast, gasw 'tallness, height' in (386b) keeps its
{LH} contour in comparatives. For more details and examples, see 4.2.6.
maga can also occur with a {HL}-toned form of the adjective distinct from
both the regular {LH}-toned Abstractive and the {H}-toned form with maga.
That the {HL}-toned form is an adjective rather than an Abstractive nominal is
shown by the fact that it takes nominal suffixes that agree with the referent. In
addition, it occurs with a preceding tone-dropped noun, and is clearly internal to
the NP. This construction can be translated as a comparative (with implicit
comparandum), or as a superlative. Examples are in (387).

(387) a. mamgomrom maga baaram-w


mango.L more red-Inan.HL
'the reddest mango' or 'a redder mango'

b. num maga baaram-m


person.L more red-AnSg.HL
'the reddest (=brownest) person' or 'a redder (=browner) person'

c. mamgomrom maga duasum-


mango.L more heavy-Inan.HL
'the heaviest mango' or 'a heavier mango'

d. yam maga duagum-ym


woman more fat-AnPl.HL
'the fattest women' or 'some fatter women'

Further examples showing the form of the {HL}-toned adjective (rightmost


colum), in comparison to the regular adjectival form (middle column) are in
(388). Only Inanimate forms are given. Except in (388b), the only differences
are tonal. The {HL} contour is realized as HLL on trisyllabics, the only attested
example being that in (388e).

(388) Inanimate modifying and {HL} comparative adjectives

gloss modifying {HL} after maga


a. - w (not homorganic to preceding vowel) retained after maga
adjective has {LHL} contour
'long' gumra- w guarm- w
adjective has {HL} contour
'red' baaram- w baaram- w
'spacious' kaawam- w kaawam- w
'big' di ayam- w di ayam- w

b. - w (following homorganic u) as Inan modifier, omitted after maga


adjective has {LHL} contour
'heavy' dumsua- w duasum
'fat' dumgua- w duagum

c. - m
adjective has {HL} contour
'sweet' arum- m arum- m

d. final /u/ without -w


adjective has {LH} contour
'rotten' mmbua ambum
'bad' mmsua masum
'blind' ji mmdua ji amdum

e. trisyllabic
adjective has {LH} contour
'half-ripe' bomlomrosy boalomromy

f. other
adjective has {H} contour
'white' pi ala pi alm
adjective has {HL} contour
'new' kaalam kaalam
'hot' aw aw
'cold' taam taam
'foul' gam gam
adjective has {LH} contour
'dry' mas: maa:
'difficult' nusm nuam
'ripe' i mrsy i army
adjective has {LHL} contour
'tall' gaw gaaw

199
12.1.2 'Surpass' (laawaa)

laawaa 'pass by' can be used in the sense 'surpass' (389).

(389) kumya: [ara maa:] maga juawa- mm =bm- ym,


first [3Sg Dat] more know-Impf=Past-1SgS,
gam: nuawmy i a laawaa- ja:-
but now 1SgO pass-RecPf-3SgS
'I used to know more than he/she (did), but now he/she has surpassed
me.'

12.1.3 'Be better, more' (i mresw)

The form i mresw 'better' is used with 'be' quasi-verb to constitute the predicate.
The comparandum is dative. Negation is with the Stative Negative =raa-
(10.2.3.4), which induces tone-dropping (390b).

(390) a. [ua maa:] i mresw bua- ym


[2Sg Dat] better be-1SgS
'I am better than you-Sg (are).'

b. ma: i mremw=raa- ba
Dat.1Sg better=Neg-3PlS
'They are not better than I (am).'

12.2 Symmetrical comparatives

12.2.1 Expressions with gaay 'like'

The 'like' particle may be used to indicate approximate equality on some


measure.

(391) [[[ua maa:] damy i a ni a- w]


gaay]
[[[2Sg Dat] manner.L 1SgS give.Perf-Ppl.Inan] like]
[ara maa:] ni m- y
[3Sg Dat] give.Perf.L-1SgS
'I gave him like the way (=as much as) I gave you-Sg.'

200
12.2.2 'Equal; be as good as' (bas- )

The stative quasi-verb bas- 'equal' is used in transitive symmetrical


comparatives. One comparandum may be subject, the other direct object (392b).

(392) a. [am-jemrua woa] [aa ba:] baa- wm


[wrestling in] [LogoSgP father.HL] equal.Stat-3SgS
'Hex is as good as hisx father in wrestling.'

b. [am-jemrua woa] [aa ba:] bam- ri a-


[wrestling in] [LogoSgP father.HL] equal-PerfNeg-3SgS
'Hex is not as good as hisx father in wrestling.'

The paradigm (for positive clauses) is (393). The negative counterparts are
based on the stem bam- ri a- , in form a perfective negative.

(393) category form

1Sg baa- ym
1Pl baa- ym
2Sg baa- wm
2Pl baa- wm

3Sg baa- wm
3Pl baa- mam

12.2.3 'Equal(ly)' (ci a- caw, caw- caw)

The stem ci a- caw 'equal' can be used as a predicate. It may be followed by a 'be'
quasi-verb. If the comparanda are expressed as NPs, the 'be' quasi-verb is
optionally omitted (394b).

(394) a. ci a- caw b- m:- ba


equal be.L-3PlS-3PlS
'They are equal.'

b. [sesydum yam] [aa:maadum yam] [amjemrua woa] ci a- caw


[Seydou and] [Amadou and] [wrestling in] equal
'Seydou and Amadou are equal (=equally good) in wrestling.'

201
A related adverbial is the reduplicated caw- caw 'equally' (395).

(395) [sesydum yam] [aa:maadum yam] caw- caw wamram- ba


[Seydou and] [Amadou and] equally farm.Perf.L-3PlS
'Seydou and Amadou did farming (=weeding) to the same extent.'

Jamsay caw 'all' and its derivatives may be the sources of these forms. For
caw in conditional antecedents see 16.3.

12.2.4 'Equal(ly)' and 'since' (bas)

An adverbial (with final intonational prolongation) bas, possibly related to the


verb bas- 'equal (be equal to)' (12.2.2), can be glossed 'as much (as sb/sth else)'.
It may be used predicatively, with following bum- 'be'. The usual context is size
(dimensions).
In the combination with following bum- (396), one can clearly hear the rising
tone.

(396) [nam: mus:] gos:- m bas bum-


[cow.L this.Sg] elephant equally be-3SgS
'This cow is as big as an elephant.'

bas is also used in the negated ' not so much as X' construction. Here
bas is phrase-final, and it is often heard as low-toned.

(397) taambua-mm [[mm baa taamb-i m:] bam]


kick.Impf-3SgS [[Far-Dist.An kick-VblN.HL] equally]
umrumyoa-mm -doa
hurt-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'It (=centipede) stings, (but) it doesn't hurt as much as the other one's
stinging.' [2005.1b.09]

bas is also used in the temporal sense 'since' after a noun denoting a time,
as in jay bas 'since last year'. A better gloss is '(going) back to last year' or
'(since) as early as last year'. In the fixed phrase kumya: bas 'long ago, (back) in
the old days', the gloss 'since' is inappropriate insofar as there is no reference to
the ensuing time span. The sense '(going) back to (time T)' expresses roughly
the same telescopic convergence as 'equal to (X)'.

202
12.2.5 'Attain, equal' (ds- )

In the sense 'X come to equal Y' (e.g. as the culmination of a gradual
improvement), the verb ds- 'arrive, reach (destination)' may be used.

(398) a. [amjemrua woa] ambaadaa [aa ba:]


[wrestling in] never [ReflSgP father.HL]
da- mm - doa-
arrive-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'Hex will never (come to) be as good in wrestling as hisx father.'

b. gamwaa i a ds- ja:-


height 1SgO arrive-RecPf-3SgS
'He/She has (now) reached the same height as (= is now as tall as)
me.'

12.3 'A fortiori' (wea: y )

The particle wea:y, sometimes wea:y with intonational prolongation, means 'a
fortiori, much less'. It could also be transcribed as weay with dying-quail
intonation. For this form in the sense 'as well as', see 7.1.3.

(399) a. i anji ari a bara- mm doa- ym [wea:y ji myea]


get.up can-ImpfNeg-1SgS [much.less dance]
'I can't (even) get up, much less (can I) dance.'

b. [[d:- m yam] [nam: guanuam kum] yi m=naay]


[[Dogon-AnSg too] [cow entire Def] see=and.SS]
juawa- mm - doaa-
know-Impf-Neg-3SgS
wea:y [nam:- duarm amy] mm:lum-
a.fortiori [cow.L-tail Inst] gather.Perf.L-3SgS
'The Dogon person for his part would not know (=recognize it) if he
had seen the entire cow, never mind (just) with the cow tail.'
[2005.1a.16]

203
13 Focalization and interrogation

13.1 Focalization

The overt Focus clitic is =mm . It is identical in form to an allomorph of the 'it is'
clitic (11.2.1), but unlike the 'it is' clitic it is not conjugated for pronominal
subject category.
This clitic is used after pronouns, demonstratives, and personal names.
However, it is not often directly added to ordinary common noun stems. Perhaps
this is because it would be difficult to distinguish from (animate) Singular suffix
- m. For example, if the Focus clitic were added to aaram 'men', this would
produce #amram=mm , which would be homophonous to singular aaram- m 'man'. The
result is that noun-headed NPs can function syntactically as focalized, without
an overt Focus morpheme. This focalization is indirectly manifested, in the
perfective (positive and negative) by the use of L-toned verb forms, including
the (positive) unsuffixed Perfective. For subject focus, focalization is also
manifested, for 1st/2nd person categories, by the use of a 3Sg pronominal-
subject suffix on the verb.
Focalization is largely confined to positive utterances for pragmatic reasons,
but negative utterances allow focalization in the right context ('it was the
women [focus] that he/she did not bring').
Existential particle yaa is used chiefly with a following quasi-verb bum- 'be' or
soa- 'have'. These quasi-verbs are defective and do not themselves distinguish
ordinary from (L-toned) defocalized forms. Instead, yaa is present in ordinary
contexts and is suppressed when a constituent is focalized (it is also absent
under negation). See 11.2.2.1-3 for details and examples.

13.1.1 Subject focalization

In the (positive) perfective aspect, the unsuffixed Perfective stem (L-toned) is


regular for past-time reference. The verb shows regular third person subject
prefixes, - for 3Sg/Inan, and - ba for 3Pl.

(400) a. sesydum=mm lom-


Seydou=Foc go.Perf.L-3SgS
'It's Seydou [focus] who went.'
b. kuarum yamam-
stone fall.Perf.L-3SgS
'It was a stone [focus] that fell.'

c. aaram ym- ba
man.Pl come.Perf.L-3PlS
'It was the men [focus] who came.'

For 1st/2nd person subject, the unsuffixed Perfective is again used, but the
verb has (zero) 3Sg inflection.

(401) a. i a=mm lom-


1Sg=Foc go.Perf.L-3SgS
'It's I [focus] who went.'

b. ua:=mm lom-
2Pl=Foc go.Perf.L-3SgS
'It's you-Pl [focus] who went.'

In the imperfective, the (positive) form in common use is the unsuffixed


Imperfective, without reduplication. Again, the 1st/2nd person subject forms
require the 3Sg form of the verb, which in this case is - mm . The third person
subject forms have their usual 3Sg or 3Pl suffix on the verb.

(402) a. i a=mm loa- mm


1Sg=Foc go-Impf.3SgS
'It's I [focus] who will go.'

b. ua:=mm loa- mm
2Pl=Foc go-Impf.3SgS
'It's you-Pl [focus] who will go.'

c. sesydum=mm loa- mm
Seydou=Foc go-Impf.3SgS
'It's Seydou [focus] who will go.'

d. aaram loa- ym
man.Pl go.Impf-3PlS
'It's the men [focus] who will go.'

In the Perfective Negative, the defocalization of the verb entails a drop in


the tone of the AN suffix, elsewhere - ri a- , to L-toned - ri m- .
(403) a. sesydum=mm lm- ri m-
Seydou=Foc go-PerfNeg.L-3SgS
'It was Seydou [focus] who did not go.'

b. i a:=mm lom- ri m-
1Pl=Foc go-PerfNeg.L-3SgS
'It was we [focus] who did not go.'

c. aaram lom- r- am
man.Pl go-PerfNeg.L-3PlS
'It was the men [focus] who did not go.'

When Focus =mm is absent, only the tone on the AN suffix identifies the
clause as focalized. Thus (403c) differs only subtly from unfocalized aaram
lom- r- aa 'the men did not go'.
In the Imperfective Negative, the verb stem itself retains its lexical tone.
The AN suffix complex is - mm - doa- . As usual, 1st/2nd person subject requires
3Sg suffix on the verb.

(404) a. sesydum=mm loa- mm - doa-


Seydou=Foc go-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'It's Seydou [focus] who will not go.'

b. ua=mm loa- mm - doa-


2Sg=Foc go-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'It's you-Sg [focus] who will not go.'

c. bua:=mm loa- mm - n- a
3Pl=Foc go-ImpfNeg-3PlS
'It's they [focus] who will not go.'

The subject (or topic) of an 'it is X' construction can also be focalized. See
e.g. ara=mm jmgua- mm = 'it's he [focus] who was the healer' in B's first turn in
(679) in the sample text. In this construction, the focalized subject (topic) and
the predicate may look alike morphologically.

13.1.2 Object focalization

When the focalized constituent is the direct object, we get the same patterns for
AN verbal morphology as in subject focalization. Specifically, we get the

207
L-toned unsuffixed Perfective, the L-toned negative AN forms, and the
unreduplicated unsuffixed Imperfective as basic verb forms. However, in object
focalization, the verb carries the full set of subject pronominal suffixes.
Nouns and pronouns that take =mm for subject focus may take Accusative
clitic =ni m (8.2) when functioning as focalized objects. This is usual with
pronouns and seems common with personal names, but it is not very common
with other nouns.

(405) a. sesydum=ni m yi m- ym
Seydou=Acc see.Perf.L-1SgS
'It was Seydou [focus] that I saw.'

b. yas: yi m- wm
woman.Pl see.Perf.L-2SgS
'It was the women [focus] that you-Sg saw.'

c. kuarum ji msem- y
stone throw.Perf.L-1SgS
'It was the stone [focus] that I threw.'

d. i a=ni m yi a- wm
1Sg=Acc see.Perf.L-2SgS
'It was I [focus] that you-Sg saw.'

In (405b-c), only the use of the unsuffixed Perfective verb form suggests
that 'women' and 'stone' may be focalized.
In all of my elicited examples, the word with =ni m clitic is immediately
preverbal.
Below are examples of the Perfective Negative (406a), the Imperfective
(406b), and the Imperfective Negative (406c). As in subject relatives, the
Perfective Negative and Imperfective Negatives suffixes have L-tone (- ri m- ,
- mm dom- ) under focalization.

(406) a. sesydum=ni m yi m- rum- wm


Seydou=Acc see-PerfNeg.L-2SgS
'It was Seydou [focus] that you-Sg did not see.'

b. yas: jomloa- mm
woman.Pl bring-Impf.3SgS
'It's the women [focus] that he/she will bring.'

c. yas: jomloa- mdom-

208
woman.Pl bring-ImpfNeg.L-3SgS
'It's the women [focus] that he/she will not bring.'

13.1.3 Focalization of PP or other adverbial

Since PPs and similar adverbials have inanmate reference (to times, places, and
manners), there is no reason to expect them to allow Focus clitics. In (407),
'in(side) the house' is focalized, but this is discernible only because the verb is in
the unsuffixed (L-toned) Perfective.

(407) [uarom pi mrem] bi mrm- ba


[house inside] work.Perf.L-3PlS
'It was in the house [focus] that they worked.'

13.2 Interrogatives

13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogative (ma)

The particle ma can be added to a statement to make it into a question. It is


subject to optional intonational prolongation. The pitch is also subject to an
intonational rise, but its basic phonological tone is copied from the immediately
preceding tone. It may, alternatively, have falling pitch ( maa).

(408) ys:- r- am: mam


come-Perf1a-1a3PlS Q
'Did they come?' (or: 'Have they come?')

An alternative is to express both the positive and negative alternatives,


linked by mam 'or'. This is pragmatically interpreted as a question.

(409) ys:- r- am: mam ym- r- aa


come-Perf1a-3PlS or come-PerfNeg-3PlS
'Did they come, or did they not come?'

13.2.2 'Who?' (asm)

'Who?' is usually asm, but can also be treated as a 'which?'-type adjectival


interrogative and therefore extended as num asm 'which person?' = 'who?'.
In subject function, asm 'who?' takes the Focus clitic =mm (410).

209
(410) a. asm=mm tea: si ari a- mm
who?=Foc tea cook-Impf.3SgS
'Who will make (=boil) the tea?'

b. asm=mm lom-
who?=Foc go.Perf.L-3SgS
'Who went?'

In direct object function, the Accusative clitic =ni m is optional.

(411) a. asm(=ni m) yi m- wm
who?(=Acc) see.Perf.L-2SgS
'Who(m) did you-Sg see?'

b. num- asm(=ni)m [umrom pi mrea:] yi m- wm


person-who?(=Acc) [house.L inside] see.Perf.L-2PlS
'Who(m) did you-Pl see inside the house?'

13.2.3 'What?' (nmjea), 'with what?', 'why?'

nmjea 'what?' may be used by itself, or it may be combined with the noun 'thing' to
form km: nmjea 'what (thing)?'. In this combination it seems to function
adjectivally, and so induces tone-dropping on the noun.

(412) a. nmjea luaguaroa:- ram- wm


what? look.for-Impf1-2SgS
'What are you-Sg looking for?'

b. nmjea a- ym
what? eat.Impf-1PlS
'What will we eat?'

c. [km: nmjea] ua bmrm-


[thing.L what?] 3SgO get.Perf.L-3SgS
'What has gotten (= is ailing) you-Sg?'

'With what?' is expressed as the instrumental of km: nmjea.

(413) [[km: nmjea] aay] bi ara- wm


[[thing.L what?] Inst] work.Impf-2SgS

210
'With what do you-Sg work?'

'Why?' is nmjea gi m- naay (variant nmjea gum- naay). gi m- naay was originally a clause-
linking form of gusy 'say' (15.1.9). Another subordinated form of this verb is
the source of Purposive postposition gi sn (8.5.1).

(414) [nmjea gi-m naay] [kua ni a: kum] kawa- mm - n- a


[what? for] [that water.HL Def] get.water-Impf-Neg-3PlS
'Why do they not take the water of that (place)?' [2005-1a.05]

13.2.4 'Where?' (aan- daa:, aan, aagomy)

The common interrogative adverb 'where?' is aan- daa:. -daa: is a common final
element in deictic locative adverbials (4.4.2.1). Perhaps aan- is historically
related to asm 'who?' or 'which?'.

(415) a. aan- daa: loa- wm


where? go.Impf-2SgS
'Where are you-Sg going?'

b. aan- daa: goa- mm


where? exit-Impf.3SgS
'Where does he/she come from?'

c. aan- daa: si a- yea- ym


where? go.down-MP.Impf-1SgS
'Where will I go down (=lodge)?'

Predicative 'X be where?' can be expressed by locatiional-exisential quasi-


verb bum- plus aan- daa: 'where?'. For fixed entities such as mountains, houses, and
villages), the 'where?' adverb may be aagomy or aan- daa:.

(416) a. i msea: aagomy bum-


" aan- daa: "
village where? be.Perf.L-3SgS
'Where is the village?'

b. [tara bem] aagomy b- m:


[ " "] aan- daa: "
[mountain Pl] where? be.Perf.L-3PlS
'Where are the mountains?'

211
c. aan- daa: bum- wm
where? be.Perf.L-2SgS
'Where are you-Sg?'

A simple form asn is also attested. The focalized form is an=, where the
Focus (='it is') clitic accounts for the final low-tone element. 'Where are you-Sg
going?' (cf. aan- daa: loa- wm , in an example above) can therefore also be expressed
as an= loa- wm .

(417) an= gos-ja:-


where?=Foc go.out-RecPf-3SgS
'Where did it (=motorcycle) come from?' [2005.1b.06]

This form may also be expanded as mrm an= '(in) what place?', where asn
functions like an adjective, cf. arm 'place'.

13.2.5 'When?'

'When?' expressions can be of the type 'which day?' based on the noun umsua 'day',
or of the type 'in/with which time?' based on the noun doaguarua or (from Fulfulde)
synonym waakaatum waagaatum waaaatum 'time'.

(418) a. [amgua uasum] wom


[which? day.HL] in
'when?' (= 'on which day?')

b. [[domgumrum nmjea] aay] ya- mm


[[time.L what?] Inst] come-Impf.3SgS
'When (= withwhat time?) will he/she come?'

13.2.6 'How?' (amaay)

'How?' is amaay (419a) or its extension amaay amy. It may be used predicately
with bum- 'be' (419b). The iterated form amaay- amaay is used adverbially (419c).
amaay is used with kaay- 'do' in the sense 'do what?' (419d).

(419) a. tuani a: amaay cea:lea- wm


mortar how make.well.Impf-2SgS
'How do you-Sg make a (wooden) mortar?'

212
b. amaay bum-
how? be-3SgS
'How is it?' (= 'What's the situation?')

c. amaay- amaay teagea:- ram- w


how?-how? speak-Impf1-2SgS
'How (= what) are you-Pl talking (about)?'

d. amaay kaa:- ram- wm


how? do-Impf1-2SgS
'What are you-Sg doing?'

13.2.7 'How much?', 'how many?' (am:gaa)

'How much?' or 'how many?' is am:gaa. It is adverbial, and when "modifying" a


preceding noun, the latter is not tone-dropped. From this are derived distributive
am:gaa- am:gaa 'how much/how many (per item)?', which is usually predicative
with 'it is' clitic, and ordinal am:gamy- na 'how many-th?' (answer would be 'first',
'third', etc.).

(420) a. pmra am:gaa mwm- w


sheep.Pl how.many? buy.Perf.L-2SgS
'How many sheep did you-Sg buy?'

b. mamgoarom am:gaa- am:gaa:=


mango how.much-how.much=it.is
'How much (apiece) are the mangoes?'

13.2.8 'Which?' (asm, amgua)

asm (also 'who?', 13.2.2) is used with animate referents, amgua with inanimates.
In the sense 'which?', these are adjectives and therefore force tone-dropping on a
preceding modified noun (421a-b). They may also be used absolutely, either
when the relevant set is already understood, or after specifying this set in a
preclausal topicalized phrase (421c). In the case of asm, the absolute use
converges with the sense 'who?'. Either asm or amgua may be pluralized by adding
Plural bem (421d).

(421) a. [pmrm asm] jara- wm

213
[sheep.L which.Sg?] want.Impf-2SgS
'Which sheep-Sg do you-Sg want?'

b. [ti mwmy amgua] jara- wm


[tree.L which.Inan?]want.Impf-2SgS
'Which tree do you-Sg want?'

c. [yua: yam] [mmsy yaa]


[millet and] [sorghum and]
amgua=mm maga asum
which?=Foc more good.HL
'(Between) millet and sorghum, which is better?'

d. [pmrm asm bem] jara- wm


[sheep.L which.Sg? Pl] want.Impf-2SgS
'Which sheep-Pl do you-Sg want?'

13.2.9 'So-and-so' (am- maa:n)

''So-and-so', i.e. a substitute for a personal name (French un tel, une telle), is
am- maa:n, maa:n, or maa:num.

13.2.10 'Whatchamacallit?'

The expression km: kua=nm 'the thing' can be used as a 'whatchamacallit?' filler
while a word or name is being searched for.

13.2.11 Embedded interrogatives

An embedded interrogative in a context like 'I don't know [who/what/where ]'


can take its original interogative form (422a). Alternatively, it is replaced by a
relative clause headed by an appropriate semantically light noun ( nus-m 'person',
ka: 'thing', doaguarua 'time', arm 'place', dasy 'manner') (422b).

(422) a. [[km: nmjea] a- ym maa] juawa- mm - doa- ym


[[thing.L what] eat.Impf-1PlS Q] know-Impf-Neg-1SgS
'I don't know what we are going to eat.'

b. [mgua- rum damy goa- ym] juawa- mm - doa- ym

214
[here manner.L exit.Impf-Ppl.Pl] know-Impf-Neg-1SgS
'I don't know how to get out of here.' (lit. " the way that they exit
here") [for -ym see discussion of (436) in 14.1.6.2]

215
14 Relativization

14.1 Basics of relative clauses

There is an optional Relative morpheme kam:, which if present directly follows


the core NP that functions as clause-internal head. My assistant accepted
optional kam: after a noun or core NP (noun plus adjective), but rejected it after a
numeral. The other Dogon language known to have a Relative morpheme
following the core head NP is Togo Tegu, which also has a second Relative
morpheme (originally a demonstrative) at the end of the clause.
With or wihout kam:, the core of the head NP (maximally a numeral phrase)
remains internal to the clause, and (unless it is frozen in possessed-noun tone
contour) it undergoes tone-dropping. The head NP is bifurcated, with the more
peripheral morphemes at the right edge of a normal NP (Plural bem, determiners,
non-numeral quantifiers like 'all') shifting to postparticipial (i.e. clause-final)
position. The numeral usually remains with the core NP, in which case we can
speak of the clause-internal head NumP, but there are also some examples where
it joins the post-participial string, probably reflecting scope differences. The
verb becomes a participle that agrees with the head NP in nominal features, but
the forms of the suffixes differ somewhat from those used with nouns and
modifying adjectives. In nonsubject relatives, if the subject is pronominal it is
expressed by a preparticipial subject pronominal. If the subject of a
nonsubject relative clause is coindexed with the subject of the main clause, it
takes reflexive form (18.2.3).
Overall, the relative clause system of BenT is similar to that of Jamsay, with
the following differences: a) in BenT I have not observed Jamsay-style
repetition of the head noun (as a possessed noun following the participle), b)
Jamsay has no Relative morpheme after the head NP, and c) in BenT, a
possessor imposes a {HL} possessed-noun tone contour on the core NP plus any
cardinal numeral, and this tone contour is not altered by the tone-dropping
power of the relative construction (i.e. the possessed NP is a tonosyntactic
island), whereas in the only comparable Jamsay construction (that for
inalienable possession) a possessor is included along with the possessed noun in
the domain subject to tone-dropping.
14.1.1 Tone-dropping on final word(s) of NP in relative clause

In other syntactic contexts, a NP is of the form (423), disregarding some details


(see Chapter 6.) The symbol ** indicates the break point within the NP, such
that any morphemes to the right are relocated from the NP itself to position
following the participle when the NP functions as relative-clause head.

(423) (possessor) [noun (adjectives) numeral] **determiner


quantifiers

After this relocation, the maximal form of the head NP proper, within the
relative clause, is (424).

(424) (possessor) [noun (adjectives) numeral]

In the absence of a possessor, the maximal structure consists of the core NP


(noun plus any adjectives) plus a numeral. Within the core NP, all nonfinal
words have been tone-dropped by rules applicable within any NP. The final
word in the core NP has (so far) retained its tones, with at least one high-tone
element, and the numeral also has its lexical tones, with at least one high-tone
element. Both the final word of the core NP, and the numeral, now undergo
simultaneous tone-dropping when the NP functions as relative-clause head
NP. Therefore the entire head NP is low-toned. In (425a), both 'red' and 'six'
have a high tone, which disappears in (425b).

(425) a. [nam: baaram] kuaromy bua:


[cow.Pl.L red.Pl] six Def.Pl
'the six brown cows'

b. [[nam: bamram] kumromy] i a awa- mam bua:


[[cow.Pl.L red.Pl.L] six.L] 1SgS buy.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def.Pl
'the six brown cows that I bought'

If a NP with the structure in (424), above, contains a possessor, the


possessor forces a {HL} tone contour on the remaining sequence, with the high
tone limited to the first syllable (or, for a monosyllabic noun, the first mora). We
here focus on cases like (426a) where the {HL} tone contour remains audible,
here on the noun naa: 'cows' that immediately follows the possessor. In such
cases, this tone contour remains audible when the NP functions as head NP in a
relative (426b).

(426) a. ua [naa: bamram kumromy] bua:


2SgP [cow.Pl.HL red.Pl.L six.L] Def.Pl
'your-Sg six brown cows'

b. ua [naa: bamram kumromy] i a awa- mam bua:


2SgP [cow.Pl.HL red.Pl.L six.L] 1SgS buy.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def.Pl
'your-Sg six brown cows that I bought'

Therefore the power of a possessor to enforce the possessed-noun tone


contour on a following core NP overrides not only the power of an adjective to
tone-drop a preceding noun, but also the power of a relative clause to tone-drop
the words in a head NP.

14.1.2 Restrictions on the head noun in a relative clause

A pronoun may not function directly as internal head of a relative. Instead, it is


preposed to the clause, its place taken by L-toned num 'person' within the clause.

(427) ua num yamaa- soa- mm kum


2SgS person.L fall-Reslt-AnSg Def
'you-Sg who fell' (lit. "you-Sg, the person who fell")

'I whom you see (here)' is expressed by a construction that could be parsed
literally as 'I, this (thing) that you see', with the participle pointed to an implicit
Inanimate rather than Animate Singular head noun; see ua yi m:- ram- wm mgua in C's
first turns in (660) and (664) in the sample text.

14.1.3 Relative clause with conjoined NP as head

Conjoined NPs are uncommon as heads of relative clauses, since the preferred
construction is parallel relative clauses ('the boys who swim and the girls who
swim'). However, conjoined NPs are possible as relative heads. In my limited
data, the conjoined NP keeps its regular prosody, i.e. it is not tone-dropped
under the influence of the relative-clause participle. In other words, conjoined
NPs behave as tonosyntactic islands, impervious to syntactically controlled
prosodic processes.
(428) is an elicited example involving be as coordinating particle.

(428) [[aaram bem] [yas: bea] jaay jamyaa- mam kum]


[[man.Pl Pl] [woman.Pl Pl] fight(n.) fight.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def]
aan- daa: b- m:

219
where? be-3PlS
'Where are the men and women who quarreled?'

A similar example with ya as the particle is in lines 5-6 of (665) in the


sample text.

14.1.4 Headless relative clause

Headless relatives are not typical when the referent is a person, animal, or
object. Even when referentially vague (e.g. 'anyone who '), a semantically
light noun such as num 'a person (who )' or km: 'a thing (that )' is generally
present. However, when the (potential) head NP is a semantically light noun
meaning something like 'time', 'place', or 'manner', it may be omitted, resulting
in a headless relative that functions as a spatiotemporal or manner clause. The
omitted head NP may be even more indefinite than these glosses suggest (e.g.
'situation'). For examples and discussion, see 15.2.4.

14.1.5 Preparticipial subject pronominal in relative clause

(429), which should be read down, shows the preparticipial subject pronominals
in the second row. They have their usual independent form. They immediately
precede the verb-participle. The interlinear word glosses are to the right.

(429) i mnjm dog.L


{i a i a: ua u ara bua: aa aa:} (pronominal subject)
lamrua- mm chase.Perf-Ppl.Sg
kum Def
'the dog that I/we/you-Sg/you-Pl/3Sg/they/LogoSg/LogoPl chased'

14.1.6 Participial verb in relative clause

Relative clauses have participles instead of regular verbs inflected for


pronominal subject category. In a relative, the participle agrees in number and
animacy with the head noun. The categories are therefore (animate) Singular,
(animate) Plural, and Inanimate. The morphology of the suffixes will now be
described.

220
14.1.6.1 Participles of unsuffixed Perfective verbs (- mm , - mam, - wm )

In the perfective positive, the combining form (segmentally equivalent to the


unsuffixed Perfective, but with lexical tones) is directly followed by the
Participial suffixes. The suffixally marked perfectives (Perfective-1a/1b,
Resultative) do not normally occur with participial suffixes. For the occasional
participle based on other suffixally marked categories from the perfective
positive system (Recent Perfect, Experiential Perfect), see 14.1.6.5, below.
The stem has its lexical vocalism and tone (e.g. bisyllabic HH or LH). In
particular, it does not drop tones as does the unsuffixed Perfective in main
clauses (where this stem expresses defocalization). Thus yamaa- 'fall' and ti awa-
'die' have their regular lexical forms in such perfective participles as (animate)
Singular yamaa- mm and ti awa- mm .
The Perfective Participial suffixes for perfective participles are those in
(430). (Animate) Singular - mm and Inanimate - wm also occur with modifying
adjectives, while (animate) Plural - mam is idiosyncratic.

(430) Perfective (positive) Participial suffixes (after combining form)

(animate) Singular - mm
(animate) Plural - mam
Inanimate - wm

For Cv- verbs with rising tone contour, the rising tone appears in the
participles with - mm and - wm , whose heavy syllables allow expression of <LHL>
tone. Thus, for 'come', ys- mm and ys- wm . In Plural ys- mam, the high tone element
may spill into the first part of the second syllable, so that a phonetic
transcription [jsmaa] approximates its pronunciation.
Some perfective participle examples are in (431).

(431) a. umrom yamaa- wm


house.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Inan
'the house that fell'

b. umrom bua: ds- wm kum


house.L 3PlS burn.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the house that they burned'

c. amram loa- mm
man.L go.Perf-Ppl.Sg
'the man who went'

221
d. yi m-tm: ti awa- mam
child.Pl.L die.Perf-Ppl.Pl
'the children who died'

The participles ending in - wm (animate singular) and - mam (animate plural)


are indistinguishable from the 3Sg and 3Pl forms (respectively) of an alternative
unsuffixed Perfective form that is common in narrative.

14.1.6.2 Participles of unsuffixed Imperfective (- m, - , - mm , - ym)

In relative clauses based on (positive) unsuffixed Imperfective verbs, there is a


set of participles that are used in subject relatives and optionally in nonsubject
relatives. Nonsubject relatives are also attested with a distinct participial
construction. We begin with the first, most general type.
In the unsuffixed Imperfective positive, which is optionally reduplicated
in the participles as it is in the regular inflected form, when the head NP is the
subject of its clause, the Inanimate participle is identical to the 3Sg form of the
inflected paradigm, with suffix - mm (low-toned).
The animate forms have Singular - m and Plural zero, in either case with
final-syllable H-tone. These forms are typical of Agentive nominals (4.2.4,
5.1.3). For Animate Plural, an archaic variant - mum is attested, see
di mmbi m- yi a- mum in (655) in the sample text.
Consistent with this Agentive connection, a nonmonosyllabic verb stem
shifts its final vowel to u (varying with i in some contexts, notably in the
singular after y) in the two animate participles. Also consistent with Agentive
morphology is the {LH} tone contour on animate participles.

(432) Imperfective (positive) participles


(primary type, required in subject relatives, optional in others)

a. Agentive nominal form (final vowel shifts to u, {LH} contour)

(animate) Singular - m
(animate) Plural - (archaic - mum)

b. based directly on unsuffixed Imperfective stem


Inanimate - mm

In addition, a direct object in the form of a noun without a following


determiner or external quantifier takes low-toned form, see (466a-c) in 14.2.1
below). This matches the (incorporated-object) {L}-toned nominal compound

222
initials that occur with most Agentives (5.1.3). However, in the Imperfective
participles, the initial reduplication is optionally present. Representative
participial paradigms are in (433).

(433) Impf participles


gloss stem Sg (animate0 Pl (animate) Inanimate

'fall' yamaa- yi m- yamgua- m yi m- yamgua yaaaa- mm


'go down' si a- yea- si m- si m- yi a- m si m- si m- yua si a- yea- mm
'go up' umra- um-umrua- m um-umrua uara- mm
'hurt' baarma- bamrmua- m bamrmua baarma- mm
'shout' pi ayea- pi myi a- m pi myua pi ayea- mm

'go' loa- li m- los- m li m- los: loa- mm


'come' ya- yi m- ys- m yi m- ys: yea- mm

Examples involving subject relatives are in (434). In the interlinear glosses


for the participles, I favor syntactic over morphological analysis (see above), so
for example the animate imperfective participles are glossed with Ppl (i.e.
participle) rather than as agentives.

(434) a. umrom (yi m- )yaaaa- mm


house.L (Rdp-)fall.Impf-Ppl.Inan
'the house that will fall'

b. amram (li m- )los- m


man.L (Rdp-)go.Impf-Ppl.Sg
'the man who will go'

c. yi m ti mwua- m kum
child.L die.Impf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who will die'

d. yi m yamgua- m kum
child.L fall.Impf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who will fall'

e. yi m-tm: (ti m- )ti mwua


child.Pl.L (Rdp-)die.Impf.Ppl.Pl
'the children who will die'

223
f. [num ua bi m- bamrua] yaa b- m:- ba dea
[person 2SgO Rdp-help.Impf.Ppl.Pl] Exist be-3PlS-3PlS if
'if there are people who will help you-Sg' [2005-1a.10]

The same participles are also used in nonsubject relatives. The object
relatives below have participles agreeing with object head NPs that are,
respectively, inanimate (435a), animate singular (435b), and animate plural
(435c). The participles belong to the type described above and exemplified
above for subject relatives. (435d) is a textual example of the inanimate type.

(435) a. namwam: i a: kuawoa- mm


meat.L 1PlS eat.meat.Impf-Ppl.Inan
'the meat that we will eat'

b. pmrm i a: smwus- m
sheep 1PlS slaughter.Impf-Ppl.Sg
'the sheep-Sg that we will slaughter'

c. pmrm i a: smwua
sheep 1PlS slaughter.Impf.Ppl.Pl
'the sheep-Pl that we will slaughter'

d. [[tomy mas:] mrm ua ta- mm ] damy


[[sowing.L dry] place.L 2SgS sow.Impf-Ppl.Inan] boundary.L
'at the boundary of the place (=part of the field) where you are
doing the dry-sowing' [2005-1a.10]

However, the texts also include examples like (436), where the participle
(agreeing with animate plural head NP, not with the 2Sg subject) has a suffix
- ym that could be (mis-)parsed as a 3Pl-subject main-clause Imperfective form.
In other words, in another context jara- ym can also mean 'they like/want'.

(436) [[[num msi a- ym] ua jara- ym] mam:] ni a- wm


[[[person good-Pl] 2SgS like.Impf-Ppl.Pl] Dat] give.Impf-2SgS
'You-Sg will give (honey) to the good people that you love.' [2005-
1a.09]

The option of using - ym instead of the agentive-like participle described


above is limited to animate plural subjects. An example with nonspecific 'they'
is (422b) in 13.2.11. Participial - ym is also required in instrumental compounds
of the type 'drinking water, water for drinking', phrased as 'water that (they)

224
drink', with understood nonspecific 'they' as subject (not head NP); see 5.1.9
for discussion and examples.

14.1.6.3 Participles of bum- 'be' and soa- 'have'

Quasi-verbs bum- 'be' and soa- 'have' have similar participles (437). The Plural
participles are identical to the corresponding 3Pl inflected forms. Inanimate
bua- wm is homophonous with bua:- 'he/she/it is' (with predicative adjective), and
with 3Pl pronoun bua: 'them'.

(437) category 'be' 'have'

Singular bua- m soa- m


Plural b- a: s- a:
Inanimate bua-wm soa-wm

A participial form of negative som-loa- 'not have' occurs at the end of C's long
turn in (664) in the sample text.

14.1.6.4 Participles of stative verbs

A Stative participle can also be formed. (Statives do not distinguish perfective


from imperfective, but have morphological affinities to the perfective system.)
In (438), the participles are directly based on the (reduplicated) Stative inflected
form (10.2.1.11), except that the initial reduplication is not used. The
Participial suffixes are those of Perfective participles.

(438) a. ti mwmy amaa- daa: i ayam- wm kum


tree.L over.there stand-Ppl.Inan Def
'the tree that is standing over there.'

b. num amaa- daa: i ayam- m kum


person.L over.there stand.Stat-Ppl.Sg Def
'the person who is standing over there.'

c. num amaa- daa: i ayam- mam bua:


person.L over.there stand.Stat-Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the people who are standing over there.'

225
14.1.6.5 Participles with positive perfective-system suffix

As noted above, Perfective (positive) Participles are normally based on the bare
stem, rather than on a suffixally characterized form from the perfective system
of AN categories. Perfective-1a :- rm- does not occur in participles in my data.
Perfective-1b - ti a- is attested in a participle (439), but the combination is
infrequent.

(439) [domgumrum kam:] yesy bua: gasy- tua- wm woay


[time.L Rel] honey 3PlS put-Perf1b-Ppl.Inan all
'When they (=bees) have made honey, ' [2005-1a.09]

It was possible to elicit participles including Recent Perfect - ja- (440a-c),


Experiential Perfect - taa- (440d-f), and Resultative - soa- (440g-i). The endings
for the Recent Perfect and Experiential Perfect are those found in Perfective
participles (for animates, Singular - m and Plural - mam ; for inanimates, - wm ). The
Resultative likewise has (animate) Singular - m (hence - soa- m) and Inanimate
- wm (in - soa- wm ), but the (animate) Plural is - s- a:, like the 3Pl inflected form.

(440) Participles of Recent Perfect, Experiential Perfect, Resultative

Recent Perfect
a. num sy a- ja- m
person.L meal eat-RecPf-Ppl.Sg
'a person who has (already) eaten'

b. num sy a- ja- mam


person.L meal eat-RecPf-Ppl.Pl
'people who have (already) eaten'

c. kumrum yamaa- ja- wm


stone.L fall-RecPf-Ppl.Inan
'a stone that has already fallen'

Experiential Perfect
d. num mgua- rum ys- taa- m
person.L here come-ExpPf-Ppl.Sg
'a person who has (ever) come here'

e. num mgua- rum ys- taa- mam


person.L here come-ExpPf-Ppl.Pl
'people who have (ever) come here'

226
f. kumrum yamaa- taa- wm
stone.L fall-ExpPf-Ppl.Inan
'a stone that has (ever) fallen'

Resultative
g. num sos- m umra- soa- mm
person.L horse-AnSg go.up-Reslt-Ppl.Sg
'a person who has mounted (= is mounted on) a horse'

h. num sos: umra- s- a:


person.L horse-Pl go.up-Reslt-Ppl.Pl
'people who have mounted (= are mounted on) horses'

i. km: sos- m umra- soa- wm


thing.L horse go.up-Reslt-Ppl.Inan
'a thing that has mounted (= is mounted on) a horse'

A preparticipial subject pronoun may intervene between the verb stem and a
marked perfective-system suffix participle.

(441) a. mom:-my gasy ua soa-wm kum


mouth-food put 2SgS Reslt-Ppl.Inan Def
'the food that you-Sg have put down (there)' [2005.1b.02]

b. yi s-taa-ym [[kua tua-m] km:


see-ExpPf-3PlS [[InanP companion-AnSg] thing.L
yi s bua: taa-wm ]
see 3PlS ExpPf-Ppl.InanSg
yaa ba:-
Exist be.Past-3SgS
'They have (at some point) seen, there used to be something that
they had (at some point) seen of that sort' [2005.1b.01]

14.1.6.6 Participles with positive imperfective-system suffix

The suffixally marked Imperfective-1 suffix :- ram- is attested in participial form,


with ordinary nominal suffixes for Animates (Singular - m, Plural zero), and
with (adjective-like) - wm for Inanimates.

(442) a. amram yma:- ram bua:

227
man.L run-Impf1 DefPl
'the men who run'

b. amram yma:- ram- mm kum


man.L run-Impf1-AnSg Def
'the man who runs'

c. [learea- learea num kawa:- ram] yaa b- m:- bm


[occasionally person.L draw.water-Impf1] Exist be-3PlS-3PlS
'There are some people who draw it (water) from time to time.'
[2005-1a.05]

d. jaay ua: jamyaa:-ram-wm kum


fight(n.).L 2PlS fight-Impf1-Ppl.Inan Def
'when you-Pl have a fight' [2005.1b.05]

14.1.6.7 Participles of negative verbs

Perfective Negative - ri a- occurs in relatives with the paradigm in (443). The


stem has the same low-toned version of the combining form as before - ri a- in its
inflected forms. The morphology of the Participial suffixes is not transparent.
All three participles have falling tone on the suffix complex. Adding a final low-
tone element directly to the 3Pl and 3Sg/Inan inflected forms would account for
the Plural and Inanimate participles. However, the Singular ends in - mm , which
could be taken as the regular nominal and adjectival (animate) Singular suffix.

(443) Perfective Negative Participles

(animate) Singular - rua- mm


(animate) Plural - r- aa:
Inanimate - ri a:

Examples are in (444).

(444) a. yi m ymm- rua- mm kum


child.L run-PerfNeg-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who did not run' (yi a- m)

b. yi m-tm: ymm- r- aa: bua:


children.L run-PerfNeg-Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the children who did not run' (yi m-t:)

228
c. kumrum yamam- ri a: kum
stone.L fall-PerfNeg-Ppl.Inan Def
'the stone that didn't fall' (kuarum)

Imperfective Negative - mm - doa- has the participial forms in (445). The stem
has the same segmental form and tone contour as in the inflected paradigm. In
the Participial suffixes, we have the same pattern as with the Perfective
Negative, namely, the Plural and Inanimate participles are identical to the
corresponding inflected forms except that a final low tone is added at the right
edge (hence the final falling tone), while the Singular ends in - m (also with
falling tone).

(445) Imperfective Negative Participles

(animate) Singular - mm - doa- mm (< - mm - doa- L- m)


(animate) Plural - mm - n- a: (< - mm - n-a- L)
Inanimate - mm - d-oa: (< - mm - doa- L)

Examples of Imperfective Negative participles are in (446).

(446) a. yi m yaa- mm - doa- mm kum


child.L run-Impf-Neg-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who does not run' (yi a- m)

b. yi m-tm: yaa- mm - n- a: bua:


children.L run-Impf-Neg-Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the children who do not run' (yi m-t:)

c. kumrum yaaaa- mm - d- oa: kum


stone.L fall-Impf-Neg-Ppl.Inan Def
'the stone that didn't fall' (kuarum)

Stative Negative clitic =raa- , which is used in Stative Negative verbs


(10.2.3.4) and with various nominal and adjectival predicates (11.2.1.4,
11.4.4), has the participial forms in (447). The (animate) Plural form is
homophonous to the Inanimate form, probably by accident (underlying /=raa-am/
versus /=raa-L/ or the like).

(447) Stative Negative Participles

(animate) Singular =raa- mm

229
(animate) Plural =r- aa:
Inanimate =r- aa:

Examples are in (448), cf. inflected Stative emw- yem- w=raa- 'he/she is not
sitting'.

(448) a. num emw- yem- w=raa- mm


person.L sit-MP-Stat=StatNeg-Ppl.Sg
'a person who is not sitting'

b. num emw- yem- w=r- aa:


person.L sit-MP-Stat=StatNeg-Ppl.Pl
'people who are not sitting'

c. km: emw- yem- w=r- aa:


thing.L sit-MP-Stat=StatNeg-Ppl.Inan
'a thing that is not sitting'

14.1.6.8 Relative-clause participle including Past clitic =bm-

For regular inflected forms including the Past clitic, see 10.4.1. The participles
have the suffix combinations in (449), regardless of the final tone of the
preceding verb form. In other words, the participles are all based on the falling-
toned variant =ba- . Except for the 3Pl, the suffixes (- mm , - wm ) are those of
Perfective participles.

(449) Participles of Past =ba-

(animate) Singular =bs- mm


(animate) Plural =b- a:
Inanimate =bs- wm

These suffixes are also used in the negative versions of the participles, since
the negation is expressed on the preceding verb form rather than in the Past
clitic.
Participles corresponding to the Past unsuffixed Imperfective, as in bi ara
bi ara- mm =bm- 'he/she was working', are in (450). As usual for this category, the
verb form preceding the clitic has Imperfective - mm - .

(450) a. num bi ara bi ara- mm =bs- mm


person.L work(n.) work-Impf=Past-Ppl.Sg

230
'a person who was working'

b. num bi ara bi ara- mm =b- a:


person.L work(n.) work-Impf=Past-Ppl.Pl
'people who were working'

c. km: bi ara bi ara- mm =bs- wm


thing.L work(n.) work-Impf=Past-Ppl.Inan
'a thing that was working'

d. kumya: bua: kaa-mm =bs-wm kum


first 3PlS do-Impf=Past-Ppl.Inan Def
'What they used to do formerly (was )' [2005.1b.01]

Negative counterparts have - mm - doa- before the clitic: num bi ara


bi ara- mm - doa=bs- mm 'a person who was not working'.
See also waaraa- mm =bs- wm in (507) in 15.2.1.3.
Participles corresponding to the Past Stative, e.g. (i m- )eaw- yea- wa =ba:-
'he/she was sitting' (10.4.1.2), are in (451).

(451) a. num eaw- yea- wa =bs- mm


person.L sit-MP-Impf=Past.Ppl.Sg
'a person who was sitting'

b. num eaw-yea- wa =b- a:


person.L sit-MP-Impf=Past.Ppl.Pl
'people who were sitting'

c. km: eaw-yea- wa =bs- wm


thing.L sit-MP-Impf=Past.Ppl.Inan
'a thing that was sitting'

Negative counterparts are of the type num emw- yem=raa- bs- m 'a person who
was not sitting', with Stative Negative =raa- .
Participles corresponding to the Past Perfect (i.e. the Past form of the
morphological Perfective), cf. ya- wm =bm- 'he/she had come', are in (452). In
elicitation, my assistant produced (animate) Singular and Inanimate participles
with the Past clitic added directly to the combining form of the verb, but
(animate) Plural participles with a Plural morpheme - mam- before the clitic. This
can be identified as the (animate) Plural suffix in simple Perfective participles
(e.g. num ys- mam 'people who came').

231
(452) a. num ya=bs- mm
person.L come=Past.Ppl.Sg
'a person who had come'

b. num ya- mam=b- a:


person.L come-Pl=Past.Ppl.Pl
'people who had come'

c. km: ya=bs- wm (or: ya- wa =bs- wm )


thing.L come=Past.Ppl.Inan
'a thing that had come'

In other examples, the same assistant again used - mam=b- a: in Plural


participles, but used - m=bs- mm (in form, identical to the Past unsuffixed
Imperfective participle) for the (animate) Singular. See Plural baarma- mam=b- a:
'who-Pl had been hurt' and Singular baarma- mm =bs- mm 'who-Sg had been hurt' in
(469a-b) in 14.4. This suggests that the pattern with =b- added directly to the
unsuffixed combining form, as in (452a) and (452c), above, is unstable. In the
inflected Past Perfect, the 3Sg form has suffix - wm - before low-toned =bm- , and
is therefore distinguished only by tones from the Past Stative, on which see
10.4.1.2.
Negative counterparts: num ym- ri a=bs- mm 'a person who had not come', plural
num ym- r- aa:=b- a: 'people who had not come', inanimate km: ym- ri a=bs- wm 'a
thing that had not come'.
A participle of the Past form of 'have' is in (453).

(453) [[num kam:] mgaa-daa: [ua ka:]


[[person.L Rel] around.there [2SgP thing.HL]
[kamrwaa soa-mm =bs-mm kum]
[trust have-Stat=Past-Ppl.AnSg Def]
'the person there who had (the use of) your-Sg thing (=land) entrusted to
him' [2005.1b.05]

14.1.7 Relative clause involving direct verb chain

There is no difficulty forming relatives from chains of verbs (or VP's). For
example, the combination of asy (from /amyi a/) 'pick up' and jomloa- 'convey, deliver'
in the simple sentence (454a) corresponds to the relative clause in (454b). The
nonfinal chained verb occurs in the bare combining form in both cases. The pre-
participial pronominal subject in (454b) intervenes between the two chained
verbs.

232
(454) a. semgua: asy jomloa- ti a- ym
waterjar pick.up convey-Perf1b-1SgS
'I picked up and took (conveyed) the waterjar.'

b. semgum asy i a jomloa- wm kum


waterjar.L pick.up 1SgS convey.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the waterjar that I picked up and brought'

Another example, this time with a subject relative, is (455b) from the
simple main clause (455a). The verbs are pearea 'jump' and si a- yea- 'go down'.

(455) a. pearea si m- yem-


jump go.down-MP.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She jumped down.'

b. num pearea si a- yea- mm kum


person.L jump go.down-MP.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the person who jumped down'

In textual example (456), the L-toned head km: 'thing' is logically the object
of 'get water' in the initial clause, which is chained (by =naay) to the following
negated main clause. Here, however, the speaker changed the syntax in mid-
stream, beginning with a relative construction (note the low-toned km: 'thing')
but ending with a regular inflected verb.

(456) [km: kmwm=naay]


[thing.L get.water.L=then.SS]
[kum- toagoarom amy] dum- rua- wa ]
[head with] carry-PerfNeg-2SgS
'something that (you-Sg) take and (so) you-Sg don't (have to) carry
(water) on the head' (i.e. an alternative way to transport water) [2005-
1a.05]

14.1.8 Final morphemes added to relative clause (non-tone-dropping)

Definite morphemes, Plural bem, and the 'each/all' quantifier woay, follow the
relative clause, though they have semantic scope over the head NP.
These morphemes do not induce tonal changes on a preceding word when
they occur at the end of regular, main-clause NPs. As we would expect, they
likewise have no tonal interactions with the preceding word in a relative clause,

233
which is normally the participle. The examples in (457) involve participles that
end in a low tone.

(457) a. nam: yamaa- mm kum


cow.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the cow that fell'

b. nam: yamaa- mam bua:


cow.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def.Pl
'the cows that fell'

c. nam: yamaa- mam woay


cow.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl all
'all the cows that fell'

d. kumrum yamaa- wm bem


stone.L fall.Perf-PplInan Pl
'(some) stones that fell'

e. kumrum yaaaa- mm bem


stone.L fall.Impf-Ppl.Inan Pl
'(some) stones that fall'

The examples in (458) involve participles that end in a high tone.

(458) a. nam: yamgua- m kum


cow.L fall.Impf-Ppl.SgDef
'the cow who falls'

b. nam: yamgua bua:


cow.L fall.Impf.Ppl.Pl Def.Pl
'the cows who fall'

c. nam: yamgua woay


cow.L fall.Impf.Ppl.Pl all
'all the cows that fall'

14.1.9 Final morphemes added to relative clause (tone-dropping)

Demonstrative pronouns force tone-dropping on preceding words (final word


of core NP, plus any cardinal numeral) within a regular NP. In relative clauses,

234
where demonstrative pronouns immediately follow the participle, they force
tone-dropping on this participle. In addition, mus: 'this' has the same ability to
lop off a final Singular - m suffix as it does with preceding nouns. Therefore in
(459a), the (animate) Singular Perfective participle yamaa- mm appears as low-
toned, suffixless yamam before mus:. In (459b), the plural counterpart yamaa- mam
drops its tones to yamam- mam before the demonstrative.

(459) a. nam: yamam mus:


cow.L fall.Perf.L Prox.Sg
'this cow that fell' (yamgaa- mm )

b. nam: yamam- mam mus: bem


cow.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl.L this.Sg Pl
'these cows that fell' (yamaa- mam)

14.1.10 Relative morpheme (kam:)

There is often no Relative pronoun or other Relative morpheme, other than the
participial form of the verb. However, a Relative morpheme kam:, immediately
following the head noun, does occur in several textual passages, especially those
spoken in deliberate or formal styles. In (460), the fact that the speaker paused
at this point in the clause may be significant.

(460) [tearemw= wam] [bmr- homggom kam:,


[truth=it.is say] [goat.L-herd.L Rel,
[[aa naa:] wom] ara dumwa- wm kum namamnaa:]
[[LogoSgP hand.HL] in] 3SgS leave.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def all
'She said: it was true; the whole herd of goats that, he (=Lion) had left
in her hand(s), ' [2005-2a.06]

Another example is (461), from the (rather formal) interview-style question


leading into a text about the history of Beni.

(461) [mrm kam:] goa=ni a, mgua-rum ys=na,


[place.L Rel] go.out=and.SS, here come=and.SS,
[mrm kam:] i a: eaw- yea-wm kum,
[place.L Rel] 1PlS sit-MP.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
[[kua kaabam:r] [ua maa:] bmra-ym dem] jara-ym
[[Inan.P news.HL] [2Sg Dat] get.Perf-1PlS if] want.Impf-1PlS
'The place that we left to come here, (and) the place that (=in which) we
settled, we would like to have its story from you-Sg.' [2005-2a.08]

235
A synchronic connection with adjective kaa: '(not) any' is initially
suggestive, but unlikely in view of the latter's cognates like Yanda kaamam and
Nanga kaamaa. A connection with Toro Tegu Relative kam: ~ kam: is more likely. I
know of no other Dogon language with a Relative marker that comes at the end
of the core head NP. Tomo Kan has an unrelated Relative marker na ~ nm that
follows the clause-initial subject; most Dogon languages have no Relative
morpheme as such, other than the special relative-clause form of the verb.

14.2 Subject relative clause

14.2.1 Ordinary subject relative clause

We have already seen the component features of relative clauses that are
relevant: tone-dropping of head NP, Participial suffix, relocation of determiners
and external quantifiers to postparticipial position. In subject relatives there are
no pre-participial subject pronominals since the subject is always the head NP.
Simple Perfective subject relatives (without objects) are illustrated in (462).
Imperfectives are exemplified later in this section.

(462) a. yam ys- mm kum


woman.L come.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the woman who came'

b. yam ys- mam bua:


woman.L come.Perf-Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the women who came'

c. yi m yamaa- mm kum
child.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who fell'

d. yi m-tm: yamaa- mam bua:


child.Pl.L fall.Perf-Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the children who fell'

e. kumrum yamaa- wm kum


stone.L fall-Inan Def
'the stone that fell'

236
A direct object NP has the same form in perfective subject relatives as in
main clauses. That is, the object NP is unmarked for case and undergoes no tone
changes.

(463) a. yam alay ti aya- mm kum


woman.L peanuts sell.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the woman who sold (the) peanuts'

b. yi m i mnjs- m suaya- mm kum


child.L dog-AnSg hit.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who hit the dog'

A pronominal direct object in a subject relative clause has its normal


main-clause form, often with the Accusative clitic (464).

(464) a. yi m i a=ni m suaya- mm kum


child.L 1Sg=Acc hit.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who struck me'

b. yi m i a=ni m sumyua- ma kum


child.L 1Sg=Acc hit.Impf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the child who hits me'

c. yi m-tm: i a=ni m sumyua- kum


child.Pl.L 1Sg=Acc hit.Impf-Ppl.Pl Def
'the children who hit-Present me'

d. kumrum i a=ni m domnjoa- wm kum


stone.L 1Sg=Acc bump.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the stone that bumped me (=that I stubbed my toe on)'

Relative clauses with quasi-verbs bum- 'be' and soa- 'have' are in (465).

(465) a. [amram mgua- rum b- a: bua:] juawa- ym


[man.L here be-Ppl.Pl DefPl] know.Impf-1SgS
'I know the men who live here.'

b. [yam nas:- m soa- mm kum] juawa- ym


[woman.L cow-AnSg have-Ppl.Sg Def] know.Impf-1SgS
'I know the woman who has a cow.'

237
In an imperfective subject relative, a nonpronominal NP object not followed
by a determiner or an external quantifier appears with L-tone. This suggests that
the object NP here functions as a compound initial before the participle (which
is here an agentive nominal). A modifying adjective, like 'good' in (466c), also
drops its tones, so a core NP (noun plus adjective) as a whole can be taken as a
compound initial. All such compound initials can be taken as generic in
reference. However, when the object NP contains a demonstrative like mgua
'this.Inanimate' in (466d), a cardinal numeral as in (466e), or other external
quanfifier, a generic interpretation is not possible, and the object NP takes its
normal form, with no tone-dropping and no other evidence of compounding.

(466) a. yam mlmy- ti myua bua:


woman.L peanuts.L-sell.Impf.Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the women who sell peanuts'

b. yam mlmy- [ti myi a- ma ] kum


woman.L peanuts.L-[sell.Impf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the woman who sells peanuts'

c. yam [mlmy- msum]- ti myua bua:


woman.L [peanuts.L-good.L]-sell.Impf.Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the women who sell good peanuts'

d. yam [mlmy mgua] ti myua bua:


woman.L [peanuts.L this.Inan] sell.Impf.Ppl.Pl DefPl
'the women who sell these peanuts'

e. yam [mamgoarom parua] ti myi a- ma kum


woman.L [mango ten] sell-AnSg Def
'the woman who sells ten mangoes.'

14.3 Object relative clause

14.3.1 Ordinary object relative clause

Simple Perfective examples are in (467). The main difference between these
object relatives and the subject relatives illustrated just above is that the object
relatives (like all nonsubject relatives) may have a pronominal subject, and if so
it is expressed as a pre-participial independent pronoun. As always, the head NP
is tone-dropped, the verb takes participial form agreeing with the head NP, and
determiners and non-numeral quantifiers are in postparticipial position.

238
(467) a. namwam: i a: kuawoa- wm kum
meat.L 1PlS eat.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the meat that we ate'

b. yi m-tm: ua yi a- mam kum


child.Pl.L 2SgS see.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def
'the children who(m) you-Sg saw'

c. nam: i a paaaa- mm kum


cow.L 1SgS tie.Perf-Ppl.Sg Def
'the cow that I tied up'

d. kumrum i a ji msea- wm kum


stone.L 1SgS throw.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the stone that I threw'

Imperfective examples are in (468).

(468) a. namwam: i a: kuawoa- mm kum


meat.L 1PlS eat.Impf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the meat that we will eat'

b. yi m-tm: ua yi s: kum
child.Pl.L 2SgS see.Impf.Ppl.Pl Def
'the children who(m) you-Sg will see'

c. kumrum ua ji asea- mm kum


stone.L 2SgS throw.Impf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the stone that you will throw (away)'

In all nonsubject relative clauses, including object relatives, if the relative-


clause subject is coindexed with a third-person main-clause subject ('Seydou x
has found [the shoulderbag that he x left]'), the relative-clause subject is
expressed by a reflexive pronoun. See 18.2.3 for an example.

14.4 Possessor relative clause

The possessor is positioned to the left of the possessed NP. In elicited examples,
there is a resumptive pronoun coindexed with this possessor NP, functioning
as (local) possessor of the possessed noun, which therefore takes possessed-

239
noun tone contour. The possessor NP to the left is tone-dropped, as head NP. A
postparticipial Definite morpheme, if present, agrees with the head NP (469a-c),
though we sometimes find Singular kum where Plural bua: would have been
possible (469d).
There is some variation (perhaps motivated) as to whether the participle
agrees in nominal features with the possessor NP or with the possessed NP. The
issue is moot in (469a) and (469c), where the two happen to have the same
nominal features. In those cases where the possessor and possessed NPs have
different features, my assistant produced a participle agreeing with the
possessed NP when this NP was animate (469b), but participles agreeing with
the possessor NP when the possessed NP was inanimate (469e-f). (469d) is
probably also of this latter category, since 'head' (even when referentially plural)
would not ordinarily require (animate) Plural agreement.

(469) a. [amram [ara yi a- mm ] baarma- mm =bs- mm kum]


[man.L [3SgP child-AnSg.HL] be.hurt-Impf=Past-Ppl.Sg Def]
tmmbi m- ri a- ym
find-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I didn't (= couldn't) find the man whose child had been hurt.'
[for slippage between Past Perfect and Past Imperfective participles,
see discussion following (452) in 14.1.6.8]

b. [amram [ara yi a- tm:] baarma- mam=b- a: kum]


[man.L [3SgP child-Pl.HL] be.hurt.Perf-Ppl.Pl=Past-3PlS Def]
tmmbi m- ri a- ym
find-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I didn't (= couldn't) find the man whose children had been hurt.'

c. [amram [bua: yi m- tm:] baarma- mam bua:]


[man.L [3PlP child-Pl.L] be.hurt.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def.Pl]
tmmbi m- ri a- ym
find-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I didn't (=couldn't) find the men whose children were hurt.'

d. [yi m- tm: [bua: kum: baarma- mam kum] suasa:- r- am:


[child.L [3PlP head.L be.hurt.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def] heal-Perf1a-3PlS
'The children whose heads were hurt have healed.'

e. [num [ara parm] i a awa- ti a- mm woay]


[person.L [3SgP sheep.Pl.HL] 1SgS buy-Perf1b-Ppl.Sg all]
[ara maa:] ealea- rea- mm
[3Sg Dat] be.sweet-Inch-Impf.3SgS

240
'Anyonex whosex sheep-Pl I buy, he/shex will be pleased.'

f. [num [bua: umrom] go: taagua- mam kum]


[person.L [3PlP house.HL] fire be.lit.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def]
basram
help.Imprt
'Help-2Sg the people whose house burned (down)!'

g. [amram [ara yi a-tm:] yamri my-raa: loa- mam kum]


[man.L [3SgP child.Pl.HL] go.around-Purp go.Perf-Ppl.Pl Def]
[aa samy] waaraa- mm
[ReflSg only] do.farm.work-Impf.3SgS
'A man whose children have gone away (to seek their fortune) does
farm work by himself.'

In line 4 of (674) in the sample text, translated 'a young woman whose
breasts are fully going out (=developed)', Relative marker kam: appears instead
of a resumptive pronoun. The possessed noun i arum 'breast' is {HL} toned
lexically, and follow-up elicitation indicated that the noun in this context retains
its lexical tones rather than having the possessed-noun {HL} or {L} overlay.

14.5 PP relative clause

In elicitation, my assistant consistently omitted the postposition. The head NP


in (470a-b) corresponds to a dative in unrelativized counterparts (11.1.1). The
head noun in (470c) is logically instrumental, while that in (470d) is logically
locative.

(470) a. amram bua:dum i a ni a- mm kum


man.L money 1SgS give-Ppl.Sg Def
'the man to whom I gave the money'

b. ti mwmy komnjosy bua: gi s- mm kum


tree.L balanzan 3PlS say-Ppl.Sg Def
'the tree that they call "balanzan".'

c. bemrem ara=ni m i a suaya- wm kum


stick.L 3Sg=Acc 1SgS hit.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def
'the stick with which I hit it'

d. [jmmbm suakarm i a gas- wm kum] aan- daa: bum

241
[sack.L sugar 1SgS put.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def] where? be-3SgS
'Where is the sack in which I put the sugar?'

242
15 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses

15.1 Chaining

In the purest form of verb or VP chain, which I refer to as direct chains, the
nonfinal verbs appear in the bare combining form. The final verb in the chain
has whatever inflected or other form it would have without the chained verbs. In
direct chains, the nonfinal verbs are often directly adjacent to the final verb, but
this is not obligatory. Direct chains may be partially lexicalized, and some verb-
verb combinations might be described as compounds.
Direct chaining suggests conceptual integration of the co-eventualities
denoted by the individual verbs. It is understood that the subjects of the verbs
are identical (coindexed). The free translation is generally based on a conjoined
VP with a shared subject.

(471) a. eaw-yea [sy a- ym]


sit-MP [meal eat.Impf-1PlS]
'We will sit down and eat.'

b. pearea si a- yea:- rm-


jump go.down-MP-Perf1a-3SgS
'He/She jumped down.'

There is also a type with {HL} tone overlay on the nonfinal verb
(15.1.2.2).
I also use the term chaining for looser sequences of clauses, and of VPs
(with shared subject). In these looser sequences, which can often be translated
with 'and', the nonfinal clause or VP ends with a subordinating morpheme.
There are same-subject (SS) and different-subject (DS) subordinators.
For purposive clauses, which are not always easily distinguished from
chains denoting sequences of actions (cf. 'go and eat' versus 'go to eat'), see
17.5.1.
15.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbs

A verbal noun may be formed from a direct verb chain. The final verb has its
usual verbal noun form in - i a: ~ -ym (4.2.2). The nonfinal verbs (usually just one)
appear as low-toned compound initials.

(472) a. pearea si a- yea-


jump go.down-MP-
'jump down'

b. pemrem- [si m- y- i a:]


jump.L-[go.down-MP-VblN]
'(act of) jumping down'

Such a verb-VblN compound may also be possessed (e.g. by the logical


subject NP), in which case the overlaid possessed-noun {HL} contour overrides
the compound contour. This happens to lom- [ds- ym] 'going and coming' (loa- , ds- )
in (473).

(473) [umwa tas:n] loa- [dm- y]


[month three] go.[arrive-VblN].HL
'(upon) three month's going and arriving (=elapsing)' [2005-1a.09]

15.1.2 Tone contour of nonfinal verb stem in chain

15.1.2.1 Medial chained verb with {L} tone contour

There is no systematic tone-contour chain for medial chained verbs, i.e. those
sandwiched between the initial and final verbs. However, {L} contour is
sometimes observed in medial chained verbs, including iterations of the same
initial verb.

(474) gam: nuawmy yam:-yi a: yma ymm yaa loa-ym


but now woman-child run run.L Exist go.Impf-3PlS
'But now girls keep running away.' [2005-1b.06]

15.1.2.2 Nonfinal chained verb with {HL} tone contour

In this construction, the uninflected nonfinal verb has {HL} tone contour,
while the final verb has its regular tone and inflection. This construction is
attested with combinations containing a verb of conveyance ('take/deliver',
'bring') as first element. A direct object (if present) precedes the two verbs.

(475) a. jamba joalom dsy- ti a- ym


bag deliver.HL put.down-Perf1b-1SgS
'I took (there) and put down the bag.' (jomloa)

b. sos- m joalom cm:ri m-


horse-AnSg deliver.HL show.Perf.L-3SgS
'He took (there) and showed the horse.' (jomloa)

c. namwaa: ja: kumwom-


meat bring.HL eat.meat.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She brought and ate the meat.' (j:)

d. namwaa: ja: kuawoa- mm


meat bring.HL eat.meat-Impf.3SgS
'He/She will bring and eat the meat.' (j:)

A possible connection is with the {HL}-toned alternative Perfective verb


form (10.2.1.3).

15.1.3 Chains including a time-of-day verb

Verbs like naa- 'spend the night' and dmra- 'spend the (mid-)day' may be chained
to a preceding VP denoting a prolonged activity.

(476) a. ji myea ji myea nam- ba


dance(n.) dance(verb) spend.night.Perf.L-3PlS
'They danced all night.'

b. tea: si ari a dara- ym


tea boil spend.day.Impf-3PlS
'They spend the day boiling (= making) tea.'

15.1.4 Chains including dumwa- 'leave'

This verb is commonly chained to a preceding VP that denotes an act of placing


something. It can often be omitted in a free English translation.

245
(477) a. [jamba kum] dsy dumwm-
[bag Def] put.down leave.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She put the bag down and left it.'

b. nas:- m paaaa duawa- ym


cow-AnSg tie leave.Impf-1SgS
'I will tie up and leave the cow.'

15.1.5 Chains including a motion verb

The sequence of 'go' and 'come' depends on the actual chronological sequence.
For the very common 'go and come (back)', the bare form of loa 'go' is used
(478a). For the relatively uncommon 'come and go', an overtly chained form
(same-subject) of 'come' is observed (478b).

(478) a. loa yea- ym


go come.Impf-1SgS
'I will go and come (back).'

b. ym=na loa:- rm-


come=and.SS go-Perf1a-3SgS
'He/She came and went.'

Most other instances of 'go and VP' or 'come and VP' are expressed suffix
- raa: ~ - ra: on the final non-motion verb, a construction that I classify as
purposive (17.5.1.1).

15.1.6 Chains including mm:lua- 'be/do/put together'

The intransitive verb mm:lua- 'come together, assemble' can be used in chains in
the sense 'together'. mm:lua precedes the other VP in this construction, which
makes sense if it is taken as literally 'assemble'. For example, 'work together' is
logically 'assemble and (then) work' rather than 'work and (then) assemble',
since the act of coming together normally precedes the jointly performed
activity (479a). However, mm:lua typically directly precedes the other inflected
verb, and may therefore be sandwiched between this verb and its direct object
(479d) or cognate nominal (479c).

(479) a. mom:lua bi mra:- ram- ym


come.together work-Impf1-1PlS

246
'We work together.'

b. [d: bem] [pualm: bem]


[Dogon.Pl and] [Fulbe.Pl and]
mm:lua b- a:=b- aa:
come.together be-3PlS=Past-3PlS
'Dogon and Fulbe (ethnicities) used to be (=live) together.'

c. [yas: bea] [aaram bem]


[woman.Pl and] [man.Pl and]
ji myea mm:lua ji ayea- ym
dance(n.) come.together dance.Impf-3PlS
'Women and men will dance together.'

d. [i a yaa] [sesydum yam]


[1Sg and] [Seydou and]
i sram mm:lua waaraa- ym
1SgP.field.HL come.together farm.Impf-1PlS
'Seydou and I will farm my field together.'

mm:lua- can also be transitive 'bring/put together, assemble (them)'. It can


therefore be chained with a transitive verb, indicating that the objects (not
subjects) are together (480).

(480) a. [saa:kum yemy kua] mm:lua dmyi m- ym


[sack two Def] put.together put.Perf.L-1SgS
'I put down the two sacks together.'

b. [amwas- m yaa] [oa- m yam]


[snake-AnSg and] [mouse-AnSg and]
mm:lua dumwm- ym
put.together leave.Perf.L-1SgS
'I left the snake and the mouse together.'

15.1.7 Negation of verb chains

If the chain denotes essentially a single eventuality, negating the final inflected
verb suffices to negate the entire chain, or any part of it.

(481) namwaa: ja: kumwom- ri a-


meat bring.HL eat-PerfNeg-3SgS

247
'He/She will not bring and eat the meat.'

15.1.8 VP-chaining with Same-Subject Past Sequential =ni a ~=na

A common device for linking two clauses with the same subject is to put the
verb of the first clause in a form ending with =ni,a often reduced to =na,
following the bare stem (with its lexical tone). The interlinear gloss is "and.SS."
The tone distinguishes this clitic from the segmentally homophonous Different-
Subject clitic =ni m ~=nm, on which see 15.1.10.
=ni a ~=na is added to the combining form of the verb. For Cv verb stems,
such tonal distinctions as that between nua- 'go in' and nus- 'hear' were audible
(482c), though not consistently. The one <LHL> monosyllabic, 'bring', is heard
with <LH>-tone plus downstep of the H-tone of the clitic (482d).
Representative data are in (482).

(482) gloss combining form with =ni a

a. Cva=ni a
'go' loa loa=ni a
'spend night naa naa=ni a
'shoot' taa taa=ni a

b. Cvs=ni a
'come' ys ys=ni a
'arrive' ds ds=ni a

c. 'hear' and 'go in' distinguished (though not easily)


'hear' nus nus=ni a
'go in' nua nua=ni a

d. 'bring' (<LHL> tone preserved)


'bring' j: ja:=ni a

e. Cvy
'put' gasy gasy=ni a
'do' kaay kaay=ni a
irregular
'say' gusy gum=ni a

f. bisyllabic
'tie' paaaa paaaa=ni a

248
'take out' gom- loa gom- loa=ni a
'leave' dumwa dumwa=ni a

g. trisyllabic
'poke' dumsumroa dumsumroa=ni a

Some examples are in (483).

(483) a. [yas- m i msea: gos=na] ys:- rm-


[woman-AnSg village go.out=and.SS] come-Perf1a-3SgS
'A woman left the village and came (here).'

b. [waaram asy=ni a] mra: loa:- rm-


[daba pick.up=and.SS] outback go-Perf1a-3SgS
'He took a daba (hoe) and went to the bush (= fields).'

My assistant used this subordinator consistently for past-time event


sequences with the same subject NP. In future (and generalized) time
contexts,, he used =naay (see the following section) for similar same-subject
sequential events.
There is also a recurring phrase kua=mm ni a in the texts, consisting of kua=mm
'it is that' (i.e. 'that's it') plus a ni a that might be equated morphemically with
same-subject =ni,a but that merely resumes the situation established by
preceding discourse. kua=mm ni a is set off prosodically from preceding and
following material.

15.1.9 VP-chaining with Same-Subject Future Sequential =naay

This clitic is attached to an uninflected verb stem that drops its tones to all-L.
This tone-dropping does not occur with other clause-final particles. The
exception to tone-dropping is that the only <LHL>-toned monosyllabic stem,
'bring', retains its tones; the final L is expressed as downstep (), i.e. as partial
pitch-lowering of a H-tone, on =naay (484d).

(484) gloss combining form with =naay

a. Cvm=naay
'go' loa lom=naay
'spend night naa nam=naay
'shoot' taa tam=naay

249
b. Cvm=naay a
'come' ys ym=naay
'arrive' ds dm=naay

c. 'hear' and 'go in' merged


'hear' nus num=naay
'go in' nua num=naay

d. 'bring' (<LHL> tone preserved but final L expressed as downstep)


'bring' j: js:=naay

e. bisyllabic
'tie' paaaa pamam=naay
'take out' gom- loa gom- lom=naay
'leave' dumwa dumwm=naay

f. trisyllabic
'poke' dumsumroa dumsumrom=naay

My assistant regularly used =naay to link two same-subject clauses


denoting future (including imperative) and generalized-time (gnomic) event
sequences. He rejected =naay in reports of similar same-subject event
sequences in the past, using =ni a (preceding section) instead. For example,
=naay was regular in future-time lom=naay yea-ym 'I will go and come [back]' and
in imperative lom=naay yaa 'go and come[back]!'), but it was replaced with =ni a
in past-time loa=ni a ym-y 'I went and came [back]'.
Textual examples like those in (485) generally bear out the future or
generalized-time context. The interlinear gloss is "then.SS."

(485) a. [umrm=naay] [aa: di myam amy] loa- ym wam,


[go.up.L=then.SS] [LogoPlP desire.L with] go.Impf-3PlS say
(They said:) they (two) could mount (it) and go at their pleasure'
[2005-2a.06]

b. [mgua- rum gom=naay]


[here go.out.L=then.SS]
[am:mbaa: tuam] loa bara- mm - doa-
[Amba mate.HL] go can-Impf-Neg-3SgS
' he could not walk (a distance) on the order of leaving here
(= Beni) and going to Amba (village)' [2005-2b.02]

c. [num di ayam] [aaamy wom] bes:- rm- dem,

250
[person.L big.Pl] [like.that in] remain-Perf1a-3SgS if,
[ji mym=naay ni m] paga- mm - n- a waa kosy
[kill.L=then.SS Emph] put.in-Impf-Neg-3PlS say Emph
'the old people said: if that was indeed the case, they wouldn't kill
(the girl) (first) and then stick her in (the hole)' [2005-2a.08]

d. [[tam: kam:] bua: gam=naay], [lom=naay],


[[shoe.L any.L] 3PlS put.L=then.SS], [go.L=then.SS]
[i msea: gmgumrua] bua: laawaa- mm kum
[village go.around] 3PlS go.past.Impf-Ppl.Inan Def
'whatever shoe they put on and go around the village and keep
going' [2005-2b.04]

e. [[[kua: amy] dum=naay] ys- ym] was:w bua:-


[[[head with] carry.L=and.then] come-VblN] distant be-3SgS
'(For) carrying (water) with (= on) the head and coming (back), it's
far away.' [2005-1a.05]

f. [[ki m- kam: ki asi ayea- m] aay ym=naay]


[[grasshopper.L flying-AnSg] thus come.L=then.SS]
[yua: kum- kuawoa- mm maa:- mamraa:]
[millet Rdp-eat.Impf-Ppl.Inan amazingly]
yi m- tam- li a- ym]
see.L-ExpPf.L-PerfNeg-1PlS
'We had never seen flying grasshoppers come like that and
amazingly eat up the millet.' [2005.1a.08]

The combination of =naay with mm:lua 'assemble, get together' is common.


Note that English '[VP] together' is typically expressed as 'get together (and)
VP', where the assembling temporally precedes the joint action.

(486) a. [[umsua suaymy] ds:- rm- dem]


[[day seven] arrive-Perf1a-3SgS if]
[mm:lum=naay] i mni mri a: gaa- ym
[assemble.L=then.SS] name put.Impf-1PlS
'When seven days have arrived (=elapsed), having assembled, we
give the name.' [2005-1a.02]

b. [mm:l=naay]
[assemble.L=then.SS]
[i msea: woay] [[poagua yesy] mm:lua
[village all] [[neighborhood two] assemble

251
bsy bamraa- wm dem] [loa gamnji a- ym]
bell beat-Impf.2PlS if] [go dig.Impf-3PlS]
'Having gathered together, when two neighborhoods in each village
would assemble and you-Pl would strike the bell, they would go
and dig (for water).' [2005-1a.04]

c. [kua mamyaa:-rm- mam:]


[Inan dry-Perf1a-3SgS before]
[[paml=naay] a- ym]
[[pick.L=then.SS] eat.Impf-1PlS
'Before they (=cow-peas) dry (=ripen fully), we pick (them) and eat
(them).' [2005-1a.12]

The temporal-sequence element is apparently challenged by (487). English


speakers would understand 'help' and 'put roof on' as temporally coextensive.
However, in Dogon languages 'help' is just a contextual sense of a verb whose
core meaning is 'add, increase'. Therefore 'help you do the roofing' is really 'add
(oneself, i.e. join) you, (and then) do the roofing', so a sequential reading is
reasonable.

(487) ys [ua bamr=naay] dmmbi a- ym


come [2SgO help.L=then.SS] put.roof.Impf-3PlS
'They (=young men) will come and help you, and do the roofing'

The same-subject element of the syntax of =naay is challenged by (488),


since the person doing the hiding (=stealthy activity) is the (generic) 'you-Sg',
not the 'he' subject of the following main clause. However, bamgi myi a 'hide' (here,
by extension, 'do secretly') implies a chained VP, namely '(get and) chew
tobacco'. In other words, a logical paraphrase would be 'other than you-Sg
hiding and chewing tobacco (=chewing tobacco in secret), he '.

(488) [bamgi myi m=naay]=daa- dea,


[hide.L=then.SS]=StatNeg-3SgS if,
taawam bmra haampa- wua- mm - doa-
tobacco get chew.tobacco-Caus-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'Other than (you) hiding (=in secret), he would not allow (you) to get
and chew tobacco' [2005-2b.03]

In (489), there is some fuzziness as to who the subject of 'talk' is. The
quoted speaker is with a group, and one could infer that his request is for a
collective discussion. However, one could alternatively construe the implied

252
subject of 'talk' as coindexed with the quoted speaker, so this is not a clear
counterexample to the same-subject requirement.

(489) [na: kamy] [[[yas- m kum] teay kum] temgem=naay]


[now Top] [[[woman-AnSg Def] word.HL Def] talk.L=then.SS]
aa lom- ma baa
Logo go.L-Hort say
'He said; now they (he?) should talk about (=discuss) the matter of the
woman so he might go.' [2005-2a.01]

The combination lom=naay 'going' is used in durative background clauses of


the type 'that (situation) continues, (until )'. Such clauses connect the
eventuality just described with a succeeding one over a span of time. No
referential subject is necessarily implied (490a). The expression may be
expanded by chaining loa 'go' to a preceding asy 'take'. This construction can be
logically interpreted along the lines of 'taking (the preceding situation) and
going (forward), ' (490b). Jamsay yamaa mamy, 'taking ' is also used in
this way. In (490a), the final word dm- ya has rising tone; it is therefore to be
identified morphologically as the Third Person Hortative (10.5.7) rather than
as the Verbal Noun ds- ym with <LHL> tone.

(490) a. [lom=naay] haal loa [[umsua pa- ni m:y] dm- ya]


[go.L=then.SS] until go [[day ten-four] arrive-Hort.3rd]
'this (= a woman's post-partum seclusion) goes on until forty days
are complete' [2005-1a.01]

b. [tomy mas: kum] ta- ja- wm dea wom:- woay,


[sowing.L dry Def] sow-RecPf-2SgS if all,
[[na: kamy] asy lom=naay]
[[now Top] take go.L=then.SS]
[ji mresy ds:- rm- ]
[rainy.season arrive-Perf1b-3SgS]
'If you-Sg have done the dry sowing, from then until the rainy
season has arrived' [2005-1a.10]

The combination gum=naay or gi m=naay, based on gusy (variant gi sy) 'say',


is used like a purposive postposition. An example is [nmjea gi m=naay] 'why?' ('for
what?'), 13.2.3.

(491) a. [nus- m gum=naay] las- w [km: kaa:]


[person-Pl say=then.SS] other-Inan [thing.L any]
'There is no longer any (act) of (people saying)' [2005-2a.08]

253
b. d:- m kamy, [gumla- mm = gum=naay]
Dogon-AnSg Top, [slave-AnSg=it.is say=then.SS]
[pualm- m bmra- ja:- dem] maara- mm - doa-
[Fulbe-AnSg get-RecPf-3SgS if] keep-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'A Dogon (man), if he has gotten a Fulbe (in this fashion), he would
not keep him to be a slave' [2005-2b.02]

15.1.10 VP-chaining with Different-Subject =ni m ~=nm

A common construction for combining two clauses with different subjects is


for the first clause to end in clitic =ni,m or its common reduced form =nm, after
the bare stem (combining form) of the verb, which keeps its lexical tone
contour. Note that only the tone of the clitic distinguishes it from Same-Subject
clitic =ni a ~ =na, described just above (15.1.8). A pronominal subject is
expressed as an independent pronoun immediately preceding the verb, as in
nonsubject relatives.
=ni m ~ =n is identical in form to the Accusative clitic (8.2).
The clause with =ni m ~ =nm denotes an eventuality that chronologically
precedes the eventuality denoted by the following clause. =ni m ~ =nm is
therefore most directly in opposition to Same-Subject =naay.

(492) a. [ua i aram] ua wamraa=ni m,


[2SgP field.HL] 2SgS farm=and.DS,
yaa: gos:- m gom-
there elephant go.out-Perf.L-3SgS
'When you-Sg had farmed in your field, an elephant appeared there.'

b. [i s: lasr=ni m] lom- r- aa
[1PlS chase.away=and.DS] go-PerfNeg-3PlS
'We (tried to) chase them away, but they wouldn't go.' [2005-1a.08]

c. ham: na: [i a: ti ani a=ni m]


well, now [1PlS look=and.DS]
[mgua kamy] [damwaa kum]
[this.Inan Top] [thing Def]
[damwam dam:yi a- mm ]=daa
[thing.L be.compatible.Impf-Ppl.Inan]=StatNeg
'Well now, we looked (=considered), and (we felt) the problem was
something that would not last long.' [2005-1a.17]

254
d. [i msea: kum] bua: agga=nm],
[village Def] 3PlS abandon=and.DS],
[yaa: ua bes:- rm- wm dem] [[asm ka:]=]
[there 2SgS remain-Impf-2SgS if] [who? thing.HL]=it.is
'If they have abandoned the village, and (if) you-Sg remain there, it
(village) is whose?' [2005-1a.07]

e. [bua: ya=nm cam] [[kmssy woa] lom- ym]


[3PlS come=and.DS all] [[harvest in] go.Perf.L-1PlS]
'As soon as they (=locusts) came, we went to the harvest (=to the
fields to harvest).' [2005-1a.08]

In (493), we have a DS clause with =nm, followed by a SS clause with =na,


and a final clause (whose subject is identical to that of the SS clause). The DS
clause happens to itself be complex (with kasua 'harvest' chained to naa 'spend
night'), but this is not directly pertinent here.

(493) [aarum wom] kasua i a: naa=nm,


[night in] harvest 1PlS spend.night=and.DS]
[bua: umra=na] [[ti mway woa] bi m-yem- ba]
[3PlS go.up=and.SS] [[tree in] lie.down-MP.Perf.L-3PlS
'We stayed up all night harvesting, while they (=locusts) went up and
lay down (=slept) in the trees.' [2005-1a.08]

One common way to switch from one subject to another in discourse is to


add an otherwise semantically empty clause with a subject plus the DS form of
kaay 'do', following a SS clause. For example, instead of [X went-DS] [Y ate],
the construction would be [X go-SS do-DS] [Y ate].

(494) a. [bomloa: si a- yea=na] [ara kaay=ni m]


[down go.down-MP=and.SS] [3SgS do=and.DS]
[i mnjs- m [[ara tualum] wom] di mm- di m- ba] waa
[dog-AnSg [[3Sg behind] in] follow-Caus.Perf-3PlS] say
'When she came down, when she did that, they made a dog follow
after her, it is said.' [2005-2a.04]

b mra: loa=na ua: kaay=ni m,


outback go=and.SS 2PlS do=and.DS,
yi m-t: cmmna camna- ym
child.Pl fun have.fun.Impf-3PlS
'When you-Pl have gone (out) to the bush, the children will play.'

255
It is worth asking whether there is an affinity (in the mind of native
speakers) between this =ni m ~ =nm and the same phonological shape functioning
(after a noun or pronoun) as optional Accusative morpheme (8.2). I first
encountered a morphemic identity between different-subject switch-reference
marking on verbs, and accusative marking on direct objects, in Choctaw
(Muskogean family, southeastern U.S.).
A particle ni m (and variants) that may or may not be directly equatable with
the Different-Subject subordinator is found here and there in the texts at the end
of an already well-formed clause or phrase. If the phrase is an object NP or
another apparently focalized nonsubject NP, I attribute it to Accusative =ni.m An
example is ara=mm =ni m at the beginning of (679) in the sample text, with
focalized ara=mm 'it was he (who )'. More difficult cases involving clause-
final ni m are in the sample text: ji mym=naay ni m with same-subject =naay in line 3
of (675), and nuam- doa:- rm ni m with Perfective-1a verb at the end of (683).

15.1.11 Chaining with linker ti a

A linking element ti a related to Perfective-1b suffix - ti a- (10.2.1.5) is


exemplified in (495), where it is followed by =naay, and therefore drops its
tone to ti.m The linker indicates a chronological sequence, which fits with a
Perfective connection. The free translation reverses the order of the two relevant
clauses to make the chronology clearer.

(495) [nuawmy kamy] [aa dumwa ti m=naay]


[now Top] [3Refl leave Perf.L=then.SS]
loa- ra- ya waa
go-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS say
'(younger brother said to elder brother:) he (=elder) should not go away,
having left him (= younger) now.' [2005-2a.08]

ti a is also a regular verb with several senses including 'send' and 'dump out'.
This verb is likely related etymologically to the Perfective-1b suffix, but they
are distinct synchronically. They may combine: ti a-ti a:- 'he/she sent', as in
(629d) in 19.1.3. Furthermore, 'send; dump out' can happen to occur in medial
position in chains, as in (496a). The preceding verb ( loa- 'go') is incompatible
with Perfective-1b suffix (it forms Perfective-1a loa:- rm- ), so this example can
only be parsed as a chain. Such sequences mimic, but should not be confused
with, the perfective-linker construction in (495) above. The combination toa: ti a-
'spill' is a lexicalized chain (i.e. a kind of verb-verb compound), so ti- is found
even in the imperfective (toa: ti a-ym 'I will spill') and in other non-perfective
contexts like the 'be able to' construction in (496b).

256
(496) a. [bas:-rm dem] loa ti a duawa-wm
[be.full-Perf1a-3SgS if] go dump leave.Impf-2SgS
'When it (=bag) is full, you-Sg go dump and leave it (in a small
pile).' [2005-1a.10]

b. ni a: toa: ti a bara-ym
water spill dump get.Impf-1SgS
'I can spill water.'

In another construction exemplified by (497), a final inflected ti a-, separated


from a preceding chained verb by an intervening subject pronominal, functions
as an emphatic perfective, though a hint of the sense 'send' is still discernible.
The construction is in relative-clause form, hence the preverbal pronoun. In
(497) the quoted speaker triumphantly confirms that he has performed a nearly
impossible feat that had been demanded of him.

(497) hamyam [semgua: kum] asy si a- lea aa ti a- wm


well [waterjar Def] take go-down-Caus Logo Perf-Ppl.Inan
'(He said:) well, now that he had (in fact) taken and brought down the
waterjar (to them).' [2005-2a.01]

15.1.12 Chaining with ji-a jm 'go with'

The word ji-a jm functions somewhat like a specialized nonfinal chained verb,
where it is regularly followed by a verb of motion. It does not occur as an
inflectable verb stem on its own, and its intonational prolongation (as well as
the syntax) suggests that it is an adverb morphologically. The Jamsay
counterpart is ji ajm without intonational prolongation.
In BenT, the final is prolonged intonationally. This suggests that the form
is interpreted as containing the subordinator -jm, which occurs in
backgrounded durative clauses indicating the continuation of an activity
(15.2.1.4).
The semantic contribution of ji-a jm is to indicate that the entity in motion is
taking a person or thing along. It is preceded by a NP complement.

(498) [yas- m kum] ji-a jm goa- w


[woman-AnSg Def] go.with go.out.Impf-2PlS
'You-Pl will go out (of the village) with the woman.'

257
In one text, the form ji a- ja (looking like a regular verb) is followed by 3Pl
subject - mam. The 3Sg subject counterpart is ji a- ja- wm , with a final - wm . These
forms are suggestive of Perfective Participial suffixes (14.1.6.1).

(499) [[[sos: kum] maani m:] wom] naay- yam,


[[[horse Def] above] in] put.up.on.Impf-3PlS,
ji a- ja- mam dem,
go.with-3PlS if,
[[bumruagum tum- m] loa] ti aya- ym
[B mate-AnSg.L] go] sell.Impf-3PlS
'They would put them (=children) up on the horses. Taking them
(=children) along, they would go for example to Bourougou (village)
and sell them.' [2005-2b.01]

15.1.13 Chaining with jumwa 'do first, proceed to'

The verb jumwa (not to be confused with unnasalized jumwa 'know') occurs a
number of times in the texts with a preceding chained VP. My assistant glosses
jumwa in isolation as 'do first', but the textual contexts suggest a free translation
'proceed to VP' or 'now/then VP', implying a brief temporal separatiion between
two chronologically sequenced events.
An example (in Hortative form jumwm- ma ) is at the end of (685) in the
sample text. Another is (500).

(500) [domroa yaa bua- dea]


[thorn Exist be-3SgS if]
[loa yamwrua yamwrua yamwrua yamwrua yamwrua
[go rake.up [repetitions]
mm:lua- wm dem]
assemble.Perf-Ppl.Inan if
go: gasy juawa- wm
fire put do.first.Impf-2SgS
'If there are thorns, you will go and keep raking them together, then you
will proceed to put (=set) fire (in them).' [2005.1a.10]

258
15.2 Adverbial clauses

15.2.1 Temporal adverbial clauses

15.2.1.1 Noun-headed temporal relative clause ('the time when ')

These are simple relative clauses with a noun like waakaatum waagaatum waaaatum
'time, moment' or other temporal noun as head (hence in L-toned form).
In (501a-b), a definite Imperfective relative headed by 'time', and therefore
with Inanimate participle, is followed by Instrumental aay 'with' to create a
temporal adverbial clause describing simultaneous eventualities. (501c) is
similar construction but with a Perfective participle. Definite kum is heard as
high-toned kua when followed by aay.

(501) a. [[a:- m wamgamtum yea- mm kua] aay]


[[chief-AnSg time.L come.Impf-Ppl.Inan Def] with]
mra: bi ara bi ara- mm =bm- ym
field work[noun] work-Impf=Past-1SgS
'At the time when the chief was coming, I was working in the
fields.'

b. [wamgamtum i a yea- mm kua] aay


[time.L 1SgS come.Impf-Ppl.Inan Def] with
'at the time when I was coming'

c. [wamgamtum uarom ys i a da- wm kua aay]


[time.L house come 1SgS arrive.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def with]
[[b: i msea: loa:- rm- ] tmmbi m- ym]
[[1SgP.father.HL village go-Perf1a-3SgS] find.Perf-1SgS]
'When I arrived home, I found that my father had traveled.'

In (502), the temporal relative (this time headed by 'day') is Perfective in


form, and functions as the subject of the larger sentence. Instrumental asy is
absent.

(502) [ki m- ka: umsum ys- wm kum]


[Rdp-grasshopper day.L come.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def]
mgua- rum i a tmmbi m-
here 1SgO find.Perf-3SgS
'The day when the locusts came found me here.'

259
For headless versions of temporal (and other adverbial) relative clauses, see
14.1.4 and especially 15.2.4, below.

15.2.1.2 'While X was/am VP-ing' (- mm \wm =bamy, - mm \- wm dem, mm \- wm nm)

The clitic =bamy, apparently related to Past =bm- ~=ba- , is used in a temporal
clause meaning 'while X was VP-ing'. The clause has the syntactic structure of a
relative clause; in particular, =bamy does not conjugate for subjects, rather a
pronominal subject is expressed as a preparticipial pronoun. Except for statives,
=bamy is preceded by an unconjugated Imperfective verb with suffix - mm , cf. the
Past unsuffixed Imperfective complex - mm =bm- (10.4.1.1). Regularly derived
Stative verbs have - wa instead of - mm . With quasi-verb bum- 'be (somewhere)' we
get just bua=bamy. The clitic =bamy cannot be equated precisely with any normal
participial form of =bm- (=ba- ).

(503) a. [ara ti ani a- mm =bamy]


[3SgS watch-Impf=Past.Ppl]
[ara ti ayam- m] sumym- ba
[3SgP friend-AnSg.HL] hit.Perf.L-3PlS
'While hex watched, they struck hisx friend.'

b. [bua: ti ani a- mm =bamy]


[3PlS watch-Impf=Past.Ppl]
[bua: ti myam- m] sumym-
[3PlP friend-AnSg.L] hit.Perf.L-3SgS
'While theyx watched, he struck theirx friend.'

c. mra: bi ara i a bi ara- mm =bamy,


outback work(n.) 1SgS work-Impf=Past.Ppl,
pualm- m ym-
Fulbe-AnSg come.Perf.L-3Sgs
'While I was working in the field(s), a Fulbe person came.'

A clause with - mm =bamy may be used as the complement of 'see' or 'find' in


the sense of directly observing an event in progress ('I saw him fall', as opposed
to the recognitional 'I saw that he had fallen'). Examples are in (504); see also
17.2.3.

(504) a. [ara yamaa- mm =bamy] yi m- ri a- ym


[3Sg fall-Impf=Past.Ppl] see-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I didn't see him/her fall.'

260
b. [i a: yamaa- mm =bamy] yi m- wm
[1Pl fall-Impf=Past.Ppl] see.Perf.L-2SgS
'You-Sg saw us fall.'

c. [ara bi ayea- wa =bamy] tmmbum- wam


[3Sg lie.down-Stat=Past.Ppl] find.Perf.L-3SgS say
'she found him lying (in bed), it is said.'

When I sought present-time versions of the - mm \-wm =bamy construction, my


assistant used - mm \-wm followed by conditional particle dem (or variant, e.g. deay) 'if'
(505). This is not unusual since the 'if ' particle can often be glossed freely as
'when '. The construction resembles that with - wm dem (16.1.2), but in the
present construction verbs other than statives have - mm rather than - wm . There are
quite a few textual examples of - mm dem.

(505) [bi ara i a bi ara- mm dem] nua- ra


[work(n.) 1SgS work-Impf if] go.in-ImprtNeg
'When I am working, don't come in!'

A similar construction, common in narratives, has - mm \- wm nm, ending with a


reduced variant nm of topicalizing particle na: 'now'. In (506) the phrase is
repeated three times.

(506) [i ayea yam] [bua: mam:] barum- m wom- ya waa,


[today also] [3Pl QuotS.L] goat-AnSg catch-Hort.3rd say,
[bua: woa- mm nm] [bua: woa- mm nm] [bua: woa- mm nm]
[3PlS catch-Impf now]
[[bar kum kamy] ys=na]
[[goat Def Top] come=and.SS
'(so) she told them to take a goat this day too. They kept taking (goats).
As for the goats, they came and ' [2005-2a.06]

nm is also attested after defective stative quasi-verb bum- 'be', as in bua: bua nm
'they kept being (thus)' in line 6 of (668) in the sample text.

15.2.1.3 'While X was VP-ing' (- mm =bs- wm kua aay)

A construction that appears to be interchangeable with the - mm =bamy clause type


described in the preceding section, but more transparent morphologically, has an
Inanimate Past unsuffixed Imperfective participle with suffix complex

261
- mm =bs- wm , followed by Definite kua (high-toned here in non-phrase-final
position) and Instrumental postposition aay 'with'.

(507) [ua i aram] ua waaraa- mm =bs- wm kua aay,


[2SgP field.HL] 2SgS farm-Impf=Past-Ppl.Inan Def Inst,
gos:- m gom-
elephant-AnSg come.out.Perf.L-3SgS
'While you-Sg were farming in your field, an elephant appeared.'

15.2.1.4 '(While) X continue(-s/-ed) to VP' (- mm , ti anam, tuana, - jm, da:- , woa)

Several constructions are used in narrative to indicate prolongation of an


activity. Any such construction provides a background for a new, foregrounded
event. This new event may take place while the activity is continuing ('while
'), or it may follow the activity or or serve as its endpoint or result.
One construction, which may be used for present or non-present time
frames, has the invariant Imperfective - mm (cf. Past unsuffixed Imperfective
- mm =bm- ) with no pronominal inflection, repeated three or more times. The
subject is expressed by a preparticipial pronoun in each occurrence (508), or it
is omitted as in yaaraa- mm yaaraa- mm yaaraa- mm 'kept walking around' in line 4 of (666)
in the sample text.

(508) [ymg- i a: tummdi m- ] wam, [ara yaa- mm ] [ara yaa- mm ]


[run-VblN begin.Perf-3SgS] say, [3Sg run-Impf] [3Sg run-Impf]
[ara yaa- mm ] [ara yaa- mm ] [ara yaa- mm ]
[3Sg run-Impf] [3Sg run-Impf] [3Sg run-Impf]
' she began to run, it is said. She kept running and running.'
[2005-2a.02]

A more explicity durative clause is - mm followed by an adverb ti anam (or any


of several dialectal variants, e.g. tuanam), which suggests an extended temporal
continuation of an activity. Because it is an adverb, ti anam is invariant for
pronominal category of subject. There is no requirement for a preparticipial
subject pronoun.

(509) ti m- ta:- m [yamri myi a- mm ti anam]


Rdp-hyena-AnSg [stroll-Impf continuing]
mummumrua- mm yi m-
scorpion-AnSg see.Perf.L-3SgS
'While Hyena was continuing to stroll around, (suddenly) he saw
Scorpion.'

262
The verb plus ti anam may be repeated three or so times for narrative effect.
In (510), the light verb kaay 'do' substitutes for a more substantive VP given
earlier in the discourse.

(510) bara- mm - n-a waa,


be.able-Impf-Neg.3Pl say,
aaamy kaa- mm ti anam [kaa- mm ti anam] [kaa- mm ti anam]
[like.that do-Impf continuing
' they (=numerous suitors) couldn't do it (=a heroic feat). They kept
doing that (= trying and failing), they kept doing that, they kept doing
that. (Then )' [2005-2a.01]

On tape, ti anam often sounds low-toned, which I attribute to the influence of


the preceding - mm suffix. When ti anam is followed by another element, such as
bum- 'be' or bes- 'remain', the high tone is clearer.
A variant tuana is attested in similar function (511). Most attestations of this
variant are with bum- 'be (somewhere)'. There is no subject pronoun, and no
Imperfective - mm on the verb. Since bum- is a stative quasi-verb, it would not
allow specifically Imperfective suffixes in any event.

(511) [yaa: bua tuana] bua- tuana bua- tuana bua- tuanaa bua- tuana,a
[there be continuing]
[yam- gumra gom=na]
[woman-young go.out=and.SS]
'They continued to be there for a long time. (Eventually) she grew up to
become a young woman, ' [2005-2a.04]

Another durative clause type in narrative is with - jm added directly to the


verb stem. The verb may be single, or repeated up to four times. A
morphological parsing as Perfective jm:- '(3Sg) brought', or a connection with
Recent Perfect - jm- , are excluded since neither has the requisite durative sense.
A more likely historical connection is with ji a- jm 'go with' (15.1.12), and
some examples are compatible with this specific sense, but in other examples
there is no indication of accompanied motion. Togo Kan Same-Subject 'while'
subordinator -jm may be related.

(512) a. si m- y- i a: tummdi m- wam i ayam,


go.down-VblN begin.Perf-3SgS say again,
i ayam aaamy si a- yea- jm si a- yea- jm
again like.that go.down-MP-continue go.down-MP-continue

263
'He began to go down, it is said, again. He kept going down.
(Then )' [2005-2a.01]

b. kaay- jm ym=na haal


do-continue come and.SS until
'Doing that (=singing the song just recited), he came until he '
[2005-2a.01]

A somewhat different construction is of the type 'X did that (=kept doing
that) until X got tired'. This is a fairly common narrative construction that does
not necessarily denote literal weariness. The verb ds- 'get tired' is used, in a
conjugatable falling-toned Perfective form da:- (e.g. 3Pl da:- bm) or in a headless
adverbial participial form da- wm , after an intonationally prolonged form of a
chained verb. The <HL> tone is found in one version of the Perfective for third
person subject; see 10.2.1.3.
Often the activity in question is described in one clause, followed by a
clause denoting its prolongation with kaay 'do' replacing the VP. In one narrative
containing songs, this construction is regularly used after each snatch of song,
preceding the next foregrounded event, e.g. (513).

(513) [kaay da:- wam]


[do get.tired.Perf.HL-3SgS say]
[si m- y- i a: amw- ri a- waa],
[go.down-MP-VblN accept-PerfNeg-3SgS say],
'[song]. (He) did that (=sang) until he was tired (=for a long time). (But)
she refused to come down.' [2005-2a.03]

Locative postposition woa is attested in a similar durative background clause


in (514), with a high-toned Stative di ambaa- 'follow' (i.e. continue as before) plus
- wa . This is morphologically interpretable as a 3Sg subject form.

(514) mgua di ambaa-wa woa, mgua di ambaa-wa woa],


Prox follow.Stat-3SgS in, Prox follow.Stat-3SgS in,
'This (argument) keeps going on and on, then ' [2005.1b.05]

15.2.1.5 'While VERB-ing' (iterated Imperfective as adverb)

Adverbs of the type 'while VERB-ing' can be derived from activity verbs by
iterating a form ending in m (compare Imperfective - mm before Past clitic), with
repeated {HL} tone contour, expressed as <HL>, HL, and HLL on mono -, bi-,
and trisyllabic stems, respectively. Like the corresponding verb, the adverb may

264
take a complement, such as a cognate nominal, and some of these are included
in the data in (515). The special phonological features in (515b-c) are consistent
with the phonology of the corresponding unsuffixed Imperfective forms. The
common form yaaramm- yaaramm 'while taking a walk (= strolling)' is irregular in
reducing a trisyllabic stem to bisyllabic (515f).

(515) gloss verb 'while VERB-ing'

a. 'sow (seeds)' tosy ta- tosy tam- tam


'weep' ys: ya- ys: yam- yam
'shoot' taa- taam- taam

b. 'come' ya- yeam- yeam


'bring' j:- jeam- jeam

c. 'do' kaay- kaam- kaam


'put' gasy- gaam- gaam

d. 'dance a dance' ji mya ji mya- ji mya ji aymm- ji aymm


'chase' lamri a- laarumm- laarumm
'roll on turban' dommboa- doambomm- doambomm

e. 'cut up' yemgi msea- yeagi msemm- yeagi msemm


'roll over' bi mli mrea- bi ali mremm- bi ali mremm
'cough' koaguasoa- koagumsomm- koagumsomm
'winnow in wind' mri myi a- ari myi mm- ari myi mm
'hide' bamgi mri a- baagi mri mm- baagi mri mm
'go around' gmgi mri a- gagi mri mm- gagi mri mm

f. 'walk around' yamri myi a- yaaramm- yaaramm

15.2.1.6 'Before ' (mam:, - rm)

The usual 'before ' clause has a clause-final particle mam: following a
perfective verb. If the subject is pronominal, it is expressed as a preparticipial
pronoun rather than as a pronominal-subject suffix on the verb. The modality of
the 'before ' clause may be factive (the event in question did in fact take
place), or hypothetical (the event may or may not take place).

(516) a. i a i anji ari a:- rm mam:, gos:- r- am:=b- am:


1SgS get.up-Perf1a before, go.out-Perf1a-3PlS=Past-3PlS

265
'Before I got up, they had (already) gone out.'

b. [bomlua ys:- rm mam:] [uarom nua]


[rain[noun] come-Perf1a before] [house enter.Imprt]
'Go-Sg into the house, before the rain comes!'

c. [bua: ys:- rm mam:] bamgi ay- am


[3PlS come-Perf1a before] hide.Imprt
'Hide (yourself), before they come!.'

d. [ara=ni m i a suaya:- rm mam:] lom-


3Sg=Acc 1SgS hit-Perf1a before go.Perf.L-3SgS
'He went away before I (could) hit him.'

e. [bomlua ys:- rm mam:] num-


[rain come-Perf1a before] enter.Perfl.L-3SgS
'He/She went in before the rain came.'

f. pmrs- m [i a sawa:- rm mam:] ymm-


sheep-AnSg [1SgS slaughter-Perf1a before] run.Perf.L-3SgS
'Before I could slaughter the sheep, it ran away (= bolted).'

In the frequent combination with gusy (and variants) 'say', a morpheme lem is
added, hence gusy lem mam: 'before saying'.

(517) [laawaa:- r- am: bua: gi s:- lem mam: woay]


[pass-Perf1a-3PlS 3PlS say-? before all]
'before they could say that they had passed through' [2005-2a.02]

Another 'before ' or 'by the time that ' construction is seen in (518),
which reports an ultimatum with a time limit. The suffix - rm with no
pronominal-subject inflection is added to the chaining form of the verb (with no
lengthening of the vowel). The word is {HL}-toned, with H-tone on the first
syllable only. A preverbal subject pronoun (here Logophoric) is present. All
textual examples of this type involve the verb 'come', but others were elicitable
(goa- rm 'before going out', pi ani mwi m- rm 'before returning'), duawm- rm 'before
leaving'). These examples show that the 'before' form has {HL} tone contour
with just the first syllable high-toned.

(518) [[umsum las- w] aa: ya- rm]


[[day.L other-Inan] LogoPlS come-before]
[[tam-dumgua- m duagum] mgua dm- ri a- ],

266
[[lion-AnSg size.HL] Prox.Inan reach-PerfNeg-3SgS],
[jaam woay] [ara maa:] mgoa- waa
[peace all] [3Sg Dat] not.be-3SgS say
'(They said:) By the time they (=Hyena and Hare) came on another day,
if this (goat kid) had not attained the size of a lion, there would be no
peace for her.' [2005-2a.06]

'Before S' with some clause S can be paraphrased with a negation: '(at the
time) when not (yet) S'. An association between - rm 'before' and negation is
suggested by examples like (519), which is a relative clause in form. A
paraphrase 'at the time when today had not (yet) come' would match the
syntactic form.

(519) [wamkamtum kam:] i ayea ya- rm


[time.L Rel] today come-before
'at the time before today (=the present era) came' [2005-2a.09]

15.2.1.7 Clause-final =ram: 'when'

There are occasional textual occurrences of a clitic =ram: following an inflected


verb form (Perfective or stative). My transcription assistant suggested emending
by deleting the clitic. However, the examples suggest that the =ram: clause does
provide a background for the next clause and I therefore translate it (roughly) as
'when'. For example, in (520a), Warthog is digging to get at Hyena, who is told
to spray salt in Warthog's eyes when he gets too close.

(520) a. [toarua- m kum] gaanji m- mm gaanji m- mm gaanji m- mm


[warthog-AnSg Def] dig-Impf
ys [ara maa:] sasi a- li a:- rm- =ram:,
come [3Sg Dat] near-Inch-Perf1a-3SgS=when,
[[ara ji arem] wom] pi asea gam- ya waa,
[[3SgP eye.HL] in] spray put-Hort.3rd say
'The warthog was digging and digging; when he (=Warthog) came
up close to him (=Hyena), he (=Hyena) should spray it (=salt, by
spitting) into his (=Warthog's) eye(s)' [2005-2a.07]

b. yam- ps- m sum:- di ayaay mgoa- =ram:,


woman-old-AnSg francolin-thigh not.be-3Sg=when,
[i ayea yam] [bua: mam:] barum- m wom- ya waa
[today also] [3Pl QuotS.L] goat-AnSg catch-Hort.3rd say

267
'The old woman didn't have a francolin thigh, (so) she told them to
take a goat this day too.' [2005-2a.06]

c. [num ni anaay bua:] uarom a=ram:,


[person reliable Def.Pl] house not.be.3Pl=when,
[yi m-t: bmra- j- aa: dem] woa- yam
[children get-RecPf-3PlS if] catch.Impf-3PlS
'When the able-bodied people (=Dogon men) were not at home, if
they (=Fulbe raiders) found children, they would take (=kidnap)
them.' [2005-2b.01]

15.2.1.8 Verb with lengthened final vowel as complement of 'be tired'

BenT has a counterpart to a specificalized clause-type found in Nanga. In both


languages it occurs in connection with main-clause ds 'be tired', expressing
extended duration of an activity ('they met and met until they got tired', i.e. 'they
kept meeting for a long time'). In addition to the data in (521), I elicited
examples with the following: bi mr- a: 'work', - a: 'eat', n- s: 'drink', and t- i a: 'send',
showing that the first verb lengthens its final vowel.

(521) a. [tus: maa:] bamt-aa: ds:-rm-wm dea woay


[Recip Dat] meet-Dur be.tired-Perf1a-2PlS if all
'when you-Pl are mutually tired of meeting with each other'
[2005.1b.05]

b. [kua woa] li ay-a: ds:-rm-


[Inan in] drag.on-Dur be.tired-Perf1a-3SgS
'(If) it drags on for a long time, ' [2005.1b.05]

15.2.1.9 'While standing/sitting' (type i a- i ayam- m)

A morphological construction involving initial high-toned reduplication, {HL}


stem contour, and invariant final Imperfective - mm is attested with three stance
verbs: i a- i ayam- m 'while standing', ea- eaw- yem- m 'while sitting', bi a- bi a- yem- m 'while
lying down'. The association with stance verbs and the {HL} stem contour
suggest an affinity with the Reduplicated Stative (10.2.1.11), as opposed to the
Reduplicated Imperfective, but the invariant final - mm and the high tone of the
reduplicative segment show that this is a distinct formation.

268
These forms are attached to a regular VP with the same subject, and
function as one-word temporal adverbial clauses. The relevant textual passage is
(522).

(522) [ua kumya: ara yi m dea]


[2Sg first 3SgO see.Perf.L if]
[i a- i ayam- m taa- wm ]
[Rdp-stand-Impf shoot.Impf-2SgS
'if you-Sg (=hunter) see it first (=before it sees you), you will shoot
while standing' (2005.1b.01)

15.2.2 Spatial adverbial clause ('where ')

The noun arm 'place' (also 'situation') may be used, in low-toned form mrm, as
head of a relative (which therefore takes an Inanimate participle). arm should
not be confused with mra: '(the) bush, outback, (the) fields (away from the
village)'.

(523) a. mrm bi ara bua: bi mra- wm


place.L work(n.) 3PlS work.Perf-Ppl.Inan
'there where they worked'

b. somfa:rum- m mrm eaw- yea- wm


driver-AnSg place.L sit-MP.Perf-Ppl.Inan
'(the place) where the driver sat'

15.2.3 Manner adverbial clause (damy 'how ')

The head noun dasy 'manner', in L-toned form damy, is the head of a relative
clause in examples like (524).

(524) damy bi ara ara bi mra:- ram- w


manner.L work(n.) 3SgS work-Impf1-Ppl.Inan
'the manner in which (= how) he worked'

For quasi-purposive functions of such damy clauses, see 17.5.1.2.

269
15.2.4 Headless adverbial clause (- wm )

Adverbial clauses may take the form of a headless relative clause (14.1.4), i.e.
with covert head NP like 'time', 'place', 'situation', or 'manner' that takes
Inanimate Participial suffixes. The most common interpretation is temporal or
situational.
For example, (525a) has no head noun. The verb here takes the form of an
Inanimate Perfective participle (suffix - wm ). In context, the most common
interpretation is as a temporal clause ('when '), which can be made explicit by
adding a noun like 'time' in low-toned form as head NP (525b).

(525) a. amwas- m i a yi s- wm amy, ymm- y


b. amwas- m wamgamtum i a yi s- wm amy,
snake-AnSg time.L 1SgS see.Perf-Ppl.Inan with,
ymm- y
run.Perf.L-1SgS
'(At the time) when I saw a snake, I fled.'

In (526a-b), universal quantifier woay is added following the participle. This


gives a (mildly) emphatic sense that can, in some contexts, be translated freely
as 'ever since '. wosy is also common at the end of conditional antecedent
clauses, 16.1.1.

(526) a. [aa: ys- wm woay] gom- raa-


[3ReflPl come.Perf-Ppl.Inan all] go.out-PerfNeg-3PlS
'Since theyx came, theyx haven't gone out.'

b. [[ara ba:] aruagua- wm woay]


[3SgP father.HL get.sick.Perf-Ppl.Inan all]
[[aa i asem:] gom- ri a- ]
[[3ReflSgP village.HL] go.out-PerfNeg-3SgS
'Since hisx father got sick, hex hasn't left hisx village.'

Headless relative clauses with - wm are often used in narratives instead of


regular main clauses. In such contexts they are often best translated as main
clauses, each denoting one event among many in a chronological sequence. A
typical example is (527), where two relative clauses in - wm (note the
preparticipial subject pronominals) denoting sequential events are followed by a
clause with a conjugated Perfective verb.

(527) [umsua tumwa- m] sua:- m aa: ji mya- wm ,


[day one-AnSg] francolin-AnSg 3ReflPlS kill.Perf-Ppl.Inan

270
[sum:- namwaa: kum] ji a- jm aa: ys- wm ,
[francolin.L-meat Def] taking.along 3ReflPlS come.Perf-Ppl.Inan,
[yam- ps- m kum maa:] ni m- bam
[woman.L-old-AnSg Def Dat] give.Perf-3PlS
'One day they (=Hyena and Hare) killed a francolin. They came
bringing the francolin meat. They gave (it) to the old woman.' [2005-
2a.06]

For umsua tumwa- m 'one day' with (pseudo-)Animate Sg suffix in this


example, see 4.7.1.1.
The headless relative clauses in (526a) and (527) have subjects coindexed
to the subjects of the following main clauses. This accounts for the third-person
reflexive subject pronouns (here 3Reflexive Plural aa:); see 18.2.3.

15.2.5 'From X, until (or: all the way to) Y'

The complete construction 'since/from the time that , until ', can be
expressed by using a loose chaining subordinator on the first verb (e.g. Same-
Subject =ni,a Different-Subject =ni),m then an inflected clause beginning with
haal 'until, all the way to'. This results in a biclausal adverbial that usually
constitutes background for another (foregrounded) event expressed in the main
clause.

(528) [[bi ara tuamdua=ni a] [haal dumwm- ]]


[[work(n.) begin=and.SS] [until leave.Perf.L-3SgS]]
[sy m- ri a- ]
[meal eat-PerfNeg-3SgS]
'From the time he started working until he stopped (working), he didn't
eat.'

The verb dumwm- in (528) is a conjugated Perfective; the 1Sg equivalent


would have dumwm- y.
(529) is an example where the subjects of the 'from' and 'until' clauses are
disjoint. Therefore the subordinating clitic in the 'from' clause is Different-
Subject =ni m with low tone.

(529) [ara ba: loa=ni m]


[3SgP father.HL go=and.DS]
[haal [ara dearem] ym- ]
[until [3SgP elder.sibling.HL come.Perf.L-3SgS
sy m- ri a-

271
meal eat-PerfNeg-3SgS
'From the time that his father went (away) until his elder brother came,
he didn't eat.'

15.2.6 'As though ' clause (gaay)

In (530), the 'like' adverbial gasy is added at the end of a relative clause
denoting a (generic) animate referent.

(530) [[umsua yesy] sy m- rua- mm gaay]


[[day two] meal eat-PerfNeg-Ppl.Inan like]
[sy a:- ram- w]
[meal eat-Impf1-3SgS]
'He is eating like (someone) who hadn't eaten for two days.'

In (531), gaay follows a regular main clause, and the free translation is 'as
though '.

(531) [bomlua mi mra:- ram=raa- gaay]


[rain rain.fall-Impf1=StatNeg-3SgS like]
woagoaroa wamraa:- ram- wm
farming do.farm.work-Impf1-3SgS
'He/She is working in the field as though the rain were not falling.'

15.2.7 'Be really true that ' (- mm wom bes)

A construction meaning 'if it is really true that ', and contextually 'X insist
(=be dead set) on [VP-ing], X be determined to VP]', consists of the appropriate
inflected form of bes 'remain', a clause ending in Imperfective - mm , and Locative
wom (which often becomes bom after the nasal). The phrasing 'remain on VP-ing' is
not far from the etymological sense of English insist on.

(532) a. [[[ara maa:] yam- saamam jara- mmm ] bom]


[[[3Sg QuotS] Y love-Impf] in]
bes:- rm- dea woay
remain-Perf1a-3SgS if all
'(they said): if he insisted on loving Yasama (girl's name), '
[2005-2a.01; this required achieving a nearly impossible feat]

b. hamyam [[[ara maa:] li m- loa- mm wom]

272
well [[[3Sg QuotS] Rdp-go-Impf in]
bes:- rm- dem]
remain-Perf1a-3SgS if
'(another girl said to her): well, if she insisted on going (to get a
giraffe's tail), ' [2005-2a.02]

The phrasing [X wom] bes:- rm- dem can also be used with X a manner adverb
adverb such as aaamy 'thus, like that'. See (485c) in 15.1.9, above.
A perfective version of the clausal complement with wom, followed by
bes:- rm- dea wosy, is (533).

(533) [jamwaa: i anji ari a=ni a] [[ara maa:] panda:- rm wom]


[crowd get.up=and.SS] [[3Sg Dat] head.for-Perf1a in]
bes:- rm- dea woay
remain-Perf1a-3SgS if all
'if it were the case that a crowd got up and headed for it (=lion)' [2005-
2b.05]

273
16 Conditional constructions

16.1 Hypothetical conditional with de 'if'

The clause-final 'if' particle is / de/. When it is clause-final, its tone is carried
over from the preceding morpheme.
In typical hypothetical conditionals specifying a causal relationship between
two temporally bounded events, the antecedent has an inflected perfective verb
followed by dea, and the consequent is in the imperfective (534a-b).

(534) a. ay ys:- rm- wm dem, namwaa: tambua- wm


tomorrow come-Perf1a-2SgS if, meat find.Impf-2SgS
'If you-Sg (have) come tomorrow, you'll find some meat.'

b. ara ym- ri a- dea, a- mm - doa- ym


3Sg come-PerfNeg-3SgS if, eat-Impf-Neg-1PlS
'If he/she doesn't come (=hasn't come), we won't eat.'

16.1.1 Extensions of de (dea woay, dea wom woay)

The most common extended variant of /de/ 'if' is dea woay. In rapid speech, an
optional vocalic assimilation to doa woay is common, but I have normalized
transcriptions to dea woay. An extended form dea wom- woay is also used. In all of
these combinations, dea has H-tone regardless of the final tone of the preceding
word.
woay is elsewhere a universal quantifier 'all', so this fits into a regional
pattern where universal quantifiers function as right-edge markers in conditional
antecedents, replacing or following the usual 'if' particle.
dea woay (or variant) is associated with more emphatic contexts ('as soon as
', 'unless ', etc.); for 'unless ' see 16.4, below. However, in recordings
one observes dea woay also in contexts that are not particularly emphatic, more or
less interchangeably with simple de.
One distinctive function of dea woay (or variant) is marking the right edge of
a complex (multi-clausal) antecedent. The construction is therefore of the type
[[S1 de, (S2 de,) Sn dea woay], Sn+1], where Sn is the last in a string of two or
more antecedent clauses, and is itself followed by the consequent clause (S n+1).
(535) [[ji mrsy cea:lea:- rm- dem],
[[rainy.season be.good-Perf1a-3SgS if],
[bi ara msi a bi mra- tua- wm dea woay]],
work(n.) very work-Perf1b-2SgS if all]],
yua: bay bara- wm
millet much get.Impf-2SgS
'If the rainy season is good (=rain is abundant), and you-Sg work hard,
you-Sg will get a lot of millet.'

16.1.2 Clauses in - wm kum dem (perfective) and in - wm dem (pseudoconditional)

A construction with a verb form ending in - wm , followed by Definite kum and


(apparent) 'if' particle de in low-toned form dem, is used in narrative as an
alternative to a regular Perfective verb form. The - wm is perhaps to be identified
as the Inanimate Perfective Participial suffix, but the construction is difficult to
parse. If the subject is pronominal, it is expressed as a preparticipial pronominal.
This syntactic feature distinguishes the current construction from a main-clause
Perfective verb form where - wm functions as the 3Sg subject marker (10.2.1.2).

(536) [omnjos- m kum yam]


[younger.brother-AnSg Def too]
aa saa- wm kum dem,
3Refl reply.Perf-Ppl.Inan Def if,
[aa dearem] maa:
[3Refl elder.brother.HL] Dat
' the younger brother for his part replied, to his elder brother: '
[2005-2a.08]

3Refl aa expresses coindexation of the subject of the (headless) nonsubject


relative to the subject of the following clause (not shown), see 18.2.3.
An informant indicated that the consruction in - wm kum dem can also be
expanded as - wm kum mam dem.
A similar construction with - wm and dem but without the Definite kum is also
attested. The clause in - wm dem denotes an eventuality that precedes the one
described in the following clause, with no necessary causal relationship. All
examples in my data involve future time. I label this the pseudoconditional; a
similar construction occurs in Togo Kan.

(537) a. ara=ni m i a suaya- wm dem,


3Sg=Acc 1SgS hit.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
[bara- mm - doa- dea] yi a- ym
[result-Impf-Neg-3SgS if] see.Impf-1PlS
'I will hit him and we'll see whether nothing happens (as a result).'
[bara- mm - doa- is used in such boasting utterances]

b. ara gua- wm dem, [i a suaya- wm dem,


3Sg say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if, [1SgO hit.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
mgua- rum i a lamrua- mm ] bam
here 1SgO chase.away-Impf.3SgS] say
'He said he will hit me, and (that) he will run me out of here.'

c. [i a ys- wm dem] aa ]
[sy biraa
[1SgS come.Perf-Ppl.Inan if] [meal cook.Imprt]
'Cook-2Sg the meal (only) when I have come back!'

d. [sy i a: bi mra- wm dem] aa


[meal 1PlS cook.Perf-Ppl.Inan if] eat.Impf
'We'll cook the meal, then (you) eat!'

For a superficially similar construction with - mm dem (and Stative - wm dem), see
15.2.1.2.
Historical interpretation of the origin of - wm kum dem and - wm dem should
consider the probably related Nanga subordinators -sm gum-ndem and related forms.
One possibility is that Ben Tey kum and Nanga gum- derive from the 'say' verb
(Ben Tey gusy-, Nanga ki aya-, and many Dogon cognates), although the erratic
g/k correspondences make exact equations difficult.

16.2 Alternative 'if' particles

16.2.1 kaalam 'even if '

kaalam 'even' may replace de 'if', resulting in an 'even if ' antecedent clause.
Here the consequent is not contingent on the antecedent.

(538) [yua: yaa soa- wa kaalam], ni a- mm - doa-


[millet Exist have-3SgS even], give-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'Even if he/she has some millet, he/she won't give (it).'

277
16.2.2 taan 'as soon as '

The particle taan, borrowed from the Fulfulde particle 'only', is used as another
alternative to de 'if'. It suggests that only the (delayed) instantiation of the
eventuality denoted by the antecedent clause is holding up the instantiation of
the eventuality denoted by the consequent clause.

(539) nuawmy ym- wm taan, sua:ram


now come.Perf.L-2SgS if, rest.Imprt
'When you-Sg have come, take a rest!'

A translation 'as soon as ' would also work. For another way to express 'as
soon as ', see (492f) in 15.1.10.

16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents ('whether X or Y ')

The particle caw (borrowed from Jamsay) can be used at the end of a complex
conditional antecedent of the type '(whether) S 1 or not-S1', or any other
combination of two component clauses that are (more or less) truth-
conditionally antagonistic. In Jamsay, caw is also a universal quantifier 'all'.

(540) [[ua maa:] ari m- m= mri m- m=daa- caw],


[[2Sg Dat] sweet-Inan=it.is sweet-Inan=it.is.not-3SgS whether]
bi ara bi ara- wm
work(n.) work.Impf-2SgS
'(Regardless of) whether it pleases or doesn't please you-Sg (= like it or
not), you-Sg will work.'

When the two disjuncts are expressed by regular verbs, as opposed e.g. to
adjectival predicates as in (541), with the subject held constant, the first verb
may take Inanimate participial form.

(541) a. [aaram-m kamy] loa=na


[man-AnSg Top] go=and.SS
[amwaa-wm amwam-ri a- caw]
[be.ruined.Perf-Ppl.Inan be.ruined-PerfNeg-3sgS all]
'As for a man, when he goes, whether he will be ruined or he will
not be ruined, (he goes to earn money)' [2005.1b.06]

b. [yi s-m js-wm ja:-ri m- caw]


[child-AnSg bring.Perf-Ppl.Inan bring-PerfNeg-3SgS all]

278
[yaa gayaa-wa ]
[Exist wait.Stat-3SgS]
whether the child (eventually) brings (something) or does not bring
(anything), he (=father) waits for (something)' [2005.1b.06]

16.4 'Unless' antecedent

An 'unless' antecedent, i.e. one that specifies a necessary as well as sufficient


(positive) condition, can be expressed (542) with a simple negative clause
ending in dea woay (16.1.1).

(542) [mombi ali m mgua- rum lamwam- ri a- dea woay] ti awa- ym


[vehicle here pass-PerfNeg-3SgS if all] die.Impf-1PlS
'Unless a vehicle comes by here, we'll die.'

16.5 Counterfactual conditional

In counterfactuals, both the antecedent and the consequent have past perfect
predicates involving an inflected form of the L-toned Past variant =bm-
(10.4.1). The unmarked verbal categories are as follows: for the antecedent,
Past Stative (positive) or Perfective Negative; for the consequent, Past
unsuffixed Imperfective (positive) or Past Imperfective Negative.

(543) a. mma: ys- wm =bm- dem,


morning come-Stat=Past-3SgS if,
boayri m bara- m=bm-
porridge get-Impf=Past-3SgS
'If he/she had come in the morning, he/she would have gotten some
porridge.'

b. bearea j:- ri a=ba- ym dem,


stick bring-PerfNeg=Past-1SgS if,
amwas- m i a kuawoa- mm =bm-
snake-AnSg 1SgO eat-Impf=Past-3SgS
'If I hadn't brought my stick, the snake would have eaten me.'

c. [ua aayam:] mi mra- wm =bm- wm dem,


[2SgP medication.HL] swallow-Stat=Past-2SgS if,
smllm- ri a kaa- mm - doa=bs- wm
be.healthy-PerfNeg do-Impf-Neg=Past-2SgS

279
'If you-Sg had taken your medicine, you wouldn't have gotten sick.'

The antecedent clause may also be based on a nominal or adjectival


predicate (544).

(544) [oanjom- m=daa=ba- wm dem,


[younger.sibling-AnSg=StatNeg=Past-2SgS if,
ua ji aya- mm =bm- ym
2SgO kill-Impf=Past-1SgS
'If you-Sg were not my (younger same-sex) sibling, I'd kill you.'

280
17 Complement and purposive clauses

17.1 Quotative complement

17.1.1 'Say that ' with 'say' verb (gusy- ) m

The inflectable quotative verb is gusy- , variant gi sy- . In the most common
construction with overt inflected 'say' verb, this verb follows the quotation, but
there is also a construction for a preposed 'say' verb.
Two major features of quotative clauses are a) the presence of a clause-
initial Quotative Subject (NP or pronoun followed by QuotS maa: ~ mam:), and b)
the neutralization of pronominal-subject marking in the verb to 3Sg, except that
the verb does agree with a 3Pl (regular or logophoric) subject.
The Quotative clitic wa (17.1.2, below) is generally omitted when the full
'say' verb follows the quotative complement.

17.1.1.1 Quotative Subject maa: ~ mam:

If the subject of the quoted clause is pronominal, a clause-initial independent


pronoun is used, as in relative clauses. A pronominal subject, and in many
cases (but not always) a nonpronominal NP subject, is followed by a Quotative
Subject particle (abbreviation QuotS) maa:. Occasionally a topical clause-initial
NP or PP not in subject function is followed by maa:. The Quotative Subject
particle gives the addressee an "early warning" that the clause in question is
quoted. QuotS maa: may be followed by NP-final discourse participles such as
Topic kamy, see the end of C's first turn in (660) in the sample text.
The QuotS particle usually acquires its tone by spreading from the final
tone of the preceding word, so it appears as maa: after a high tone or mam: after a
low tone. The L-toned form mam: is indistinguishable from the L-toned form of
the Dative postposition maa: (8.3.1), which likewise occurs after NPs ending in
a low tone.
However, if the constituent in question is a possessed NP, the possessed NP
functions as a tonosyntactic island and its final low tone does not spread to maa:.
See (548b) in the immediately following section. This suggests that the lexical
tone is H.
The Quotative-Subject particle maa: is present in most examples of quotative
clauses in the following sections. However, it is optionally omitted after a
nonpronominal NP subject, like 'rainy season' in (545).

(545) [kua- daa: ji mrsy msua bua:- ] gi my- ba


[there rainy.season good be-3SgS] say.Perf.L-3PlS
'They said that the rainy season is good there.'

In (546), the clause-initial constituent followed by QuotS ma: is a spatial PP


rather than the subject. Perhaps this is favored by the low referentiality of the
subject bosl 'rain', cf. 11.1.4.

(546) [[summoay woa] maa:] bosl si a- yea- mm - nmdom


[[ground in] QuotS] rain go.down-MP-Impf-ImpfNeg
gi m:- bm wam
say.Perf-3PlS say
'they said that the rain wouldn't come down on the earth, it is said.'
[2005-2a.04] (summosy)

17.1.1.2 Complement with regular AN-marked verb

The quotative complement clause often has one or another of the regular AN
(aspect-negation) forms of the verb. However, pronominal-suffix marking is
restricted in these complements. The usual 1Sg, 1Pl, 2Sg, and 2Pl suffixes are
omitted, merging with 3Sg. There is, however, special marking of 3Pl
subjects.
In (547), the verb inside the quoted clause ends in Imperfective - mm , which
is used when the subject of the quoted clause is other than 3Pl. This - mm is
identical to the 3Sg suffix in the inflected paradigm of the unsuffixed
Imperfective, but in morphological contexts where pronominal-subject
distinctions are neutralized - mm is generalized to other pronominal categories
(except 3Pl). This generalization also happens in the Past unsuffixed
Imperfective, preceding the conjugated Past clitic =bm- (or variant). In these
neutralizing contexts I gloss - mm simply as Imperfective (Impf). A pronominal
subject is expressed by an independent pronoun preceding the verb within the
quoted clause, e.g. the 2Sg pronoun in (547b). The subject of the quoted clause
(pronominal or other) is followed immediately by Quotative Subject particle
maa: ~ mam:. Examples (547a,c) have Logophoric subject because the subject of
the quoted clause is coindexed with the quoted speaker (18.2.1). 3Pl subject
agreement is exemplified in (547g-h).
(547) a. [[aa maa:] yi m- yea- mm ] gi my-
[[LogoSg QuotS] Rdp-come-Impf] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'Hex said that hex is coming.'

b. [[ua maa:] yi m- yea- mm ] gi my-


[[2Sg QuotS] Rdp-come-Impf] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She said that you-Sg are coming.'

c. sesydum [[aa maa:] juawa- mm - doa- ] gi my-


Seydou [[LogoSg QuotS] know-Impf-Neg-3SgS] say.Perf.L-
3SgS
'Seydoux said that hex doesn't know.'

d. i a [[ara maa:] yi m- yea- mm ] gi m- ni a- ym


1SgS [[LogoSg QuotS] Rdp-come-Impf] say-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I didn't say that he/she is coming.'

e. [[sesydum mam:] yi m- yea- mm ] gi my- y


[Seydou QuotS.L] Rdp-come-Impf] say.Perf.L-1SgS
'I said that Seydou is coming.'

f. [[ua: mam:] yi m- yea- mm ] gi my-


[[2Pl QuotS.L Rdp-come-Impf] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She said that you-Pl are coming.'

g. yeagum [[aa: mam:] yi m- yea- ym]


yesterday [[LogoPl QuotS.L] Rdp-come.Impf-3PlS]
gua- ym=b- am:
say.Impf-3PlS=Past-3PlS
'Yesterday theyx were saying that theyx were coming (= would
come).'

h. [[aa: mam:] woagoaroa waaraa- ym]m


[[LogoPl QuotS.L] farming do.farm.work.Impf-3PlS]
gi my- ba
say.Perf.L-3PlS
'Theyx say theyx will farm.'

The suffixally marked Imperfective-1, often with progressive sense, may


also be used (548). The 3Sg form :- ram- w generalizes, except for 3Pl subject,
which is illustrated in (548c).

283
(548) a. [[aa maa:] woagoaroa wamraa:- ram- w]
[[Logo QuotS] farming do.farm.work-Impf1-3SgS]
gi my-
say.Perf.L-3SgS
'Hex says hex is farming.'

b. [[aa yi a- m maa:] woagoaroa wamraa:- ram- w] gi my-


[LogoP child.HL QuotS]
'Hex says that hisx child is farming.'

c. [[aa: mam:] woagoaroa wamraa:- ram- wm - ba


[[LogoPl QuotS.L] farming do.farm.work-Impf1-Stat-3PlS
gi my- ba
say.Perf.L-3PlS
'Theyx said theyx are farming.'

d. [i a: mam:] woagoaroa wamraa:-ram-w


[1Pl QuotS] farming do.farm.work-Impf1-3SgS
gi my-
say.Perf.L-1SgS
'He/She said we are farming.'

The examples in (549a-b) have perfective verbs (549a-b). The Perfective


takes a (pronominally) unsuffixed form, identical in form to the zero 3Sg
inflected form, but here transcribed as suffixless. The verb may have the
Unsuffixed Perfective stem (low-toned version of the combining form) as in
(549a). Perfective-1a suffix :- rm- is also possible (549b-c), as is Perfective-1b
suffix - ti a- (549d) and other perfective-system markers such as Recent Perfect
- ja- (549e). Agreement with 3Pl subject is observed in (549c-e).

(549) a. [[i a: mam:] aa sumym] gi my-


[1Pl QuotS.L] LogoSgO hit.Perf.L] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'Hex said that we hit himx.'

b. [[ua: mam:] ys:- rm] gi my-


[[2Pl QuotS.L] come-Perf1a] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She said that you-Pl had come.'

c. [[yi m- t: mam:] ys:- r- am:] gi my-


[[child-Pl QuotS.L] come-Perf1a-3PlS] say.Perf-3SgS
'He/She said that the children had come.'

284
d. [[aa: mam:] pmrs- m sawa- ti a- yam]
[[LogoPl QuotS.L] sheep-AnSg slaughter-Perf1b-3PlS]
gi my- ba
say.Perf.L-3PlS
'Theyx said that theyx have slaughtered a sheep.'

e. [[aa: mam:] sy a- j- aa:] gi a- ym


[[LogoPl QuotS.L meal eat-RecPf-3PlS] say.Impf-3PlS
'Theyx will say that theyx have already eaten.'

The alternative form of the Unsuffixed Perfective, with lexical tone on the
verb stem and with 3Sg - wm (generalized in quotatives to all first and second
persons) and 3Pl - mam (10.2.1.2), is illustrated in (550).

(550) a. [[i a maa:] woagoaroa wamraa- wmm ] gi my-


[[1SgS QuotS] farming farm.Perf-Ppl.Inan] say.Perf-3SgS
'He/She said that I did farming.'

b. [[i a: maa:] woagoaroa wamraa- wmm ] gi my-


[[1PlS QuotS] farming farm.Perf-Ppl.Inan] say.Perf-3SgS
'He/She said that we did farming.'

c. [[yi m- t: mam:] woagoaroa wamraa- mam]


[[child-Pl QuotS.L] farming farm.Perf-Ppl.Pl]
gi my-
say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She said that the children did farming.'

(551) is Perfective Negative.

(551) a. [ua maa:] woagoaroa wamram-ri a-


[2Sg QuotS] farming do.farm.work-PerfNeg-3SgS
gi my-
say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She said that you-Sg didn't do farm work.'

b. [aa: mam:] woagoaroa wamram-r-aa


[LogoPlS QuotS] farming do.farm.work-PerfNeg-3PlS
gi my-
say.Perf.L-3SgS
'Hex said that theyxy didn't do farm work.'

285
(552) is Imperfective Negative.

(552) a. [i a: mam:] ymga-mm -doa- gi my-


[1Pl QuotS] run-Impf-Neg-3SgS say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/she said that we won't run.'

b. [aa: mam:] ymga-mm -n-a gi my-bm


[LogoPl QuotS] run-Impf-Neg-3PlS say.Perf.L-3PlS
'Theyx said that theyx won't run.'

17.1.1.3 Complement with stative verb or quasi-verb

As expected, stative predicates follow the same patterns as aspectually-marked


verbs in quotative complements. (553) illustrates this with the 'have' quasi-verb.

(553) a. [i a: mam:] womgomtoarom yaa soa-wa gi my-


[1Pl QuotS] cart Exist have-3SgS say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She said that we have a cart.'

b. [aa: mam:] womgomtoarom yaa s-a: gi my-bm


[LogoPl QuotS] cart Exist have-3PlS say.Perf.L-3PlS
'They saidx that theyx have a cart.'

17.1.1.4 Complement with adjectival predicate

The quotative clauses in (554) contain adjectival predicates. The adjective


takes the same form it has before bua- 'be' (11.4.1), except that with 3Pl subject
we get suffix - ba (not - ym) on the adjective (554c).

(554) a. [[tarm kum mam:] gasw] gi my- y


[[mountain Def QuotS.L] tall] say.Perf.L-1SgS
'I said that the mountain is high.'

b. [uarom mam:] msua gi my-bm


[house QuotS] good say.Perf.L-3PlS
'They said that the house is good.'

c. [nus: kum mam:] mmsua-ba gi my-bm


[person.Pl Def QuotS] bad-3PlS say.Perf.3PlS
'They said that those people are bad.'

286
d. [yesy maa:] aruam gi my-bm
[honey QuotS] sweet say.Perf.L-3PlS
'They said that the honey is sweet.'

e. [yesy (maa:)] mrumm=daa gi my-bm


[honey QuotS] sweet=StatNeg say.Perf.L-3PlS
'They said that the honey is not sweet.'

17.1.1.5 Construction with preposed quotative verb

When the quotative verb precedes the quotation, a special construction is


used. It is attested only for reported past speech events ('X said, '). The 'say'
verb takes what appears to be the Inanimate Perfective Participle form gua- wm ,
and is followed by /de/ (presumably the 'if' particle, but here without any modal
force). If the subject of 'say' is pronominal, it is expressed as a preparticipial
independent pronoun. The quoted clause follows after a prosodic break.
Quotative Subject particle /ma:/ is absent. Clause-final Quotative clitic / wa/ is
possible but uncommon. As usual, the verb has 3Sg subject form for all subjects
except 3Pl.

(555) a. ara gua- wm dem,


3Sg say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
[ua: mam:] nmjea kaa:- ram- wm mam wam
[2Sg QuotS] what? do-Impf-3SgS Q say
'He/She said (= asked), "hey what are you-Pl doing?"'

b. i a: gua- wm dem,
1PlS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
[yi m- t: ys:- r- am:]
[child-Pl come-Perf1a-3PlS]
'We said, the children have come.'

c. bua: gua- wm dem,


3PlS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
'They said, '

287
17.1.2 Quotative clitic wa (after nasal: ba)

The Quotative clitic occurs at the end of a quotation. It may be repeated in a


long quotation, at clause boundaries and similar junctures (for example, after a
quoted vocative). In extended quotations, particularly of back-and-forth
conversations between two or more parties, wa replaces forms of the more
cumbersome inflectable 'say' verb. wa may be used at the end of a quotation
introduced by gua- wm dem. However, wa is not used at the end of a quotation that
is directly followed by an inflected form of gusy- 'say' (i.e., wa and gusy- may
not occur adjacent to each other (unless they belong to different quotative
levels).
The clitic is usually pronounced ba after a nasal, e.g. after 3Sg Imperfective
- mm . As this suggests, the clitic is phonologically tightly bound to the quotation.
It also adopts the final tone of the preceding word.
Although the clitic representation =wa would be phonologically
appropriate in BenT, I write the morpheme as a separate word on grounds of
typographic clarity and conformity with my practice in transcribing this particle
in Jamsay and other Dogon languages.

(556) a. [nmjea:= mam] wam


[what?=it.is Q] say
'"What is it?," he/she said (=asked).'

b. [[aa ba:] mam:


[[LogoSgP father.HL] QuotS.L
woagoaroa waaraa- mm ] bam
farming do.farm.work-Impf.3SgS] say
'Hex says that hisx father is farming.'

The Quotative clitic, unlike the 'say' verb, has a "hearsay" modal quality. It
is therefore typically used when the attributed speaker is third person. Under
most circumstances, first person attributed speaker (self-quotation, "I said that
") has no need of a hearsay evidential. Pragmatically, use of a hearsay
evidential in cases with second person attributed speaker ("you said that ") is
usually avoided, but it is often used in requests for clarification or confirmation
(X wam 'did you say X?'). The #? notation in (557) indicates that wa is disallowed
except in special cases.

(557) a. i a gua- wm dem, [ara(- ni m) suaya- ym dem,


1SgS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if, [3SgO hit.Impf-1SgS if,
mgua- rum ara lamri a- ym] (#?wam)
here 3SgO chase.away.Impf-1SgS] (#say)

288
'I said I will hit him, and (that) I will run him out of here.'

b. ua gua- wm dem, [ara(- ni)m suaya- wm dem,


2SgS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if, [3SgO hit.Impf-2SgS if,
mgua- rum ara lamrua- wm ] (#?wam)
here 1SgO chase.away.Impf-2SgS] (#say)
'You-Sg said you will hit him, and (that) you will run him out of
here.'

With first or second person (or any other) speaker, wa can be used to clarify
(or seek clarification of) the wording of a perhaps unclear utterance, as in the
question X wam '[did you say/mean] "X"?'.

17.1.3 Jussive complement

Jussive complements are reported imperatives or hortatives.

17.1.3.1 Embedded imperative with Third Person Hortative - ya - ym

In this construction, the imperative verb in the original utterance is replaced by


the Third Person Hortative (or indirect imperative) form with suffix - ya ~ - ym,
invariant for subject pronominal category (10.5.7). The Singular/Plural
distinction in the original imperatives is not carried over into the jussive in the
form of the verb itself. Therefore both the 2Sg imperative (558a) and the
distinct 2Pl imeprative (558c) correspond to the invariant Hortative ym- ya in the
corresponding jussives (558b,d). If the subject (i.e. the addressee of the original
imperative) is pronominal, it appears as an independent pronoun and is typically
followed by Quotative Subject particle ma:.

(558) a. yaa
come.Imprt
'Come-2Sg!'

b. [[i a maa:] ym- ya] gi my-


[[1Sg QuotS] come-Hort.3SgS] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She told me to come.'

c. yaa- ni m
come-Imprt.Pl
'Come-2Pl!'

289
d. [[i a: mam:] ym- ya] gi my- ba
[[1Pl QuotS.L] come-Hort.3SgS] say.Perf.L-3PlS
'They told us to come.'

A direct object NP, if present, has its usual form. For example, 'sheep' does
not change from the imperative (559a) to the jussive (reported imperative)
(559b).

(559) a. pmrs- m sawaa


sheep-AnSg slaughter.Imprt
'Slaughter-2Sg the sheep-Sg!'

b. [[ua maa:] pmrs- m sawa- ya]


[[2Sg QuotS] sheep-AnSg slaughter-Hort.3SgS]
gi my- ym
say.Perf.L-1SgS
'I told you-Sg to slaughter the sheep-Sg.'

Negative counterparts are in (560). The form of the verb in the jussive
clause (the original imperative) is Hortative Negative, with suffix complex
- ra- - y. Again, the original distinction between 2Sg and 2Pl in the imperative
verb is not carried over into the verb of the jussive.

(560) a. ya- ra
come-ImprtNeg
'Don't-2Sg come!'

b. [[i a maa:] ym- rm- ya] gi my-


[1Sg Emph] come-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She told me not to come.'

c. ya- ra- ni m
come-ImprtNeg-2PlS
'Don't-2Pl come!'

d. [[i a: mam:] ym- ra- ya] gi my- ba


[1Pl QuotS.L] come-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS] say.Perf.L-3PlS
'They told us not to come.'

e. pmrs- m sawa- ra
sheep-AnSg slaughter-ImprtNeg

290
'Saughter-2Sg the sheep-Sg!'

f. [[ua maa:] pmrs- m sawa- ra- y]


[[2Sg QuotS] sheep-AnSg slaughter-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS]
gi my- y
say.Perf.L-1SgS
'I told you-Sg not to slaughter the sheep-Sg.'

By adding Purposive postposition gi sn or variant (8.5.1) to a reported


imperative (i.e. in Third Person Hortative form), we get a kind of purposive
clause; see 17.5.1.3.

17.1.3.2 Embedded hortative (- ma , - maay)

The Hortative in - ma (for two referents) or - maay (for three or more) can be
embedded without change in a jussive. The subjects are expressed as preverbal
pronouns, adjusted to the current speech event. Thus (561b) and (561c) involve
identical original quotations ("Let.s go to Sevare!"), but in jussive form (561b)
has a 1Pl subject (since the current speaker is included), while (561c) has a
logophoric plural subject.

(561) a. lom- maay gi my-


go-Hort.Pl say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She said, "let's-3+ go!."'

b. ara gus- wm dem,


3SgS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
[[i a: mam:] semwaa:ram lom- ma ] gi my-
[[1Pl QuotS.L] Sevare go-Hort.Du] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'He said (to me), let's (=he and I) go to Sevare.'
(='He suggested that we [=he and I] go to Sevare.')

c. aa:maadum [sesydum mam:] ara gua- w dem,


Amadou [Seydou Dat.L] 3SgS say.Perf-Ppl.Inan if,
[[aa: mam:] semwaa:ram lom- ma ] baa
[[LogoPl QuotS.L] Sevare go-Hort.Du] say
'Amaoud said to Seydou, "let's go to Sevare!".'
(='A suggested to S that the two of them go to Sevare.')

See also the discussion of 1Sg subject hortatives (10.5.6, above).

291
17.2 Factive (indicative) complements

17.2.1 'Know that ' complement clause

The complement of jumwa- 'know' takes regular AN suffixes, but instead of a


pronominal-subject suffix on its verb, a pronominal subject (if present) is
expressed by an independent pronoun preceding the verb, followed by
Quotative Subject particle ma: (17.1.1.1). In other words, the complement is
treated as a quotation.

(562) [[i a maa:] smllm- ri a- ] juawa- mm


[[1SgS QuotS] be.healthy-Neg-3SgS] know.Impf-1SgS
'He/She knows that I am ill.'

The negative 'not know (that )' is expressed with an embedded question,
i.e. 'not know (whether )', even when it is now common knowledge that the
proposition in question is true.

(563) [[ara yaa:ji m:] paaaa- ti a- yam maa:] juawa- mm - da ba- ym


[3SgP marriage.HL] tie-Perf1b-3PlS Q] know-Impf-Neg be-1Sg
'I didn't know that he had gotten married.' (lit., " whether they had
tied his marriage")

17.2.2 'The fact that ' (Definite kum)

A regular main clause may be followed by Definite kua or kum to constitute a


factive clause that can be glossed '(the fact) that '. The high-toned form is
preferred in careful speech, which makes it possible to (mis -)parse as Inanimate
Near-Distant demonstrative kua.

(564) [bomlua yea- mm -doa:- kua] [nmjea:= kamy]


[rain come-Impf-Neg-Ppl.Inan Def] [what?=it.is do.Perf.L]
'The fact that rain isn't coming, what caused it?'

In (565), the factive is possessed (by its logical subject), and the possessed
NP ends with demonstrative kua 'that (Inanimate, Near-Distant)'. Without the
{HL} possessed-noun contour, the verb form would be amwua- mm - doa- 'it does
not accept'.

(565) [aa aawum- mm - dom- kua]


[3SgP accept-Impf-Neg-3SgS.HL NearD-Inan]

292
i ayea gom- ri a-
today go.out-PerfNeg-3SgS
'This (fact that) it (=Beni) doesn't accept (being pushed around), it didn't
come out (=just begin) today' [2005-2b.04]

17.2.3 'See (find, hear) that '

An ordinary main clause may function as the complement of a verb of


recognition of a state of affairs. The common verb of this type is tambi a- 'find (a
situation, or someone in a situation)' (566a), but yi s- 'see' is also used in this
construction when the subject infers that an eventuality has taken place from
circumstantial evidence (566b).

(566) a. [pmrs- m bmra- ja- wm ] tmmbi m- ym


[sheep get-RecPf-2SgS] find.Perf.L-1SgS
'I found that you-Sg had gotten a sheep.'

b. [bomlua ym- ri a- ] yi s- ja- ym


[rain(n.) come-PerfNeg-3SgS] see-RecPf-1SgS
'I saw (e.g. from observing the dry ground) that rain had not come.'

In examples of the type 'X see [E]', where X observed the event E (rather
than recognizing from visual or other signs that X had taken place), we get a
complement with Imperfect suffix - mm on the verb, followed by clitic =bamy, see
(594a-c) in 15.2.1.2.
'Hear (that )' in the hearsay sense has a different syntax because it
involves reported speech by a third party. It therefore has Quotative Subject
particle maa: after the subject, and expresses pronominal subjects as
preparticipial pronouns.

(567) [ua maa:] kmssy kasua- ja: num- ym


[2Sg QuotS] harvest(n.) harvest-RecPf hear.Perf.L-1SgS
'I heard that you-Sg have already harvested.'

17.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complements

For the morphology of the basic Verbal Noun in - i a: ~ - ym, see 4.2.2.

293
17.3.1 Structure of Verbal Noun Phrase

If a simple noun (without a quantifier or determiner) functioning as direct object


or as a similar nonsubject complement (such as the locational with 'go') directly
precedes the verbal noun, it takes low-toned compound-initial form.

(568) a. bum:rum- [s- ym]


bread.L-[eat-VblN]
'eating bread' (bua:rum)

b. bem:ni m- [los- ym]


Beni-[go-VblN]
'going to Beni (village)' (bea:ni)m

This compound construction can be extended to cases where the compound


initial represents a core NP consisting of a noun and an adjective. In (569), the
entire core NP, which elsewhere takes the form bum:rum jeawem- w 'black bread',
functions (in low-toned form) as the initial.

(569) [bum:rum- [jemwem- w]]- [s- ym]


[bread.L-[black-Inan]]- [eat-VblN]
'eating black bread' (s- ym)

More complex NPs, i.e. those containing a postnominal quantifier


(including cardinal numerals) and/or a determiner, cannot be reduced to
compound-initial form. These NPs are construed morphosyntactically as
possessors, and therefore force possessed-noun{L} or {HL} tone contour on
the "possessed" verbal noun.

(570) a. [mlmy mgua] kuaw- i m:


[peanut.L this.Inan] eat-VblN.HL
'eating these peanuts' (kumw- i a:)

b. [mamgoarom nummusy] a- y
[mango five] eat.VblN.HL
'eating five mangoes' (s- ym)

If the direct object is separated from the verbal noun by an intervening


constituent, such as a pronoun, there is no "possession" or compounding, and
the verbal noun appears with its normal {LHL} tone contour (571).

(571) ua mnja- mm [ara maa:] ni s- ym,

294
2Sg chicken-AnSg [3Sg Dat] give-VblN,
jaa:w bua:-
appropriate be-3SgS
'For you-Sg to give him/her a chicken, it's right (= proper) .'

A personal pronoun functioning logically as direct object may, as in main


clauses, have either its unmarked independent form or it may occur with
Accusative clitic =nm ~=ni.m In either case, it behaves as a possessor. The verbal
noun therefore appears with possessed-noun tone contour, either {HL} after a
high tone or tone-dropped after a low tone.

(572) a. i a ji ay- i m:
1SgP kill-VblN.HL
'killing me' (lit. "my killing")

b. i a=nm ji myi m- y
1SgO kill-VblN.L
'killing me'

c. i a: ji my- i m:
1PlP kill-VblN.L

17.3.2 'Begin' (tuamdi a- )

'Begin' takes a Verbal Noun or other nominal as complement. In (573a), the


complement is a cognate nominal. In (573b-c) it is a Verbal Noun, with a simple
noun representing the direct object functioning as compound initial (with
L-tone). In (573d) we have a similar structure, but with a pronominal object.
The latter can be expressed as simple i a as in this example, or with Accusative
clitic as i a=ni.m

(573) a. numwa tuamdi a- ti a- yam


song begin-Perf1b-3PlS
'They have begun to sing.'

b. numwm- [numw- i a:] tuamdi a- ti a- yam


song.L-[sing-VblN.LHL] begin-Perf1b-3PlS
[= (a)]

c. namwam:- [kumw- i a:] tuamdi a- ym


meat.L-[eat-VblN] begin.Impf-3PlS

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'They will begin to eat the meat.'

d. [i a sumy- i a:] tuamdi a- ti a:-


[1SgO hit-VblN] begin-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She began to hit me.'

17.3.3 'Prevent' (gam:li a- )

The complement is expressed as a verbal noun (or other nominal). The logical
subject of the complement clause functions as a direct object of 'prevent'.

(574) a. i a=ni m bi mrm- [bi mr- i a:] gam:li m-


1Sg=Acc work(n.).L-[work-VblN] prevent.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She prevented me from working.'

b. i a=ni m mnjm- [ti my- i a:] gam:li m-


1Sg=Acc chicken.L-[sell-VblN] prevent.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She prevented me from selling the chicken.'

17.3.4 'Consent' (amwua- )

The verb amwua- 'receive, accept (sth given)', which is usually heard as asw, is
used in the sense 'consent, give permission' with a verbal noun complement. If
there is no overt subject of the complement clause, it is understood that the
main-clause subject has consented to perform the action ('he agreed to come'). If
there is a disjoint subject, it appears overtly ('he agreed that I could go').

(575) a. ys- ym asw- ja:-


come-VblN.LHL receive-RecPf-3SgS
'He/She has consented to come.'

b. [bammamka i a los- ym] asw- ja:-


[Bamako 1SgS go-VblN.LHL] receive-RecPf-3SgS
'He/She has agreed (=consented) to my going to Bamako.'

17.3.5 Obligational 'must' (waa:ji abum)

The noun waa:ji abum or waa:ji mbi m 'obligation' (from Arabic via Fulfulde) is the
predicate. Presumably an 'it is' clitic is attached to it ('it is an obligation'), but the

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clitic is inaudible since it is an inanimate noun already ending in a low tone. The
NP denoting the necessary action functions as subject NP with '(it is) an
obligation' as predicate. This NP may be a verbal noun or other nominal. When
the verbal-noun construction is used, the subject (agent) of the verbal-noun
clause may be expressed either as a possessor of the Verbal Noun (576a), or as a
dative preceding waa:ji abum= (576b).

(576) a. [bammamka ara loa- ym] waa:ji abum=


[Bamako 3SgP go-VblN.HL] obligation=it.is
'He/She must go to Bamako.' (lit. "His/her going to Bamako (is) an
obligation")

b. [mgua- rum wams- i a:] ma: waa:ji abum=


[here remain-VblN] 1Sg.Dat obligation=it.is
'I must remain here.' (lit. "remaining here is an obligation for me")

An alternative construction seen in a text puts waa:ji mbum= (or waa:ji mbi m=)
in front, followed by an imperfective clause. The flavor of the construction can
be captured by the phrasing 'definitely, we will '. In (577), the imperfective
clause has a verb with - mm since it is in a quotation (17.1.1.2).

(577) waa:ji mbi m= [barum- m ni a- mm ] bam


obligation=it.is [goat-AnSg give-Impf] say
'She was obligated to give them a goat, they said.' [2005-2a.06]

17.3.6 'Dare' (dam:ri a- , sua:sa- )

dam:ri a- has a range of senses including 'crave' and 'miss (nostalgically)'. It can be
used something like a 'dare to, have the audacity to' verb, though perhaps a
better gloss would be 'can't help (doing)'. It takes a verbal noun or other nominal
complement.

(578) ys- ym dam:rua- mm


come-VblN dare-Impf.3SgS
'He/She dares to come.'

Another verb sua:sa- , from Fulfulde, is also used with a similar syntax.

(579) mgua- rum emw-y- i a: sua:sa- mm


here sit-MP-VblN dare-Impf.3SgS
'He/She dares to sit here.'

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17.3.7 'Cease', 'desist' (dumwa- )

The verb dumwa- 'leave, abandon' may be used to indicate the abandonment of an
activity. In this context it takes a verbal noun or similar nominal complement.

(580) dmrmgum- [ns- ym] dumwa- ti a:-


drug.L-[drink-VblN leave-Perf1b-3SgS
'She has given up drinking (alcohol).'

For 'finish (VP-ing) with dummdua- dummdi a- 'finish', see 17.4.1, below.

17.3.8 'Want' (jmra- , maa:-yi a- ~ maa:-yi a-, negative mi m- raa- )

The verb jmra- 'want' is morphologically regular as far as its paradigm goes. The
common positive form is the unsuffixed Imperfective (3Sg jara- mm 'he/she
wants', 3Pl jara- ym 'they want'). However, there is a suppletive negative 'not
want' verb, see below.
When the complement clause has the same subject, we get a verbal noun or
similar nominal construction.

(581) a. bem:ni m- [los- ym] jara- ym


Beni.L-go-VblN want.Impf-1SgS
'I want (= would like) to go to Beni.' (bea:ni)m

b. nuawmy bum:rum- [s- ym] jara- wm mam


now bread.L-eat-VblN.HL want.Impf-2SgS Q
'Do you-Sg want to eat some bread now?' (bua:rum)

c. [i a=nm ji my- i a:] jmrm-


[1SgO kill-VblN] want.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She wanted (= tried) to kill me.'

With different subjects, the verb of the complement takes Imperfective form
and ends with - mm , for all person-number categories of subject. The - mm could be
taken as the Inanimate Imperfective Participial suffix - mm , or else as the 3Sg
subject Imperfective suffix - mm that has generalized in this construction to all
subject categories. A pronominal subject in the complement is expressed as a
preparticipial pronoun.

298
(582) a. [[ara aay] i a loa- mm ] jara- mm
[[3Sg with] 1SgS go.Impf-Ppl.Inan] want-Impf.3SgS
'He wants me to go with him.'

b. [ay bua: loa- mm ] jara- ym


[1Sg.with 3PlS go.Impf-Ppl.Inan] want.Impf-1SgS
'I want them to go with me.'

There is a less common near-synonym maa:- yi a- or mbaa:- yi a- 'wish for, want


(sth)', which is used with NP (not clausal) complement. There is a related noun
mm baa: 'what one wants'.
The negative 'not want' verb is mi m- raa- (the expected #jara- m- doa- is
ungrammatical) The segmentation is not transparent, but I will put the
morpheme break in on the assumption that native speakers can discern a
similarity to Stative Negative clitic =raa- . Nasalization-Spreading does not
apply to the rhotic, suggesting an internal reconstruction *mm bi m-raa-, which is
supported by e.g. Bankan Tey mm bi m-raa-.
mi m- raa- occurs in the same syntactic constructions as positive jmra- , as just
described: for same subject a Verbal Noun complement (583a), for different
subject an Imperfective participial complement (583b).

(583) a. s- ym mi m- raa- ym
eat-VblN want-Neg-1SgS
'I don't want to eat'.

b. [bua: loa- mm ] mi m- raa- ym


[3PlS go.Impf-Ppl.Inan] want-Neg-1PlS
'We don't want them to go.' [2005.1b.06]
(or: 'We don't like the fact that they go.')

Related nouns are jarm 'wanting' (cognate to jmra- ) and mbaa: '(one's) wish,
what one wants'.

17.3.9 'Forget' (i mra- ), 'remember' (i mli m- ri a- )

'Remember' is the reversive derivative of 'forget' (9.1). Both verbs may take
verbal noun or similar nominal complements to express a clausal complement
with the same subject ('forget/remember to VP').

(584) a. ys- ym i mra:- rm-


come-VblN forget-Perf1a-3SgS

299
'He/She forgot to come.'

b. tam:- [das- ym] i mra- ra


door.L-[lock.up-VblN] forget-ImprtNeg
'Don't-2Sg forget to lock the door.' (taa:, daa- )

c. tam:- [das- ym] i mli m- ri a gos:- rm- y


door.L-[lock.up-VblN] remember go.out-Perf1a-1SgS
'I remembered to lock the door.'

17.3.10 'Be afraid to' (ua:- yi a- )

The verb ua:- yi a- 'fear, be afraid' (cf. archaic causative ua:- rua- 'frighten, scare',
noun umwasw 'fear') takes a verbal-noun complement when the lower clause has
the same subject ('he is afraid to swim'), as in (585a). If the lower clause has a
different subject ('he is afraid that a snake will bit him'), we get a factive
complement ending in a Definite morpheme (585b).

(585) a. tammmrm- [kumw- i a:] um-uawaa- wm


date.L-[eat-VblN] Rdp-fear-Stat.3SgS
'He/She is afraid to eat dates.

b. [ara=ni m ua suaya- mm kum] um-uawaa- wm


[3Sg=Acc 2SgS hit-Impf Def.Inan.Sg] Rdp-fear-Stat.3SgS
'Hex is afraid that you will hit himx/himy.'

17.4 Complements with bare combining form (direct chains)

I include these examples here since we usually think of them as involving a


matrix-clause verb like 'finish' and a complement clause or VP. However, in
BenT they are direct chains (serial construction), see 16.1. That is, the nonfinal
VP ("complement clause") ends in a verb in the bare combining form, with
lexical tones.
In BenT (more so than in e.g. Jamsay), one could seriously consider the
possibility of reanalysing the perfective-system AN "suffixes" - soa-
(Resultative), - ja- (Recent Perfect), and - taa- (Experiential Perfect) as separate
verbs, similar to auxiliary verbs in English. Since the preceding main verb
occurs in its combining form, if these AN morphemes are taken to be separate
verbs, the main verb would have to be reanalysed as a nonfinal member of a

300
direct chain. See 10.1.1 and (for pronouns that can intervene between main
verb and auxiliary) 14.1.7.

17.4.1 'Finish' (dummdua- dummdi a- )

dummdua- dummdi a- is a transitive verb that can take a nominal complement


(586a), or it can be directly chained to the nonfinal VP (586b).

(586) a. kmssy dummdi a- ti a:-


harvest[noun] finish-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She finished harvesting (= finished the harvest).'

b. [yua: kasi]aa dummdi a- ti a:-


[millet harvest[verb]] finish-Perf1b-3SgS
'He/She finished harvesting the millet.'

The explicitly biclausal 'finish VP-ing' construction gets some competition


from Recent Perfect - ja- and its negation - jm- ri a- . For example, 'finish eating'
was expressed with dummdua- by my assistant in contexts like the imperative
(587a). However, in contexts favoring a perfect reading, he avoided dummdua- and
used the Recent Perfect (587b).

(587) a. s: dusmd- am
eat finish-Imprt
'Finish-Sg up eating!'

b. dam sy a- jm- ri a- ym
up.to.now meal eat-RecPf-PerfNeg-1SgS
'I haven't finished eating.'

17.4.2 'Help' (bamri a- )

As in other nearby Dogon languages, there is a verb with a range of senses


including 'add (to), increase' and 'help, assist'. The BenT verb is bamri a- . The
semantic range suggests that 'help' is conceptualized as 'reinforce (effort), add
(oneself, to a collective effort)'.
An example of the 'help' sense with a clausal complement is (588). The
person being helped appears as a direct object with optional Accusative clitic.
The complement verb appears in its bare combining form and may be preceded
by other complements.

301
(588) i a=ni m [woagoaroa wamraa] bamrua- mm
1Sg=Acc [farming do.farm.work] help-Impf.3SgS
'He/She will help me (to) do the farming.'

In BenT the semantic range of bamri a- does not extend to 'gather', which is
expressed by bamraa- . The 'add, increase; help' and 'gather' verbs are
homophonous in Jamsay and Toro Tegu.

17.4.3 'Be able to, can' (bmra- )

The 'be able to' verb is bmra- , which is also the the verb 'get, obtain'. In the 'be
able to' construction it occurs in imperfective form (positive or negative), so it is
heard as high-toned bara- . The logical subject of the complement clause is
coindexed with the subject of 'be able to' and is not overtly expressed in the
complement clause. The complement verb has a verb in the bare combining
form. Direct objects or other complements occur in the same form as in main
clauses.

(589) a. i anji ari a bara- mm - doa-


get.up can-Impf-Neg-3SgS
'He/She cannot get up.'

b. [tea: na] bara- ym


[tea drink] can.Impf-3PlS
'They can drink tea.'

A more literal construal 'acquire the means to VP' (cf. English be in a


position to VP) is possible in some cases. See bea:ni m bmra emw- yem- 'Beni was
able to be settled' in B's second turn in (676) in the sample text, where bmra is
nonfinal in a verb chain.
gmra- is less common but more explicitly denotes capability. It often has a
NP complement. Contextual glosses are 'be capable of (a challenging task)' and
'be stronger than, be able to defeat (sb)'.

302
17.5 Purposive, causal, and locative clauses

17.5.1 Purposive clauses

17.5.1.1 Verb with Purposive suffix (- raa: ~ - ra:)

In one construction, Purposive suffix - raa: ~ - ra: is added to an L-toned form


of the relevant verb stem. This construction is common when the purposive is
subordinated to a verb of motion.

(590) a. pmra ti mym- raa: ym- ym


sheep.Pl sell-Purp come.Perf.L-1SgS
'I came in order to sell sheep-Pl.'

b. [[aa i asem:] ti mwm- raa:] ym-


[[ReflP village.HL] die-Purp] come.Perf.L-3SgS
'He has come back to his village to die.'

c. [woagoaroa wamram- ra:] loa:- rm-


[farming farm-Purp] go-Perf1a-3SgS
'He/She went to do some farming.'

d. [bua:rum mwm- raa:] loa- ym


[bread buy-Purp] go.Impf-1SgS
'I will go and buy some bread.'

e. [yua: lumgumrum- raa:] lom- ba


[millet look.for-Purp] go.Perf.L-3PlS
'They went to look for (=try to get) some millet.'

The suffix takes the allomorph - laa: after a stem ending in y, which
disappears. The attested examples involve the stems gasy- 'put' (hence gam- laa:)
and kaay- 'do' (kam- laa:). My assistant also produced gum- laa: from gusy- 'say', in
this instance preserving nasalization, but indicated that gum- laa: is rare.
In (591), the main-clause and the purposive clause have the same verb
('arrive'). This is a stylistic narrative device that I try to capture with 'finally' in
the free translation.

(591) toarua- m [ara gamnji a- mm nm]


warthog-AnSg [3SgS dig-Impf now]
[ara gamnji a- mm nm] [ara gamnji a- mm nm]
(repetitions)

303
dm- raa: ara ds=ni m,
arrive-Purp 3SgS arrive=and.SS,
'The warthog kept digging. When he had finally come close (to
Hyena), ' [2005-2a.07]

This explicitly purposive construction gets some competition from various


types of VP chain, where the purposive element is implied rather than stated.
This is common when the intended eventuality actually took place. In (592), the
Same-Subject clitic =ni a is used.

(592) [go: gasy=ni a] ki m- ka: ji mym- ba


[fire put=and.SS] Rdp-grasshopper kill.Perf.L-3PlS
'They set a fire and killed (= in order to kill) the grasshoppers.'

17.5.1.2 Quasi-purposive clause in manner-adverbial form (damy)

In this construction, the purposive clause takes the form of a manner adverbial
(15.2.3), cf. English in such a way that in vaguely purposive sense. The
manner adverbial may precede or follow the main clause. Given the prospective
temporal context, the verb of the manner adverbial will normally appear as an
Inanimate Imperfective participle (- mm after Imperfective stem).

(593) [womgomtoarom cea:lea- ym dem]


[cart fix.Impf-1PlS if]
[damy waa:lem i a: loa- mm
[manner.L Walo 1PlS go.Impf-Ppl.Inan]
'We will fix the (donkey) cart, so that we may go to Walo (village).'

17.5.1.3 Clauses ending in Purposive postposition gi sn

Here Purposive postposition gi sn 'for; because of' or one of its variants (8.5.1)
follows a verbal noun (or similar nominal with verb-like sense). The
construction is uncommon in my data. In (594), the verb of the complement is
in Third Person Hortative form, as in jussives (reported imperatives,
17.1.3.1).

(594) nasram mgua- rum i a=nm


1SgP.mother.HL here 1Sg=Acc
[ni a: kawa- y gi sn] ti m-
[water draw.water-Hort.3SgS for] send.Perf.L-3SgS

304
'My mother sent me here (telling me) to draw water (at the well).'

Final gi sn is attested more often in causal ('because') clauses, see 17.5.4.2,


below.

17.5.1.4 Purposive [jmy ni a:] wom

This construction occurred once in a text. For ni a: wom as a causal postposition,


see 8.5.3. jmy appears to be a Purposive morpheme.

(595) dasnnam-m, [[aa kua:] mam:],


hunter-AnSg, [[3ReflSgP head.HL] Dat]
[[aa a
nIgi m] ealea-rea jmy] ni a:] wom],
[[3ReflSgP sauce.HL] be.sweet-Fact Purp] cause] in],
dasnnam tuamdua-mm
hunt(n.) begin.Impf-3Sgs
'A hunter, himself, in order to make his sauce (=meal) good-tasting, he
begins a hunt.' [2005.1b.01]

17.5.2 Causal ('because') clause

The clauses under this rubric are translatable as 'because '. Unlike purposives,
which are prospective in time reference, causal clauses indicate a relationship
between an eventuality that already exists (or has already occurred) and a
following event.

17.5.2.1 Clause-initial saabum 'because'

This clause-initial particle, from Arabic, is now common (with slight variation
in form) in all languages of the zone. The following clause has regular main-
clause form.

(596) [mgaa- daa: yua: i mrm- ri a- ],


[there millet ripen-PerfNeg-3SgS],
saabum bomlua agua- rua ym- ri a-
because rain[noun] fast-Inch come-PerfNeg-3SgS
'The millet hasn't ripened (well) there, because the rain did not come
early (=the rain came late).'

305
17.5.2.2 Causal clause with gi sn and variants

Purposive postposition gi sn, gi mni,a gusn, or gumni a (8.5.1) can also be used with a
clausal complement. The clause takes its normal main-clause form.

(597) [ka: aa: yaa soa- wa gi m- ni a]


[hunger ReflPlS Exist have-3SgS for]
i msea: gom- ba
village go.out.Perf.L-3PlS
'They have left the village because they are/were hungry ("had
hunger").'

For the use of gi sn in purposive clauses, see 17.5.2.2, above.


The origin of gi sn as a clause-linking form of gusy ~ gi s: 'say' is not opaque
to native speakers. Therefore (597) could be literally glossed 'they have left the
village, saying (= thinking, on the grounds that) they-Logophoric were hungry'.
Another clause-linking form, gi m=naay, less contracted and therefore more
transparently connected to 'say', is also attested (598); gi m=naay also occurs in a
negative purposive clause in (601) in 17.5.3.

(598) bea:ni m yea- mm - doa- ,


Beni come-Impf-Neg-3SgS,
[tsw som- loa- ] gi m=naay
[kin have-Neg-3SgS] say.L=then.SS
'She doesn't come to Beni, since (= on the grounds that she has no kin
(there).'

17.5.2.3 Clauses with final Causal dagmy

Clause-final dagmy (with possessed HL tone contour) is more or less


interchangeable with clause-initial saabum.

(599) [mgaa- daa: yua: i mrm- ri a- ],


[there millet ripen-PerfNeg-3SgS],
bomlua agua- rua ym- ri a- dagmy
rain[noun] fast-Inch come-PerfNeg-3SgS because
'The millet hasn't ripened (well) there, because the rain did not come
early (=the rain came late).'

306
17.5.2.4 Clauses with final Causal ni a: wom

The complex postposition ni a: wom 'because of, on account of', which generally
refers to human motivation or reasoning rather than to physical causality
(8.5.3), is occasionally used with a clausal complement (600).

(600) na: m:- w- i a: mgoa- ,


now eat-Caus-VblN not.be-3SgS
[[[km: bua: amgum- rua- mm ] mgoa- ] ni a:] wom
[[[thing.L 3PlS be.ruined-Caus.Impf-Ppl.Inan] not.be-3SgS]cause] in
'Now there is no feeding (= tending the animals), because there is
nothing that they (= animals) (can) damage.' [2005-1a.15]

17.5.3 Negative purposive (= prohibitive) clause

In (601), an imperfective main clause is followed by a negative purposive clause


ending in gi m=naay 'say and'.

(601) temmbem- kua: bi area- ym


roof replaster.Impf-1PlS
ni a: si a- yea- ra- y gi m=naay
water go.down-MP-ImprtNeg-Hort.3SgS say.L=then.SS
'We will replaster the roof (with mud), so that (rain) water doesn't come
down (=leak).'

307
18 Anaphora

18.1 Reflexive and Emphatic pronouns

The third person Reflexive pronouns ("3ReflSg" and "3ReflPl" in interlinears)


are aa (Sg) and aa: (Pl). The same forms are used in logophoric function (18.2.1),
and in nonsubject relatives to express coindexation of the relative-clause subject
with the main-clause subject (18.2.3).

18.1.1 Third-person Reflexive pronouns (aa, Pl aa:)

There are no special reflexive forms for first or second person; one says 'I hit
me', 'you hit you', etc.. Examples with 'cut' (Perfective-1 form) are in (602).

(602) a. i a casa- ti a- ym 'I cut myself.'


i a: casa- ti a- ym 'We cut ourselves.'

b. ua casa- tua- wm 'You-Sg cut yourself.'


ua: casa- tua- wm 'You-Pl cut yourselves.'

For third person subjects, a direct object coindexed to the subject is


expressed by the Reflexive pronoun, Singular aa or Plural aa:, with optional
Accusative =ni m ~ =nm.

(603) a. aa casa- ti a:-


3ReflSgO cut-Perf1b-3SgS
'He cut himself.'

b. aa: casa- ti a- yam


3ReflPlO cut-Perf1b-3PlS
'They cut themselves.'

c. aa:=nm damni mgi a- mm ti anam bea- ym


3ReflPlO get.ready-Impf continue remain.Impf-3PlS
'They would be getting themselves ready.' [2005-2a.09]
18.1.2 Reflexive possessor (aa, Pl aa:)

There is no special reflexive form for first or second person possessors. The
regular possessor forms are used even when the clausemate subject is
coindexed.

(604) a. i snjm- m lasr- ti a- ym


1SgP.dog-AnSg.HL chase.away-Perf1b-1SgS
'I chased my dog away.'

b. [ua i anjm- m] lasr- tua- wm


[2SgP dog-AnSg.HL] chase.away-Perf1b-2SgS
'You-Sg chased your-Sg dog away.'

The special third person reflexive-possessor pronominals are used when


the possessor of a nonsubject NP is coindexed to the clausemate subject.
Contrast (605a), where such coindexation applies, to (605b), where the
clausemate subject is not coindexed to the possessor.

(605) a. sesydum [aa i anjm- m] lasr- ti a:-


Seydou [3ReflSgP dog-AnSg.HL] chase.away-Perf1b-3SgS
'Seydoux chased hisx (own) dog away.'

b. sesydum [ara i anjm- m] lasr- ti a:-


Seydou [3SgP dog-AnSg.HL] chase.away-Perf1b-3SgS
'Seydoux chased hery (e.g. Hawa's) dog away.'

A singular clausemate subject may be coindexed with a more inclusive


third person possessor, e.g. denoting the family containing the subject referent.
This requires a plural reflexive pronominal (606a). Of course the same plural
form is used when the coindexed subject and possessor are both plural and
denote the same set (606b).

(606) a. sesydum [aa: i mnjm- m] lasr- ti a:-


Seydou [3ReflPlP dog-AnSg.L] chase.away-Perf1b-3SgS
'Seydoux chased theirxy (= hisx family's) dog away.'

b. [sesydum yam] [aa:mamdum yam]


[Seydou and] [Amadou and]
[aa: i mnjm- m] lasr- ti a- yam
[3ReflPlP dog-AnSg.L] chase.away-Perf1b-3PlS
'Seydoux and Amadouy chased theirxy (jointly owned) dog away.'
18.1.3 Expressions with 'head' (kua:)

Expressions of the literal type 'my head', etc., are not the common reflexives or
emphatics in BenT. However, I did elicit a reflexive-like construction with
datives (607). In the third person form (607a), the Reflexive pronoun aa is the
possessor of 'head'.

(607) a. [[ua kua:] mam:] kam- w


[[2SgP head.HL] Dat] do.Perf.L-2SgS
'You did (it) to yourself.'

b. [[aa kua:] mam:] kamy-


[[ReflSgP head.HL] Dat] do.Perf.L-2SgS
'He did (it) to himself.'

c. [[i a: kum:] mam:] kam- ym


[[1PlP head.L] Dat] do.Perf.L-1PlS
'We did (it) to ourselves.'

18.1.4 Emphatic pronouns with namamnaa: 'all'

For namamnaa: 'entirety', usually appearing with {HL} or {L} contour as a


possessed noun, see 8.6.7.5.
The same construction (with pronominal possessor) may be used as an
emphatic. This function is most clearly observed when the pronoun is singular
in reference (608).

(608) nu: ti a- ym,


1SgP.person.HL send.Impf-1SgS,
gam: [i a naaamnam:] loa- mm - doa- ym
but [1Sg all.HL] go-Impf-Neg-1SgS
'I am sending my people, but I personally will not go.'

18.2 Logophoric and indexing pronouns

The logophoric pronouns are aa (Sg) and aa: (Pl). The same forms are also used as
third person Reflexive pronouns (18.1.1-2).

311
18.2.1 True logophoric function

Logophorics are original 1Sg or 1Pl pronouns that occur somewhere within a
"logophoric space," i.e., within a (speech or thought) quotation attributed to an
author who is a third person (not the current speaker or addressee). Another
way to say this is that logophorics are a special type of third person pronominal
coindexed to the attributed author of a proposition.
In (609), the logophoric is the subject of a quotative clause. For Quotative
Subject particle ma:, see 17.1.1.1. Recall that e.g. 'Hex said that hex isn't
coming' is a reformulation of the direct quotation 'He said: "I am not coming."'

(609) a. [[aa maa:] yea- mm - doa- ] gi my-


[[LogoSgS QuotS] come-Impf-Neg-3SgS] say.Perf.L-3SgS
'Hex said that hex isn't coming.'

b. [[aa: mam:] yea- mm - n- a] gi my- ba


[LogoPlS QuotS.L] come-Impf-Neg-3PlS] say.Perf.L-3PlS
'Theyx said that theyx aren't coming.'

In (610), the logophoric functions as direct object within its clause.

(610) a. buaraa: gua- wm dem,


Boura say-Impf.3SgS if,
[[ua maa:] aa sumyom] wam
[[2Sg QuotS] LogoSgO hit.Perf.L] say
'Bourax says that you-Sg hit-Past himx.'

b. yi m- t: bua: gua- wm dem,


child-Pl 3PlS say-Impf.3SgS if,
[[i a maa:] aa: sumyom] wam
[1Sg QuotS] LogoPlO hit.Perf.L] say
'The childrenx say that I hit-Past themx.'

In (611a), the logophoric is the possessor of an object NP within its clause.


Since the clausemate subject is second person, there is no ambiguity as to what
the antecedent is. However, (611b) is ambiguous, since the possessive / aa/ could
be taken either as reflexive possessor coindexed to the the more local
clausemate subject, which here is third person, or as logophoric coindexed to
the attributed author.

(611) a. ara gua- wm dem,

312
3SgS say-Impf.3SgS if,
[[ua maa:] [aa i anjm- m] lamri m] wam
[[2SgS QuotS] [LogoSgP dog-AnSg.HL] chase.away.Perf.L] say
'Shex says that you-Sg chased herx dog away.'

b. ara gua- wm dem, [[sesydum mam:]


3SgS say-Impf.3SgS if, [Seydou QuotS.L]
[aa i anjm- m] lamri m] wam
[LogoSgP dog-AnSg.HL] chase.away.Perf.L] say
[ReflSgP
'Shex says that Seydouy (man's name) chased herx/hisy dog away.'

The notion of 'author' is stretched to cover examples of the type 'X knows
that ' and especially 'X heard that '. In the case of 'know', the propositional
knowledge may be unconscious rather than articulated verbally (even as
thought). With 'hear', the focus is on the hearer as one who processes
propositions that originate with other speakers. We do get Logophoric (or,
arguably, Reflexive) third person pronominals in such cases, under the same
conditions as with quoted speech. In (612), note Logophoric object aa=nm or aa.

(612) a. [[i a maa:] aa suaya- mm ] juawa- mm


[[1Sg QuotS] LogoSgO hit-Impf] know-Impf.3SgS
'Hex knows that I will hit himx.'

b. [[sesydum mam:] aa=nm yaa luaguaroa- mm ]


[[S QuotS.L] LogoSg=Acc Exist look.for-Impf]
num-
hear.Perf.L-3SgS
'Shex heard that Seydou was looking for herx.'

My assistant did not use logophorics in (613), where the main-clause verb is
tambi a- 'find'. This verb suggests that one event (here, Amadou's arrival) happens
to coincide with a situation (here, the fact that Seydou is looking for Amadou).
Local French a trouve/trouvait que is used in the same sense, and its
impersonal a captures the pragmatics. So both Amadou and Seydou are
resumed by ordinary 3Sg ara.

(613) aa:maadum sesydum [ara=ni m ara luaguaroa- mm =bamy]


A S [3Sg=Acc 3SgS look.for-Impf=Ppl.Past]
tmmbi m-
find.Perf.L-3SgS
'Amadoux found (= arrived to find) that Seydou was looking for himx.'

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18.2.2 Non-logophoric topic-indexing function

In some other Dogon languages, one observes that Logophoric/Reflexive


pronouns are used to resume the referent of a preposed topical NP: 'As for
Seydou, he-Logo/Refl is going away.'
In elicitation, my Beni assistant treated the topical NP as part of the clause
proper, even when marked by Topic particle kamy. Both the set-up cue with first
person topic (614a) and that with the third person cue (614b) elicited this BenT
structure. The French cues were with quand mme (e.g. Moi quand mme, je
pars Bni).

(614) a. [i a kamy] bea:n loa- ym


[1SgS Top] Beni go.Impf-1SgS
'As for me (Moi quand mme), I'm going to Beni.'

b. [sesydum kamy] bea:n loa- mm


[S Top] Beni go-Impf.3SgS
'As for Seydou, he's going to Beni.'

It was possible to elicit a topical resumptive pronoun in (615), where the


topical NP is heavy (a conjunction of two NPs). Here the topical resumptive
pronoun is ordinary (i.e. nonreflexive) 3Pl bua:.

(615) [[sesydum yam] [aa:maadum yam] bua: loa- mm - n-a


[[S and] [A and] 3Pl go-Impf-Neg-3Pl
Seydou and Amadou, as for them, they will not go.'

Although the construction with preposed topic NP and resuming third


person reflexive pronoun is not typical of this language, we do find something
similar in narrative sequences involving headless perfective relatives with
Inanimate - wm in place of regular m