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In the span of nine years, Arroyo did not increase state funding for ailing state universities and colleges (SUCs), based on the annual budget appropriations adjusted for current prices. After compiling the annual government subsidy from the General Appropriations Act and the internal income of SUCs from the Budget of Expenditures and Sources of Financing of the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) for 1987 to 2010, the Philippine Collegian used the 2000 Consumer Price Index obtained from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas to adjust the value of budget appropriation for SUCs from 1987 to 2009, and estimates of Ibon Foundation for 2010. Based on the data, SUC-generated income grew by 11 percent in real value under Arroyo. Meanwhile, state funding for SUCs declined by less than a percent during the same period. Between 1988 and 1991, late President Corazon Aquino increased state funding for SUCs by a mere one percent in real value. The average increase in state funding rose to nine percent during the term of President Fidel Ramos, from 1992 to 1997. And state subsidy also increased by an average of nine percent under President Joseph Estrada, from 1998 to 2000. The past three administrations funded about 90 percent of the total budgetary requirement of public tertiary education. Arroyo decreased the share funded by the national government in the total budgetary needs of SUCs to 76 percent of the total budget requirement during her term, leaving SUCs increasingly reliant on internally generated income to sustain their operations (see table). Existing state policies see tertiary education as a “privilege” rather than a right, said CHEd Executive Director Julito Vitriolo. “Kahit magaling ka, kung wala ka talagang pera, hindi ka makakapag-aral,” he added. In 1996, Fidel Ramos drew a policy framework for SUCs for the next decade. Ramos came up with the LongTerm Higher Education Development Plan (LTHEDP) for 1996-2005, which required CHEd to monitor the performance of college students for global competitiveness in the labor market. The rush of tuition and other fee increases in state universities came after Ramos signed the Higher Education Modernization Act (HEMA) in 1997. The act empowers governing bodies of SUCs to “fix tuition and other necessary school charges,” “to enter into joint ventures with business and industry” and “privatize management and non-academic services.” The next President, Joseph Estrada, also aggressively implemented these schemes. Arroyo revised the LTHEDP four years later, with a thrust towards making SUCs fiscally autonomous from state funding. Under Arroyo’s LTHEDP, by 2010, half of existing state universities should have initiated income-generating projects, and seven in 10 SUCs should have implemented tuition rates comparable with their private counterparts. In 2004, Arroyo formulated the Medium Term Development Plan for Higher Education. The plan states, “For the next six years, efforts will be directed … to rationalizing governance and financing higher education in a manner that would unleash institutional creativity and entrepreneurship.” “The present state policy is that subsidy is not increasing. So SUCs are empowered to use and generate income. That is now the trend. This is the policy,” said Vitriolo.
GMA worst investor in SU C s, gov’ t r
Source: Budget of Expenditures and Sources of Financing, Depar tment of Budget and Management, 1989-2010; General Appropriations Act 1987-2010 *The data used for the graph took into consideration the adjustment for inf lation, using the consumer price index (CPI) from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas for 19892009 and an estimate value for CPI from Ibon Foundation for 2010.
The four presidents who were elected in the post-Marcos democracy have formulated and aggressively implemented various policies to “corporatize” SUCs and make them “fiscally autonomous” from state funding.
Philippine Collegian 10-11
In 2010, the share of the real subsidy in the total budgetary requirement was about 69 percent. When Arroyo came to power in 2001, the share of the real state subsidy in the total budget pie was 84 percent. While SUCs needed an average of P17.1 billion in real terms for their operation between 2001 and 2010, the government only gave P13 billion to them. SUCs shouldered the rest through internally generated income. “What is happening now, it is a reflection of the priorities of the government,” said Vitriolo. Arroyo is the worst employer, as salaries and benefits of university officials, faculty members, administrative staff, non-academic employees, and contractuals in SUCs declined by 0.28 percent in real terms during her term. During Ramos’s and Estrada’s administration, salaries and compensations increased by an average nine percent, while Aquino’s term also saw a nominal 0.68 percent increase annually. True to her penchant for infrastructure projects, Arroyo is the biggest spender on capital outlay. Appropriation for infrastructure and other projects increased nominally by 28 percent, from negative three percent during Estrada’s term to 25 percent during her term. On the other hand, Arroyo increased the budget for operation by less than percent in real terms, and even imposed cuts thrice, including this year. SUCs are now mandated to look for other sources of income, which comes from tuition and other fees, interests from revolving fund, grants and donations, and other sources such as land leases and patented or copyrighted products. It has also been the practice of many SUCs to instead approve new or increase existing laboratory and other fees, said Edgar Nolasco, Vice President of the National Union of Students of the Philippines. “Isang quick source of income ang tuition [and other] fees. Unfortunately, nalilipat naman nito ang burden sa students. Otherwise, hindi nila masusustain ang elements ng quality education,” Vitriolo said. Starting 2001, 64 percent of the Cont. to pg 5
records tertiary investor of is the worstpresidents inPOSTPhilippines, THE Arroyogovernment Marcos education, officialthe MONGshow. Gloria public
‘P22 dagdag saho d , insulto sa mga manggagawa’
NULAN NG BATIKOS ang P22 dagdag sahod para sa mga manggagawa sa Metro Manila na ipinasa ng Regional Tripartite Wages and Productivity Board (RTWPB) National Capital Region noong Hunyo 8. Simula ngayong Hulyo, tataas mula sa dating P382 tungong P404 kada araw ang sahod ng mahigit dalawang milyong minimum wage earner sa Metro Manila. “Matapos ang dalawang taon ng walang tigil na pagtaas ng presyo at pagbarat sa sahod, iniinsulto kaming mga manggagawa ng mga wage board sa pagbibigay ng kakarampot na P22 dagdag – at sa Metro Manila lang,” ani Joselito Ustarez, executive vice chairperson ng Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU). Ibinatay ang halaga ng dagdag sahod sa pangangailangan ng mga manggagawa at kakayanan ng mga ahensya at kumpaya na magdagdag ng pasahod, ayon sa RTWPB sa isang pahayag. Huling nagpatupad ng dagdag na P20 sahod ang nasabing ahensya noong Hunyo 2008. Hindi nakasasabay sa pagtaas ng presyo ng bilihin ang ibinibigay na pagtaas sa sahod ng RTWB, ani Uztarez. Paliwanag niya, habang tumaas na ng halos 40 bahagdan ang presyo ng pangunahing bilihin sa loob ng isang dekada, halos 20 bahagdan lamang ang naging pagtaas sa sahod. “Mumo lang kung tutuusin ang P22. Ito ba ang sinasabi nilang sagot sa pangangailangan ng mga manggagawa? Hindi man lang sapat ito para bumili ng isang kilong bigas,” ani Elmer Labog, pambansang tagapangulo ng KMU. Marami ring limitasyon ang dagdag sahod na ipatutupad ng RTWPB, dagdag ni Labog. “Minimum wage earners lang ang makikinabang dito dahil hindi across-the-board ang pagtaas,” paliwanag niya. Pinakamababa ang naging pagtaas ng sahod sa ilalim ng siyam na taong pamumuno ni Gloria Arroyo, ayon sa Ibon Foundation. Batay sa tunay na halaga ng piso, tinatayang limang piso lamang ang itinaas ng sahod sa buong termino ni Arroyo, saad ng grupo. Sa ilalim ng administrasyong Aquino, tumaas ng P82 sa tunay na halaga ang sahod ng minimum wage workers; P16 naman ang itinaas noong termino ni Ramos at P22 sa administrasyong Estrada. “Ngayong papasok ang bagong administrasyon, nananawagan kaming mga manggagawa para sa isang pagtaas sa sahod na sasapat sa pang-araw-araw na pangangailangan,” ani Labog. “Nanatili pa rin ang panawagan para sa pagsasabatas ng P125 across-theboard wage hike at hindi ang pagpapalaganap ng mga huwad na pagtaas na hindi naman makabubuhay,” dagdag niya. q
jose Maria Marella
s Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo leaves the Presidency — but not the political landscape — her constituents are left to salvage and rebuild what they can from the debris of her nine years in office. Her reign was riddled with accusations of human rights violations and corruption scandals, her policies slammed by various sectors, her approval ratings among the lowest in recorded history. Yet she has managed to evade each attempt to hold her accountable. Arroyo is set to step down on June 30, at which point a new President will take his oath of office. It is time to assess Arroyo’s presidency, and review the impact of her various projects and policies on the country. How has Arroyo’s nine-year presidency affected the Filipinos’ living conditions? “I did not become President to be popular. To work, to lead, to protect and preserve our country, our people, that is why I became President. When my father left the Presidency, we were second to Japan. I want our Republic to be ready for the first world in 20 years.” – President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, speech during the 112th year of Philippine independence “The disturbing divergence between the for tunes of a few and the welfare of the many is the most troubling leg-
acy that the Arroyo presidency leaves behind– and among the greatest challenges that the incoming administration has to confront to deliver any real change. In 2006, the net wor th of just the 20 richest Filipinos– including close Arroyo allies Lucio Tan, Enrique Razon, Jr., Eduardo Cojuangco, Enrique Aboitiz and others– was P801 billion – equivalent to the combined income for that year of the poorest 10.4 million Filipino families.” – Sonny Africa, Research Head, IBON Foundation “She has made a mockery of institutions of media and culture. In the National Ar tist selection, she defied the usual process. She intervened and appointed people who did not undergo the scrutiny of peers. In her midnight appointments, all people critical of her government were replaced: in the National Historical Institute, the Cultural Center of the Philippines. In terms of journalism, 108 journalists had been killed.” - Roland Tolentino, Dean, College of Mass Communication “Bilang isang kawani ng pamantasan, masasabi ko sa simula pa lang ng paninilbihan [ni GMA] hanggang sa [nalalapit na] pagpalit ng bagong gobyerno, wala akong nakitang kabutihan o maliit na positibong naidulot niya para sa pagpapaunlad; lalo na sa usapin ng sahod, trabaho at karapatan.” – Felix Parinas, President, All UP Workers Union-Diliman “In the nine years she was president, we did not have any catastrophic event
that would have turned the country backwards. The level of growth of the economy was, in general, positive. She sustained the country’s forward movement. She has not done too badly, but was she exceptional? No. Could she have done better? Definitely, had she been a better decision-maker. She was hampered in par t because she did not know how to deal with the critical issues that were made against her.” – Gerardo Sicat, Professor Emeritus, UP School of Economics “Fiscal crisis has been evident, resulting from faulty check and balance within the bureaucracy. Social services have also been defective. GMA’s administration has not delivered what is due to the people (i.e. strong health care system). Though, economically, the country has been relatively higher compared to past administrations. Unfor tunately, said economic growth went to a few and was barely felt by the majority.” – Marika Mercado, Freshman, UP College of Law “Magaling nga siyang ekonomista, pinaandar niya ang ekonomiya ng Pilipinas pero corrupt pa rin siya. Kahit kumita ang ating bansa, hindi naman lahat ng perang ito ay napapunta sa mga Pilipino. Binulsa lang niya ang karamihan sa perang ito. Imbes na matulungan niya kami sa paghahanap ng trabaho, mas humirap pa ang buhay namin.” – Ryan Obet, manininda ng kakanin, UP Shopping Center
Read the Philippine Collegian in pdf!
Despite lack of s tudent representation in the review commit tee
Univ Council set to discuss student code
Dispute Resolution (ADR) which allows for “speedy resolution of cases of less serious misconduct,” explained Enriquez. She added that the ADR aims to solve the problem of prolonged resolution of cases. The 2010 CSC retains a provision replacing the Student Disciplinary Tribunal (SDT), the body that decides on disciplinary cases against students, with the Student Disciplinary Council (SDC). Unlike the current SDT, the SDC does not include a student juror. However, the SDC may still call a student representative if needed, said Enriquez. This lack of student representation will spur massive opposition from the students, said Sindayen. The new draft CSC, moreover, still retains “contentious provisions” on the membership of student organizations and granting of tambayans, said Sindayen (see sidebar). student. In the 2010 draft CSC, this provision was amended, allowing organizations to recruit freshmen without formalizing their membership until they have completed a one-semester residency. Sindayen pointed out that the draft CSC still does not consider tambayans as a right. However, Enriquez said that “with the lack of resources, a tambayan should be a grant rather than a right.” Of over 270 recognized organizations in Diliman, about 30 percent or over 80 organizations have no tambayans. Recently, six tambayans were demolished in the College of Arts and Letters (CAL), displacing four CAL-based organizations. Tambayans play a vital role in every organization because they serve as venue for different meetings and activities, said USC Students’ Rights and Welfare Committee Head Dan Ramos. Amendments in the draft 2010 Code of Student
Current Rules and Provisions Only students with a one yearresidency will be allowed to join organizations 2010 draft of CSC Organizations can recruit students regardless of residency, but the students’ membership will only be “accepted” or formalized after a residency of one semester. The university will form a Student Disciplinary Council, which does not allow for the position of a student juror The use of a tambayan is considered a grant
The Student Disciplinary T ribunal includes one student juror Every recognized student organization has a right to a tambayan
in UP. But the UPD University Student Council (USC) “maintains its stand to junk the Code because of its lack of student participation during the drafting and the [code’s] lack of responsiveness regarding the students’ welfare,” said USC Chairperson Rainier Sindayen. The draft CSC was revised after consultations with students, faculty, college secretaries and the University Council Committee on Student Organizations, Activities and Welfare held from May to September 2009.
20 years from p. 3
SUC-generated income came from tuition and other income collected from students, based on revenue receipts of state universities. In fact, for every P100 that state universities were able to generate during this period, half of it came from tuition alone. “The situation would even look much worse, if aside from inflation, we also consider the growing student and tertiary-level age population,” said Sonny Africa, head researcher of independent think tank Ibon Foundation. The quality of education has “not improved dramatically” due to higher income generation coupled with lower state funding, noted Vitriolo.
“The CSC began as a response to the growing number of problems of misconduct. Some of which include intellectual dishonesty and fraternityrelated violence,” said Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Dr. Elizabeth Enriquez. The new code includes an Alternative
In the consultations held last year, students slammed the provision requiring a student to have a one-year residency in the university before joining an organization. Students argued that membership in an organization does not significantly affect their academic performance. “I joined an organization during my first year, first semester. My organization helped me adapt to the culture shock and has not caused any academic setback,” said Marco Dupolog, an engineering
“The USC plans to review [the code], push for bilateral talks and pave the way for more consultations that actually involve the students. We hope that this dialogue will allow us to salvage some provisions at the very least,” said Sindayen. The draft CSC does not reflect the needs and demands of students, said USC Vice Chair Fermina Agudo. Once implemented, the CSC will further suppress the democratic rights of students in the university, Sindayen said. q
In fact, student leaders and teachers argued that dwindling state subsidy is the reason why the quality of tertiary education is stagnating. CHEd and DBM have applied a new budgeting scheme, which provides greater subsidy to state universities with a higher quality of performance. The parameters for determining the quality of education gives 50 percent weight to institutional support, 30 percent to quality teaching, 15 percent to research, and 5 percent to extension services. Budget slashes for “lowquality” education would affect the maintenance and other operating expenses (MOOE) of a university, although a 2004 circular says that the budget for salaries and infrastructure outlay would also be included. To facilitate the distribution of the government’s allocated budget, CHEd implemented a “capping” scheme that imposed a ceiling for budget increases, said Violeta Galo, chief administrative officer of CHEd’s budget division. For instance, if CHEd imposes a 20-percent ceiling in all MOOE
increases, SUCs will only receive increases up to such amount, even if they earn ratings in the normative financing scheme equivalent to a 25-percent increase. The excess amount will then be distributed to SUCS which received negative rating, Galo explained. The scheme has trapped underperforming SUCs in a cycle of perennial budget cuts, as records from CHEd and the DBM show. In effect, instead of facilitating the improvement of SUCs with dismal facilities and poor teachers, CHEd is penalizing them with an even lower budget. For 2011, 81 of the existing 112 SUCs will receive lower budget for MOOE, not only because of the budget cut but also because of the negative marks they obtained based on CHEd’s standards for normative financing, according to a CHEd report. For instance, the budget for MOOE of 10 state universities such as Mindanao State University has been reduced four times between 2005 and 2010, excluding 2007. At least 22 SUCs suffered budget cuts three times during the said period, based on DBM expenditure reports. “Batay sa pangangailangan dapat [ang allocation ng budget]—pangangailangan sa classrooms, facilities, adequate equipment, water and electricity, and the faculty [development],” said ACT Teachers Party-list Rep.-elect Antonio Tinio. “The government [should not only] increase funds for higher education but also reverse the current doctrine that views education as a privilege. Higher education should be considered as a public good,” said Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino. q
facilities, huge commercial backing and a strong media and broadcast industry. The 2010 tournament stirs much interest due to the winning bidder for the event – South Africa, the first African nation to ever host the sporting event. It was the first time for the country to host the tournament, despite South Africans being avid fans of the sport since the late 19th century.
in the world’s poorest continent, all in the name of football. The ball game has apparently done the unthinkable – it has blurred the geographical, political and economic divide between countries.
The first FIFA tournament was held in 1928. Since then, the tournament was held every four years, except during the two world wars, and even garnered a cumulative television audience of more than 26 billion in the last World Cup in Germany. Football is extremely popular around the world and its origins can be traced back to many countries. China, Greece and Rome are all pointed as having rudimentary versions of modern football, where a point is earned once the whole ball passes the goal line without any hand contact with the ball. The rules were finally standardized in England, after the game became a pastime in public schools like Winchester. As football organizations spread and tournaments became commonplace, rules were formulated and ratified by the International Football Association Board. The venue for the tournament is chosen by the FIFA Executive Committee, based on criteria like top-grade
The D loss of the Hosting the FIFA world world's mightiest tournament is an opportunity coveted nations to weak countries by many countries. becomes a spectacle that Beyond the prestige of enthralls the whole world, playing a key role in indicating a collective the games, the task brings ecosubconscious desire to see nomic gains as well, especially the world's strongest in the areas of tourism and comdown on their merce. For instance, hotels in South Africa are now crammed full of foreignknees. ers.
As a country aspiring to join the circle of developed countries, South Africa has much to desire from the football tournament. Chosen to host an international sporting event, the nation almost seems out of place in the continent known for famine and its colonial past. Clearly, it wants to break from the stigma of belonging to the African continent, and attempts to bury the bad blood be-
tween former colonies and the colonial masters. Africa’s history, after all, bears deep scars from the European conquests. From the 17th to the 19th century, the continent was a crucial stopover in the Triangular slave trade. Due to their status as a colonized people, Africans were sold as slaves and deployed to work in fields owned by the European elite in the Americas. The European occupation left the Africans with prejudice against their own skin. Hence, when the Europeans gave up their African colonies, a social segregation system called the Apartheid continued the discriminating practices of the colonizers. Against this background, the FIFA tournament appears as a kind of reconciliation among races. That teams from different countries, even colonizers and former colonies, are accorded the same space on the pitch seemingly signify equal relations. Through a simple game of football, countries are given the chance to rewrite their national narratives. For the conquerors, it is a time to show the world their reformation. For the conquered, it is time to finally
be at par with, and eventually, defeat their oppressors. Foul The treatment of the FIFA tournament as an equalizer belies its cultural and political significance. In football, third-world countries can raze world superpowers, like how crowd-favorite Brazil beat the United States of America in its own home field in 2003. Yet, the victory scored in every game is a mere token for the real relations between countries. The sight of poor Brazilians beating wealthy Americans draws a crowd, for such an event is unlikely in fields outside football – in finance, technology, trade, or military strength. The loss of the world’s mightiest nations to weak countries becomes a spectacle that enthralls the whole world, indicating a collective subconscious desire to see the world’s strongest down on their knees. Even the conduct of the tournament exposes superficial tolerance for diversity and the covert agenda of imposing a colonial culture. Like the crude assignment of African culture as backdrop for the kick-off concert, the theme song for this year’s World Cup also tries to subdue the assertion of African identity. Waka-waka, the 2010 World Cup theme song, appropriates the chants of former tirailleurs, or colonial subjects recruited by the Europeans to serve as foot soldiers during World War 2. The Cameroonian lyrics translate to “who has sent you”, in bitter reference perhaps to Africans who adapted their colonial masters’ ideals and discriminated fellow Africans. Sung by a pop diva, the song is almost wiped of its past and recreated to solely express international obsession with football. The complex relationships among countries, meanwhile, are concealed beneath layers of drum beats and Shakira’s hip-shaking. In a gesture read by many as redemption from a history of servitude, the world’s poorest continent has gambled to host the sensational game of football. The field is now an open invitation to create a deceiving semblance of fairness and equality among nations. q
ern media outside the EU has been critical of the Eurozone. “Europe’s nations are too economically disparate to maintain supranational institutions like a single currency in the long term,” argued the New York Times. In the United Kingdom, the Telegraph criticized the “artificial structure of the European project,” saying that the euro has “no ultimate authority” because it is backed by economics without political unity.
In Greece, where the EU’s troubles began, economic and political problems have become inextricably intertwined. The country’s debt is predicted to reach as high as 120 percent of its GDP in 2010, with interest rates rising. Its deficit spending is well over 10 percent. Its credit rating has been downgraded. It is essentially, as media reports have called it, “a financial black hole.” Under the current capitalist system, a country suffering from bloated debt can implement several solutions. One is to depreciate its own cur-
rency to become more competitive in the global economy; another is to cut down on government expenditures. But Greece cannot devalue the euro, because it is the official currency of sixteen other nations in the Eurozone, including France and Germany, two of the world’s strongest economies. Instead, the Greek government has implemented harsh austerity measures — tax hikes, pay cuts, and raising of the retirement age — to slash deficit spending. Predictably, Greek citizens are crying foul, staging riots and widespread worker strikes which have crippled public institutions, and further damaged their economy. As 2010 progressed, concerns over the possibility of Greece defaulting on its loans began spreading to countries like Spain and Portugal. The crisis had reached a juncture. The third solution to sovereign debt was to be bailed out by other members of the Eurozone, to avoid a financial backlash against the entire EU. By May, other countries in the Eurozone cobbled together a bailout package to salvage Greece and other troubled economies — which, with a
price tag of €750 billion, is the largest “rescue” ever — funded by bilateral loans from EU members and financial aid from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF and EU made additional austerity measures for Greece a precondition for the bailout. “The measures taken by the US and European governments since the onset of the global crisis, including the so-called stimulus packages and bailing out of big banks, bankrupt corporations and now countries, have not solved the problem [but] merely aggravated it,” said Rey Casambre of the Philippine Peace Center. Casambre explained that funds used for bailouts do not constitute an investment in actual production, but amount only to “finance speculation” in an attempt to generate more profit in a constricted real market. “Problems with debt-driven financial bubbles cannot be solved with further debt,” noted Sonny Africa of independent think tank IBON Foundation. Debt-driven bailouts “could prolong the seeming recovery indefinitely. But it will not solve the underlying problem of a severe imbalance between the overblown value of finance capital that has less and less relation to the actual and potential worth of real economies,” Africa said.
in the EU economy. The anxiety over the European financial crisis is a sobering reminder that we are not at “the end of history,” as political analyst Francis Fukuyama called the prevailing global political and economic system.
Indeed, the ongoing financial crisis, from its first eruption in 2008 to the aftershocks shaking Europe today, can be reduced to a single word: debt. “Increasingly, [borrowing] was not based on any intrinsic ability to pay but justified through complex financial instruments that covered up for the debt being so large as
The first half of the 1900s was dominated by two world wars, both initiated by European nations. These wars had a combined death toll of well over a hundred million, while the financial cost was incalculable in countries where warfare damaged or destroyed people, infrastructure, and agriculture. To avoid another such war, France proposed to ensure stable and long-lasting peace by forging, among the countries of Europe, greater political cooperation and economic interdependence. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) was created in 1951 through the Treaty of Paris, with six initial members: Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and West Germany. In 1967, the ECSC merged with other alliance organizations to form the European Community (EC). The EU was created in 1992 from the EC, with the signing of the Treaty of Maastricht. By 1999, the euro was officially launched, with euro cash introduced in 2002. The Eurozone currently consists of 17 of the EU’s 27 member countries (see sidebar 2). Countries in the Eurozone use the euro as their sole legal tender. All other member states of the EU have committed to changing their currency to the euro once they meet the requirements for membership to the Eurozone. Despite the initial optimism that fueled the formation of the EU, however, most of the West-
Sidebar 1: Timeline of the European Financial Crisis
October 2009 — Greece declares a budget def icit of 12.5 percent of its GDP in 2009. November 2009 — Portugal’s budget def icit forecast is 8 percent of its GDP in 2009. January 2010 — Spain announces that its budget def icit in 2009 was 11.4 percent of GDP. March 2010 — Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou meets with leaders of several states, including Germany and France, to discuss a possible f inancial “support package” to bail out Greece. May 2010 — The EU agrees on a €750 billion bailout plan, consisting of €440 billion of loans from euro-zone governments, €60 billion from an EU emergency fund and €250 billion from the IMF. June 2010 — The euro remains unstable, as f inancial and lending institutions challenge the timing of the bailout and the effectiveness of the EU-IMF f inancial assistance program as a mechanism for economic recovery and grow th.
Sources: Reuters, Wall Street Journal
Sidebar 2: The EU and the Eurozone *Members of the Eurozone (in order of highest GDP as of 2008):
Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Netherlands, Belgium, Austria, Greece, Finland, Ireland, Portugal, Slovakia, Luxembourg, Slovenia, Cyprus, Malta, Estonia (only joined the Eurozone this June 2010) *Other Members of the EU (in order of highest GDP as of 2008): United Kingdom, Poland,
Huwebes, 24 Hunyo 2010
T urning P oint
Gino n. Chang
L ily S ar miento
…and they were all yellow… - Coldplay Indeed, unmasking the legend that is Noynoy Aquino takes nothing more than analyzing his class origins, the interests he serves, and the people he will identify and consort with as president. That alone should have sent us scurrying towards the opposite direction. But then, the media and the rest of the elite have done a good job projecting an entirely different image that unfortunately sold out, big time. First thing, Noynoy comes from the landed elite
The shor test street in UP Diliman
class — as many are before him. No matter how he washes his hands off Hacienda Luisita, his elitist origins cannot be denied. And following this logic, HLI farmers may probably never see justice brought upon them in the next six years…hopefully not beyond it. As a member of the elite, Noynoy could never fathom the desperation with which the rest of us cling to every peso, the modes of survival with which we subsist. And never will he forward our interests — particularly if our interests contradict the interest of his clan and the rest of their class. Such
G iovanni P
It was funny, the way I thought it’s going to be an easier presswork for this academic year because they finally re-opened Shuster gate. Last year, people had to climb the useless gate just to eat in the stores across Katipunan. During enrollment, the festivities were in this side of the universe, because we thought those days were over. But the guards started getting more and more rabid in sticking to the rules. They had to pull someone by her backpack just to stop her from walking any further. She did not present a UP ID. Days later, the policy became just plain illogical. Students who have to leave the campus via Shuster have to present an ID to the guards. So you need an ID to get out of the campus, I tried stressing that poppycock when I was negotiating with the guards because I could not find my ID. Predictably, my negotiations did not work, but they gave in just the same because I had to practically beg. Then, just recently, no students were allowed to use the street. Shuster is now exclusive for vehicles. Let’s give it up and use the CHE gate, I told Ralph. After all, there’s no use arguing with the guards, they have to keep their jobs and provide for their families, even if it means following some flawed, irrational directive. q remembered when my friend asked you where I was and you answered, “Wala pa siya sa bahay, naglalakwatsa na naman.” And my friend told me you answered with conviction, as if you really knew where I was. You sounded so proud, so certain of your answer. I do not blame you. I do not have an apartment in the campus, but I sleep here very often. I do not go home for weeks to end, just to get my work in Kule done. Of course, there are other things that I have to take care of, and these are things that matter, the things that I never really bothered to explain to you or to our parents. You are barely thirteen. You are too young to comprehend what often preoccupies my mind. Too young to know about imperialism, too young to understand subordination based on gender, too young to grasp the notion of massive divergence between the ruling class and the marginalized. It is best that you stay in your little world of hopes, comfort and blissful ignorance. Whenever I arrive home at around 10 in the evening, you would ask me how is it to study in the vast expanse we call the university, and if there were bullies and cliques and what I do with them. You thought it’s fancy that UP students do not wear uniforms, that we get to select our own classes, that we
don’t have to take notes because the teacher won’t check our notebooks. For you, it’s the perfect life, with seemingly no parental or institutional constraints. How I wish I could tell you that you’re talking about a UP romanticized by myths of the long past. How I wish I could tell you that you’re in for
a disappointment, that we get to select our classes but often the quality of education we receive have to suffer (and we don’t really care because we want to preempt terrorism and savor our unos). Yes, we still don’t wear uniforms, but in PE classes, it’s a start. You were fooled into believing that democratic rights are absolute in UP, when in fact, one could argue that freedom is under siege in this university. Prof. Sarah Raymundo and former Student Regent Charisse Bañez could attest to that. And yet, I never corrected any of your rosy misconceptions. You thought my life as a UP student is a life of no-holds-barred revelry. That I must be so happy spending our parents’ money in merrymaking
Huwebes, 24 Hunyo 2010
loria Arroyo’s legacy to the Filipino youth is staggering. In 2009, the Dept. of Education said more than 5 million Filipinos ages 6-15 years old are out of school. Despite the fact that public elementary and high schools do not charge any tuition, they are still out of school. In the same year, the Commission on Higher Education said 216,000 college students, or 10% of the entire college-going population, are working students. Furthermore, the same report said 50% of all college students do not graduate at all. A few years back, some professors of the UP School of Economics estimated that 40% of the average poor family’s earnings go to food alone. Last year, the minimum wage in Metro Manila was pegged at P382, while the daily cost of living for the same family is at P917. No wonder parents cannot afford to send their kids to school, or just opt to have them work, even with “free” schools. Such is Gloria’s legacy and such is Noynoy Aquino’s challenge. The many anomalies and controversies of the 2010 polls aside, Noynoy’s electoral victory gives him a mandate to act immediately and decisively. And in the midst of the worsening education crisis, we will have it no other way. Among the much-needed doable reforms are the implementation of a tuition moratorium, the emergency allocation of funds in the highly-overcrowded Polytechnic University of the Philippines, the prioritization of the P125 nationwide across-the-board wage hike bill and the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill in Congress, and a comprehensive review of highlycriticized policies such as the CARP (Comprehen-
sive Agrarian Reform Program), EPIRA (Electric Power Industry Reform Act), and the Oil Deregulation Law. Immediately after, he should have Congress allocate an education budget equivalent to 6% of our Gross Domestic Product, the minimum amount r e c o m - mended by the United Nations. He should exercise the political will to free the necessary funds, not by raising more or adding new taxes, but by suspending foreign debt payments. Noynoy has already made a lot of noise about how he wants the youth to be more involved in his Administration. It would be best not to disappoint him. For only by involving ourselves in widespread displays of collective opinion can we push the new Administration to act on the changes that we want, past the area called “what we are prepared to do”, and into the area called “what should be done”. In our very recent past are several examples of what the youth can do should it choose to harness the awesome power of collective action: last March, thousands of PUP students stopped the biggest tuition fee increase (percentage-wise) in recent memory. Around the same time, hundreds of students, faculty, and employees from our very own University stopped a Board of Regents meeting, and the many anti-student proposals it was set to approve. We do not have to look far when we start asking ourselves “What should we do to get the change we need?”. June 23, 2010 Anakbayan UP Diliman chapter
Huling Balita 3: Continuing the Struggles of Karen and She
To strengthen our call to surface and give justice to the victims of forced disappearances, the University Student Council invites everyone to Huling Balita 3. A week-long exhibit shall be displayed in the AS lobby showing the lives and struggles of fellow UP students, Karen and She. To culminate the event, guest speakers shall be invited to give solidarity messages in a balloon flying ceremony. Week-long Exhibit - June 22-25 2010, AS 2nd flr lobby Balloon Flying Ceremony - June 25, 4pm, AS Steps
UP KAISA Open Invitation
KINENAM! Na- offend ka ba? Kelangan mo ng apology?
Gusto mong gumanti? Then pumunta na sa tambayan ng original UP KAISA (Kalipunan ng mga Anak ng Isabela) sa Vinzons Hill, at sapakin si Dan o si Joey. Contact numbers: 09162515528/09273209716.
I L L U S T R A T O R S , PHOTOGRAPHERS , ATUOY L ARSTI AND EB AF W TS NEEDED! Bring sample portfolio and two blue books
Isyu # 2, p.8, sa ar tikulong “Himig ng Bagong Bayani” – RA 8042 at hindi RA 8045 ang Migrant Workers Act of 1995 na nagbabawal sa paggamit sa overseas employment bilang pagpapasigla sa Ekonomiya. Isyu # 2, p.6, sa ar tikulong “Tala ng T unggalian” – Florencio Caranay ang tunay na pangalan ng Samahan ng Mamamayang Nagkakaisa sa Buntog at hindi Laurencio Caranay. Salamat sa mga pumuna at paumanhin sa aming pagkakamali --Patnugutan
talaga siyang itintago, hnd nya kailangang matakot. 2010-20247 Gc Clavel BS ECE gusto ko sna i-reimburse ni GMA ung 10M pesosesoses n ginasta nung independence day. feeling ko kc sya lng nagenjoy nung araw n yun. Kaelibs ung ego nya ;) - 2010-00737 Sa huling dalawang linggo ng termino ni GMA, sana ay pangunahan nya ang pag apruba sa budget proposal ng UP. SANA. - 2010-24778 AJ BSBAA pdeng ipaassassn8 ni Gorilla Makapal Ayoko ang sarili nya! joke bad un! mbuti nng wla xang gwin pra hnde n lalo sumama klagyan ng filipinas! - 2010-29xxx patalunin si gl0ria sa il0g pasig at dun sya f0rever! 2009-25249 gusto nyang sbhn s national tv n:“Noy, wag mo akong gagayahin ha. At pakiayos naman ng bulok na sistemang kagagawan ko. Good luck.” - 2010-49420 Gusto ko s’ya makita sayawin on national TV ang kantang Baby n Justin Bieber’ hahaha! =)) - 2007-02789 Dpat ayusin n ni GMA ang mga gusot n pnasok nya. Khit hindi n mgbgo ang tngin s knya ng taong bayan, at least, pnakita man lamang nya n my gnawa xa kht s huling sndali. - 2006-73194 BS Physics Kung papalitan mo ang pangalan ni Alejandro sa kanta ni Lady Gaga, anong pangalan at bakit? Ano ang gusto mong gawin ni GMA sa huling dalawang linggo ng kanyang termino? ang gus2 qng gawin ni gma s last 2 wiks ng term nya: GUMAPANG XA SA LUSAK. Hihi. =D – 2008-502** para sa aki’y hindi pa ito ang huling dalawang linggo sa termino ni GMA sapagkat hindi ako kumbinsido na wala nga siyang balak na makamit muli ang ang pinakamataas at pinakamakapangyarihang posisyon sa ating bansa. Ang huling dalawang linggong ito ay ang simula naman ng hamon para kay Aquino na mapigilan ang mga di kanais-nais na hangarin ni GMA at nang di na tayo muling mapailalim sa isang diktaturyang sistea ng pamamahala. - 2010-14056, BS Psychology Linawin n nya ang mga kontrobersyang kinaharap nya s 9 n taon, lalo na ung Hello Garci Scandal. Para naman makalipat xa mula s palasyo hanggang kongreso nang my walang ksmang sama ng loob. Kung wala nmn ipapalit k0 sa ‘alejandro’ ay ‘b0nifaCi0’ mg GOD, ang h0t nya...(para lang dun sa mga mkakagets). ayie, i misS u b0nifaCi0... b0nifaCi0 – 200*-26956 Baby GagaKung papalitan ko ang name ni Alejandro sa kanta ni Lady GaGa, siguro BALDO. Corny noh? Ewan. Parang when u see an Alejandro. Parang mukha siyang BALDO. 200xxx121 BA CW papaltan ko ng ARROYO ang alejandro. Bagay kasi sa linyang “Just stop. Please. Just let me go. Alejandro. Just let me go.” - 2010-68xx3 magandang ipalit ang Agapito kase rhyming at since sikat na xa, eh di pasikatin pa - 2009-23481 CHRISANTO CATACATA-coz i’m GaGa for him! “Chrisanto. Chrisanto. Catacata-cata. Catacata-cata.” <3 – 2008-33229 mang nicardo ang ippngalan q s ALEJANDRO song
ni Lady Gaga, kc fave song yan ni mang nicardo tricycle driver sa amin - 2008-78643 ALEXANDRINO. waley lang. nasa stage kasi ako ng pagmomove sa kanya. mwahaha. - 2008-78313 S. Pepito, kaxe parang 2nog Pinoy! - 2010-65146 Comments Panalo ka Kube! Tawa ako nang tawa sa “Jo(g)Log” Mas maganda ang format ng car toon na ito kaysa sa comic strips. Mabuhay ka! - 2005-08161 I greatly commend Sec. Mona Valisno of DECS and Sec. Esperanza Cabral of DOH. We need leaders like them—that is, leaders who are not afraid to go against the outmoded Catholic Church. Although I hope that these sex education modules will also help combat sexism. - 2005-08161 Kkdismaya nmng tgnan ung figures sa sumatotal. No wonder bkt mrming gus2ng pmsok s legislativ body. Un nga lang umaabuso ung iba sknla. Haynaku – 200754402 amnoir The Jejemon issue is not one of “class struggle” and “social order.” It is a matter of academic standards ang linguistic excellence (which is also the reason why cono is unforgivable, unlike your claim). Hindi ba nahihiya ang mga Jejemon na sarili nating wika hindi nila alam ang wastong bigkas at baybay? - 2005-08161 I like the Jejemon ar ticle. Very meaty, informative and funny. - 200xxx121 sige, ilipat ang upis, pero utang na loob, huwag nang sumawsaw ang ayala at iba pang private entities sa isyung ito ng up! - 2009-31793 bayani ang mga ofw’s dahil nakakatulong sila sa ekonomiya ng bansa?? oh cmon! ni hindi nga nila iniisip na nakakatulong sila sa bansa e. pamilya lang nila ang gusto nilang tulungan. - 2009-31237 Badaff na badaff tlager eksenang peyups! ;P Kalo-
kainess un ar tcle n sbi June 18 mg-resue chem classes. Kun nagktaon, may absence na’ko. Hehek! - 2008-30718 Ming Mejo tibak na column haha. Sa pagsulat sa iyong own perspective w/o considering other’s e being selfish na dn db? Haha mas trip ko pa din mga ideya ni sir balajadia. Rakenrol! - 2009-78517 chico civil.eng Grabe natawa talaga ko sa eksenang peyups! Hahaha Nice edit0ryal. Andami ding tungk0l kay n0yn0y ah. Sana lang mabasa nya. Lalo na yung open letter. Haha. - 2009-25249 sori 2 say pero talagang tunog self-centered ung kolum ni gino chang. defensive yata sya kc daming tumuligsa sa 1st kolum nya. to mr. chang, payong-kaibigan, next tym huwag po magbuhat ng sariling bangko.yan ang ikapapahamak mo. - 2008-x8x9x regarding the first wk high edishun, maglalabas na nga lang kayo, mali mali pa. Responsible journalism ba un? - 2009-78919 Panawagan sa cswcd b ung eksenang peyups? Hagard..naningil ng 25pesos ang s2dnt c0uncil tp0s d nman masarap ung spaghetti n pnakain s welkaman. Winner tlga! San k nkakita ng welc0me par ty na pnagbyad ang mga iwewelcome? bs sw - 2010-64690 Sagutan To 09-01349, mas maganda issues ng mga nakaraang taon? Wtf? Gaano katagal ka na ba sa UP? - 2007-82181 Next week’’’s questions: 1. Anong masasabi mo sa nalalapit na pagpasa ng panukalang Code of Student Conduct? 2. Anong gusto mong kantahin ni Charice Pempengco sa Glee?
huwebes, 24 Hunyo 2010
ith palm trees and an oasis for its entrance, the Triangle North of Manila or TriNoma paints a picture of tranquility, of the good life found only in malls. Visited by thousands of shoppers, the mall features gourmet restaurants and rooftop gardens. Located at the corner of North Avenue and EDSA, TriNoma was built in 2007 as part of the Quezon City Central Business District (QCCBD) project. Spearheaded by Gloria Arroyo and outgoing Quezon City Mayor Feliciano Belmonte, the QCCBD will accommodate condominiums, highrise business buildings, malls, gardens and leisure parks. To make it more accessible, three metro rail stations will be built in the district. It is to become the center of commerce and business, a whole 340 hectare zone of urban development. Behind every building constructed, however, is the story of a displaced community. Where TriNoma now stands, a community once resided. To make way for the completion of the QCCBD project, about 20,000 families will be evicted from their homes.
The QCCBD project and the price of development
Total Number of Hectares to be used for QCCBD project Affected communities Sitio San Roque, Brgy. Central, Sitio San Isidro, Brgy. Pinyahan, Sitio Palanas DA, DENR, Off ice of the Ombudsman, SRA NFA, MGB, PAWB, NAPW, NPC, BIR, NIA, NPC, NPO, NSO, BSP, LTO andLTFRB 195.6 hectares Affected government agencies 103.3 hectares
Reference: KADAMAY AND COURAGE primer
Evangelista. On April 14, NHA sent out notices of eviction in Sitio San Roque, giving the residents 30 days to vacate the area. By May 13, only 900 families have relocated to Montalban. The residents held a dialogue with the National Housing Authority on the same date and the deadline was extended until June 30(see sidebar 2).
Beating deadlines: The QCCBD project timeline Year 2002 Event The QCCBD project was f irst proposed in 2002 through Executive Order (EO) 106. Belmonte issued a moratorium on demolition to the residents of North T riangle, commanding that no demolition should occur in the area during his stay in off ice. By virtue of EO 620, the QCCBD project implementing body, North T riangle Development committee was changed to the T ri-Dev Commission A public bidding was held for the North T riangle area in which the Ayala Land Inc. (ALI) became the winning bidder. The project in the 29.5 hectare North T riangle costs P22 billion. Relocation of families begins in Sitio San Roque. The development of the North T riangle area is set to begin.
One of the communities to be displaced for the QCCBD project in the North Triangle is located directly behind TriNoma, Sitio San Roque, where around 16,000 families reside. They have lived in the area for almost 30 years and have found their means of livelihood as minimum wage earners, such as janitors or security guards. The government plans to relocate the displaced families to a site in Montalban, Rizal, which is 30 km away from Metro Manila. Thus, workers who choose to be relocated would have to commute daily from Montalban to Metro Manila, spending at least P80 to P140 for fare. “Halos wala nang natitira sa sahod,” says Janette Arellano, a mother of three who moved from Sitio San Roque to Montalban. Janette’s husband is a minimum wage earner and, with transportation expenses, only takes home P200 for other needs. Jennilyn Peroy’s husband, meanwhile, opted to stay in Metro Manila despite his family’s relocation to Montalban. ”Wala na [kaming] kakainin pag uwian [siya] araw-araw kaya isang beses sa isang linggo na lang siya umuuwi dito,” says Jennilyn. Aside from being far from the residents’ workplace, water and electricity supply in the relocation site are also problematic. “Wala pang linya ng tubig, igib-igib pa,” says Jennilyn. When Jennilyn’s family arrived at the site last April 27, there was no direct electrical line and some houses lacked roofs and flooring. According to the Urban Land and Housing Reform Act, “a continuing program of urban land reform and housing [must] make available at affordable cost decent housing and basic services.” The state of the relocation site shows that the National Housing Authority (NHA) violates these provisions, says Alberto Evangelista of the Nagkakaisang Naninirahan sa North Triangle Alliance. Evangelista adds that there is a lack of job opportunities and health facilities near the relocation site. The house awarded to residents is about 4 by 5 square meters, too small for a family of five. Even then, Janette and her family chose to relocate because they had long dreamed of owning a house. However, such promises are meant to entice people to leave the area and pave way for demolition, says
2007 2008 2010 2012
The QCCBD project, furthermore, also threatens to displace government agencies. For one, the national office of the Department of Agriculture will be transferred to Ilagan City in Isabela to pave way for the construction of commercial buildings. Government offices were to be moved not only to accommodate the QCCBD project but also to decongest Metro Manila, according to the QCCBD proposal. Central business districts, however, have only caused more traffic congestion in an area, as in the case of the Makati Central Business district. “Bulok ang planong [ito] dahil kahit saang bansa, [nasa] kapitolyo ang lahat ng central offices,” says Ferdinand Gaite, national president of Confederation for the Unity, Advancement and Recognition of Government Employees (COURAGE). He added that transferring such agencies would only make coordination between the agencies less efficient and might lead to the massive lay-offs of government employees in these agencies. Moreover, government medical institutions like the National Kidney and Transplant Institute, the Philippine Heart Center and the Philippine Lung Center (see sidebar 1) will be combined to form a block of medical centers to be called the Philippine Center for Specialized Health Care. The thrust of this center is geared towards medical tourism, catering to foreign stakeholders and not to Filipinos, according to Kalipunan ng Damayang Pilipino (KADAMAY) and COURAGE.
Ironically, the implementation of the QCCBD project is also in the hands of government institutions. The North Triangle Development Commission which leads the project is composed of Belmonte, Noli de Castro and the NHA. The mission of the NHA should be to “provide responsive housing programs primarily to homeless low-income families with access to social services and economic opportunities.” As such, the development of the North Triangle area, which is owned by NHA, should be toward socialized housing projects and not to business enterprises, says Gaite. The source of funding for the QCCBD project shows the priority of the government. In light of the Philippine Country Assistance Strategy, World Bank (WB) provided P3 billion to fund the study of the development framework of the QCCBD project. In exchange of funding, WB can intervene in affairs like “policy advice, technical assistance and investment support,” according to KADAMAY and COURAGE. “Kaming mahihirap ay hindi kasama sa kabuhayang pag-unlad [na dala ng QCCBD],” says Evangelista. The QCCBD project reveals the skewed meaning of progress in the country: commerce centers above the right to shelter, basic needs and decent livelihood. While TriNoma depicts a scene of affluence, the outside world serves as a glaring picture of government negligence. q
Litrato ni Chris Imperial Disenyo ni Patricia Basmayor
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