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T H E DAMASCU S A CENTENNIA L O F DOCUMEN T DISCOVER Y
T H E DAMASCU S
A CENTENNIA L O F
DOCUMEN T
DISCOVER Y
STUDIE S O N TH E TEXT S O F TH E DESER T O F
STUDIE S O N TH E TEXT S
O F TH E DESER T O F JUDA H
EDITE D
B Y
F.
GARCI A
MARTINE Z
A . S .
VA N
DE R
WOUD E
VOLUM E
XXXI V
'68׳ V
T H E DAMASCU S DOCUMEN T A CENTENNIA L O F DISCOVER Y Proceedings of
T H E DAMASCU S DOCUMEN T
A CENTENNIA L O F DISCOVER Y
Proceedings of the Third
International
Symposium of the Orion Center
for
the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated
Literature,
4-8
February,
1998
EDITE D
B Y
JOSEP H M . BAUMGARTE N
ESTHE R G. CHAZO N
AVITAL PINNIC K
'
/
6 8 י-
BRILL
LEIDE N · BOSTO N · KÖL N
2000
Di e Deutsch e Bibliothe k - CIP-Einheitsaufnahm e Th e Damascu s document : a
Di e Deutsch e Bibliothe k -
CIP-Einheitsaufnahm e
Th e Damascu s document : a centennia l o f discover y : proceeding s
o f th e
Stud y
thir d internationa l symposiu m of th e Orio n Cente r fo r th e
o f th
e Dea d Se a Scroll s an d Associate d Literature ,
4- 8
February , 1998 /
ed . b y Josep h M . Baumgarte n
-
Leide n
; Bosto n ;
Köl n : Brill,
1999
(Studie s o n
th e
text s o f th e deser t ofjuda h
; Vol .
34)
ISB N 90-04- 1 1462- 9
Librar y o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n
Dat a
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CONTENT S Preface vii Abbreviations ix Th e Perceptio n o f th e Pas t
CONTENT S
Preface
vii
Abbreviations
ix
Th e
Perceptio n
o f th e
Pas t i n th e Damascu s
Documen t
ALBER T
I
.
BAUMGARTE N
1
Th e Law s o f th e Damascu s Documen t
an d Mishna h
Betwee n Bibl e
JOSEP H
M .
BAUMGARTE N
1 7
Th e ]udaism(s ) o f th e Damascu s
Documen t
PHILI P
R .
DAVIE S
2 7
C
D
12:15-1 7 an d
th
e Ston e Vessel s Foun d
a t
Qumra
n
HANA N
ESHE L
4 5
Th e Linguisti c Stud y o f th e Damascu s Document : A Historica l
Perspectiv e
STEVE N
E .
FASSBER G
5 3
Th e Law s o f th e Damascu s Documen t an d
4QMM T
CHARLOTT E
HEMPE L
6 9
Th e Relationshi p betwee n th e Damascu s Documen t an d th e
Communit y
Rul e
SARIANN A
METS O
8 5
Yos e Be n
Yoeze r an d th e Qumra n Sectarian s o n Purit y Laws :
Agreemen t an d
Controvers y
EYA L
REGE V
9 5
Th e Damascu s Documen t fro m th e Cair o Genizah :
It s Discovery , Earl y Stud y an d Historica l Significanc e
STEFA N
C .
REI F
10 9
Th e Relationshi p o f th e Zadokit e Fragment s t o th e
Templ e Scrol l
LAWRENC E
H .
SCHIFFMA N
Qumra n Polemi c o n Marita l Law : C D 4:20-5:1 1 an d
Qumra n
Polemi c o n Marita l
Law :
C D
4:20-5:1 1
an d
It s Socia l
Backgroun d
ADIE L
SCHREME R
14 7
Scriptura l Interpretation s i n th e Damascu s Documen t
an d
Thei r
Parallel s i n Rabbini c Midras h
AHARO N
SHEMES H
16 1
Toward s Physica l Reconstruction s o f th e Qumra n
Documen t Scroll s
Damascu s
HARTMU T
STEGEMAN N
17 7
C D
11:17 : Apar t fro m You r Sabbath s
CAN A WERMA N
20 1
Index
of Ancient
Sources
215
Index
of Modem
Authors
22 5
PREFAC E Thi s boo k is th e thir d volum e o f symposiu
PREFAC E
Thi s boo k
is
th e
thir d volum
e
o f symposiu m proceeding s
publishe d
b y
th e
Orio n
Cente
r
fo r
th e
Stud y
o f
th
e
Dea d
Se a
Scroll s
an d
.
par t o f th e Institut e o f Jewis h Studie s a t th e Hebre w Universit y
Associate d Literature
Th e
Orio n Cente r wa s establishe d i n
199 5
a
s
o
f
Jerusalem . It s primar y
ai m
is
t o
achiev e
a bette r understandin
g
o
f
th e histor y o f th e Jewis h people , its language , literature , though t an d
religio n durin g
foster s scholarl y
th e Secon d
discussio n
Templ e period . T o
thi s
en d
th e
Cente r
an d
researc h
whic h
integrat e
th e
ne w
dat
a
fro m th e
formativ e
Dea d
Se a
Scroll s wit h wha t
is alread y know n
abou t
tha t
perio d
i n
th e
developmen t
o f Judais m
an d
earl y
Christianity .
Th e Thir d Internationa l Symposiu m celebrate d th e centennia l o f
th e Damascu s
Document' s discover y i n th e Cair o Geniz a (CD )
an d
als o th e final publicatio n o f th e 4Q D manuscript s i n th e Discoveries in
the Judaean Desert series . Sinc e
its inita l discovery , C D
ha s sparke d
a
livel y debat e particularl y abou t its sectaria n origin s an d halacha , is-
sue s wit h far-reachin g implication s no t onl y fo r th e developmen t
o f
Jewis h
la
w
bu t
als o
fo r
th
e
ver y natur e
o f Secon
d
Templ e
perio d
Judaism(s ) an d its continuit y
int o th e earl y medieva l period .
Wit h
th e publicatio n
o f al l th e manuscripts ,
th e
tim e wa s
rip e
fo
r
renewe d stud y an d assessmen t o f
thi s importan t document , its multi -
facete d
conten t
an d
form ,
its
literar y
history ,
its
plac e
i n
th e
Qumra
n
corpus ,
th e ligh t
it shed s
o n
Qumra n
an d othe r
communi
-
ties,
an d
its contributio n
t o
othe r
fields
o f Judai c
studies :
history ,
biblica l interpretation ,
halacha , Jewis h
thought ,
Hebre w
language ,
paleography ,
an d
codicology .
Th e
symposiu m
provide d
a
uniqu e
opportunit y
t o
brin g
togethe r
scholar s
workin g
i n
differen t
disci -
pline s an d i n differen t periods , includin g th e medieva l Geniz a
con -
text , an d
w e ar e please d
t o presen t edite d an d expande d version s o f
th e symposiu m paper s i n thi s volume .
Th e preliminar y result s o f th e physica l reconstructio n o f 4Q D ar e
publishe d b y Stegeman
butio n demonstrate s th
n
i n thi s collection . J. Baumgarten' s
contri
-
e exten t
t o whic h
th e Damascu s
Documen t
exhibit s development s toward s earl y rabbini c law . Specifi c lega l top -
ics ar e examine d
b y
Eshel ,
Regev , Schremer ,
Shemes h
an d
Wer -
man .
Th e
article s b y Hempel ,
Mets o an d
Schiffma n focu s o n
CD' s
relationshi p
t o
othe r
lega l
work s i n
th e
Qumra n
corpu s (th e
Com
-
munit y Rule , 4QMMT , an d th e Templ e Scroll) ; moreover , the y un -
derscor e th e importanc e o f source - an d redaction-criticis m fo r
derscor e th e importanc e
o f source -
an d
redaction-criticis m
fo r
un -
derstandin g
eac h stag e
th e histor y o f th e community(ies ) behin d
eac h wor k
i n
o f its development . Historica l perspective s
b y
A .
Baum -
garten , Davies , Fassber g an d Rei f roun d
ou t thi s volume .
W e
ar e
deepl y
indebte d
t o
th e
an
thei r ongoin g suppor t o f ou r
Orio n
Foundatio n
d
t o
th e
Hebre
w Universit y o f Jerusale m fo r
ac -
tivitie s an d publications . W e woul d als o like t o than k ou r
colleague s
i n Jerusale m an d throughou t th e worl d fo r thei r constan t encourage -
men t
an d
interes t i n th e Center' s
projects .
PROF . JOSEP H
M .
BAUMGARTE N
D
r
.
ESTHE R
G .
CHAZO N
D
r
.
AVITA L
PINNIC K
March 1999 - Nissan
5759
ABBREVIATION S AB Ancho r Bible ASO R America n School s of Orienta l Researc
ABBREVIATION S
AB
Ancho r Bible
ASO R
America n School s of Orienta l Researc h
ΒΑ
Biblical Archaeologist
BASOR
Bulletin 0Jthe Amène an Schools of Oriental Research
Bj S
Brow n Judai c Studie s
BZA W
Beiheft e zu r Zeitschrif t fu r di e alttestamentlich e Wissenschaf t
CRIN T
Compendiu m Reru m Iudaicaru m a d Novu m Testamentu m
CSC O
Corpu s Scriptoru m Christianoru m Orientaliu m
I)]I )
Discoverie s in
thejudaea
n
Deser t
DJD J
Discoverie s in
thejudaea
n
Deser t o f Jorda n
DSD
Dead Sea Discoveries
HS S
Harvar d Semiti c Studie s
IC C
Internationa l Christia n Commentar y
HTR
Harvard Theological Review
3AOS
Journal
of the American Oriental Society
JBL
Journal
of Biblical Literature
J C P
Jewis h an d Christia n Perspectiv e Serie s
JJS
Journal of Jewish Studies
JP S
Jewis h Publicatio n Societ y of Americ a
JQR
Jewish Quarterly Review
JQ R
M S
Jewish Quarterl y Revie w Monograp h Serie s
JSJ
Journal for the Study of Judaism
JSJSu p
Journa
l
fo r
th
e
Stud y
of Judais m
Supplemen t Serie s
JJ SOT/ASO
SOT/ASO RR
MM SS
Journa
l
fo r th e
Stud y
of th e
Ol d
Testament/America n
School s of Orienta l Researc h Monograp h Serie s
JSOTSu p
Journa
l
fo r th
e
Stud y
o f
th e
Ol d Testamen t
Supplemen t
Serie s
JSPSu p
Journa l fo r th
e
Stud y
of
th e
Pseudepigraph a
Supplemen t
Serie s
JSS
Jewish Social Studies
J T S
Jewis h Theologica l Seminar y of Americ a
MGVIJ
Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und [ Vissenschafl des Judentums
NTO A
Novu m Testamentu m et Orbi s Antiquu s
RB
Rame Biblique
Rig
Revue des Etudes Juives
RevQ_
Rei'ue de Qumrân
SJL A
Studie s in Judais m in
Lat e Antiquit y
STD J
Studie s in
th e Text s
o f th
e Deser t of Juda h
SBLM S
Societ
y
of
Biblical Literatur e
Monograp h
Serie s
SBLSy m
Societ
y
of
Biblical Literatur e
Symposiu m Serie s
SB Γ
Studie s in Biblica l Theolog y
VT
Velus Testamentum
VTSu
p
Vetu s Testamentu m Supplemen t Serie s
WUN
T
Wissenschaftlich e Untersuchunge n zu m Neue n Testamen t
ZAW
Zeitschrift Jiir die alttestamentliche 1 Vissenschafl
T H E PERCEPTIO N DAMASCU S O F TH E PAS T I N TH
T H E PERCEPTIO N
DAMASCU S
O F
TH E
PAS T I N
TH E
DOCUMEN T
ALBER T I .
BAUMGARTEN
Bar-linn University
As Vico observed mor e tha n two centurie s ago, peopl e acccpt only
th e ideas fo r which their previou s developmen t has prepare d their
minds, an d which , let us add , appea r t o be useful t o them .
E.J . Bickerman , The Jews in the Greek Age (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y
Press, 1988) 305 .
I
M y
lat e
teacher
,
Elia s
Bickerman ,
argue d
tha t
idea s
onl y
move
d
peopl e whe n
the
y seeme
d useful , an d tha t utilit y wa s determine d
b y
man y
aspect s
itself . Fo r
o f
life
a t
an
y
on e
an d
place , i n additio n
t o
th e
ide a
tha t
reason ,
tim e
th e sam e
ide a
migh t
see m useles s o r
ut -
terl y foolis h a t
on e
moment , whil e causin g mas s socia l actio n
a t
an -
other .
Livin g i n
a n
ideologica l
age ,
w e
ten d
t o
se e ideolog y
other -
wise ,
a s
a
vita l
caus e
o f
man y
results .
W e
migh t
therefor e
b e
tempte d t o gran t ideolog y a ver y significan t rol e i n ou r explanation s
o f th e past . Bickerman ,
however
,
di d
no t assig n
ideolog y th e
sam
e
weight .
Fo r
Bickerman ,
studyin g
th e
ide a
itself
wa s
o f
relativel y
mino r
significance , whil e
studyin g
th e
circumstance s
whic h
mad e
tha t ide a eithe r effectiv e o r
irrelevan t wa s fa r mor e important .
Bu t wha t
make s a n
ide
a
usefu l o r effective ? Implici t
i n
thi s
tio n is a n appreciatio n
o f ideolog y whic h
make s it mor e tha n
ques -
a refle x
o f
socio-economi c status . Ideolog y is effectiv e becaus e it make s sens e
of th e experienc e o f thos e wh o accep t it . It doe s no t merel y reflec t
socia l lif e bu t contribute
s
t o experienc e
a t
a particula r
tim
e
an d
plac e
b y
givin g it
meaning ;
hence , ideolog y is capabl e o f inspirin g
action .
Ver y muc h th e sam e conclusio n concernin g th e plac e o f ideolog y
ha s bee n propose d b y anothe r historian , albei t o f anothe r perio d an d
place , whos e persona l experienc e an d commitment s differe d widel y
fro m thos e o f Bickerman. 1 I refe r t o Christophe r Hill , wh o writes :
1
Bickerma n wa s
a refuge e fro m
Russia n communism , acdv e in expatriat e cir -
cles in Europ e
in
th
e
year s followin g
th e revolution . H e helpe d his fathe r foun d th e
anti-Bolshevi k
"Patrioti c Unio n
of Russia n Jew s Abroad, " whic h worke d
fo r
th e
Idea s d o no t advanc e merel y b y thei r ow n
Idea s
d o
no t
advanc e
merel
y
b y
thei r ow n
logic
..
.
Th e
logica l
impli -
cation s
o f
Luther' s
doctrin e
coul d
no t
b e
realize d
i n
practic e
i n
Englan d
unti l
politica l
circumstances—th e
collaps e
o f
th e
hierarch y
an d
th e centra l government—wer e
propitious .
Idea s wer e
al l
impor -
tan t fo r th e individual s who m
the y impelle d
int o action ;
bu t
th e
histo -
ria n
mus t
attac h
equa l
importanc e
t o th e circumstance s whic h
gav e
thes e idea s thei r
chance. 2
Hil l ha s recentl y returne d
t o
thi s theme ,
comparin g idea s an d
ideol -
og y t o th e stea m i n a n ol d locomotive . Obviously , withou t th e stea m
th e locomotiv e coul d no t move , bu t th e locomotiv e itself , its destina -
tio n an d spee d ar e fa r mor e importan t tha n mer e
motion , an d
the y
ar e no t controlle d b y th e steam . Th e layou t o f th e tracks , th e
wa y
switche s ar e throw n a t ke y intersection s an d th e intention s
o f th e
tha t cru -
circum -
en -
ginee r contro l
tha t
aspec t
o f
th e
results. 3 Hil l thu s concur s
cia l question s o n whic h
a historia n
shoul d
focu s are : Wha
t
stance s mad e
irrelevan t an d
certai n
idea s
eithe
r
time s an d
effectiv e
an d
meaningfu l
o
r
trivia l a t precis e
places? 4 Ho w an d wh y
di d
a specifi c ideolog y giv e meanin g t o lif e a t a particula r
moment ?
A movement' s
vie w
o
f
th e
past , whethe r
its
ow n
pas t
o r
tha t
o f
som e large r group , is
par t o f its genera l ideologica l construction , an d
henc e subjec t t o muc h th e sam e constraint s a s othe r element s
ideology : a vie w o f th e pas t mus t b e usefu l an d circumstance
o f
its
s
mus t
restoratio n
of
th e
Gzaris t
monarchy .
Se e
furthe r
A.
I.
Baumgarten
,
"Elia
s
Bickerman, " Abingdon Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation (forthcoming) . Se e no w als o
M
. Himmelfarb , "Elia s Bickerma n an d Judais m an d Hellenism, "
The Jewish Past
Revisited׳ Reflections on Modern Jewish Historians (ed. D . N . Myer s an d D . B. Ruderman ;
Ne w Haven/London
: Yal e Universit y Press, 1998) 199-211 .
Hill come s fro m th e Marxis t cam p an d ha s bee n criticize d fo r bein g a doctrinair e
Marxist . See , fo r example , M . G . Finlayson , Historians, Puritanism and the English
Universit y of Toront o
Press,
1983)
27-31 ; J .
M .
Hexter , "Th e Burde n of Proof, "
Times Literary Supplement (Octobe r 24 , 1975) 1250-52 . Fo r a discussion of th e ratio -
nal e behin d th e comment s of Bickerma n an d Hill fro m th e perspectiv e of cultura l
theory , as th e "principl e of compatibility " betwee n cultura l bia s an d social relations ,
see
M .
Thompson ,
R .
Ellis
an d
A.
YVildavsky,
Cultural Theory (Boulder/Sa n
Francisco/Oxford : YVestview, 1990) 1-5 .
2
C . Hill, The Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution (Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y
Press,
1965) 1-3 .
:i C .
Hill,
The English Bible and the Seventeenth Century Revolution (Harmondsworth :
Penguin , 1994) 415, '
4
On e particularl y ap t exampl e of ho w a chang e in climat e ca n alte r th e way in
whic h a specifi c ide a
is viewe d is th e respons e t o millenaria n
hope s in seventeent h
centur y Britain . Whe n thes e hope s wer e hig h in th e middl e of th e century , Willia m
Sedgwic k set a dat e fo r th e end , whic h attracte d muc h attention . Thi s darin g
cause d Sedgwic k muc h embarrassmen t whe n th e en d di d no t come , an d earne d
hi m th e nicknam e "Doomsda y Sedgwick. " Fift y year s later , however , whe n Joh
n
Maso n of Wate r Stratfor d set a dat
e fo r th e en d
of th e world , h e wa s regarde d
wit
h
disdain , as a medica l case . Se e Hill , English Bible, 243 .

Revolution: The Religious Factor in English Politics before and after the Interregnum (Toronto :

mak e it meaningfu l fo r it t o prevail . Whil e man y
mak e
it meaningfu l
fo r
it
t o prevail .
Whil e
man y
moder n
group s
ten d
t o se e themselve s a s oblige d
t o
ac t
on
e
wa y o r anothe
r
a s
a
re
-
sui t o f som e
event(s) i n th e past , wha t
make s
th e pas t see m mandato -
ry ,
i n
fact , ar e
commitment s
i n th e present , withou t whic h
th e
pas t
woul d no t hav e suc h normativ e force . Th e pas t is malleabl e an
d
constantl y
bein g revise d
t o
sui t
th e
need s o f th e present ; past s
whic h
n o longe r fi t ne w circumstance s ar e regularl y discarded , whil e
ne w
past s ar e habituall y
invente d t o
Whil e fe w woul
d
giv e
u p
th e
serv e changin g times. 5
clai m o f a connectio
n
t o
th e
th e livin g see
m
t o order
t o
nee d
th e suppor t o f th e dead—tha
t
past , i n
past 6 —
fact , is
ofte n mad e
.
furthe r reflection , t o recas t a
Thus ,
it
is
paradoxica l a t first , bu t self-eviden t
o n
commen t
o f Marx ,
tha t
th e
révolu -
tionar y is th e mos t avi d consume r o f precedents. '
Th e
wa y
t o
inte -
grat e
a group' s vie w of th e pas t int o a comprehensiv e
understandin g
o f th e movemen t is
no t
t o
as k
ho w
experience s
i n
th e
pas t
shape d
th e movement , bu t t o inquir e int o th e correlatio n betwee n transfor -
mation s i n societ y
an d
th e accompanyin g variation s i n view s o f th e
past , tha t
is, t o investigat e wha t
mad
e
a certai n
vie
w
o f
th e
pas t ef -
fectiv e i n a particula r context. 8
Thi s pape r is devote d
t o
a
stud y
o
f
th e
ideolog y o f
th e
Damascu s
Document , specificall y o f its vie w o f th e sectaria n an d genera l Jewis h
past , fro m th e perspectiv e
outline d
above. 9 Th e
trut h
o r
falsit y o f
claim s mad e i n th e Damascu s Documen t abou t th e pas t ar c o f littl e
'י Se e M . Halbwachs , On Collective Memory (Chicago/London : Universit y of
Chicag o Press,
1992), an d
th e essays collecte d in
The Invention of Tradition !ed. E.
Hobsbaw m
an d T . Ranger ; Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1983).
6
Se
e
E.
Shils, Tradition (Chicago : Universit y
of Chicag o Press, 1981).
7
Se
e
H . Desroches ,
The Sociology of Hope
(London/Boston :
Routledge ,
1979)
157.
8
Fo r
on e
suc h
attemp t
in
moder n
Israel i
term s
see Y. Zerubavel ,
Recovered
Roots—Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago/London :
Universit y of Chicag o Press, 1995).
9
Thi s
essay shoul d
b e compare d
wit h
S. Walker-Ramisch ,
"Graeco-Roma n
Voluntar y Association s an d th e Damascu s Document, "
Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World (ed. J . S. Kloppenbor g an d S. G . Wilson ; London :
Roudedge ,
1996)
128-45.
In
spit e of th e promis e of methodologica l
sophistication ,
Walker -
Ramisch' s results
ar e meager
,
wit h
muc h
effor t yieldin g little light. He r
inquir y
lead s he r t o th e conclusio n tha t unlik e Graeco-Roma n collegia, whos e member s wer e
integrate d in th e life of th e polis, th e Damascu s Documen t emphasize d separatio n
fro m th e "son s o f th e pit, " th e "turner s of th e way, " an d othe r evildoer s (141).
Compar e furthe r A. I. Baumgarten , "Graeco-Roma n Voluntar y Association s an d
Ancien t Jewis h Sects, " Jews in a Graeco-Roman World (ed. M . Goodman ; Oxford :
Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1998) 93-111 .
Fo r
a
wid e
rangin g compariso n
of
th e
differen t sorts of connection s
ancien t
Jewis h
group s claime d wit h
th e past ,
see M .
D .
Herr
, "Continuu
m
in
th e
Chai n of
Tora h
Transmission, "
Zwn
4 4
(5739/1979 )
43-5
6
(Hebrew) .
Se e
also
A.
1.
Baumgarten , "Th e Pharisai c Paradosis," HTR
8 0 (1987) 63-77 .
concer n t o me . Furthermore , I hav e n o base d o
concer n
t o me . Furthermore ,
I
hav e
n
o
base d o n th e Damascu s Document—ol
d
theor y o f Qumra n
o r new—t o presen t
origin s
o r
de -
fend . M
realitie s
y principa l interes t
is i n
an d
th e
finely
tune d balanc e betwee n th e
o f
sectaria n
lif e
th e
ideologica l
construction s
whic h
mad e sens e o f them—th e
reciproca l
relationshi p betwee n
ideolog y
an d experience—an d o f
th e
rol e
o f th e
vie w
o f th e
pas t
expresse d
i
n
th e Damascu s Documen t i n tha t process. 1 0
I
I
I n
orde r
t o facilitat e th e analysi s whic h
is th e principa l
objectiv e o f
thi s paper , som e genera l remark s abou t
th e natur e
o f
th e
sectaria n
wa y o f life advocate d b y th e Damascu s Documen t ar e necessary . Th e
contributio n o f th e Cav e 4 fragment s o f th e Damascu s Documen t t o
understandin g thi s wa y o f life is substantial . Ancien t author s regular -
ly situate d comments , intende d t o guid e th
e
reader , a t
th e
beginnin g
duce d an d
o r a t th e en d o f works , indicatin g wha t sor t o f wor k the y ha d pro -
"
ho w the y wante d
it
t o
b e
read.
Ideologica l
statement s
therefor e wer e concentrate d
i n passage s
a t
th e
beginnin g o r en d
o f
works . Informatio n abou t th e beginnin g an d en d o f th e Damascu
s
Documen t wa s lackin g i n th e Cair o Geniz a
manuscripts ,
bu t
ou r
knowledg e is no w muc h
mor e complet e
thank s
t o
th e
Cav e 4
texts .
10
Fo r
th e
purpose s
of
this
pape r
I
will
restric t
th e
principa l
focu s
to
th
e
Damascu s Document . Thi
s shoul d
no t
b e take n
as agreemen t
wit h th e atomisti c
readin g of rabbini c source s advocate d
byj .
Neusner .
See , in particular ,
th e criti -
cisms of E. P. Sanders , Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah (London/Philadelphia :
SCM/Trinity , 1990) 309-31 .
Nevertheless , in orde r to highligh t aspect s of th e Damascu s Document , som
e
comparison s will b e mad e wit h wha t is know n of othe r Jewis h movement s of th e
era , suc h as th e Essene s an d Paulin e Christianity . Concernin
g th e compariso n
of
th e Damascu s Documen t t o th e Essenes , I hav e argue d elsewher e tha t Qumra n
texts (includin g th e Damascu s Document ) shoul d no t lie given a privilege d plac e in
understandin g Gree k an d Lati n
author s oil th e Essenes, an d vice versa .
Th e analysis will b e base d o n
anothe r conclusio n whic h I hav e
argue d elsewhere :
th e Damascu s Documen t mus t hav e a close relationshi p t o othe r source s also foun d
a t Qumran , eve n
if
I remai n uncertai n concernin g
th e exac t natur e of tha t connec -
tion . Se e furthe r A. I. Baumgarten , The Flourishing
of Jewish Sects in the Maccabean Era:
An Interpretation (JSJSu p 55 ; Leiden : Brill, 1997) 21-22 , 11. 62 .
Finally , given
th e discover y of at least eigh t copie s of th e Damascu s Documen t a t
Qumran , an d th e ferociou s criticis m of other s throughou t
th e work ,
I believe
th e
burde n of proo f lies o n a schola r wh o woul d argu e tha t ther e neve r wa s a commu
-
nit y tha t lived in accordanc e wit h th e Damascu s Document , o r at th e ver y least , be -
lieved tha t
on e should .
I gran t
tha t
th e connectio n
betwee n
a
literar y wor k an d
a
social groupin g ma y b e uncertain , an d
positin g a grou p behin
d
ever y work ,
haz -
ardous , bu t
I woul d conside r
th e rejectio n of tha t conclusion ,
in
a cas e suc h
as this,
hypercritical .
11
Fro m this perspective , th e
loss of th e beginnin g of th e Templ e Scrol l is partie -
ularl y lamentable . Compar e th e beginnin g of th e Book of Jubilees.
Thus , th e Cav e 4 fragment s confir m th e voluntar y natur
Thus ,
th e Cav e 4 fragment s confir m th e voluntar y
natur e
o f
th e
movemen t whic h live d b y th e Damascu s Document . Th e righteou s
wer e compare d t o
Nazirites:
4
Th e wicke d wer e denounce d fo r no t havin g take n simila r steps :
[
4 [םעמ
ורז נ אלוQ26 6
3 i v 6
/ /
8:8 . Th e
Nazirit e wa s th e
ca l institutio n b y whic h someon e coul
d voluntaril y
rais e
th e leve l
o f
holines s i n hi s
o
r
he r
life . Thi s
wa s don e
b y acceptin
g th e obligation s
o f thos
if on e
t o drin
e highe r
a
o n
th e scal e o f sanctity ,
b y behavin g i n som e way s
a s
wer e
pries t (neve r drinkin g wine , a s priest s wer e forbidde n
k
win
e
whil e serving , fo r example , an d avoidin g
contac t wit h
th e dead ,
a s priest s
did) . Th e
basi c
patter n followe d b y
a Nazirit e
is
well know n
i n
othe r
religions : on e
raise s
th e
leve l
o f one' s
holines
s
b y imitatin g th e pattern s o f observanc e o f
i n Indi a a s well. 1 2
thos e highe r o n
th e
ladde
r
Th e
evidenc e
o f
th e
Cav
e
4 fragment s
o f
th e
Damascu s
Docu -
men t o n th e voluntar y
natur
e
o f
th e
grou
p
cohere s wel l wit h Philo' s
comment s tha t membershi p i n th e Essen e orde r wa s voluntary : th e
Essene s wer e a proairesis base d o n choice , no t birt h (Hyp . 11.2). 1 3
Th
e voluntar y natur e o f sectarianis m ha s als o bee n
tur e o f socia l scientifi c analyse s o f th e phenomeno n
a prominen t fea -
sinc e Webe r an d
Troeltsch . Fo r thos e wh o choos e t o emplo y th e socia l scientifi c cate -
gor y o f sectarianis m t o understan d ancien t Jewis h groups , th e explic -
it utilizatio n o f th e analog y o f th e Nazirit e i n th e Damascu
Documen t provide s importan t textua l support .
s
Th e
voluntar y
act s typica l
o f
a
grou p
suc h
a s
on e
tha t live d
ac -
cordin g t o th e Damascu s Documen t ar e boundar y creation . All cul -
ture s emplo y boundar y practice s t o distinguis h insider s fro m out -
siders , howeve r thes e ma y b e define d i n eac h case . Thes
includ e practice s concernin g food , dress , marriage , commerc e
e
ma y
an d
12
Se e
I
..
Dumont , Homo Hierarchicus—The Caste System and Its Implications
(Chicago/London : Universit y of Chicag o Press, 198019 2 (׳. Fo r a recen t discussio n
of th e Nazirit e see
E. Diamond , "A n Israelit e Self-Offerin g in th e Priestly Code : A
Ne w Perspectiv e o n th e Nazirite, " JQR 8 8 (1997) 1-18 . Compar e A. I. Baumgarten ,
"Hatta' t Sacrifices, " RB 103 (1996) 337-92 .
Perhap s on e coul d argu e tha t th e institutio n
of th e
Nazirit e wa s th e establishe d
religion' s alternativ e oude t fo r thos e force s whic h woul d lead Jew s of th e post-bibli -
cal er a t o fin d themselve s in fring e groups , fa r fro m th e cente r of Jewish life, suc h
as
at Qumran . I wonde r whethe r this wa s th e reaso n tha t "Simo n th e Righteous, " ac -
cordin g
t o rabbini c
texts, wa s reluctan t
t o participat e
in
th e
rite
by whic h
th e
Nazirit e
ende d
th e
perio d
of abstention .
Compar e
D .
Weiss
Halivni ,
"O n
th e
Suppose d Anti-Asceticis m o r Anti-Nazaris m of Simo n th e Just, " JQR 5 8 (1967-68 )
243-52 .
13
Josephu s
ma y also hav e intende d
t o allud e
to this aspec t
of all Jewis h
group s
whe n h e employe d proairesis fo r th e Pharisee s (Ant. 13.293)
an d
fo r th e Essene s (Ant.
15.373). Josephu s use d hairesis fo r th e Essene s (Wa r 2.137),
an d
th e Sadducee s (Ant.
13.293). I n Ant . 13.171 , th e Pharisees , Sadducee s an d Essene s wer e calle d haireseis.

chie f b

העש ר

יכ

רד ם

רמה ל

רו א

י

בל

worship , t o nam e som e o f th e mos t commo n
worship , t o nam e
som e
o f
th e
mos t commo n
examples . Th e
volun -
thi s genera l
tion s wer e
tar y boundarie s containe d i n th e Damascu s Documen t confor m t o
-
rule ,
bu t
th e designate
d
stranger , wit h who m
connec
regulate d
an d
sometime
s
forbidden , wa s
o f
a
ne w
sort .
Ful l contac t wa s permitte d onl y wit h one' s fello w sectarians . Contac t
wit h all
insider s
Here ,
others , eve n thos e wh o woul d normall y b e considere d fello w
(i.e. , othe r Jews) , wa s
rigorously
restricted .
too , th e languag e
o f th e Damascu
s Documen t provide s a t
leas t partia l confirmatio n fo r th e conclusion s above . Th e wicke d de -
spise d
an d
disregarde d
God'
s
boundarie s
ולב ג
רש
לוב ג
עיסה ל
םתלחנ ב
מינ]ושי ר
4Q26 6
2
i
19-2 0
/ /
1:16; i n
a
א
simila r vein ,
i n
an -
othe r place ,
cf .
4
31- 2
/ /
20:25 . Th e
dilemm a o f th
e ag e wa s clearl y expresse d
i n
thi s
phrase . T o find thos e wh o disregarde d
th e bound s
o f th e Tora h
out -
sid e th e covenan t communit y woul d no t hav e bee n surprising .
Fo r
thes e villain s
t o
b e
members o f th e covenan t communit y presente d a n
especiall y
difficul t
situation ,
requirin g
th e
drawin g
o f
ne w
bound -
arie s an d th e establishmen t o f ne w refuge s o f purity . Th e
trul y
right-
eous ,
b y
wa y
o f
contrast ,
respecte d
thes e
ancien t
boundarie s
4
ונ
ל
התובג ה
תולובגוQ26 6
11
12-13 .
whic h the y lived , confrontin g th e apostas y
of fello w covenan t commu -
nit y members , the y ha d
שולשב ו
[ודו]צ מ
ע
שי א
דומע ל
ם
offere d th e prope r
י
א
כ
הרוה י
קוח ה
קח
ר
רדג ה
התנבנ ]
(4 ...
]Q266
תיב ל
3 i 4- 6
response : [ם [ינש ה ץ ק
ןיא ]
הפתשה ל
רו ע
[ה]ל[אה ]
/ /
4:10-12) .
A s
a
resul t
o f thes e commitments ,
thos e wh o live d accordin g
t o
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
gav e
u p
a
goo d
dea l
o f
thei r
persona l
identity . T o
emplo y term s propose d
b y
Lewi s Coser ,
th e
sectaria n
sacrifice d his o r he r persona l identit y t o a "greed y institution." 1 4 Th e
exten t
o f thi s sacrific e wa s
no
t
th e sam e
fo r all Jewis h
group s
o f
th e
Secon d Templ e period ; henc
e
eac h
mus t b e evaluate d
a s precisel y
a s possible . As oppose d
t o
thos e wh o
live d 4) שר ק םימתבQ26 6
3 iii
6
/ /
7:6-7) , whateve r
tha t
ma y
be, 1 5
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
pre -
14
Fre e Press, 1974), esp. 103-16.
15
Th e unspecifie d natur e of this stat e ha s opene d th e doo r fo r muc h speculation .
It
is on e
of th e
peg s
o n
whic h
th e conclusio n
tha t Qumra n
wa s a celibat e
commu -
nit y
ha s
bee n
hung .
See , fo r example ,
E. Qimron ,
"Celibac y
in
th e
Dea d
Se a
the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid,
18-21
March 1991
(ed.
J .
Treboll e Barrer a an d L. Vega s Montaner ; STD J 11; Leiden : E.J . Brill, 1992)
1.287-94 .
Se e
also
J .
M .
Baumgarten ,
"Th e
Qumran-Essen e
Restraint s
o n
Marriage, " Archaeology and History
in
the Dead Sea Scrolls. The New
York
University
Conference in Memory of Yigael Yadin
(ed. L. H . Schiffman ; JSPSu p 8; JSOT/ASO R
M
S 2; Sheffield : JSOT ,
1990) 13-24.

Se e L. Coser , Greedy Institutions: Patterns of Undivided Commitment (New York : Th e

Scrolls an d th e Tw o Kind s of Sectarians, " The Madrid Qumran Congress: Proceedings of

[תירבה יאב מ הרות ה לוב ג ה א וצרפ רש א לבו I n th
[תירבה
יאב מ
הרות ה
לוב ג
ה
א
וצרפ
רש
א
לבו
I n
th e
scribe d a wa y o f lif e fo r peopl e wh o marrie
scribe d
a
wa y
o f lif e fo r peopl e
wh o marrie d
an d ha d children .
Th e
childre n
neede d
t o
b e
educate d
an d
eventuall y woul d
b e
married .
Normally ,
thes e
wer e
th e
parents '
tasks ,
bu t
i n
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
thes e
responsibilitie s
wer e
assigne d
t o
th e
sectaria n
leader , th e mevaqqer. H e educate d th e childre n
מה״ ב
א
רס
[הא ו ]הר
רס
ח
תבה]אב ו
הו[נ] ע
ח[ור] ב
םפט ו
[(?)םתונבו ]
־
(4]Q266 9 iii
״
6-7 ) an d
ap
-
prove d
marriage s an
d
divorce s ןב י ןכ ו
הצע ב
האוה ו
[הט א
ח
]קד ל
לוכ ל
ןכ
ו
טרגם] ל
(4]Q266
9
iii
4- 5
/ /
13:17) .
Thi s
is
a
n intermediat e
leve l o f sacrific e o f identity .
Onc e
repro -
ductio n
wa s permitted ,
eve n
if subjec t
t o
th e
rul e
o f th e mevaqqer,
som e degre e o f loyalt y beyon d
A s Phil o note d concernin g th
e
tha t t o th e movemen t wa s inevitable .
Essenes :
The y eschew marriag e becaus e the y clearly discern it to be th e sole o r
principa l dange r to th e maintenanc e of th e communa l life
...
Fo r
he
wh o is eithe r fast boun d
in
the
love
lures
of
his
wife o r
unde r
th e
stress of natur e make s his childre n his first care , ceases t o be th e
sam e
to other s an d unconsciously lias becom e a differen t ma n an d has
passed fro m freedo m int o slavery (Hyp. 11.14 an d 11.17)."'
Accordingly ,
it
is
no t
surprisin g
t o
discove r
tha t
th e
Damascu s
Documen t permitte d members ' concer n fo r biologica l relative s an d
criticize d othe r movement s tha t di d
not .
A
righteous
membe r care d
f ü r hi s ki n [4
) [ורשב
ראש
ב
שי א
לעמ י
אלוQ26
ו]רש ב
[ראש ב שי א
(4Q26 9
4
ii 4- 5
/ /
7:1).
Th e
wicke d di
likewis e 4) [ו [רש ב
ראש ב
שי א ומלעתיוQ26
6
3
i v
4)
ומלעתי ו
compar e on e
/ /
d no t behav e
[שיא
ורש ב
ר[אש ב
th e reason
devotio n t
(4Q26 9
6
2
/ /
8:6) .
It is instructiv e
t o
o f
s
o hi s relative s (4Q47 7
fo r whic h Hanania h
Noto s wa s rebuke d
unacceptabl e
2
1
1 8) ־
a s wel l a s Josephus '
com -
ment s o n th e Essenes :
Member s ma y of thei r
an d supply food to th e
own motio n help th e deserving , whe n in need ,
destitute ; bu t present s t o relatives ar e prohibit -
ed , withou t leave fro m the manager s (War 2.134). "
Th e
severit y o f
shoul d
b e
noted . Th e
sam e
destitut e perso n
thi s Essen e
wh o
restrictio n
wa s
no t
fit
t o joi n
th e Essene
s
a t
a mea
l
if
h e
wer e no t
a membe r
o f thei r orde r
(Wa r 2.129 ) coul d b e helpe d
wit h
foo d
freel y
bu t
assistin g
one' s
biologica l
ki n
wa s
forbidden .
Th e
lh
Compar e Paul' s remark s on th e
sam e subjec t (1 Cor . 7:32-35).
17
Th e possibl e connectio n betwee n th e rebuk e of Hanania h Noto s an d Josephus '
remark s o n th e Essene s wa s alread y
note d
by
E.
Eshel, "4Q477 : Th e
Rebuke s of
th e Overseer," JJS
4 5 (1994)
I 18. Fo r a n alternat e understandin g of this text , seej .
M . Baumgarten , "Za b Impurit v in Qumra n an d Rabbini c Judaism, " JJS 4 5 (1994)
277 ; see also S. A.
Reed ,
"Genre , Settin g an d Titl e of 4Q447, " JJS
47 (1996) 146-
47
.

לעמי

אול ו

Damascu s Documen t thu s differe d fro m th e Qumra n regulation s
Damascu s Documen t
thu s differe d fro m th e Qumra n regulation s re -
fleeted i n
4Q47 7 an d
fro
m th e practic e o f th e Essenes , accordin g
t o
Josephus , b y permittin g concer n fo r biologica l relative s an d
criticiz -
in g thos e wh o neglecte d thei r duty .
A t th e sam e tim e a s th e Damascu s Documen t acknowledge d
th e
י
םת ב
indulge d i n ferociou s criticis m o f others . Th
cize d is obscure , a s the y wer e calle d b y cod
legitimac y o f thos e wh o
live d
טד ק
מ
(as discusse d above) , it als o
e
identit y o f thos e criti -
e
name s whic h w e
can -
no t alway s decipher . Th e tendenc y o f moder n scholar s is t o assum
tha t the y wer e bein g chastise d fo r bein g insufficiend y stringen t i n
e
thei r observanc e o f th e commandment s o f th e Torah . Th e exampl e
discusse d abov e indicate s tha t thi s scholarl y tendenc y ma y nee d cor -
rection . Sometimes , th e criticis m wa s fo r bein g to o stringent , an
d
wa s grounde d i n th e perspectiv e
o f a n intermediat e positio n betwee n
stringenc y an d lenienc y (marriag e wa s permitted , subjec t t o th e con -
tro l o f th e sectaria n master ; henc e som e regulate d leve l o f concer n
wit h biologica l relative s wa s allowed ) adopte d b y th e communit y o f
th e Damascu s Document .
T o
summariz e
thi s
par t
o f th e discussion ,
scholar s hav e
alread y
note d
tha t
a
perso n
wh o
live d
accordin g
stag e o f purit y
t o
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
a sourc e
wa s i n a n intermediat e
b y
th
e standard s o f
suc h
a s
1QS. 1 8 Thi s moderat e positio n o n
on
e
scal e o f
sec -
taria n extremis m
is no w confirme d
b y
th e
analysi s
o f
th e
degre e
t o
whic h
connectio n
t o
one' s
biologica l
ki n
wa s
sacrificed .
Th
e
Damascu s
Documen t
emerge s
a s
a
sourc e
whos e
attitud e
toward s
th e surroundin g worl d wa s mor e nuance d
realized. 1 9
tha n scholar s ma y
hav e
I l l
I
woul d stres s th
e suitabilit y o f th e
perceptio
n
o f th e
past ,
i n ou r
text ,
fo r a movemen
t
tha t
stake d
ou t
its positio n
betwee n
th e
extreme s
outline d above .
Thus , th e summar y
o f
th e
histor y o f th e
movemen
t
a t
th e
beginnin g
o f
text ,
a s know n
fro m
th e Cair o
Geniza ,
ha s
re -
ceive d muc h
attention .
I woul d
insis t tha t
thi s passag e display s a
re -
markabl y benig n attitud e toward s th e predecessor s o f th e movemen t
i n th e phas e represente d
b y th e Damascu s Document . Ther e
wa s
a
l ß Se e L. H . Schiffman , Law, Custom and Messianism in the Dead Sea Sect (Jerusalem :
Shaza r Center , 1993) 2 3 (Hebrew) .
19
It bear s notin g tha t th e moderatio n of th e Damascu s Documen t ma y no t strik e
moder n
reader s as remarkable . W e migh t
b e incline d
t o plac e
it ver y
clos e t o
th
e
en d of th e spectru m
of separatism , eve n if no t a t th e extrem e
end .
twent y yea r perio d i n whic h thos e predecessor s kne w
twent y yea r perio d i n whic h thos e predecessor s kne w the y wer e
no t
fulfillin g th e
gropin g fo r
commandment s
properl y
an d
wer e
lik e
blin d
men
,
th e
way .
Thi s
situatio n
laste d
unti l th e Teache r
finally
reveale d
th e divin e trut h (4Q26 6
2 i
12-1 5
/ /
1:8-11) . Al l thi s
is
re -
markabl y kind , if patronizing , t o thes e predecessors . On e ma y
won -
cler whethe r peopl e s o describe d woul d hav e agree d wit h thi s vie w o f
themselves . Becaus e o f ou r moder n preconceptions , w e ma y b e puz -
zle d
b y
thi s relativel y
sympatheti c
assessmen t
o f
th e
predecessors
,
expectin g
th e
harshes t
denunciatio n
t o
b e
reserve d
fo r
them
.
Considerin g th e stanc e betwee n extreme s adopte d i n th e
Damascu s
Document , thi s vie w o f th e predecessor s ma y b e comprehensible , al -
bei t somewha t
condescending .
O n
th e
basi s
o f
th e
discussio n
i n th e precedin g paragraph ,
on e
shoul d
no t
conclud e
tha t
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
di d
no t
kno w
ho w
t o
hate :
it outline d
a cosmi c "Marc h
o f Folly' 5 whic h bega n
i n
th e ante-diluvia n
era , wit h
th
e
Watcher s o f heaven , an d
continue d
throug h
th e
son s o f Jacob ,
th
e
Israelite s i n
Egypt , an d
th e king s
o f
Juda h (e.g . David , 5:2-6) . Thes e villain s ha d
contemporar y
tative s i n thos e wh o defile d th e sanctuary , entere d marriage s
ere d illicit , an d denounce d
th e part y
o f trut h
b y denyin g th e
o f
its
teaching s
(5:6-12) . Th e
Damascu
s
Documen t
kne w
rogues , galler y o f suc h miscreants:יאב ,
תוקל ח
represen -
consid -
validit y
a whol e
ישנא/שי א
גל
פ
תי ב
,בזכ ה
שי א
,לפת ה
יחמ ו
ינוב ,
הרוה י
םינוטאר ה תירבה.
Thi s
vie w
o f
th e
pas t
ha d
ץיח ה
consequence s fo r
ישרוד,ןוצל ה
ירט ,
th e present :
th e
con -
temporar y opponent s o f th e trut h wer e th e las t
lin k 111 th e substantia l
traditio n o f error .
Paralle l
o f heroe s
t o th e list o f villains , however ,
wa s
a
muc h
smalle r
numbe r
(ther e
ar e
alway s exception s
t o
a
rule) ,
suc h a s Abraham ,
Isaa c an d Jaco b
(4Q26 6
2 ii 21-2 3
/ /
3:1-3) . Thi s
secon d list als o ha d consequence s fo r th e present : th e communit y
o f
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
sa w
itsel f
a s
on e
lin k
(possibly ,
th e
las t
link? ) i n
tha t
ver y
thi n
an d
muc h interrupte d chai n (4Q26 6
3
ii
12
an d
2 5
/ /
6: 5
an d
member s
wer e
th e
tru e
digger s o f th e
wel l
o f
th e
Law .
Hence ,
19). It s
the y
observe d
th e
Sabbat h
properly ,
followe d
th e correc t calenda r an d celebrate d th e
Fas t
Da y
a t
its prope r
time
t o
cit e
bu
t
a
fe w
o f
th e praise s
showere d
o n
th
e
,
faithful . I sugges t
tha
t
a t
leas t
par
it s grou p
t
o f th e purpos
e
o f th e Damascu
s Documen t
wa s
t o
reassur e
o f faithfu l tha t
thei r
minorit y
situatio n
wa s
no t
unique ; althoug h trut h ha d bee
n
trample d
dow n
fro m
tim e
im -
memorial , its ultimat e
rol e i n supportin g th
victor y wa s inevitable . Histor y thu s ha d a
ke y
e
commitmen t
o f thos e loya l
t o
thi s wa y
o f life ,
an d a vie w o f th e pas t wa s a crucia l componen t o f its ideologica l
foundations .
I V I n m y view , th e Damascu s Documen t is no
I V
I n m y view , th e Damascu s Documen t
is no t
sectaria n
sourc e whic h display s a mixtur e o f moderatio n
th e onl y ancien t Jewis h
-
(a conde
scendin g
attitud e
toward s predecessor s
combine d
wit h
hars h
criti -
cis m
o f rivals ) an d
a nuance d
vie
w o f th e Jewis h
past . Wa s ther
e
eve r
a movemen t
whos e positio n
wa s s o self-evidentl y distinctiv e tha t
it
di d no t nee d t o distinguis h itsel f carefull y fro m rival s (real , potentia l
o r
imagined ) an d articulat e a well-considere d
understandin g o f
th e
pas
t
t o suppor t
tha t
stance
?
I
believ e th e compariso n o f th e Damascu s Documen t wit h th e
let -
ter s
o f
Pau l
t o
b e
instructive . Th e
compariso n
is especiall y ap
t
a s
Pau l
an
d
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
conceive d
thei r
movement s
i n
term
s
o f
th e
"ne w
covenant "
predicte d
i n
Jer .
31:3 1
(compar e
1
Cor .
11:2 5
an d
C D
6:1 9
/ /
4Q26 9
4
ii
1). Nevertheless ,
thes e
covenants ,
differen t a s the y ma y
be ,
di d
no t
abando n
thei r
connec -
tio n
t o
th e
ol d covenant s an d
heroes .
Pau l
ca n
b
e
remarkabl y
toleran t
i n
stakin g ou t
his positio n
be
-
twee n
thos e
o n
eithe r
I n
Rom e
ther e wer e
thos e fo r who m
al
l
food
wer e thos e
s wer
e
th e
same ,
fo r who m
side .
a s wel l
a s thos e
wh o
onl y at e vegetables .
Ther e
al l
day s
wer e
th e same ,
an d
thos e wh o
consid -
ere d specifi c day s hol y (Rom .
14:1-5) . Pau l di d
no t
belon g wholl y
t o
eithe r camp : h e knew , fo r example ,
tha t nothin g wa s unclea n i n itself
bu t wa s unclea n
fo r
on e
wh o though t
it unclean ,
an d
h e
respecte d
tha t stan d
(Rom .
14:14).
H e
ha d
t o
fin d
a
wa y
fo r peopl e wh o
dis -
agree d s o profoundl y wit h eac h
othe r
t o live togethe r
i n
on e
cominu -
nity ,
withou t
passin g
judgemen t
o r
despisin g
eac
h
othe r
(Rom .
14:10). Mutua l accommodatio n
shoul d prevail , an d
thos e wh o
wer e
stron g (i.e., thos e
fo r who m
all
food s an d
day s wer
e
equal )
shoul d
bea r
wit h
th e
failing s o f th e wea k (Rom .
15:1). I
n
a simila r
mod e
h
e
informe d
Iiis
Corinthia n
correspondent s
tha t
hi s
rul e
i n
all
th e
churche s wa s tha t eac h membe r
shoul d
lea d th e lif e assigne d
t o
him :
circumcise d Christian s shoul d no t remov e th e mark s o f circumcision ,
no r shoul d th e uncircumcise d see k circumcisio n (1 Cor . 7:17-20) .
W e
migh t
respon d
tha t
th e toleranc e
fo r whic h
Pau l calle d
wa s
fragile , naiv e a t best , an d conflic t inevitable . Paul , however , believe d
tha t
h e
wa s
livin g a t
th e ver y
daw n
o f th e final redemptio
n
(see
hi s
advic e o n marriage ,
1 Cor .
7:1-16 ,
25-31 , fo r example) , wit h th e
de -
cisiv e event s
i n
th e proces s
havin g alread y
take n
place .
H e
di d
no t
nee d long-ter m solutions ; hence ,
no t
hav
e
bee n
trouble d
b y th e instabilit y inheren t
i n
hi s
Pau l ma y
views .
Nevertheless ,
Pau l
wa s
uncompromisingl y
hostil e
toward s
thos e
wh o
di d
no t
accep t
th e
toleranc e whic h
h e preached .
Convenien t
example s ar e foun d i n di e Galada n correspondence . Paul' s
example s ar e foun d i n di e Galada n correspondence . Paul' s harshes t
remark s cam e whe n
th e
statu s
o f hi s Christia n
exasperatio n
convert s o f Gentil
e
backgroun d
wa s
challenged .
I n
Pau l
expresse d
th e
hop
e
tha t
thos e
wh o
trouble d
hi s
floc k
concernin g
circumcisio n
carr y thei r suppose d lov e fo r tha t commandmen t
t o
its logica l
con
-
elusio n
an d
castrat e
themselve s
(Gal .
5:12) .
Whe n
h
e
hear d
tha t
som e o f hi s Galatia n flock wer e observin g days , months , season s an d
years , h e
feare d tha t
h e
ha d
labore d
i n
vai n
(Gal .
4:10) .
I n
th e
real m
o f history , Paul' s view s wer e consisten t wit h
th e
in -
termediat c positio n jus t outlined. 2 0 Abandonin g all connectio n t o th e
Hebre w
Bibl e
an
d
th e Jewis h
pas t
wa s
ou t
o f
th e
question .
Pau l
wen t
t o grea t exegetica l effor t t o clai m
tha t
Christian s wer e th e
tru e
see d o f Abraham ,
th e
son s
o f
th e
fre e wif e (Rom .
4). The y
wer e
th e
genuin e heir s o f th e promise s o f th e covenant . Nevertheless , th e ulti -
mat e
statu s
o f
th e
descendant
s
r th e
a n
o f Abraha m
b y
th e
fles h ha
d
no t
bee n abrogate d
(Rom .
11). Fo
moment ,
a hardnes s
ha d
com e
ove
r
Israel ,
an d
thi s
create d
opportunit y
o n
whic h
non-Jew
s
shoul d capitalize , bot h fo r thei r ow n
sake s an d
o f
th e Jews ,
unti l
th e
en d
o f
day s
whe n
all Israe l woul d
b e
(Rom .
11:26) .
O n
wha t
term s
wil l
al l
Israe l
b e
save d
a t
tha t
fo r tha t
save d
time ?
Pau l
di d
no t
mak e
thi s explicit ,
bu t
it
seem s
tha t
h e
believe d
th e
en d
o f
day s
woul d
se e th e triump h
o f th e messag e
h e
preached .
Fo r
m y purposes ,
th e
benefi t o f thi s analysi s
o f Pau l
is
th e
result -
in g understandin g o f th e legitimac y o f
hi s predecessor s (mixe d wit h
a significan t degre e o f condescension ) an d o f interpretation s
whic h
assigne d
all
th e
promise s
o f
th e
covenan t
t o
y
stanc e vis à vis group s
th e
ne w
communit
heade d b y Paul . All thi s concurre d
wit h
Paul' s
o f Christian s
.
Damascu s Documen t an d o f Pau l reinforc e eac h other , emphasizin g
th e nee d fo r th e carefu l observatio n o f a movement' s relativ e stanc e
t
o
eithe r
sid e
o f
hi
s
followers
Th e
reading s
o f
th e
o n
th e
spectru m
o f extremis m
o f
its
time ,
an d
th e expressio n
o f
its
positio n i n its perception s o f th e
past .
V
T o
retur n t o th e Damascu
s Document , th e mandat
e
tha t histor y
b e
taugh t
therefor e conform s t
o ou r expectations .
On
e
o f
th e
task s
o f
th e
sectaria n
maste r
wa s
t o
instruc t
members
:
[[תויה
נ
םה ל
שר י
רת ]
פ
םלו ע
תויה נ
םה ל
רפסיו ]
(4 //Q267 9
i v
5)
םהירת[פם ]
םלו ע
20
As in
th e cas e
of th e Damascu s Documen t (see n .
19), a moder n reade r migh t
no t conside r Paul'
s
stanc e so moderate , an d
woul d
prefe r t o plac e
it close
t o on e
of
th e extreme s of his tim e
an d
place .

רפסי ו

(4Q26 6 9 ii 19//13:8) . Jus t wha t wer e th e םלו ע
(4Q26 6
9
ii
19//13:8) . Jus t
wha t wer e
th e םלו ע
תויהנ ?
Th e
phras e is
sufficientl y broa d tha t it include s an y an
d
all
w e woul d
classi-
f y
a s
history ,
physic s an d
metaphysics .
It
ma y
o f wha t
eve
n
emphasiz e
th e
abilit y t o predic t
48:2 5
th e
future , a s suggeste d
b y
th e
us e
o f
תויה נ
i n
Sir .
ןאו ב
ינפ ל
תורתסנ ו
תויה נ
ריג ה
םלו ע
רע .
Thi s
meanin g
o f
תויה נ
ma y
b e
reinforce d
b y
anothe
r
passag e
fro m
th e
Damascu s
Docu -
ment ,
whic h
describe s
th e
result s
o
f
th e
proces s
o f
instruction :
[המ
ע
תויה נ
לובב]_וניבי ו
תוקומ ע
וחת פ
םנזו_[או תורתסנ ב
םהיני ע
לגי ו
ם
ב
ד
אוב : (4]Q266 2 i 5- 6
/ /
26 8
ועמשי ו
1 7-8 , underlined) .
I n
sum ,
th e
educa -
tio n
o f member s i
thi s conclusio n
n םלו ע
is likely
תויה נ
i n vie w
include d history , amon g othe r subjects ;
o f
th e
emphasi s
place d
o n
knowledg e
o f th e pas t i n th e Damascu s Document . Nevertheless , th e aspec t o f
םלו ע
standin g wha
תויה נ
whic h
seeme d
o f greates t
come .
interes t
ha
d
t o
d o
wit h
under -
t
wa s ye t
t o
Th e result
th e rol e o f
s
o f thi s analysi s
o f
th e
meanin g
o
f
םלו ע
תויה נ
confir m
th e
pas t
accordin g
t o
othe r
passage s i n
th e
Damascu
s
.
no t som e antiquaria n
Document
Wha t
wa s importan t
abou t
th e
pas t
fo r a sectaria n
wa s
interest , bu t
th e relevanc e
o f
th e
pas t
fo r
pre -
sen t an d future , establishin g tha t sectarian' s lin k wit h previou s
an d
futur e generations . Accordingly ,
th e
multipl e
o f
ע
תויהנ ,
sectaria n shoul d know , an d
dre n b y thei r master .
wit h
th e emphasi s
o n
th e future , wer e
a t
meaning s
th e hear t
םלו
o f wha t
a
centra l t o wha t shoul d
b e
taugh t
t o
chil -
Althoug h antiquarianis m
wa s
fa r fro m
th e
concer n
o f a sectarian ,
th e rol e assigne d t o histor y ha s on e furthe r consequenc e whic h
ma y
lea d
t o a convergenc e
o f interes t betwee n a sectaria n
an d
a
n
anti -
quarian . Curiosit y abou t
th e
pas t
i n
antiquit y
wa s
no t
great .
Mos t
event s
beyon d
th e
traditiona l
memor y
spa n
o f
abou t
fort y
year
s
wer e forgotten . Knowledg e
o f
th e
pas t
require d
effort , onl y
rarel y
invested. 2 1
Ther e are , however , fe w force s whic h impe l peopl e t o inquir e
abou t
th e pas t
a s powerfu l a s th e
belie f tha t
th e
en d
o f day s
is a t
hand ,
an d
tha t past , presen t
an d
futur e ar e comin g
togethe r fo r thei r
gloriou s
finale . On e Qumra n exampl e
is provide d
b y 4QMM T
Cll .
Th e
addresse e wa s invite d
t o stud y scripture ,
a s
wel l
a s "[events ]
o f pas
t
ages, " a s par t o f th e effor t t o convinc e hi m tha t no w wa s th e en
d
o
f
days . Anothe r exampl e fro m Jewis h antiquity , eve n mor e precis e i n
its extent ,
is
Dan .
11-12 , whos e autho r
ha d
detaile d
knowledg
e
o f
th e histor y o f th e hellenisti c kingdoms , equa l
t o
tha t
o f th e
bes t
pro -
21
Se e in particula r
E . J .
Bickerman ,
"L a chaîn e
d e
la
traditio n
pharisienne, "
Studies in Jewish and Christian History (Leiden : E.J . Brill, 1980) 2.256-59 .
fessiona l historians. 2 2 Thes e particular s wer e onl y o f interes
fessiona l historians. 2 2 Thes e particular s wer e onl y o f interes t t o hi m
becaus e
h e believe d
tha t
h e
ha d
cracke d
th e
cod e
o f history ,
an d
wa s convince d tha t its culminatio n
wa s
a t
hand. 2 3 H e
sough t
confir -
matio n fo r tha t conclusio n fro m th e analysi s o f history .
Th e
Damascu s Documen t fits thi s pattern , wit h its calculatio n
o
f
th e histor y o f redemptio n
base d
o n
th e coun
t
o f
39 0
year s
sinc e
th e
Babylonia n
Exile . Whil
e
th e
numbe r
39 0
is obviousl y
typologica l
an d eschatological , base d o n Ezek . 4:5 , whoeve r propose d
thi s
tim
e
reckonin g di d a goo d enoug h jo b t o leav e scholar s guessing , creatin g
substantia l
moder n
discussion. 2 4 Th e
ter m
o f
39 0 year s
is
thu
s
no t
merel y typological . Considerin g difficultie s o f calculation , i n th e ab -
year s
teres t i n an d knowledg e
senc e
o f
era s
an d
o f fixed length, 2 5 thi s show s remarkabl e
in -
o
f
history .
O n
th e
othe r
hand ,
th e
eschatologica l
hope s
hav e
bee n
disap -
pointed ,
an d
th e
movemen t
wa s
showin g
som e
sens e
o f
strai n
(19:33-20:34) . Thi s circumstanc e
als o shape d th e perceptio n
o f
th e
past .
I sugges t
tha t
it
ma y
hel p
explai n
th e
generou s
us e
o f
cod
e
22
Se e E.J . Bickerman , Four Strange Books of the
Bible. (Ne w York : Schocken ,
1967)
115-16 . Note , also, tha t
this inquir y
int o
th
e
pas t ma y contai n
th e
seed s
of its
ow n
unmaking . As th e past
is searche d mor e an
d
mor e thoroughl y fo r signs of th e
end ,
th e ga p betwee n
realit y an d expectatio n
ma y
als o b e revealed .
I
n
short , fait h
ma y
b e overturne d
o r ma y ultimatel y see m irrelevan t
as a
result . Se e J
. Fried , "Awaitin g
th e Las t Days
Myt
h an d Disenchantment " (forthcoming) . Se e furthe r Hill , English
Bible, 413-35 , an d
Hill' s summar y
comment ,
441 :
"i t
wa s
th e
radica l godl y
whos e
passionat e desir e t o mak e sens e of th e Bible led the m
int o
th e critica l activit y whic h
ultimatel y dethrone d it. " Th
e
closest paralle l
in ancien t Jewis h
text s is b .
San .
97b :
"R . Samue l b . Nahman
i
sai
d
in
th e nam e
of R . Jonathan :
Blaste d b e
th e bone s
o
f
thos e wh o calculat e th e end . Fo r the y woul d say (i.e., thei r prediction s mak e peopl e
say), sinc e th e predetermine
d
tim e
ha s arrive d
an d ye t
it ha s no t
come , it will
neve r
come. "
23
Fo r th e Gree k fashio n of re-tellin g th e presen t
a s if
it wer e prophec y fro m th e
past , t o whic h Danie l conforms , see Bickerman , Four Strange Books, 116-19 . In tha t
sense ,
it is n o
acciden t
tha t
th e secre t of Danie l wa s uncovere d b y Porphyry , famil -
ia r wit h
Gree k
literar y genre
s
an d
autho r
of
a
wor k
o n
chronolog y .
Se e furthe r
Bickerman , Four Strange Books, 130-31 .
24
Fo r
on e
recen t
attemp t
see
A.
Laato ,
"Th e
Chronolog y
of
th e
Damascu s
Documen t of Qumran, " Re!<Q 15 (1992) 605-7 . Th e 39 0 yea r perio d of sin followin g
th e retur n
fro m th e
exil e
is a n
excellen t
exampl e of th e
patter n of compressio n of
rime typica l of extrem e millenaria n
movements ,
in whic h
th e recen t
pas t
is
per -
ceive d a s wholl y evil, an d on e mus t jum
p
t o som e mor e distan t poin t in th e past
in
orde r
t o
fin d bette r
days .
Fo r
a
socia
l
scientifi c analysi s
of
thi s
matter ,
see
S.
Ravner , "Th e Perceptio n of Tim e an d Spac e in
Egalitaria n Sects: A Millenaria n
Cosmology, " Essays in die Sociology of Perception (ed. M . Douglas ; London :
Routledg e
& Kega n Paul , 1982) 258 . Fo r a discussio n of ancien t Jewis h source s fro m this per
-
spectiv e sec M
.
Kister , "O n
th e Histor y of th e Essen e Sect, " Tarbiz 5 6 (5747/1987 )
3 , η . 6 (Hebrew) , an d A. Rofé , "Th e Beginnin g o f Sect s in Post-Exili c Judaism, "
Cathedra 4 9 ( 1988) 12-21 (Hebrew) .
2 5 Se e
E.J .
Bickerman , "Th e Jewis h Historia n Demetrius, " Studies in Jewish and
Christian History, 2.358 .
name s Th e summarize d above , יא ב םינושארה , lon g list o
name s
Th e
summarize d
above ,
יא
ב
םינושארה ,
lon g list o f miscreants ,
ןוצל ה
תוקל ח
ישנא/שי א
גל
פ
תי ב
יחמ ו
,ץיח ה
ישרוד ,
is notabl e
fo r
th e
fac t
tha t
ever y grou p
t o identif y others .
הדוה י ירט , תירב ה
,בזכ ה םייא ,לפת ה
wa s calle d
b y
ינוב.,
a sobriquet ,
thu s creatin g
a n
abundan t
scholarl y literatur e an d a rea l
quandar y t o determin e thei r identity. 2 6
I
sugges t
tha t
us e
o f thes e
cod e
name s ca
n
glorif y heroe s (in particu -
la r whe n
expectation s
o f
th e
en d
o f day
s
ar e
o
n
th e upswing )
an d
obscur e
th e
messag e
s o
a s t o
minimiz e
th e
sens e
o f failure , i n
th e
af -
termat h
o f disappointment . Whethe r befor e o r
cod e name s ca n
giv e
a n
aur a
o f eternit y
t o
a n
afte r disappointment ,
interpretatio n o f pas t
an d present , whil e makin g tha t interpretatio n flexibl e enoug h t o b e
mythologize d
a s neede d
i n
th e
future. 2 ' The y
thu s fin d
a usefu l plac e
28
i n severa l phase s o f th e lif e o f a millenaria n movement .
Th e
stud y
offere d abov e
V I
is intende d
t o
b e
a n
exampl e
o f
ho
w
a
movement' s accoun t o f its pas t shoul d
b e
analyzed : it shed s ligh t
o n
th e situatio n
cumstance s
a t a particula r
tim e
an
d
place , a s thos e historica l
cir -
illuminat e
th e
specifi c detail s
o f
th e
pas t
remembere d
an d
transmitted . Workin g bac k an d
forth , th e dialecti c
ca n
b e
ex -
ploite d
i n
orde r
t o understan d
a momen t
111 th e
lif e
o f
a
grou p
a s
full y a s possible . The n w e ma y comprehen d
bot h ho
its
member s
live d an d
an d
wh y the y foun d tha t wa y o f lif e meaningful
w
, wit h ideolog y
wa y
o f lif e reinforcin g eac h
other .
T o
retur
term s wit h whic h
thi s pape r began ,
th e
utilit y o f th
n
e vie w
t o
Bickerman' s
o f th e
pas t
a s a componen t
i n
th e
ideolog y will the n
b e clear . Alternately ,
re -
tur n
t o th e analog y o f th e locomotiv e suggeste d
a t
th e outset ,
t o
a s a
re -
26
Fo r a discussio n
of som e of thes e cod e
name s see B.
Nitzan , Pesher Habakkuk—
A Scroll from the Wilderness of Judaea (1QpHab) (Jerusalem : Bialik Institute , 1986) 132-
48 .
27
Se e I. Gruenwald , "Fro m Sunris e t o Sunset—O n
th e Natur e of Eschatolog y
an d Messianis m in Judaism, " The Messianic Idea in Jeuish
Thought. A Study Conference in
Honour of the Eightieth Birthday of Gershorn Scholem Held 4-5 December 1977 (Jerusalem :
Israe l Academ y of Science s an d Humanities , 1982) 18-36.
28
Th e conclusio n
I a m
suggestin g is base d o n
analogies , in
particula r tha t of th e
Jehovah' s
Witnesses
;
see
M .
J .
Penton ,
Apocalypse Delayed:
The Story of Jehovah's
Witnesses (Toronto :
Universit y o f Toront o
Press ,
1985). Thei
r
literatur e
seem s
a
meaningles s collectio n of phrase s t o someon e no t abl e t o decod e it. Th e code , how -
ever , help s concea l
th e
fac t tha t
th e
en d
fo r
whic h th e Witnesse s set severa l date s
(fro m 1914 t o 1975) ha s no t ye t arrived . As a resul t Witnesse s ar e less subjec t t o
ridicule.
Ther e ar e report s of Witnesse s stealin g copie s of thei r olde r works , whic h
ar e base d o n interpretation s popula r durin g earlie r stage s o f thei r movement , fro m
libraries .
sui t o f th e reinforcemen t offere d b y ideolog y an d
sui t o f th e reinforcemen t offere d b y
ideolog y
an d
wa y
o f lif e fo r
eac h
other ,
i n
whic h conception s o f th
e
pas t
ha d
a
n importan
t
role ,
th
e
destinatio n a t whic h th e persona l trai n o f suc h a committe d
membe r
arrive d
wa s
no t
onl y
th e
final
one ,
it
wa
s
als o
th e
onl y
conceivabl e
on e and , hence , thoroughl y convincing . Tha t committe d
member' s
stea m
ha d powere
d
hi m
o r
he r
t o
th e
absolutel y
tru e
an d
uniqu
e
destinatio n a t whic h past , presen t an d eterna l futur e al l converge d i n
thei r ultimat e cosmi c meaning .
T H E LAW S O F TH E DAMASCU S DOCUME N T BETWEE N
T H E
LAW S
O F
TH E
DAMASCU S DOCUME N T
BETWEE N
BIBL E AN D
MISHNA H
JOSEP H
M .
BAUMGARTE N
Baltimore Hebrew College
I n
thi s Jubile e year , whe n
ther e
hav e bee n multipl e event s
markin g
fift y year s sinc e th e discover y
o f
th e
Dea d
Se a
Scrolls , th e
initiativ e
o f th e
Orio n
Cente r serve s a s a reminde r
tha t
it
is nearl y
a
centenni
-
a l sinc e Solomo n
Schechte
r prepare d
hi s publicatio n
o f
th e
centra
l
foundationa l
documen t
o f
th e
Dea d
Se a
Scroll s
community ,
The
^adokite Fragments. I t is tru e
tha t
fo r hal f a centur y
th e antiquit y o f
th e
wor k i n thes e Geniza h
manuscript s wa s still th e subjec t o f scholarl y
debate , bu t
thi s fac t onl y enhance s
th e
goo d
judgmen t
thes e wer e
an d
courag e
o f
th e
editor , wh o
hel d
t o hi s convictio n
tha t
copie s
o f
a
sectaria n
tex t
stemmin g
fro m
th e
perio d
o f
th e
Secon d
Temple .
Toda
y
thi s judgmen
t
is almos t
universall y
accepted ,
althoug h
wit h
regar
d
t o
th
e
cod e
o f law s
ther e
has , unti l recently , bee n
som e
relue
-
tanc e amon
g biblica l scholar s t o recogniz e
it
a s
a n
integra l par t
o f
wha t
is
no w
commonl y
calle d
th e
Damascu s
Document .
Wit h
th e
publicatio n
o f
th e
Cav e
4 fragment s thi s ca n
b e expecte d
t o change .
I
conclude
d
th e introductio n
t o
th
e
Cav e
4
D
fragment s wit h
a
paragrap
h
entide d
"Th e Relevanc e o f Rabbini c Sources, , י י
wher e
I
too k
issu e wit h
thos e
scholar s wh o
conside r
th e
lat e editin g
o f
th e
rabbini c
text s
a s
sufficien t justificatio n
fo r ignorin g
the m
i n
thei r
portraya l o f Secon d Templ e
religiou s history . Sinc e th e
publicatio n
o f Megilla t Ha-Miqda š an d Miqsa t Ma'as e Ha-Tora h it is well -
know n tha t Qumra n religiou s la w include d ruling s whic h th e
Mishna h
ascribe s
t o
th e
םיקוד צ
(whateve r
sectaria n
entitie s
thi s
nam e
migh t
designate ) i n thei r debate s wit h
th e
םישורפ .
Moreover ,
th e polemic s i n Qumra n
writing s agains t th e Pharisee s (תוקל ח
ישרוד )
have ,
a s
thei r
target ,
practice s
considere d
normativ e
i n
rabbini c
sources . Th e
Mishnah ,
a s historian s i n Israe l hav e recognized ,
is
in -
dispensabl e fo r understandin g wha t th e Qumra n
legist s wer e
teach -
in
g
an d
wit h who m
the y wer e contending . Amon g
th e
ne
w
law s
o f
th e Damascu s Documen t ar e furthe r illustration s o f ruling s directe d
agains t practice s sanctione d i n Tannaiti c sources .
1
Qumran Cave 4.XUI.
The Damascus Document (4Q266-273)
(DJ D
18; Oxford :
Clarendon ,
1996) 21-22 .
I n th e presen t pape r I shoul d lik e t o oile
I n
th e
presen t
pape r
I
shoul d
lik e
t o
oile r
a
fe w
observation s
abou t th e distinctiv e Qumra n
approac h
t o
th e
law s
o f
th e
Sabbat
h
an d t o apprais e som e nomenclatur e commo n t o Qumra n an d t o
earl y
rabbini c halakha .
Befor e
I
d o
so
,
however ,
it behoove s
m e
t o
justif y th e balance d descriptio n o f thi s paper , "—Betwee n Bibl e an d
Mishnah. "
sourc e o f
Document
I propos e
t o
d o
s o
b y
essayin g
t o
identif y th e
biblica l
on e
o f
th e
mor e intriguin g supplement s t o th e
Damascu s
,
extan
t
onl y
i n
4Q270 ,
th e
so-calle d
Catalogu e
o
f
Transgressors .
The Catalogue of Transgressors
Th e
list
o f abou t
fourtee n transgressors , wit h th e repeate d
רש א
י
א
an d
a
ver
b
i n
th e
imperfect , is no t
full y extan t
an d
formul a
its place -
men t
befor e th e
transgressor s
corpu s
o f law s
is
no t
certain . A t
th e
en d
o f
th e
list ,
th e
ar e
collectivel y
denounce d
fo r provokin g
divin e
wrath .
I n
DJ D
18 I tentativel y remarke d
tha t
th e genr e
o f
th e
list
ma y b e compare d
wit h
th e
list o f curse s
(רורא )
directe d
agains t
vari -
ou s sinner s i n Deuteronom y 27 . However , th e curs e formula , reflect -
e d
i n
1Q S
2:11 ,
is no t
foun d i n
th e
D catalogue , an d
th e natur e
o
f
th e transgression s is entirel y different .
Mor e recentl y I considere d
th e hypothesi s
tha t
th e
רש
א
ו
א
formul
a
wit h
ש״א
th e imperfec t whic h is use d repeatedl y t o describ e profanation s
th e imperfec t ver b
ma y
deriv e
fro m
th e
רש
א
formulatio n
wit h
o f holines s i n
th e Catalogu e
pendenc e upo
Leviticu s
17-22 . Close r examinatio n o f th e content s o f
o f Transgressor s doe s indee d indicat e a marke d
de -
n
sin s liste d i n thi s biblica l pericope , althoug
h
a
num -
be r o f th e transgression s
i n
th e
D
catalogu e ar e
t o
clearl y
sectaria n
nature . Th e followin g
o f th e dependence :
tabulatio n
ma y
serv e
provid e
o f a
a n
overvie w
Th
e
Catalogu e
o f Transgressor s
4Q27 0
2 i-ii
Lev .
17-2 2
1
םינועדיב ו
בוא ב
שורד י
ו
א
ביר י
ט
17:7 (םיריעש) ; 19:31, 20:6, 27
(בוא,׳ינועדי )
2
םט ה
ת
א
ללח י
רס
א
ו
א
20:3 , 21:6 , 22:2 ,
22:1 5
3
היבא ]
תיב ב
ה
י
לוח ב
ע
ר
ם
ט
21:1 4 (הילותב ב
הטא )
4
המ
ע
רח
א
בבט י
[רשא
הנמיי א
5
םוי ב ותט א
ייא
ב
ר
[קי
ו
א
6
? םישדוק
ה
תא
|
םידה ל אחמ[
׳
רט
א
22:1-1 6 םיטד ק
offere d (ומירי ) t o priest s
7
ושדו ק
חו ר
ת
א
אסמ ל םתומט ב
[
ן
8 הא]ם מ בו ז ו א הער צ עגנ ב ענו מ ו א 22:
8
הא]ם מ בו ז
ו
א
הער צ
עגנ ב ענו מ
ו
א
22: 4 (בז ו א עור צ
אוהו )
9
ומ
ע
ת] א
ללק י
ו
א
טיאוג ל ומ ע
ז
ר
־
א
הל ע
ר!:זי
19:16
ךימע ב
ליכ ר
ךל ת
א
ל
10
:הק ה
חו ר ־חיט מ
ל
ע
הר ס
[רבד י
11
ה]רב ע
היח ו המה ב
טחש ·
׳
א
22:2 8
דח
א
םוי ב
וטחש ת
א
ל
ונ
ב
תא ו
ית
א
12
ם
ד
ץיק מ
הר ה
הט
א
ע
טטש י
רש
א
13
ויחא ]
ת
ב
ל[ א
ברק י
ו
א
14
הט א יבבס מ
[רכ ז
ט
ע
בבש ״
ו
א
18:22
הט
א
יבבט מ
בכט ת
א
ל
רכ ז
תא ו
Comments
line 2
Th e
fac t tha t
participant s i n th e Moloc h cul t ar e
sai d
t o
pro -
fan e th e divin e nam e
(20:3 ) raise s th e possibilit y tha t thi s paga n
abominatio n
wa s
mentione d
i n
th e
missin g
context ,
bu t
thi s
canno t b e proven .
lines 3-4
Lev . 21:1 4 refer s t o th e restricte d marriage s sanctione d fo r
th e
Hig h
Priest . Th e
sinne r her e allude d
t o is apparend y
an y
layma n
wh o
marrie s
a
maide n
o r
wido w
o f
ill
repute ;
cf .
4Q27 1
3
12
12-13 .
line 5
Th e identificatio n o f th e da y o n whic h marita l relation s wer e
banne d
is missing . Jub .
50: 8 suggest s tha t
it
ma y
hav e bee n
th e
Sabbath .
line 6
Th e
priestl y emolument s liste d her e
include :
(a)
th e
fruit s o f
tree s
i n
th e fourt h yea r
afte r thei r planting ;
(b)
th e
tith e
o f
cat -
tie ; (c) th e redemptio n
o f
th
e first-bor n o f unclea n animal s
an d
o f humans ;
(d) th e firs t shearin g
o f sheep ;
(e) th e assessmen t
fo
r
th e redemptio n o f persons ; (f) a guil t restitutio n whic h canno
t
b
e returne d
t o
its
rightful
owner . Th e assignmen t
t o
th e
priest s
o f (a), (b), (e) an d (f) follow s sectaria n opinio n (MM T
B62-64 ,
11Q T
60 ,
C D
9:13-14) . Terumah ,
th e
sacre d
portio n
o f
th e
harves t offere d
exclusivel y
t o
th e priest s
(Number s
18),
is
no t
liste d here .
Th e
requiremen t
o f ritua l purit y
fo r
its
consump
-
tio n
is th e
majo r subjec t o f Leviticu s
22 .
line
7
Th e extan t
tex t
doe s
no t
specif y whos e
names ,
thos e
o f
an -
gel s o r perhap s thos e o f communa l authorities , wer e abuse d b y
th e offender .
line 8
Lev . 20:4- 7 lists scal e diseas e an d gonorrhe a amon g defilement s
whic h disqualif y a pries t fro m eatin g sacre d food . Th e mendo n o f
thes e physica l
afflicdon s i n
thi s catalogu
e
o f transgressor s
ma y
perhap s reflec t th e vie w tha t the y wer e symptomati c o f sin .
line 9
e
curse s [his people]. " 1 lQTempl
"On
wh o
reveal s a
secre t
o f
hi s
peopl e
t o
th e
Gentiles ,
o r
e
6 4 likewis e describe s tw o kind s
o f treason : (a) informin g agains t
ומעב ; (b) cursin g one' s peopl e b y
one' s peopl e
ליכ ר
goe s ove r
שי א
היה י
״
כ
on e
wh o
t o
th e
sid e
ללקי g y use d ther e fo r informin o f th e Gentile s
ללקי
g y use d ther e fo r informin
o f th e
Gentile s ומ ע ת א
ו
םיאוג ה
g
ךו ת
is clearl y
ל
א
חרביו .
Th e
terminolo -
tha t
o f Lev .
19:1 6 ךל ת
א
ל
ךימע ב
rathe r tha n
ליכר ,
whic h wa s understoo d
t o
refe r t o
nationa l
betraya l
t o maliciou s gossip . Th e
phraseolog y o f ou
r
tex t
is
markedl y clos e t o tha t
היממע ל
foun d i n
th e
E n
Ged i inscriptio n
ילג ר
ן
מ
התרק ד
הזר .
lines 11-12
Th e ba n o n slaughterin g pregnan t animal s i n 1 lQTem -
pi e
52:5- 7
is juxtapose d
wit h
th e
biblica l
prohibitio n
agains t
killin g th e paren
t
an d
youn g
o f oxe n
an d
shee p
o n
th e
sam e
da y
(Lev . 22:28)
. Qumra n
la w regarde
d
th e
fetu
s
a s
a
n
inde -
2
penden t
creature.
I t
is possibl e
tha t
th
e
followin g la w forbid -
din g
intercours e
durin g
pregnanc y
ma y
als o involv e
concer n
abou t harmin g th e fetus .
lines
13-14
Th e
law s
o f inces t
א
i n
Leviticu s
2 0 ar e consistentl
y
for -
mulate d wit h th e
רש
tex t presumabl y derives . However , marriag e wit h
שי א
pattern ,
fro m whic h
th e
רש
א
ו
א
for -
inul a
o f
ou r
one' s
niec e wa s no t biblicall y prohibited ; it wa s exegeticall y de -
rive d
fro m th e
ba n
o n marryin g one' s aun t
(C D
5:8-11) .
Th e foregoin g surve y o f biblica l source s fo
r
th e
Catalogu e
o f
Transgressor s show s tha t it wa s primaril y
base
d
o n
th e
השור ק
law s
foun d i n Leviticu s 17-22 . T o thes e wer e appende d som e offense
s
agains t sectaria n
"halakha, " whic h
ma y
als o hav e
bee n
deeme d
t o
b e profanation s o f holiness . Th e connectio n wit h th e Leviticu s
peri -
cop e is furthe r supporte d
meratio n o f sinners :
b y th e conclusio n whic h
follow s th e
enu -
ת]אירכו ע
vac[
]
17
I n th e editio prìnceps I followe d th e suggestio n tha t
6Q1 5
wa s
a
paral -
lei t o
thi s text .
Hence ,
I
adopte d th e
readin g foun d there , ריעבה ל
"t o
kindle "
1 7 [
a s preferabl e t o
ריבעה ל
] vac Thos e wh o transgress [
wit h
ןור ח
"wrath" :
18 Against the m Go d has ordained , to cause his w[rath ] to be kindled dur -
ing the peri[0 d of iniquity
I
no w
believ e tha t th e origina l readin g
modified . Lev . 18:2 4 admonishe s
ריבעה ל
"t o
remove "
shoul d
no t
b e
Israelite s no t t o defil e
them -
selve s b y imitatin g th e sexua l practice s o f Canaan ,
"fo r
b y
all
these ,
2
J .
M .
Baumgarten , "A Fragmen t o n Feta l Life an d Pregnanc y in 4Q_270,"
Freedma n an d A. Hurvitz ; Winon a Lake : Eisenbrauns , 1995) 445-48 .

Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Honor of Jacob Milgrom (ed. D . P. Wright , D. N.

ץוק ב

ופ

א

ןורת ב

ריבעה ל

ל

א

קק ח

ם

ב

th e nation s I a m castin g ou t befor e yo u hav
th e
nation s
I
a m
castin g ou t
befor e yo u
hav e defile d
themselves. "
Th e
transgressor s o f mora l limits , designate d
b y
th e
wor d
ירבו ע
i n
lin e
17,
ar e
subjec t
t o
a divin e
curse ,
a s indicate d
i n
th e
expulsio n
ritual
a t
th e
en
d
o f
th e
Damascu s
Document :
ונ
ל
התלבג
ה
תולובג ו
התור א
םהידבו ע
ת
א
רש
א
"Yo u
hav e
se t
limit s
fo r
u s
an d
curse d
thos e
wh o
transgres s
them "
(4Q26 6
11
12-13) . Non-Israelites ,
too ,
wer e
curse d
whe n
the y
transgresse d
thes e
mora l
limits ,
ת
החור א
הת
א
םהידבו ע
(11
14), a s demonstrate d
b y
th e
fat e o f th e
א
nation s wh o
wer e
"vomite d
out "
b y
th e
lan d
(Lev .
19:25-28) .
It
is t o
thi s
la w
o f
mora l
retributio
n
tha
t
lin e
18 mos
t
likel y
alludes :
ןור]ה ב
ריבעה ל
ל
קק
ח
ם
ב
ופ
א
"The
m
di d
Go d
ordai
n
t o
remov e
throug h
th e
hi s
anger,
"
wit h
a n apparen t
wor d pla y betwee n ירבו ע
an d
א
wrat h o f
ריבעהל .
Qumran IMW and the Mishnah
Havin
g
give n
du e
recognitio n
t o
th e
fundamenta l biblica l
root s
o f
Qumra n
law ,
w e
ma y
no w tur n
ou r attentio n
t o thos e aspect s whic h
lin k
it wit h
earl y
rabbini c
halakha . Thes e link s
wer e highlighte d
i n
th e masterfu l stud y o f Loui s Ginzber g that , base d onl y o n th e
Damascu s Documen t an d lackin g th e wealt h o f othe r Qumra n
writ -
ing s a t ou r disposal , identifie d th e unbekannte jüdische Sekte a s Pharisaic .
Althoug h thi s conclusio n is n o longe r tenable , ther e is grea t heuristi c
valu e i n reevaluatin g som e o f th e consideration s whic h
le d
t o
it .
Laws of the Sabbath
Th e
law s
o f th e
Sabbat h
provid e som e o f th e closes t approache s
be -
twee n Qumra n
exegesi s an d
th e
Ora l
La w
o f th e Rabbis .
Lawrenc e
Schiffman' s dissertatio n contain s a detaile d discussio n o f thes e laws .
Her e
w e wis h
onl y t o mak e som e observation s
base d
o n
Cav e
4
ha -
lakhi c fragment s whic h will , w e hope , soo n b e published. 3
האצו ה
Th e
biblica l
injunction , יעיבש ה
g o
i n 4Q25
ou t
o f
hi s
plac e
o n
1
1 4
תבש ה
ל
כ
םוי ב
th e sevent h
שי א
ומקמ מ
שי א
אצ י
ל
16:29 ) wa s
א
"Le t
n o
ma n
day " (Exod .
rendere d
ומוקמ מ
אצו י
ל
א
"Le t
n o
ma n
bring forth
3
Afte r completin g th e followin g surve y of 1111· 4 Q Sabbat h fragments , 1 foun d
tha t
L . Doerin g ha s independentl y
arrive d a t
a numbe r
of simila r
result s in
his
study , "Ne w Aspect s of Qumra n Sabbat h La w fro m Cav e 4 Fragments, " Inegal Texts
Studies, Cambridge, 1995
Published in
Honour of Joseph
M.
Baumgarten (ed.
M .
J .
Bernstein , F . Garci a Martine z an d J. Kampen ; STD J
23 ; Leiden : Brill,
1997) 251 -
74.

and Legal Issues. I 1 ioceedings of the Second Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran

fro m hi s plac e (during ) th e entir e Sabbath. " אצו י
fro m
hi s
plac e
(during )
th e
entir e
Sabbath. "
אצו י
is likewis e
em -
ploye d
i n
th e
rules , formulate d o n
th e
basi s
o f Exod .
16:29 , whic h
prohibi t carryin g i n an d
ou t
o n
th e
Sabbat h (C D
11:7 an d 4Q26 5
6
4). Thus ,
talmudi c
thi s biblica l passag e serve d a t Qumran ,
muc h
a s
it
di d
i
n
halakh a
(b.
'Erub .
17b ,
51a )
an d
i n Targu m
Ps.-Jon .
t o
Exod .
16:29 , bot h
a s
a
sourc e
fo r
th e
limi t
o n
walkin g an d
th e
pro -
hibitio n
o f carryin g i n
an d
ou t o f dwellings
.
Talmudi c halakha , however , analyze d th e ac t o f carryin g
int o tw o
elements : (a) th e
raisin g (הריקע
)
objec t fro m its plac e
an d
(b) its
placemen t
(החנה )
i n
anothe r
o f a n
locus .
Onl y
a perso n
wh o
performe d
bot h
i n Jub .
element s wa s culpabl e (m . Shab .
1:1). Th e sever e
formulatio n
50: 8
show s
n o
awarenes
s
o f
suc h
conceptualization .
"An d
whoeve r lift s u
p anythin g tha t
h e
will carr y
t o
tak e
ou t
o f hi s
ten t
o r
fro m hi s house ,
le t hi m
die. " Thi s
implie s tha t
th e ver y
displacemen t
4
o f a
Suc h
tio n
n
objec t wit h
th e inten t
t o carr y
i t
ou t
constitute s
a
desecration.
a
o f Essen e stringenc y
vie w
is
aki n
t o
th e
practic e
cite d
b y Josephu s
a s
a n
illustra -
wit h
regar d
t o
th e
Sabbath : "No t onl y
d
o
the y prepar e
tha t
thei r
foo d o n
Sabbath] ,
th
e
da
y
before , t o avoi d
kindlin g a fir e
o
n
on e
[th e
bu t
the y
d o
no t
ventur e
t o
remov e
(μετακίνησαι )
an y
vessel "
(Wa r
2.147) .
Movin g
a vesse l
no t
pre
-
pare d
fo r th e Sabbath ,
eve n withou t carryin g i t outside , woul d
fo r
th e
Essene s constitut e a violatio n o f Exod .
16:5 , whic h require d tha t
th e
mann a fo r th e Sabbat h
b e prepare d
(וניכהו )
o n
th e sixt h
day .
הצקו מ
and טפ נ
חוק פ
Talmudi c source s preserv e a theor y whic h deeme d
object s no t "pre -
pared "
.
Th e prevailin g talmudi c view , however , attribute d th e הצקו מ restric -
fo r
th e
Sabbat
h
t o
b e
biblicall y
restricte d
fo r
us e
(הצקומ)
tion s
t o
rabbini c
enactment s
t o virtuall y
whic h underwen t a n evolutio n fro m
stric t
applicatio n
all vessel s
t o
th e
late r
circumscribe
d
ba n o f onl y specifi c implements. 5
Qumra n
la w
retain s
th e
ancien t
stringenc y
i n
accordanc e
us e coul d
wit h
whic h an y implemen t no t designate d fo r Sabbat h
no t
b
e
employed , eve n
t o
sav e
a huma n
life . Thus ,
certai n Jew s wh o
fle d
t
o
th e wildernes s i n
th e day s o f Mattathia s
di d
no t defen d
themselve s
whe n attacke d o n Sabbath . The y di d no t hur l an y ston e agains t
1
Th e
theor y tha t
th e restrictio n o n th e movin
g
(לוטלט )
of object s wa s derivativ e
fro m th e prohibitio n
t o carr y the m
ou t
(האצוה )
is foun d
in
b . Shab .
124b , as note d
by
Raba d
in
his strictur e
o n
Rambam ,
Tad,
Law s o f Shabba t 24.12 . Ramba m
viewe d th e לוטל ט restriction s as independen t rabbini c enactment s t o distinguis h th e
Sabbat h fro m th e workada y routine s of th e week .
י
Cf .
b .
Pes. 47 b
an d
Bes a 2 b wit h th e evolutionar y relaxatio n
of הצקו מ
restric -
tion s depicte d
in
t. Shab .
14:1.
thei r attacker s no r bloc k u p thei r hidin g place s
thei r attacker s no r bloc k
u p
thei r
hidin g place s
(1 Macc .
2:36) .
Th
e
handlin g
(cf. C D
o r
11:11) , an d
o f rock s
soil wa s apparentl y
forbidde n o n th e
Sabbat h
n o allowanc e wa s mad e
טפנ) .
"An y
huma n
bein g wh o
fall s int o
a
ma n
brin g
hi m
u p
wit h
a ladder ,
a
rope ,
fo r th e
plac e
o r
peri l
t o
lif e
(חוק
פ
o f wate r
implement "
...
let
n
o
a n
(C D
11:16-17). 6 4Q26 5 6 confirm s th e ba n
o n
usin g a n implemen t
(ילכ) ,
bu t
permit s
on e
t o
cas t
a garmen t
(דגב )
t o
a
drownin g
man ;
th
e
latte r wa s permissibl e because , a s a n
articl e
o f attire ,
i t wa
s
prepare
d
fo r
us e
o n
th
e Sabbath. 7
It is interestin g tha t
thi s rulin g is followe
d
b y a referenc
e
t o a situatio n
involvin g a n
arm y (אבצ) , whic h
unfortu -
natel y is incomplete . W e
th e Sabbat h i n 4Q26 4
als o lac k
th e contex
t
o f th e allusio n
t o
wa
r
o n
1 ii
8 8 .ומע םחלה ל
חובט
and Priestly Activities
T h e
ter m
תובט ,
whic h
is
use d
i n
rabbini c source s fo r rabbini c
re -
striction s
intende d
t o
preserv e
th e
non-secula r
characte r
o f
th e
Sabbath ,
is no t
foun d i n Qumra n
writings . I t is, however ,
apparen t
tha t th e Sabbat h rule s foun d
i n
Jubilee s
an d
i n
th e
Damascu
s
Documen t
wer e
no t
limite d
t o
thos e
foun d
i n
th e Torah ,
bu t
als o
embrace d
th e
חוב ט
categor y o f lega l
"fences " designe
d
t o
enhanc e
th e sanctit y o f th e Sabbath . 4Q264 a (Halakh a B) no w provide s a
fragmentar y collectio n o f suc h rules : on e concern s th e on e thousan d
cubi t
limi t
o n
walkin g outsid e
one' s setdement ,
als o
foun d
i n
C D
10:21 . Thi s is followe d b y a regrettabl y incomplet e prohibitio n
be -
ginnin g wit h th e phrase , "Le t
n o
ma n
take, " whic h wa s extende d
t o
th e
priest s an d
apparend
y
applie d
als o
t o
"th e
burn t
offering s an d
sacrifices. " Interestingly , th e operativ e principl e i n talmudi c
halakh a
wa s
tha t
!רוב ט
restriction s
di d
no t appl y
t o
th e
Temple ,
whic h
som e
opinion s extende d
eve n t o task s ancillar y
t o sacrifice , suc h
a s
bring -
in g th e pascha l offerin g fro m beyon d th e Sabbat
b .
'Erub .
103a) . Th e nex t Sabbat h
restrictio n
limi t (m .
i n 4Q264 a
h
Pes .
6:1 ;
seem s
t o
pertai n
t o
readin g scroll s i n
orde r
t o chec k thei r texts , althoug h
on e
6
Th e restrictio n o n savin g
huma n
life is specifi c an d applie s
strictl y
to
th e
us e
o f utensils whic h
ma y
no t
b e handle d
o n
th e Sabbath ;
cf.
L.
H
. Schiffman , The
Halakha at Qumran (SJLA 16; Leiden : E.J . Brill, 1975),
126, an d
L.
Doering' s dissen t
in th e above-mentione d paper . 111 normativ e rabbini c halakha , th e primac y of
חוק פ
טפ : woul d overrid e all restrictions .
7
4Q26 5
6
4
ha s
th e prohibitio n
[*י]כאמו
־ל
כ
ילהא מ
ש[י א אצ]ו
י
ל
א
"Le t
n o
ma n
brin g
fort h fro m
his ten t
a vessel
an
d
food. " It
is possibl e
tha t
th e vessel
intende
d
her e wa s a foo d vessel, takin g [ל]כאם
ו
כ
as hendiadys ;
otherwis e
its handlin g eve n
withi n th e ten t woul d b e restricted .
8
Fo r a historica l
stud y of th e halakh a concernin g wa r o n
th e Sabbath , see
M .
D .
Herr ,
"Th e
Proble m
of th e
Law s of Wa r
o n
th e Sabbat h
in th e Secon d
Templ e
an d Mishnai c Periods, " Tarbiz 3 0 (1961) 242-56 , 341-5 6 (Hebrew) .
is allowe d t o rea d the m i n orde r t o learn
is allowe d
t o
rea d
the m
i n
orde r
t o
learn .
Further ,
secula
r
t conver -
tal k
o n
th e Sabbat h
wa s banne d
i n accordanc e
wit h
Isa .
58:13 , bu
satio n abou t foo d wa s legitimate .
M
.
Hag .
1:8 characterize s th e law s o f th e Sabbat h
o n
lit -
ti e
Scriptur e
an d
muc h
ora l
halakha
,
הרעש ב
ץולח ה
"lik e
mountain s suspende
d
b y
a
hair. "
I t is interestin g
a s base d
םיררה כ
Qumra n
ex -
egete s who ,
a s
fa r
a
s
w
e
know ,
ha d
n o concep t
tha t
o f a n
o f
תבש ה
authoritativ e
Ora l
Law ,
nevertheles s
attache d
th e
observanc e
precautionar
y
Sabbat h
restriction s
t o
th e
scriptura l
command ,
םו י
ת
א
רומ ש
ושדק ל
tex t o f 4Q27 4
(C D
10:16-17) . Thi s was , accordin g t o ou r restoratio n
o f
th
e
2
i,
th e
passag e
cite d
i n suppor t
o f th e restrictio n
o
n
sprinklin g wate r
fo r purificatio n o n
th e Sabbath , jus t
a s
i t serve d
o f wor k
i n
C
D
10:16-1 7
a s
th e
basi s
fo r
requirin g
th e
cessatio n
o n
Frida y wel l befor e sunset . Thus
,
Qumra n
la w
i n effec t carrie d
ou
t
on e
o f
th e principle s attribute d
t o
th e
Me n
o f
th e
Grea t
Assembly ,
הדות ל
therefor e incline d
גי ס
ושע ו
"An d
buil d a fenc e abou t
th e Torah "
(m . 'Abo t
1:1). I
a m
stem s fro m Ezek .
t o
doub t
tha t
th e sobrique t ץיח
ה
i n th e Damascu s
ינוב ,
whic h
13:1 0 an d wa s applie d
Documen t
som e
recte d a t
Law. 9
t o
opponent s
o f
th e
sec t (C D
4:19 ,
8:12) , wa
s particularl y
t o protec t
di -
th e
proto-rabbini c
"fences " whic h
serve d
th e
The Topical Nomenclature of Laws
Th e
law s
o f
th e
Sabbat h
ar c
se t
fort h
i n
th e
Damascu s
Documen t
unde r
th e
rubri c 10:14) תבש ה
לע)
.
Thi
s
is on e
o f severa l
suc h
rubric
s
employe d
t o
introduc e
topica l
grouping s
o f
laws :
םימ ב
רהט ה
ל
ע
"concernin g on e wh o purifie s himsel f i n water "
(10:10) ,
העובש ה
ל
ע
"concernin
g
oaths' 5
(9:8), תוברנ ה
טפש מ
ל
ע
"concernin g th e la w o f do -
nations " (16:13). 1 0 Not e als
o th e nomenclatur e
fo r
th e
clas s
o f
pro -
hibite d
sexua l union s 5:9) תוירע
ה
טפשמ) ,
whic h
is
parallele
d
b y
th e
ל
post-biblica l evidenc e fo r th e identificatio n o f classe s o f law s b y sub -
topica l
headin g תוירע ה
ע
i n
4Q25 1
12
1.
Her e
w e
hav e
th e
first
jec t categories .
It
is
noteworth y
tha t
th e
aforementione
d
m .
H a g ·
L8>
whic h
characterize s
lists תוירע ו
th e
law s
o f
th e
Sabbat h
a s lackin g scriptura l
support ,
תואמטה ו
תורהט ה
amon g categorie s o f law s whic h
b y
con -
9
Cf . L. H . Schiffman , Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls. The History of Judaism, the
Background of Christianity, the List Library of Qumran (Philadelphia/Jerusalem : JPS ,
1994) 250 .
10
W e d o no t includ e instance s wher e
th e
ל
ע
formulatio n introduce s singl e laws,
suc h
as הטא ה תעוב ש
ל
ע
(C D
16:10) an d th e repeate d use o f this formul a fo r particu -
la r legal assertion s in MMT .
tras t hav e abundan t scriptura l support . תואמטה ו תורהטה , ל purificatio
tras t hav e abundan
t
scriptura l support
.
תואמטה ו
תורהטה ,
ל
purificatio n fro m impurity . תוירע , th e law s o f prohibite d
on e
i n
th e Tosefta
, correspond s
t o
th e
rubri c
־והט ה
ע
ar e her e designate d in
ha s supplement s t o th e
plura l for
m
jus t
a s
a t
Qumran .
counte d
concernin g
marriages ,
Th e Toseft a
a s
mishnai c list o f halakho t wit h goo d scriptura l
support , amon g whic h appea r ןיכרע
ה
appear s a t Qumra n i n plura l for m i n th e designatio n םיכרע ה ףס
an d
תושדקהה .
Th e
forme r als o
כ
"valuatio n
money " (4Q159) , whil e
תושדקה ה
correspond s i n
conten
t
t o th e rule s liste d i n th e Damascu s Documen t unde r th e rubri c o f
16:13) תובריה) ,
whic h
emplo y
th e
ver b
שר ק
fo r sanctifie
111
hi s
definitiv e
stud y
o f
earl y
strat a o f Tannaiti c literature ,
Yaako v Epstei n demonstrate d tha t m . Hag
.
above-mentione d categorie s o f halakhot , stem s a t th e lates t fro m th e
1:8, whic h describe s th e
Heroclia n period. " Thi s is
show n b y th e fac t tha t Abb a Yos e b .
Hanan , a contemporar y o f th e lat e Secon d Templ e period , alread y
refer s t o th e enumeratio n o f
th e
law s
i n
th e
Mishna h
a s "majo r
bod -
ie s o f halakha "
(t. Hag .
1:9). Epstein' s conclusio n is, I believe , 111 har -
mon
y
wit h
th e
similaritie s
i n
th e
topica l
terminolog y
betwee n
Qumra n an d th e Mishna h whic h w e hav e noted . Th e rudimentar y
groupin g o f law s unde r subjec t heading s a t Qumran , althoug h
man -
ifeste d her e
i n a non-Pharisai c
context , tend s
als o
t o
ad d
cogenc y
t o
Epstein' s theor
y concernin g
th e earl y
formatio n o f th e nucle i
o f
th
e
tractate s o f th e Mishnah .
Conclusion
O u r identificatio n o f Leviticu s
o f Transgressor s ca n b e take n
17-2 2
a s
th e
sourc e
o f
th e
Catalogu
e
a s a n illustratio n
o f
th e
pentateucha l
root s o f Qumra n law . A s C D 16:2 affirms , "i n it (th e la w o f Moses
)
everythin g is specifie d (קדקודמ). "
However ,
thi s apparentl y
limitin g
principl e
ha s
t o
b e appraise d
i n
th
e ligh t o f suc h pentateucha l
sup -
plement s
a s
th
e
Boo k ofjubilees , i n whic h chronologica l thing s ar e
קדקוד מ (C D 16:3), an d th e Templ e Scroll , whic h contain s multipl e
pentateucha l elaborations . W e hav e furthe r t o recko n wit h th e genr e
o f reworke d Pentateuc h
foun d
a t
Qumra n
i n which ,
fo r
example
,
th e
feast s o f oil
an d
woo d
wer e inserte d int o th e sequenc e o f festival s
o f Leviticu s
23 .
Thus ,
th e
scriptura l basi s o f Qumra n la w which , un -
like
talmudi c halakha , als o include
d
th e
Prophets , wa s t o begi n
wit
h
less
rigidl y defined . Witnes s th e sporadi c us e o f th e citatio n formul
a
11
J . N . Epstein , iXlebo'ot le-Sifrul ha-Tannaim (Jerusalem : Magnes ;
l ei Aviv:
Dvir ,
1957 )
46-47 .
רמ א דט taria n fo r thing s interpretatio n א no t found anywher
רמ
א
דט
taria n
fo r thing s
interpretatio n
א
no t
found
anywher e i n Scripture
,
bu t
i n
th e
sec -
thereof. 1 2
On e
significan t
Qumra n
developmen t
i n
th
e
directio n
o f
Tannaiti c methodolog y wa s th e rudimentar y collectio n o f rule
s
unde r subjec t rubric s introduce d
b y th e prepositio
n
לע .
Anothe r
is
th e us e o f nomenclatur e t o identif
y variou s
area s o f halakh a
simila r
t o tha t foun d i n th e earlies t
strat a o f th e Mishnah .
Th e
law s
o f
th e
Sabbat h
i n
th e
Damascu s Document , muc h lik e
thos e i n Jubilees ,
offe r parallel s
t o
rule s whic h
i n talmudi c
halakh a
woul d b e classifie d a s תובש , o r functionall y a s fence s abou t th
e
Torah .
Yet , the y ar e no t distinguishe d fro m biblica l prohibition s
o r
treate d
wit h
greate r
leniency ,
eve n
whe n
lif e ma y
b e
threatened
.
Moreover ,
w e
d o
no t
ye t
find
i n
th
e Qumra n Sabbat h law s th e kin d
o f conceptua l analysi s an d generalize d principle s whic h ar e familia r
fro m th e Mishnah . Th e foregoin g methodologica l observation s see m
b y
an d
larg e
t o b e compatibl e
wit h th e chronologica l
placemen
t
o f
th e Qumra n literatur e betwee n Bibl e an d Mishnah .
12
Se
e
J .
M .
Baumgarten ,
" A
'Scriptural '
Citatio n
i n
4Q .
Fragment
s
of
Damascu s Document, " JJS
4 3 (1992) 95-98 .
THEJUDAISM(S ) O F TH E DAMASCU S DOCUMENT * PHII.I P R . DAVIE S
THEJUDAISM(S ) O F TH E DAMASCU S
DOCUMENT *
PHII.I P R
.
DAVIE S
University of Sheffield
A . The Qumran Scrolls: One Judaism?
Whose Judaism?
Althoug h
ther e hav e bee n
man y
description s o f th e
"beliefs " o f
th e
Qumra n community , th e attemp t t o defin e a "Qumra n Judaism " is,
I
think ,
a
ne w exercise .
I t
is
no w
a t
leas t
te n year s
sinc e
I
wa s
first
invite d t o
undertak e suc h a n exercise , an
I hav e
convince d
d
resiste d th e
invita -
tio n
unti l
recently ,
becaus e
I
t o acccp t
system s a t
wa s
no t
it
coul d
o
r
eve n
shoul d b e
done .
I a m
abl e
th e basi c premis e tha
t
w e
hav
e
evidenc e o f severa l Judai c
th e
en d
o f th e Secon
d
Templ e
period , includin g earl y Christianity , bu t t o ad d t o thes e eithe r one —
o r several—"Qumra n Judaisms " is a hazardou s enterprise .
However , I hav e no w begu n t o approac h
th e tas k becaus e
I thin k
it
is worthwhil e t o ma p systematicall y th e profile s o f th e Qumra n
text s
withi n th e contex t o f Judai c system s generall y an d t o as k th e question ,
Wha t sor t o f Judaism(s ) d o thei r writer s espouse ?
Eve n
if th e
attemp
t
fails, it ma y generat e usefu l methodolog y an d importan t
conclusions .
Th e
tas k is give n
som
e impetu s
b y
th e vie w o f Norma n
Gol b tha t
th e
Qumra n
text s
ar e
n o
mor e
tha n
th e content s o f Jewis h libraries ,
b y
Lawrenc e
Schiffman'
s
contentio n
tha t
the y
stan d
firmly
withi n
th e
mai n
line
s
o f wha t
h e regard s a s Judaism ,
focusse d o n obedienc e
t o
th e Mosai c law , an d b y th e quit e differen t claim s o f Eisenma n tha t
the y
reflec t a
popula r
messianic-nationalisti c
movemen t
embracin g
Maccabees , Zealot s an d earl y Christians. 1 Suc h divergence s o f opin -
io n
sugges t th e nee d
fo r a discipline d analysi s o f th e Judai c system s o f
th
e
Scroll s
and ,
a s
in
th e
cas e o f Golb , perhap s
eve n cas t som e
doub t
o n whethe r
ther e ar e
an y
suc h
system s
t o
b e
foun d
here .
I a m
there -
for e offerin g som e preliminar y thoughts , startin g wit h
issue s an d the n sketchin g ou t provisiona l conclusions .
methodologica l
*
I woul d
like
t o than k
Prof . Josep h
M . Baumgarte n
fo r his man y helpfu l com -
inent s o n
this paper , an d
hav e
trie d
t o addres s
as man y
of his question s as possibl e
in my final version .
(Ne w York : Scribner's , 1994);
L. H . Schiffman , Reclaiming the Dead Sea
Scrolls. The
biblic a 34 ; Leiden : E.J . Brill, 1983).

' Se e N . Golb , Who Wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls? The Search for the Secret of Qumran

History 0J Judaism, the Background of Christianity, the Ijost Library 0J Qumran (Philadelphia :

JPS , 1994); R . O . Eisenman , Maccabees, ^adokites, Christians and Qumran (Studi a Post-

B. Method Th e uncomplicate d approac h wa s take n o f decade s
B. Method
Th e uncomplicate d
approac h
wa s take n
o f decade s
ag o
defin e a
is
no t
possible .
Then ,
th e Communit y Rul e
t o
"Qumra n
Community
"
an d
th e
su m
tota l
o f
th e non-biblica l manuscript s publishe d a t th e
tim e (Cav e 1 plu s Allegro' s Cav e 4 text s plu s CD ) wa s assembled ,
mor e o r less selectively , int o a n accoun t
o f wha t
thi s
sec t
(widel y
identifie d wit h th e
Essene s describe d
b y
Philo , Josephu s
an d
Pliny )
believe d an d practised . Wit h furthe r publication s an d reflections , th e
diversit y
o f
di e
Scrolls ' content s
no
w preclude s
suc h
a n
approach .
Already , wit h th e publicatio n o f th e Templ e
Scroll, 2 Y . Yadin' s vie w
tha t it represente d th e view s o f th tyaha d wa s righdy criticized. 3 Mor e
recendy , th e Halakhi c Letter , 4QMMT , ha s underline d th e issu e o f
purit y law s a s a matte r o f fundamenta l disagreement , perhap s
th e
basi s
o f a sectaria n
rift.
It
is
als o
eviden t
tha t
th e calenda r an
d
th e
priesd y course s ar e concern s i n som e Qumra n texts . Again , whil e th e
numbe r
o f formall y
dualisti c
text s
(onc e
though t
t o
represen t
th e
mos t distinctiv e Qumra n doctrine ) represent s a n extremel y smal l pro -
portio n o f th e whole , th e numbe r o f wisdo m text s (whos e "sectarian "
characte r
is
ofte n
difficul t t o
establish )
is rathe r
large .
Indeed ,
th
e
recognitio n tha t th e majorit y o f Qumra
n
text s ma y no t hav e originat -
e d a t Qumra n itself is becomin g widel y adopted . Hence , t o reduc e
th e content s o f th e eleve n manuscrip t cave s t o a "Qumra
n Judaism "
withou t a
rigorous
metho d
appear s impossible , an d perhap s t o tr y
t o
reduc e the m t o a singl e Judais m a t al l is imprudent .
Tw o
approache s
t o
th e
tas k ar e possible ,
nevertheless ,
an d
the y
paralle l
th e
tw o
way s
i n
whic h
a
biblica l
theology
,
fo r
example
,
migh t
b e constructed .
On e
is
a canonical ,
literary , synchroni c
ap -
proach ,
treatin g
all
th e
text s
a s
o f equa l
statu s
an
d
harmonisin g
the m
int o
a system .
Th e
result ,
i n
th e
cas e
o f
th
e Qumra n
manu -
scripts , woul d b e a Judais m
o f texts , a Judais m tha
t
di d
no t
necessar -
ily represen t
th e belie f syste m
o f an y on e individual ,
le t alon e
a
com -
munity .
I
a m
intereste d
i n
th e
secon d
approach ,
whic h
addresse s
itsel f t o rea l historica l systems—Judaism s
tha t
a t
leas t som e
peopl e
onc e adhere d
to—rathe r
tha n a dogmati c
o r systemati c
readin g o f
a n entir e literar y corpus .
Yet , th e problem s
facin g a historica l
analysi s ar e profound .
W
e
canno t
b e certai n
wher e
thes e scroll s cam e
fro m
o f thei r
befor e the y
wer e
deposited ; w e canno t agre e
o n
th e identit y
author s o
r
keep -
2
Y . Yadin , Megillat ha-Miqdaš
(Jerusalem : Israe l Exploratio n Society , 1977; ET :
The Temple Scroll, 1983).
:i Se e
B. A .
Levine ,
"Th e
'Templ e Scroll' : Aspect s o f Its Historica l
Provenanc e
an d Literar y Character, " BASOR 23 2 (1978) 5-23 .
ers ; w e canno t agre e o n th e historica l relationshi p
ers ; w e canno t agre e o n th e historica l relationshi p betwee
th e writ -
ings . Ther e
is n o
goo d
priori t o th e Communit y
reason , fo r instance ,
Rule , th e Habakku
t
o giv e specia
n
l priorit y
a
k
pesher , 4QMM T
o r
th e Templ
explorin g th
e
Scroll . Eac h
o f thes e
text s offer s a ver y differen t basi s fo
r
e Judaism s o f th e Qumra n
scrolls .
T o
ad d
t o
thes e difficulties , th e larg e numbe r
o f differen t hand s
responsibl e
fo r
th e
80 0
o r s o manuscripts ,
th e evidenc e o f differen t
recension s o f
th e Communit y
Rule , Wa r
Scrol l an d
th e
Damascu