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of to and modifications the Pungwe type broughtabout by long continuedcontact withforeign by influence a port (Mozambique)whichhas been frequented Asiatic and European seamenfor at withthe a many centuries. The basal designand its materialmust have, however, commonorigin bark canoe would seem to range of the African Pungwe canoe. If we grantthis,the geographical East Africa. South Rhodesia (PungweRiver) eastwardsto the coast of Portuguese extendfrom JAMES HORNELL. 1935. 24thSeptember, Bateson,M.A., St. John's College, Cambridge. Culture Contact and Schismogenesis. By Gregory (MAN, Council Research theSocialSciences of by written a Committee The Memorandum
from considerably a me 1935, 162) has stimulated to put forward pointof viewwhichdiffers I of Memorandum,wish of the theirs;and, though beginning thisarticlemayappearto be critical their any to make it clear fromthe outset that I regardas a real contribution seriousattemptto devise since thereare severalpassages in the Memofor categories the studyof culturecontact. Moreover, are my understand, criticisms offered whichI do not perfectly randum(amongthemthe Definition) errors as and are directednot so much againstthe Committee againstcertain withsome hesitation, amonganthropologists. prevalent systemsof this of (1) The uses of such systems categories.-Ingeneralit is unwiseto construct and so whichtheyare designedto elucidatehave been clearlyformulated; sort until the problems to not have been constructed in reference drawnup by the Committee faras I can see, the categories " but to throwa generallighton " the problem of acculturation, defined problems, any specifically whilethe problemitselfremainsvague. of (2) From this it followsthat our immediateneed is not so much the construction a set of of formulation the but whichwill throwa lighton all the problems, ratherthe schematic categories investigable. in such a way that theymay be separately problems readingof we undefined, may froma careful leave theirproblems the Committee (3) Although theyare askingofthe material. It seemsthat the Comwhat questions roughly gather the categories ask whichadministrators of by of mittee have, as a matter fact,been influenced the sortof questions in Is it a good thingto use force culturecontacts?" " How can we make a given anthropologists-" in " people accept a certainsortof trait? " and so on. In responseto thistype of questionwe find in an of the definition acculturation emphasisupon difference culturebetweenthe groupsin contact as changes; and such dichotomies that between"elements forcedupon a and upon the resulting of as be by voluntarily them"1 may likewise regarded symptomatic thisthinking " peopleor received V., problems. The same maybe said ofthecategories A, B, and C, ' acceptof in terms administrative and, (4) We may agree that answersare badly needed to these questionsof administration that contactsis likelyto give theseanswers. But it is almostcertain that further, a studyof culture theselines. It is as ifin the conof of formulation the problems contactwillnot follow the scientific into of we for of struction categories the studyof criminology startedwitha dichotomy individuals for indeed,that curioussciencewas hampered a long whileby this and non-criminal-and, criminal a type.' veryattemptto define ' criminal under the is (5) The Memorandum based upon a fallacy: that we can classify traitsof a culture traitsinto three etc. We are asked, forexample,to classify religious, as economic, such headings or profit politicaldominance;(b) desirability because of: (a) economic respectively classes,presented considerations. to about conformity values of donorgroup; and (c) ethicaland religious of bringing the whichovertops or a This idea, thateach traithas either singlefunction at least someone function that a culturecan be subdividedinto 'institutions'wherethe to rest,leads by extension the idea are bundleof traitswhichmake up one institution alike in theirmajor functions.The weaknessof and his by demonstrated Malinowski a this methodof sub-dividing culturehas been conclusively for as may be seen variously a mechanism of pupils,who have shownthat almostthe whole a culture of or the and satisfying sexual needs of the individuals, forthe enforcement the normsof modifying
1 In any case it is clear that in a scientific study of processes and natural laws this invocation of free will can have no place.
adaptation' and ' reaction.'
the individualswith food.2 From this exhaustivedemonstration behaviour,or for supplying we must expectthat any singletraitof a culturewill prove on examination be not simplyeconomic to or religious structural, to partakeofall thesequalitiesaccording thepointofviewfrom or but to which we look at it. If thisbe trueof a cultureseen in synchronic thenit mustalso apply to the section, of contact and change;and we mustexpectthatfor offering, diachronic processes culture the acceptance of causes of an economic, or refusal everytraitthereare simultaneous sexual and religious structural, nature. that our categories (6) Fromthisit follows 'religious,'' economic,' etc.,are not real subdivisions whichare present the cultures in whichwe study,but are merely whichwe make forour abstractions whenwe set out to describecultures words. They are not phenomena in own convenience present but in culture, are labels forvariouspointsof view whichwe adopt in our studies. In handling such we to abstractions mustbe careful avoid Whitehead's" fallacyof misplacedconcreteness," fallacy a for intowhich, example,the Marxianhistorians whentheymaintain fall ' that economic phenomena' are ' primary.' With this preamble,we may now consideran alternativescheme for the study of contact phenomena. that we shouldconsider (7) Scope oftheinquiry.-I suggest underthe head of ' culture contact' not onlythosecases in whichthe contactoccursbetween two communities withdifferent cultures and results profound in disturbance the culture one or bothgroups; but also cases of contactwithin of of a singlecommunity.In thesecases the contactis betweendifferentiated groupsof individuals, e.g., between sexes,between and young, the old betweenaristocracy plebs,betweenclans,etc.,groups and in whichlive together approximate equilibrium.I wouldeven extendthe idea of ' contact' so widely as to includethoseprocesses a whereby childis mouldedand trainedto fitthe cultureintowhichhe was born,3 but forthe presentwe may confine ourselvesto contactsbetweengroupsof individuals, with different culturalnormsof behaviourin each group. (8) If we considerthe possibleend of the drasticdisturbances whichfollowcontactsbetween different profoundly communities, see that the changesmusttheoretically we resultin one or otherof the following patterns: (a) the complete fusionof the originally different groups, (b) the elimination one or both groups, of (c) the persistence both groupsin dynamicequilibrium of withinone major community. (9) My purposein extending idea of contactto coverthe conditions differentiation the of insidea singleculture to use our knowledge thesequiescentstatesto throwlightupon the factors is of which are at workin states of disequilibrium.It may be easy to obtain a knowledge the factors of from
2 Cf. Malinowski, Sexual Life and Crime and Custom; A. I. Richards, Hunger and Work. This question of the subdivision of a culture into 'institutions' is not quite as simple as I have indicated; and, in spite of their own works, I believe that the London School still adheres to a theorythat some such division is practicable. It is likely that confusion arises from the fact that certain native peoples-perhaps all, but in any case those of Western Europe-actually think that their culture is so subdivided. Various cultural phenomena also contribute something towards such a subdivision, e.g., (a) the division of labour and differentiation norms of beof haviour between different groups of individuals in the same community,and (b) an emphasis, present in certain cultures, upon the subdivisions of place and time upon which behaviour is ordered. These phenomena lead to the possibility,in such cultures,of dubbing all behaviour which, for example, takes place in church between 11.30 and 12.30 on Sundays as 'religious.' But even in the study of such cultures the anthropologistmust look with some suspicion upon his classificationof traits into
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institutionsand must expect to find a great deal of overlapping between various institutions. An analogous fallacy occurs in psychology, and consists in regarding behaviour as classifiable according to the impulses which inspire it, e.g., into such categories as self-protective, assertive, sexual, acquisitive, etc. Here, too, confusionresults fromthe fact that not only the psychologist, but also the individual studied, is prone to think in terms of these categories. The psychologists would do well to accept the probability that every bit ofbehaviour is-at least in a well integratedindividual -simultaneously relevant to all these abstractions. 3 The present scheme is oriented towards the study of social rather than psychological processes, but a closely analogous scheme might be constructed for the study of psychopathology. Here the idea of 'contact' would be studied, especially in the contexts of the moulding of the individual, and the processes of schismogenesis would be seen to play an importantpart not only in accentuating the maladjustments of the deviant, but also in assimilating the normal individual to his group.
cannot to but theirquietworking, impossible isolatethemwhentheyare violent. The laws ofgravity of be conveniently studiedby observation houses collapsingin an earthquake. fusion.-Since thisis one of the possibleends of the processwe must knowwhat (10) Complete in of homogeneous withconsistent patterns behaviour all in are factors present a groupofindividuals whichis in a in may be found any community of members thegroup. An approachto suchconditions in our but,unfortunately, own communities Europe are in a stateof equilibrium state of approximate the communities conditions evenin primitive occur. Moreover, scarcely thattheseconditions suchflux withstudiesofsuchhomogeneous so thatwe mustbe content by are usuallycomplicated differentiation, communities. the within majordifferentiated groupsas can be observed or suchgroups, rather-bearing obtainwithin whatsortsofunity taskwillbe to ascerta-in Ourfirst withaspectsand not classesof phenomena-whataspectsof the unity in mindthat we are concerned thatthe in we of thebodyoftraits mustdescribe orderto get a wholeview of the situation. I submit five mustbe examinedin, at least, the following separableaspects: to material, be fullyunderstood, aspectof unity.-The behaviourof any one individualin any one contextis, in (a) A structural in of withthe behaviour all the otherindividuals all othercontexts. consistent somesense,cognitively that from profoundly differs logicof one culture to Here we mustbe prepared findthat the inherent A of others. Fromthispointofviewwe shall see, forexample,that whenindividual givesa drinkto the within group withothernormsof behaviourobtaining is B, individual that behaviour consistent whichcontainsA and B. This aspect of the unity of the body of behaviourpatternsmay be re-statedin termsof a of aspectsof the personalities the individuals. We may say that the of standardization the cognitive appears to themlogical. behaviour thattheir are of of patterns thought theindividuals so standardized thispointof view,we are concemed from the aspectsofunity.-In studying culture (b) Affective of setting all thedetailsofbehaviour. We shallsee thewholebodyofbehaviour to showtheemotional of and satisfaction dissatisfaction theindividuals. affective towards oriented mechanism as a concerted aspects of in may also be described termsof a standardization affective This aspect of a culture by whichare so modified theirculturethat theirbehaviouris of of the personalities the individuals, consistent. to them emotionally oriented (c) Economicunity.-Here we shall see the whole body of behaviouras a mechanism objects. of and the towards production distribution material and (d) Chronological spatial unity.-Here we shall see the behaviourpatternsas schematicto ally orderedaccording time and place. We shall see A as givingthe drinkto B 'because it is Saturdayeveningin the Blue Boar.' of unity.-Here we shall see the behaviour the individualsas orientedtowards (e) Sociological of and the integration disintegration the major unit,the Groupas a whole' We shall see the giving of the as whichpromotes solidarity the group. ofdrinks a factor all of of groupfrom these the (11) In additionto studying behaviour members the homogeneous of of pointsof view,we mustexaminea number such groupsto discoverthe effects standardization of thesevariouspointsof view in the peoplewe are studying. We have statedabove that everybit that. but to relevant all theseviewpoints, the factremains as mustbe regarded probably of behaviour as to than others see and phrasetheirown behaviour ' logical' or ' for somepeoplesare moreinclined the good of the State.' we groups, shall be in whichobtainin homogeneous of (12) With thisknowledge the conditions of of a positionto examinethe processes fusion two diversegroupsinto one. We may even be able that a traitwhich and predict or whichwilleither promote retardsuch fusion, measures to prescribe withoutotherchanges. If it does not fit, fitsthe fiveaspects of unitycan be added to a culture eitherof the cultureor of the trait. modifications thenwe can searchforappropriate of (13) The elimination one or both groups.-This end resultis perhapsscarcelyworthstudying, such what sortof effects that is available,to determine but we shouldat least examineany material of for of has hostileactivity upon the culture the survivors. It is possible, example,thatthe patterns into theircultureso that of elimination othergroupsmay be assimilated behaviourassociatedwith moreand more. to theyare impelled eliminate
(14) Persistenceof bothgroups in dynamic equilibrium.-This is probably the most instructive of the possible end results of contact, since the factors active in the dynamic equilibrium are likely to be identical or analogous with those which, in disequilibrium, are active in cultural change. Our first behaviour task is to study the relationshipsobtaining between groups of individuals with differentiated patterns, and later to consider what light these relationships throw upon what are more usually called 'contacts.' Every anthropologist who has been in the field has had opportunity of studying such differentiated groups. but fall clearly into two of (15) The possibilitiesof differentiation groups are by no means infinite, of categories (a) cases in which the relationship is chiefly symmetrical, e.g., in the differentiation moieties, clans, villages and the nations of Europe; and (b) cases in which the relationship is compleof mentary, e.g., in the differentiation social strata, classes, castes, age grades, and, in some cases, the contain dynamic cultural differentiation between the sexes.4 Both these types of differentiation or elements, such that when certain restrainingfactors are removed the differentiation split between the groups increases progressivelytowards either breakdown or a new equilibrium. (16) Symmetricaldifferentiation.-To this category may be referredall those cases in which the individuals in two groups A and B have the same aspirations and the same behaviour patterns, but are differentiated the orientation of these patterns. Thus members of group A exhibit behaviour in patterns A,B,C, in their dealings with each other, but adopt the patterns X,Y,Z, in their dealings with members of group B. Similarly, group B adopt the patterns A,B,C, among themselves, but exhibit X,Y,Z,in dealing with group A. Thus a position is set up in which the behaviour X,Y,Z, is the standard reply to X,Y,Z. This position contains elements which may lead to progressive differentiation or schismogenesisalong the same lines. If, for example, the patterns X,Y,Z include boasting, we shall see that there is a likelihood, if boasting is the reply to boasting, that each group will drive the other into excessive emphasis of the pattern, a process which if not restrained can only lead to more and more extreme rivalry and ultimately to hostility and the breakdown of the whole system. (17) Complementary differentiation.-To this category we may referall those cases in which the behaviour and aspirations of the members of the two groups are fundamentally different. Thus members of group A treat each other with patterns L,M,N, and exhibit the patterns O,P,Q, in dealings with group B. In reply to O,P,Q, the members of group B exhibit the patterns U,V,W, but among themselves they adopt patterns R,S,T. Thus it comes about that O,P,Q is the reply to U,V,W, and vice versa. This differentiation may become progressive. If, for example, the series, O,P,Q includes patterns culturally regarded as assertive, while U,V,W includes cultural submissiveness, it is likely that submissiveness will promote furtherassertiveness which in turn will promote furthersubmissiveness. This schismogenesis, unless it is restrained, leads to a progressive unilateral distortion of the personalities of the members of both groups, which results in mutual hostility between them and must end in the breakdown of the system. (18) Reciprocity.-Though relationships between groups can broadly be classified into two categories, symmetrical and complementary,this subdivision is to some extent blurred by another type of differentiation which we may describe as reciprocal. In this type the behaviour patterns X and Y are adopted by members of each group in their dealings with the other group, but instead of the symmetricalsystem whereby X is the reply to X and Y is the reply to Y, we find here that X is the reply to Y. Thus in every single instance the behaviour is asymmetrical, but symmetryis regained over a large number of instances since sometimes group A exhibit X to which group B reply with Y, and sometimes group A exhibit Y and group B reply with X. Cases, in which group A sometimes sell sago to group B and the latter sometimes sell the same commodity to A, may be regarded
4 Cf. Margaret Mead, Sex and Temperament, 1935. Of the communitiesdescribed in this book, the Arapesh and the Mundugumorhave a preponderantly symmetrical relationship between the sexes, while the Tchambuli have a complementaryrelationship. Among the latmul, a tribe in the same area, which I have studied, the rela-
tionship between the sexes is complementary, but on rather different lines fromthat of the Chambuli. I hope shortly to publish a book on the Iatmul with sketches of their culture from the points of view (a), (b) and (e) outlined in paragraph 10.
sell to sell but as reciprocal; ifgroupA habitually sago to B whilethelatterhabitually fish A, we must, it pattern, may be noted,is compenThe reciprocal regardthe patternas complementary. I think, does not tend towardsschismogenesis. sated and balanced withinitselfand therefore whichcan (19) Pointsforinvestigation.-(a)We need a propersurveyof the typesof behaviour type. At presentit is onlypossibleto pointto boasting of lead to schismogeneses the symmetrical to willbe found be accomwhich patterns but rivalry, no doubt thereare manyother and commercial panied by the same type of effect. and whichare mutuallycomplementary lead to (b) We need a surveyof the typesof behaviour submissiveversus onlycite assertiveness of schismogeneses the secondtype. Here we can at present and, in addition,the of versusexpressions feebleness fostering admiration, versus ness, exhibitionism of variouspossiblecombinations thesepairs. of (c) We need verification the generallaw assumedabove, that whentwo groupsexhibitcombehaviourto each other,the internalbehaviourbetweenmembersof group A must plementary of behaviourbetweenmembers groupB. fromthe internal differ necessarily the of of examination schismogeneses both typesfrom variouspoints (d) We need a systematic I of view outlinedin paragraph10. At present have onlylookedat the matterfromthe ethological to pointsofview(para. 10, aspects(a) and (b)). In addition this,theMarxianhistorians and structural Europe. in schismogenesis Western aspect of complementary have givenus a pictureof the economic which undulyby the schismogenesis have been influenced that theythemselves however, It is likely, into exaggeration. prompted theystudiedand have been thereby of about the occurrence reciprocalbehaviourin relationships (e) We need to know something or eithersymmetrical complementary. whichare preponderantly in than any of the problems the previousparafactors.-But, moreimportant (20) Restraining At both types of schismogenesis. the present whichrestrain graph,we need a studyof the factors and schismogenesis are readyto fly the moment, nationsof Europe are faradvancedin symmetrical betweenthe hostilities at each other'sthroats;whilewithineach nationare to be observedgrowing ruled schismogenesis.Equally, in the countries of strata,symptoms complementary various social the schismogenesis, behaviour we by new dictatorships may observeearly stages of complementary of his associatespushingthe dictatorinto ever greaterprideand assertiveness. than to rather and linesofinvestigation problems articleis to suggest The purposeofthe present schismocontrolling as may be offered to the factors suggestions but, tentatively, state the answers, genesis: betweengroupsis either relationship (a) It is possiblethat, actually,no healthyequilibrated of containselements but or purelysymmetrical purelycomplementary, that everysuch relationship into according category relationships one ortheother theother type. It is truethatit is easy to classify emphases,but it is possiblethat a very small admixtureof complementary to theirpredominant of behaviourin a or relationship, a very small admixture symmetrical behaviourin a symmetrical the may go a longway towardsstabilizing position. Examples of this relationship, complementary and complementary not are typeof stabilization perhapscommon. The squireis in a predominantly with his villagers,but if he participatein village cricket(a symrelationship always comfortable effect upon his relationdisproportionate but once a year,thismay have a curiously metrical rivalry) ship with them. that,as in the case quotedabove in whichgroupA sell sago to B whilethe latter (b) It is certain a effect promoting have a real stabilizing by may sometimes patterns sell fishto A, complementary the groups. mutual dependancebetween may in elements a relationship of reciprocal of (c) It is possiblethat the presence a number truly which otherwise the mightresult eitherfromsymtend to stabilizeit, preventing schismogenesis elements. But this would seem to be at best a veryweak defence: on metricalor complementary behaviour of upon the reciprocal schismogenesis the the one hand,if we consider effects symmetrical composing we patterns see that the lattertendto be less and less exhibited. Thus, as the individuals international rivalries, the nationsof Europe becomemoreand moreinvolvedin theirsymmetrical their to reducing a minimum deliberately manner, theygraduallyleave offbehavingin a reciprocal
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formerreciprocal commercial behaviour.5 On the other hand, if we consider the effectsof complementary schismogenesisupon the reciprocal behaviour patterns, we see that one-halfof the reciprocal pattern is liable to lapse. -Where formerlyboth groups exhibited both X and Y, a system gradually evolves in which one ofthe groups exhibits only X, while the other exhibits only Y. In fact, behaviour which was formerly reciprocal is reduced to a typical complementarypattern and is likely after that to contribute to the complementary schismogenesis. (d) It is certain that either type of schismogenesisbetween two groups can be checked by factors which unite the two groups either in loyalty or opposition to some outside element. Such an outside element may be either a symbolic individual, an enemy people or some quite impersonal circumstance -the lion will lie down with the lamb if only it rain hard enough. But it must be noted that where the outside element is a person or group of persons, the relationship of the combined groups A and B to the outside group will always be itself a potentially schismogenic relationship of one or the other type. Examination of multiple systems of this kind is badly needed and especially we need to know more about the systems (e.g., military hierarchies) in which the distortion of personality is modified in the middle groups of the hierarchyby permittingthe individuals to exhibit respect and submission in dealings with higher groups while they exhibit assertiveness and pride in dealing with the lower. (e) In the case of the European situation, there is one other possibility-a special case of control by diversion of attention to outside circumstances. It is possible that those responsible for the policy of classes and nations might become conscious of the processes with which they are playing and co-operate in an attempt to solve the difficulties. This, however, is not very likely to occur since anthropology and social psychology lack the prestige necessary to advise; and, without such advice, governmentswill continueto react to each other's reactions ratherthan pay attention to circumstances. (21) In concluLsion, may turn to the problems of the administrator faced with a black-white we culture contact. His firsttask is to decide which of the end results outlined in paragraph 8 is desirable and possible of attainment. This decision he must make without hypocrisy. If he chooses fusion, then he must endeavour to contrive every step so as to promote the conditions of consistency which are outlined (as problems for investigation) in paragraph 10. If he chooses that both groups shall persist in some form of dynamic equilibrium, then he must contrive to establish a system in which the possibilities of schismogenesis are properly compensated or balanced against each other. But at every step in the scheme which I have outlined there are problems which must be studied by trained students and which when solved will contribute,not only to applied sociology, but to the very basis of our understanding of human beings in society. GREGORY BATESON.
5 In this, as in the other examples given, no attempt is made to consider the schismogenesis from all the points of view outlined in paragraph 10. Thus, inasmuch as the economic aspect of the matter is not here being considered, the effectsof the slump upon the schismogenesis are ignored. A complete study would be subdivided into separate sections, each treating one of the aspects of the phenomena.
By Harry Turney-High, M.A., Ph.D., State University Montana. of Introductory Note.-For the benefit thoseworkers of whosefields consistent of endeavour are distant fromNorth-west United States, the following note of reviewis offered.The UU Flatheadsare a peopleofwestern Montana,speakinga languagewithin Salishanfamily, areof the and Plateau type culture. The peoplethemselves vigorously objectto theterm Flatheadin reference themselves, to although manyother Indiansso call them, particularly thoseto theeast. Theycall themselves Salish (se* the lic). Most of the tribesto the west speakingmember languagesof the Salishan stock,even as faras the PacificOcean,also refer the Flatheadsby somevariantofthisword. to For manycenturies theirprincipal homehas been in the BitterRoot Valley of western Montana. At sometimelongago theyseemto have migrated from another locale. Teit has published material indicating thattheir original homewas east on theGreatPlains.' The greatmajority myinformants, of
1 Teit, James A., I Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus,' 45th Annual Rept., Bureau of American Ethnology, 1927-1928. Perhaps it is impossibleto solve this question. All that I can say for my own position is that I have lived with the Flatheads fornine years in contrast with Mr. Teit's extremelyshort visit, and that I have used many informantsin comparison with Mr. Teit's almost completerelianceon the late NlichelRevais.
The Diffusion of the Horse to the Flatheads.
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