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Annotated Bibliography​

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Primary Sources (31)

Barthel, Joan. "'I'm an American, for God's Sake!'" ​New York​ Times 26 Mar. 1967: 89. ​The New

York Times [ProQuest] . Web. 15 Jan. 2017.

This primary source is a 1967 article from the ​New York ​ Times, in which Joan Barthel
writes about an interview with Joseph Losey, a former blacklistee. Losey, Barthel writes,
has been living in England for fifteen years in order to escape the blacklist. Although he
has built a career for himself overseas directing movies and commercials, he is not doing
particularly well financially-- his current house and car are the first he has owned since
1948. He still feels American, fifteen years later, but doesn’t want to move and start his
career all over again once more. Although this is all mixed in with general information
regarding his cinematic work and his British peers, the inclusion of such details in regard
to the blacklist is striking, because in the years of the Blacklist, no one could talk about
it-- if you were a blacklistee, you would not feel comfortable publicly talking about your
experiences due to the Red Scare-era stigma (which only increased as the 1950s got
going due to Joseph McCarthy’s entrance to the world of anti-Communist campaigns).
Therefore, this source illustrates the effects of Trumbo’s stand against the blacklist: his
film credits broke all standing precedent regarding the blacklist, and so allowed for the
atmosphere to open up for blacklistees to talk about their experiences.


Communist Election ​
Platform 1936. New York City: Workers Library, 1936. ​Internet Archive.
Web. 13 Oct. 2016.

This primary source is the party platform for the Communist Party in 1936-- during the
Popular Front, when Earl Browder was at the head. It is particularly useful in terms of
determining the way Communist policy positions shifted alongside Moscow-- in previous
years, Communists had demonized President Roosevelt and the Socialist and Democratic
Parties in their platform; however, in 1936, Roosevelt is lightly critiqued for his
connections to big business yet is seen, on the large part, to be an ally in the fight for
societal change. Similar shifts occur in attitudes towards the Socialist Party, which is now
described as “comrades” who should join in alliance with the Communists, and the
Democratic Party, which now the Communists do not have major issues with-- they only
warn about those anti-New Dealer Democrats. This document illustrates not only the
historical context regarding how stark shifts in the Communist Party line could be, but
also how united the Popular Front seeked to be-- although the Communist Party was only
a small part of the coalition as a whole, it still tried to do its part in uniting the left.


"THE CONGRESS: ​
From Wonderland." ​Time 27 Oct. 1947. ​Time. Time Inc. Web. 1 Jan. 2017.

This an article from Time written in 1947 at the time of (and about) the first Hollywood
hearings. It concerns the beginning of the hearings, when “friendly” (cooperative)
witnesses testified. Reading contemporary reporting on this topic is quite useful for us; in
particular, the selected quotes from a candid interview of producer and MPA leader Sam
Wood help convey to us the tone of his testimony-- from the beliefs he espouses in the
quotes from the interview, it is clear that he was convinced of the dangers of Hollywood
Communists and had little doubt in his mind as to the veracity of his values and the
necessity of his testimony. Additionally, the article informed us of Wood’s belief in
Communist power in the Screen Directors’ Guild (usually, this charge is levied towards
the Screen Writers’ Guild instead). It also contained dialogue between Wood and
Chairman Thomas (Thomas congratulated Wood on his great testimony), which
underscores how close HUAC and the cooperative witnesses were. Overall, this was
useful in establishing the atmosphere of the 1947 HUAC hearings, which contributed to
the tenor of the Ten’s stand.

Douglas, Kirk. "The Mike Wallace Interview." Interview by Mike Wallace. ​Harry Ransom
Center. University of Texas, 02 Nov. 1957. Web. 12 Jan. 2017.

This interview is an excellent source for us, from the University of Texas’ online
archives. Conducted while the blacklist was still in effect, this interview conducted by a
broadcast journalist, gives us much information on the kind of pressure someone would
face if they were rumored of breaking the blacklist. The interviewer asks Douglas many
questions about his relations with Communism and if he would hire a Communist.
Douglas tries to dance around the questions, but he is forced to disavow the Communists,
as his reputation would have been shattered had he not. This shows how difficult it was
for anyone to profess even neutral opinions of Communists, and gives some context
regarding Trumbo’s stand-- even the producer who later exuberantly publicized (and
exaggerated) his role felt confined to anti-Communist attitudes.

​ Earl Browder: Cover of Time Magazine. 1938. Time Inc. ​TIME. Web. 06 Jan. 2017.

This image, found on Time Magazine’s website, is a old cover from 1938 with the head
of the American Communist Party, Earl Browder, on the cover. Our inclusion of this
image stems from its contextual importance-- the fact that it clearly conveys Browder’s
search for mainstream American appeal, and the way in which Communism was a
somewhat acceptable-- or, to use Browder’s words, “almost respectable”-- organization
during the Popular Front. The Americanization of the CPUSA, this image displays, was
not just demonstrated through the Party’s habit of referencing Washington, Lincoln, and
Jefferson with the same reverence as Marx, Engels, and Lenin; in addition to appealing to
Americans’ sense of history, the Communist Party actively tried to gain access to these
institutions and markers of American society they had been previously been locked out of
under all circumstances.

​ Ebert, Roger. "Interview with Dalton Trumbo." ​Roberebert.com. Ebert Digital LLC. Web. 16
Oct. 2016.

Written by renowned film critic Roger Ebert, this article is an account of an interview
done by Roger Ebert. This interview shows us what Trumbo felt his job was like, and
provides information about how he wrote his movies. Most importantly for our purposes,
Trumbo goes over what writing Exodus and Spartacus was like. Additionally, Trumbo
talks about his anti-war feelings and his relationship with the radical left, both of which
are contextually useful. This interview helps us see some of what Trumbo thought of his
career (up to that point) and also what he thought of his roots. This interview is overall
excellent source for quotations, providing us with many excerpts usable for supporting
our thesis, which incorporates Trumbo’s stand, especially his chronicling of his personal
feelings on the blacklist.

Exchanges regarding Changes to Duel in the Sun, 1957. 1957. Catholic University Libraries.
Catholic University of America University Libraries. Web. 04 Jan. 2017.

These documents from the Catholic University of America University Libraries are
negotiating papers between the producers of the film Duel in the Sun and officials at the
National Catholic Legion of Decency. These documents illuminate the strong power of
the Legion over the movie industry-- the Legion proposed cuts to many pages, ranging
from changing dialogue to shortening shots, and if the producers do not comply with the
Legion’s strict moral standards, their film would get the rating of C: condemned for
viewing by American Catholics. Considering the fact that there was no industry-wide
rating systems, the Legion filled a void; so many non-Catholics also used their ratings.
This immense power is so strongly illustrated in these exchanges that we used an excerpt
from them on our website, to demonstrate historical context of anti-Communism in
Hollywood. Even though the film concerned, ​Duel in the Sun, is not what the Legion
would consider a ‘subversive’ film, when considering the fact that the Legion was
anti-Communist in their morality, it becomes clear that the Legion’s sharply focused and
detailed critiques were an important aspect of the anti-Communist campaigns at the time,
as they wielded much power over what content would play in the theatres.

"KENNEDY ATTENDS MOVIE IN CAPITAL: Slips Out of White House to See 'Spartacus'
With Sub-Cabinet Official." ​New York Times 5 Feb. 1961: 39. ​The New York Times
[Proquest]. Web. 19 Oct. 2016.

This primary source is the contemporary ​New York Times story (special to the ​Times, as it
notes) on Kennedy’s famous role in weakening the blacklist through going to watch a
showing of ​Spartacus (which one of the Ten, Trumbo, got credit for writing). We have
come across a significant amount of versions of the Kennedy story in secondary sources
throughout our research. Some these include, for example Kennedy crossing American
Legion picket lines, watching the film with his brother, Robert Kennedy, or with his wife,
Jackie Kennedy. All versions cannot possibly be true, so we looked to find a primary
source as we figured that would give us a better understanding of the circumstances of
the situation. We read about how, in this contemporary telling, Kennedy goes to a
showing not with his wife or brother but with the Under Secretary of the Navy, Paul
Burgess Fay, Jr, who had an extra ticket (although it should noted that it is unlikely
Kennedy could neutrally attend such a politically contested movie). Robert Kennedy, it
reports, had watched the film a week ago and then recommended it to him. There is no
mention of current picket lines, and but notes more a more interesting detail: Kennedy
spent over an hour meeting with the manager of the theatre, asking questions about the
motion picture industry. After the film, he asked about the success of the movie and took
a brochure about it. Notably, the ​Times quotes an theatre official in saying that this was
highly unusual, as presidents tend to give week-long notices before going to see a film.
Overall, this source helps us better understand the nature of Kennedy’s reaction to
Trumbo’s stand, and so better understand its effects.

Lampell, Millard. "'I Think I Ought to Mention I Was Blacklisted'." ​New York Times 21 Aug.
1966: 109. ​The New York Times [ProQuest]. Web. 03 Jan. 2017.

In this primary source, an article for the ​New York Times, screenwriter Millard Lampell
discusses his personal experiences with the Hollywood blacklist. Lampell writes that his
reason for publicly sharing this information is that he recently won an Emmy, and for
some reason in his speech spontaneously brought up his blacklisted status for the last ten
years. He got such a flood of responses (in the form of letters) from the American
public-- some of them asking what the blacklist even was-- that he decided to explain the
circumstances publicly, in greater depth. He tells his ​Times audience that “if you could
turn out a feature film in a couple of weeks or an hour television play in five days for a
twenty-fifth of your former price, you had a chance” to become one of the few blacklisted
writers who worked through fronts and pseudonyms. Lampell’s article on his personal
experiences illuminates the struggles a typical blacklistee struggled, while also
illustrating the effects of Trumbo’s loosening of the blacklist-- allowing former
blacklistees to publicly voice their experiences without ridicule or shame.

Lardner, Ring, Jr. "American Skeptic." Interview by Barry Strugatz and Pat McGilligan. ​UC
Press E-Books Collection, 1982-2004. University of California. Web. 12 Jan. 2017.

This is an interview of Ring Lardner Jr, a member of the Hollywood Ten by one of the
co-authors of ​Tender Comrades, a major work on the Hollywood Ten. This interview is a
very good resource for us because the interviewers ask many question covering the full
scope of his life. This interview helps us learn more about the blacklist, and the
organizational details into the attempted stand of the Hollywood Ten. This interview also
provided us with many potential quotes for us to use if we wished, and over all gave us
more depth in our understanding of the topic.

Maltz, Albert. "Interview of Albert Maltz." Interview by Joel Gardiner. ​UCLA Center for Oral
History Research. UCLA. Web. 16 Oct. 2016.

This is an interview of Albert Maltz, a member of the Hollywood Ten. This marathon of
an interview covers every aspect of Maltz’s life, but for our purposes his views on the
Communist Party and the blacklist are the most important. In this interview he mentions
specific details of what occurred during the blacklist, as well as accounts of his time in
prison. Additionally, he mentions what he thought of the other Hollywood Ten very often
and his accounts fill in many blanks in our knowledge of what happened. Additionally,
Maltz did extensive research before the interview, and he cited sources for many of his
statements regarding events he did not directly observe. This transcript gives us much
information on the Blacklist, and helps give us confirmation of what various secondary
sources have said.

Mandell, Andrea. "Kirk Douglas Reviews 'Trumbo'." ​USA Today. Gannett, 20 Nov. 2015. Web.
16 Oct. 2016.

This is an interview done by Andrea Mandell, a long time journalist from USA Today.
She interviews Kirk Douglas about Dalton Trumbo because a movie about Trumbo was
about to be released. Though the article title says that Kirk is reviewing the movie, he is
in fact mostly reminiscing about his memories of Trumbo. This interview gives us
information about why Kirk hired Trumbo. Also included are Kirk’s opinion on what
Trumbo was like, and the reason why he felt Trumbo should be hired during the blacklist.
Assisting us with our vision of what Trumbo was like in private, this source informs us of
Kirk’s views on what happened. This source is overall very authoritative and helps us see
what Kirk thought of Trumbo himself, which helps us define Trumbo’s stand more
accurately.

McCarthy, Joseph. ​The Fight for America. New York: The Devin-Adair Company, 1952. Print.

Written by Senator McCarthy himself, this book is about McCarthyism, and is his own
view on the subject and his opinions on what he was doing. In particular this book
focuses on “Documented answers to questions asked by friend and foe.” This book is
mainly filled with attacks on people and institutions as well as endorsements of people
who he supported. In essence this book is that of any politician, attacking their opponents
and supporting their friends, though McCarthy’s is remarkable transparent. The contents
of the book provide a great catalogue of his actions up to the point of writing the book,
and his opinions on various different matters such as the Korean War and the earlier
Hollywood Blacklist. This book provides a window into the mind of the man, and tells us
what he was expecting to do with his “crusade.” It is important to hear both sides of the
story and though it may full of bias this book is an excellent tool for analyzing the
anti-Communist movement, and finding more context into it.

The Menace of "Hitlerism" in America. 1936. CSUN Oviatt Library, Northridge. ​CSUN Oviatt
Library. Web. 02 Dec. 2016.

This we found this image, a poster from a Hollywood Popular Front organization called
the Anti-Nazi League, at the CSUN Oviatt Library’s digital collection. We used it in
order to make a contextual argument about the strength of the Popular Front in
Hollywood. During this time, the left’s agenda, shared from liberals to Communists, was
united in opposition to fascism. This image, therefore, was very handy for illuminating
this era of mutual principles; it also illustrates just how political the Hollywood Left was,
not content to merely reflect their values within their work, they took a more concrete,
activist stance on issues most important to them.
Motion Picture Association of America, Inc. ​Statement from the Motion Picture Association of
America, Inc., November 25, 1947. ​American Heritage Center. University of Wyoming,
31 Oct. 2007. Web. 7 Dec. 2016.

This document is the document agreed upon by the major Hollywood producers (the
Motion Picture Alliance of America) after their discussions at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel
regarding what to do about the 1947 HUAC Hearings. It begins the Hollywood blacklist,
as it says it will not hire ten or will not employ any Communists in the future. This is
useful in comprehending just how badly the Ten failed to make an effective stand against
HUAC-- almost immediately after the Hearings, the motion picture industry put the
Blacklist in place. It is similarly useful in understanding the context of Trumbo’s stand,
as this statement sets the stage for a politically repressive atmosphere, which he is trying
to overcome through his individual stand later on.

Rand, Ayn. ​Screen Guide for Americans. Beverly Hills: Motion Picture Alliance for the
Preservation of American Ideals, 1947. Print.

Penned by right-wing screenwriter and thinker Ayn Rand, this pamphlet was written in
1947 (right at the start of the Second Red Scare) to spread the anti-Communist mission of
the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals (MPA), of which
Rand was a member. In it, Rand asserts that Communists in the film industry have
peppered their films with subtle, effective propaganda. She proposes a strategy for
combatting this perceived onslaught: filmmakers must not smear free enterprise,
industrialists, the profit motive, or wealth; similarly, they must not deify the “common
man” (in total, she lists out 13 guidelines of this theme). Rand concludes her pamphlet by
asserting that the First Amendment “does not require employers to be suckers.” Through
this pamphlet, we learned more about the MPA’s specific grievances against the left, and
the ways in which they intended to combat Communism through the content of films.
This contextualizes the friction between the left and right wings of Hollywood, as well as
the motivations of the MPA.

Redfield. ​The Ruling Clawss. New York: Daily Worker, 1935. ​Wolfsonian FIU. Web. 12 Jan.
2017.

This is a collection of political cartoons. Published by ​The Daily Worker, a newspaper
itself published by the American Communist party. These cartoons are by and large
criticisms of the upper class and their ignorance and arrogance. These cartoons are very
important to us as they allow us to get inside the minds of the Communist Party and see
their views more easily. Serving as historical context, it also gives us an insight into the
time when this was published, The Great Depression, and how the anti-wealthy and hard
anti-nazi positions of the Communist Party drew many people to the party.
"The Red Scare: Interpreting the Red Scare through Political Cartoons." ​Gerald R Ford
Presidential Library & Museum. National Archives and Records Administration. Web. 9
Jan. 2017.

From the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library and Museum website, we found two great,
primary source cartoons useful in our argument, both of them from newspapers published
during the First Red Scare. These cartoons, one depicting a bolshevik pulling a drowning
man down into the water, and another depicting an anarchist sneaking under the
American flag, accurately display the brand of paranoia that spread regarding left-wing
radicals and immigrants. We thought that they would be an elegant way to present our
argument regarding the societal effects of the First Red Scare, understanding the context
of which is essential to comprehending the later, Second Red Scare which the Ten were
later caught in the middle of.

Schumach, Murray. "TRUMBO WILL GET CREDIT FOR SCRIPT: Spartacus' Authorship to
Be Attributed to Blacklisted Writer by U-I Studio." ​New York Times 08 Aug. 1960: 25.
The New York Times [Proquest]. Web. 31 Oct. 2016.

This primary source is a contemporary article in the ​New York Times-- the very article
which announced Trumbo’s writing credit for Stanley Kubrick’s film ​Spartacus. In its
references to Trumbo’s previously received writing credit for Otto Preminger’s ​Exodus,
this article provides the reason for the special significance of the ​Spartacus credit, even
though it came second: while Preminger’s film was produced by the small company
United Artists, ​Spartacus was produced by Universal-International: one of the most
important film giants. As the ​Times puts it, in giving Trumbo credit, Universal will
“become the first important movie organization to disregard publicly an agreement it
made in 1947 with other major studios.” Due to its power and size,
Universal-International carried much more weight throughout the industry in its decision
to brush aside the Waldorf Agreement which had governed Hollywood for over a decade.
This article, with its explanation for the importance of the ​Spartacus credit, helped us
more fully understand the effects of this part of Trumbo’s stand against the blacklist.

Scott, Adrian. Letter to Mr. Scott and Anne Shirley. 19 May 1955. ​American Heritage Center:
Digital Collection. University of Wyoming, 22 Jan. 2007. Web. 12 Jan. 2017.

A letter from Adrian Scott, a member of the Hollywood Ten, to his wife and father, this
letter was written when he was trying to make end meet in Hollywood while blacklisted.
This document is valuable to us because it showed us much about the rigors of day to day
living while blacklisted. This letter tells us much about the psychological state of
someone who was blacklisted. Another important piece of information included in this
letter is the efforts that Scott took to try and get a job. This letter all in all gives us a
brilliant picture of the damage the Blacklist inflicted on those affected, the context for
Trumbo’s later stand.
Scott, Adrian. "Statement -- Adrian Scott." ​American Heritage Center. University of Wyoming,
31 Oct. 2007. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.

This primary source is the statement that one of the Ten, Adrian Scott, intended to give
before his HUAC testimony; however, he was not allowed to read it aloud. His mention
of Dmytryk (his fellow former Communist) and their joint invitation to the committee
members to go see their film ​Crossfire, illustrates how close the two former Communists
were to each other, politically, personally, and professionally. He talks about the
principles they tried to infuse ​Crossfire with-- primarily standing up to racism and
anti-semitism-- and attacked HUAC’s own record on these subjects (“let the record show
he does the work of anti-Semites.. [and] of the Ku Klux Klan”). Scott’s decision to focus
on his adherence to these principles illustrates how he, along with Dmytryk, retained his
left-wing social activism even after leaving the party-- a fact which exhibits the common
goals of non-Communists and Communists during the Popular Front era. Additionally, it
is notable that Dmytryk’s later memoir paints a somewhat different portrait of Scott’s
stand against the committee. He claims that he and Scott were willing to defer to the
committee, yet Scott’s statement is quite combative nonetheless. Overall, this source was
very useful in discerning the motivations the Ten took toward their stand-- how their
defense, largely centered on civil liberties, also looped over into more general left-wing,
Popular Front principles.

Trumbo, Christopher. Interview by Larry Ceplair. Dec. 12 and 24, 2010, ​Center for Oral History
Research, UCLA Library, http://oralhistory.library.ucla.edu/viewTextFile.do?itemId=283
9159&fileSeq=5&xsl=nul. Accessed Oct. 14 2016.

An interview of Dalton Trumbo’s son by a professor of history at Santa Monica
University that covers the Dalton Trumbo’s experiences during the HUAC hearings and
the Hollywood blacklist. It provided us with details on Trumbo’s time in prison (for
contempt of Congress) and in Mexico, the latter of which pushed him to decide to try
breaking the blacklist. It also shed a light on the practical injustices and difficulties of the
blacklist; the amount of negative publicity made it significantly more difficult to do
normal tasks like a buy a house or get a mortgage. In regards to the HUAC hearings,
Trumbo’s son recollects that no one expected a blacklist prior to them, including the
Hollywood establishment-- it was only after the hearings that the situation changed.
Perhaps more importantly, it gave more information into how writers operated under the
blacklist-- Trumbo’s son describes it as a “black market.” In order to protect this black
market for other blacklistees, Trumbo could not reveal his authorship of ​Roman Holiday
and ​The Brave One, both of which won Academy Awards. Additionally, Trumbo’s son
reveals that Trumbo’s stand against (and destruction of) the blacklist was an individual
undertaking-- it set a new precedent, which the rest of the blacklistees then had to make
apply to themselves somehow.

Trumbo, Dalton.​ Additional Dialogue; Letters of Dalton Trumbo, 1942-1962. Ed. Helen
Manfull. New York: M. Evans, 1970. Print.
This collection of Dalton Trumbo letters includes his correspondence from the 1940s to
the 1960s-- a timespan that encompasses his early career, the HUAC hearings, his prison
term for contempt of Congress, his career under the Blacklist, and his post-Blacklist
career. As they cover the entire scope of our topic, these letters were very useful in
gaining insight into Trumbo’s perspective on various events, in particular the Blacklist
and the hearings. It was also useful in terms of providing more information on Trumbo
himself-- as they are his personal letters, they reveal quite clearly his sharp, witty, and
bold personality, as well as his strong sense of humor. Especially applicable for us were
Trumbo’s letters regarding the chain of events that ended with his breaking the blacklist
and the strategy he chose in regards to this stand against McCarthyism. In one, Trumbo
complains of the American Communist Party’s willingness to endlessly use him to
promote their array of causes, rather than help him and other blacklistees stand up to the
blacklist. He notes that for the past eleven years, the Party has forced him to attend
banquets and events all over the country, none of which helped to advance this goal. Such
circumstances led him to believe that the only strategy that would work in successfully
standing up against the blacklist was individual “small guerilla warfare”-- an assertion
which, through ​Spartacus and ​Exodus, he proves to be correct.

Trumbo, Dalton. "Blacklist=Blackmarket." ​The Nation [New York City] 1957. ​The Nation. The
Nation Company LLC, 03 Oct. 2005. Web.

In this 1957 article in ​The Nation, Dalton Trumbo announces the miseries and the new
opportunities afforded by the blacklist. As a famous author and screenwriter, Trumbo is
able to remain as bold as ever in his proclamation that although “the heads” of him and
the rest of the Ten were supposed to “appease the gods,” now it’s clear that “​the
guillotine has since claimed some 250 other artists and technicians.” He details the
struggles faced by actors, directors, and technicians (chiefly, the loss of their profession
and so the loss of much of their identity), as the necessity of their physical presence
makes pseudonyms ineffective, while at the same time explaining the usefulness of fronts
and fake names for writers-- although, they have to be willing to work faster for much
less pay. Trumbo, in this article, gives much context into the effects of the Ten’s stand at
the HUAC hearings, and in doing so, helps illuminate the context of his later stand
against the blacklist.

Un-American Activities Committee Hearing. Perf. Alvah Bessie and John Howard Lawson.
Associated Press, 1947. ​Youtube. 21 July 2015. Web. 12 Dec. 2016.

This footage from the 1947 HUAC hearings in Hollywood is originates from the
Associated Press. In it, Alvah Bessie and John Howard Lawson both testify, resulting in
outright hostile responses by the chairman-- Bessie is told that if he wants to rant, he can
do so outside to a tree, and Lawson is told, accompanied by excessive gavelling, that he
should “stand away from the stand.” This stands in stark contrast to the atmosphere of the
“friendly” (cooperative) witnesses’ testimonies-- where shouting from either side, let
alone both, never occurred, and the chairman clearly respected them enough to put aside
the gavel and allot them time to speak on their voice on these political issues. Altogether,
such a rift-- the different, hostile climate combined with unequal treatment-- illuminates
the nature of the Ten’s stand against HUAC: aggressive, passionate, and disorderly; just
as it illuminates the reasons behind such an chaotic stand.

United States, Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Un-American Activities.
Hearings Regarding the Communist Infiltration of the Motion Picture Industry.
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1947. 80th Congress, First Session. Internet
Archive. Web. 8 Oct. 2016.

This source is the transcript of the HUAC hearings in 1947, printed by the Government
Printing Office. It includes the testimonies of both friendly (like Ronald Reagan and Ayn
Rand) and unfriendly (like the Hollywood Ten and Dalton Trumbo) witnesses.
Particularly useful to us were the testimonies of Trumbo and the rest of the Ten, as we
had previously encountered summaries of their conduct through secondaries, although the
actual dialogue had not been available to us. Therefore, we gained a much clearer
understanding of the disruptive behavior-- mostly interruptions and yelling-- that resulted
in charges for Contempt of Congress, as well as the disastrous effects of the “don’t
answer but claim that you did” strategy the Ten employed at the urging of their lawyers.
This source also gave us a better comprehension of the sharp contrast between the
treatment of the friendly witnesses and unfriendly witnesses; Ayn Rand is allowed a
lengthy, thorough commentary of the inaccuracies of ​Song of Russia, whereas Trumbo
cannot read out his previously prepared statement. Similarly, Trumbo’s request to submit
his film scripts to the record (which would have forced the committee to look deeper into
the charges of Communist propaganda in the movies) was swiftly denied. This testimony
illuminates for us the specifics of Trumbo’s stand against the McCarthy Era; in particular,
how his stand was combative and loud, and clearly influenced by feelings of resentment
towards the HUAC’s treatment of him.

United States. Federal Bureau of Investigation. ​Subject: Hedda Hopper. ​Webharvest.gov.
National Archives and Records Administration. Web. 04 Jan. 2017.

This primary sources is a scanned version of an FBI file on Hedda Hopper, renowned
Hollywood socialite and gossip columnist, located at the National Archives. Mrs. Hopper
was very political, and was a rabid anti-Communist. She posted many articles favorable
towards the FBI and they assisted her with some extortion and blackmail problems. This
file is very useful to us as it gives us an insight into the cooperation between the
anti-Communists and the FBI in order to eliminate the Communist “threat,” which gives
us more context into the network of anti-Communist institutions in Hollywood.

Variety Staff. Review of ​Crossfire, directed by Edward Dmytryk. ​Variety, 31 Dec. 1946,
http://variety.com/1946/film/reviews/crossfire-1200415120/. Accessed on 27 Nov. 2016.

This primary source is a review of the movie ​Crossfire by Variety Magazine, which was
released in 1947. ​Crossfire, directed by Edward Dmytryk (one of the Hollywood Ten)
and produced by Adrian Scott (another one of the Hollywood Ten) is a model example of
the social issues pictures that became popular during the Popular Front and the brief
window of renewed liberal-Communist (unified left-wing) collaboration during the early
post-war years. One of the early reactions to the film, this review displays one
publication’s contemporary reactions and attitudes towards the social issues genre. The
bluntness of the film’s ideological message is illustrated when the magazine staff refers
to its “frank spotlight on anti-Semitism,” and its applauding appraisal of the movie as a
“hard-hitting film whose whodunit aspects are fundamentally incidental to the overall
thesis of bigotry and race prejudice.” This reaction illustrates for us that the messages of
the social issues pictures could be blatant and extremely upfront; additionally, the Variety
staff’s positive reception of it demonstrates that these pictures, despite being bombarded
with criticisms by the MPA, did have their admirers in the film world-- the right-wing did
not have a monopoly over Hollywood. Overall, this review of ​Crossfire helps us
construct a more realistic image of Hollywood’s political and cultural context-- it better
illuminates the nature of left-wing filmmakers’ positive reception.

Watch for the Ambulance from Hollywood to Spain! 1937. Digital Poster Collection. ​Digital
Poster Collection. Web. 01 Jan. 2017.

This image, a poster from the Hollywood Popular Front organization called the Motion
Picture Artists’ Committee, was found in the Digital Poster Collection, an online archive
of old posters. We used it in order to strengthen our contextual argument about the
strength of the Popular Front in Hollywood. During this time, the left’s agenda, shared
from liberals to Communists, was united in opposition to Franco, supporting the
Republicans during the Spanish Civil War (some, like Alvah Bessie, were so devoted that
they went to Spain to fight in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade). This image, therefore, was
very effective in illuminating this era of mutual principles; it also depicts just how
political the Hollywood Left was, not content to merely reflect their values within their
work, they took a more concrete, activist stance on issues most important to them.

Weiler, A. H. "Movie Maker Hires Blacklisted Writer: Producer Defies Film 'Blacklist' To Hire
Trumbo as Script Writer." ​New York Times 20 Jan. 1960: 1. ​The New York Times
[Proquest]. Web. 30 Oct. 2016.

This primary source is a 1960 article published in the ​New York Times-- the very article
which announced Trumbo’s first writing credit, and therefore that dealt the first blow to
the Hollywood blacklist. Trumbo’s credit, for Exodus, Otto Preminger’s film on the
founding of Israel, is depicted as a major event-- the article is even located on the​ Times’
front page.The article includes useful dialogue from an interview with Preminger, in
which he decries the blacklist and compares its immortality to lynching; he also
expressed the belief that “the only honest thing to do” when hiring a blacklisted writer is
to “be direct and explicit about it.” Also noteworthy is the fact that Preminger mentions
that he had no real reason for announcing the credit at that time-- the only real reason he
did it then, in the midst of production, was because ​The New York Times had asked him
about it (Kirk Douglas, one producer of ​Spartacus-- Trumbo’s second post-blacklist
credit by a mere few months-- contrarily portrays it as a race to see who would be first to
announce credit, and therefore break the blacklist). Overall, this source is valuable to us
as it illuminates the specifics of Preminger’s announcement, and in doing so, also
provides greater detail into the circumstances of Trumbo’s stand and the beginning of the
end for the blacklist.

Wolfe, Ross. ​CPUSA Meeting in Chicago 1939. 1939. Chicago. ​Democratic Socialists of
America. Web. 06 Nov. 2017.

We found this image on the DSA website, and decided to put it on our site, on the
Communism and anti-Communism context page, due to the important, unique message it
conveyed as well as the fact that it appeared as an image on a review of two history books
and the reviewer was Paul Buhle, Professor Emeritus of Brown University, whom we
both cite and interview. This image, taken of a CPUSA rally in Chicago, illuminates one
of the key points regarding the Communist Party during the 1930s-- the spirit of
Americanism which Browder (and Moscow) tried to imbue into the Party, with
tremendous success. What appears to be at least hundreds of spectators have gathered
underneath the gigantic bust of Abraham Lincoln’s head-- a fulfillment of the CPUSA’s
Popular Front-era attitude towards the United States: “Communism is twentieth-century
Americanism!” as well as a great example of the Party’s penchant for revering the
pantheon of American legends right alongside Marx, Engels, and Lenin. This photograph,
as a result, is especially valuable in spotlighting the power and seriousness of this
message-- succinctly illustrating the spirit of the Popular Front-era CPUSA which would
serve as the context for the Communist movement in Hollywood that many of the Ten
became attracted to and joined.

World War Two Propaganda Poster. 1942. Northwestern University Library, Evanston. ​Bethel
University. Web. 05 Jan. 2017.

This State Department propaganda poster, found on the website of Bethel University,
helped us make our argument regarding the status held by the Soviet Union in the United
States during World War II. As the United States attempted to positively depict its ally,
posters such as these and movies such as Mission to Moscow and Song of Russia were
produced. It was in this pro-Russian atmosphere that the Communist Party-- so clearly
connected to Moscow-- managed to regain some of its former status (after its abrupt
switch in Party line due to the earlier Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact). Although the Popular
Front was weaker due to the suspicion of liberals and non-Communist leftists, it still
existed; and it certainly was not hurt by propaganda from the United States’ own
government encouraging a positive civilian perspective on the Russians, who “fight for
freedom.” This poster, therefore, is usual as an alternative to words in telling the
contextual story of the United States’ public warming to Soviet Union during their World
War II alliance, and, when paired with the right quote, the subsequent ability of the
Communist Party to use this shift in foreign relations to their advantage.

Secondary Sources (75)
"Amazon Home." ​Amazon.com: Online Shopping for Electronics, Apparel, Computers, Books,
DVDs & More. Web. 22 Feb. 2017.

This source, an online shopping center, was useful in supplying pictures of book covers,
movie posters, or authors we discussed in the historical significance part of our website.

"American Heritage Center: Digital Collections." ​American Heritage Center. University of
Wyoming. Web. 06 Jan. 2017.

This digital collection from the University of Wyoming was very useful in finding a few
images, particularly pictures of Albert Maltz and Adrian Scott, which we used on the
Hollywood Ten and the HUAC Hearings argument pages to go with the names of the
Ten.

“Arthur Miller, Elia Kazan and the Blacklist: None Without Sin.” ​American Masters, directed by
Michael Epstein, season 18, episode 1, PBS, 03 Apr. 2003.

This documentary episode, produced by PBS, is one episode of the renowned ​American
Masters series, which has won forty-eight various awards, including twenty-seven
Emmys and some Peabody Awards (awarded for distinguished and meritorious public
service). This episode focuses in on the Second Red Scare, and in particular, its effects on
the motion picture industry. Although it focuses on Elia Kazan and Arthur Miller, both of
which are important parts of Hollywood HUAC hearings that occur after 1947, the
different points of view both men represent are essential to understanding the moral
complexity regarding testifying (whether or not an accused person should name names).
By exhibiting both men’s belief in the morality of their own ultimate decisions, and their
reaction to each other’s, PBS evinces the divisions that characterize not only the
historiography (this rift is the reason why both ​Naming Names and ​Red Star over
Hollywood can convey a tone of total moral certainty, despite being diametrically
opposed) but also the reactions of the American public-- even into the modern day. All in
all, this documentary episode was particularly useful in contextualizing and
comprehending both historiographical and public opinions of the Hollywood Ten’s stand
and blacklisting.

Barnhill, John Herschel. "Immigrants and the Red Scare." ​Encyclopedia of American
Immigration. Ed. James Ciment. Vol. 1: Immigration History; Immigration Issues, Part I.
Armonk, NY: Sharpe Reference, 2001. 144-149. ​Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web.
25 Sept. 2016.

An article about The Red Scare relating to United States immigrant policy, this work
details the initial transfer from anti-German prejudice in the United States immigration
policies, to the socialists. The article mentions all the actions of Mitchell Palmer, a
politician famous for anti-immigrant operations. These actions included deportations of
people, primarily Russians, with no criminal record whose only crime was being radical.
Among Palmer’s powers was the creations of a penal colony in Guam for American
radicals who could not be deported. This era of anti-socialist sediment was the first Red
Scare, and many of the countermeasures to “Socialist Plots” have lasting historical
significance. During this First Red Scare, Mitchell Palmer founded the organization that
would become the FBI, placing an ambitious young agent named J. Edgar Hoover, who
would become a major figure in the Second Red Scare (and its investigations into
Hollywood) to run it, facts which are valuable to discerning the historical context of
anti-Communism.

Buhle, Paul. "Interview with Paul Buhle." Telephone interview. 6 Dec. 2016.

We interviewed Paul Buhle, Professor Emeritus of Brown University, over the phone.
During our interview the major topic of discussion was his own historiographical views.
We previously had been familiar with the historiographical organization of John Earl
Haynes, who divided historians into “traditionalists” and “revisionists.” Generally, the
former label refers to right-wing scholars who emphasize the Communist Party’s ties
with Moscow, while the latter label refers to the left-wing scholars who emphasize the
Communist Party’s essential role in social activism. However, Buhle voiced his
displeasure with these labels, effectively referring to them as partisan tools-- however,
when asked how he would organize the historiography, he said that we should not try to
organize historiography in the first place, due to its complexity. He also voiced his
opinions on Haynes himself, showing us that the historiographical debates are far from
over. Additionally, we asked him about one of Haynes’ specific claims, which Buhle, as a
New Left scholar, was uniquely equipped to answer. On this topic, whether the New Left
can serve as a catalyst for changes in historiographical treatment of American
anti-Communism and Communism, Buhle once again aired his displeasure with Haynes’
theories, saying that Haynes was attempting to discredit left-wing scholars through
incorrect theories. Overall, talking to Buhle illuminated to us the depth of the
historiographical divide, and how even how to talk about that divide is a source of
contention-- useful for showing the significance of the interplay of our topics with views
of anti-Communist campaigns in the United States, which would later influence the New
Left.

Buhle, Paul. "The Search for a Useable Past: An Interview with Paul Buhle on Radical
America." Interview by Salar Mohandesi. ​Viewpoint Magazine. 02 Mar. 2015. Web. 16
Dec. 2016.

This is an interview of Paul Buhle, one of the scholars whom we ourselves interviewed.
Buhle is a professor emeritus at Brown University, and has written widely on both our
topic and the larger context of left-wing radicalism. Mohandesi, the interviewer, focuses
on Buhle’s New Left days, when he edited and ran a radical journal. Although this is not
particularly essential information to our topic, what was relevant was his discussion of
how he found himself on the left-wing-- through the influence of Popular Front culture
and the cultural pull of blacklisted artists. In providing this information, Buhle
illuminates the link between the 1950s anti-Communist repressions and the resulting
left-wing reaction-- the New Left-- soon afterwards. This illustrates the historical
significance of our topic, while also giving insight into how the historiographical
perspectives of left-wing historians from this era were formed.

Buhle, Paul, and Dave Wagner. ​Hide in Plain Sight: The Hollywood Blacklistees in Film and
Television, 1950-2002. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Print.

Written by a senior lecturer at Brown University, this book deals with the work of the
Hollywood blacklistees from a solidly left-wing perspective. It covers the careers of a
variety of characters and analyzes a variety of films. In particular, Buhle and Wagner’s
work gave us a better understanding of the difficulties the majority of blacklistees faced,
and how they dealt with them-- most went into New York’s TV industry, with others
testing their luck in the French, English, or Mexican film industries (showing Trumbo’s
extensive use of pseudonyms and fronts more atypical than we previously perceived). For
those who did use similar tactics to Trumbo, artistic experimentation became ironically
easier through the veil of anonymity. This was also useful in providing details into​ The
Brave One, one of Trumbo’s films that won an Oscar he could not receive (it was
addressed to one “Robert Rich”). Altogether, this source gave us abundant context into
the environment of Hollywood towards the blacklistees, as well as context into the rather
unusual nature of Trumbo’s stand against the Blacklist itself.

Ceplair, Larry. ​Anti-Communism in Twentieth-Century America. Santa Barbara: Praeger, 2011.
Print.

Written by Larry Ceplair, a professor of history at Santa Monica University, this book
explores the major Red Scares as well as various bouts of political repression in-between
from a solidly left-wing standpoint. Ceplair’s work focuses on distinguishing what he
considers different brands of anti-Communism prevalent in twentieth-century American
society: official, institutional, ex-Communist, conservative, liberal, and left-of-liberal.
Regarding official anti-Communism, the area most relevant to our research, Ceplair
explains that the First Red Scare allowed anti-Communism to create a dependable
bureaucratic niche within the United States government. He also elaborates on the
precursors to the House Un-American Activities Committee, such as the Fish Committee
and Dies Committee, the latter of which targeted the film industry as well, but with much
less success. As the work informed us of the earlier attempts at political repression, it was
very useful in gaining insight into the context of officially-sanctioned anti-Communism.
Additionally, by better understanding the role of precursors to the HUAC, the high
significance of Trumbo’s stand becomes more clear-- by the late 1940s, the culture of
anti-Communism had been deeply embedded in American governance for quite a while.

Ceplair, Larry. "The Squishiness of Current Blacklist Documentaries." ​Cinéaste 16.4 (1988):
26-27. ​JSTOR. Web. 30 Oct. 2016.

This source is an academic journal article penned by a professor of history at Santa
Monica College who has extensively studied anti-communism in Hollywood. Notably,
Ceplair has a left-wing perspective. This article concerns itself with the apoliticism of
documentaries regarding the Hollywood Blacklist, which Ceplair finds disingenuous--
according to Ceplair, how can you tell the stories of blacklistees while glossing over the
catalyst for their blacklisting? He criticizes the tendency of documentaries ranging from
Seeing Red to the ​Legacy of the Hollywood Blacklist to present a “one-sided and skewed”
perspective on the events of the blacklist, which stems from their producers’
unwillingness to broach the issue of their beliefs. The decision to focus on blacklistees’
victimhood rather than their political motivations confines their films to the category of
films which Ceplair refers to as “moderately informative and ‘moving.’” This article was
useful for us as it demonstrated the hold of the story of the blacklist on the American
public for years afterwards; the historical significance of our topic can be demonstrated in
the fact that it has become a popular fascination-- and thus has been presented in a
simplified, mythologized manner, much to the dismay of historians such as Ceplair.

The Committee for the First Amendment. 1947. ​UMass Amherst. Web. 02 Jan. 2017.

This image of the Committee for the First Amendment, included when we talk about the
Ten’s public relations strategy, we found on the cover of a book on the UMass Amherst
website.

Communist Position in 1936. 1936. University of Hawai'i-Manoa, Manoa. ​Social Movements.
Web. 02 Jan. 2017.

This image, found in the digital collection of the University of Hawai’i Manoa, is the
cover of a Communist pamphlet published in New York. On the cover, Earl Browder
delivers a speech into a CBS microphone, which precisely complements our fact
regarding how major networks began to cover Browder’s speeches.

Congressman Richard Nixon with the "Pumpkin Papers.” Authentic History. ​Authentic History.
Web. 04 Jan. 2017.

We used this picture of a young Richard Nixon from Authentic History in order to
illustrate what the congressman looked like in his youth, while he was a member of
HUAC investigating the motion picture industry.

Daily Worker. 1935. The Wolfsonian FIU Object Collection. ​Wolfsonian-FIU Library. Web. 05
Jan. 2017.

This image, the cover from a 1935 edition of the ​Daily Worker, we found in the online
database of the Wolfsonian-FIU Library. This image we use on our landing page for
historical context to represent American Communism and anti-Communism.

Davis, Natalie Zemon. "Trumbo and Kubrick Argue History." Raritan 22.1 (2002): 173-90.
Albion College. Web. 23 Oct. 2016.

This academic journal article, written by a former president of the American Historical
Association, chronicles the disagreements of Trumbo and Stanley Kubrick during the
making of ​Spartacus, which the latter directed. Through her article, Davis chronicles
their political, historical, and artistic disagreements; for instance, Kubrick shoots a scene
of a village and Trumbo criticizes the absence of women, or Kubrick cuts a line about
being taught to read from a romantic scene (which Trumbo insists illustrates how love
should coincide with learning), or Kubrick cuts Trumbo’s mass-wedding scene because
he felt it blurred the horrors of history which had previously occurred in the film (which
Kubrick was especially attuned to, considering it was after World War II). As ​Spartacus
is one of the two films key to the breaking of the blacklist, learning about these issues in
more detail was very useful for us. It provided valuable context into the atmosphere of
conflict that surrounded ​Spartacus’ development, even as Kubrick’s movie would
become one of the first to credit Trumbo in defiance to the Blacklist.

Dick, Bernard F. ​Radical Innocence: A Critical Study of the Hollywood Ten. Lexington, KY:
University of Kentucky, 1989. Print.

This frequently cited critical study of the Hollywood Ten was written by a professor of
English and communications who co-directs the School of Art and Media Studies at
Fairleigh Dickinson University. In it, the author studies the work of all ten of the
Hollywood Ten. Not only did it help contextualize for us the type (and quality) of films
produced by the Ten, it also helped us develop an understanding of HUAC. Dick argues
that there was no real logic to the order in which the Ten were called to the stand,
demonstrating the committee’s disorganization and inexperience. Additionally, he
underlines their hunger for publicity-- he notes that Lardner always maintained that he
was called to the stand because a newspaper article alerted them to the fame of his father
(a famous sportswriter), and he cites that fact that HUAC even had a camera-rehearsal on
October 18th. Overall, Dick’s study of the Ten was useful in building up valuable
context.

"Encyclopædia Britannica." ​Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica. Web.
12 Dec. 2016.
The Encyclopædia Britannica website provided us with a few images which we used to
illustrate our arguments, throughout the pages. Most of the pictures are of someone we
talk about in our project.

Friedrich, Otto. ​City of Nets: A Portrait of Hollywood in the 1940’s. New York: Harper & Row,
1986. Print.

Written by a Harvard-educated historian and journalist, this book is a portrait of the
American film industry during the 1940s. It covers such varying topics such as societal
prejudice, wartime propaganda, and connections to organized crime, though its
information on the HUAC hearings was most relevant to our topic. We learned more
details about the hearings themselves; in particular how chaotic the hearings of the
Hollywood Ten were and how much support the Nineteen garnered amongst their friends.
As the HUAC aimed to gain publicity during the hearings,​ the celebrity friends of the
witnesses (like Lauren Bacall and Humphrey Bogart) fought back with their own
publicity campaign, organizing a plane trip to Washington to provide an audience at the
hearings, although they also made stops along the way to deliver speeches in support of
the witnesses.​ In addition to gaining context regarding the atmosphere of the film
industry in the 1940s, we also gained more information regarding the significance of
Trumbo’s stand against McCarthyism. In standing up against the HUAC, Trumbo and the
Ten stood up to the HUAC’s publicity campaign and formulated their own.

Frost, Jennifer. ​Hedda Hopper's Hollywood: Celebrity Gossip and American Conservatism. New
York: New York UP, 2011. Print.

Authored by a women's historian and associate professor at the University of
Wisconsin-Madison who studies the social, cultural, and political developments of the
twentieth-century, ​Hedda Hopper’s Hollywood centers on the famous gossip columnist
and her column, also named “Hedda Hopper’s Hollywood.” Frost’s book was useful in
illuminating the political context of the 1940s and 1950s, and giving us an insider view
regarding the anti-Communist movement. Hopper, who was in frequent contact with J.
Edgar Hoover, used her column to accuse members of the film industry of Communist
sympathies or Party membership. Her huge following made her particularly dangerous
during the Red Scare, as did the fact that she did not work alone: there was a formidable
amount of anti-Communist journalists and columnists who would likely accuse those on
the left if she did not herself.

Gabler, Neal. ​An Empire of Their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood. New York: Crown,
1988. Print.

Penned by a historian with advanced degrees in film and American culture, this oft cited
book chronicles the development of the American film industry with a focus on the
central role of Jewish Americans. It provided us with valuable context into the cultural
atmosphere of early Hollywood, while also informing us on the background of HUAC.
HUAC’s precursor, the McCormack-Dickstein Committee, was originally founded to
investigate Nazi propaganda, although it faced such a wave of anti-Semitism that it tabled
Rep. Samuel Dickstein’s later motions to continue investigations. Rep. Martin Dies, in
response, proposed a new investigating committee which later became HUAC-- one
completely unconnected with Dickstein. Dies quickly began investigating Communism,
and according to Gabler, for him “the line between Marxism and Judaism seemed to be
indistinct.” Notably, the same month the Dies Committee turned its attentions to
Communists in Hollywood, it also investigated a supposed Jewish plot to seize the US
government and manipulate the stock market (Dies was informed of this plot by two
known anti-Semites). After Dies left, the infamously anti-Semitic Rep. John Rankin
headed the committee. Additionally, Gabler’s work gave us more information into how
the MPA (which had a anti-Semitic tinge to it) collaborated with HUAC: they even
invited them to come investigate Hollywood multiple times. It informed us that ten of the
Hollywood Nineteen were Jewish, and gave us more information on the perspective of
the movie studios. Overall, Gabler’s book contextualizes for us how anti-Semitism
overlapped with anti-communism in the minds of many perpetrators of the
anti-Communist campaigns, and provides us with ample historical context into many of
the institutions-- the MPA, HUAC, and the movie studios-- and their relation with
anti-Semitism and Judaism.

Giblin, James Cross. ​The Rise and Fall of Senator Joe McCarthy. Clarion Books, 2009. Print.

Another biography about McCarthy, this shorter volume does a great job of condensing
the information on McCarthy's life into a more readable format. This book is good for
quick fact checking and will do well for us as a tool for quick attempts to find
information. More accessible than the other biography, it is much easier to find
information in this volume. An unforeseen use of this volume is the frequent reprints of
political cartoons from the time, as well as photographs of McCarthy and events
surrounding his life. This book gives us more information on people’s views of
McCarthyism and the anti-communist movement than other sources do, and is also a
good source for showing what made McCarthy’s speeches good. This book goes into
detail about what qualities he had that made people listen to him, and we feel it gives a
good idea of why someone would believe and go along with what McCarthy was saying.

Gentry, Curt. ​J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets. New York: Norton, 1991. Print.

An excellent biography of J. Edgar Hoover, and his many activities, this book provides
excellent detail on how Hoover helped create McCarthyism and of how his organization
the FBI facilitated the red scare and broke laws to allow them to go after anyone who was
deemed a threat to America. This book is a well known source on Hoover, and it helped
us immensely in our attempt to look further into Hoover’s involvement with
McCarthyism. The only possible problem in this book is a heavy bias against Hoover.
Although it is generally known that he can be considered a “bad” person, the author takes
the idea of Hoover’s illegal policies and turns him into a man who wanted to rule
America as a police state. All in all this book is a better contextual source on what
Hoover did than on what he was like.

Goodman, Walter. ​The Committee: The Extraordinary Career of the House Committee on
Un-American Activities. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1968. Print.

Authored by a ​New York Times reporter and critic, this book is an oft-cited study of
HUAC. Goodman traces the history of HUAC through the various chairmen who headed
it and the different phases of investigation it went through. For us, most useful was his
discussion of the committee as headed by J. Parnell Thomas, as this is was the version of
the committee that led the original 1947 Hollywood hearings. Particularly interesting was
Goodman’s discussion of the motivations and political background of the major
committee members, and how these factors moved them to support an investigation into
Hollywood-- for instance, Thomas’ history of opposing Roosevelt and the New Deal
pushed him to attack the Popular Front, and Rankin, due to his anti-Semitism, wanted to
destroy an industry in which Jewish Americans were key in building. Overall, however,
Goodman maintains that the committee shared the same core motivation our other
sources ascribe to it: publicity. In providing us with useful background information into
HUAC members and their political motivations, Goodman helps us paint a more accurate
picture of those the Ten went up in opposition against.

Gussow, Mel. "Relearning the Lesson of Miller's 'Crucible'." Review of “The Crucible.” ​New
York Times 30 Mar. 1990. ​New York Times. Web. 22 Feb. 2017.

From this 1990 review of “The Crucible” (a play written in 1953) in the ​New York Times,
Mel Gussow, a cultural critic (focused on film and theater) and author who wrote for the
New York Times for 35 years, reflects on the classic Arthur Miller play and its importance
to America. Gussow maintains that the play is particularly notable not only for its ​status
as Miller’s “most-produced play,” but also because of its status as his “most continually
relevant work”-- the fact that Miller set up an analogy with HUAC’s policy of naming
names and the Salem witch trials’ frenzy of accusations makes it an enduringly
meaningful drama that places the “outrage of McCarthyism in historical perspective.”
Gussow’s review helped us to better comprehend the place of the HUAC trials and the
ritual of naming names in the memory of the American public-- illuminating the
historical significance of our topic.

Haynes, John Earl. "An Essay on Historical Writing on Domestic Communism." ​John Earl
Haynes Historical Writings. Web. 27 Nov. 2016.

Authored by a specialist in 20th-century ​political history​ in the Manuscript Division of
the Library of Congress who aligns with the “traditionalist” (conservative) perspective on
the Red Scare, this essay summarizes what Haynes sees as the four major
historiographical movements on the topic of Communism. The first wave, according to
Haynes, was driven mostly by anti-Communist liberals energized by the defeat of
Popular Front liberals. He characterizes it as viewing Communism as an anti-democratic
system and considering CPUSA under Moscow’s control. The second wave was marked
by a focus on the evils of anti-Communism, for which the blame was placed on
anti-Communist liberals-- Haynes calls them “revisionists” and criticizes their lack of
focus on Communism and its ties to the authoritarian USSR. (Interestingly, in his
critique, he mentions (negatively) the essay collection ​The Specter, which is one of our
other sources.) Haynes says that traditionalists like him-- also known as Draperians or
orthodoxs-- were a small minority during the third wave; the field was dominated by
those who hated anti-Communism, and (unlike the second wave) did not marginalize
Communists but celebrated them. Particularly useful to our interpretation of historical
significance was his reference to Maurice Isserman’s argument that these scholars were
largely veterans of the New Left. The fourth wave has been largely colored by the
post-Cold War fights between the “revisionists” and “traditionalists” over the extent of
Soviet espionage. Altogether, Haynes’ essay gives us a better understanding of the
historical significance of our topic in turns of the influence of the New Left on
historiography; it also gives immense context into the nature of the sources we consult
themselves, although we have to keep in mind the influence of Haynes’ own views on his
perspective.

Haynes, John Earl, and Harvey Klehr. ​In Denial: Historians, Communism and Espionage. San
Francisco: Encounter, 2005. Print.

Authored by both a specialist in 20th-century political history in the Manuscript Division
of the Library of Congress and a professor of politics and history at Emory University,
this book provides a traditionalist rebuttal to revisionist scholarship. Haynes and Klehr
maintain that after the release of the Venona Project records (a project Haynes was
involved in at the Library of Congress), the historiographical perspective offered up by
revisionists is void and nakedly political. That revisionists would sustain their positive
perspective of the CPUSA’s social activism in the face of evidence regarding Soviet
espionage, to Haynes and Klehr, is essentially on par with erasing Stalin’s crimes. In their
talk of how they perceive the revisionists’ motivations-- as in service to a higher political
goal: undermining capitalism-- their own right-wing perspective is noticeable as well.
This book is filled with highly valuable historiographical context; in their passionate
response to the recent proliferation of revisionist scholarship, Haynes and Klehr provide
us with a tool for understanding the practicalities of the revisionist-traditionalist divide
and the depth of the ideological differences between the scholars involved.

Heale, Michael J. ​American Anticommunism: Combating the Enemy Within, 1830-1970.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1990. Print.

Authored by a professor emeritus at Lancaster University, this work examines the entire
history of domestic anti-Communism, from the nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries.
However, Heale’s research was particularly applicable for us when it came to the Popular
Front eras in the 1930s (the Great Depression) and the 1940s (World War II). Heale’s
depiction of Earl Browder (longtime Party Secretary) as a leader willing to move to the
center, or even to the right, on political issues, when expedient shows the complexity of
the Communist Party’s role in American politics and paints a similar picture to Ted
Morgan’s delineation of him as a leader interested gaining mainstream respectability.
(even though the Comintern was involved in much of the decisions to move further from
the left, Browder moved too much to the right-- they kicked him out at the end of the
second Popular Front era and named a pejorative term, “Browderism,” after him).
Heale’s work gives us much more context into the political context of the 1930s and
1940s, which deeply influenced the Ten and the Hollywood atmosphere they worked in.

Hedda Hopper. 1950. Pittsburgh Post-Gazette Photo Archives. ​Pittsburgh Post-Gazette Photo
Archives. Web. 03 Jan. 2017.

This photo of Hedda Hopper we got from the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette Photo Archives.
We used it to provide a picture of Hopper on two of our pages, both of them about
historical context.
"The Hollywood Reporter." ​The Hollywood Reporter. The Hollywood Reporter. Web. 03 Jan.
2017.

The Hollywood Reporter, a publication that was influential in Hollywood during the
period of our project, had a few useful images; usually, they were photographs of
lesser-known figures we could not find elsewhere. We then used these images to put
faces to names on our website.

How Communism Works. 1938. ​Pearson Education. Web. 02 Jan. 2017.

We utilized this image from Pearson of anti-Communist propaganda as one of the two
images on our landing page for historical context representing American Communism
and anti-Communism.

HUAC Hearings 1956. 1956. Tablet. ​Tablet. Web. 01 Jan. 2017.

We used an image from Tablet illustrating the fact that HUAC returned to Hollywood in
1956-58.

HUAC Hearings Hollywood. 1947. San José State University. ​San José State University. Web.
12 Jan. 2017.

Gleaned from the website for San José State University, this image of the Hollywood
Hearings we utilized on our HUAC landing page.

“IMDb | Home.” ​IMDb. IMDb.com. Web. 12 Jan. 2017.

As our project is centered around the motion picture industry, we used this movie
database to obtain posters and pictures of Hollywood producers, stars, and directors that
would not appear in most university databases. These images we used to put faces to
names or movie posters to titles, mostly on the contextual pages, but there are a few
scattered throughout.

"IMP Awards - All the Latest Movie Posters." ​Internet Movie Poster Awards. Internet Movie
Poster Awards. Web. 04 Jan. 2017.

As our project revolves around the film industry, we needed more images of movie
posters-- especially older, more difficult to find movie posters. Therefore, we used this
movie database in order to obtain more posters for our context pages, in particular, the
one on Hollywood’s Politics and the one on the anti-Communist Network.

J. Edgar Hoover. 1947. ​The Nation. Web. 03 Jan. 2017.
This image of Hoover from the magazine The Nation was useful for us as we placed it on
our Anti-Communist Network page to give the readers a picture of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation Director.

John Earl Haynes during In Denial: Historians, Communism, and Espionage ​Talk. 2003.
C-SPAN.org. Web. 10 Nov. 2016.

We used this image from CSPAN on one of our landing pages, as a link to our
historiography page, because it is of the traditionalist scholar John Earl Haynes, a major
historian embroiled in these debates.

Klehr, Harvey. ​The Communist Experience in America: A Political and Social History. New
Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2010. Print.

Authored by a professor of history and politics at Emory University, this book is a
collection of Klehr’s articles on American Communism and its historiography. Klehr
writes with a traditionalist perspective, so much of his work directly or indirectly
critiques the left-wing, revisionist perception of the Party’s history. Although useful in
terms of gaining more context into the CPUSA’s operations, it was primarily important in
the fact that Klehr, in his book, illuminates what it was that drew him to the study of
American Communism and anti-Communism, and how he gained his ideological (and
therefore, historiographical) perspective: the New Left. As a young student, Klehr leaned
leftwards, but the excesses and subsequent failures of the New Left era left him
disenchanted but curious as to the bizarre difficulties faced by the American left (as
opposed to the left in other countries). In giving us this background into historiography,
we can better contextualize Klehr’s perspective and the importance of the New Left in
shaping historiographical perspectives.

Klehr, Harvey. "Interview of Harvey Klehr." Telephone interview. 11 Jan. 2017.

This interview was of Harvey Klehr, author of some of our secondary sources, expert on
the United States Communist Party, and professor of politics and history at Emory
University. We gained a lot of information to fill holes in our knowledge and provide
support to arguments we were having trouble articulating. Mr Klehr also said several
lines that made for great quotes, and he gave us some new perspectives and knowledge
about the American Communist Party. He provided answers and information which
helped us learn more about the historical context of the rise of anti-Communism. He
talked about how the American Communist Party gained members, and of how it tried to
protect itself during the height of anti-Communism. He also mentioned the long term
significance of the anti-Communist movement, mentioning that the stand against
anti-Communism was important because the publicity of this trial allowed the Ten to
show America what was occurring.

Klehr, Harvey. ​The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade. New York:
Basic, 1984. Print.
Written by Harvey Klehr, a professor of politics and history at Emory University known
for his work on the American Communist movement, this book is an excellent source of
information the Communist Party just prior to and during the Second World War. A book
about Communism during the Great Depression, as it tells the story of the American
Communist Party during the decade of the Great Depression. This book is an in depth
study of American Communist groups during the Great Depression. This book gave
contextual information about the pivotable period of growth for the Communist Party,
and this was when many members of the film industry joined the American Communist
Party. This book also gives us knowledge about the reasons many people joined the
Communist Party.

Kress, G. B. ​Hollywood Ten. 1947. ​Mediascape: UCLA's Journal of Cinema and Media Studies.
Web. 02 Jan. 2017.

This image of the Hollywood Ten, found in UCLA’s​ Journal of Cinema and Media
Studies, we used as a picture for our HUAC landing page.

Langdon, Jennifer E. ​Caught in the Crossfire: Adrian Scott and the Politics of Americanism in
1940s Hollywood. New York: Columbia UP, 2008. Electronic.

This book, authored by the Associate Director of the Davis Humanities Institute and
published by Columbia University Press, chronicles the experiences of Adrian Scott, one
of the Hollywood Ten, during the 1940s. It focuses in on Scott’s authorship of ​Crossfire,
a Popular Front message picture that confronts anti-Semitism. Besides pointing us
towards many usual documents and pictures, Langdon’s work provided us with
contextualizing details regarding the Popular Front in Hollywood-- it was, according to
her, motivated by four essential goals: supporting the Republicans in Spain against
militaristic fascism; pushing Roosevelt to make anti-fascist alliances; opposing big
business and their anti-labor, anti-social reform efforts; and denouncing domestic
fascism. As many of these goals are tied in with anti-fascism, the reasons for the chaos
that broke the Popular Front after Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact (which changed the
party line’s anti-fascist stance) are more clearly illuminated. It also illuminated Scott’s
close friendship not only with the liberal producer Dore Schary, but also with another one
of the Ten: Edward Dmytryk. This is notable particularly because of Dmytryk’s
cooperative role in subsequent HUAC hearings investigating the motion picture industry.
Overall, it was useful in pointing us towards more primary sources, contextualizing the
dynamics between some members of the Ten, and most importantly, providing us with
insights into the alliance Communist-Liberal alliance during the Popular Front.

Legion of Decency Films Reviewed Booklet. 1938. Margaret Herrick Collection. ​Academy of
Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. Web. 05 Jan. 2017.
This is an image of the cover of the Legion of Decency’s booklet, “Films Reviewed.” We
used it on one of our landing pages, as well as on our context page on anti-Communist
institutions, so readers could get a visual on the legion.

"Los Angeles Times." ​Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times. Web. 14 Dec. 2017.

This news organization, located in the same part of California as many of the events we
covered, provided a few very useful images, most of them to provide a visual of
someone. The most significant image we used from them was a picture of an anti-Kazan
protest, located on the “A Popular Tragedy” page, which we needed in order to illustrate
the anti-Kazan sentiment expressed by our quotes.

May Day Parade Float with Male Statue Reading the “Daily Worker.” c1930s. National
Archives of Estonia. ​National Archives of Estonia: Flickr. Web. 03 Jan. 2017.

This image, of a New York May Day parade float reading the “Daily Worker,” we found
in the National Archives of Estonia. It is part of Estonia’s collection of images associated
with the New York Estonian-language communist newspaper ​Uus Ilm, which was
published in the 1930s. We utilized this image to serve as a companion for one of our
facts-- that the “Daily Worker” reached a circulation of 100,000 during the Popular Front
period.

McDuffie, Erik S. Review of ​Black Struggle, Red Scare: Segregation and Anti-Communism in
the South, 1948-1968, by Jeff Woods. ​Labour/Le Travail 57 (2006): 227+. ​World History
in Context. Web. 25 Sept. 2016.

This article is a review of the book,​ Black Struggle, Red Scare: Segregation and Anti-
Communism in the South, 1948-1968, the reviewer is an associate professor of
African-American Studies at the University of Illinois at at Urbana-Champaign. The
review tells the reader about the Southern Red scare and its interaction with the racist
policies of Southern Whites. The Red Scare was tightly linked with the civil rights
movements, and the fear of Communism translated into the fear of black rights. The
author mentions how the Southern “Red Baiters” and “Black Baiters” were very similar
to each other, and this sources did a good job of mentioning this neglected part of the red
scare.

Miller, Arthur. "Why I Wrote 'The Crucible'." ​The New Yorker 21 Oct. 1996: 158-65. ​New
Yorker Archives. Web. 12 Feb. 2017.

This article of the New Yorker is a reflection of Arthur Miller’s on the reasons for his
authorship of one of his most famous plays, “The Crucible.” The play’s allegory of the
HUAC hearings employs the frenzied paranoia present during the Salem witch trials-- a
parallel which Miller decided to exploit after he took a trip to Salem following
disagreements with Elia Kazan, a director (and one of his close friends) who had decided
to name names. Miller says that the Salem witch trials, with their insistence on “naming
others whom you had seen in the devil’s company” in order to prove one’s innocence,
demonstrated essentially the same tactics as HUAC. This article is useful for us in the
fact that it illustrates how historically significant the naming of names in the HUAC
hearings is to the American public, as “The Crucible” has gone on to become his most
produced play.

Morgan, Ted. ​Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America. New York: Random House,
2003. Print.

This book, written by a Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer, focuses on McCarthyism
throughout the twentieth century. He argues that anti-Communism was a staple of
American politics from as far back as the Bolshevik Revolution. His work provided us
with valuable context into the responses of Communists to the anti-Communist crusade,
and information on how partisanship often looped in with anti-Communist crusades.
Additionally, and most notably, it provided us with another perspective into the
development, existence, and endurance of McCarthyism. This helped us better
understand the significance of Trumbo’s (and the Hollywood Ten’s) stand against
McCarthyism, as its focus on what Morgan considers the entire span of McCarthyism--
roughly a century-- further illustrates this movement’s immense significance throughout a
prolonged period of time.

"Movie Poster DB." ​Movie Poster Database. Movie Poster Database. Web. 14 Dec. 2016.

As our project is centered around the film industry, we needed more images of rare movie
posters for Popular Front or FBI-suspected movies. Therefore, we used this movie
database in order to obtain more posters to illustrate our points on our context pages, in
particular, “The Politics of Hollywood” and “Hollywood’s Anti-Communist Network.”

Navasky, Victor S. ​Naming Names. New York: Hill and Wang, 2003. Print.

The chief editor of The Nation provides a popular account of the events of the blacklist
and the HUAC hearings, both in the 1940s and the 1950s. His perspective, solidly
revisionist, is that the Ten and the blacklistees were justified in not naming names.
According to Navasky, the naming of names-- informing-- is particularly reviled in
American culture, and so that’s why the Ten and the blacklistees remain popular. The
historical signficance of this book can be found in that fact, as well as the fact that it
struck such a chord it won the National Book Award.

"New York Public Radio." ​WNYC. New York Public Radio. Web. 03 Jan. 2017.

New York Public Radio, a member of National Public Radio, had pictures from stories on
Eric Johnston (MPAA leader, MPA member, and former president of the Chamber of
Commerce), and Billy Wilkerson (founder of the Hollywood Reporter). We used both
images twice, to go with their names and quotes, on the Hollywood’s politics and the
anti-Communist network pages.

Phillips, Gene D. "Sin and Cinema." Review of ​Sin and Censorship: The Catholic Church and
the Motion Picture Industry by Frank Walsh; ​Hollywood Censored: Morality Codes,
Catholics and the Movies by Gregory Black; and ​The Catholic Crusade Against the
Movies: 1940-75 by Gregory Black. ​Literature/Film Quarterly 26.1 (1998): 79-80.
JSTOR. Web. 10 Nov. 2016.

This academic journal article is authored by a teacher at the Loyola University at Chicago
who specializes in filmmaking and film and has sat on the editorial board of the
Literature/Film Quarterly (the journal that published this review) since its founding. It
focuses in on the National Catholic Legion of Decency, and its pull over the content of
American films. In the absence of an industry-wide ratings system, the Legion’s ratings--
which were based off of Catholic notions of morality and immorality-- were followed by
the majority of Americans, Catholic and non-Catholic. This gave them an incredible
amount of lobbying power, which they consistently took advantage of. As the Legion was
fervently anti-Communist, this article was very useful for gaining contextual information
into the power of one of the major components of the anti-Communist network in the
1940s and 50s.

Powers, Richard Gid. ​Not Without Honor: The History of American Anti-Communism. New
Haven: Yale UP, 1998. Print.

Authored by a professor of history at the College of Staten Island (the City University of
New York), ​Not Without Honor espouses a traditionalist perspective on American
anti-Communism. Essentially, Powers argues that the left (i.e. the revisionists) has
smeared anti-Communists and unfairly lumped all of them in together with the
McCarthys and the Hoovers of both Red Scares. He maintains that there was an
abundance of anti-Communists (for example, the historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr) who
behaved honorably and morally, and in doing so worked to protect the nation from a
dangerous political party with intimate ties to Moscow. His assertions that McCarthy was
an extremist, the exception to the norm, reflects the political perspective of many
traditionalists, who tend to view Communism in the 1940s-50s as a legitimate, significant
threat. Overall, Powers’ book gives us more insight into the nature of the
historiographical rift between the two ends of the political spectrum, and in doing so,
provides valuable contextual information into the political forces that shape the
secondary sources that we examine.

Radosh, Ronald. ​Commies: A Journey through the Old Left, the New Left and the Leftover Left.
San Francisco, CA: Encounter, 2001. Print.

Written by a professor of history emeritus at the City University of New York, this book
is a very critical and personal look at the history of the Communist Party and the
American left. Radosh was raised on the left, and is a former Marxist and founder of the
New Left, and so he often refers to his own personal experiences in ​Commies. Like the
vast majority of scholars, Radosh, a conservative traditionalist, uses the lens of the
traditionalist-revisionist debate in his interpretation. Although his book does provide us
with a good deal of general background information, it is most helpful in terms of
understanding the effect of the New Left on historiography. Radosh writes that his
experiences in the New Left were what ultimately pushed him away from the left-- he
refers to left-wing intellectuals of the time as “totalitarians” who pushed for adherence to
a specific party line. Stepping over this line, Radosh writes, “meant being subjected to
bitter calumnies.” In explaining the reasons for a major historian’s political and
historiographical point of view, ​Commies helped us gain much context into the
historiographical debate and the specific importance of the New Left-- which was a
reaction to the repressions of the 1950s.

Radosh, Ronald. "Will the New Trumbo Movie Rehash Old Myths?" ​National Review. 06 Nov.
2015. Web. 22 Feb. 2017.

This article in the National Review, written by a professor of history emeritus at the City
University of New York, focuses on popular historical interpretations of the Ten, the
HUAC hearings, and the blacklist. Radosh, as a traditionalist, criticizes the slew of
movies, books, and documentaries which present the Ten as “courageous and
freedom-loving Communists” and “a group of innocent victims persecuted by
reactionary, attention-grabbing congressmen” instead of “dedicated, hard-line Stalinists
who regularly followed the twists and turns of the Communist-party line, as dictated from
Moscow.” Radosh, like many traditionalists, focuses on the links between Moscow and
the American Communist Party-- and so considers the simpler, neater, and more
Hollywoodesque narrative accepted by the American public to be abhorrent mythmaking.
Radosh’s critique is useful in illuminating not only the gap between traditionalists and
revisionists, but also in displaying the rift between the scholarly community and the
public when it comes to interpreting the historical significance of the Ten, HUAC, and
the blacklist.

Radosh, Ronald, and Allis Radosh. ​Red Star over Hollywood: The Film Colony's Long Romance
with the Left. San Francisco: Encounter, 2005. Print.

Written by a professor of history emeritus at the City University of New York and a
former program officer at the National Endowment for the Humanities, this book
provides a solidly conservative perspective on the events of the Second Red Scare in
Hollywood. The authors argue that the members of the American Communist Party were
first and foremost loyal to Joseph Stalin, and that Soviet propaganda was common in the
content of American films. They are staunchly critical of the Ten, the Popular Front, and
of the American left as a whole. Primarily useful for us for gaining a right-wing
perspective on the hearings and the blacklist, it also was useful in terms of illuminating
the context of the internal disagreements between the Ten and filling the gaps regarding
the Communist Party’s motives during the hearings and the blacklist-- gaining lots of
publicity through the Hollywood Ten. The book also included useful details on Trumbo’s
troubled relationship with the Party in the years following the hearings and the hierarchy
between the producers and the screenwriters in the film industry. This source helps us
better understand the significance of Trumbo’s (and the Ten’s) stand against
McCarthyism through the hearings and the blacklists as it demonstrates its cultural
significance-- it is still hotly debated across the political spectrum, half a century away.

"The 'Red Scare' in Education." American Decades. Ed. Judith S. Baughman, et al. Vol. 6:
1950-1959. Detroit: Gale, 2001. 132-134. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 25 Sept.
2016.

Written for “junior and high school students and teachers, public librarians and general
researchers who need to document and analyze periods of contemporary American social
history,” this article goes over the specifics of the Red Scare in the field of education,
bring to light how the lense of anti-Communism caused all manners of American society
to be viewed with scrutiny. With teachers being fired and books being burned, this article
paints a dark picture of censorship and of the anti-Communism movement in general. The
article mentions how the movement was so strong that even Eisenhower, a Republican
president, did not want to get in the way of Senator McCarthy and his sub-committee.

Red Channels. 1950. ​Boston University: Guided History. Web. 12 Jan. 2017.

This image, found on Boston University’s website, we used in a slideshow of a list of
areas in which economic sanctions were used during the second Red Scare.

“Reds.” ​Cold War, season 1, episode 1, CNN, 1998. Internet Archive,
https://archive.org/details/Cold_War_1998_CNN_Kenneth_Branagh.

This documentary episode is a part of the CNN-produced series ​Cold War, which won a
Peabody Award (recognizes distinguished and meritorious public service). This episode
covers the scope of the domestic Cold War. Accordingly, it spends a fair number of
minutes discussing the Hollywood Ten and the 1947 hearings. This source was
particularly useful for us as it contains lots of footage from the testimonies of both
cooperative and uncooperative witnesses. Although we have already read the transcript of
the hearings, watching the footage provided us with a much fuller understanding of the
speaker’s tone and intent, not to mention their body language. The documentary’s
extremely confrontational excerpts from John Howard Lawson’s testimony and the calm,
yet utterly lost testimony of Gary Cooper illustrate better than written words the
difference of treatment between the uncooperative and cooperative witnesses, as well as
the absolutely unruly behavior of the accused. In this way, this documentary clip was
very useful in exploring the tone of the Hollywood Ten’s stand.

Reeves, Thomas C. “Are You Now…” Review of ​Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in
America, by Ellen Schrecker. ​New York Times, 14 Jun. 1998,
www.nytimes.com/books/98/06/14/reviews/980614.14reevest.html. Accessed on 1 Oct.
2016.
This source is a ​New York Times review of Ellen Schrecker’s ​Many Are the Crimes by
Thomas C. Reeves, a former professor of history at the University of Wisconsin-Parkside
with a decidedly right-wing perspective (whereas Schrecker’s is left-wing). Reeves
maintains that the left has understandably authored much of the history of McCarthyism,
as it was essentially an attack on the “people, values, and institutions of the American
left” from liberalism to Communism. However, according to Reeves, it is the moderate
and conservative scholars who approach the era correctly-- the further a historian is
situated on the left, the more intense the “​violent… condemnation of everyone involved
in the anti-Communist drive” and the stronger the view that it resulted in a devastating
impact. Reeves characterizes Schrecker as a “woman of the far left” who, for this reason,
must be “driven by passion” in her studies. Although he lauds her sophistication and the
depth of her research, he figures that her conclusions are inevitably tainted by her
political beliefs, which he thinks prompts her to be unfair to the historical record. As a
result, Reeves’ assessment of ​Many Are the Crimes is that it is the best example of the
“leftist tirades” against anti-Communism, which he claims picked up in the 1960s--
which was when the New Left began. This statement, because of our focus on the
historical significance of New Left historiography, was useful for us. ​Additionally,
particularly relevant to our research was his praise of Schrecker’s research and
assessment of the FBI’s role in the Second Red Scare-- as it indicates broad support for
the notion that the FBI was central to its machinery. Overall, this source provides a
right-wing perspective on left-wing scholarship, which helps contextualize the
historiographical divide and informs us on the points of consensus.

Reeves, Thomas C. ​The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. New York: Stein and
Day, 1982. Print.

Written by a Thomas C. Reeves, a Professor of History at the University of
Wisconsin-Parkside, this biography of Joseph McCarthy provided an in depth look at the
senator from Wisconsin. This book provided a large quantity of information about
Senator McCarthy, allowing us to see his life in a non-biased light, as the author
intentionally included both pro and anti-McCarthy opinions and sources in his work.
Overall this book is useful to us, as it gives us much contextual information on the
senator and his opinions and actions. McCarthy and his “crusade” were a direct result of
the rulings on the Hollywood Blacklist, and this book gives us the information required to
prove it.

Ronald Reagan Testifying at the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) Hearings in
Washington, DC. 1947. ​Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and Museum. Web. 13 Jan.
2017.
We utilized this image from the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and Museum as the
image on our landing page for historical context representing the Politics of Hollywood.
Sbardellati, John. "Brassbound G-Men and Celluloid Reds: The FBI's Search for Communist
Propaganda in Wartime Hollywood." ​Film History 20.4 (2008): 412-36. JSTOR. Web. 25
Sept. 2016.

This academic journal article was written by an associate professor at Waterloo
University. It follows the FBI’s search for Communist influence in filmmaking. It
includes a lot of information on the scope of the FBI’s involvement, not just with the
anti-Communist movement at large, but more specifically with the film industry-- the
focus of our project. Sbardellati writes that the FBI’s suspicion of Hollywood had its
roots in the First Red Scare, although a full investigation was only launched much later,
in the midst of World War II. The FBI’s motivation in this, Sbardellati demonstrates, was
an exaggerated fear that leftists in the movie industry were churning out Communist
propaganda, undermining Americans’ faith in their own society. He also illuminates the
political culture of Hollywood during the Popular Front in the 1930s, a time when
Trumbo was not a member of the Communist Party but closely aligned to them. Overall,
this source gave us not only context into the FBI’s relationship with Hollywood and the
nature of the Popular Front, but also helped us better understand the significance of the
Hollywood Ten as they faced challenges not just from the HUAC but also from FBI.

Sbardellati, John. ​J. Edgar Hoover Goes to the Movies: The FBI and the Origins of Hollywood's
Cold War. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012. Print.

Authored by an professor of history at the University of Waterloo, this book chronicles
the sources of Hoover’s prolonged interest in Hollywood, as well as the forces acting on
the content of the films themselves-- how the values of left-wing filmmakers resulted in
“social problems” films and how the United States government pushed its preferred
presentation of both the Cold War and the Communist threat onto the film industry.
Sbardellati’s work was particularly useful for us as it helped fill the gaps, context-wise,
regarding Hoover’s fixation with the film industry. It was also informative in terms of
illuminating the mutually beneficial relationship between the MPA, the HUAC, and the
FBI-- how their anti-Communist campaigns reinforced each other and collaborated with
each other. This collaboration between these three major organizations underlines the
significance of the Hollywood Ten’s stand, as they went up against such a powerful
combination of conservative anti-Communist groups.

Sbardellati, John, and Tony Shaw. "Booting a Tramp: Charlie Chaplin, the FBI, and the
Construction of the Subversive Image in Red Scare America." ​Pacific Historical Review
72.4 (2003): 495-530. ​JSTOR. Web. 29 Sept. 2016.

Written by a professor at the University of Hertfordshire and a professor at the University
of Waterloo, this academic article focuses on the FBI’s operations during the McCarthy
era regarding the film industry. The authors use Chaplin as an example for the FBI’s
treatment of suspected Communists and Communists, and assert that Hoover believed
that the cultural threat from the Communist Party was just as dangerous as the political
threat (espionage, labor activity, fight against racial injustice). Particularly applicable to
our research into Trumbo and the HUAC hearings was the information that the both
Chairman and Chief Counsel of the HUAC convinced Hoover to bring the FBI on board
with their anti-Communist/counter-subversive campaign; in doing so, the HUAC gained
access to information supplied by the FBI that allowed them to narrow down those called
to stand before the committee to the Hollywood Ten-- this information, much of it
obtained illegally through break-ins and wiretaps, contained enough substantive evidence
of the Ten’s associations with the Communist Party that it ensured that the HUAC would
not be embarrassed because of false accusations during the hearings. In learning this, we
gained a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between the FBI and HUAC, as
well as the dynamic of the FBI/HUAC and the Hollywood Ten. This context
demonstrates the importance of the Ten’s stand against McCarthyism, as it illustrates
how they went up against both the FBI and HUAC, two of the most important groups in
the Second Red Scare.

Schmidt, Regin. ​Red Scare: FBI and the Origins of Anticommunism in the United States,
1919-1943. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, University of Copenhagen, 2000. Print.

This book, written by a professor at the University of Copenhagen, focuses on the origins
of the Federal Bureau of Investigations’ political power. He argues that the FBI has had a
far greater political role than is generally understood, from as far back as 1919. The Red
Scare began the FBI’s surveillance of political activities, which then became entrenched
in the US political system. Schmidt also focuses on the Dies Committee, a precursor to
the HUAC, which is a committee central to our topic. He supplies plenty of context in
regards to the Dies Committee, which employed a partisan brand of anti-Communism
against FDR’s administration and the New Deal. In public hearings, it frequently claimed
that the Roosevelt Administration was being influenced by Communists. The FBI sided
with Roosevelt (since Hoover had close ties with the president and the FBI considered the
Dies Committee a rival), and so when the Dies Committee became permanent as the
HUAC in 1943, Roosevelt made the FBI’s loyalty program permanent in response.
Understanding the scope of the FBI’s involvement in anti-Communism-- stretching all
the way back to the First Red Scare-- and in addition, the importance of anti-Communism
to the FBI’s consolidation of power, clarifies the political environment of the Second Red
Scare, and therefore indicates the significance of the film industry’s stand against
McCarthyism.

Schrecker, Ellen. "The Growth of the Anti-Communist Network." ​The Age of McCarthyism: A
Brief History with Documents. Boston: St. Martin's, 1994. ​University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign. University of Illinois Board of Trustees, 31 May 2007. Web. 10
Oct. 2016.

This source is a website page regarding the growth of the anti-Communist network in the
twentieth century. It was written by Ellen Schrecker, notable McCarthy scholar and a
professor of history at Yeshiva University. The page provides a solidly left-wing
perspective on the development of anti-Communism, with particular attention to the its
institutional aspects. This source was particularly useful for us as it provided us with
context into the fallout of the Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact-- the Popular Front
collapsed and the American Communist Party lost its credibility due to the obvious
Moscow-controlled shift away from antifascist policy. It also gave us information
regarding how the First Red Scare resulted in the American Legion’s formation and how
the Roosevelt Administration created some of the institutional techniques later used in the
Second Red Scare when dealing with American Communist-based opposition to World
War II. Schrecker’s webpage helped us better understand the significance of Trumbo’s
stand through illuminating how deeply the anti-Communism he and the Ten were
standing up against was embedded in both American government and American society.

Schrecker, Ellen. ​Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little, Brown, 1998.
Print.

Authored by a professor of history at Yeshiva University and noted McCarthy scholar,
this book is an interpretation of McCarthyism and anti-Communism in the United States
from the left. It was useful in its illumination of the context surrounding Trumbo’s stand
against the HUAC. In addition to providing us with details on the American Communist
Party and American Communism as a movement, it also provided us with an abundance
of information regarding the various shifts in attitudes towards Communism in the United
States. Although the repressions of the First Red Scare resulted in a huge to blow to the
Communist Party’s perception in the United States, the adoption of a more moderate,
antifascist posture during the New Deal era ushered in thousands of new members and
gave the party a newfound legitimacy. However, this was soon lost with the signing of
the Soviet-Nazi Non-Aggression Pact, which triggered a massive ideological shift in the
party that alienated and confused its members, as well as the liberals who had previously
been its allies. As a result, by the time the end of World War II came about, it was much
easier for J. Edgar Hoover and other anti-Communist activists to convince the federal
government to endorse and legitimize their anti-Communist crusades. By gaining a fuller
comprehension of the history of attitudes towards Communism in the United States, we
are able to put the HUAC investigation into the film industry in a much clearer context.
The situation that resulted in Trumbo’s stand against McCarthyism and the HUAC is
more evident, and the significance of the Hollywood Ten in standing up against
McCarthy era repression is greater due to the central role played by the federal
government in maintaining an atmosphere of political repression.

Selverstone, Marc J. "A Literature So Immense: The Historiography of Anticommunism." OAH
Magazine of History 24.4 (2010): 7-11. JSTOR. Web. 14 Oct. 2016.

Written by an associate professor at the University of Virginia, this academic journal
article chronicles the historiographical debate over Cold War anti-Communism.
Selverstone compares the approaches to McCarthyism taken by “traditionalist” and
“revisionist” historians, and details the sources of their disagreement: whether or not
Communism was a significant threat, whether the American Communist Party should be
treated as a force for progressive change in the United States as or a mere appendage of
the Soviet Union, and whether it was the elites, partisanship, or grassroots population that
drove the anti-Communist movement. Additionally, he explains the four main waves of
scholarship that dominated the studies: one dominated by “traditionalists” (1950s-60s),
one by “revisionists” (1960s-70s), one lending a critical view of McCarthyism from both
“traditionalists” and “revisionists” (1970s-90s), and one that emerged in, and was
characterized by, the aftermath of the Cold War, which initiated still more arguments
between the two groups. His overview was very advantageous to us, as we learned about
the broader historiographical trends that defined the disagreements we previously
observed between our secondary sources. Additionally, we found his focus on some of
our own sources, such as Reeves’ biography of Hoover, and Schrecker’s and Morgan’s
studies of McCarthyism, particularly informative. Altogether, Selverstone's overview of
anti-communism historiography contextualized the differing approaches of many of our
secondary sources.

Shaw, Tony. ​Hollywood's Cold War. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 2007. Print.

Written by a professor at the University of Hertfordshire and published by a university
press, this book details the complex relationship between Hollywood and Washington
during the Cold War, with a focus on how the government used the private nature of the
film industry to produce subtler propaganda. Particularly useful to us was the detailing of
how powerful anti-Communist forces were in Hollywood in the 1940s-- the decade when
the HUAC hearings took place. Both the Catholic National Legion of Decency and the
Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals (MPA) took a policing
role in the film industry, contributing to a considerable climate of fear. The latter of these
two organizations aimed “to turn off the faucets which dripped red water into film
scripts,” and included members such as Ayn Rand, noted right-wing thinker and one of
the testifiers at the HUAC hearings. The American Legion, with a membership of nearly
3 million, also had significant power in the film industry, which it wielded through
boycotting and campaigning against those deemed Communists by the Legion of
Decency, the MPA, HUAC, and the FBI. By illuminating the political context of
Hollywood in the 40s, this book gave us a better understanding of the significance of the
Hollywood Ten’s stand against McCarthyism.

Starobin, Joseph R. ​American Communism In Crisis, 1943-1957. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1972. Print.

Printed by Harvard University Press, this book is an account of American Communism’s
decline in the 1940s and 1950s. It is written by a former Communist who was involved in
the movement early on, which gives the book the unique advantage of a perspective
formed at least partially through personal experience, although this also forces the reader
to keep in mind potential emotional biases while analyzing it. It was useful in providing
some statistics regarding Communism’s height during Popular Front-- not only did the
CPUSA-affiliated​ Daily Worker have a circulation of 100,000, but other Communist
publications held substantial influence: ​People’s World, ​Midwest Record, and
International Publishers, as well as over a dozen different foreign language news
sources. Starobin’s information regarding the extent of the Communist Party’s influence
at its height was usual for contextualizing the atmosphere in which many in Hollywood
considered the small, controversial party attractive enough to join.

Tender Comrade Movie Poster. 1943. ​Wolfsonian-FIU Library. Web. 12 Nov. 2016.

This image, a poster for a Popular Front film directed by Edward Dmytryk (one of the
ten) and written by Dalton Trumbo (another one of the ten), we found in one of the sites
of the Wolfsonian-FIU Library. We used it on our contextual Hollywood’s Politics page,
to go with our analysis of the film’s political principles.

Theoharis, Athan. ​Chasing Spies: How the FBI Failed in Counterintelligence But Promoted the
Politics of McCarthyism in the Cold War Years. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2002. Print.

Authored by a professor of history at Marquette University who has extensively studied
both the FBI and J. Edgar Hoover, this book focuses on the bureau’s central role in the
Second Red Scare and its failures of the bureau to apprehend Soviet spies. It provided us
with ample information regarding the illegal methods employed by the FBI in both their
investigation of Hollywood and their opposition to the Hollywood Ten’s legal fight for
appeals. Specifically, it detailed the covert relationship between the FBI and HUAC
during the 1947 hearings; Theoharis explains how the FBI provided HUAC with blind
memoranda and the party cards of witnesses. The work also contained a wealth of facts
regarding the illegal wiretapping (which violated the 1934 Communications Act and two
Supreme Court rulings) of the Ten’s lawyers-- Bartley Crum, David Wahl, and Martin
Popper-- during the appeals process. The knowledge gleaned from these wiretaps, which
included the Ten’s legal and public relations strategies, were provided to the
prosecutors-- the Attorney General and Assistant Attorney General-- through regular full
briefings by Hoover. Due to this arrangement, they were always a step ahead. Theoharis’
book illustrates both contextual details into how the FBI operated and the circumstances
of the Ten’s stand against McCarthyism during the 1947 Hollywood Hearings and the
legal battle-- because of the FBI’s covert tactics, they were essentially fighting a losing
battle.

Theoharis, Athan G., and John Stuart Cox. ​The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American
Inquisition. London: Virgin, 1993. Print.

Written by a Marquette University professor of history who has extensively studied the
history of J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI, this book is filled with both a wealth of biographical
information on Hoover and a detailed account of the FBI’s activities under Hoover’s rule.
Most useful for us was Theoharis and Cox’s depiction of Hoover’s core beliefs, and how
these influenced his priorities and leadership style at the FBI. Overall, they maintain that
Hoover’s ideology lacked a clear philosophical basis, although was essentially shaped by
his intense fear of un-Americanism, which Hoover also referred to as “subversive” or
“communistic.” These beliefs, Theoharis and Cox argue, played a large part in defining
the trend of the bureau’s behavior-- going after Communists or radicals or reformers who
challenged the status quo. In providing us with information that enriched our
understanding of the political importance of Hoover’s beliefs, this source gave us context
into the FBI’s role in repressing Communists, which comes into play in our topic due to
their collaboration with HUAC.

"USC Libraries." ​USC Libraries. University of Southern California. Web. 11 Jan. 2017.

The online, digitized collection of Californian photographs accessible through the
University of Southern California was very helpful in providing a few unique, otherwise
rare images of Trumbo boarding a plane, or of the lesser-known members of the Ten.
One one of our context pages, we used a particularly interesting image of theirs of a
Communist Party membership card, the type of document the FBI would attempt to steal
when they broke into Communist Party offices. These all were used more to illustrate the
topics of our argument rather than to make it.

Wall, Wendy. "Anti-Communism in the 1950s." ​The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American
History. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History. Web. 15 Sept. 2016.

Written by an associate professor of history at Binghamton University, this essay gives a
brief overview of the anti-Communist movement in the United States. The essay provides
good information on the growth of the US Communist party and of Communist ideals
during the Great Depression. The article proceeds to provide an excellent timeline of
anti-Communism, starting with the Federal Loyalty-Security Program in through Senator
McCarthy's downfall during the Army vs. McCarthy trial. This article is written by
Wendy Wall, a history professor who specializes in post-World War II America. The
essay covers all its bases providing details on important events in the history of
anti-Communism while still managing to touch on all parts of the topic. The article even
includes some mention of the so called “Lavender Scare” against homosexuals, a often
unknown side effect of the McCarthy period.

Wayland Ousts Teacher, Ex-Red. ​Boston Globe. Boston Globe. Web. 01 Jan. 2017.
We used an image from the Boston Globe in our slideshow listing different industries
affected by economic sanctions.

“Wikimedia Commons.” ​Wikimedia Commons. Wikimedia. Web. 05 Jan. 2017.

Wikimedia provided us with a wealth of images regarding the ‘softer’ aspects of our
project-- particularly, movie posters for and images of various film stars. Both were used
by us, in the context pages especially, in order to convey the feel of Hollywood films
more accurately and to put faces to names when we used things like slideshows of the
conservatives or the Committee for the First Amendment members and galleries of films
produced by the Popular Front or by the FBI. However, we used some for more weighty
matters; one image, a political cartoon, was to convey the deep fear that permeated the
American public during the First Red Scare, which helps us deliver more complete and
meaningful historical context.