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Stratification, Emotional Energy,and

the Transient Emotions

Emotion potentiallyoccupiesa crucial position in generalsociologicalthe-

ory. As we attempt to be more preciseand more empiricalaboursociolog-
ical concepts, we find that many of the most important rest to a
considerable extent upon emotionalprocesses.
Durkheim raisedthe fundamentalquestionof sociology:\7har holds
societytogetherl His answeris the mechanismsthat producemoral solidar-
ity; and thesemechanisms,I suggest,do so by producingemotions.Parso'
nian sociology,which took the most reified, agentlessside of Durkheim,
put the argumentin equivalentterms:Society is held togetherby values.
But values,to the extent that they exist-and leavingopen the issueof
how far they are shared,and under what conditions-are cognitionsin-
fused with emotion. On the conflict side of sociologicaltheory, !ileber's
centralconceptsalso imply emotion: (a) the legitimacythar underliessta-
ble power, (b) the statusgroup ranking by which stratificationpermeates
everydaylife, and (c) the religiousworld viewsthat motivatedsomecrucial
periodsof economic action. When we attempt to translateany of these
conceptsinto observables, it is apparentthat we are dealingwith particular
kinds of emotions.Marx and Engelsare perhapsfarthesrawayfrom theo'
rizing about emorional processes; in their mode[s,everythingis structural
(even alienation,which for Marx is an ontologicalrelationship,not a psy-
chologicalone). But it is apparentthat in Marxian analyses of classmobi'
lization and classconflict, emotion must play a part-whether it is the
murual distrust within frägmentedclassesthat keepsthem apart (Marx
185211963), or the solidaritythat dominant classes haveand that oppressed
classesacquireonly in revolutionarysituations.In theserespects, lvlarx and
Engels'conflict theory comescloseto a dynamicand non-reifiedversionof
These are some reasonswhy the sociologyof emotions should be
brought into the central questic>ns of sociology.What holds a societyto'

Emorions Z9
28 Emortonsand SocialMacrt>Processes

,,glue"of solidarity-and what mobilizesconflict-the energy say,all over the map, in transientsituationsand local groups,which may
well be class-stratified or otherwisedivided againsteachother, insreadof in
o f m o b i l i z e d g r o u p s - a r e e m o t i o n s ; s o i s w h a t o p e r a t e s t o u p h o l d s tlfr a t i f i c a -
f..tittgs, whetherdominant' subservient'or resentful' the reifiedDurkheimianway (which Parsonsfollowed)in which it seemsto
peopleto feel thesekinds of emo- be "Society" as a whole that is being inregrated.
*" .r., explain the conditionsthat cause
Goffmaniananalysisof lnteractionRitual, then, is the analysisof a
a cognitive part' but the wide-rangingand flexible mechanism,which producespocketsof moral sol-
.o"rr. u structuralpart of zuch a rheory, and
essentialfor a realistic theory on its idarity, but variouslyand discontinrrously throughout society. It helps us to
emotional parr gives us something
connect upwardsto the macro-structure, especiallyvia stratification.And
dynamics' r | -L it connectsdownwardto the nricro-details of human experience and action,
but they do not usuallyrefer becauserituals are made with emotional ingredients,and they produce
mentionedaboveimplicitly concernemorions'
other sortsof emotions(especiallymoraI solidarity,but alsosometimesag-
abstractionand aggrega- gressiveemotions) as outcomes. I will make considerableuse of the
i.or, a"rt *ith sociallife at a level of considerable
"legitimacy"' ot worseyet' "values"' Durkheimianr,/Coffmanian model of rituals in my stratificationtheory of
ii"". fV. are told of somethingcalled
the headsof real peoplein emouons.
flo"ti.,g somewherein u cuttt"ptual sky beyond 'We
see emotions in another important version of micro-sociology.
situations.If we attempt a micro-translationof sociology-not
".at."., groundingof macro-concepts Carfinkel'sethnomerhodology, at tirst sight, seemsto be pirchedon a dif-
.,.l"rrut,tt an absolutemicro-reduction,but a
spaceand numbers-we ferent level. Wirh its concernfor the constructionof mundanereality,and
in real interactionsacrossthe macro-gridof time,
processes'ln other words' the its heavyuseof phenomenological abstractions,it seemsto be essentiallya
are led to see the importanceof emotional
(like those discussed above) yields cognitive theory. Cicourel (1971) even called his own version"Cognitive
micro-rranslarionof macro concePts
Sociology."Nevertheless,I want to suggestthat ethnomethodology reveals
us emotlon.
microrhe' emotionat its core.Garfinkel'smost importantcontributionis to show that
Unforrunately,this is not what classic(and even modern)
emphasize process' h u m a n sh a v ei n r r i n s i c a l l lyi m i t e dc o g n i t i v ec a p a b i l i t i e sa,n d t h a t t h e yc o n -
ories have stressed.Mead and symbolicinteraccionism
emphasize routine struct mundanesocial order by consistentlyusing pracricesto avoidrecog-
emergence,and cognition; Schutz and phenomenology nizing how arbitrarily social order is actually pur together.We keep up
behaviors and payoffs; the
and Jognition; the exchangerheory ernphasizes conventions,not becausewe believe in them, but becausewe srudiously
Emotion of course could
statestheorYag'i" 'tt""t' cognition'
avoid questioningthem. Carfinkel (1967)demonstrated this most dramati-
"*p..,Jrion into thesethreories,
be brought but it is central to none of them. But there
cally in his "breaching"experiments,in which he lorcedpeopleinto situa-
are two crucial versionsof micro-sociology that do not have to be pressed
tions that causedthem to recognizeindexicality(i.e. that they rely on tacit
very far ro yield us the cenrral micro-,.lynamics tlf cmotion as a social pro-
is' acceptanceof what things mean contextually)and reflexivity (that rhere
..rr-u processrhat will serve us fcrrunpackingthe Inacro'sociological are infinite regressesof justifying one's interpretations).Interestingly
suesmentionedat the outset. enough,the reactionsof his subjectswerealwaysintenselyemotional.Usu-
Thefirstoftheseiswhatlcall..InteractionRitualTheory.''The ally it was an emotionaloutburst;(becomingred in the face, blurting out
else' speaksof emo'
term is Goffnran's(196?). But Goffnran,like everyone "You lcnowwhat I meanl Do you want to have a conversationor don't
tiononlyinpassing.Hefocusesonthestructureofmicro-interaction'on youl") Sornetimesit wasdepression, bewilderment,or angerat having been
and ob-
irs consrraintsand levels,on rhe interplaybetweenits subjective put in a situation where they constructeda reality they later discoveredto
jective componenrs.The crucial rhing to see is that coffman is applying
he is concernedwith how ritual be false.In shorr, when peoplehave to recognizethat they are tacitly con-
Durkheimian rheory ro micro-situations,
at the structing their social worlds, and in an arbitrary and conventionalway,
solidarityis generaredin rhe lirtle transientgroupsofeveryday.[ife,
(as I would call them) are rather than simply reactingto a world that is objectivelythere, they show
level of rhe encounrer.These "narural riruals"
c.eremonies intensenegativeemotions.
equivalentro rhe tormal rituals Durkheim analyzed-religious
produce I suggestthat Garfinkel'sbreachingexperimentsreveal something
in aboriginetribes, patriotic rituals in rhe nrodernstate-which
broadened Durkheim in a v e r y m u c h l i k e D u r k h e i m ' sw o r l d . l n t h i s c a s e ,c o n v e n r i o n asl o c i a lr e a l i t y
,r...d ol1".ts and moral constraints'Goffrnan
on the micro-level: thar is to is a sacredobject; Garfinkel'sexperiments,violating the sacredobject, call
way that ,ho*s hc,* stlcial order is produced
Emotions II
lO Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses

fbr a tribal member, producingthar feelingof ordinariness,and into keepingourselves frorn see-
forth rhe sameeffecrsas would violating a ritual taboo
for a christian, or defaming the fiag for a patriot. In ing that work itself. Mundane reality is a "members'accomplishment.,'
d.r".oring rhe Bible In Goffmanand Durkheim, rhe ordinary-life,long lastingfeeringsare
moral sentiments attach to sacred objects. When rhey
Durkheimt rheory,
sentiment of moral solidarity turns negative, into somewharmore apparenr,These theoriesstresssolidarity,feelingsof mem-
are violated,this positive
the culprit. so in Carfinkel's experi- bership,and in Coffman'scase,feelingsabour one'sself. Theseare, if ev-
righreousanger direcred against Just
conven- erything goeswell, smoorhlypersistentsenrimenrs,rhough they may have
*.nrr, there is outrageagainstthe violator of everydaycognitive
parallels Durkheim's: to show the conditions that an "up" feelingtone, or a "down," depressed tclnein someimportantcases,
tions. Carfinkel'sstraregy
the opposition that occurs when it is bro- as I will demonstrate.Once we think about rhem, we readilyacceprrhese
uphotd a socialfact by revealing
crime as means of highlighting the social as part of the largerrealm of emorion.Solidariryfeelings,moral senriment,
ke.,. Du.kheim usedsuicide and
reality- the enthusiasmof pirching oneselfinto a sir,arion, or being carriedalong
solidaritythat is their opposite;Garfinkel extendedthe method to
by it; and at the other end, depression, alienation,embarrassment-these
constructionas a whole'
are recognizably longer lastingkinds of emorions.Carfrnkelianmundanity
Erhnomethodology's lack of explicit focuson emotionsis misleading.
is merelya genericemorionalquality at rhe middleof the plus-minusscale.
O n e c o u l d w e l l s a y r h a r e v c r y d a yI i f e r e a l i t y - c o n s t r u c t i (i )sna n e m o r i o n a l
My poinr is nor to enrer inro terminologicalcontroversy.It would
process,ancl rhat rhe emorionsthat uphold reality come forth in intense
be uselessfor us to define emotionsin such a way that we can only talk
frr* *h"., rhe social realiry is broken. Furthermore,Gartinkel has shown
about the dramaric,disruptiveemotions;whateverwe call them, we must
thar human cognirion is limited; social order cannot be basedon rational,
the also be able to talk abour the long-rermemorional tones, even rhe ones
consciousagreement.(Durkheim, 1893/1964,arguedthe same' but in
does not hold society to' that are so calm and srnoothas not to be noticed.In is
conrexrof criricizing urilitarianism.) lf cognition
ro leave this on the level of cog- rhe long lastingones (which I discr-rssbelow as emotionalenergy)rhar are
gether,rhen, what doesi carfinkel tends
of greatesrimportance.But I will also arremprto show that the dramaric,
iiriu" (mosrlyborrowedfronr Schutz);but it is a peculiarform of
short-ternremorionsare explainableagainsrthe backdrop.f rhe long-rerm
cognition, cognitive practicestbr httw to get by wichout too much-cogni'
riÄ. Eth.,o*"thodology seemsro have an mysteriousx-factor underlying
socialorder, which rhe very notion of indexicalityprohibitsus from prob-
ing. But let us take the plungeanyway:leavethe cognitiveplane, and rec- INTERACTIONRITL/AL(IR) AND EMOT]ONALENERGY(EE)
tlgnizethe x-factoras emotitln.
The basic model of riruaI interaction (iR) rhar I derive from
Durkheim has rhe followingelemenrs:
EA,IOTIONS ENERGY 1. A groupof minimum sizerwo assembled face-to-face. The sheerphysical
p r e s e n c oe i h u m a n a n i m a l si n r h e s a m ep l a c ei s a p r e c o n d i r i o nf o r r h e
This analysis(trces us to widen our conceptittnof emotion, our or-
emotionaland cognitive processes that foll,,rw.
dinarv usagerefersto emotionsas experiences that are, for the most part'
2. Focusof artention upon rhe sameobject or activity, and mutull aware-
suddenand drarnatic. "Don't be so etnotional" is advicepredicatedon this
nessof each other'sattention. Collective formalities,such as a church
conception.The famous emotions are the most dratnaticones:fear, terror,
serviceor polirical proJocol,are imporranr only becauserhey are one
anger,embarassment, joy, and so forth. Some people and someculturesare
currently trendy dis- easyway to focuscommon attention. But any circumstances in everyday
regar,,led as too "unemotional" (nore for example the
Iif'ethar focusatrenrionin this way (Coffman, i967, citesordinary con-
purrg.^.rr, of "WASP" culture). But both Coffman and Carfinkel tbrce us
versationsas an example)have the effectof producinga ritual situation.
ro ,.. th"r" are also emorions thar are undranratic; they are long-lasting'
mundane The crucial featureis that individua[sbecomecaught up in a groupac-
underlyingronesor moods, that permeare social life. Carfrnkel's
that rhis is a tivity, in which they are nrutuallyawareof what each orher is tJoing.
reality, for example,is characterized by the feeling-l stress
"nothing of the ordi' This makesthe group itself rhe focusof arrenrion,as a rransindividual
feeling rarher rhan an explicir cognition-that out
f r o m t h e p ornt reality, influencing membersfronr oursidewlrile permearingrheir con-
n a r y i s h a p p e n i n gh e r e . "T h i s i s a n u n i n t e r e s t i n egm o t l ( ' n ,
went tnto s c i o u s n e sf rso m w i r h i n .
of view of the actor but, if Carfinkel is right, considerable work
Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses Transient Emorions lj

group, and is able to be an energy-leader, a personwho stirs up contagious

enthusi- feelingswhen the group is rogerher.
;;;;;; ;, the outset.The feelingsmav be anger'friendliness'
model posits an emotional con- Ar the low end of the emotionalenergyconrinuum, the opposrteis
asm, fear,sorrow,or many others' This
are focussing attention on the case.Low emotionalenergyis a lack of is
tagion among the personspresent' for they
focus; they become caught not attractedto the group;one is drainedor depressed by it; one wanrsto
ii? ,r*" thing ancl ,r" u*ui. of each other's
mood becomes avoid it. one does not have a good self in rhe group. And one rs not
i" other'semotions' As a result,the emotional
"p are driven out by the attachedto the group'spurposesand symbols,but alienatedfrom rhern.
;;;; and more don-rinant;competingfeelings
seelns to happenby There are more differenriatedvarianrsof emorionalenergyas well,
*.'""r.oro feeling.On the ultra-microlevel' this
(Chapple' 1981; besidesrhis up/down,higvlow in solidariryand enthusiasm.\ue will see
;i; p;.".'t of rhfthmic entrainment phvsiologicallv
r n d e m o t i o n sh a v e their below rhere are two major dimensionsof stratification(powerand sratus)
M c i l e l l a . t d , 1 9 8 5 ) .T h a t i s t o s a y 'a c t i v i t i e s
place' As the focus of that producespecificqualitiesof emotionaIenergy.Bur while we are con-
own micro'rhythm, a pace in which they take
more attuned' rhe participants antic- sideringthe main, genericlevel of emotionaIenergy,I will mention one
"in the swingof more Durkheimian feature.Emorional energy is not jusr somerhingthat
,pr,.-.*n other's,hvitt*t, and thus becomecaughtup
19?9; \Tarner et al'' pumpsup some individualsand depresses orhers.Ir also has a controlling
t'hings"(Wohlstein and McPhail, lg?9; Warner'
in the course of a success- quality from the group side. Emorional energy is whar Durkheim (1912/
1983"; Gregory,i9B3). Participantsfeel sadder
audienceat a comedy 1954) called "moral senrimenr":ir includesfeelingsof what is right and
ful f,rneral, more humorou, u, pu" of a respcinsive
a party' more engrossed in wrong, moral and immoral. Individuals,who are full of emotionale.ergy,
show,more convivial during the build-upof
feel like good persons;rhey feel righreousabour what rhey are doing. per-
a conversationas its rhythms becomeestablished'
builcl-upof emotionaIcoordinationwirhin sonswith low emotional energyfeel bad. Though rhey do nor necessarily
4. The ourcomeof a successful
The emotions interpretthis feelingas guilt or evil (that would dependon the religiousor
an interactionritual is to producefeelingsof solidarity'
(in no. 3 above) are transient;the o t h e r c u l t u r a lc o g n i t i o n sa v a i l a b l ef o r l a b e l l i n gr h e i r f e e l i n g s )a, t a . m i n i -
rhat are ingredientsof the rirual
rhe feelings of attachment to mum, they lack rhe feeling of being morally good persons,which comes
outcomehoweveris a long'term emotion,
at that time' Thus' in the funerirl ritual from enthusiasticparticipationin group rituals.
the group that was
"rr"*ül"d but the main "ritual work" of the These feelingsof moral solidaritycan generarespecificacts of alrru-
the short-termemotion was sadness,
funeralwas producing(or restoring) group solidarity'The emotional in' ism and love; but rhere is also a negativeside. As Durkheim pointecrout,
gredientsof a party *uy b. friendliness or humor; the long-ternrresultis group solidaritymakesindividualsfeel a desireto defendand honor rhe
group.This solidariryfeelingis rypicallyfocussed on symbols,sacredob;ecrs
the feelingof statusgroup menrbership'
(like a tribal roremicemblem, a Bible or Koran or orher holy scriprure,a
(EE) (Col- flag, or a weddingring). One showsrespecrfor rhe group by parriciparing
I referro theselong-termoutcomesas "emotionalenergy"
undifferentiated term' that includes various in ritua[s veneraringthese symbolicobjecrs;conversely,failure to respecr
tins, 1981). This is a ,"the,
component' I suggest' is very energy- them is a quick tesr of nonmembershipin the group. Ir appearsrhat indi-
components.The most important
enthusiasm, vidualswho are alreadymembersof rhe rirual group are unclerespecially
like. It is a conrinuu*, ."ngi.,g from a high end of confidence,
middle range of lesser states' and to a strongpressure to continue ro respectirs sacredsymbols.If they do not, the
good self-feelings;down through a
and negative self-feelings' Emo- loyal group membersfeel"shock and ourrage,that is their righreousness
io* ..rd of depression,lack of initiative,
concept of "drive" (e'g' in Hull's turns automaticallyinro righteousanger.In this way,rirual violarionslead
tional energy is like the psychological
energy to persecutionof hererics,scapegoats, and other outcasts.
system),but it ho, a specilicallysocialorientation' High emotional
for social interaction. lt is the
is a feeling of conficienceand enthusiasm
ritual solidarity wirh a 5. Ritualsshapecognirions.The main objecrsor ideasthar wererhe focus
personal,id. of having a greatdeal of Durkheimian
from participaring in of artention during a successful
rirual becomeloadedwith emotional
g.oup. One gets pumpedup with emorionalstrength
overtones.Those ideasor things becontesymbols;whareverelse rhe
the group'sinteraction.This makesone not only an enthusiasticsupporter
wirh the ideas may refer to on the mundane level, there is also a deeper,
of ,ho gio,-,p,but also a leadingfigure within it' One feelsgood
34 and SocialMacroProcesses
Durkheimianlevel on which symbolsinvoke membershipin the group
in these
that chargedrhem up with ritual significance. f:r,ui,;:laot::"Jil:j:il:,äl.n read
It is in this way that societygets inside the individual'smind. Our power Rit,ars'
whar am calling the dimension
lives consisrof a seriesof interactions,someof which generatemore ritual .r
facrorsrhar bring togerher of power is arl rhose
inai'iJr?t^*ho are unequal
solidarity than others. (This is what I refer ro as "interaction ritual in rheir resources
chains.") The high-solidarityrituals give individualsa store of cognitions :ä:,,iiläl:.rll. ",i.., ,,r" "d;,ä;;,.,, ,.,.,*,",u.,,on
thar thev carry around with rhem, and use to think and communicare
rvith. Wheneversomeonethinks in termso[conceptsthat werethe focusof i;:,tx:t :n:::I;l,I^:ä"1::J:*?1
cus, which buildsup as the rirual
.r...rrti,f proceeds.(As
a successfirl interactionritual, they are subjectivelyreinvokingthe feelings possibrethar the ritual wiil always,it is also
ror o..."J rr.cersfr1y, rhar
of membershipin that group. We are, to speakin the idiom of Symbolic inro avoidanceor con'ict; it wi'.
however,ter us deal *ith
lnteraction, imagining society in our minds; it would be more accurate, rarery')The focusof a prwer thrt ,.ou_
rituar is ,i" o.o."r, of giving
however,to saythat we f-eelthe emotionsof socialsolidarityin the various ders' As many organizationar and raking or-
srucries rto* (.p".iary the classic
ideaswirh which we rhink. This helps explain why personswho derive infbrmalwork grorrps,many of studiesof
wrrichare usecras an empiricar
emotionalenergyfrom group interactionscontinue to have emotional en- m a n , 1 9 5 9 ) ,r h e o r d e r - t a k e r s baseby Goff-
do nor n"."rlnritv.u.r, o*.rl,J.;;r,orders;
ergyeven when they are alone.They are pumpedup with emotionalenergy fur tl'rat nrarrer' the bossesd;
expect rhem ro do so, ,r
becauseof a successful interaction;this energygetsattachedto ideas,and know very crearrywhat they *u.r, "";-;i;;; 'gut even
aon.. trrecrucial irem of artention
thinking rhose ideas allows these individualsto feel a renewedsurge of sh.wing respe* tb1,^tfe.orde.,r,rrU" is
chargeof a Coffmanianfrontsrag. '."*ess irself. Order_giversare rn
socially-based enthuasism. p"ko.*un.e; rhey take the
I have couched this on the positive side, in terms of personswirh initiarive in
,ü ,p;;tJ ,i" o.gonr,u,ionar
high emotionalenergy.The samewould apply on the negativesideas well. ;,H, ;:j[l,,ä::ccessrul,
Äuu. , c;tr";;;;; ,,rront.
Personswith low emotional energylack the chargeof ideaswith solidarity; person,,,,r,,,
or.t t "i* i"n;;;;, orde t!::..rJ?::rXT,.,,
and their ideasmay even be chargedwith anripathyto particular groups. r-g
r", ",.,.,,.1.,
(\fe shall see how this firs situarionsof group stratification.)This carries power-rituals;
and their .irrul ,ra.,." ^rt",
,t,"*r"I""; l";;i ä,ri.,rv*Uot,
over into their subjective lives; they are depressed even when they are of the organizarion'Their
cognir,";r;; rhe ,,officiar,,
sort (seeevidence
alone, and their thoughtsmove awayfrom the symbolsof groupsthat make summarizedin Collins, Ig75;
them depressed. Thus, emotionally-charged symbolsmotivate individuals
when they are awayfrom rirual encounters.
:: id.J::#äif:ffI;:ffi :T,::
tary force (as in che ;,,[:T,iil;iffi :
ies),,or u,'ri.; i,i,f ilJ;.'fi ;T;...r;..".1il
privileges,or chances
of p.o*otän-_,.fjä'U, bosses,
personsin authority.The reachers,and orher
situationof raking orders,
The model of interactionritualsgivesus the generalprocessof inter- itself alienating. Buc persons of beingcoerced,is in
sublect to aut-horityusuary
action. IR's themselvesare variable, insofaras rituals can be successfulor cannot evade ir
j;;;HT,J;:::'.,::,.. rrpually
in no.,-,truol
unsuccessful: that is, how much fricusand emotional contagion acrually *h-".,th.y
takesplace, irnd therefore,how stronglythe participantsbecomeattached nianbackstag;;h;;"h.r,iil::i:1,:iiT"*';.J;,.'i[*::*l^*-;i.
to membershipsymbols.This will dependon a number of conditions:(rr) mal work rourine in which
,1,"v pr,-*';;;ä".,.r,
eccllogicalfäcrors,which allow or force groupsro come togerher,and in sense,rhe order-raking performance.In this
clar.eshaue , :;Ur.trrr*. personality.,,
what sizeand frequency;(b) motivationalfactors,which affecthow attrac- Order-rakersnevertheless
,r. ;o;J'ro b.. pr.r.nt ar order-grving
tive particular kinds of inreracrionsare for parricularindividuals;and (c) ,ld, ol" requiredto
llill': sive
material resourceswhich individualsuse ro put on the sragingof rituals, I hey and rheir boss ";1";;J;;;;u1i.,i.,, assenrar thar momenr.
rutunily recognize
the initiative in the .n.i-nrtr.r', posirion,anrr who
that is, rhe materialpropsfor focussingattenrionand for generatingcertain rituar .n".r*Jni.-rilr,';;*". has
rituarsare an asymmer-
36 Emotionsand SocialMacrerPrt>cesses
Emotions t7
rical variant on Durkheimianinteracrionrituals.There is a focusof atten- army troopsridicule rl.rerheroricof
rion, on rhe order-givingprocess.But the emotionsthac are invoked are come, sorospea k,.,nega
J|iL,'JJ ir.i.rT-
constrained;there is a tone of respect,of going along with whar the order- ble, a suc-ldenly
liberated nr,l"r-t.king .irr, *r.rf." ;.ö;.:
giver is demanding.The more coerciveand extremethe powerdifferential, symborsthar ir fornierryhad. to bow jK,o, wirhour on rhe
rhe more emotionalcontagionthere is. The medievalpeasant,or rhe child careerchancesin rhe
academicsysrem,who are forced !,,.
order-irk.., in schoors,thus
who is being beaten,are forced to put rhemselvesinto a state of compli- of vandalismand orher forms of "d;;;r*.," rend ro acts
ance, of going along with what the master/parent/authority figurewants. It dire.etr preciseryar rhe ,,sa-
cred objects" in whose name rhey
are subordinarecr: cohen, 1g55.) It is
is a coercedfocusof attention; the order-rakerhas ro try hard to anticipate also possibrethat order-rakers hori rh" iu*r.rr.t symbolsin
what the order-giverwanrs.Conversely,rhe order-giverusescoercionpre- persririousrespecr'thar is, if rhey a kind of su-
are so rightry.....J ,i", ,n1."
cisely in order to feel this masteryover rhe subordinate's mind, to "break opporrunirvfrrr distancingrhenrserves, ,, r,r,t"
no backsrag",i;,;;i;;
their will." (Cf. my analysisof torture, in Collins, 19Bla.) Lesscoercive rerreatfrom their nrasters,surveiilance, they can
fornrsof order-givinghave correspondingly ,h"y or" ritually forcedro show
lesspowerfulritual effects. s p e c rf o r t h e s a c r e ds y m b o l su r r , re-
r i * " s . T h u s a r i r " sl r r " ; r " r . i r e r a r n e r , ,
According to this theory, a successful order-givingritual coercesa menra[iry'found among long-rime,, and peasanrs (and in a differenr
strong mutual focus of attention, and producesstrongly sharedemorion. conre'xt'amongchirdrenwho are
strongrycoercedby their
Bur it is a heavily mixed emotion. Insofaras there is successful role-taking srronglycontrolled, and given.nn, but arso
oppi.,.rur_,ities ro rebel). The difference
on both sides(and that is at the core of any successful ritual), the order- berweenrheserwo kinds of ora.r-rof"rri
giver feels both hisiher own senriment of masrery,and rhe order.takers' li*ritua., dependsprimariry upon
coercive .n.,,.,rt is continuous,
feelingsof weakness. On the other side, rhe order-takerhas a mixrureborh breaksinto backsrage or allows
of his/her own negative emorions-weakness/depression, fear-and rhe I have schemaricalryoutrined
mood of the dominator,which is srrongemotionalenergy,dominance,and two porar.rypes of parricipation
power riruars:order-givinganti in
order-tokrng(fbrmally ,tat"d in
anger. I proposerhat this is why persons,who are severelycoerced(con. 1 9 7 5 : 7 3 - 5 ' )B u r p o w e r - r i t u a l s collins,
a r e a c o n t i n u u m .T h e r ea r e s e v e r a r
centrationcamp inmates,marine corps recruits,beatenchildren), tend on positionsin the middle between k i n c i so f
,h" personswho are order-
one level to identify with the aggressor, and will enacr rhe aggressor's role transmrtters,who rake orders from "*,r.r"r:
some trbove tl_,". n.,cl
when possiblein the future. They have an emorionalcomplexof fear and othersbelow;I suggesrrhar these ,,u""o".,ta., n,
i^d;;;J;r; ten.r ro brentirhe order-givers
anger,althoughsituationallythe f'earside is dominanrwhen rhey are raking and order-takers culture rnto a narrow and rigicl,,bureaucraric
orders.Conversely,I proposethat order-givers,who use extremecoercion, There is anorherkind of mi,Jpolni pers.nality.,,
i.,*.." exrremes:rhe personwhcr
acquiresado-masochistic personaliries,
becauseof the role-rakingthar goes neithergivesnor takesorders,
bur'who t;;;;;il:n":":^t^".:::
on, thus blendinganger/dominanrfeelingswith a senseof rhe fear and pas- .,,.hong!,
sivity that they invoke in their subordinates. _Ä^,rr",:;ö'ä:,::'i;',li: ;: :t:,,r._Xl
dimensionon which rhere is effectivery
no'p.*.r, rherefore,the effects
Powerrituals thus producecomplexemorions.Order-givers and order- order-givingand order-raking of
are u.rr-' ."rlrr. In orrier
takerssharethe dominance/anger/fear/passivity complex,bur in very differ- k> explain whar
ar rhisneurral.'t"u"t
.,tpn*l wemustrurnro rhesrarus
ent proportions.They also sharean orientation towarddominant symbols, ;"
but again with a differentblend of emorions.Order-giversidentify them-
selveswith the sacredobjectsof their organization;they respectthesesynr- sratus Ritrars' I arn using the
term "status" in an senserhat
bols as ideals,and are foremostin requiringorher people ro kowrow ro differenrfrom-orclinary.Srrtr, is slighrly
,."r;;;*;r-;"rr"d ,,, a generalterm for hi-
them too. This is the conservarismof dominanr classes,their self- e.rarchicaldifferencesof all kinds. Br, ;;;;
appoinredmotivation as uphcllders of tradirion, as resrorers
of law and or- thingclose
der, and righteousuprootersoi hereticsand deviants. group'" The ftrncramentar r::tj:i::.:,:. :ff;
Garurehere is b"rungiugor not
Order-takers, on rhe other hand, have an ambivalenrarritudetoward too rs a confinuunr; in beronging.This
everyclaylife, it appears as
rhe dominant symbols.They are alienatedfrom these symbols,and pri- unpopulariry.i populariry vs.
vately speakand think of rhem cynically,if rhey can ger awaywith it (see T h i s d i m e n s i o no f
evidencesummarized in Gans, 1962:229-262).Thus, the modernworking the sensethat any individual . m e m b e r s h ivps . n o n m e n r b e r s i riisp a n a l y r i c a l i, n
| :_ _-_ ^_^u.. ^t:^_^,^J (nn.l n,'ryl.,.rr.u""t can
f.,__ rho hr,sinecs irlpels of their bosses. and ro where ir standsin terms be classifiecl borh as
of starusmembership,and
Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses TransientEmotions j9

is pro- groupsrespondwith anger and fear (especiallyif rituals are backedup

inequality.That meansthat every individual,and every interaction, by
and power effects. The power ef' coercionon rhe powerdimension).Can there be ritual violationsin loose
du.i.,g borh status rnembershipeffects,
is no order-giving and order-taking cosmopolitangroups,where rhere is lessintensityand conformityl yes, be-
Älrr, io*.u.r, mighr be zero, if there
order- causethere can be violarionsof the appropriately casualand sociablerone
i n r h a r s i t u a t l o n ;o n r h e q r h e r h a n d , e v e n e x t r e m es i t u a r i o n so f
the group is assembled and of interaction. Goffman (1959, 1967) concenrraredmosr of his analysis
giving also have a statusdimension,insofaras
upon situationso[ cosmopolitaninteractions,and depictedjust such viola-
somemembershipfeelingsare being generated'
tions and their sanctions.FollowingGoffman, I would suggestthat persons
In whar ways can individuals differ in their status participationl
here. First considerhow the ritual situa- in thesesituationsrespondby amusementro minor rirual violario.,,ty oth-
There are severalsubdimensions
ers, and with embarrassment, contempt, and a desireto excludeperpetra-
tign irself is structured.How much doesthe individual participate/Is he/
tors of more seriousviolarions of rhe sociableorder. The personswho
she alwaysthere, alwaystaking part in the interaction rituals, alwaysa
commit theseGoffmaniansacrileges feeI anxiety and embarrassment.
member of the groupl or is he/she isolated,never or rarely a member?
This, then, is my set of hyporhesesabout how the variousdimensions
Along that conrinuum, we can see peoplewho are on the fringesof the
of interactionritual affectemotions.By way of summary,let us recapitulate
g.oup, 1ur, barely members,barely participating;others are nearer to the
the model, firsr in terms of the effectson long-termemorions(emotional
.or", *hile ar the center is the sqciometricstar, the personwho is always
energy),and then in their effectson short-term,rranslrorvemotlons.
most inrense[y involved in rhe ritual interaction. This person is the
Durkheimianparricipanrof the highestdegree,and should be sublect to
the strongesteffectsof ritual membershipthat we examinedabove:emo' EFFECTSON LONC-TERMEMOTIONS:
tional energy,moral solidarity,and attachmentto group symbols.At the EMOTIONAL ENERGY(EE)
other end, there is the Durkheimian nonmember,who receivesno erno-
The IR chain model, as previouslysrated,proposesthat inclividuals
tional energy,no moral solidarity,and no symbolicattachments'
Every individual may be calibratedsomewherealong this dimension' acquireor lose emotional energy in both power and srarusinteractions.
order-giversgain EE, order-rakerslose it; successful
from central participant to outsider.\7e could measurehow often and how enactmentof group
membershipraisesEE, experiencingmarginaliryor exclusionlowersit. Fur-
centrallythey participatein membershiprituals, and give them a scoreon
ther, the arnounrof EE gained by statusgroup membershipis weightedby
their overall Durkheimiansolidarityor their "socialdensityof interaction."
the rankingof the groupone has participatedin (asc.nveyedby the mem-
My hypothesisis that this correlateswith emotional energy and m,lral
bershipconnorationsof the symbolsthat were used in rhar encounter).
This is to say,srarusgroupscan be addirionallyrankedby the powerof their
There is anorhersubdimensionof statusgroup participation.In what
membersin the larger society;there are communiriesmade up of upper-
kinds of groupsdoesone participarellt may be alwaysthe samegroup; in
classorder-givers,of working-classorder-takers,and so forth; here the
rhis casewe ger local solidarity.According to Durkheimian theory, this
membershipcommunity can also carry an indirect reflectionof the power
should pro<Juce strong attachment to reified symbols,literal-mindedness,
relations,even when they are "off duty." Successfully usinghigh-sratus
u.,d o ,i.o.rg barrier berweeninsidersand outsiders.There is high confor- sym-
bols in an encounterboth generareslocal solidarity,and a feelingof hieh
rnity within the group, along with strong distrust of outsidersand alien
rank; whereassuccesslully generaringsolidariryin a low-rankinggroupgen-
erateslessEE. Interaction;ritualsare connecredin chainsover time, with
At the other end of this subdimension,there is participation in a
the resultsof the lasr inreracrion(in emotionsand symbols)becomingrn-
loosenetwork consisringof many differentkinds of groupsand situations.
puts for the next inreracrion.Thus, EE tendsto cumulare(eirherposirively
This is a cosmopolitannetworkstructure.The Durkheimianrheory predicts
o r n e g a t i v e l yo) v e r t i m e .
the result will be more individualism,more relativistic attitudestowards
"Emotionalenergy",however,is rather generalmetaphorthat needs
svmbols.and rnoreabstractrather than concreterhinking. Statedin terms
to be unpacked.I believethat there is a generalcomponenr,an overall
of emotions,this impliesthat personsin cosmopolitannetworkshave rela-
level of being "up" or "down." Bur rhis is an overflow of more soecific
tively weak feelingsof conformityto group symbols,emotionalcoolnessof
e m o t i o n a el n e r g i e sE. m o t i r n a le n e r g yi s s p e c i f i cr o p a r r i c u l a kr i n d s, . r fs l r u -
tone, and generalrrusr in a wide rangeof interactions.When synrbolsare
ations;it is a readiness for action, which manitesrsirselfin taking rhe ini-
violated or ritual proceduresgb badly, rhe membersof right, localized

40 Emotions and Social Macro Processes Transienr

Emorions 4l

tiarive in particular sorts of social relationships or

with particular persons'z rhan high EE.aI hypothesize that experiencear rhe low end of the power
Thus, theie is EE specific to power situations-expecting
to dominate, or dimensionbringsdepression: low energy,and lossof motivation. But this
be dominated; as well as an EE specific to status situations-expecting to may happenonly when order-takers experiencea strong degreeof uncon-
be a central member, or a marginal clne, or not t() be accepted at all. Fur- trollability;when their lack of control is only moderate,th"y ."y rypicaily
particular net- respondby anger,rhat is, by a remporaryincreasein the output of EE, as
thermore, these emotional energies tend to be specific to
persons feel full of vigorousreacranceagainstthe situarion rhat is controlling them (Frijda,
works and groups, or particular kinds of them: some
not l986: 290).
confidence and initiative in a party clf professionalacquaintances, but
negotiation, but Negativeexperienceon the statusdimensi.n, however,mav have a
in a sexual situation; some feel confidence in a business
differenteffecr.I suggesrthar [ailureof membershrpin a groupritual brings
not a political one'
i.opt" n)Lrve rhrough rhe chain of encounrers that make up their
a degreeof depression commensurare with the socialfailure.Kemper(1978)
howeverarguesrhat low statusmay bring anger as weil as shame.scheff
daily lives on an up-and-down flow of EE: They are more attracted towards
(1987a' l987b) argues rhar exclusion from membershipbrings
certain situations than orhers, and sometimes f'eel disinterest or repulsion. shame,
which may producea spiral with rage(i.e. anger). Iwoulj u,
In each situation as ir unfolds, their own emotional and cultural resources,
meshing or failing to mesh with rhose of the people they meet, determine
a form of low EE, with rhe specificcognirivecomponenrdirectedtowarcls
to what extent the lR will be successfuland unsuccessful.These outcomes,
one's social image (i.e. s'cial membership)in a particulargroup. Anger
in rurn, raise or lower EE. The end result is motivirtion to repeating those occurswhen there is an abrupr negativechangein expectecl,o.i^l *"m-
sorts of encounrers with particular persons and to avoid them with others. bershipfeelings,rhat is, it is a short-termemoriondue to rhe disruotionof
Emotional energy manifesrs irself both physically irnd psychologically, expectations;the long-term effect of membershiploss is nevertheless de-
but its underlying basis-rhe form in which it is "stored," so to speak-is pression'Hence, there is no long-term increasein vigor of the sort that
probably not as energy per se. EE has some cognitive conrponent; it is an angry reactilncebrings for moderatelevelsof put down on the power di-
expecrarion of being able 16 dominate particular kinds of situations, or to mension,
_rharis, when rhere are a strucruralopportunitiesfor mobilizins
*"*bership in parricular groups. The cognitive side of this is that reDeuron.-
"no.t (parricularized memories as well as generalized ideas or emblems) The main long-termemotionalenergiesresultingfrom stratifiedinter-
have emotiqnal energy attached to them, in the sense that the symbols call action, rhen, are: (a) high levelsof enrhusiasm, confidence,and inirrarrve,
f o r t h a h i g h o r l c , wd e g r e eo f i n i t i a r i v e i n e n a c t i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p su s i n g resultingfrom either poweror statussiruarions;(b) low levelsof the same
rhose symbols. But rhis is not a process of conscious calculation, of the
(i.e' depression,shame), resulringagain from eirher power
or status;(c)
a6or rhinking "l will get a good feeling of power or status if I interact with anger,which resultsfrom moderarelevelsof negariveexperience(l believe,
so-and-so."l Instead, certain symbols come to mind, or appear in the ex- largelyon the powerdimension,althoughpossiblyon the srarusdimenslon
ternal environment, and spark off propensities (positive or negative) for a s w e l l ) , p a r r i c u l a r l yi n s i r u a r i o n w
s h e r et h e r ea r e s u f f i c i e npr o s s i b i l i t i eosf
social action. The "expecrarion" may work on a subconsciouslevel. lt is an fighting back' There is one orher long-term emorional disposition;the
anticipation of being able to coordinate with someone else's responses'of amount of rrustor disrrustof other people.Ar rhe trust end of the contin.
smoorhly raking rheir role in the ongoing flow of the interaction, and thus uum, this simply manifestsitself as high EE, willingnessro rake inirrarrve
anticiparing the build-up of emotional force that goes on within a success- towardscertain socialsituations.At the distrustend, it comesout as fearof
ful IR. The processof "rhythmic entrainment" of the ultra-micro aspectsof particular situati<rns.I suggesrthat disrrust/fearis attached to particular
interacrion is the mechanism by which emotional contagion occurs within structuralconfigurations,namely,distrustof thosewho are oursidersro the
a successful interaction. Thus, there is a very fine-grained, micro- local group; ir is the resultof rhe srructuralsubclimension of sratusgroup
anriciparion rhat happens within the interaction itse[f (on a level down to
i n t e r a c r i o ni,n w h i c h r h e r ei s r i g h t l o c a Ic l o s u r eo f g r o u pb o u n d a r i e s .
fractions of a second), as well as a more fttng-term expectation of being
able ro enter inro such micrtt-coordination wirh parricular kinds of peopre' SHORITERM OR DRAMAT/C EMOT/ONS
"Emotion:rl energy" exists as a c()mplex of these kinds of expectations, a
priming for successfulritual interaction in particular settings. Most researchon em.tion has focussed'n rhe short-term,dramatrc
The low end of EE is depression,manifested in withdrawal, both from
e.motions:the "phasic" rather than the "tonic," the outburstsrhat disrupr
ewnrecci'pnpc. rnri rcri.,itrr l)enrecsion mav he r m()re c,-rmnlex or()cess the ongoing flow of acrivitv (Friida. 1986: 2. 4. g0) Mrr erorrmp-r i. th-r
42 Emotions and Social Macro Processes
Emorions 4l
rhe short-termemotionsare derivedtiom the baselineof emotionalenergy; Anger is generaredin severalways. psychologica.lry,
rhat ir is againstthe backdropo[ an ongoingflow of emotionalenergythat garded as the capaciryto^mobirir" anger is ofren re-
.., ro overcome a barrier
p a r t i c u l a rd i s r u p r i v ee x p r e s s i o nasr e s h a p e d .S u r p r i s e f, o r e x a m p l e ,i s a n ongoingefforts(Frijda, 19g6:lg, to one,s
77). Thls-*ea.,, thar the ,r;;;,
abrupt reactionto somethingthat rapidlyand severelyinterruptsthe flow should be proporrional to rhe amounr of anger
of ,"d..1;;;;';;;;"il, is, the
of current activity and artention. This is also the generalpattern of more amounrof emotionalenergyone has
for that particularproject. High
important short-termemotions. tional energymay arsobe.cailed "aggressiveness,,, emo_
The positiveemotionsbecomeintenselargelybecauseof a contagious the strong taking of ini-
riative. This can have the .ocial
build-upduring an interactionritual. This is the casewith enthusiasm,joy, rowering theiremorionar energy, ""ff".t
r;;-;i Tri:ü'lffit rr$l::l**l
and humor: all o[ thesebuild up in socialsituationsas the resultof a suc- This impriesthat rhere is a connecrion
berween. rhe genericquariryof high
cessfulritual. Psychological analysistendsto take theseemotionsfrom the emotional energy-especiallythe EE generated
in power siruarions-and
individualviewpoint. For example,joy is explainedas the resultof the mo- the expressionof the specificemorion
äf ,.,g"..
mentary expectationof successin someactivity (Frijda, 1986:i9). This is The disruptiveform of anger'ho*"u.r,
is more compricared.That is
sometimestrue; bur I am suggestingthat joy and enthusiasmare particu- becauseanger in irs inrenseforÄs is
an e*prosiue,";;;;ill, trur,rr-
larly strong when an assembled group is collectivelyexperiencingthis ex- rions' Truly powerfurpersonsdo not
becomeangry in this sense,because
pectationor achievementof success(e.g., fans at a game). Further, the they do nor need to; rhey ger rheir *r, .,uUf,or,
it. For a powerfulpersonro
group itself by successful emotionalcontagioncan generareits own enthu- expressanger is thus to some extent
an expressionof *eakness. Ho*"u",
siasm(which is what a party does). personswho are powerlurcan afford
to become
.angry; their p.wer-angeris
These kinds of positive emorionaloutburstsare relativelyshort and
temporaryin their effects.They happenagainsta baselineof previousemo-
tional energy;for a group ro establishthis kind of rapport, irs members
orher person-it is an expression :?t.*i
of their confidencethar they wi,
need to have previouslychargedup somesymbolswirh positiveatrracrron, to mobilizean enforcementcoaririon be abre
to coerce that person'rntocompli.
so that rhesesymbolscan be usedas ingredientsin carryingout a successful ance, or to destroytheir resistance.
Thus, previousstoresof EE determrne
ritual. A previouscumulationo[ emotionalenergyis thus one of the ingre- when and how someonewill express
;;l.rlr" anger.6
dients in making possiblethe situationalbuild-upof posiriveemorion. Fre- The most violer
guently,the positiveemotions(joy, enthusiasm,humor) are generatedby a overcomingasrrons; [:l;::. i]:ffiru*:: ';15,i;
group leader,an individual who takesrhe focus,who is able to propagare srrong, rhe feeling is fear, nor
'a 1l:[ :T,:,.l,r,i
anger. prio, build-up of fear,
sucha mood from rheir own sroresof emorionalencrgy.Thus, this individ- eventuallymasteredby which is
.winning a confrict, thus tencrsto resurtin
ual servesas a kind of battery for group emotionalexpressiveness. Persons bursrof anger ar just the *nm"n, an out.
.i r".ii* sure of the victory. Viorent
who occupy this posirion in IR chains are whar we think of as "charis- arrocrriesin warfaretend to happen
in rhis kin, of situation.
matic." In general,personalitytraits are jusr these resultsof experiencing and analysis,seeCollins, 1989.) 1ro.
p a r t i c u l a rk i n d s o f I R c h a i n s . ( T h i s i s r r u e a r t h e n e g a r i v ee n d a s w e l l , Personswho are weak do not
manifest anger in the same way. I
resultingin depressed, angry, and arrogantpersons,etc.) gest it is onry when rhey have sug-
enough resourcesto be abre to
Love and sexualpassion(especiallythe larter) also are situationally resisrance (or at leasrsonresociarpriun.y, mounr some
a separatesocialcircle in which
generatedemotions. They are most intenservhen rhere is an emotional they can urter symbolic,t[reats)
,Ä", *.^f.-O"rsons,order-rakers, have an-
contagionwithin the group (usuallya very small group of two persons), ger' This followsfrom the principle
thar the core of angeris the mobiliza-
focusingon preciselythis emotion. Again, rhe previousexperiencein IR tion of energyto overcomean
obstacre.rt is only *hel there
chains(in this case,especial[yinteractionsthat consrirurea sexualmarket- socialbasesofsupport ro generare ,r.'".,orgt
EE that one can reactto a frustration
place)determinethe baselineof emotionalenergy,which is availablero be this case,beingdominarid) Uv (in
mobilizing,ng.r. p.*ons who are
arousedin this way. (i'e' structurallythey lack roo weak
resources or spacern which ro nrobilizeany
The negariveshort-rermemotionsare even more clearly related to <lther
EE)' do not react to being dominated
the baselineof emotionalenergy. :ä'.*"lit"d bv ,r,g.., t,,r by
44 Emotions and Social Macro Processes
Transient Em<>tions
In betweenthesetwo situationsthere are selectiveoutburstsof anger. rhe srarusdimension)are taken
as a rhrearro the powerhierarchy
This is rhe targetedangerthat individualsfeel againstparticularother per- iru
sons. I suggestthat this occursbecausetheseindividualsare structuralri- Righteousanger is a particularly
inrenseemotion becauserr
vals in the nrarket of social relationships,for example, two women pressedwith a srrongsenseof securiry, rs ex-
indiridurl, Äei ,r-'"rö have the
competingfor the same man, or two intellectualscompetingfor rhe same communiry'ssupport, and nor merely
in a roosesense.Righteousanger
audience.Here one does not feel angry againstsomeonewho is stronger an emotion thar is an evocation is
.f the organizednetwork thar has
than oneself(rebelliousanger), nor againstsomeoneweaker (dominance previouslyestabrished ro use viorence.persons,who
anger);rather,this is a caseof someonefrustratingone'sown projects,The feerrighteousangerare
evoking their feeringof membership
in an enftrrcement coalirion.
angerhere is not really "personal";there is no role-raking(as in the dom- woutdpoinrto rhefact.thu,,h" *o* u_i"n,
inance/subordination forms of anger) ahhough the rargeris a person,and ..",r1jr".;;*ill;, pr.,irl,-
the underlyingstructure is a social one; it is only an accidenr thar the
obstacleto one'sgoalshappensto be a person.
ievar 0,,., :; l; :"1,"T
*on,l1n il ä:"::: iä:,::il, *;i:::" ll
tribal societies)occur.wherethe poriticar
Another especiallyDurkheimianform of shorr-rermemorion is ngh- f rheir ordinary operarions,,nd ,r.
nr"n,, are both highrycoercivein
teousanger.This is the emocionaloutbursr, sharedby a group (perhapsled
by particular personswho act as its agents)againstpersonswho violare
i:i. l i n s , l 9 8 t a ; D o u s l a s ,t - , 9 ! 6 ,t g ' i ) .
acriue il enforcinggroup cultures(cor-
H e r e s yr r i a l su n a u ä t " * , u " r i
menrshave disappeared preciseryrn th. i"g.." of rhe o"^,rf,-
separationof church
its sacredsymbols.It is group anger againsra herericor scapegoar.Such ir and srare; ir is where these spheres
irn"-oo*., hierarchyand the sratus
angeronly happenswhen there is a previouslyconsritutedgroup; one can 1 c o m m u n r r v a) r e l u s e d , t h a t . r i g h t e o u s
a n g e ri s m o s rp r e v a r e n rI.n s o m e
predict that righteousanger is proportional to the amounr o[ emorional ::i
gree, however,the porirical hierarchy de-
i:'l ,r-iii ."rnnin, the focusof srarusrrr_
charge o[ membershipfeelingsaround parricular synrbols.The amount uals, rhat is, claims ro a .orn*u^i,f as well as an organizarion
of such charge,in rurn, is highestwhere rhe group has high socialdensity wielding power' This makes .be for
ir possibrero mobirizedeviance.hunring
and a local (rather than cosmopolitan)focus.!7here the group nerworks form of starusinrrusion into the political as a
are diffuseand cosmopoliran,on the other hand, I suggestthat the shorr- ,ph".;: ;r;; ,.'.j"ri"",, 0,u".-
entiatedmodern socieries.And it
is acruocates ot a return ro the fusionof
term emotion felt at disruption is embarrassment on behalf of the dis- communitywith polity who are
most stronglyinvolved ,, ,,ao.ul
rupter-that is, resulting in status exclusion, unwillingnessro associare neurs" in modern deviance-hunring. ..,rr.0..-
wirh that person,rather rhan a violent ritual punishmentto restoresyflr- the localizedsecrorsof modern come from
r;*;;-;r;"cialry the remnanrsof rradi-
bolic order. rional and rurar communiries;in
adtJition,,h. nrr"r,-,p,of socialist
Righteousanger is not very well undersrood,despiteirs great impor- ro recrearerhis same kind of coilecrive regimes
tance in political senrimentsas well as dynamicsof local communities soricJarity herpsexpraintheir con-
cern for ritualsof conformitv.)
(scandals,wirch-hunrs,polirical hysterias).The theorericaldil{iculry rs un- Fear is another short-term negative
derstandingjust how this kind of anger relaresro rhe powerand statusdi- emotion. The most intenseantl
briefestforms of rear are rh<-,r"
rhur"n'or, Jrrpty crisruptacriviries;
mensionsof groupstructure.ln the Durkheinrianmodel, it seemsto be the extreme,intensefear experience at the
is next to r ri"rtl" r"roo,*r..'Crr_*
group in general,and all irs adherenrs,who are outragedar rhe violation of expression of fear in a more complexsense; ,,
its symbols.Bur I suspecrthar anger,and rherefbreviolence as a punish- ir is a social .all fo, t"tp ". in
distress'Adults do nor cry very
much becauserheir horizon widens
ment (burning a witch or heretic at rhe stake, throwing drug dealersor our.
and simply physicalrhreatsor discomforrs,
gamblersor abortionisrsin jail) is relaredro rhe powerdimension,since the in,::1
rne most:i:"rarively "shorr-rerm
important form of fear becomerfear of ,o.irt ..,nr"
useof violence is the ulrimatesancrionof power.To explain righteousan- ever' fear of being coercedor fear ,."."r, rrrrr-
of ,o.iull*.rusi.n, *lr.'r."*-*.*
gerrwe seemro need the powerand statusdimensionsin conjunction.That experiences'Furrhe'rmore, "."
since the problem is itserfthe
is, where the status group srrucrureis dense enough and locally closed crying (which is a communicarion sociar,i,u?r,on,
of helpressness) is sub.rdinatedby more
enough so thar there is a strong senseof group memhership,attached to complexadjusrments of EE' one .onnoa ,r*ily so rcadily
reified symbols;rhis ritual community has a power hierarchy within ir, sympathy'if one is being coerced call on othersfor
or excluded.'crying, as a fbrm
which regularlyexercisescoercive threats to enfbrceobedienceto orders; tional communication' is upstaged of emo-
by more Ji.".t response
u n d e rt h e s ec i r c u m s t a n c ersi ,r u a l v i o l a r i o n s( v i o l a r i o n so f m e m b e r s h i spy m - the form of fear and avoicjance. "-orionar rn
Emotions 4Z
46 and SocialMacroProcesses
else's statusdimensionsof rheir everydayinreractions,will likely get over an ep-
is basicallya response1s 56rnssne
ln social relationships' fear being hurt' Thus' isodeof extremeanger,fear,or shame.I suggestit is only when the indi-
the expectationof is an anticipnto'v "*otion' vidual'soverall "marker position" of inreractionsis on the negativeside
to lo.,g-re,m.emorional energyderiving from sub'
ir is most directly r"lu,"J to that parricularly inrensedramaric experiencesare stored ,p ,nd carried
dimension' lt occursin similar circumstances
ordination on the power over as "rraumas,"especiallyin highly chargedmemoriesof the sort thar
d e p r e s s i o n , b u t i t h a s ' ^ o ' " c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l s t r u cparticular
t u r e ' W h eacrivities)'
redepressionis Freudiantherapyis designedro ventilate.
of artenrionfrom
a wirhdrawatof EE (i.e. withdrawal of expected ac- scheff (1987a)proposes a modelwith a more sociarmicro-mechanism
betbre the consequences
fear is a kind of '"ti"i tt^gi"g anger or depres' than rhe Freudian:There is a shame/rage cycle in which an inclividualwho
emotion than either
tions. lt is sociallya more Ä*ltt* experiences a shamingsituation feelsrage againstthe perpetrator,which
can U"-ät'ati as kind.of sinkingof EE levelsbecauseof
sion. Depression can lead to further conflicrs;rheserypicallyhave unsatisfacrory ourcomes,
. r ' " . . u r ' a , " " " i n g e f f e c t s o f n e g a r i u e s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n sEE
; f eto
a r itake
s a n esome
gattvean- resultingin further shameand rage. Ragear oneselfcan also becomepart
which assumesenough
ticipation of what *ift noppltt' of a self-reflecriveloop, intensifyingthis process.Scheffpresenrsevidence
to situationsthat carry social dangers'
initiative, or at least '"*uit' alert exclusion),as rhat the tracesof previousemotionalarousals,especiallyanger,can remain
of statusloss (membership-
Hence, one can ",.0.;;;;" fear fear is probably at an unconscious, trace level; that there are unconsciousshamebehaviors
the power dimension'
well as fear of power coercion' On able to mobilize that are manifesredin rhe micro-detailsof inreracrions.I rhink, though,
caseswhe.rea person is
mobilizedtogether*i'h "tgt'' in results fiom that scheff has chosena sampleof casesin which rheseshame/rase
in being able to win positive cvcles
anger,but has low t""f-f"?1" are well esrablished; however,he has nor considere<l the casesin *"hich the
its exPression. cycledoesnot occur or terminatesquickly.That is to say:Scheffconcen-
rrareson social relationshipsamong individualswho are relarivelyequally
TRANSFORMATIONSFROMSHOR?TERM matched,who are at the middle levelsof dominanceand popularity,such
INTO LONG-TERM EMOTIONAL ENERGY that rhey can conrinue long cyclesof shamingand raging at each other.
experiences tend ttl flow More extremedifferences in powerwould not allow a conflictualcycle ro go
The resultsof variousshort-termemotional on; and if personsare not confinedto the samenetwork of statusinrerac-
makeup'which l have called "emorional
back into the long-term""t"tt"""f upon the dra- tions (i.e. rheir market possibilitiesare more open) they may cur shorr a
doesnot have to depend
energy."Emotional.".;;;,;h;";h' add to shamecycle by leaving th^t interacrionand findine anorherwhere thc re-
domination or beltlnging
matic;,i,u",ioä' of u'itottt"'ted sourcelineupsmay be differenr.
o n e ' s s t o r e o f c o n f i c l e n c e a n d s e n s e o f a t t r a c t i o n t o w a r d s phave
a r t i csim-
and unpopularity
situations;undramaticfeeringsof subordination
emotions also spill .ver'
,irr..."*"i,". effects' The Jramatic short-term QUESTIONSFORFURTHERRESEARCH
whethertheir very qualiry as dramatic
thoug^ it is an u."*r*i.,.d quesrion I have formulated the principles of this general model of inreracrron
emotions'or bracketsthem as a
makesthem more important for long'term rituals by considering the dimensions that seem to be involved in
s o r t o f e x c e p t i o n . i . t ' h t t u " o f p o ' i t i u t s h o r t - t e r n e m o t i o n s ( j o ybuild
'enthu- Durkheim and Goffman's discussionsof rirual inreracrion. Above, I have
that theseexperiences should
siasm,sexualparriott), it '"t*' titt"tv wav (i'e' suggestedhow the micro-mechanisms I have p.sited are congruenr with
;,* ,;;; EE, although perhapsin a verv situation-specific experimental evidence, especially on rhythmic coordination berween inrer-
"? those siruacions with particular
one become, urru.h"d"io"r.o*,t"* itrst actants' The IR model irself needs to be explicirly resred, especially for its
partners). effect upon emotional solidariry. This could be done eirher experi.".,tolly
l n t h e c a s e o f n e g a t i v e e n ) o t i o n s , t h e r e i s a l o n g - s t a n d ilong-
ngclinical or in a natural serting, provided that before-and-afltermeasures(or prefera-
as the major determinantof
tradirion that sees,rrul'lutit situations ! bly conrinuousmeäsures)of emotional intensirywereavailable.The unob-
Particularexperiences of inrense
term socialun.1pry.nJogical functioning' trusivemeasuresdescribedbelowcould be of use.
one's whole subsequent
anger,fear, or shame aä rega"led as controlling
bl true' to a <legree; however' it shouldbe seen i Testing the IR Model.
functit>ning.This may w"ll The mosr imporranr resr is ro show rhat there is a
of emotional energy'A person
againstthJ buckgroundof rhe overall level 'circular relationshipbetweenthe amount of focus
of mutual attention, the
48 Emorionsand SocialMacroProcesses TransientEmotions 49
amount of coordrnationof activity (especiallymicro-coordinationon an we havesqueezed. most of the juice out of the standardcensus
unconsciouslevel), and the build-upof a common emotion. As indicated, graphiccaregories as independenrvariables,but cling ,o ,t.- i.."use
it does not matter which emotion is involved at the outset-happiness, are easyto measure.what is neededis ro measureexplicitlythe
grief, conversationalenthusiasm,and so forth-the model predictsthat if statusdimensionsof peopre'swork and other sociarexperience,
,, ,, ,.ru-
rhe conditions of focus and murual coordinationexist, the sharedemo- ally happens'only Bernsrein(r97r-75) haspaid much artenrion
ro micro-
rional intensitywill build up correspondingly. A further part .of the model measuresof siruarionalbehavior, but only for the a"p"
ro be testedinvolvesthe aftereffectsofa successful ritual (i.e., an interac- (speechcodes),while relyingon crude grobarmeasur.,
o[ th" independenr
tion rhat evokedthis sharedemotion): the participantsshouldcome away variables(socialclass).The work of Kohn'sgroup (Kohn,
1977;Kohn and
with enhancedEE, and they should have favorableemotionalattachment schooler, l98l) is perhapsclosestro measuringthe operative'conditions
to symbolsgeneratedwithin rhat interaction. wirhin work siruations.Their measure-croseness of supervision-is an in-
The emotionaleffectsof powerand statusritualsare specificapplica- dicarorof rhe order-giving/order-raking dimension,althoughir only exrends
tions of the more general[R theory. The theoriesof powerand statusrit- from a neurralpoinr down to rhe order-rakingside; it strh
lacksa 'easure
uals rhat I have spelled our above are congruent with a good deal of of degreesof dominanceon rhe order-givingrid.. Clor..,"r,
empirical researchthat was carried out for other purposes,but relatively may also indicate rhe social densiry fr.roi u dimension
of ,rrtu, g.orp
little has been done explicitly attemptingto test theseprinciples.In none strucrure.Kohn'sorher principal independentvariable,
complexiryof work,
of rlris is emotion treatedvery explicitly, but only sometimesin passing, appearsrelatedro the diversityof communications,i.e.,
the other srruc-
while the main focushas beenon the cultural and behavioralconsequences tural dimensionof statuscommunities,but mixesrhe social
.omprexityof ,
of stratification.The multidimensionaltheory that I presentedin Con/lict job with the complexityof a marerialtask.
Sociology, (Collins, 1975)was in part derived to fit the empiricalgenerali- In general, I would inrerpret Gans (1962, 1967,
197I, Bou*Jieu
zationsfound in stratificationresearchup to that time, and to make them (197911984)' and Bernstein(197r-75) as showingrhe effects
of the social
congruentwith the observationsupon which Dahrendorf(1959) and Coff- nerwork dimension;RosabethKanrer's(1977) comparison
of secreraries,
man (1959) drew in building their theories.Subsequentresearchalso fits women managers!blocked-mobiritymen managers,
and upwardrymoving
someof my predictionsregardingclasscultures. men managersis another versionof rhe powerdimension.
A weaknessof the literatureon socialclassis that it has mostly used In the realmof independentvariabies,I would
crude conceptualizationsof its independenrvariables. Unidimensional nerw.rk posirion be broughr into the srandardsociologic"ai
roolbo*. Brrt
schemes(irs used by Gans, 1962, 1967, in his field research,as well as (1982)hasshownthat people'snerworkposition
hasan i,nporr^n, o.,
the way they behaveand on rheir cognitions;there
Bourdieu, 191911984, and virtually everyoneelse) leaveone not knowing is a good deal"ä.,of *ork
which factor (poweror statusrituals) is reallyoperatingon the micro-level. (Laumann, 1966; Laumann and Rnpji,
DZOy rhat describesdiftbrencein
Worst of all are scalesthat combinedifferentmeasures (education,income, nerworkpositionsof membersof diffeienrsocial
crasses. Arrhougi ihi, *ort
occupationalprestige,etc.) as if they were all indicatingsome underlying is mainly interestedin macro processes, such as community power struc-
dimcnsion called "stratification."This is searchingfor a myth, and it ture' as dependenrvariables,an equailysignificanr
puyoff,hourd e*ist fo,
washesout the actual grid of causalprocesses that distributepeopleacross explainingmicro-variables, rhe attitudesan-"db"hauio.sof indiviJu^rr-,n-
severaldimensionsof the sociallandscape.Occuparionalprestigescalesare cludingtheir emotions.Nerwork positionshould
be a good *.nrrr"'or th.
perhapsthe leastdesirableway of measuringstratification,becausethey are statussrructure'includingÄorh the condition
of sociai densityof inrerac-
tied to the realm of vague ideologiesrarher than actual work experiences. tion, and the cosmopolitan/local distinction.
(For instance,"professor"ranksquite high, but if the samepersonis iden-
tified as "si.rciologist,"he/she drops about fifteen points (see Treiman, Testing Poqaerond status Effects mt Emotimu.
what is needed is a mul-
1977);if they are identifiedas "assistantprofessorin a junior college"they tivariaredesign,measuringindependently
rhe amounr of order-givingand
drop still furrher.) Jencks(1985) showedthat public ideasabout vaguely order-takingthat happensin one's daily
life; rhe amounr of rime in the
specifiedoccupationshide most of the variation even in what peopleactu- presence of orher people versusarone;the amounr of criversity
of commu-
ally rhink is a good job. Therefore,a measureof strarificarionought to deal nications/focusof artention. This coulcl be done by inrerviews,
though a
with what peopleactuallydo in their work experience,nor with what other berterrneasure wouLl be observarional.possibrya compromise
ger peoplero keepa diary of these wourd be to
itemsover a oeriodof rime. Conrinrrorrs
50 Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses Emotions 5l

terms, bur periodic samplingof different stylerather than content of talk. Recordingsof voice samplesin particular
observation is difficult in practical kinds of inreracrionsmay be measuredfor: (a) loudnessof tone; (bi speed
just as good'
i.d, of work situations might be
t""'-- of
formulatedhas as depen- talking; (c) fluidity, hesirationpauses,and (d) of the
it" generalrheory oi stratificarionI have best
and emorions of individuals.As indicatorsmay be the latencyof speech:the amounr of rime in delay
de.,t uariaülesthe cognirions,behaviors, rweenand end of one speaker's
research bearing,at leastinferen- turn, and the start of another.Ability to
indicated,there is much more available get the floor, vs. incidence of contestedspeechturns, may be another
rituals upon cognirive
u"rir, effectsof everydaylife porverand sratus in-
""',rr. cicaror.It may also be possibleto find measures of EE by a micro-analysis
culturethanupone,notio.,s'Forspe.ificpurposesofdevelopingthelRthe- of
to measureexplicitly the emotions the soundwavefrequencies on subliminallevels.(Seescherer,l9gz, 19g5,
ory of emotions,it woüld be necessary for studiesof the emotionaldimensionsof recordedspeech.)
intheseritualsituations.Thismeasurementneedstobedoneforboth Eyes' Eye contact, dominating or avoiding mutuar gaze is another
i;";-;; emotions (emotional energy)' and the short'term'
possiblemeasureof EE (see Mazur, er al., 1980;Mazur, 19g6;. Hr*"uer,
emotlons. this perhapsappliesmore ro the powerdimensionof EE than ro the srarus
for studying the short- dimension.
Meosuring Emational Energy' Since methodologies
I will concentratehere Facial expression. Ekman and Friesen's(r975r1984, rgig) manual
term, dramatic emotions"t" tno" widely known' showsthe waysthat emotions are expressedin the severalzonesof the face.
that EE builds up or de-
." ,Ä. problem o[ measuringEE' My argument' Ekman'swork (1984) also indicateswhich zonesare mosr easilycontrolled
depending upo.n the ups and
clines over a serles of i.,te'"action rituals'
is inferential. There js little by deliberateefforts to mask emorions, whire other zonestend to express
downsof one,sexperiencesof power and status, sponraneous emorions.The limiration of this method is that it hasfocussed
direcr evidencefor it. Muru, and Lamb primarily on the dramatic,disruptiveemotions.But facial measures
effects upon hormone of EE
shown that power experiencehas some continuing could perhapsbe developed,both for high EE (confidence,enrhusiasm)
paper studies.ofhypothetical and
levels.Heise (1979, 198?), using pencil and low EE (aparhy,depression).
evenrs, shows rhat social actioni the affectual loadingsof
(as well as on a
categoriesof personsalong power and statusdimensions Bodily Postures and Movernents. Ekman (1984; also o'Sullivan et al.,
which may be equivalent ro the underly-
,."ä*r dimension of ".tiu.-"tio.,, i985) has also consideredbodily movementsas emotional expression,
of real-life interac- and
i.,g dirrre.trionof my EE)' Heise postulatesthat chains i n d i c a r e dt h e e x t e n r r o w h i c h r h e b o d y i s c o n t r o l l a b l ei n m a s k i n n
tiJns are morivated by ongoing shifts in these affect tions. Again, we need to considerbodily measures "*"-
of high and low EE, as
lnorder,orn"urur.shiftsofEEinreal-lifesituations'itwouldbe well as the dramatic shorr-rermemorions.since high EE is social confi-
of interacdons' A
clesirableto follow people'sexperiencesacrossa chain denceand dominance,ir shouldbe manifesredin mouementstowardsother
be construöredin
long-ter'mdesign *ouli b" .,.t""u'y' Possiblythis could people, especiallymovemenrsthat take the initiative and rhat
lead ro
alaboratorysituationlastingseveraldays;observationinnaturalconditions rhythmic coordinarion.Low EE, conversely,should show movements
emorional effectsof and
would also te desirable,especiallyro esrimarehow long postures of withdrawal,and low iniriative. Dependingupon the amount of
o[ emotional
interactionsmay last. Lurp..t, however,that the time-decay compliancevs. rebellion,low EE personsin a socialsituationshouldshow
interactions' may
energy,if it is not reinvestedand reinforcedby subsequent eithera parternof followingorher'snonverballeads;or a freezins
of move-
be lessthan a few daYs' ment; or (in the caseof cgnflict at moderaredlevelsof EE) a rapidor jerky
oi order'
For independent variables, we would measureexperiences alternationbetweenorienting rowardand awayfrom the oth..r.
of inter'
giving, o.d"r-tukir,g,and egalitarianinteraction;the socialdensity A combinationo[ severalof thesemeasures-voice,face, bodilv pos-
and the variety
ä.rioi (amount of fo.u., ,*ou.', of em'tional contagion); ture and movemenr-could be srudiedsimulraneously.
(cosmopoliranism/localism) of interactionpatterns.For the dependentvari' The resulrof srch
measures. Here multi-measure studieswould likely show us which measures are redundanr,
"able-a measureof EE-it would be bestto useunobtrusive and which are mosrhighly correlatedwith long-termpaterns (i.e. with
are some possibilities. the
(high flow of EE acrosssiruations).Afrer a seriesof such stuclies,
Voice.The anount of confidence,initiative, and dominance centrateon the most efficient measuresof EE.
we could con-
by the
EE) vs. apathy,withdrawal,depression(low EE) may be measurable

52 Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses
Other Hypothesesto Test. I have suggestedtestsof the basicmechanismof to compry wirhour being forced, so that Kemper,s
power vs. starusis the
inreraction ritual itself, and of the hypothesizedeffects on emotions of betweenenforcedcompliance and volunrary .o*pii"n
.. f
a thing as voluntary compriance,but r would ,ür'ri'.re rs such
order-giving,order-taking,and rhe socialdensity and diversityof interac- regardthis"*.."
u. o ,ro"rä.n arion of
statusinto power,of usingstatus1g59g1sg5_1h
rion nerworks.There are many ramificationshere that need investigation,
includingspecifictopics like the righteousangerproducedby rirual viola-
,i,rrtr-inllai; ,til.iillLäil"ä',':fä1,::;
situarion, rhar is, in rhe realm of power.
tions of symbolsgeneratedin communitiesof high socialdensityithe car- Instead, I confÄe ;r,;r;J;;;;;;ns
"horizontal" dimension of being incruded to the
ryover betweendramatic and undramaticshort-rermemotionsinto long- or excruded,fr.n' ,..]"fr., .."r-
rilitarian accivities.The sociorogicaaymost ;;;;iy
important variarion in starusgroup
term emotional energies;and the reverse,in which long-term emotional strucrureis its shapeas a nerwork, especiaty
its densiry ,i. a"*r*'of .or*n-
energiesprovide the baselinefor short-term emotions.These elemenrary poliranismor rocar crosureof the network ""J
around parricular individuars.As we
processes, too, could eventuallybe integratedwith the more complexcon- shall see' thesedifferences in "horizonral"srrucrureoig.orp, ^lr,r*
urä*"k. pr"-
dirions ser forth in Kemper's(1978) rheory of emotions. the emotions that flow from a Durkheimian
model of rhe forms of group

FORMACRO-SOCIOI.OGY z' Frijda (1986: ll, 7r) describesemotion
as a felt bur latent ac.on ren-
dency; a readinessfor conract with the environmentat
Once good measures of EE, and its varioussubdimensions, are avail- the h;gh end, and at rhe
low end disinterestand aparhy.
able, a further step is possible:to carry our unobtrusiveemotion surveys.
The sociologistcould samplea populationof peopleacrosssituarions,much J' Somerimescerrainpersonsmay have
this kind of serf-conscious
tion; but rhat is the resurtof speciarcircumstances,.probabry
as we now sampleattitudes(usuallyabsrracced from situations).This would much previousexpe-
rience in moving through hyper-comprex "cosmoporitan"networks,'rogerhe.
give a map-a dynamic map, over time-of the emotionalecologyof so- *ith
many ups and downs in the power/acceprance
ciety. One might analogizeit to an emorionalweathermap. Such a sam- (sratus)tlimensions.
pling of emotional patternson the micro-level,when aggregated, rells us 4. I am leavingasidecomplexitieson the physiological
level, where several
about the emotional patternsof the macro-srrucrure. This in turn should different componentsof hormonar and
neura. ,rr,.*, are apparenrryinvorvea.
physiologygenerally,specificsrates In
give us a nleasureof the dynamic facrors involved in macro processesof of.rno,ion"r arousalare due more to
ancebetweenvarioussysrems rhe bar-
economic life, politics, cultural movemenrs-indeed, the whole range of rather than to the activationof some
see also Frijda (1986:19) on both simple systemby itserf.
concernsof traditional macro-sociology. An accurareview of the macro- and.orno,"* varieries.f depression.
structure,strippeddown to its skeletonof micro-situationslinked together 5' Kemper'stheory has rhe additionar
complicationthat he postulares anger
in rime and space,would revealwavesof emorion, artachedto cognirions (as well_as shame)resultingfrom
situarion,in ,uhi.h an acrorfeer.s he/sheis short-
and motivating physicalbehavior,flowing acrosssocial space.We would changedin sratus'vis-ä-vissomeone
erse-Thar is, Kemperdearswith the
complicaredsituation of comparisons more
then be in a position to test theoriesof how emotional energiesoperare be*veen rhe starusone thinks oneserf(and
someoneelse)ought to get, and what
both to stably reproducesocial srrucrure,and to energizerhe dynamicsof they accuaryger. I preferto begin rhe
nation from a simplerand, I believe,
conflict and change. more fundamenralprocess:the emotions
derivefrom dominatingor beingdominated, that
b.i;; , memberor a nonmember.The
Kempertheory adds not onry expectarions
rru* io., experience,but arsoa morar
judgment as to the propriety
of th.. out.orn" .orriprr.d ro some valued
Norrs two theoriesmay be congruent, in rhe folrowing idear. The
respects.r proposethar experrences
in powersituations,and in status-membership
situarions,resultin.increases .r de-
l. My usageis similar to Kemper's(1978), excepr Kemperwishesro srress creases in em.tionar energy.EE itserfinvorves
expecrari.nsfor futuresiruations;but
that groupsare almost alwaysunequal in status,whereasI conceive statusgroupsas the lR mechanisms,which produceEA
i" tf,. ftrri oln.., ., i" ro*1, nrl,_..,f",
capable of being completely independenrof each other. One group of friends (or mechanismsof emotionarpro,Juction.
Emotionar.., "r., b".o*es an ingredienrin
or ethnic members)can be more or lessobliviousto anorherclique; I allowingfururesiruationsto occur, and
in determiningtheir emotionarourcomes.
confine "status"to the internal structureof each group, leavingopen rhe question The expecrarions rhat a1 im.n11ant
in Kemper,s model may be regarded
of whether the various groupshave any ranking in relation ro each other. Kernper situationally-specircic as
arousarsof EE. Kempert t'h.ury seems
to me to explain a
alsogoeson to define"srarus"as rank given to individualsvoluntarily,a willingness second-order quality of enrorions,thoserhat arisefrom
viorationor c.nfirmati.n ot
- _*-*-",,!...giT.EI-1

54 Emotions and Social Macro Processes Transient Emotions 55

exDecrations.Both typesof mechanismsmay be operating in the samesituation, for collins, Randall. r975. conflict sr.,ciorogy:
Towordan ExprtuwtuyScience,New york:
i.,rt"nce, there can be depressionfrom non-acceptancein a status group (my hy- Academic Press.
pothesis of first-order effects), and anger from one's assessmentof this non-
1981"'on rhe Micro-foundationsof Macro-socior<>gy,,'
acceptanceas unjust (Kemperi second-<lrder effects). AmericanJourrnrof
86:984- l0 14.
Kenrperaddsfurther complexities,includingthe attribution as to the agent
responsiblefor che experience(one's self, orher persons,impers6nalforces). I would 198la' "Three Facesof cruerty: Toward a comparative
sociologyof vio-
suggestthat thesecognitionsthemselvesare explainable(at least in part), by the lence." ln sociologysince rvridcenr,ry;Essaysin Thi,ry
cumulatkn.-N.y., A.-
Durkheimiantheory of social density (including Douglas'1966, 1973,"grid" and ademic.
"group" model). Blaming oneselfonly occtrrswhen there is a relativelydifferenti-
ated group srrucrureproducingcategoriesof individual agencyand responsibility; l9S9 "sociologicalrhe.ry, DisasterResearch,and \üfar."
In cary Kreps
blamingimpersonalforces(e.g. magic)or tabooviolations,are culturalactionsgen' (ed.), social Strurture and Disttster:conception
and Measuremenr.University of
eratedby particularkinds of groupsrrucrures. Thus, an individual'sprior experience DelawarePress.
in living within particular kinds of network structuresshould affect what agency
condon, william s.' and w. D. ogston. rgTr. "speech and
they perceiveas operativein their immediatesituations,and will shape specific body morron syn-
chrony of rhe speaker-hearer.,'
in D. D. Horton and J. J. Jenkins,(eds.),
emotions along the lines Kemper proposes.
ceptionof ltngage. Columbus, Ohio: Merrill.
6. Notice that dominant individtralsmay deliberatelyprovokeweakerpersons
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