AUTONOMIA

P 0 S T ·

POLITICAL

P O L I T I CS

1979. the young workers' massive resistance to the assembly lines was swiftly met by the "Strategy of Tension. ("I didn't know what we would have done with it. Sylvere Lotringer traveled to Italy to meet with members of Autonomia (etym. Autonomists were not interested in seizing power. and that the Red Brigades (RB) bitterly opposed. In response. both social and "immaterial.) They were not the only ones to plan actions. riddled with bullets. On April 7. Potere Operaio split . The accusations were unfounded. post-Marxist left-wing political movement that had come to involve tens of thousands people. etc. In March 1978. electricity. self-reductions (rent. "self-ruled"}. collective reappropriations (pilfering). They also extended the concept of labor. barely three months before Lotringer arrived in Italy. a cultural. Hundreds fled into exile. they invented their own forms of social "war-fair"-pranks. the assassination of a young autonomist by a neo-fascist in Rome triggered massive autonomist demonstrations throughout Italy." emphasizing the need to force changes on the capitalist system independent of trade-union bureaucracy. unemployed. Workerists advocated self-organisation of the working class. Moro's nemesis." to the entire "social factory. most of the intellectual leaders of Autonomia had been issued with warrants. Opposed to work ethics and hierarchy as much as exclusive ideological rigidity. a gallery of overlapping images. In the summer of 1977. "Brigate Rosse" (Red Brigades) kidnapped Aldo Moro. broadly defined to include the unwaged (homemakers. the hard-line communist terrorist organization.In the Shadow of the Red Brigades Sylvere Lotringer In the summer of 1979. of circles and collectives without any social organization.). but hard to dispel.). Aptly described by their merciless prosecutor as "a veritable mosaic made of different fragments." Autonomia was comprised almost equally of intellectuals and young workers and unemployed youth. twelve thousand were jailed for up to twenty years. and it seemed for a while that the Movement would take over the entire country. resurrecting laws from the fascist era allowing the "preventive" incarceration of potential offenders. squats." subsequently quipped Franco Piperno. under laws of exception. both terrorists and future autonomists coexisted in a single organization called "Potere Operaio" (Worker's Power) made of blue collar workers and neo-Marxist intellectuals." a series of provocations (bombings in Rome and Milan) staged by the Italian secret services and the CD. untried. prominent Italian politician and president of the Christian Democrats (CD). one of their leaders. as he was about to ratify the "Historic Compromise" with the Italian Communist Party (PCI) he had been advocating. the coalition of PCI and CD (conservatives) installed a highly repressive regime of state terror. The government of Giulio Andreotti. etc. students. refused to release the brigadists' imprisoned leaders in exchange for Moro's life and two months later the premier's body was found in a car in Rome. In the aftermath. The accusation specifically targeted philosopher and old-time activist Antonio Negri for having "masterminded" the Red Brigades. Until 1974. pirate radios. In 1969. sign tinkerin�xtending the spirit of May '68 over a broad social landscape.

" a young carabiniere explains. It is now expanding into a second cycle. When the leaders of the Christian Democrats refused to negotiate with them for the release of President Aldo Moro. even more promising intellectually. The gate is draped in black. Here are some notes from Lotringer's Italian journal in the summer of 1979. Oreste Scalzone. Sylvere Lotringer spent the summer trying to clarify the confused Italian situation. clandestine. "Three days ago he was assassinated by the Red Brigades. but in reality violence always lurks in the background. the Communist daily paper. (Fordism was synonymous with the assembly-line and the enslavement of workers. Near ROME Piazza del Quirinale I notice a circle of motorcycle cops in heavy boots and helmets. with Negri. which they. hold the crowd back. The paradoxical alliance between the Italian Communist Party and the Christian Democrats has frozen all political life in Italy.) In a much changed. Lotringer thought. they prefer knee capping their targets to make their point. communications theory was a by-product of WWII. became the Red Brigades. and even ominous. global configuration. What counts is the message. it is re-emerging as an exciting intellectual venture with a new name: postfordism. non-ideological movement like this." Unlike classical Marxists. ochre walls. Italian postfordists appear to be the only political philosophers capable of re-inventing politics affirmatively." Beware of messages. One has to keep that in mind in order to understand the emergence of new political forms on the fringe of parliamentary vi . Denying the authenticity of this historic split. Autonomia was defeated as a political movement. But. non-representational and non-dialectical in action. into two distinct groups: one. If the Red Brigades (RB) had been smart enough to claim responsibility for all the burglaries. Faithful to their "workerist" origins (paradoxically. to signal that they too have jumped eras. Two rows of soldiers. Unfortunately. they are rethinking labor in light of "general intelligence" resulting from the free-flow of information in technological societies and the possible re-use of social knowledge for a re-invention of a more communal life. The 21st century may just be ready to start. experimental and imaginative. their legs spread defiantly. bluntly recognized it the other day: "One corpse is just as good as any other. capable of "re-inventing politics" after the collapse of ideologies. of course. guns in hand. the other. rhizomatic in organization. L'Unita. they bring fresh intuitions gleaned from multiple sources. "It's for Colonel Varisco. the only one. It was the kind of movement May '68 could have triggered. the RB left his dead body in a car trunk half­ way between the headquarters of the CD and the PCI. and that Felix Guattari and Gilles Deleuze had anticipated in theory. in reality. Franco Piperno. JULY 16. The Italian Autonomia Issue concluded a first cycle of struggles. made of "communist combatants" issued from the Fiat factories. In Autonomia he saw a new form of political behavior. ideologically open." Semioticians like to think that communication occurs in a neutral space. condemned. 1979 The sun streams down on the high. went on in 1975 to create the extra-parliamentary autonomist movement. workerists were against work). with a healthy sense of humor and zest for life. My first stroll through Rome. both the conventional left and the right joined to crush the autonomia movement-the last politically "revolutionary" and popular movement in the West. aerial catastrophes and earthquakes that plague Italy. railway accidents. If politics had a future. After all. the system would already be on its knees. the governing coalition of PCI and CD held Autonomia's leaders responsible for the acts of terror. it was in a fluid. Dispatch cars of the "vigilanza" (the police) are positioned everywhere. Twenty-five years later. it seemed. Basically the terrorists and the State adhere to the same symbolic code. both communicate through murder. but prison and exile didn't extinguish their ideas. "post­ politically. But words could also spare lives.

Jotti. Its strategy of social collaboration with the bourgeoisie came as a striking confirmation to their analyses. And they can still count." Let's not forget that. chiefs of staff. often ruthlessly. For twenty one years he's had the foreman on his back. an organization dissolved in 1974. But already the voices are raising hysterically: "Assassins! Assassins!" They're shouting at the RB? No." The PCI really wastes no opportunity to confuse the issue. at least on the tacit complicity of many in the workers' movement. Every attempt to forge a new society with formulae from another time is bound to produce reversible effects. The attitude of the PCI has hardened after Moro's ruthless assassination. A handwritten poster warns the communists in the neighborhood. "Death to the communists!" people scream on all sides. Unlike the Red Army Fraction in Germany. a wave of fascist crimes encouraged by the secret service-it was blamed on the anarchists-was used to regain the ground lost in 1968. Dignitaries line up before the black curtain: Pertini. The crowd bursts into applause. the communist trade­ union leader who was unceremoniously expelled from Rome University in 1977 after he tried to teach autonomous students "a good lesson. Andreotti. activity. But what can one expect of revolutionaries who have lost the initiative in the battle of social imagination? The crowd stirs. used up "like the gears of a machine. party delegates­ among them comrade Ugo Pecchioli and Luciano Lama. between 1969 and 197 4. They called it. his T-shirt soaked with sweat. Piazza Navona. senators. magistrates-among them was Achille Gallucci. on the side. Then a swarm of priests flushed and stiff with their purple belts tight on rotond stomachs. flushed with anger. The RB at least has managed to produce that: this uncanny unanimity. their rifles scanning the horizon. Three rows of carabinieri carry the coffin." I forgot to mention the General Commander of the Army." It is at that point that a fraction of the revolutionary Left went underground and that the RB (and a few other terrorist groups like Prima Linea) began their slow ascension into the sky of urban guerilla warfare. The Italian State had no difficulty turning terrorist violence against those who. If right-wingers no longer show any respect for the uniform. From the start Italian "autonomists" refused any delegation of power. twisting people's hands. actually jostling the coffin. A most unlikely assembly. The recent crackdown on Autonomia-lumping them together with the terrorists-is a way of criminalizing any political opposition to the compromise inaugurated in 1976. the terrorism of labor which leaves its marks on the body. and in a sense like stop-gaps of human inventiveness. general prosecutor of the imprisoned autonomists. Since both terrorists and autonomists originally come from "Potere Operaio" (Workers' Power). There's a big meeting tonight to denounce "the climate of violence caused by those who practice and advocate terrorism. it was easy to amalgamate the two. at the dignitaries. are exploring alternatives that are much more in keeping with the actual dissemination of power in today's post-industrial societies. the first brigadists were recruited in the Fiat factory. For the victim or the assassin? Weird reaction anyway. On all the surrounding roofs soldiers stand guard. if not on popular support. the factory. Whatever their original intentions. Behind the theater. as well as deputies. There is a lesson to be learned from this situation. In Italy events no longer bear any resemblance to an objective reality. mostly comprised of intellectuals." Nietzsche wrote. Last night a young Somali was burned alive. since reality is both produced and authenticated by the media. The "impossible class. Prime Minister. playing down the fact that. vii . what else can we rely on? I remember the little Sicilian worker last night in the train. euphemistically: "The Strategy of Tension. "Buffoons! For shame!" The crowd hammers out "VA-RIS-CO! VA-RIS-CO!" pushing the carabinieri back. No special reason to implicate the RB in such a barbarous act. Fanfani. any political representation. the RB have hardened into an elite corps of professional soldiers. President of the Italian Republic. A distinguished old man shakes his cane like a club. President of the Chamber. They use it too. they criticized the bureaucratization of the PCI and its lack of revolutionary perspective. Their activities attest to a high degree of technical sophistication. President of the Senate. A circle of officers carry Pertini to his car.

Today the apartments of twenty professors from the University of Cosenza have been searched. so we don't want to exclude a priori the use of arms. The police talk about vague documents providing "useful evidence" on the whereabouts of Aldo Moro and on the "international ramifications" of autonomist leaders. A compagno leads me through a heavily reinforced door to a studio. Franco Piperno. and repressive incidents. But there are other weapons. bastion of the Roman Left. The Talking Heads and the sweet love of Communism. between the laundry hanging outside the windows and TV antennas." Fortunately. organized part of Autonomia Operaia. spontaneous strikes. is the direct target of these searches. 1979. As for the fascists of the Movimento Sociale Italiano. they have given up on Marxism a long time ago. the hard. He is accused of being the Chief of the RB. the DJ. fists closed and three fingers extended in the famous P. Police cars don't linger much in the area. but we have to defend ourselves. It is situated in the popular quarter of San Lorenzo between the City University and Stazione Termini (the central rail station in Rome). Patti Smith. he says with a smile. Professor of Physics. Seba." The Communists were quick to disavow any connection with the over-zealous defenders of a Marxism-Leninism. On the wall. Already a war of posters is exploiting the execution of the Colonel. The Socialists. 1979 Headlines announce the arrest of four trade-union leaders from Bologna. We're against it. But the strength of a free radio lies elsewhere. Down below in the street young militants are assembling in little groups under facades riddled by the American bombs of 1943. to which they belong. The weekly meeting at the station is about to begin. instantly relaying occupation of buildings. providing daily critical reviews of L'Unita and of the bourgeois press. Now heroin is causing a lot of damage. Those over thirty-five are against soft drugs. Paolo. Although the Volsci-their name comes from the via Volsci. be chastised in an exemplary fashion. A telegram arrives and is broadcast right way: "Compagne and compagni. it's a veritable Italian viii . "No. They tried to blow up a hotel in Padua last night. Lou Reed. The Molotov cocktail is a weapon of the people." He now plays Lou Reed's "Heroin. like Lenin himself. and the PCI accuses him of taking an ambiguous stance toward "the subversive killers. they intend to strike back in an organized way. An older comrade comes in and quickly replaces these products of "imperialist decadence" with songs of revolutionary struggle and some classical music. it's for the bourgeoisie. detained or on the run." It's signed by Nanni. don't care that much. liberated themselves from the fascist regime guns in hand. Prime Minister elect. led by Bettino Craxi. cocaine and Molotov cocktails. they were immediately suspended pending investigation. But many among them are "dogs without collars. which they'd rather see embalmed and put away. As for cocaine. Are you armed? I ask Paolo. immediately calling for popular demonstrations. they have covered the downtown walls with posters mourning the outrage of the "communist terrorists. Just about every­ where the PCI extends its condolences to the Arma dei Carabinieri and demands that the criminals. Mozzico and Andreino. As for a precise definition of Autonomia Operaia. Still the CD reproaches Craxi for still entertaining "class fantasies". two of ROME them are women. but a sweet love reborn every morning with the desire to struggle for Communism. The people of San Lorenzo. The radio specializes in counter-information. the station of the Volsci. All are regular members of the PSI (the Socialist Party). the street they occupy­ are not organized along party lines. wanted by the police since April 7." as they're called here. a photo shows a group of militants from the back.38 sign. selects the cuts-Talking Heads. It is minimally equipped with two turntables and a small tape recorder hooked up to the telephone. and the tradition hasn't been lost. most comrades don't understand English. brigadists and fascists alike. we all have a feeling that it is not the fruit of desperation." JULY 17. I decide to pay a visit to Radio Onda Rossa [Radio Red Waves].

Carla is registered at City Hall. but they consider sabo­ tage on the job by workers revolutionary behavior. Night falls. especially in these times of crisis. the contradictions are never pushed to the breaking point or tran­ scended through a declarative synthesis. the climate of the district was near boiling point. Although ideological disagreements exist within the movement. puzzle. So even an "extremist" branch of the Movement like Autonomia Operaia cannot possibly endorse in a simple fashion the clandestine activity of the RB. I ask Vicenzo about the sickly-sweet telegram that was read this morning. set fire to the station and kneecapped all the women. or any abstract representation of its diversity. JULY 18. This has practically become an institution in Italy and even the unions have to tolerate it since so many people are involved. Carla works off the books in a lab.This evening the police are nosing around under the pretext of examining the original note. It's about Colonel ROME Varisco. This is the most innovative feature of the extra-parliamentary Left in Italy. armed to the teeth. relies on the addition of singularities at the base. It was coming from jail. otherwise they will be "hunted down like rabbits. and the law requires it to be immediately delivered to the authorities. I catch a glimpse of the carabinieri inside. Vicenzo and Carla. The Volsci keep their distance from the actions of the RB. even in the villages. a spacious building abandoned by its owner after he pocketed large sums from City Hall. stamped with a five-branched star inscribed in a circle. No pressure is exerted on compagni to accept a prede­ termined program. which gives them a solid base among the surrounding lumpenproletariat. Last time they hid a microphone near the entrance and broadcast the cops' curses live as they were trying to break in. has a regular morning broadcast made by women and addressed to housewives. of which the Volsci are only a small part. Yesterday they were sentenced to four and a half years in prison. They had two pistols and some TNT in their car. Employees at the Polyclinic Hospital nearby belong to the traditional unions fiercely opposed by the Volsci." I see it on the table. the RB signature. They fixed it up and negotiated with the CD municipality to get the water supply reconnected. My hosts. are old-timers of the Volsci. whose "vertical" organizational model and military style makes it difficult to avoid ossification and bureaucratic isolation. They maintains that violence is ix . Reading the message over the Red Waves would be a provocation. "an expert in his lurid profession. How could anyone outside Italy understand the fluidity of the political situation here? Throughout Italy in fact. but obviously she has no job security. Vicenzo works for the Electric Company and participated in the successful movement of consumer self-reduction of bills. Chief of Personel in the Counter-Revolutionary Division. Only the bourgeois press is allowed to do that. There is tension in the air. This morning the radio received a message from the RB. All one can say is that it's a rather ancient organization whose members identify in one way or another with the autonomist project." The statement concludes: "Guns speak louder than words. The Volsci already have been searched several times for the same reason." The "bloody murderers" who belong to this division are kindly invited to change jobs. Half the occupants belong to Autonomia Operaia. like most of the unemployed. there are many who see themselves as autonomous even when they lack any theoretical knowledge of the autonomist position. A little black station wagon is parked a few steps away from the Stazione Termini. 1979 The statement of the RB is published in all the morning papers. Needless to say. Autonomia. a rival station nearby. Nearly two years ago a dozen homeless families were installed here with the help of militants. Radio Citta Futura (Future City). Seven months ago the Roman fascists stepped up their action against the Movement. They're hoping to make some arrests. yet they work closely with Autonomia Operaia inside the hospital in order to wage a series of struggles that have found many echoes in the population at large. A group of fascists swept in. My contact takes me to the "palace" the Volsci offered to put me up in. Four young compagni decided to retaliate on their own-and were intercepted by the police. What draws together the scattered elements of Autonomia is the refusal of any centralizing organization.

I reply. One consequence of today's hyperreality is that false events can have "real" effects. When the Italian national team lost the football championship against Holland in Argentina. They favor collective actions. JULY 20. The shot must be perfectly aimed. target of the present government repression. The Volsci don't think that the RB offer a model for the working class can to identify with any more. with photographs to boot. they had demonstrated that within public opinion ABSOLUTELY ANYONE COULD BE A TERRO RIST. A fruitful conjunction occurred between the older worker formations from Potere Operaio. 1979 Today's news. From his cell. and its audience grew well beyond the initial framework of the movement. but what's going to be left of you if they keep raising the level of repression even higher? JULY 19. the well-known Italian actor. or simulate in just any manner." They must be meant for the PCI guerillas. The next day II Male falsified the front page of the Corriere de/lo Sport and ran the following headlines: " Dutch Team On Drugs. though. They would set fire to Fiat or Sit-Siemens bosses' cars. In large part the success of II Male resulted from the intelligent reappropriation of theories of simulation developed by the creative wing of Autonomia after 1977. "Don't you know. which saw the politization of a mass of over-educated and under-employed youth open to every possible innovation. "Let's face it. has nothing to do with the terrorists. In via Volsci several compagni show up with armfuls of pickaxe handles and rocks. we use stronger stuff. Oreste Scalzone protests the journalists' insinuations that he made threats against Varisco." Vicenzo asks. blocking subways at rush hours. the short ones are called "Trotskys" and the long ones "Stalins." The desire to develop a position that would cut across traditional political oppositions was born within the newspaper Lotta Continua ( Permanent Struggle)." Vincenzo finally remarks. necessary if the system is to be toppled. as head of the RB. But what is simulation for the Italians? It means reproducing something in such a way that all the knowledge. In the early days the RB were reluctant to carry out assassinations. bringing sympathy for the cause. influence or power contained in the original is deflated or drained away. virtually unpredictable among those who generate them." x . A call from a "communist combat group" vows revenge. What's happening? Everyone is joking and kidding around. It became more than a journalistic coup." Obviously one doesn't "simulate" anything. "For the Fascists. "that the Autonomia Operaia motto is 'Armed Struggle for the Revolution?"' The violence they advocate. It's only with the Strategy of Tension that they began the series of kidnappings that eventually culminated with the Moro execution. Replay Match Scheduled for Wembley. Toni Negri accuses the police of having confiscated the ROME notes he made for his defense. They consider them comrades who have gone too far. No one in the staff imagined that so many people would actually buy the story. 1979 On the other side of the city the journalists of II Male (Bad) an up and coming Roman ROME satiric weekly. II Male announced the arrest of Ugo Tognazzi. and was obviously inspired by Jean Baudrillard. Unwittingly they had touched the nerve of the situation. but they don't condemn them either. Two carabinieri have been acquitted for the murder of a student. II Male is also a product of the "cultural revolution" of 1977. and the activities of what are now called here the "new social subjects. the whole country went into mourning. In one week II Male rose to 4th place in Italian weeklies. I am not yet used to what seems obvious for them: there's such a thing as "Stalino-fascism. Finals Cancelled. II Male opposes the system with humor and irreverence. "who would know about the revolutionary movement in Italy if the RB didn't exist?" Yes. speak a language so different that I can hardly believe they still belong to the same political family. Every club is personalized." a Volsci tells me with a laugh. People have to understand their necessity and purpose. otherwise it becomes like a football game. Prima Linea (Front Line) uses more subtle strategies: blowing up computers recording rent payments.

He now publicly denounces the RB's isolation. At the recent trial of one of the Movement's theorists. 1979 Nothing happened." he concludes. Its present. Then I nettle Enzo Sera about unemployment. I decide to pay a visit to the only autonomist daily paper. To reach the offices of Lotta Continua one just follows the Aurelian wall all the way up to the Pyramid. from circle to circle. disturbing. The youth wants a social response at once. rather accurately. democratic and reformist. I nettle the lawyer about the Italian press." It's tempting to patch together the irreducible fragments of the autonomous puzzle with peremptory declarations in such a way that. We're far from our "palace" in via dei Volsci. a cunning and jovial character. fully dressed. its Stalinist rigidity. Also present are a successful business lawyer and the socialist metallurgists' trade union secretary. but he denies that trade unions have any responsibilities toward the "disoccupati" (unemployed). 1979 Through the grapevine I heard that a number of imprisoned brigadists have sent ROME Lotta Continua a long statement that for the first time publicly attacks the Strategic Direction of the RB." Berlinguer understood this perfectly. and image to image. Our host's son owns a construction company. The text of the dissenting brigadists is to be published in two days. formidable-of a shadow central organization which uncannily resembles that of the RB. The publication takes on a particular importance because it is xi . a lot of it due to the "underground economy"-and subsidiz­ ing the unemployed would preclude any progress. Do you think I became a trade unionist out of idealism? No way. the Central Committee declared that the PCI could hardly be called communist anymore. entire sections of the working class entered the circles of power with the PCI. It was just the fastest way to affluence. now in a wheelchair. without any central organi­ zation. and Lotta Continua became an independent information source inside the Movement. The "Historic Compromise" acknowledged a fait accompli." At its most recent meeting. clubs at hand. "Anyway. Enrico Deaglio. "more liberal" outlook evolved mostly after 1977. My own interest first. ROME Abrupt change of scene. the prosecutor described Autonomia. I find myself in a white sports car packed with beautiful people from Cinecitta. who has apparently been "dropped" by the Strategic Direction of the RB. After the 1976 elections. Enzo Sera is the symbiosis of the successful worker and the white-collar bourgeoisie. national party. the outline emerges-trembling. Domestics buzz around the pool. Our own generation thought in terms of the future. But inside the newspaper's editorial office. dotted with warehouses. Night. exchanging comments in low voices. is deserted. all regularly paid journalists. The via dei Magazzini Generali. as "a veritable mosaic made of different fragments. Initially Lotta Continua was a mass organization very active in the workers' milieu. JULY 23. editor-in-chief. a man of forty with a grave and dreamy air about him-he knows he's been marked by the RB-circulates among the compagni. Enzo Sera. Bodies lie everywhere throughout the apartment. Everyone expects a police raid in the morning. the Roman Hollywood. a gallery of overlapping images. JULY 21. They're all pretty young. Unpaid mercenaries of the social revolution? A young couple sleeps on the floor. text in hand. is in terrible shape-actually the growth rate of Italy is one of the highest in Europe. and not in ten years. no one takes the trouble of checking the information. The document is attributed to Valerio Marucci. by far the most colorful in the group. not of those who don't work. he explains. we defend the interests of the workers. which the Volsci situate way to the right of the movement (but anything for them would be to the right). We're in a country retreat owned by a retired stockbroker. He admits that it's probably the worst in Europe: journalists comment upon each other's writings. who are grouped here and there. of circles and collectives. turmoil reigns. in each other's arms. The economy. "We are a popular. "we are a corporation.

now imprisoned in Asinara. to its self-dissolution -which the State now refuses to recognize. I object to Deaglio that it is highly unlikely that the government. That he did it at all seems highly suspicious. At the top. A situation has to be created now. Piperno sought to break the deadlock by launching the provocative idea of an amnesty for all Communist Combatants. Oreste Scalzone and Franco Piperno-then could be held directly responsible for the abduction of Aldo Moro. The structure got the better of ideology. feels obliged to refute the charges of gangsterism and Mafia associations launched against the Strategic Direction. in a letter accompanying the document left outside the office of Lotta Continua. In any case. Contacts with the RB were allegedly made through Franco Piperno during Moro's sequestration. and the army were openly preparing the grounds for a coup d'etat. Instead it accuses Potere Operaio of having set up at that time a secret committee which provides leadership and support for Communist Combatants. the secret service. were in favor of negotiations. Between Autonomia and the State. but even the nature of the Strategic Direction. formed in 1970 for the purpose of coordinating on the national level the diverse autonomous organizations. The publication of the dissenting brigadists' statement. The widespread nature of spontaneous terrorist activity proves that it was a reaction on the part of an entire social sector. Some combatants have apparently begun to doubt not only the "quality" of the RB's actions. The RB is segmented into areas tightly isolated from one another. The core of his proposition was that the State and the parliamentary parties bear a responsibility for the production of terrorism. it turns around the role played by Potere Operaio. but nothing came of it. unreachable. part of the extra-parliamentary movement's overall strategy to eliminate the terrorist violence that provoked its own persecution. or rather ideology came to serve as a perfect cover for a terrorist perfectionism-which the document coins "strategic deformation." Other attempts have been made to undo the straightjacket stifling Autonomia. and not just of organized segments. it developed independently of the initial goal. which was to constitute the armed avant-garde of the working class. The historical leaders of Potere Operaio-Toni Negri. the present direction of the RB. With air-tight compartmentalization. it seems. For the most part they come from those who. Some say that agents have infiltrated it. It seems to be neither workable nor desirable. all-powerful-emits strict orders that brigadists must obey unquestioningly. That Marucci himself. In a letter published in June by Lotta Continua. in 1974. has nothing to do with the generation of "historic" leaders formed in the big factories of the North. since the RB was born during the period in which the State. The controversy within Potere Operaio about the increasing militarization of the struggle eventually led. a confrontation is being played out whose issue is still uncertain. By appealing to the whole network of communist fighters. but actually the terrorist project doesn't appeal to us on any grounds. Sardinia with Renato Curcio. Foremost among them was the small Socialist Party duly excluded from power by the historic alliance of the PCI and CD. in which terrorists realize that their action can only lead to an impasse. which refused to negotiate with the RB for one man (Aldo Moro) would be ready to release hundreds of Communist Fighters without serious guarantees. We've been accused of having adopted a moralistic and non-violent position. Obviously the RB is experiencing the fate of every clandestine organization-the German Red Army Fraction is another example. at the time of the Moro affair. pressure is put on the RB to abandon the "adventuristic" course they have adopted. Publicly. headed by the mysterious-even mythical-Moretti." xii . secretly encouraged by proponents of the Movement (the document adopts some of their ideas. fuels speculation. such as the end of workers' centrality) constitutes the first attempt to break open the monolithic block presented so far by the terrorist organization. the Strategic Direction-anonymous. He agrees: ''The proposal of amnesty is obviously an attempt to regain the initiative.

My stay with the Volsci was a return to the "primal scene" of Autonomia. The mala. 1979 I left Rome at dawn to meet with "Bifo. has spent the whole night at the tape deck. used to meet in the living room. "Besides. might be tempted to blow up the head offices of the Fascists at night. in which he has been living with a bunch of compagni for the past seven years. Wherever you are in Italy. nervous. whom they kept beating up. He holds the morning edition of Lotta Continua. One of them. the problem is no longer to provide the Movement with fall back positions. the dada-spontex free station. In the present climate of repression. through the shutter of the radio station. My host." Vicenzo says. "nothing proves that the Strategic Direction didn't actually want this document published. Introducing a minor into the "palace" could become a pretext for the police to storm the place and close down the occupied buildings. apologizes for exposing the occupation to danger. Angelo. slightly built intellectual with a black moustache and a glint of black humor in his eyes. drug pushing and theft. "they're not. no open. Some frustrated comrades. The thugs moved in with their two girlfriends. Angelo upset the equilibrium by bringing home elements of the mala. he says. originally a convent. It's a complicated story.JULY 25. etc. whom the police protect in exchange for information. in tears. fortunately. The staff of Radio Alice. a BOLOGNA young. I ask? Yes. He immediately interprets it in a traditional Marxist fashion-by the reactions it has aroused in the bourgeois press: that the RB are war lords. the discussions in the street. The feminists of the group quickly kicked out the brutes who swore to come back in strength with some toughs from the "mala" (the underworld) and tear the place down. For these pragmatic intellectuals. Vicenzo. The Volsci have been careful to avoid the contamination by prostitution. The Bolognese are known throughout Italy for their "creative intelligence." he says. the options would become clear and reassuring. A lot happened here. After the peak of xiii . it's not hard to find the terrorist connection." he said. Across the street. the meeting places. Paolo." It means that they use technical inventiveness to go beyond strictly political strategies. the starred face of Che Guevara passes by. The carabinieri don't hesitate to shoot at the crowd. "Well. Angelo has picked up two thugs at the Stazione Termini. which. the protected hothouse of workerist origins. involving Angelo. The overall situation is alarming. but created out of it the "spontaneist" line of the Bolognese and Milanese autonomists. the rock DJ. an older gay compagno. The sunlight filters through ROME the trees of the garden adjoining the cafe. If the autonomists could be tipped into the camp of armed subversion. on the second floor. can only breed more violence. even gun down a few. he looks pretty wasted. pays me a last visit. They belonged to Potere Operaio from day one. They're still the avant-garde of the worker's movement. but to devise means of directly tapping into the abstract machines and sign-systems that shape contemporary societies." JULY 26. The San Lorenzo quarter includes pockets of lumpens closely linked with the mob. is pregnant. "When a compagno chooses terrorist action. It can only weaken the cause. Danger. Bologna manifests an entirely different facet of the Movement. 1979 The morning is the best part of the day in via dei Volsci. But this is probably what the government has in mind. I'm leaving Rome tomorrow. We walk past the Criminal Courts on our way to the 17th century house. They may be expecting something from it that we haven't thought of. 16. never showed up. He is the one who works for the electric company. collective action is possible. "he must abandon a certain form of collective life. Vicenzo says. I ask him about the pickaxes night. Loud meeting of the Occupation Committee." The document shouldn't have been published." a leader of the Bolognese movement. real danger." How do you respond to this kind of reasoning? Night. Bifo's household is a live museum of the Movement's history. But often there's no discontinuity really between the two forms of existence. they feel.

but effective. and yet easy enough to jettison when they begin to solidify. In Bologna." Bifo insists. For the first time young workers and students saw what "Socialism" looks like: acute unemployment. Once. After mid­ night everybody gathers in the few osterie that are still open. leaving behind the green. signs-manipulation of signs-turn out to be far more powerful. revolutionary organizations kept referring to Socialism and to the revolution. Yet minor. the autonomists distributed keys to traffic-light control boxes. from speaking in Bologna. Alice's mother-the radio took on her name-was hospitalized for a while and now lives under crushing delusions of police terror and secret control. Until the revolt in Bologna and Rome in 1977. or the future society. Dusk. "nothing is easier to invent than an electronic key. It was no longer an ideological disagreement. 1977 everything started falling apart. concentration camps. The confusion was unimaginable. and the hypocritical image of a benevolent PCI.38. uses of the theory in the form of simulation and sabotage has allowed the Bolognese to survive for the last few years independent of the labor market. The compagni assemble in little groups on the large. For a few years the free radio-the dissemination of suppressed information­ provided a connecting factor. As long as we believe that power is to be taken over before we define W HAT IT IS FOR." The theory doesn't have much of a chance to materialize in the present climate of repression and "reflusso" {low ebb}. Here the party is less a workers' organization than a power structure. i. but then consciousness caught up with action. Andreotti. The youth realized that they couldn't care less about Socialism. is a kind of sophisticated sabotage of communication. column-lined piazza which lies at the geometrical center of this circular town-the young Bolognese have taken their political slogan. You can open any lock in a few seconds." a dark-skinned intellectual with a sparkling look and the stealthy gait of a conspirer. talking and dreaming about New York. a communication worthy of Sophists that evades the certitudes of ideology or the confines of propriety. but to occupy the ground where scientific intelligence intersects with practical realities. "The Margins at the Center. as it is practiced here." literally.e. but the failure of Socialism itself. a cleaner way of handling politics than with a P. which he shares with two other compagni." Massimo whispers in my ear as we ride a bus to his old apartment. the falsification of signs and signals can become a legitimate form of xiv . "The problem of power is no longer a political one. where semiotics is not taken lightly. the problem now is not to choose between more or less centralized types of organization but to devise forms of intervention that would be operational in real situations. we are bound to beget societies of the present socialist type. In a world in which power shifts more and more into software. an authority on creative "sabotage. The recent history of raids and arrests did its best to turn them into reality. You can also make red boxes for free telephone calls. Lisa. Bifo's wife left. blue and purple fresco of a mosque on the wall. another compagno departed for India. It is there that I first met Massimo Segno. "Nowadays. Bologna happens to be a PCI stronghold and a showcase for Eurocommunism. Property is no longer private." These small subversions can be taken much further. Young emigrant workers arriving from the South soon realize that their slum­ lords are card-carrying members. the city split in two camps. the police fired. Armed PCI gorillas kept order. During the demonstrations and counter-demonstrations that pitted PCI and CD together against the Movement. For the Bolognese. instead of erecting solid barricades to prevent the Prime Minister. "We don't need to take over the decision­ making process. living costs higher than anywhere else. They now believe that technical-scientific intelligence can be used to provide the overall perspective. In a matter of minutes every single street around the center was blocked. They wanted instant change. Simulation. Massimo conspires with signs.

a prime example. The problem faced by the "luxury front" of creative intelligence is not to carry the confrontation "to the heart of the State" (the RB formula) but to intervene directly at the heart of the capitalist system. These illegalities are also practiced in the U. The authoritarian." Massimo asserts with a chuckle. "They're looking for him everywhere. he immediately takes me aside. Felix has been the most involved with Italy. Italy today is a laboratory for both post-revolutionary innovation and new forms of democratic fear and restraint that require the citizen's active participation.. Less obsolescent though both in Italy and Germany which. never quite managed to achieve their unity through a bourgeois revolution. We are light-years away from the pickaxes of organized Autonomia or the heavy guns of the RB. Felix is not stuffy like most French intellectuals." And he xv . warfare. false train tickets and money orders. thrives on little illegalities: forgery of diplomas and IDs. skimpy silhou­ ette in the distance. near the Laborde Clinic. geared to individual profit. Felix occasionally plays on the piano. Theirs are not terrorist crimes committed in the name of an impoverished collectivity (another autonomist motto is: "We are the front of luxury. it is not only in Bologna that semiotic tinkering is being practiced. Admittedly. Of all the French intellectuals. Then he goes to his office and writes..S. The creative Bolognesi intellectuals. a crisp. practice forms of illegality which are no less reprehensible than white-collar crime. A century-old tradition of revolutionary moralism and messianism has quietly evaporated. He spends half of the week in a BLOIS Renaissance castle some 70 miles South of Paris. "Here we have produced a context that permits an alternative use of signs. In this respect. A police helicopter flew over the University of Bologna during the demonstrations and students quickly lined up to form letters spelling the word: SCEMO! (stupid)." meaning: only free people can invent freer forms of existence). "we had even rejected the word 'compagni. Felix walks briskly in my direction. "The Head of the Red Brigades is here. Italian style. of course. hitting the bulb of a lamp that keeps flickering on and off." Massimo recognizes. 1979. The helicopter was laughed out of the air. and he has a mischievous side which I find particularly endearing. He has always been involved with groups of some kind of other. paramilitary. The lamp suddenly blacks out. AUGUST 12. "domestic sabotage" has become the only means of survival. old forms of coercion are being propped up or resurrected in order to ground social control in a renovated. to which the RB have provided an unexpected boost. magazines." he whispers. devices dodging utility bills . in contrast. At this point the State is just an obsolescent form anyway. unlike France. at a time when multinationals and international agencies are yielding real power.. These playful forms of "warfair" relegate the widespread terror of the RB to the wax museum of revolutionary ideology.. projects. Most of Italy." The Historic Compro­ mise is. in fact. 1979 I'm paying a visit to schizo-analyst Felix Guattari. but incomparably more generous and promising since they already crystallize more desirable forms of social life. The belated reinforcement of the Italian State. secretive organi­ zation that the Communist Combatants have adopted enables them to make fast and effective actions. Behind the rear-guard fights waged against terrorism. For many. paradoxically takes on a truly prospective dimen­ sion. but the image of the new society their organization projects does little to stir the imagination. but disconnected from any attempt at social transformation."' Now they've gone back to it. He's obviously excited. Although there's just the two of us in the huge gravel courtyard. complaining that hash only loosens up the lower part of his body. Mattresses are lined up everywhere on wooden platforms. nor are they corporate crimes. hyperreal national framework based on "class collaboration. A terrorism without terror. "Before the arrests of April 7. There are always a lot of people hanging out there. Today everything is quiet. It is this dimension that gives the Bolognese project its special character. although they keep dodging the deadly alternatives to which the war machines-the State and the RB-want to reduce them: social submission or terrorist regression.

The last victim. checks around. I pour myself a glass of wine. was lecturing at the Law School in Rome on strategies to combat terrorism. So what is Franco-that's the terrorist's name. He's the man who was wearing a woman's wig and sipping some wine with the head of II Male. "My best invention. a prominent magistrate. In December a new anti-terrorist legislation was passed lengthening preventive detention from four to twelve years. the State did. Well. I notice his fine sense of humor. he seems to enjoy the situation." the terrorists who collaborate with the police. In November three leaders of the Volsci were arrested carrying two surface-to-air missiles in their car. Two men were patiently waiting for him in the hall. We drink some more. with dark shiny hair and a sensitive face. His attempt to mediate between the RB and the State didn't go anywhere. He's now "latitante" (on the run). the terrorists have executed more than a dozen people.doing here? Well. It is probable that the RB never even considered it seriously. he seems pret­ ty relaxed for someone who's being tracked down by Interpol. one of the three historic leaders of Potere Operaio. the radio shut down and the leaders arrested with charges of "subversive association. Felix wasn't kidding. He seems to be very proud of it. The new anti-terrorist laws that were put in effect also allowed for reduction of sentences for the "pentiti. They shot him point blank. I have seen the man's face in the papers. In January the Red Waves station was raided by the carabinieri in full military style. a measure which proved devastatingly effective. I don't know what to think. Piperno finally comes up with the sauce he has apparently spent a long time cooking up in his head. "It will be worth a fortune back in Italy. spaghetti. Giving an interview in disguise· to show that the accusations lodged against him-that he is the head of the RB-were just a farce. Maybe he belongs to the sec­ ond generation of the RB-is he the famous Moretti? Whoever he is. I know that Felix is no more an admirer of the RB than I am. He is Franco Piperno. . He's quietly sipping a glass of wine-a well-mannered. probably rigged with all sorts of sophisticated devices. The Head of the RB is in the living room. the physicist from Cosenza. He offers to make us a very special dish for lunch. This man doesn't fit the picture I had of a factory worker-kind of small. "Italy has invented PREVENTIVE-LIFE." dryly comments L'Espresso. Where? In La Repubblica? Suddenly it dawns on me. and tried to arrest him." he says. All I see is a phlegmatic cow staring at us in a meadow nearby. We all conspicuously avoid talking about the situation back in Italy. with hair and glasses." Since the beginning of 1 980.Translated by John Johnston xvi ." A few days later Piperno was arrested in Paris and extradited as the head of the RB. rather handsome man.

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ln1Htutions: $22. Michael Carlo. Barbara Bernard. Add 52.00. non pl"Olil DE. DenlM Green. Norman Cowie. LHHiidreth Semlote111:1Ce). Richard Reid. Marlon Hoberman. . It ii inde111:ed In MLA 8ibllogrt1phy Gii Eisner and French XX Blblloor1phy. Poppy Johnson. Harold Cheater. 1946. N-York. Peggy Fend. Daniele Mutarone. Rodney Riiey. Diego Cortez. Llndll McNell. 3 l11ues).A. Joseph Kosuth. N. Richard ASSOCIATE EDITORS Gardner. Christian Marazzi Betsy Bowman. Eileen Stephen Yorton. Ed Shoffstall. Richard Miiazzo. MOMA. Thoma1 Gora.Y.A u T 0 N 0 M A EDJTORS TRANSLATORS Sylvere Lotrlnger. Pat Steir 1urface m11ll outaide theU. Stephen Torton. Sylvere Lotrlnger. payable to ASSOCIATE EDITORS Semlote11t(e).z. Rosa Blackner. Roaamarla DESIGN/ ILLUSTRATION Salamone.00 per volume for John �jchm11n. ii a Mii-supporting. Fred Dewey. Catherine Beaudry. Sybil Walker. tiONll Money Ordel"I ii out1ld1 ltMIU. Sllvta Federici. James Cascalto. Wayne Storey Wadyka Conir photo: Seth Tilet Back cover: Clsltalla "202" GT. Maurizio Jared Becker. Jim Museum of Art. Ron Clari!. Daniel Moshenberg. Lyons. Peter Kathryn Bigelow. and Canadll. Museum of Modern Art. Andrew Rosenbaum..S. John Torealta. Diego Cortez Robert Zweig. Duncan H. Bruce Weimar Mullady. Kathryn Bl119low.S. Deni• Hollier. Lolrlnger (General Editor). Seth Tllet.e. Roger McKean. Lotta Continua.GN EDITOR journal. Peter Caravetta. Annie Ratti. Steve Johnston. Philippa Hagen. Laora Barblanl. Smith. Brower. 10027 Diego Corle.3956 Mlchllet Oblowllz. Check• 1hould be macs. Felicia Czln. Marie­ Claude Hays-Merlaud. Roy Rosenstein. Wendy Greenberg. Wllllam Pagnotta. Teresa Scemama. !212)281). Pat Steir EDfTONAL COMMITTEE SUISCRIPTK>NS OenlM Green. Ad­ TRANSLATION EDITORS dle Russo. Ill WW VISUALS PRODUCTION STAFF Sarah Charlesworth and Ann Adams. Matthew Geller. Wendy Greenberg. Vincenzo Buonocore. Yvonne Rockman. Denise G""'n Red Notes. Inc.z.00 pet volume (i. The Guardian. Dan Scanlon. New York semiotext(e) 522PhlloaophyHall DESIGN I ILLUSTRATION ColumbiaUnlveralty Martim Avllle. Sylvere Individuals: 510. E•clualve/y uselnterna. Nedina Laspina. The Metropolitan Judith Garrecht.

38 J ud i t h M a l i na 1 22 Nonviolence in Bologna Co l lect ive A I Traverso 1 30 Radio Alice-Free Radio .A u T 0 N 0 M A 1 I NT R O D U C T I O N Sylvere Lot r i n g e r I C h r i s t i a n M arazzi 8 The Return of Politics 2 T H E I M POSS I B L E C LASS G iampaolo Pansa 24 Flat H as Branded Me Mario Tro n t i 28 The Strategy o f Refusal Serg i o B o l o g n a 36 The Tribe of Moles Ton i N eg r i 62 Domination and Sabotage Eddy Cherki I M i c h e l W i evi orka 72 Autoreductlon Movements in Turin O reste Scalzone 80 From Guaranteeism to Armed Politics Hen r i Weber 84 In the Beginning Was Gramsci Censor 92 What the Communists Really Are G u y Debord 96 The State of Spectacle 1 00 Lama Sabachthani? M a u rizio Torea l t a 1 02 Painted Politics F e l i x G u attari 1 08 The Proliferation of Margins Paol o V i rn o 1 12 Dreamers of a Successful Life E ric A l l iez 1 18 Hegel and the Wobblies 1 20 Let's Do Justice to Our Comrade P.

a l . It's Exactly the Opposite . 1 96 Memorandum from Prison Franco Pi perno I I I M a l e 202 The Naked Truth About Moro's Detention Franco Pi perno / I I M a le 206 Piperno's Counteroffensive I Volsci 210 Violence of the State Dario Fo 214 The Sandstorm Method 4 B EYO N D T E R R O R I S M Franco P i perno 220 From Terrorism to Guerrilla Warfare Lucio Caste l l a n o 228 Living with Guerrilla Warfare F e l i x G u attari 234 Why Italy? Paolo V i rno 238 On Armed Struggle Laf ran ce Pace I Franco P i perno 240 The Recognition of the Armed Party M a s s i m o Cacc i a r i 244 Sorry. et. Lia M a g a l e 1 36 The City in the Female Gender 3 A P R I L 7 A R R ESTS Bifo 1 48 Anatomy of Autonomy CARI 1 72 Repression in Italy Serg i o B o l o g n a 1 78 Workerist Publications and Bios G i l les Deleuze 1 82 Open Letter to Negrl's Judges Ferru c i o G a m b i n o I Seth T i l et 1 86 A N SA Story Ton i N e g r i 1 88 I nterrogatlon Ton i N e g r i I O reste Sca lzone.

Leon a rdo Sciascia 246 The Red Harvest O reste Sca lzone 248 Beyond Terrorism Ton i N e g r i I E u g e n i o S c a l f a r i 254 I. Toni Negri Franco Pi perno 262 U npublished Interview Pau l V i r i l i o 266 Popular Defense and Popular Assault V al erio M o r u c c i I P i n o N i cot r i 274 A Brigadist Speaks 276 Dissenting Brigadists Renato Curcio 282 Who Is the Traitor? To n i N e g r i 292 J'Accuse 5 FIVE M a d a u d o I M e l v i l le 300 The Aldo Moro Kidnapping i l/1 G ramsci Lucio Pozzi. 1 977 .

Seventy-five days i n j a i l . Twenty-five days i n j a i l . e i g hty-n i n e days i n THI S ETER­ NAL J A I L. fi fty-fo u r days i n jai l . Oh fuck . F i fty-seven days i n jail. Today i s my eighth day in j a i l . sixty-eight . F i fteen. Sixty-one days in jai l . Seventy. E i g hty-s i x days in j a i l . Seventy-one days in j ai l . Sixty-five d ays i n jai l . Thi rty-five. Hu rray. 107 days in j a i l . Seventy days in j a i l . S ixty-s ix days i n j a i l . 106 days in j a i l . S i xty-four d ays I n j a i l .n i ne. Very funny. Fi fty days i n t h i s fuck i n g s h itty j a i l . I n j a i l y o u start to ree l . Forty­ two days in jai l . 109 . F i fty. Seventy-fou r days in j a i l . 103 days in jai l . the jail of the jail. Forty-one days in j ai l .days In jai l . E i g h ty-three days i n j a i l .n i n e months i n j a i l a n d t h e n I ' l l be free. N i nety-one days i n j a i l . Forty-five days In j a i l . . Forty-ei g h t days I n j a i l . 101 days i n jail. . Fi fty-one days i n j a i l . 102 days In jail. t h i s e n t i re j a i l . Forty-three days in j ai l . Twenty days al ready. Forty-nine days i n j a i l . forty days i n jai l . 108 days in j a i l . N i nety­ four days in j a i l . F i fty­ e i g h t days in j a i l . Twenty-four days in j a i l . Thi rty-two days I n j a i l . Twenty. E i g hty-fo u r days i n jai l . J a i l h a s i t s own smel l . seventeen. N i nety-s ix days in j a i l . One month. Twenty­ t h ree days in j a i l . N i nety-th ree days in j a i l . In 1968 . Thi rty-three days I n j a i l . I n j a i l you start t o reel .n i n e d a y s i n j a i l . Seventy-two days in j a i l . ty-n i n e days in jai l . S ixty-two days i n j a i l . F i fty-five d a y s i n ja i l . E i g hty-fi ve days in jai l . E i g h ty-one days i n j a i l . N i nety-two d ays in j a i l . F i fty-three. twenty-two days in jai l . T h e door opens and c l oses. . . F i fty­ n i ne days in j a i l . N i nety-five days in j a i l . Today there i s no passage of time. In j a i l you start to reel . Twenty days i n j a i l . . Si xty days in j ai l . e i ghty-e i g ht. n i neteen days i n j a i l . Th ree days in j a i l . Seventy­ six days in jai l . now I ' m real l y out of date . 104 days i n jail. S i xty-th ree d ays i n j a i l . N i nety. Who knows i f the others d ream of me as m u c h as I d ream of them. The walls of the j a i l . . opens and c l oses. One hundred days i n j a i l . a l l the soap and scent of a detergent factory wouldn't be enough to remove i t .One day in jai l . Christ. A j a i l is a j a i l is a j a i l is a j a i l . E i g hty-seven. Five days in j a i l .n i n e days in j a i l . N ow I ' m busti n g . seven. Ten days in j a i l . Thi rty-one days i n j a i l . s i x .n i ne. Fou rteen days i n j a i l . I have d i arrhea. . Six days In jai l . N i ne days In j ai l . Forty-seven days i n j a i l . Thi rty-four days i n j a i l .how w i l l people b e when I get out? . e i g h t . Twe lve days In j a i l . . S ixty-e i g h t . N i nety­ seven days in j a i l . I ' l l never be able to get i t off me. Another twenty. E i g hty days in j ai l . Forty-s ix days i n j a i l . seven. . Twenty-seven days i n j a i l . Twenty-e ig ht d a y s i n j ai l . Two days In j a i l . The cel l i ng of the j a i l . e ig hteen. E l even days in j a i l . n i ne. Forty-fou r . let's break out the cham pagne. . E i g h ty-two days i n j ai l . 105 days i n jai l . Fou r days in j a i l . T h i rteen days in j a i l . Seventy-th ree days in jai l . Si xty-e ig ht days in j a i l . F i fty-s ix days i n jai l . s i xtee n . I cou l d explode at any mo­ ment. Twen ty-six days I n j a i l . N i nety-e ig ht days in j a i l . Twenty-one. Fi fty-two days i n j a i l . N i nety days in j a i l . and everybody' l l know I 've been In j a i l . Sixty-seven days i n j a i l .

1 Introduction .

The a u tonomous body i s not exc l u s ive o r i d e n t i f i a b l e . as is cu stomary. of becoming of necessity either slaves of the state or slaves of a revolutionary party. a harsh and pu rposeless esta b l i shment.. i n t h e i r s i n g u l a rity. A body of workers. i t breaks away f rom labor d is c i p l i ne. the vert i c a l ity of i ns t i t u t i o n s . I t i s beyond recog n i t i o n .. a n t i - THE BASE h ierarc h i c . to s t ress s i m i la r att i t udes w i t h o u t i m pos i n g a " g e neral l i ne. against capital. Other experiences a n d other perspect ives a re s i m pl y 8 .. a body of doctrine. i n t h e l a n g u age of i t s actors.representative. a n a u t o n o m o u s org a n i s m i s a n element that f u n c t i o n s in­ dependently of o ther parts. i t i s a p roj ect for ex istence. They should introduce an era of vast swarming out from the European beehive. Po l i t i c a l autonomy is the des i re to a l l ow d i fferences to deepen at the base w i t h o u t t ry i n g to synthes ize them from above." to a l l ow parts to co-ex ist s ide by side. I nd iv i d u a l s a re never autonomous: t hey depend on external recog n i t i o n . gain a wild and beautiful naturalness and be called heroism. The Ret urn of Poli t ics Sylvere Lotringer/ Christ i an Marazzi THE IMPOSSIBLE The workers i n E u rope should decl are that CLASS henceforth as a c l ass they are a h u man i m­ possi b i l ity. What at home began to degenerate into dangerous discontent and criminal tendencies will. and with this act of emigration in the grand manner pro­ test against the machine. i t refuses ready-made c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s .. a body of m i l itants. a n t i -d i a lect i c . I t i s a w a y of e l u d i n g the i m peratives of p rod uc t i o n . t h e v i r u s o f power. the like of which has never been experienced. the t raps of p o l i t ical representat i o n . once outside. i t i g no res party organ izat i o n . but i t does have a h i story. a n t i . the Dawn [206] AUTONOMY AT Sylvere Lotringer Autonomy is the body w i t hout org a n s of politics. N i etzsche. and not only. and against the choice with which they are now threatened. This h i story i s g iven here without any i n termediaries. The body without organs of autonomy has n o frontiers. A u t o n o m y has n o f r o n t iers. Let Europe relieve itself of the fourth part of its inhabitants!.. I n b i o logy. I t i s n o t o n l y a po l i t i c a l p roject. and t h i s h i story i s I t a l i a n .

I nternational a p peals h ave come from well-known f i g u res. as t h e i r " p r i m a l s c e n e . " These m o n s t r u o u s m a t i n g s . Protests h owever can be m i slead i n g s i nce t hey fall s q u a rely w i t h i n t h e framework set up by t h e I tali a n State. o u r possible h i story. Michel Foucault. t h e I t a l i a n S t a t e h a s tried to e rase by force t h e d i fference between t h e Red B r i g ades and Autonomy. They j us t i fy repres s i o n . This s t rat u m i s s u pposed l y " m a rg i n a l . vari o u s f rag m e n t s f r om " Potere Opera i o " extend· ed t h e strugg l e from t h e factory to t h e c i ty (occ u pa t i o n of hou ses. O v e r t h e l a s t t w o years. T h e c h a s m cont i n u ed to deepen between t h e c l a ndest i n e l i ne of t h e Red B rigades. ( T h e State today refuses to recog n ize this d i ss o l u t i o n .u p appears overwh elm i n g . between t h e l i nes. t h e Red Bri gades were a l ready orga n iz i n g c l a ndest i n e act i o n s i n order to carry t h e c o n f rontat i o n "to t h e heart of t h e State .). I t d e s i g nated " Potere Operaio" as t h e i r c o m m o n sou rce. D i verse organ izat i o n s assem b led at t h e n a t i o n a l leve l ." T h i s majority const i t u tes t h e I t a l i a n A u tonomy.awa i t i n g t r i a l o n h i g h ly eva s i ve c h a rges.b u t i t i s not serious. e n t re n c h ed i n t h e c lassic worker pos i t i o n . T h e c o n f rontation eve n t u a l l y led to its self-d isso l u t i o n . To­ day m o re t h a n 1 . Ton i N e g r i . I t a l y i s t h e o n ly " f ree society" t h a t c a n c l a i m to outdo t h e U S S R i n t h e n u m be r of p o l i t i c a l p risoners. The State selected its battleg round and carefully wei g h ed i t s weapons. etc. we can read o u r own h i story. a n d n o t a b l y s i nce t h e A p r i l 7 arrests. Autonomy was born i n t h e l a rge factories of Northern Italy i n t h e ear­ ly 50' s . both a g ro u p and a magaz i n e g a t h e r i n g toget h e r a n u m ber of t h eoret i c i a n s s u c h as M a r i o Tro n t i . I t i s made u p of a n u m ber of org a n s a n d f l u i d organ izat i o n s c h a racterized by t h e ref u s a l to separate eco n o m i c s f r o m p o l i t ics. H istorica l ly. whose resp o n s i bility in t h e rou nd. a n d conve n i e n t " reconstruct i o n s " of analysis. I talia n ar· t i s t s and i ntellect u als close to t h e Italian Com m u n ist Party. a n d t h e "open" perspect ive s of Autonomy. these o r i g i n a ry e m b races a re a l ways retroactive fan­ tasies. Franco P i pern o a n d O reste Scalzone.backed by t h e Com m u n i st Party - w h o p retended to represent t h e m . I t e l i m i nates i nstead what i t refu ses to acknowledge: t h e e m e rgence of new forms of c o n f l i c t l i n ked to a new soc i a l s t rat u m . G i lles Deleuze. T h ro u g h t h i s I t a l i a n h i story. T h i s w h o l e t h e m e c rysta l l ized i n 1 965 w i t h t h e ref u s a l of w a g e l a b o r w h i c h s t i l l rema i n s d i re c t l y t i ed to t h e s t r u g g l e s of t h e I t a l i a n Autonomy. h ave started to p u blicly question the State's p roced u res. Serg i o B o l o g n a . A utonomy i s a way of act i n g c o l l ectively. w h i c h e n ta i l ed n u m e r o u s c o n f rontat i o n s w i t h t h e State. and p o l i t i c s from e x i s t e n c e . Felix G u attari.) Formed i n 1 970. c a n o n l y g row. T h e State repres s i o n i s dead l y . in I ta l y as e l sewhere. " b u t its a c t u a l i m p o r­ tance. sabotage of prod u c t i o n . I t i s not se r i ou s bec a u s e i t m i sses i t s avowed t a r g e t (to e l i m i nate t h e Red Bri gades).i nd ef i n i tel y . "Autonomy at t h e base" was ori g i n a l l y devised by e m i g ra n t workers from the South i n defiance of t h e u n io n bosses . I t 9 . Recen tly. Autonomy n e v e r u n i f ied.500 i nt e l lect u a l s and m i l i t a n t s of the c l a s s move m e n t are i n p r i s o n . The State's blitz on Autonomy v iolates Human R i g h t s . N u merous c o m m ittees aga i n st Repres s i o n in I taly h ave formed in Western ca pitals. In 1 973 t h e m i l ita rizat i o n of t h e M ove· m e n t raised a deep cont roversy between various c u rrents w i t h i n " Potere O p e ra i o " . " O n e t h e other h a n d . It devised orig i na l forms of c o l l ect ive action (autored u c t i o n . etc. Autonomy soon m oved beyond c l a i m s for h i g he r wages and q u es t i o n ed not o n l y labor relat i o n s h i ps . i t seems . They formed " Potere O peraio" ( Worker's Po wer). b u t labor i t s e l f . Their refo r m u l a t i o n of M a rx i s m became sem i na l for t h e w h o l e of t h e autonomous m ove m e n t . set s i d e by s i d e . e a g e r to acco u n t for t h e p rofo u n d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s i n t h e " c l a s s c o m p os i t i o n " of I ta l i a n society t h r o u g h forms of " m a s s " i nterve n t i o n . such as Jean· Paul Sartre.) to g ro u n d i t to t h e d a i l y l i fe of t h e " s o c i a l ized worker.

the American "softness" evoked by Felix Guattari. Every passing day adds to the list. This is what the Italian State wants to put behind bars . There is a reason for this: it is exactly these political differences. Rather it un­ covers a political experience which took almost 20 years to accumulate . specific. Consumer society benefited and profited from these "undisciplined" researches that it indirectly financed . social fluidity which in turn prepare the ground for renewed political struggles . but this doesn't mean that they can be grouped today under the same definition . the internal variety of the autonomous movement. But this is only part of the story . Christian Marazzi This issue is purposely problematic. they make the serfdom of labor more tolerable . Our "intervention" is not an "answer" to repression . It is in fact crucial to understand that what is called "autonomous movement" (movimen to autonomo) is anything but homogeneous . The growth of a move- ment however cannot be linear . Indifference shouldn't take over . The knowledge derived from experimentations with drugs. times of ex­ haustion. are often followed by dry periods. Its com­ plexity. L In 1977 Autonomy was riding the crest of the wave . The rapidity and scope of molecular transformations. the choice of materials hardly unified . in the absence of any political perspective. its contradictions. that allowed it to grow . as one now says in Italy . Its existence incorporates the most advanced aspects of our technological societies .to unfold the overall context of these events . where the definition of "political" has become a problem in itself . Repression has taken its toll . It is urgent to close the in­ formation gap on Italy . we have an increased politicization of people. This virtual reversibility of signs of subversion is characteristic of "post-political" societies . it rapidly dissipated at all levels of socie­ ty . are political contributions from people who have had nothing to do with one another for years. by herding together those it has arrested (and those it still wants to arrest) into the same blind alley. even its ambiguities remain to be told . M Perhaps it is true that we are living in a "post-political" society. or even with their eventual (and unlikely) release . (October 16: Franco Piperno was finally extradited from France) . The scant information from Italy is partly responsible . In the US. It is comprised of many different and sometimes opposing experiences . should be condemned internationally . as in Rome and Bologna in 1977. the questions it raises and the danger it now faces ultimately plays into the hands of power . conscious of its own history and potential . with communal life. To simplify the nature of the Movement. far from encouraging social fluidity. Moments of explosive richness and inventiveness. In Italy drugs still serve as a rallying point for the Movement . A new "social subject" is emerging. The Italian State. but. the ebb and flow: riflusso. It includes organizational and theoretical paths which may be traced back to a single "origin" (the so-called Italian "workerism"). tries to play down the differences and the specific attitudes within the Movement . We should preserve against the Italian State what the State so unwillingly contributed to publicize . Gathered here. a different way of "making politics. then. The outcome of the present confrontation is uncertain . It generates mobility. But it is also true that side by side with the crisis of the political. and 10 . nomadic work. was rechanneled throughout the system . The actual reasons for which the Autonomists are imprisoned shouldn't disappear with them.along with most of the con­ tributors to the present issue . goes also hand in hand with the diffusion of infinitely complex forms of "soft control" throughout society . The experience ac­ cumulated in action. with the body. Its impact wasn't lost. the power extracted by the intellect freed from production is then recycled at molecular levels . We have witnessed in the US a comparable phenomenon since the end of the 60's: the Radical movement suddenly disappeared ." this is more concrete. who have chosen dif­ ferent political outlooks and activities .

especially in the autonomous movement. the opposition between factory and society is slowly disappearing . L The nature of social confrontations has changed drastically . I believe. the Italians do not have a quasi-religious respect for the pro- . violent and concrete . The struggle knows no chronology. come to the United States in order to study the history of the American worker's struggle. And there is no fear in Italy of treading over old paths that are considered depasse . This conferred on the working class an indisputable centrality . In post-industrial societies. which numbers almost 4 million non­ voters. This estrangement does not indicate "the end of politics". etc . has become the production of subver­ sive singularities out of the e quivalences created by the system . whether capitalist or socialist.). conflict . housing. even micro-social. but so is the hyper­ ideology of that period . asphyxiated by the ideology of the historical parties. constitutes in Italy a true "party". Consequently political antagonisms can be redefined as a properly social. than a symptom of apathy. that moves.) . Thus nothing is buried. there is an interest in everything that changes. Factories are no longer the focus for struggles . the party system is obviously in a crisis state. people have been able to gain power . since it does not succeed in channeling demands from the bottom and in transcending these specific demands . The main objective. a history without ideological mediation. Unlike the French. There is less spectacularity. etc. Class struggle has yielded to more subtle con­ frontations . Many Italians. as in the United States. Politics up to now was tied to the relationships of production: the conflict between exploiters and exploited . but rather the opposite: a new way of making politics that ad­ dresses specific and concrete needs without delegation . alongside this crisis. being more a symptom of estrangement from the great political-institutional deadlines (general and administrative elec­ tions. schools. Why Is there in Italy an interest in certain aspects of the US which here are con­ sidered the very ones that block revolutionary growth? Perhaps because in Italy. education.tied to local needs (health. The great movements of the 60's are surely far behind us. Today we are nearing molecular forms of power . that explores . for example. But good for us! The electoral absenteeism. In Italy. less "movement" with respect to the 60's . it is something circular . Jean Baudrillard now wants us to envisage this abrupt change as the "end of politics" . To invoke the end of politics from conceptual heights is one thing . This renewed "Americanism" is exploding right at the time when the Italian movement is going through a growth and/or definition crisis . It is interesting to note the enormous interest in the United States on the part of the Italian class movement. Yet. It is quite another to speak of it from the depths of prison . By another twist in French philosophy.

Our decision to step in at once in an explosive. there is nothing "original" in the Italian theoretical contributions . then surely in Italy there has always been. then within the Italian movement the "end of politics" has a different meaning. one must understand 12 . Richard Cloward (Regulating the Poor. literary or philosophic . And. In Italy. contrary to the US. a formidable continuity of the "political" . We must avoid ghettoizing Italy. which appeared at the beginning of the 60's). Rawick. like those of Foucault. mean? If by political we mean a social relationship. James O' Connor ( The Fiscal Crisis of the Sta te). thus neutralizing its importance . a struggle. This refusal has gone on long enough . and Baudrillard too. etc. is simultaneously the rebirth of politics . the reac­ tion against the 60's in the course of the "me" decade (there is nothing less autonomous than an ego) has meant an impatient refusal of politics . Autonomists shamelessly bor­ row what they can use . which was too engaged in criticizing American capitalism from the standpoint of its external. If "political" is to mean the direction of social transforma tion. until now. the writings of Martin Glaberman and of G . These contribu­ tions have been seminal in the political formulation of the struggles within the Welfare State .while everything connected with Autonomy is threatened from all sides . It is from this conceptual patchwork that the Movement derives its theoretical soundness and political efficacy . conflict-ridden situation . In Italy. into concrete strug­ gle . in the ?O's. It has even gained momentum so that the "end of politics" today proclaimed by the "creative" wing of the Movement ( Bologna). their specificity resides in the fact that in Italy these theories have been able to bloom and develop thanks to the class struggles and their formidable continuity . all exemplify the complexity of re-defining "political" . to cite but a few .is equally a response to preoccupations that are closer to home: in many respects.). are immediately translated into the Movement's language. "the end of politics''.. The I C P's choice of moving organically toward the government. Deleuze. other important sources of "workerism" are American: James Boggs' American Revolution. For some theoreticians of Working Class and the Red Notebooks (the first two workerist journals. To understand Italy. the French theories. but in the Nietzschean sense: it returns as o ther. bizarre as it may seem. imperialistic contradictions . then we are faced with a variety of interpretations . P . Guattari. What can be considered as the most original theoretical contribution to Italian workerism originated abroad. priety of concepts and the systematicity of theory . If any. the books of Fox Piven. For there the "end of politics" involves a search for new political areas of struggle. or the Red Brigades' armed choice to strike at the "heart of the State" or the internal debate of the autonomy seeking to create organizational forms different from both the party and the "anti-party". In Italy. Politics must return. etc . the American struggles have always been a key point of reference. new territories for the massification of the struggle . the impact of '68 has proceeded without interruption . in which autonomous decisions are made in order to channel various struggles into a movement capable of de-limiting the choices of both capital and the institutional system. were being read in Italy . Poor People's Movement). the Socialisme ou Barbarie experience of the 50's in France was a turning point . If "the end of politics" means the search for new dimensions of antagonism on levels other than the one defined by concrete needs (wage struggles. There is nothing " Italian" about the class warfare in Italy. M But what does "political''. Politics returns. the "attack on income" as a refusal of poverty. that is. Still. not at all psychologistic. and many others. much more so than certain aspects of the American New Left.

c h ro n i c u ne m p l oy m e n t . the U n i ted States. i n its i nternat i o n a l d i me n s i o n . I f capital attacked t h e worker's strug­ gle with mass layoffs. etc. b u t a l s o a n d perhaps a bove a l l . some res ponse in kind to t h e i nternat i o n a l capita l ist i n i t iative was necessary. The compro m i s e was s o u g h t i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r t h e C h i l e a n c o u p a n d o i l c r i s i s of 1 973. rooted. . I t i s n o w c o m m o n k n o w l e d g e t h a t t h i s response. It i s not s u r p r i s i n g then that d ivers i f i ed p h e no m e n a ex ist at a l l leve l s . w i t h t h e resu l t t h at t h e soc i a l izat i o n of t h e mass worker's s t ru g g l e was f u rt h e r b locked. t h e C h i l e a n experience taught t h a t o l d soc i a l i s t modes of gove r n m e n t were u n t e n a b l e . The oil crisis was used by t h e m u l t i na t i o n a l c o r­ p o rat i o n s to acce l e rate t h e accu m u l a t i o n of c a p i t a l w i t h labor-sav i n g i nves t m e n t s . a n d along with i t t h e poss i b i l ity of genera l iz i n g its s t r u g g les a n d aims i n t h e eyes of society. was opport u n i s t i c and. To erect a m o n u m e n t to I t a l y is t o p l ay t h e g a m e of t h e I t a l i a n State: to m i s re p resen t as spec i f i c ( " t h e p rod uct of certai n i ntel lectuals ") w h a t i s i n fact rooted i n t h e worker's h istory. Its p o l i t i c a l u n i f icat i o n i s recent. to which t h e H i storical C o m p ro m i s e was a n attem pted response. a g a i n s t t h e State a n d i t s p a rty system . L France a c h i eved t e r r i t o r i a l and l i n g u i s t i c u n i ty nearly two c e n t u ries ago. as i t t u rned out . N o ne t h e l e s s .. I t a l y rema i n s a y o u n g cou n t ry. s i nce the c a p i ta l i s t i n i t iat ive cou l d only s u cceed with the c o m p l i c i t y of the part i e s .u p of t h e c l ass w h i c h formed a r o u n d t h e mass worker c o u l d have been destroyed. By c o m p a r i s o n . T H E R E F USAL O F T h e I C P ' s d e c i s i o n to e n t e r t h e H i storical Com p ro m i se w i t h t h e C h r i s t i a n WORK Democrats was m o re c o m p l e x t h a n i t now s e e m s . W i t h i n t h i s framework we c a n p robe the debate w i t h i n A u t o n o m y . T h u s t h e p o l i t i c a l make. ICP i n c l ud e d . its l i n g u i s t i c i n teg rat i o n p reca r i o u s . A n d s u re l y i t was n ' t o n l y a g a i n s t c a p i t a l . above a l l . i n f l a t i o n . From 1 973 on­ ward A u to n o m y has been a bove a l l a search for a n ew l y com posed p o l i t i c a l c lass c a p a b l e of act i n g outside t h e p a rty syst e m . i neffective. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d . They were econo m i c a l l y backward with respect to t h e i n ternat i o n a l capita l i st i n it iat ive. t w o even t s w h i c h forced the off i c i a l Worker's M oveme n t to seek new pol i t i ca l strateg ies capable of expan­ d i n g t h e areas of soc i a l a l l i a n ce . o n e m ust red i scover in t h e h istory of America n class warfare that p o l i t i c a l r i c h ness w h i c h today i s attri buted t o the I t a l i a n " i nt e l lect u a l s ". t h e period f o l l o w i n g 1 973 w i t nessed t h e rise of t h e c h e m i c a l and e nergy sectors as the most i m porta n t (f i na n c i a l l y and i n s t i t u t i o n a l ly) i n t h e s y s t e m of world c a p i ta l i s m . In fact. i t was then necessary to determ i n e a new p o l i t i c a l terra i n w h e re t h e most d i verse soc i a l s t rata cou l d j o i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e s and recom pose a f r o n t a g a i n s t c a p i t a l . o n t h e part of the I C P.

What engenders the originality and force of Autonomy is that economies which in theory exclude one another are allowed to exist side by side in a non-conflictual manner ." It challenges capitalism on its own ground. The network of free radios. political and economic specificity to each city and region . There is a social. the organ in Rome of the Volsci (the hard core of organized Autonomy)." Far from lagging behind. left to itself. community ties . this mixture remains virtually the most explosive . is a perfect example. These structures are found as much in the Worker's Movement as in the "clientelism" practiced by the DC . The fluidity of its organizational schemes corresponds also to an historical delay in relation to the modes of unification at work in the rest of Europe . communal. has o bviously adopted modes of existence and forms of indentification which are characteristic of Italian society as a whole .practices which promote its osmosis with the masses . the possibility of an institu­ tional agreement . Autonomy does not remain content "waiting for something from outside. on the one hand broadcast deterritorializ­ ed signals. The persistance of earthly roots and of collective practices in the very heart of an advanced society have kept alive political options which have largely been "pass­ ed over" in more unitary countries . What is most su bversive a bout Autonomy is precisely that it refutes the inevitability of such a reversion and the ensuing implosion of the system . More than the spectacular operations of the Red Brigades. Autonomy is the only political movement today that simultaneously makes use of the most a bstract machinery (the technico-scientific intelligence) and of the masses' most traditional. The "historic" strategy of the IC P takes into consideration the existence in its midst of a considera ble num ber of Christian militants . Radio Onda Rossa. for the most part." but instead tries to live through today's capitalism in an alternative way by deflecting the latter's advances to the profit of 14 . One only has to travel through Italy to realize to what extent regional diversity re­ mains powerful . provisional conjunctions are being implemented which allow a detachment from territory and a territorialization of the intelligence . pre-capitalist structures" allegedly threatened by any conflict. dialectal. the most extensive in Europe. abstract labor would conform to the demands of capital . thus appropriating technico-scientific knowledge. "at the heart" of the system. The o bjective collusion between the Red Brigades and the State. The "creative" wing of the Movement has nothing to do anymore with the 'historic" Autonomy. and not simply as a "marginality" soon to be eradicated . therefore. between the under­ development of Sicily and the technological advances in the Milan-Turin region." But Autonomy is too diverse to be lumped together as mere "pre-capitalist structures. in its extreme variety. all contribute to ground political diversity (a key-word) in a manner a bsolutely unknown in post-industrial countries. the heterogeneity of languages and cultures. Autonomy ought not to be conceived as completely divorced from and opposed to the rest of civil society . Left to themselves. As a result. The "tribal.if not totemic . territorial groups would eventually be eliminated by power as pockets of archaism. however. and on the other establishes roots in the population through a collective self-management of oc­ cupied buildings . The revolutionary movement itself. hardened in its ideological bastion. are in no way an appendage ex­ clusive to the Movement. cannot be taken as a strategy meant to an­ nihilate o bsolete structures that fall outside of the reversibility of signs of power and su bversion . At all levels. Baudrillard is right to assume that the actual effect of confrontation such as the one between the Red Brigades and the State is to eradicate any form of "transver­ sality . The oppositions between North and South. The political crystallization of this technical intelligence allows it finally to go beyond the "mad hopes" of an autonomist practice always menac­ ed by revolutionary messianism . Autonomy has assumed a revolutionary position at the vanguard of capitalism: "inside and against. and devoted to both concrete and symbolic . Italian political parties are not as centralized or integrated as French parties There exists among the Christian Democrats and the Communist Party a degree of interpenetration that explains.

According to this view the "social subjects" who emerged politically from the capitalist transformation of the ?O's . productive labor is the labor which produces surplus value and struggles . M The thesis of the "two societies" propounded by a workerist intellectual of the I C P. The strategic position of the Red Brigades may also be characterized in a similar way . but also political . well over one-third of an active population of 2 1 million work part-time. Thus his category is not just economic.). their social and cultural attitudes subordinant to those of the factory workers. unemployed youth. etc. but by quickness of intelligence. The centrality of the worker means precisely this: the will to impose a worker's direction to the social transformation brought about by the capitalist development . Jn short. Thus they are at the center. Moreover.women. This thesis implies that these new social vectors should be considered "unproductive workers". however. that is. etc .the so-called "marginals". off-the-books. derives more from Adam Smith than from Marx . by pushing capital to the utmost of its possibilities . as the materials included in the present issue repeatedly demonstrate. it is a fact that the new social subject produces surplus knowledge. irrational manifestations which must be brought under the guide of the factory worker . but also from a political standpoint . the struggles of the new "social subjects" are epiphenomena. Thus it intends to win against capitalism not by force of arms. those who work off-the-books. are "something else" with respect not only to the official Worker's Movement and its tradition. is wrong not only on the empirical level (today. Alberto Asor Rosa. the creativity and productivity of the struggle and of the life-styles developed by the so-called "marginals" . Jn this respect the experience of Italian Autonomy has a capacity for generalization unknown to the rest of the west . innovation and in­ telligence. For Marx. Asor Rosa's thesis. is quite dangerous . What the Bolognesi call "marginality at the center" is precisely a critique of all attempts to subordinate this invention-force. These recently formed "social subjects" are productive workers in a double sense: they produce wealth and they produce struggles . who are considered the only workers productive of wealth which will subsequently be con­ sumed by others . which capital has a dire need to appropriate . Their categorical choice of the factory worker as the decisive political referent is strictly in line with orthodox Marxist tradition .the new social subject . This brings us back to the central theme of Autonomy: the struggle against work. or at any rate rightfully belong there. but also with respect to society. in Italy. . This definition of "pro­ ductive labor". .

the Italian revolutionary movement has been moving toward the refusal of work as a positive productive force of capitalist develop­ ment . the centrality of the struggle against work. a true mutation in the field of pro- duction. Since restructuration requires a more flexible labor market. struggle against harmful work (which. these post-May blues. the capitalist mode of production . the "strategy of refusal" had opened an entirely new front: the front of wage labor. certain behavioral dif­ ferences among social strata are blurred by capital . unperturbed. does freedom from exploitation become not only possible but materially achievable . The aftermath of May '68. the refusal o f work. The fact still remains that between the new subjects and the factory workers there is a political distance not yet organized (mediated) by the extra­ parliamentary organizations . At this point the experience of Autonomy transcends Italian frontiers . rather than in the large fac­ tories . It went on. capital must invest technology in the periphery. as you mentioned. in the literal sense. capital itself is now closing the gap between the "two societies" by investing high technology in the decentralized production units. It has become the very texture of society . Though it may seem paradoxical. marginality has virtually ceased to be marginal . on its own trajec­ tory. or Authority . Because "marginal" work has potentially the highest rate of productivi­ ty. therefore. Refusal of work. This restructuration is evident at F I AT's factory in Turin. The growth of the underground economy is also a consequence of this refusal of factory discipline. and not a simple malfunction of the system . a struggle which goes beyond the factory gates . which date back to Mario Tronti's writings of 1964. The present strength of the Italian move­ ment. Yet the recent lay-off of sixty-one F I AT workers. and the will to organize working time on the basis of free time. " Marginality at the center" means. considered "para-terrorists" by the management. The events of 1968 fell s quarely within traditional political oppositions . clearly shows how this restructuration also necessitates repression. Only when "non­ worker's labor" becomes a generalized reality and enjoying life a productive fact in itself. but its actualization through the autonomous movement allow us to rediscover its political dimension . of which the most recent -and largely belated-symptom in France has been the marketing by 16 . characterizes work in all its capita lis t forms). The absence of a Welfare State in Italy no doubt contributed to a burgeoning awareness of this centrality . demand for more money and less work. It didn't experience any of the dramatic liquidations of revolutionary hopes and illusions that ensued in most western countries . for the most part. L " Marginality" is a massive phenomenon. In fact. was marked by defeat and gloom: the system had prevailed . in this sense. is seen by Autonomy not only as super-exploitative but also as a subjective choice on the part of the young proletarians . and by employing an unskilled work-force (especially women) in the large factories . after all. How can we account for this fact? Years before May '68. It is precisely this struggle against work that produces the inventiveness and "technical knowledge" typical of the "marginals" . The Italian movement avoided. its steady reinforcement throughout the 70's stem from the fact that its ma­ jor theme largely a n ticipa ted the criticism of bureaucratic socialism. The marginalization of work is not a phenomenon unknown in the US. The "diffused factory" (what in the US is called the "underground economy"). has always meant forcing capital to develope to the maximum its productive forces . Students were rebelling against Imperialism. Only when the worker's labor is reduced to the minimum is it possible to go beyond. Ever since its early formulations. capital cannot act otherwise . In the "diffused social factory" of the post-industrial era. The refusal of factory discipline advocated by the Move­ ment was bound to set it from the start against the work ethic of the I C P and its hegemony in the Worker's Movement .

the media of the brand New Philosophers .

The position of Tronti, "inside and against" the development of capitalism offered
early on a positive alternative to the opposition of the I C P and the C D whose in­
creasing obsolescence eventually led to the Historical Compromise . It will take
the failure of the Common Program in France before the cleavage between the
Right and the Left begins to crumble and political representation starts to im­
plode in the general disarray . At this moment the obsessive, seductive and
gloomy theme of the end of politics begins to take credence .

What remains paradoxical, if not mysterious, is why Italy, with its pockets of
under-development and rather tardy "economic miracle," should be among the
first to propose in political terms, through the bias of Autonomy, the invention of
new forms of life relatively or completely detached from the slavery of work .

M It is very doubtful that Italy is still one of Europe's least developed coun-
tries . The existence of its underdeveloped regions has always been a function of
the rapid growth of other areas of the country . Typical in this regard is the North­
South relationship, where we find immigrants from the South working on the F IA T
assembly line . Yet the growth o f highly advanced struggles i n a country that has
known periods of economic backwardness remains to be explained .

We must first recall that in the sixties the worker's struggles exploded within an
institutional scheme called "center-left" (centro sinis tra). During the recession in
1964, the Socialist Party joined the Christian Democrats in order to form a govern­
ment based on a program of economic development . This coalition attempted to
make the economic system more dynamic by nationalizing certain corporations in
the electrical and chemical sectors, and by improving public services. Even
though only a small part of this economic program was actually carried out, no
doubt it rendered the Communist opposition, already weakened by its decision to
engage only in parliamentary struggle, completely ineffective . In fact, from
Togliatti onward, the I C P had been losing strength as it slowly moved away from
the working class, leaving to the unions the purely economic regulation of wages .
For the Worker's Movement, in short, the center-left meant political weakness .

It was in this context that Quaderni Rossi ( " Red Notebooks") and C/asse Operaia
( "Working Class") were born . Quaderni Rossi tackled the problem of analyzing the
new class composition as it emerged from the most recent capitalist transforma­
tions at the beginning of the sixties: the mass-worker, the new means of mass
production which, by reducing the strategic importance of skilled workers,

weakened the unions in which they figured prominently . Class Operaia on the
other hand, attempted to formulate a new political strategy, which Tronti called
"inside and against": to act on the inside of capitalist development, promoting it
through the refusal of work (thus bringing about the introduction of new machines
and new technology), but at the same time to remain against capitalism wan ting
everything from it, all the wealth produced through its reformism .

From their inception, these new political hypotheses aimed at redefining the rela­
tionship between workers and organization . Because the I C P had lost its contact
with workers, the situation called for a reformulation of the "party" and
necessitated a scrutiny of the class composition . Both from the standpoint of
capitalist development and from that of the anti-capitalist struggle, a new
strategic role for the mass-worker had emerged . Its struggles now created a new
terrain to the left of the I C P, thus posing in new terms the question of organiza·
tion .

A L The American system is like a self-regulating machine, not inhibited by ii·
NON·ARISTOTELIAN legality - indeed capitalist profit feeds on the invention of illegalities not yet
STATE codified as such - but once an illegality is identified (Watergate, Lockheed, etc.),
the system rapidly corrects itself . Italy lacks this self-correcting flexibility . In
order to expunge illegality, the State must itself adopt illegal measures .

The State initiative required more than public consent: a new reality had to be
created to accomodate these institutional illegalities . The co-production with the
media of a new reality went also beyond the scope of a classical "ideological"
manipulation . Any other reality had simply disappeared .

As one of its celebrated falsifications of the Italian press, II Male, a satiric
magazine close to the Movement, reported with photographic evidence the arrest
of the well-known actor Ugo Tognazzi as chief of the Red Brigades . The II Male
staff then experienced the vertiginous "loss of reality" which has come to con­
stitute Italian life, when the public took this simulation for the literal truth. It must
have fulfilled the public's secret desire to see, at long last, a "conspiracy" unveil­
ed and a Supreme Leader denounced . But the simulation also meant that they
were ready to believe in anything! II Male had incidently put its finger on the
nerve-center of repression . Reality had become weightless, a gigantic simulacrum .

M The fact that the State itself assumes subversive forms to maintain control
over subversive forces is, whether we like it or not, the consequence of an entire
cycle of struggles . Today, the delay on the part of those who want to revolt (a
theoretical rather than a practical-political delay), forces a complete dislocation of
the terrain of social subversion . If it is true, like Bifo claims, that Autonomy has
shown itself to be, at times, of a reversible nature, that is easily inverted by the
State (the military aspect, for example, is exactly what the State has chosen to
fight, with alarmingly positive results), this does not alter the fact that to
dislocate the terrain of the rebellion implies finding new forms of violence . The
violence of the Red Brigades is to be radically criticized not because it is
"violent", but because it isn't violent enough! And It isn't violent enough for the
simple reason that it corresponds to the State's violence . The Red Brigades, in
their actions, produce Sta te-Po wer. But what we want today is libera tion from the
Sta te. It appears that the limitation of the materials here presented (ultimately an
objective limit) concerns precisely this blocking of the search for newer forms of
destruction of all that is State . Perhaps Autonomy ran ahead of itself: it is not by
accident that at the very moment of greatest desire to explore different ways of
social subversion, the State steps in massively .

L The lucidity of the State goes way beyond rationality . The "mutating" posi­
tion adopted by the Italian State to face the challenge of the Autonomists is one
of the most astonishing aspects of the current repression . The " Defense
Memorandum" of the prisoners clearly shows how far the "legal procedure" defin­
ed by the prosecution has departed from democratic legality . It is impossible to
confront "speculations" presented as specific accusations, if not as proof, if we

18

don't understand the rationale of the highly acrobatic maneuvers by which the
prosecution is building a case against Autonomy . The evasiveness of the initial
accusations, the heterogeneity of materials isolated from their contexts and
subsequently pieced together through osmosis, suggest the imposition of an
unusual logic . Gilles Deleuze defined such logic as a violation of the principle of
identity (A is always A, never B), and of the principle of the excluded middle
(Either A is A or non- A) . In other words, the State has deliberately jumped out of
the magic circle of Aristotelian logic .

Is it not exactly in these terms that A nti-Oedipus defined the positive "syntheses"
of the "schizo" flux - non-contradictory, non-exclusive, unlimited and multifocal?
The logic of the prosecution recognizes identity not on the basis of identical sub­
jects, as is usually the case, but on the basis of identical predica tes. The number
of subjects ( Red Brigades, Autonomy) is limited, but the number of predicates
called upon to justify the identity of the two subjects ( Red Brigades = Autonomy)
is unlimited. This hypertrophy of the sense of identity is enough to provoke what
pathologists call an "orgy of identifications ." Has there ever been, in the course
of history, an openly schizophrenic State?

The Italian State has moved onto its adversary's territory; it has simula ted the
fluidity characteristic of Autonomy. A "pilot" decision rendered September 2 1,
1979, in the trial of Luigi Rosati, ex-husband of the Brigadist Adriana Ferranda
and ideologue of A u tonomia Operaia, described Autonomy as "an indefinable mix­
ture of groups and varied tendencies, a veritable mosaic made of different
fragments, a gallery of overlapping images, of circles and collectives without any
central organization." This definition echoes in every respect the logic deployed
by the prosecution against Autonomy . . .

That this may be another dizzying example of the reversal of signs and of the im­
plosion of power is too hasty a conclusion . To be sure, the Italian State has taken
a leap at the heart of capital's flux - but only in order to master it . Here ceases
the abstract reversibility of signs on which the "end of politics" is founded . The
orgy of the accusation's identifications constitutes only the first phase of a
strategy which has little to do with schizophrenia . It consists of using Aristotelian
thought to support conclusions reached through non- Aristotelian cognitive opera­
tions . The identification of "coincidences" established between the Red Brigades
and the Autonomists on the basis of identical predicates ( "any Left revolutionary
literature inevitably has some points of similarity," the Memorandum remarks)
and the boundless number of charges become the ground upon which the pro­
secution builds up "paranoid" systems of regularity centered upon a unique point

of interpretation . The simulation of the State thus becomes the hallucination of a
truth which is artificially resuscitated as reality . It suffices that the State
substitute its simulacrum for the autonomous (non-unified) reality of the Move­
ment in order to justify its campaign of repression.

The distinction is of some importance . It leads us to supplement the inevitable
short-comings of a defensive position . It must be recognized that the looseness of
Autonomy constitutes a considerable innovation in the history of the revolu­
tionary movement . It confers a flexibility heretofore never attained in the struggle
to destabilize power . It is no wonder that the State, confronted with this elusive
network whose fluidity permits a virtually total transfer of responsibility, has also
proved its inventiveness and forged a mode of accusation just as polymorphously
perverse. It is inadmissible, however, that these loose charges were cast in ad­
vance from a perspective contradicting absolutely everything Autonomy stands
for . The logical delirium of the State projects the mosaic of Autonomy upon the
rigid screen of the Red Brigades . And so the game goes .

The President of the Court who judged Luigi Rosati went so far as to recognize
what separates the Red Brigades from Autonomy: "The Autonomy groups refute
in principle every rigid, verticalizing, hierarchical structure"; he distinguished the
attack "at the heart of the State" advocated by the Red Brigades from the
"capillary penetration" of Autonomia Organizza ta; he readily admitted that these
micropolitical actions are the fruit "not of a coordination among diverse,
associated organs but of a spontaneity which has very little in common with the
character of professional crimes"; yet he condemned no less severely the intellec­
tuals who, like Luigi Rosati, without personally participating in any criminal ac­
tivities, "accepted, exalted and advocated them."

The "pilot" sentencing of Rosati to four years' imprisonment confirms the will of
power to integrate the wave of criticisms directed against it without departing in
the least from its accusations . It is now clear to everyone that the prosecution of
Autonomy is a truly political trial less interested in condemning its ideas than in
annihilating "an entire section of the political movement in Italy." ( Memorandum) .
The real danger to the State comes not from the Red Brigades, who speak the
same language and who develop structures which "mirror" and thus reinforce its
own . The profound menace to the State comes from the fact that Autonomy
speaks a language and develops forms of organization and of subjectivity against
which there exists no "classic" response . It is in this innovation - this positivity
- with which the present issue is concerned, and not with the defense, in "reac­
tive" or reductive terms, of innocents unjustly accused.

As Franco Piperno here recognizes, the new spontaneity requires the practice of
illegality as a necessary condition for its existence . But then so does the State.
The whole problem is in knowing whether this illegality is active, inventive,
creative of life and values, or, like the somber, embracing couple formed by the
Red Brigades and the State apparatus, a bringer of terror and death.

Transla ted by Peter Cara vetta and John Johnston

i l/1 Icarus E m p i re State B u i l d i ng, N ew York, 1 930
Lew is W. H i ne ( 1 874-1 940) Courtesy: The Brooklyn M u seum
i l/2 NXP1 690 38 SPEAKI N G WITH T H E SQUATTERS SANTIAGO, C H I LE: Preside nt Salvador
Al lende (l eft) speaks to squatters who have u n lawf u l l y taken over a housing estate in a poor
sect ion of Santiago. They are part of a movement w h i c h i s protest i n g the bad h o u s i n g condi­
tions by seizi ng other people's homes and ref u s i n g to move. A l l ende i s expected to decree the
esta b l i shment of a National Cou n c i l of Peasants, Dec. 2 1 st. Accord i n g to the Agri c u l t u re
M i n istry, the cou n c i l w i l l s peed the peasant's part i c i pation in the govern ment's land reform
prog ram . (UPI) 1 2/21 /70
i l/3 1 9885 FLI NT, M I C H .---T H E R E'S PRI VACY, TOO, FOR T H E M O R E FASTI D I OU S " S ITTER".
T H ES E HAVE ESTA B LI S H E D I N D I V I DUAL ROO M S IN I N COM PLETED AUTO BODI ES. T H EY
HAVE EV E N I N SC R I B E D T H E I R N A M ES A N D N U M B E RS, A LSO BITS OF H U M O R ON T H E
DOORS O F T H E I R QUARTERS. 2-1 0-37
i l/4 Funeral for the vict i m s of the Everett M assacre, 1 9 1 6. A scene from the American
documentary The Wobblies, d i rected by Stewart B i rd and Deborah S haffer, 1 979.

20

i l/5 DA P070507·7/5/74· HOUSTO N ,TEX: A jam of over 30,000 new i m ported automobiles w i t h no
p l ace to go because of a d ec l i ne in fore i g n sales has tu rned the port of Houston I nto an over­
crowded parki ng lot.With 1 0,000 more expected t h i s month, i m porters are scram b l i ng to g rab
what l i ttle park i n g acreage t here I s left. (UPI)
i l/6 XP01 2705·1 /27/75-Fenton, MO.: Chan g i ng of s h i fts of empl oyees as C h rysler Corp. reopen­
ed truck and automo b ile assembly l i nes in Fenton 1 127 after a t h ree-week layoff.About 5600
persons on two truc k-asse mbly s h i fts and one auto-assembly shift went back to work.A se­
cond auto-assembly shift was not cal led back, leav i n g about 2 1 00 workers laid off. (UPI)

m i l l i o n days In j a i l . 1 1 0 m i l l ion days in j a i l .
M i l l ions a n d t ri l l ions a n d fantast l l l lons o f
days i n dark j a i l s . . . 1 1 1 days i n j ai l , 1 2, 1 3,
1 4, 1 5, 1 6 , 1 7, 1 8, 1 9 days in j a i l . 1 20 days i n
j a i l . F o r a week n o w I 've been jerki ng off
t h ree t i mes a day, I want to see i f I lose my
passion. 1 21 days in j a i l . Uh. 1 22 days in j ai l .
U h . 1 23 days i n , 1 23 days i n . U h . J a i l . 1 24
days, 5. 6 in j a i l days. Oh. Uh. 1 27 days i n
j a i l . 1 28 days i n j a i l . 1 29 days i n j a i l . 1 30 days
in jai l . And 1 30 days less to l i ve. Goddam m i t .
1 3 1 d a y s i n jai l . And a barrel of rum and a
barrel of rum. 1 32 days in j a i l . 1 33 days I n
j a i l . And then, 1 34 days i n j a i l and 1 35 days
in j a i l and my bel ly aches I feel sick as a dog
and it must be this s h i tty water or this lethal
w i ne - the f i l t h y pigs. Uh. 1 36 days In j ai l , 6,
7, 8, 9, 1 40 days i n j a i l . Prison rhymes w i t h
cot i l l i on. Even danc i ng makes me si ck. I
can't t h i nk of anyth i n g that makes me s i cker.
Than danci ng. But let's not talk nonsense.
Jail is worse. Worse . . . U h . 141 days i n j a i l .
1 42 days I n j a i l . 1 43 days i n j a i l . 1 44 days i n
j a i l . 1 45 days i n jai l . 1 46 days i n j a i l . 1 47 days
in j a i l . 1 48 days In j a i l . 1 49 days in j a i l . 1 50
days - if only I cou l d s l eep l ike R i p Van
W i nkle and wake u p beneath a tree i n two
and a half years - 1 50 days i n j a i l , I was
sayi ng. 1 51 , 2, 3, 4, 5 , 6 , 7, days i n jail (th i s
week really flew). 1 58 days i n j a i l . 1 59 days i n
j a i l . 1 60 days f o r d o i n g somet h i n g w rong for
doing somet h i n g wrong i n j a i l . 161 d ays i n
j a i l . 1 62 days i n j a i l . 1 63 days i n j a i l . 1 64 days
In JA/UH/A I L. Ah. 1 65 days in j a i l . 16 . . . 1 . . .
U h . Uh. Uh. 1 60 DAYS I N JA/UH/A I L. 1 6 1
days, 2, 3, 4 i n , days, i n , jai l . T h i s is j a i l , u n ­
doubtedly. 1 65 d ays i n j ai l . Peop le g e t stabb­
ed in j a i l . 1 66 days in j a i l and 167 days In j a i l .
1 68 days i n j a i l . 1 69 days i n j a i l . S o , let's say
that twenty months equal 600 days. 600 days
p l u s 1 20 from four more months equal 720.
Let's round it off to 750, and there it is . . .
750 m i nus the 1 70 days I 've al ready done i n
j a i l equals . . . 580
days sti l l left to do in t h i s fi lthy j a i l . U n l ess
they pardon me for good behavior. Ah. I 've
gotten a hard-on aga i n . Cool out, cock,
there's no point in gett i n g exci ted . . . 1 7 1
days i n j a i l . 1 72 days in j a i l . Wait a m i n ute, I
made a m i stake the other day. Th i rty
months - two and a half years in j a i l . Not
twenty-four months! ! ! . . . T h i rty months;
900 days minus the 1 72 days i n jail I 've
al ready done equal . . . 728 days in j a i l . Uh.
Sti l l to do. 1 73 days i n jail. 1 74 days I n jail.
1 75 days I n j a i l . 1 76 days i n jail. 1 77 days i n
j a i l . 1 78 days I n j a i l . 1 79 days i n j a i l . 1 80 days
In j ai l . 1 8 1 days in j a i l . J a i l p l u s j a i l only
equals jail. 1 82, 3, 4 days i n jail. Yesterday,
today, yesterday, today, yesterday yesterday.
Today. 1 85 days In j a i l . 1 86, 7 days In jai l . We
play soccer in the cou rtyard . I kick the ba l l
a s violently a s I can. A s I f t h e bal l were that
pig, the shitty j udge who gave me two and a
half years, two and a half years of J A I L . 1 88,
9, 90 days in jai l . 1 9 1 days in j a i l . 1 92 days i n
j a i l . 1 93 days i n j ai l . 1 94 days I n j a i l . 1 95 days
in j a i l . I ' m itchy all over. I can't s l eep. My
eyes are red . Even though I don't read.

2 The Im possibl e C l ass .

F i a t H as Branded Me G i a m p a o l o P a nsa G i ampaola Pansa. one who assists the Red Brigades : this is the mark that Agnelli is trying to brand on my forehead . 24 . I must start at the beginning so you can understand the situation . Until Tuesday I worked in the painting de partment . I too come from Mirafiori and I am among the sixty-one workers fired by Fiat . having just turned 18. its ugliness. Turin frightened me . Then I found another job . I am from the province of Catanzaro.its huge size. I shall be 29 in November . a small factory. I attended secondary school and then took a technical course . I was a general worker at the third level . talks here to a Fiat worker from the M i rafiori plant in Tori no who was among the group of 61 workers fi red on Tuesday October 9. you'll never wind u p out on your ass . I was also a violent worker. But school was not for me . Before leaving. you'll be secure there. Things were going better there. According to Fiat. I said to myself : Fiat is a big com pany. yet I thought only of Fiat . a quasi-terrorist. I subsequently decided to go and look for work in the north. I asked myself : where have you come? I found a job in a real hole. at Turin . You have heard a foreman from Mirafiori vent himself . the clouds and the snow. I couldn't take it much longer . We emigrate from there In droves . 1 979. This i n ter­ view appeared in La Repubbllca 3 days later. I had never been outside it . from a small village that offers no o p portunities . but I lasted only 10 days there. I left my village in January of '69. Now listen to me . w e l l -known for h i s i nter­ vi ews with I t a l i a n workers. if you get into Fiat.

The huge city never pleased me. " But from the first moment of my involvement with that political group. It was a collective rebellion by nearly the entire shop . I had recently done s o with Varetto. I was provoked when I saw that I was paying for my job at Fiat with my skin . And so I went right on the assembly line immediately after the vacations . I lost eight teeth . but now I was really aching and I wanted to leave it . The apprenticeship was supposed to last 6 months. For me it was a great experience. And then there was the nausea. But also preserve my health . I am not a popular leader . the impaired hearing ." "the good guy . I started to like the job . They told me: Come with us and we'll talk about it . as an electrical technician until 1977 and then in preventive overhaul. In fact. Nonetheless. Only in 1970 did I start to get a lit­ tle involved . In the meantime. I believed that they had heard my re­ quest . to a branch office in Germany . The trouble in July of '69 had already erupted. . . My absences were few . My dream was to go and work for Fiat abroad . Anyhow. I had been fined since I had not completed the assigned work precisely because of the working conditions . political and human . Fiat must have classified me as "a lo t­ tacon tinua " and that was it . In my opinion. The situation was disastrous and I even felt the effects of it . In short. I had also grown bored . Now Lotta Con tinua no longer exists as a group . And I am nostalgic for it. Lotta Con tinua was no longer there and Turin haunted me . I went out through the gates and showed these conditions to some of the people who were always there with newspapers and flyers . I renewed my request . In short. Painting cars in not a monotonous task . amid strange odors and terrible smells of every kind . Now I want to say that in those first eight to nine months I was a Fiat worker like the others. I considered myself good on the job and my foremen have always considered me so . even if I do not feel that I am a former member . Lo tta Con tinua had one great merit: it made you intellectually open to other people. I have always done my share. it wasn't political activity at all. the working conditions had I mproved and my duties became less oppressive and repetitive . because of my political activity when the group existed . it let them discuss . And for two months they did send me away. Fiat needed people who could start working at once. 25 . they have put me out because of that label. it let them speak. I learned about things. I'm a quiet man . I concerned myself with the problem of the working condi­ tions in the painting department . No. nor was I interested in raising hell for its own sake . Instead they dealt me the letter of dismissal . I entered Fiat on 28 May 1969 as an apprentice in the painting department . even with these noxious fumes. It was an in­ fernal scenario . Yet after a little while. but it ended much sooner . What I was learning could help later on . You know what they call me in the painting department? "The priest. I met exceptional people whom I would have never met otherwise . And then I always tried to work with my head too: I tried to do my job well. I worked as if in the mid­ dle of a cloud. I didn't know anything about what was hap pening around me and then there was my mother's advice: think about work and keep to yourself . It was autumn and still hot outside . In a word. where the car is prepared for painting . I didn't pay attention to it . And when the foreman brought me to the front office on Tuesday. But it was not an individual rebellion. the duodenal ulcer. the manager shot b y the Red Brigades . At the beginning the painting department was horrible . When I returned. in that year I joined the union and then I had an important encounter - with Lotta Continua. and it didn't even have anything to do with the union . and I was occasionally better than the others . We asked Fiat to alter the situation and Fiat answered no . in order to fill the gaps left by those who were on strike or who sympathized with them . I was rather satisfied . But this is a chapter to which we shall return later .

I would like for the newspapers also to speak of the violence of the assembly line. Fiat wants to eliminate those who can speak on behalf of the others. I have never done any violence . I have even discussed it with my foremen. which moves much too quickly . I say: if you do only a little work. And do a little work so it'll all get done . And I am also convinced that it is necessary to work well. but so have many others . there was hardly any reaction in the shops. And then there must be a grander design: once the "ballbreakers" are eliminated. And I have given some trouble to Fiat. five days a week. at any rate. they make us pass for para­ terrorists . Still.their lives. I do not refuse work . They are not the kind of people who can protect our interests . but without ever being reprimanded or quarreling or resorting to violence . Sometimes the men are short-tempered: to be in a factory is hard on everyone . to make people understand that only Fiat controls Mirafiori and that the workers must give up the idea of getting their rights . and I must work. deaths. I am a politicized worker . miracles . I have never laid back when there was some working method to be discussed with the foremen . it will be easier to return to the past. I have always tried to involve my co-workers in labor problems. Yet I am also convinced that there is much too little discussion of terrorism among the workers . I was a union delegate and I did what was within my power . my strikes for a change in working conditions made them do it . I am evidence that Fiat is a terrorist organization . It's too much . In a word. to increase production more and more. Take note of this: I said working method. Yes. Do you invite to your home a violent man who threatens you? Tuesday. I used to make trouble . I have always been in the same work group. I have alway maintained this point of view . What does a little work mean? Today we work for seven and a half hours a day . discuss . That letter brands me as violent . with working conditions and rhythms . there is much talk about violence against the foremen . there have been moments of tension during con­ tract negotiations . someone who tries to raise hell for its own sake or who acts as the terrorist's assistant doesn't ask to go abroad: he stays here to threaten and to play the violent man . But since the bosses at Fiat cannot say this. he was the first one to be struck with amazement . I used to go to contract negotiations. It must be seven hours a day. I have always tried to put it into practice . And many workers see the foreman as their immediate oppo­ nent . at least do it well . you make more work for the people who come after you on the chain. And isn't it violence when certain foremen put their hands on the asses of the newly hired boys? Where. I do not agree with the Red Brigades . And even if I am not at all an orator. I have never swerved from this posi­ tion with those of my co-workers who act badly . And I do not believe that in Italy things can be changed by shooting people . Ever since Lotta Con­ tinua dissolved. So they've pulled out their old lists: there I was on the list for Lotta Continua and so they've thrown me out . No more. not work . if you don't do your job well. He gave me a pen as a gift. But I deny it! Of course. Why then have they fired me? This is my answer. to talk. The other incidents have been received in the same way . There is great indifference at Fiat. It's a lie . This is one of the Fiat workers' slogans . My foreman thinks highly of me . I have become completely peaceful . Moreover. are these acts of violence against the foremen? Of course. If the working hours are not changed. I have never considered delegating my representation to those who use weapons . or thirty-five hours. Between '7 4 and '7 5. By eliminating people like me. I am a born worker. Fiat knows everything about its workers . He has even invited me to his home . When they killed Ghiglieno. those who do not bow their heads . but not as a slave . the unemployed will stay that way . The workers consider them material for the 26 .

. And then there's one last thing I want to say to you . I'm even more so . Fiat was my home for ten years. It's a thorny problem. Your questions about terrorism. . I'm not the only one who talks about terrorism in this way . about denunciations. Take a short walk through the streets of Turin. that all those who call themselves democratic. . to decide whether I would marry or not. . it is necessary to discuss and ask oneself why the Red Brigades shoot certain people and not others . . but I don't know them and I'm not one of them . I wouldn't say anything . I have always been distrustful . I hoped to go abroad. Just as I am nostalgic for Lotta Continua. You remind m e o f Rossa. . seem to me a little provocatory . You say that my answers show it's a little hard for me to talk about terrorism . I don't hope this only to save my job . On the contrary. . The only ones left are we and our guns. I'm an emigrant. so am I nostalgic for Fiat . It will be so. the Red Brigades are inside Fiat. . If the unions weaken. the Red Brigades don't shoot only foremen . . Now that I've been fired by Fiat. What do I think of him? Well. I'm disheartened and I feel persecuted . . O f course. And then. and you'll see whether you get different answers . . you see.newspapers at this point. I have only one hope: that the unions. In any case. ask people the questions you've asked me. and so forth. the Red Brigades and Front Line (Prima linea) will be able to say: Do you see? No one protects the working class any more . but there's a reason for it . No. ever since Lo tta Con tinua disbanded. What if I discovered that one of my co-workers was a briga tista ? That's a difficult ques­ tion! It's a big problem . . . Transla ted by La wrence Venu ti i 1/1 Photo: Seth Ti let . and instead this thing happened to me . . There is also a political reason for it . I'm only concerned about my ass . It seems unjust to me that they should chase me from my home . too thorny . I no longer want to take part in anything . I don't know . However. I don't want to play spy on anyone's account . a worker like myself. don't give in . Everyone has become distrustful .

S e rg i o B o l o g n a . rests on a rea l d o m i nat i o n over s o c i ety i n g e n e ra l . Capita l i st power. over a par­ t i c u l a r aspect of society. becomes t h e a i m of society i n genera l . w h e n t h e conditions of l a b o u r c o n f ro n t i t i n t h e fo rm of c a p i t a l . t h at i s . t h ey wou l d n evert h e l ess forever cont i n u e to be i n c o n t rad i c t i o n at a p o l i t i c a l leve l . t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l power of workers i s i n t i mately con nected to t h e p ro d u c t ive power of wage l a b o u r. T h e S t ra tegy of R e f u s a l M a ri o T ro n t i T h i s a r t i c l e . T ro n t i ' s f i rst con­ t r i b u t i o n s were t h e resu l t of a co l l ec t i ve pol i t i c a l reform u l at i o n of revo l u t i on ary s t rategy deve loped by Quaderni Rossi and Classe Operaia . a s capital. i s part of t h e " I n­ i t i a l Theses" i n Tron t i ' s Operai e Capitale ("Workers and C a p i t a l "). W h en t h e deve l o p m e n t of c a p i t a l's i nt e rests i n t h e factory i s b l ocked. One of t h e h i g hest and m o s t deve loped p o i n t s of t h e c l as s s t ru g g l e w i l l b e prec i s e l y t h e f r o n t a l c l a s h between t h e fa ctory. Adam S m i t h says . t h e n . Even i f factory a n d soci ety were to become perfectly i nteg rated at t h e eco n o m i c leve l . This i s in contrast to t h e power of c a p i t a l . b u t h i s w o r k i s w i d e l y recog n i zed as sem i na l to t h e a u t o n o m o u s move m e n t i n I t a l y . B u t t h e n at u re of c a p i t a l i s s u c h t h at i t re­ q u i res a society based on production. o n t h e other h a n d . t h a t i s . T h e power of workers res ides in t h e i r pot e n t i a l c o m m a n d over p rod u c t i o n . w r i t t e n i n 1 965. We can s e e .a n d M a rx comments o n t h e accu racy of his observat i o n - th at t h e effective deve l o p m e n t of t h e p rod u c t ive power of l a bo u r beg i n s w h e n l a b o u r i s transformed i nto w a g e l a b o u r. t o g e t h e r w i t h Toni N e g r i . a s working class a n d society. t h i s p a rt i c u l a r aspect of society. T ro n t i n e v e r l e f t t h e I C P . when t h e whole of the cond i t i o n s of society c o n f r o n t t h e m as capita l . Whoever controls a n d d o m i nates i t c o n t r o l s and d o m i nates everyt h i ng . Conseq u e n t l y p rod u c t i o n . which i s primarily a soc i a l power. O n e cou l d g o f u rt h e r a n d say t h a t t h e effective deve l o p m e n t of the p o l i t i c a l power of l a b o u r rea l ly beg i n s from the moment that labou rers are t ra n sformed into workers. t h at i s . etc. t h e n t h e f u n c t i o n i n g of society seizes u p : t h e way i s t h e n open for overt h row i n g 28 .

n a m e l y t h e c l ass of workers. " a c lass aga i n st capita l " . H e re t h e re is o n l y o n e reference p o i n t . As l o n g as c a p i t a l i s t society does cont i n u e to f u n c t i o n t h e work i n g c lass party cannot b e s a i d to exist. Y e t i t sti l l ex i s t s as a mate r i a l rea l ity. can we say th at we are s t i l l l i v i n g t h ro u g h t h e l o n g h i storical period i n w h i c h M a rx s a w t h e workers as a " c l ass aga i n st capita l " . from t h e f i rst.o n l y o n e orientation . The " i n d u s t r i a l revo l u t i o n " necessari­ l y s p r i n g s to m i n d : this must be t h e start i n g p o i n t of our resea rch i f we a re to t race t h e deve l o p m e n t of t h e contemporary form of capital's d o m i n a t i o n over workers. c o m p leted. t h e p a r t y. a n d i t s dissolution . By t h e same token. w i t h o u t that total d e m a n d for power. T h i s wou l d l ead us to see that t h e deve l o p m e n t of t h e relat i o n s h i p between l iv i n g l a bo u r a n d t h e constant part of 29 . a part of society. expressed i n passive forms . based o n new objectives. s u bjectively.t hat i s . as i t i n c reas i n g l y comes to be exercised t h ro u g h the objective m e c h a n i s m s of i nd u stry. t h e articula tion of c a p i t a l .and that they a re recog n i sed as s u c h by t h e f i rst c a p i ta l i sts. b u t a l s o i n re l a t i o n to t h e cap i t a l i sts as a c l as s . Remem ber: " t h e existence of a c lass of c a p i t a l ists i s based on t h e p rod uct ive power of l a b o u r " . " a c l a s s f o r t h e m s e lves" . to society as a w h o l e . It i s poss i b l e that t h i s p o l i t i c a l leap forward does not ex p ress i t s e l f in terms of o rg a n i s a t i o n . t h e o n e form exc l udes t h e other.f o r t h e opposed w o r l d v i ews of t h e two c lasses . Prod u c t i ve l a b o u r. terri b l e . Wh eth er o n e ' s a i m i s to stab i l ise t h e deve l o p m e n t of t h e system o r to destroy it forever.co l l ec t i ve. mass. Those. perhaps. as the tact i c a l terra i n of s t r u g g l e and as a s t rate g i c pot e n t i a l for destru c t i o n . A n d o n l y afterwards. d o t h e workers arrive at t h e p o i n t of b e i n g active­ ly.at an average level of d eve l o p m e n t - workers are a l ready a s o c i a l c lass of p rod ucers: i n d u s t r i a l p rod u c e rs of c a p i t a l . of tak i n g o v e r t h e ru n n i n g of t h e " g e n e r a l i n terests of socie­ t y " . i t m a kes a p o l i t i c a l leap for­ ward when i t i s orga n i sed by soc i a l capita l . C a p i ta l i s t power seeks to use t h e workers' an­ tag o n i s t i c w i l l-to-st r u g g l e as a motor of its own deve l o p m e n t . t h e m s e lves. A h i s to ry of i nd u s t ry c a n not be conce ived as a n yt h i n g other t h a n a h i story of t h e capita l i st o rg a n i sa t i o n of prod uct ive labou r. T h e t ra n s i t i o n is proba b l y a h i storical one: it is p ro­ d u ct ive l a bo u r w h i c h prod uces capita l . n o t yet. a n d destroy i n g t h e very bas i s of cap i ta l ' s power. The work i n g c l as s c a n n o t constitute i t s e l f as a party w i t h i n c a p i t a l i s t society w i t h o u t p reve n t i n g capita l i st soci ety f r o m f u n c t i o n i ng. i t i s t h e work i n g c l ass that i s d e c i s ive. A n d i n t h e s t r u g g l e for t h a t content. A prereq u i s i t e of t h i s p rocess of t r a n si ­ t i o n i s po l itic al o rg a n isat i o n . Thus t h e society of capital and t h e workers ' party find t h e m s e l ves exist i n g as two opposite forms with o n e and t h e same c o n t e n t . I t i s i n t h i s latter re l at i o n s h i p t h at it exists as t h e work i n g c l as s . h e n c e as a work i n g c lass h i s t o ry of c a p i ta l . B u t i t i s . are com m i t t i n g t h e error of red u c i n g t h e factory to capital by means of red uc­ i n g t h e work i n g class. So. w h o have t h e c o n t ra ry perspective. whereupon a n o u t s i d e r may c o n c l u d e that i t has not h a p pened. At t h i s s am e level of deve l o p m e n t t h e capital ists. T h e work i n g class does what i t is . even i f it m e a n s confou n d i n g a b i t t h e terms of H e g e l ' s d ia l ec t i c? N a m e l y . a f t e r a l o n g . that t h e workers become. h i storical t rava i l w h i c h i s . however. N ow we know t h at the p rod u ct i ve power of l a b o u r makes a leap forward when i t i s put to u s e by t h e i nd ivid u a l capital i s t . at one and t h e sa m e t i me. I n t h e i n ­ t e rve n i n g period t he re i s t h e refu s a l . then. T h u s we see that . a n d t h e f a c t of i t s s pontaneous existence i s s u f f i c i e n t f o r t h e workers to ref use to fight for o l d idea l s . f r o m t h e f i rst m o m e n t s of d i rect c o n f ro n ­ t a t i o n w i t h t h e i n d i v i d u a l e m p l oyer . They can only exist together for t h e brief period of t h e revo l u ­ t i o na ry c r i s i s . and also t h e deve l op m e n t of c a p i t a l ' s capacity to p re­ vent t hese mechan i s m s b e i n g u sed by workers.of t h e workers to expose t h e m s e l ves as "a c l a s s agai n st c a p i t a l " w i t h o u t t hat org a n i sa t i o n of t h e i r own. b u t not y e t as a " c lass f o r i t s e l f " ? Or s h o u l d n ' t we perhaps s a y t h e opposi te. th at i s . i t i s the fact of i n d u st r i a l workers b e i n g o rg a n i sed i n t o a c lass t h at p rovokes t h e capita l i sts i n g e n e ra l to const i t u te t h e m se l ves as a c l ass. exists not only i n re l a t i o n to c a p i t a l .though i t may not yet be sufficient for t h e m to take u p o n t h e m s e lves t h e task of i n i t i a t i n g a new p l a n of s t r u g g l e . w i t h i t s d e m a n d for total p ow e r . The workers' party m u s t take t h i s same rea l med i a t i o n by the workers of c a p i t a l ' s i n terests and o rg a n ise i t in a n antagon i s t i c form. c o n s t i t u t e a soc i a l c l a s s not of e n t repreneu rs so m u c h as organisers : t h e o rg a n i sers of workers t h ro u g h t h e med i u m of i nd u s t ry.

U n true . qua soc i a l re l a t i o n s of prod u c t i o n . In fact. The " i n ­ d u stry" of t h a t d e f i n i t i o n i s . The worker i s t h e provider of capital.t h e stri ke. t h ese two pers pec­ t ives c o m b i n e in t h a t i n correct "correct i o n " w h i c h was i m posed o n M a rx. b u t at t h e c o s t (w h i c h i s n e v e r s u bject to negot iatio n ) of t h e workers' stru g g l es which period i c a l l y shake t h e p rocess of p ro­ d u c t i o n . say i n g " N o" to t h e transformation o f l a b o u r power i n t o l a b o u r? A re t hey n o t . it is determ i ned a n d often v i o l e n t l y so. that stop p i n g work does not s i g n i fy a ref u s a l to give c a p i t a l t h e u s e of o n e ' s labou r power. A n d t h e c l ass rela­ t i o n s h i p i s i m posed from t h e very firs t moment and by t h e very fact that t h e pro­ letariat i s c o n s t i t u ted as a c l ass in the face of the capita l i st. Because. as t h e s u bject a n d activity of c a p i t a l . i t i s a m omen tary b l ockage of t h e work­ p rocess a n d i t a p pears as a rec u r r i n g t h reat which d e rives i t s contents from the p rocess of va l u e c reat i o n . i t can even take on the form of "socialism ". we w o u l d break f ree of t h e apparent n e u t ra l i ty of t h e m a n . and. and is t h e refore t h e terra i n on w h i c h t h e e m p l oyer i s forced to respond w i t h con t i n u a l tec h n o l o g i c a l " revo l u t i o n s " i n t h e orga n i sation of w o r k . a n d w h i c h has s u bseq u e n t l y enj oyed s u c h s u ccess w i t h i n t h e p ract ice of t h e off i c i a l work i n g c l ass m ovem e n t . in order to come to l i fe a n d i n to p l ay i n t h e soc i a l re l a t i o n s of prod u c t i o n . s i nce t h i s is l eg a l l y a l ready c a p i t a l ' s property. l i ke t h e i n herent s o c i a l n a t u re of labou r power. The a n a rc h o-sy n d i c a l ist "general strike". c a p i t a l is not a n e u t ra l process. m o re t h a n anyt h i ng . a l l t hese other con d i t i o n s of pro­ d u c t i o n are. which was s u pposed to p rovoke the co l l a pse of c a p i t a l i st soci ety. N o r i s i t a ref u s a l to a l l ow c a p i t a l t h e p rod uct of l a b o u r. ref u s i n g t o receive work from t h e c a p i t a l is t? Cou l d n ' t we say. stop p i n g work . a n d t h u s t h e society of workers' l abou r. Rather. i s another of t hose t h i n g s acq u i red by t h e c a p i t a l i s t without payment. t h e o n l y t h i n g 30 . In rea l ity. T h i s . T h u s . The t r u t h of m o d e r n soci ety i s that i t i s the civilisa tion of labour. f ro m the start. o r rat her. the worker d oes not know w h a t to d o with it.t h e i d e a t h a t i t i s "work i n g peo p l e " w h o a re t h e t r u e " g i ve rs of l a b o u r ' . a n d two. . We wou l d then see t h a t i t i s the spec i f i c m o m e n t s of t h e c l ass stru g g l e w h i c h h ave dete r m i ned every tec h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e i n t h e mecha n i s m s of i n d u st ry. And. s i nce it h a s a l ready been g i ven to c a p i t a l once t h e c o n t ract for t h i s part i c u l a r c o m m o d i t y has b e e n s i g ned. . i n fact. I t i s c a p i t a l i s t soci ety seen from t h i s point of view t h a t we m u st f i nd the cou rage to f i g h t . as we have also seen.m ac h i ne re l at i o n s h i p . i n any case. the society of capital). It i s wrong to d ef i n e present day society a s " i n d u s t r i a l c i v i l i s at i o n " . The truth of t h e matter i s t h a t t h e person w h o p rovides labour i s the capita l i st . b u t the society of indus trial labour. not industrial society (that is. not only i nsofar as he s e l l s l a b o u r power. B u t . as we h a v e seen. T h u s we wou l d a c h i eve two t h i ng s : one. c a p i t a l in t h e m s e lves . F u rt h er m o re. a c a p i t a l i s t soci ety can never be anyt h i n g but t h i s . b u t a l so i n sofar a s h e embodies t h e c l ass re l a t i o n . against all those w h o wou l d seek to debase it. I t a l ready conta i n s w i t h i n i t a d e m a n d which i t a ppears t o o ppose - that i s . i n f a c t . What a re workers d o i n g when they s t ru g g l e a g a i n s t t h e i r e m p l oyers? A r e n ' t t h ey. as the c l as s i c form of workers' s t ru g g l e - i m p l ies a ref u s a l of t h e c o m m a n d of c a p i t a l as t h e o rg a n i ser of prod u c t i o n : it is a way of say i n g " N o " at a part i c u l a r p o i n t i n t h e p rocess a n d a ref u s a l of t h e con­ c rete labou r w h i c h i s b e i n g offered . we wou l d locate t h i s re l at i o n s h i p i n t h e i nteract i o n . part i c u l a r commod i ty w h i c h i s the c o n d i t i o n of a l l t h e other c o n d i ­ t i o n s of p rod u ct i o n . . . i n the c o u rse of its h i storical deve l o p m e n t . above a l l e l se. he i s t h e possessor of that u n iq u e . f a i rer " pa rt i c i pa t i o n " i n t h e pro f i t of capital. i s a rom a n t i c n a i vete from t h e word g o . I n t h i s w h o l e process. of work i n g c l ass stru g g l es a n d c a p i t a l i st i n i t i at ive. a n d that i t i s t h e concern of workpeo p l e to d e f e n d t h e d i g n ity of this t h i n g w h i c h t hey p rov ide. . Rather. i t i s paid f o r . . t h ro u g h h i story. So . by the emerg i n g c l a s s re l at i o n s h i p between the co l l ect ive worker and the w h o l e of c a p i t a l . needs to s u b­ s u me u nd e r i t s e l f l a b o u r power. m e r e l y a m e a n s . I t ' s n o a c c i d e n t that t h i s terra i n is t h e terra i n that i s chosen tact i c a l l y by the workers as t h e g ro u n d o n w h i c h to attack the e m p l oyers. t h i s t ra n s i t i o n i nto soc i a l re l a t i o n s of prod u c t i o n c a n n o t occu r u n less t h e c l a s s re l a t i o n i s i n t rod u ced i n to i t as i t s content. t h e worker provides capital.a dead c a p i t a l w h i c h . . t h e Lassa l l i a n demand for a " f a i r s h a re of t h e f r u i t s of l a bo u r" .i n other words.

. h i storica l ly. S i m i l a r l y . and t h e abid i n g c o n d i t i o n w h i c h w i l l a lways be attendant u po n t h e "eternal reb i rt h " of c a p i ta l i st deve l o p m e n t . I t is in t h i s very spec i f i c sense t h a t capita l i s t i c e x p l o i tat i o n . R a t h e r . From t h e o u tset. And aga i n . Work i n g c l ass stru g g l es a g a i n s t t h e i ro n l a w s of c a p i t a l ist e x p l o i ta t i o n cannot be red uced to t h e eternal revo l t of t h e o p p ressed against their o p p ressors. B u t we are not h e re to i nvent some a l tern a t i ve way of see i n g t h i s p r o b l e m . As a lways. i t s cont i n u a l reorg a n i s a t i o n at the very h i g h est leve l s of i n d u s t ry and society a re then. from the necessity for c a p i t a l to escape from its de fa cto s u bo r­ d i n a t i o n to t h e c l ass or worker-producers. t h e conditions of labour a r e i n t h e h a n d s of t h e capita l i st. . f r o m its b i rt h . i n new f o r m s . I t ' s t i me to s e t i n m o t i o n t h e contestat i o n - t h e bat t l e . t h e econom i s t i c ex p l a nation has no o t h e r weapon a g a i n s t c a p i ta l i s m t h a n m o r a l c o n d e m n a t i o n of t h e system . f r o m t h e outset. i f t here i s n o c a p i t a l ist s o c i e t y w i t h o u t t h e workers' a rt i c u l a t i o n . The worker c a n n o t be labour other t h a n i n re l a t i o n to t h e c a p i t a l i s t . to s m a s h t h a t d o m i n a t i o n . a con seq uence of prod u c t ive labour. As a matter of u rgency we m u s t g e t h o l d o f . Ex p l o i t a t i o n is born. l a b o u r . t h e o n l y thing i n t h e h a n d s of t h e worker i s t h e conditions of capita l.w h i c h does not come from t h e workers i s .d i rect l y between t h e worki n g c l ass and capita l . and has been r i g h t from the start. responses by capital to workers' ref u s a l to s u b m i t to this process. if capital is a l ready. a n d start c i rcu l at i n g . p rovokes workers' i n s u bo rd i n a t i o n . I t i s t h e d i rect l y po l i t i c a l t h ru s t of t h e work i n g . to be f o u g h t o u t i n a new period of h i st ory . i s i n fact s u bord i nate to t h e work i n g c l ass. t h e n o n e can c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e capita l i st c lass. t h e con­ cept of ex p l o itation cannot be red uced to t h e d e s i re of t h e i n d i v i d u a l e m p loyer t o e n r i c h h i mself b y extract i n g t h e max i m u m poss i b l e a m o u n t of s u r p l u s l abou r f r o m t h e bod ies of h i s workers. This i s t h e h i storical paradox w h i c h m a r k s t h e b i r t h of capita l ist society. Hence t h e necessity of ex p l o i t a t i o n . and t h ere is no class relat i o ns h i p w i t h o u t t h e work i n g c lass . I f t h e cond i t i o n s of c a p i t a l a r e i n t h e h a n d s of t h e workers. c o n d u cted o n eq u a l terms. The f a c t th at o n e i s d o m i nant d o e s not i m p l y t h a t t h e other sh ou l d b e s u bord i n ate. prec i s e l y . The i n c reas­ ing org a n is atio n of ex p l o i tat i o n . t h e c o n f rontat ion between w h a t M a rx referred to i n a n a n a l ogy as " t h e h u g e c h i l d re n ' s s h oes of t h e proletariat and t h e dwarf i s h s ize o f t h e worn-out p o l i t i c a l s h oes of t h e bou rgeo i s i e " . T h e q u e s t i o n i s often a s k e d : " W h a t i s a soc i a l class?" The answer i s : "There are these t w o c l asses " . a g a i n s t t h e o n e th at has d o m i n ated u p t i l l n o w . i f t h e re i s n o active l i f e i n c a p i t a l w i t h o u t t h e l iv i n g activity of l a b o u r power. at i t s b i rt h ." p roud and m e n ac i n g " . . The problem is a lready the other way rou n d . i n o t h e r w o r d s i f t here i s no soc i a l re l at i o n s h i p w i t h o u t a c l a s s re l at i o n s h i p. i n t u rn . and to t a k e that d o m i na t i o n and t u r n i t . a photograph of t h e worker-proletariat t h a t s hows h i m as h e rea l ly i s . i t i m p l i e s s t r u g g l e . agai n . T h e c a p i t a l i s t cannot be capital other t h a n i n re l a t i o n to t h e worker.

t h e State of c a p i t a l i s t society. or destroy i n g t h e c l ass o rg a n i s m of t h e workers. d i s me m beri n g . smashing the bourgeois S ta te does mean destroy i n g t h e power of t h e capita l i st s . as a m o m e n t of t h e political reproduction of t h e work i n g c l ass. I n order to e x i s t . t h a t i s .a n d neo-Key n e s i a n i d e o l o g i e s . K.i n s t i t u t i o n a l ised p o l i t i c a l power. t h ro u g ho u t the h i story of cap i t a l . T h e c a p i t a l ists have not yet i nvented - and in fact w i l l o bv i o u s l y never be a b l e to i nv e n t . T h e " e n d o f l a i ssez. reaches o u t to t h e w h o l e of s o c i a l re l a t i o n s . m i g h t even be rea l i s a b l e . M i l l .S. T h e i n t e l l ec t u a l consensus as to t h e f u t u re State-of-we l l-being . at a h i g her l eve l we can now s e e i t as the his tory of the successive a ttempts of the capita lis t class to emancipa te itself from the working class. a n d by t h e same toke n . M y r d a l speaks . M a rx a n d T. L i b e ra l i s m a n d democ racy wou l d f i n a l ly be reco n c i led. they wou l d f i nd i n t h i s "soc i a l i s m " t h e u l t i mate f o r m o f a u t o m a t i c . i n t r u t h . t h e present forms of eco n o m i c p l a n n i n g a re not h i n g more than a n attempt to i n s t i t u t e this organic form of p o l i t i c a l d i ctators h i p w i t h i n dem ocra cy as t h e modern p o l i t i c a l form of c l ass d i ctators h i p . At what point does t h e p o l i t i c a l State come to m a n a g e at least some part of t h e eco n o m i c m ec h a n i s m ? When t h i s econo m i c mecha n i s m can beg i n to u s e t h e p o l i t i c a l State i t s e l f a s a n ins trument of production . on t h e one h a n d i n d i s p e n s a b l e t o c a p i t a l . I f w e l ook c l o s e l y . In c a p i t a l i s t society the basis of p o l i t i c a l power is. The very poss i b i l ity of workers abo l i s h i n g t h e State i n society i s located w i t h i n t h e spec i f i c nat u re of t h i s prob l e m .a n d has not meant .f a i re" means. The c a p i ta l ist c l a s s d o es not ex ist i nd e p e n d e n t l y of t h e f o r m a l p o l i t i c a l i n­ s t i t u t i o n s . c o n t ro l o f t h e i r move m e n t of i n s u bord i n a t i o n . T h a t type of p o l i t i c a l power i s s p ec i f i ca l ly work i n g c l ass power. p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l i n econo m i c g u i se. has been acco m p a n i e d . by t h e deve l o p m e n t of eve r m o re orga nic f o r m s of p o l i t i c a l d i ctators h i p at t h e l e v e l o f t h e State.a non. e . We n o longer h ave a b o u rgeois State over a c a p i t a l ist society.i . even at t h e level of p o l i t i c a l t h eo ry. star­ t i n g from t h e p o i n t of p rod u c t i o n . The d i fference between t h e two c l asses at the level of p o l i t i c a l power i s p re c i se l y th is . object ive .t h e state as we h ave come to u nderstand i t .t h a t society which J . we c a n s e e t h a t t h i s w a s a l ready e m bodied in the p reced i n g d eve l o p m e n t . Yet here too we wou l d f i nd t h e i nexora b l e necessity of work i n g c l ass m ed i a t i o n .of w h i c h G . q uote. Leav i n g a s i d e a l l t h e p o s t .a system c o m m o n l y known as. q u ite t h e o p p o s i t e i s t r u e of t h e work i n g c l ass: it exists i nd e p e n d e n t l y of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i sed l eve l s of i t s o rg a n i s a t i o n . t h r o u g h the m ed i u m o f the various forms of c a p i t a l ' s p o l i t i c a l d o m i n a t i o n o v e r t h e work i ng c l as s . t h e c l ass of c a p i t a l i s t s need s 32 . t hey exerc i s e their political domination: for this very reason. T h i s i s why destroy i n g the workers' p o l i t i c a l party does not mean . f u n d a m e n t a l l y . eco n o m i c necessity: t h e neces s i ty of u s i n g force to make t h e work i n g c l ass abandon its proper soc i a l r o l e as t h e d o m i n a n t c l ass. We have a l ready seen the p o l i t i c a l h i story of c a p i t a l as a sequence of attempts by c a p i t a l to w i t h d raw f ro m t h e c l ass re l at i o n s h i p . w h i c h . J ef­ ferson a l i ke wou l d p robably a p p rove. B u t t h i s p o l i t i c a l v i t a l ity o n t h e part of i t s adversary. soc i a l i s m a n d democracy. o n l y Key nes has provided t h e c a p i t a l i s t p o i n t of v i e w w i t h a f o r m i d a b l e subjective leap forward. t h a t work i n g c l ass a r­ t i c u l a t i o n of c a p i t a l i st deve l o p m e n t can no l o n g e r f u n c t i o n on t h e basis of spon­ taneous objective m e c h a n i s m s : it m u s t be s u bjectively i m posed by p o l i t i c a l i n ­ i t i a t ives t a k e n b y t h e c a p i t a l ists themse lves. rat her. at d i fferent t i mes b u t i n permanent ways. at t h e s a m e t i m e i s t h e m o s t fearf u l t h reat to c a p i ta l ' s power. b u t . T h e s u rpas s i n g of State c a p i t a l i s m by a c a p i t a l i s t State i s not som et h i n g that b e l o n g s to the f u t u re: it has a l ready h a p p e n e d .contro l . f i n d i n g a n ideal mediator i n t h e s h a pe of the soc i a l State . c l ass that necess i tates econo m i c deve l o p m e n t on t h e part of c a p i t a l . a cont i n u o u s form of the ext ract i o n of s u r p l u s v a l u e w i t h i n the process of p rod u c t i o n . t h i s i s not to c o n cede t h a t t h i s w a s a " revo l u t i o n " i n capita l ' s m o d e o f t h i n k i n g . Looked at f r o m t h i s p o i n t of v i e w . "soc i a l i s m " . o n e cou l d o n l y hope to destroy t h a t p o w e r by s m a s h i n g t h e S t a t e m a c h i n e . p e r h a p s c o m p a r a b l e i n h i storical i m porta nce w i t h t h e leap w h i c h Len i n m a d e pos s i b l e f ro m t h e work i n g c l ass p o i n t of v i e w . as a class. t h ro u g h w h i c h . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d . As for t h e workers.d i ssolvi n g . We w o u l d f i nd ou rselves w i t h a s y n t h e s i s of l i bera l i s m . H owever. T h i s i s the reason why c a p i t a l ist ex­ p l o itat i o n .

and to s u b s u m e u n d e r i t s e l f t h e w h o l e of soc i ety. as s u c h . t h e nat u re of c a p i t a l i s m e re l y t h a t of a n economic i nt e rest. a n d . Prec i s e l y becau s e c a p i t a l is a soc i a l power w h i c h . i t needs to a r­ t i c u late t h i s d o m i n a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l "forms" w h i c h can b r i n g to l i fe its d ead essence as an objective m ec h a n i s m . from a l on g time before. i s also necessary before t h e need to seize power has a r i s e n . t h e n n o capi t a l i st c l a s s ex­ ists w i t h o u t a cap i t a l i s t State. And the so-cal l ed bourgeois " revo l u t i o n " . i n fact. s i nce w h a t i t i s i s n ot h i n g o t h e r t h a n t h e life-force of th at i m m ed iate destru c t i o n . o r . as a l ready i n c o rporated w i t h i n i t s e l f . c l a i m s for i t s e l f d o m i n at i o n over everyt h i n g . i t becomes revolu tion i n ac­ tion. Why? I n o r d e r to r e n d e r t h e po l i t ical i nstance of t h e a n ­ tag o n i s m objective i n t h e f a c e of capita l . i n order to s h a p e i t i nto a r i c h a n d a g g ressive force. at any g iven moment.a m o u n t s to not h i n g m o re t h a n t h e l o n g h i storical t ra n s i t i o n t h ro u g h w h i c h c a p i t a l const i t u tes i t s e l f as a c l ass of capita l i sts i n re l a t i o n to t h e workers. i t i n i t i ates t h e revo l u ­ t i o n ary process d i rectly. that part i a l ity w h i c h c o n s t i t u tes c l a s s antag o n i s m . by v i rt u e of havi n g taken s h a pe. the Le n i n i st party. I t becomes t h e c l ass of c a p i ta l i sts. I f i t i s t r u e that t h e c o n c e p t of c l ass i s a pol i t i c a l rea l ity. i n t h e short term.w h i c h a m o u n t s to t h e s a m e t h i n g . and poses n ot h i n g b u t t h e d e m a n d f o r power: but i t has ex i sted as a class from t h e start. that d i rect po l i t i c a l s u bj e c t i v i ty. i n o r d e r to a r t i c u late t h i s i n stance w i t h i n t h e present rea l ity of t h e c l ass re lat i o n s h i p. j u st as t h e f i g u res of M a rx and .t h e c o n q u est of p o l i t i c a l power by t h e " bou rgeo i s i e " . so i t m a n i fests. and prov i d e it w i t h s u bject ive force. This. when the cla ss cons titutes itself a s a party.t h e m e d i a t i o n of a formal po l i t ic a l leve l . i t i s forced to t u rn i t s e l f i n t o a politica l force. t here i s a class even in the absence of a party. b u t i t d o e s need organisa tion. In i m ­ m e d i a t e t e r m s . P rec isely because t h e c o l l ec t i ve worker i s t h at total l y p a rt i c u l ar com mod i ty w h i c h cou n terposes i t s e l f to t h e w h o l e of t h e cond i t i o n s of society. M a rx d i scovered t h e existence of t h e work i n g c l ass l o n g befo re t h e re w e r e f o r m s to express i t p o l i t ic a l ly: t h u s. at t h e beg i n n i ng of its h i story. t h e n . i t w a s n ot h i n g m o r e t h a t t h e egot i s t i c a l i n te rest of t h e i n d i v i d u a l capita l i st: i n order to defend i t s e l f f ro m t h e t h reat posed by the w o rk i n g c l ass. A s f a r as i t s i n ternal deve l o p m e n t i s concerned. and prec i s e l y as s u c h . H e re. for M a rx. F r o m t h e very beg i n n i n g t h e proletariat i s not h i n g m o re t h a n a n i m med iate politica l in terest i n t h e a bo l i t i o n of every aspect of t h e ex i s t i n g order. O n t h e other h a n d . i nc l u d i n g t h e s o c i a l cond i t i o n s of its labour. I t does n ' t n e e d i n s t i t u t i o n s . are two com p lementary t heses.i t t u r n s i t s e l f i n t o a repressive State apparat u s . Once a g a i n . i t h a s n o need o f " i n s t i t u t io n s " i n order to b r i n g to l i fe w h a t i t i s . t h e deve l o p m e n t of t h e worki n g c l a s s d i s p l ays tota l ly t h e opposite feat u res: w h e n t h e work i n g class beg i n s to exist forma l l y at a n orga n i sed political leve l . gave t h e rea l i l l u s i o n t h at t h e re was a l ready u nd e r way a spec i f i c process of work i n g c l ass revo l u t i o n : for Len i n . t h reatens bou rgeo i s order. t h ro u g h t h e weapon of tactics. w h i c h i s necessary for t h e s e i z u re of power.

a l on g s i d e t h a t of capital . Bas i c a l ly. i f these i n ­ fant i l e s c h e m e s had o n l y b e e n u sed to i l l u st rate a h i story b o o k o r t w o . B u t a c l ass rela­ t i o n s h i p is posed for t h e f i rst t i me by t h e work i n g c lass. T h e workers were s u p posed to copy t h i s mode l : they were s u pposed to d e m o n s t rate. t h a n t h e capita l i sts). w h e n 1 0. nevert he less we a l s o have to p o i n t o u t t h a t every c l ass strug­ gle i s a po l i t i c a l struggle. Bas i ca l l y .000 workers m a rc h ed o n M a n c h ester. a ref u s a l to manage t h e m e c h a n i s m of t h e society as i t s t a n d s . t hey had a l so l ived t h e experience of J u ne 1 848. of cou rse. i n som e aspects of its p ract ice. i n t h e s e c o n d i nstance.i nvented b y h istorical materi a l i s m . i n new forms .conceives of a s u d d e n s eizin g of p o l i t i c a l power o n l y after t h e c o m p l e t i o n of a l o n g . as a " N o " . i s n o t t h e s a m e as S u nday M a y 2 8 . 1 97 1 i n P a r i s . t h e class p u t s i nto a c t i o n what i t i s . the social democratic logic of w h at has been i t s own t heory. i f i t d o e s so by d i ss o l v i n g i n practice every t h i n g t h a t i t m u s t dest roy i n theory. W h i l e i t i s t r u e that t h e re i s c l ass s t ru g g l e even w i t h o u t party. so t here can be n o revolution before t h e destruct ive w i l l t h at t h e work i n g c l ass bears w i t h i n i t s e l f . w i t h t h e C h a r t i s t R i c h a rd P i l l i n g at t h e i r h e a d . in p rac­ t i ce. w e l l and good: after a l l . having a l ready d o m i nated society as a w h o l e . A n d we s h o u l d not s u m ma r i s e t h e f i rst case as a n offens ive action by t h e workers and t h e second as a n act of repre s s i o n by t h e c a p i ta l i st s . Thus t h e c l ass. . When the attempt was made to a p p l y t h e m o d e l of t h e bou rgeoi s revo l u t i o n to t h e cou rse of work i n g c lass revo l u t i o n . then lays c l a i m to the ru n n i n g of t h e State. a l l the com­ m u n ist move m e n t h a s d o n e has been to break and overt u r n . t h ro u g h t h e party. Hence. . a n i n i t iat ive th at o n l y needs to be o rg a n i sed v i a i ns t i t u t i o n s . 34 . I t i s t r u e th at here w e see t h e work i n g c l ass a rt i c u l at i o n of c a p i ta l i s t develop­ m e n t : at f i rst as a n i n i t iat ive that i s pos i t i ve for t h e f u nct i o n i n g of t h e system. There i s i n f a c t a d ifference of q u a l ity between d i fferent m o m e n t s of t h e work i n g c l a s s s t r u g g l e i t s e l f . And i f a n i nternal h i st o ry of t h e w or k i n g c l ass i s to be recon s t r u cted . T h u s . B u t i n t h e M a rx i s t camp. even b y M arx i s t s . . g rad u a l taki ng-over of eco n o m i c power.i t w i l l certa i n ly i nc l u d e b o t h of t h e s e o rg a n i sa t i o n a l experiences . n evert h e l ess o n e c a n o n l y t a l k of c l a s s o n a p o l i t i c a l leve l . i t w a s at t h a t p o i n t ( a n d we h ave g o t to u nderstand t h i s). o n e m i g h t expect that of a " h istory book". t h e " c l a s s i c " road to soc i a l i s m . A n d yet. takes s o l i d f o r m . Now. s l ow.a " N o" which i s repressed by p u re violence. . far m o re deter m i n ate and m u c h more h i st o r i ca l l y spec i f i c t h a n t h e w a y i t i s c u rre n t l y be i n g presented. i f a l l t h i s i s true. i t was at t h at point t h at we saw t h e s tra tegic collapse of t h e m ove m e n t . A u g u s t 9. because as we l l as being present at M a rc h 1 87 1 . t h e n o n e m u s t c o n c l u d e that t h e relat i o n s h i p C lass­ Pa rty. and o rg a n i se that power in i t s own hands. T h e c l a s s i c m o d e l o f t h e bou rgeo i s " revo l u t i o n " . I f. and not w i t h t h e s a m e s i g n i f i c a n c e accorded to eac h . and on t h i s bas i s t hey were to d e m a n d t h e ru n n i ng of t h e S t a t e .a l t h o u g h n o t u nd e r t h e s a m e head i ng . and a l s o to s e e how t h e m a rket was g o i n g . at the beg i n n i n g t h e d i v i d i n g l i ne between soc i a l democracy a n d t h e com m u n ist movem e n t w a s c learly f i xed. J u st as t here can be n o cla sses before t h e workers beg i n to exist as a c l as s . workers' m a n ag e m e n t of c a p i t a l as t h e p r i m e w a y . the concep t of revolution and the rea lity of the working class are one and the same.between trade union demands a n d political refusal. Len i n are c o m p l e m e ntary. to n e g o t i a t e w i t h t h e m a n u fact u re rs at t h e M a n c hester Exch a n g e . 1 842. This i s t h e d i fference of content w h i c h c a n ex ist . what are these two people if not a d m i ra b l e a n t i c i pa t i o n s of t h e f u t u re of t h e c lass i t s e l f ? I f we accept th at t h e c l ass i s not i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e party. errors of t h eo ry are paid for i n v e r y pract i c a l t e r m s : t h i s i s a law w h o s e consequences the workers have had t o suffer all too often . by leaping from s t rategy to tactics. O n e can­ not s p l i t t h e concept of revo l u t i o n from t h e c l ass relat i o n s h i p . and i f only i n this way does i t seize power from t h e hands of t h ose who hold i t . merely to i m p rove i t . becau s e p e r h a p s i t i s q u i t e t h e opposite. that t hey were capable of m a n ag i n g the economy of the society (far m o re capab l e .even w i t h i n o n e a n d t h e same set of w o rk i n g c l ass d e m a n d s . soc i a l d e m o c racy i s t h eoret ica l l y the most orthodox workers' move m e n t .Revo l u t i o n i s far t i g hter. . w h e n G a l l ifet c a l led o u t of t h e r a n k s o f prisoners t h ose w i t h g rey h a i r and ordered t h e m to be s h o t i m med iately. For h i st o r i c a l materia l i s m . b y t h e very n a t u re of its ex istence.

(AP) 1 0/30/35 . and p l acard-carry i n g demonstrators gather at Colosseum here Apri l 7th as they stage demonstrat i o n cal l i ng for better benefits from the government. Italy held its f i rst general strike of 1 97 1 Apri l 7th i n what tu rned out to be al most a h o l i day atmosphere. UPI CABLEP HOTO 4/7/71 i l/2 DUCE I N S P ECTS H I S POLICE R OME. protesting al leged i nadeq uacies i n a new hou s i n g b i l l . Some 1 1 m i l l ion workers are reported taking part in the stri ke. 1 8 as he rode down the l i nes w i t h hand raised in the Fascist sal u te. I t was the tenth anniversary of the fou nd i ng of the force. Transla ted by Red N otes i l/1 CAO 1 700981 ROM E: Farmers w i t h thei r tractors. ITALY: Sta n d i n g at attention before th e ir s h i ny motorcyc les. row u pon row of Rome pol icemen were i n spected by Benito M u ssol i n i Oct.

or s u b. a n d to i n d i cate t h e f i rst e l ements of a progra m m e to adva n c e a n d f u r­ t h e r genera l ise t h e move m e n t .Fa s c i s t res istance i n Italy laid t h e basis for a form of t h e State based o n the " p a rty system". T h e T r i be o f M o l es Se rg i o B o l og n a T h i s a rt i c l e was w r i t t e n i m med i a t e l y after t h e e x p l o s i o n of t h e " M ov e m e n t of ' 7 7 " i n R o m e a n d B o l o g n a . T h e y u n der­ l i n e t h e need for a c r e a t i ve a n d pol i t i c a l re· eva l u a t i o n of a n a l y t i c a l categories. I t i s o n e of t h e m o s t l u c i d a l · t e m p t s to a n a l yze t h e c l as s compos i t i o n of t h e " n e w soc i a l s u b j e c t . m i d d l e c l as s . The concepts of capital a n d class composition are far bet­ t e r s u i ted to d e f i n e t h e d y n a m i c of c l ass re la· lions today as rela tions o f po wer . a " re· d i scove ry" of M a rx i s m in the l i g h t of t h e con­ t e m porary c l a s s s t ru g g l e . l u mpen· bou rgeo i s i e .p ro l e t a r i a t . These c o n t rad i c t i o n s of l a n g u ag e are a n e x p ress i o n of t h e c o n t e m porary c r i s i s of t h e trad i t i o n a l M a rx i s t c o n c e p t u a l a p p a r a t u s . The new reg i m e i n herited from Fascism f a i r l y powerf u l i n s t r u m e n t s for a n i nd epe n d e n t po l i t i c a l " i nt erference" i n t h e p rocess of reprod u c t i o n of c lasses ( n o rm a l l y left to the d e ve l o p m e n t of prod u c t i ve rel a t i o n s 36 . b u t i s i n c reas i n g l y c o m pact a n d c o u n t e rposed against movements i n c i v i l society. W i t h the H i storic C o m p ro m i se strategy of the I t a l i a n Com m u n i s t Party (PCI) s i nce 19 74. S u c h a n a l y s i s i s o n l y m e a n ­ i n g f u l i f i t a l lows u s t o u n cover t h e new compos i t i o n of t h e c l ass u nd e r l y i n g these stru g g l es. . We c o n s i d e r t h e s c i e n t i fi c va l u e of t h e s e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s to be d o u b tf u l to say t h e least. " T h i s art i c l e i s a p rov i s i o n a l attempt to t race t h e i nternal deve l o p m e n t of t h e a u t o n o m o u s c lass movement i n I ta l y . . etc. w h i c h l e d to t h e explos ive c o n f ro n t a t i o n aro u n d t h e U n ivers ity occ u p a t i o n s i n S p r i n g 19 77.) are used h e re only in t h e i r conven tiona l his torical u s a g e . a n d a g a i n st t h e p o l i t i c a l progra m m e of the new com­ posi t i o n of t h e c l ass. t h e form of t h e State has taken a new l e a p forwards . The wart i me a n t i .towards the org a n i s a t i o n of a " p a rty system" which n o longer a i m s to mediate o r represent c o n f l icts i n c i v i l society. l u m pe n . H e re we a n a lyse t h e m o v e m e n t primari l y i n i t s rel a t i o n to t h e I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l system a n d t h e c h a ng e s i t h a s u ndergone t h ro u g h t h e p e r i o d of c r i s i s s i nce 196 8. " S e rg i o B o l o g n a ' s note o n t e r m i n o l ogy: " T h e categories of c l as s a n a l y s i s used by t h e soc i o l ogy ( p e t t y bou rgeo i s i e .

b y t h e v i o l e n t effects of t h e c r i s i s - w h i c h we s h a l l exa m i n e later. and h e n c e a l l ow i n g a soc i a l recyc l i n g of t h e i n come received by i t . B u t t h i s c l ass d y n a m i c was s h attered and t h ro w n off cou rse. and a f l ow of reven u e . A l l t hese had t h e effect o f reprod u c i n g a d i sp ropor­ t i onately l a rg e s m a l l -to-m i d d l e bourgeo i s i e . however. b u t pass ive. cons i s t i n g s o l e l y of w a g e l a b o u r a n d c a p i t a l .O P E N O R w h i le perm i tted a large n u mb e r of agric u l t u ra l proletarians to be transferred LATE N T a b road. to org a n i s e t h e d y n a m i c of c l ass rel a t i o n s i n a w a y t h a t corresponded to t h e p l a n s for pol i t i c a l stab i l i ty.U n i o n b u t " a u tonomou s " . At t h e same t i m e .acq u i red t h r o u g h e m p l oy m e n t i n t h e p u b l i c ad m i n i strat i o n . T h i s happened i n 1 945-46. w h i c h a r e t h e receptacles f o r m ed iat i n g t h e d rives a n d c o n t rad i c t i o n s of c i v i l society. a f e w years later. In t h e l o n g term. t h e type o f work i n g c lass to be p romoted . f i rst b y t h e work i n g c l ass offens ive at t h e e n d of t h e 1 960s. s u pport was g iven to a l l forms of ag r i c u l t u ra l p rod u c ­ t i o n t hat m a i n ta i ned i rrat i o n a l d e m o g ra p h i c rel a t i o n s . I n certa i n reg i o n s of t h e n o r t h e r n " i nd u st r i a l t r i a n g l e " t h e reprod u c t i o n of soc i a l c lasses w a s l eft to t h e c l a s s i c mec h a n i s m s of concentration­ mass i f i cation of labou r power in l a rge-sca l e i nd u stry. w h e n t h e c r i s i s of t h e p reced i n g reg i m e a n d t h e deve l o p m e n t of a n e w c l ass composi­ tion r i s k esca p i n g from t h e c o n t ro l of t h e d i a lect i c between G ove r n m e n t a n d o p­ pos i t i o n ." mo n ey as money" . i n o t h e r w o r d s . t h e rate of i n c rease of t h e w o rk i n g c l ass. These i n st r u m e n ts were: c red i t . by m u t u a l relations among t h e m s elves. w h i c h represented the soc i a l base necessary for t h e stab i l i ty of t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrat reg i me. not a n t i . ac­ c o rd i n g to t h e p r i n c i p l e that the command of f i xed c a p i t a l s h o u l d a lways be over­ powe r i n g . n o t host i l e to t h e work i n g c l a s s . T H E F O R M OF T H E T h e p o l i t i c a l agree m e n t s esta b l i shed w i t h l a rge-sca l e E u ropean i n d u st ry mean­ STAT E . private a n d p u b l i c . so that reg i o n s l i ke L i g u r i a . The form of t h e State u nd e r t h e post-war " pa rty system" is a la ten t form: what norma l ly a p pears o n t h e s u rface i s a method of med i at i n g and rep res e nt i n g con­ f l i cts. b o t h d o m e s t i c and fore i g n . t h e effects of this pol i cy f o r t h e re p rod uc t i o n of t h e c l asses b l u nted t h e revo l u t i o n a ry effects of t h e rea l s u bject i o n of l a bo u r to capital. i n o t h e r words. The parties chose to replace their rel a t i o n s w i t h t he c l asses. a n d o n t h e ot h e r t h e op pos i t i o n parties . not p rod uctive b u t sav i n g . In this sector it was left to p rod uct ive capita l . T h e party system thus came to control t h e basic sectors of t h e economv a n d the i m portant service sectors. t h e p rod u c t i o n of a factory work i n g c lass was p i l oted with g reat care. In these l atter reg i o n s . t h e i ntervention of t h e " pa rty system" i n t h e mec h a n i s m of res h a p i n g and reprod u c i n g t h e c l asses seemed to t a k e p l ace w i t h g reater a u tonomy from the move m e n t s of capita l . i n c o n t rast to t h e USA) G ramsci had s o l a m ented i n h i s Prison No tebooks ( s e e A merican ism and Fordism). t h e re was a f l ow of s u b­ s i d i s i n g f i nance a i med to " c o n g ea l " non-prod u c t ive re l a t i o n s and soc i a l st rata. after t h e armed s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t Fasc i s m . t h e l a c k of w h i c h (for I ta l y . a s o c i e t y was to be devel oped made u p e n t i re l y of p rod ucers. i n recei p t of reve n u e . T h rou g h this control. a n d w i t h i n it tnat of t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats (the hegem o n i c pa rty from t h e c r i s i s of t h e P a r r i Government i n N ovember 1 945 to t h e C e n t re-Left coa l i t i on s of t h e ' s i x t i es) it was a b l e t o negotiate w i t h U S i m pe ri a l i s m and t h e m u l t i n a t i o n a l s . to bri n g about that " ra t i o n a l demog ra p h i c compos i t i o n ' ' . Lombardy or Veneto have a h i g h e r percentage of e m p l oyees work i n g in tert i a ry act i v i t i es than some reg i o n s in t h e S o u t h . but a l so a l a rge proport i o n of tert i a ry workers. based on i ncome as reve n u e. a n d t h e real s u b s u m p t i o n of l a bou r to capital). and t h e Com m u n i s t Party chose to p r i o r i t i s e 37 . H e re. and t h e n . regard i n g the i nternat i o n a l d iv i s i o n of l a b o ur . off­ sett i n g t h e g rowt h of t h e w o rk i n g c lass with a d i s p roport io n ate g rowth of a s m a l l ­ to-m i d d l e bourgeo i s ie. the State-c o n t ro l led i n d u st r i e s . a n d p u b l i c expe n i t u re.The form of t h e State comes o u t i nto t h e open i n certa i n h istorical moments. w i t h t h e masses. I t s h o u l d b e added th at t h i s mec h a n i s m of advanced c a p i t a l i s t deve l o p m e n t p ro­ d u ced not o n l y factory workers. O n t h e one s i d e are t h e govern i n g part i es that d o m i nate t h e b u reau c ratic­ repressive apparat u s of t h e State.

Faced w i t h t h e alternat ives of w o rk i n g c lass THE WORLD O F commitment o r bou rgeoi s-acad e m i c econo m i c science. i t has b e e n concreti sed t h ro u g h a system of va l ues. I t i n c l udes you ng econom i s t s who have taken ACCESS TO u p university posts. of t h e " N ew Left" economists of t h e Modena fac u lty: t h i s cou l d have become a centre for r i g o ro u s a n d w e l l-doc u me n ted c o u nter-information to d i sm a n t l e t h e f a l s e a rg u ments beh i n d t h e ideology of t h e c r i s i s . and very often E D U CATION. to redef i n e t h e " party s y s t e m " i n t e r m s of concord rat h e r t h a n c o n f l ict. T h e party system n o longer " receives" t h e t h rusts f r o m t h e b a s e . how to be reas o n abl e . its re l a t i o n s w i t h t h e other parties that backed t h e cons t i t u t i o n of t h e R e p u b l i c . to t h e society w h i c h e xp resses new needs. separate from a n d host i l e to move m e n t s i n s o c i e t y . rat h e r t h a n i t s re l a t i o n s w i t h t h e c lass a n d t h e armed movement. to t h e com po s i t i o n of t h e c lass. or provided more l essons to the work i n g c l ass o n prudence . the Com m u n i st Party has privi leged the s t re n g t h e n i n g of i t s l i nks w i t h t h e o t h e r p a r t i e s . I n a s i m i la r way. If t h e I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l system has been a b le to i n te rfere autonomou s l y in t h e p ro- 38 .l i n e res po n s i b i l ity for prov i d i n g t h e b a s i c a rg u ments beh i n d the ideology INTELLECTUALS. ever s i nce i t c h ose t h e p a t h of t h e H istoric Compromise (and more v i g o rou s l y s i nce t h e E l ec­ t i o n s of J u n e 1 976). h o w t h e n i s it c o n c retised? S o f a r . S i nce t h e s t u d e n t u pr i s i n g s i n 1 977. p rec i s e l y t h ro u g h a d i ff e r­ i n g i nterpretat i o n of t h e d o m i n a n t ideology of t h e c r i s i s . t h ey have c o n t r i b u ted to i t . . w h i c h i s becom i n g ex p l i c i t . a n d p l ay i n g on a s i m i l a r "state of emergency" in order to overcome t h e pres e n t c r i s i s (as with t h e post-War " Reconst ruct i o n "). unwritten rules governing all parties i n the democratic arena. The p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m becomes more r i g i d . B u t i f t h e form of the State. and has met w i t h a t h o u s a n d obstac l e s: b u t by now it is c learly t h e o n l y way if the present power eq u i l i b r i a are to be m a i n t a i ned. a n d cou nter­ poses them as a m a c h i n e hos t i l e to c i v i l society. This i s o n l y o n e exa m p l e of t h e more general "t reason of t h e i nt e l l ec t u a l s " of t h e 1 968 g e n e ra t i o n . nor to mediate or org a n i se them: i t d e l egates them to " e c o n o m i c i n­ terests" and poses i t s e l f as t h e spec i f i c form of t h e State. cannot be red u ced s i m p l y to t h e s t re n g t h e n i n g of t h e rep res s i ve a p p a rat u s . t h i s CONCRETISATION n e w e d i t i o n of t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l pact s i g ned d u ri n g t h e Resi stance a n d t h e n OF THE NEW FORM v i o l ated b y t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats. . a certa i n type of i n t e l l e c t u a l has assu med major s oc i a l i m por­ tance as propagator o r exponent of the " co l l ect ive consc i o u sness" in t h i s period. a n d have h e l ped to " c l ose t h e c i rc l e " . de­ pend o n the s t re n g t h e n i n g of the m i l it a ry-re p re s sive apparatu s : the l atter i s s u bor­ d i n ate to the l evel of homogeneity of the " p a rty syste m " . The form of the State i s now becom i n g open a n d ex p l i c i t through the con­ s o l idation of t h e pact w i t h i n t h e " pa rty system " . in t h i s latest period. of crisis c l ea r l y l i es with t h e p rofess i o n of economis ts. backed b y Cambridge o r Harvard promotion. I t does not. S i n c e t h e f ramework for t h i s c o n s e n s u s i s p rov i d ed by a p recise ideology of crisis. what is prod uctive or u n ­ p rod uct ive. i s h a p pe n i n g today u nder t h e b a n n e r of t h e O F THE STATE ideology of t h e crisis a n d t h e imposition of austerity. I n c e rta i n cases. I nstead t h ey p referred to keep q u iet. . AN D open to l i nks w i t h t h e t rade u n io n s . . t h e move m e n t towards an a l l-party coa l i t i o n to confront t h e c r i s i s has acce l e rated. By now. t hey have i nvariably. TREASON OF T H E The front. i t c o n t r o l s a n d represses t h e m . m o re REVENUE or less ex p l i c i t l y . more fronta l ly cou n terposed to c i v i l society. is represented by the ideology of the crisis. THE T h i s race a m o n g t h e p a r t i e s (above a l l t h e P C I ) to arrive at ever-t i g hter l i n ks. This a p p l ies not only to LI BERALISATION O F the h i g h p r i ests of the reg ime. T h i s p rocess i s a c o m p l ex one. how to s u rrender. of p o l i t i c a l norms. which has been o n e of t h e m a i n factors a l l ow i n g t h e task of Restorat i o n to t a k e p lace i n t h e U n ivers i t ies i n recent years. opted for t h e latter. t h e u n ity of t h e p a r t i e s at a p o l i t i c a l and p rog r a m m a t i c l evel is bei n g c o n c l u d ed l i ke a steel dome e rected over the needs of the w o rk i n g class. i n other words. what is l e g a l or i l l e g a l . a n d h a s c o n t r i b u ted to c reat i n g t h e rad i c a l c u l tu ra l g a p between t h e movement of ' 6 8 a n d th at of '77. T h e con nective c h a i n w h i c h s i m u ltaneo u s l y b i n d s t h e part i es w i t h i n t h e new const i t u t i o n a l p a c t .and i n p a rt i c u l a r w i t h t h e C h ri s t i a n Democrats. to g i ve just o n e exam­ p le. which d e fac­ to decide w hat is l e g i t i mate. at l east. T h i s was i n o r d e r to " resolve t h e c r i s i s of t h e State" . e t c . S u c h c a n be said. The " pa rty system" no l o n g e r a i m s to represent confl icts.

in other words. Gorreri. towards the world of revenue (money as money. favours social promo­ tion. A sort of vague egalitarianism emerges. this egalitarianism assumes tones of workerist chauvinism. the student and the tertiary worker. Let us examine the meohanism. to it is traced the radical new phase of the political behaviour of the masses. removed from the circuit of productive capital).comes to the fore. The circle closes: - . If a project of this sort was ever formulated explicitly. for example. The liberalisation of access to Universities. At this point the whole "party system" joins in the great debate on the reproduction of classes in Italy. the general conclusion being that it is not sufficient to reproduce a lower-to-middle bourgeoisie in an anti-working class role. but rather acts as a signpost towards receipt of income in the sphere of circulation.the lynchpin of the crisis ideology . but the postman. if this then becomes an unproductive class in receipt of revenue! And so the scapegoat mythology of "Hunt the Parasite" . They complain.cess of reproduction of classes via various sorts of State provision. one of the most important of these has clearly been the liberalisation of access to Univer­ sities since 1969. These are the first shots in that "class analysis" which will become the official ideology and the preferred argument of the super-paid editorial-writers of the Regime's press. At this point the high priests of our economy begin to complain that the criteria for financing this social mobility determine in advance the class that will emerge from the liberalised university system: a lower-middle bourgeoisie which is sub­ sidised and "living off welfare" rather than productive or disposed to work. with youth unemployment. this game now starts in earnest. the milkman and the student.. etc. and says nothing.000 a year: and by an increase of teaching staff and sup­ plementary part-time staff. at least on paper. its distortions. The liberalisation of University access is made to coincide with the crisis. But most of all. can avoid the necessity of factory or manual work. that the prospect of jobs that differ from factory work is not a sufficient incentive to productive labour. It appears that it is no longer capital that exploits the worker. which scrutinises the income of the clerical worker.the University of Padua alone ac­ counts for over $2. isolating it by promoting upward social mobility. we are not aware of it. with the reduction of the productive base. This operation is financed by distribution in the form of presalari (grants) . Backed by the "scientific" revelations of Sylos Labini. Some interpret this move as a means of eroding the working class hegemony that matured in the wave of struggles in the late 'sixties. imbalances etc. A working class youth can escape the path of the previous generation. about the transfor­ mation of capital-which-is-productive to capital-which-is-productive-of-interest: in its most shameful form. It is a crude and effective ideology. with the enlargement of the area of State subsidy.000.

I t was t h e p ro b l e m . (even those related to t rade u n ion m ed i at i o n . s u c h as s h o p steward o r g a n i s a t i on). t h e i r g rad u a l destruction as o r g a n s o f i ndependent work i n g c lass i n i t iative and c h o i ce. is now stam ped as a f r u s t rated " l u m p e n ­ bou rgeo i s i e " . t h e B a n k of I ta l y ' s 40 . and in w h i c h t h e o rg a n i sa t i o n of c la s s a u tonomy form " p o l i t i c s " i n t h e esta b l i s h ed s e n s e w a s w o n i n t h e cyc l e of m a s s s t r u g g l es f ro m t h e l a t e ' s i x t i es .n a m e l y the l e g i t i m a t i o n of its c o i n c i d e n c e w i t h t h e l aws of c a p i t a l i st acc u m u l a t i o n . s u c h as the Works Cou n c i l s . But w hat then a re we to make of t h e c l a i m b y cert a i n h e i rs of Tog l i atti that t here e x i s t s a n "autonomy of t h e po l i t ic a l " ? W h e re i s t h i s a u tonomy? Even w h e re t h i s autonomy had t h e g reatest s u bstance . and above a l l with t h e m a n i p u l a t i o n of t h e Workers' Asse m b l ies.in the process of rep rod u c t i o n of c l asses . t h ro u g h w h i c h a rea l s pace for independen t class politics had been c o n q u e red. w h i c h had been f ree from trad i t i o n a l party p o l i t i c s for more than a decade. n ow o n c e agai n becam e a p o l i t i c a l terra i n of m a n i p u l a t i o n by t h e " p a rty syste m " . By m a k i n g i t s e l f t h e i n terpreter of t h e i d e o l og y of t h e c r i s i s . A l l t h e forms a n d i n ­ stances of c lass a u tonomy. a n d i n g e n e r a l ceased to g ive much atte n t i o n to p ro b l e m s of t h e com­ pos i t i o n of t h e c l ass. the extra-parl iamentary g ro u p s began their s u i c i d a l retreat from t h e factory. the State-form of the " p a rty syst e m " a r­ rives at t h e h i g hest p o i n t of i nteg rat i o n w i t h i n t h e system of c a p i t a l . of a mechan i s m w h i c h had been orig i n a l ly c reated and c o n c eived as a means of stabi l i s i n g t h e system a n d act i n g ( t h ou g h t h i s i s n o w q u i e t l y forgotten) i n an ant i-worker f u n c t i o n ! B LOCKING I t is not easy to u nt a n g l e t h e mass of l i es a n d h a l f-t r u t h s w h i c h are c o n t a i n ed i n W O R K ING CLASS t h i s d i s torted vers i o n o f t h e c l ass d y n a m i c .m i d d l e bou rgeo i s i e in recei p t of reve n u e ( i e a privi l eged c l ass). a l l t h e most recent s u rveys (for exam p le.a n d meanwh i l e rest r u ct u ra t i o n rooted o u t a n d scattered t h e most homogeneous and m i l i ta n t g ro u p s i n t h e p l ants. B u t t h e form of t h e State cannot l ive o n ly as a power that i s host i l e t o ext ra­ i n s t i t u t i o n a l move m e n t s : i t needs a bas i c l e g i t i m a t i o n . This has led to a s i t u a t i o n w h e re. This occu red in the fa ctory itself. T h e best answer i s to ret u rn t o t h e A UTONOMY. t u r n i n g t h e m i n t o parl i a me n t a ry t a l k i ng-shops. by org a n i s i n g t h e new constra i nt-to-work and the pol icy of a u sterity and sac r i f i ce. and t h e w i d e r t h e c u l t u ra l terri tory a n d t h e system of va l ues and behav i o u r t h a t t hese i m pose on d e c i s ive sect i o n s of t h e c lass. what was prev i o u s l y d ef i n ed as a l ower-to.i n other w o r d s .i n s t i t u t i o n a l move m e n t s . t h e more t h e form of t h e State a s " pa rty syst e m " become i nc reas i n g l y open a n d a g g ressive. At t h e same time. Despite a l l t h e t a l k a b o u t t h e effects of p u b l i c i nt e rve n t i o n v i a t h e g rowth o f p u b l i c expend i t u re . as " y o u t h des perat i o n " . O n e a n swer lay i n t h e t ec h no l o g i ca l-type prov i s i o n s t h a t were i n t rod u ced i n order to b reak u p t h e central n u c l e u s of t h e c lass ( t h e change i n o rga n i c c o m p os i t i o n . t h e factory a n d the work i n g class are a l most u n known e n t i t i e s. etc). as a perverse effect.t h e cyc l e of w o rk i n g c lass s t r u g g l e s of 1 968-69." at that stage was not o n l y that of b l oc k i n g and P O L I TICA L SPACES. m a rg i n a l i s i n g a w o rk i n g c l ass soc i a l hegemony which had shown i t s e l f i n Italy for t h e f i rst time s i nce t h e Second World War. were t a k e n o v e r a n d a l l owed to a t r o p h y . as " m a rg i na l ity" . with the g ra d u a l remova l of effec t i ve power from the d e l egates (shop stewards) in the factory Cou n c i l s . roots of w h ere i t a l l beg a n . rat h e r.the v i o l e n c e of t h e c r i s i s has broug h t every t h i n g u nder t h e i ro n r u l e of t h e l a w s of c a p i ta l . The larger t h e p o l i t i c a l s pace conq u e red by t h e extra. by a p rocess of g ra d u a l aba n d o n m e n t of i t s autonomy.the political form of a u tonomy. p rese n t i n g i t s e l f for t h e f i rst t i m e i n t h e form of ex p l i c i t State power. The OCCU PYING T H E problem for t h e " p a rty systerr. created by t h e c r i s i s . The factories. of u p root i n g the po l i t i c a l forms in w h i c h t h i s hegemony had m a n ifested i t s e l f . B u t l e s s obv i o u s w a s t h e p rocess by w h i c h t h e " pa rty sys t e m " b e g a n t h e conq u est of t h e terra i n of work i n g c l ass a u t o nomy. today. The " party system " took contro l of t h e orga n i sa­ t io n a l forms that rem a i ned.

services. Accord i ng to t h e s c h e m a p resented b y t h e p reva l e n t p ropaganda of t h e c r i s i s . and i n Treas u ry Bonds f i n a n c i n g p u b l i c expend i t u re . f r o m t h e R i g h t to t h e " N ew" Left . T h e O E C D f i g u res s h ow t h at e m p l oy m e n t i n t h e tert i a ry sector i n I ta l y i s among t h e l owest among advanced i n d u s t r i a l cou n t r i e s : Italy 45 % . i nvested i n t h e form of money c a p i t a l i n e n t e r p r i ses.a remarka b l e f a c t . nor a n y s u bs t a n t i a l a l terat ion i n i t s compos i t i o n . H o u s i n g a l o n e .m i d d l e bou rgeo i s i e .ie i n a period of savage i n f l a t i o n a n d deva l u at i o n s of t h e l i ra) i n t h e f o r m of b a n k deposits. in increasing their needs and the means of sa tisfying them. c u rre n t acco u n t s and p o s t o f f i c e sav i n g s . M o reover. p u b l i c and p rivate. LEVE LS A N D Leve l s of i ncome h ave not d i m i n i s h e d . t h e I STAT stat i s t i cs s h o w t e r­ t i a ry e m p loyment to be c o n c e n t rated m a i n l y i n t h e i n d u st r i a l N o rt h . UK 54 % . T h e myth of t h e h y pertrophy o f t h e t e rt i a ry sector . A n d yet not o n l y does t h e B u l l et i n s how t h a t sav i n g s of lower to m i d d l e i n come groups h ave i n c reased ( 1 973 .a n d a d i s p roportionate f l ow of resou rces to t h e tert i a ry sector.h a s no f o u n d a t i o n . services a n d p u b l i c ad m i n istat i o n . Canada 62 % . accord i n g to t h e Bulletin. as t h e p r o p of p o l i t i c a l stab i l ity . d e s p i t e t h e c r i s i s . etc. USA 64 % . and i n part i c u l a r t h e work i n g c l ass. n e i t h e r has t h e level of sav i n g s : and this p o i n t i s s i g n i f i cant for a n a l y s i s of t h e " petty bou rgeo i s ie" a n d (as we a r e led to b e l i eve) t h e hypertrophy of t h e "tert i a ry sector".t h e lower-to.t h e common t h e m e of t h e ideology of t h e c r i s i s . b u t a l so t h a t t h i s i s a factor of equilibrium. d i rect more f i n a n c i n g towards i nd u st ry (a t h ree t i mes h i g her proportion). N o t s o ! The spec i a l cred i t i ns t i t u t i o n s ( p ro moted by t h e State).o n l y Federal Germany has a l o w e r percentage. I f cons u m pt i o n has not f a l l e n . Even t h e level of con­ DISTRIB UTI O N O F s u me r d u rables has not f a l l e n (in fact HP forms of payment have f a l l en). Bulletin for Oct-Dec 1 976) s h ow that i n I t a l y t he re h a s b e e n no c h a n g e i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n come. or to t ra n s port and com m u n i ca t i o n s (one and a half t i mes h i g h e r) t h a n to c o m merce. I t a l i a n fam i l ies h ave one of t h e h i g hest rates of sav i n g s i n t h e world: this wou l d seem to confirm t h e hypot h e s i s that the propensity to savi ng i n t h e form of ba n k i n g l i q u id i ty i s a symptom of the " t e rt i a ry" d i s p roportion of I t a l i a n society and i t s i ns u f f i c i e n t prod u c t i ve base.t a k e s u p d o u b l e t h e i nvest ment of t h e w h o l e tert i a ry sector p u t tog e t h e r ! . wou l d a l ready t e l l u s a g reat d e a l about t h e n e w c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e class. To I N CO M E A N D d i scover how t h e proletariat. reve n u e-based layer o f society . w e w o u l d expect a f l ow o f c red i t to promote a n u n p rod u c t ive. have n o t a llowed C LASS themselves to be pushed to the brink of poverty by the crisis but have succeeded C O M POSITI O N . recyc l i n g i ncome t h ro u g h c red i t i n­ s t i t u t i o n s .

W h i le between 1 97 1 -74 " l a n d a n d l a n d deve l o p m e n t l o a n s " (above a l l for s u b u rban deve l o p ment) t r i p led.n oted fact. t h e basis of t h e em­ AND ITS E F F ECT p i re of rea l-estate i nvest ment t rusts. because t h e acq u i s i t i o n of s u b u rban a reas has not been f o l l owed by a n eq u a l l y large movement o f construct i o n . The powers confer­ red. Accord i n g to t h e U S STRATI FICATIONS Federal Reserve. about a q u arter of t h e c red its of U S b a n k s w e r e i n hou s i n g . i t was in t h e s i n g l e-fa m i l y sector. i n s u ra n c e compan ies. a n d d ista n c i n g soc i a l s t rata w i t h h i g her i ncomes away f r o m c it y centres. w h i l e at t h e s a m e t i m e deprivi n g t hose c i ­ ty centres of rates. I n t h i s way t h e prices of s u b u rban a reas h ave i nc reased. c o m pa n i es ' risk capital has been f u r­ n i s hed i n large meas u re by pr i vate p e n s i o n f u n d s . As s o m e m o re i n t e l l i g e n t a n a l yses h a v e s h o w n .t h e "construction i nterest" has used t h e c r i s i s i n order to s u b­ t ract resou rces f r o m p roduct ive c a p i t a l . today hold one t h i rd of a l l s h a re c a p i t a l in the U SA3. b u t who. w h i c h h a v e i n c reased t h e rhyt h m of transfers o f p roperty d e e d s a n d h a v e g iven a considerable i m p u l s e to t h e ve l o c i ty of c i rc u l a t i o n of money. w h i c h . The attack o n i n comes via the cost of h o u s i n g has a d i rect effect o n c l ass strat i f i cations. I n t h e U n ited States t o o . a re i ns i g n i f i ca n t c o m p a red w i t h t h e powers that t h e " c o n s t r u c t i o n i n terest" c o n f e r s onto t h e " p a rty syst e m " . When con­ struction began to l ift off agai n . i n­ ON CLASS c l u d i n g t h e most adve n t u ro u s k i n d s of spec u l a t ive activity. can force it to make payoffs (wh i c h . pension f u n d s .but also for t h e i nvest m e n t of pet ro-d o l l a rs. w i t h o u t it pass i n g t h rou g h a p rocess of p rod u c t i o n . The huge d r a i n of f i n a n c i a l reso u rces on the p a rt of rea l estate and property c a p i t a l b r i n g s u s back to the q u estion of the " party syste m " . etc. soc i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l patterns of behaviou r t h a t s t a n d h a l fway between t h e 42 . at t h e end of 1 975. in order to make p rod u c t ive the c a p i t a l that has been " f ixed " t h e re. t h r o u g h t h e g u a ra n tees of t ra d e u n io n i s m .on local ad m i n i st r a t i o n s a re as yet u ncerta i n . The c lasses. t h e mec h a n i s m d iffers: i n order to get t h i s c a p i t a l m ov i n g . t h e e nforced s h i f t towards bad l y served p e r i p h e ra l u rban areas i s a powerf u l factor of m a rg i na l i sa­ t i o n . red rawn t h ro u g h t h i s process.and part i c u l a r l y t h e banks w h i c h control t h e m . m a n ages to m a i n t a i n h i s i n come level . w h i l e t h e race was on to capt u re l a n d .a n d probably m o re so t h a n i n I ta l y . bourgeo i s i e " . and sett i n g i n m o t i o n t h e mecha n i s m of " f iscal c r i s i s" of p u b l i c s p e nd i n g . CRISIS. Thus it wou l d ap­ pear that p rod u c t ive c a p i t a l has been f i n anced by t h e con t r i b u t i o n s of workers. the actu a l constru c t i o n of h o u s i n g saw a d ra m a t i c d ec l i ne: if we add s i n g le-fam i l y and m u l ti-fam i ly h o u s i n g .a series of s p ec i a l specu lative i n s t i t u t io n s . we see a big i n c rease in the period 1 97 1 -72. accord i n g to Peter Drucker. but t h e re i s no d o u bt that i n I t a l y t h e " party syste m " rep resents t h e most i m portant cond i t i o n i n g factor i n t h e property market. and to t h e "construction i n terest" o n the other4.h a v e p referred to t a k e t h e path of specu l a t i o n i n p roperty or i n exc h a n g e rates. m a k i n g i t more p rod u c­ t i ve for c a p i t a l to deve l o p s u b u rban h ou s i n g . a spec i f i c f i n a n c i a l stru c t u re h a s been c reated . for reason s of h o u s i n g problems. Hence vast tracts of s u b u rban l andscape are w a i t i n g to be b u i l t on. c o m m e r c i a l bank c red its to rea l estate t rusts a n d m o rtgage compan ies m o re t hat d o u b l ed 1 . l ives in a m a rg i na l i sed area. T H E Property i s t h e f i rst ref u g e for t h e sec u rity of t h e sav i n g s of t h e " petty P R O P E RTY MAR K ET. i nvented t h ro u g h the c r i s i s . . In the metropol i tan cen­ t res. t here has not been a " s hortage of capita l " as some people have m a i n t a i ned. w h i c h have become the privi leged zones for the pet r i f ication of c a p i t a l . which i s now a w e l l . L a r g e c o n t ro l le rs of territory ( t h e DC and t h e PCI) c a n . we are only at the start of this p rocess. p rod u ces eco n o m i c . force a barga i n i ng p rocess o n t o t h e "construction i nterest " .T H E MONETA RY There is a spec i f i c re l a t i o n between t h e property ma rket a n d t h e monetary c r i s i s . a n d i s a factor of v i o l e n t p r o l et a r i a n i sa t i o n . t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n cycle i n I t a l y has f u ncti oned as a p u m p to d ra i n away i n co m e from workers and red i s t r i b u te i t to t h e m i d d l e c l ass o n t h e one hand. etc. to g ive it once a g a i n t h e f o r m of commod ity a n d exc h a n g e va l u e . T h u s . h owever. t h ro u g h p l a n n i n g contro l s . a s regards t h e d i rect i n g a n d control of class d y n a m i cs). t a x e s . The waged worker who. H owever. and then a s u d d e n d ro p i n J a n u a ry 1 973 to December 1 974. take on t h e t y p i c a l m i xed c h a racteristics of a period of c r i s i s . and was very weak i n d eed i n t h e m u l t i-fam i l y sector2. w h i l e t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i nvestors ..

o n t h e orga n i c compos i t i o n of a g g regate c a p i t a l . " g u a ra n teed " worki n g c l ass a n d t h e s u b-proletariat even if the a c t u a l status of h i s job m i g h t otherwise p l ace h i m in the l ower-to. B u t at t h e same t i me. THE TOTAL T o c o n c l u de: i n f l a t i o n a n d t h e mechan i s m s o f t h e c r i s i s h ave considerably eroded S U BOR DINATION OF the power of t h e " pa rty syste m " to i n te rvene a u t o n o m o u s l y in the p rocess of THE PARTY SYST E M reprod u c t i o n of c lasses in I t a l y . o r t h ro u g h export of the proletariat. i n any s i g n i f i cant c h a n g e i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n come. Their res u l t overa l l d oes not seem espec i a l l y d i fferent (for exa m p l e in t h e case of the g rowth of tert i a ry activi­ ty) from t h e deve l opments i n o t h e r i nd u s t r i a l cou ntries. The poss i b i l i t y of c reat i n g s t a t u s d i f­ OF THE CRISIS ferences via i ncome d i ffere n t i a l s . t h e " d i stort i n g effect" of these c h o i ces is d e l i berately exag­ g e rated by t h e PCI a n d t h e off i c i a l labou r movement.v i a econ o m i c c o n t ro l s over c red i t and d is t r i b u t i o n of cash as reve n u e. at least u n t i l rece n t l y . d i spens i n g cash t h ro u g h t ra n sfers of i n come. The myt h i c a l " reco n q uest of t h e city centres" i s a reac t i o n to t h e marg i na l i s i n g t h ru s t w h i c h t h e u n ho l y a l l i a n ce of t h e "construc­ tion lobby" a n d t h e " party syste m " is b r i n g i n g about. t hey have c reated a s o c i a l a n d i n d u st r i a l stru c t u re acutely sensit ive to t h e problem of sav i n g s . n o longer over t h e reprod u c t i o n of c l asses. A c o n s i d e r a b l e p a rt of t h e p o l i t i c a l behaviou r of t h e you n g proletariat d u r i n g t h e rece nt strugg les s h o u l d be u n de rstood start i n g f r o m c i ty p l a n n i n g as a s p a c e o f i n terve n t i o n i n c l ass d y n a m i c s . If anyt h i ng . The q u est i o n of " ratio n al d e m o g ra p h i c compos i t i o n " to w h i c h G ra m s c i referred i n t h e t h i rt i es) i s now com i n g to depend p r i m a r i l y on capita l ist devel o p m e n t alone. N obody wou l d deny that the " party system" had t h e power in past years to i n­ t e rfere w i t h some i ndependence i n t h i s p rocess . a refu s a l to be c l ass i f ied as a n " a rea of c u l t u re " a n d that's a l l .pe rm i t t i n g a centra l i sa t i o n of u n p ro d u c t ive i ncomes a n d t h e i r recyc l i n g i n t h e form of money capital a n d p u b l i c expend i t u re. T h e relat ive autonomy of the p o l i t i c a l d is t r i b u t i o n T O TH E PO LITICS of i ncome has b e e n g reat l y n arrowed . Nor have t hey resu l ted. The powers that t h e " p a rty system " does st i l l d e p l oy . a n d . to break the i n­ s t i t u t i o n a l b a l a nces. has been d i m i n i s hed. b u t over t h e new cla ss aggrega tion t h a t has b e e n f o r m e d t h ro u g h t h e c r i s i s .. a re l ocated at a d i ffere n t leve l .m i d d l e bou rgeo i s i e . Even t h e p rocess of tert i a ry g rowth o r c reat i o n of u n p rod u ct i ve sectors now depends more o n t h e deve l o p m e n t of fix­ ed capital t h a n on any autonomous i nterve n t i o n on the part of t h e political e l i tes. W i t h i n this " reco n q u est of the c i ty centres" th e re i s t h e d es i re to c o u n t as a p o l i t i c a l s u bject. ( i e i n externa l i sed f o r m s of c o n t r o l at t h e socia l-te rritorial leve l to disaggrega te and disin tegra te t h e unity o f t h e class. to i nterfere once a g a i n in t h e i n t e r n a l rel a t i o n s of t h e " p a rty syste m " . etc. s u p p l e m e nt i n g i ncomes i n t h e p u b l i c services.

Hence the new form of t h e State. in perverse re l a t i o n s w i t h spec i f i c sectors of s pecu l at i ve c a p i t a l s u c h as t h e p ro­ perty ma rket. Th i s cannot be properly u nderstood u n less we see it i n rel a t i o n to t h e cen tra lisa tion of capita lis t com­ mand w h i c h d e f i n es the po l i t i cs of the c r i s i s for a ll parties (ie the a rea of " p o l i t ics" i t s e l f).) I t i s from w i t h i n these n a rrow l i m its that the new form of t h e State i s d e rived . as estab l i shed for m o re t h a n t h i rty years. we in Primo Maggio have been po i n t i n g o u t a fact w h i c h i s n o w genera l l y accepted: eco n o m i c p o l i c y c h o i ces . What we have w i t nessed in t h e c r i s i s i s t h e s u bj e c t i o n of t h e po l i t i c a l system on t h e part of capita l . w h i c h a l low t h e USA con trol over scarcity. w h i l e c a u t i o u s . ("The U S have e merged a s t h e key sou rce of g l ob a l n u t r i t i o n a l stab i l ity" . The l iberation of th is area of autonomy outside and against off ic ial social institut ions. the dest r u c t i o n of i t s " a u to n o m y " . from central b a n k s to t h e I M F. is stronger than the system of values the "party system" seeks to impose . To t u rn to t h e b u re a u c ra t i c-repress ive a p p a rat u s . This c e n t ra l isation i s forma l ly represented i n monetary i n s t i t u ­ t i o n s . of accep­ tance or refu s a l to accept t h e norms of soc i a l behavi o u r req u i red a n d laid down by t h e form of the State. b u t rat her as a n e n t i re l y opposite p rocess: that of t h e tota l s u bo rd i nation of t h e " p a rty system " to t h e politics of the crisis. The Carter Ad m i n istration has developed this p a rt i c u l a r aspect of m oney a s capita lis t command as t h e bas i s of U S g lobal p o l i cy. i n other words. (in other words med i ated re l a t i o n s of force between c l asses a n d i nterests). wh ich has become ever more " illegal" . I t is t h i s n e w i ns t i t u t i o n a l rea l i ty of power on a n i nternat i o n a l s c a l e t h a t provides t h e bas ic g u i d e l i nes for t h e l o g i c of t h e c u rre n t ideology of t h e crisis a n d scarciti . a l ready f i n d s i t s e l f i n a c r i t i ca l l y weak con d i t i o n . The rep rod u c t i o n of c l asses has b e c o m e a p r o b l e m of p o l i t i c a l l eg i t i m a t i o n rat h e r t h a n materi a l i nt e rve n t i o n : a q u es t i o n of soc i a l a n d c u l t u ra l identity. For t h e past t h ree years. to a " power-State" p u re a n d s i m p le. f o l l owed by the rece n t DC e l ectoral reviva l . C l asses h ave tended to lose t h e i r "objective" c h a racteristics a n d become d e f i ned i n terms o f p o l i t i c a l s u bject i v i ty. i n Foreign Policy N o . and h e n ce a l so t h e p ropaganda for a u sterity meas u res. f o r t h e i m p lementation of aus terity b y consen t. i n c l u d i ng t h e P C I : as t h e s o l e c o n d i t i o n . Every " na t i o n a l " c h o i ce in t h e a rea of bas i c energy a n d food m u st come u p again s t an i n te r n a t i o n a l d iv i s i o n of l a b o u r that t h e USA i nt e n d s to have respected. So far we have c o n c e n t rated on the recompos tion of capita lis t comm a n d in t h e 44 .are no longer t h e res u l t of negot i a t i o n or barga i n i n g between parties. But i n t h i s process t h e m a j o r force of redef i n i t i o n h a s c o m e f r o m below: i n t h e c o n t i n u o u s rep rod u c t i o n a n d i nv e n t i o n of system s of cou n ter-c u l t u re a n d stru g g l e i n t h e sphere o f everyday l iv ing. The tec h n o l ogy of food p rocess i n g w i l l be as j e a l o u s l y defended as petro l e u m or u ra n i u m . or rat h e r i t s u n m a s k i n g . wou l d m e a n t h e end of t h e " pa rty syst e m " i t s e l f . h a s c o m e rou n d to t h e rea l is t i c recog n i t i o n t h a t t h e o n l y s o l u t i o n for pol it ic al m a n a g e m e n t of t h e crisis in Italy i s t h e rei n forcement of t h e pact b i n d i n g toget her t h e " p a rty system " a n d a " g ove r n m e n t of majority part i e s " . 23). S i nce t h e PCI vi ctory i n t h e 1 976 e l ec t i o n s and its acceptance of I ta l y ' s members h i p of N ATO.and h e n c e a l s o t h e criteria u pon which c l ass rel a t i o n s i n nation states are bei n g cond i t ioned . the Carter Ad m i n i st rat i o n .Secretary B rzez i n s k i . Today it i s command over wage commodities above a l l t h a t reg u l ates t h e re l a t i o n s between t h e USA a n d t h e r e s t of t h e world. b u t are l a i d down by extern a l constra i n t s determ i ned by ( i n t h e last i n stance) t h e I nterna­ t i o n a l M onetary F u n d . T h i s is n o t to be s e e n as t h e conc l u d i n g p h a s e of t h e m u cn-vau n ted " a u t o n o m y of t h e p o l i t i c a l " vis-a-vis " e c o n o m i c " deve l o p m e n t . u n io n s a n d so o n . T h i s rel a u n c h i n g of U S h e g e m o n y depends i n a d d i t i o n on res u lts a lrea dy a cquired. espec i a l l y i n t h e key sectors of e nergy a n d food i nternat i o n a l l y .

T h i s was. o r . w h i c h m o b i l i sed t h e c la ndest i n e leve l s of t h e S l a t e ( f r o m t h e secret services to t h e mag i s t racy). t hey ret u rned to t h e c l a s s i c schemas of t h e Party .Fascist Resistance. p rod uc­ t ive reorg a n i sa t i o n . I n t h e f i rs t . from G ra m s c i to t h e Resistance.Fa s c i s t movement. a recovery of the i d e o l o g i c a l and org a n isat i o n a l t rad i t i o n s of t h e off i c i a l work i n g c l ass m ovement: a cert a i n " i nt roject i o n " of t h e " party syste m " w i t h i n t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement i t se l f . a n d a n o p p o s i t i o n w h i c h reviv­ ed the democrat i c va l u es and t rad i t i o n s of the a n t i . and a perspective on t h e s t r u g g l e for p o w e r a rt i c u l ated accord i n g to t h e tactics of a m i l itant a n t i . A vanguar­ dia Operaia a n d PDUP . a p h ase of partia l re-absorp tion of the preceding forms of cla ss a u tonomy by the " pa rty syst e m " . e l ectoral l eve l of p o l i t i cs.the recomposition of the class. we can d i s t i n g u i s h two m a i n p h ases of s t ru g g l e. was c o m b i ned with t h e " s t rategy of tension" (terro r i s t i c u se of sec ret services.R ECOM POSITION c r i s i s and the u n f o l d i n g of the State form t h ro u g h r i g i d i f ication of the " p a rty OF T H E WO R KI N G system " . f r o m 1 969 to t h e o i l c r i s i s of 1 973-74. Manifes to. t h e attack o n t h e c e n t r a l m i l itant core of t h e work i n g c l ass by means of rest r u c t u r a t i o n . was m arked by a general rej e c tio n of t h e c reative hy potheses of t h e movement of 1 968-69. I f w e take t h e s u bjective d eve l o p ment o f t h e movement t h ro u g h t h e period s i nce t h e cyc l e of c l as s offe n s i ve i n t h e late ' s ixties. of t rad i t i o n a l h i storical Tog l i a t t i a n m o d e l s . w i t h M a o i s m . f r o m t h e State-fasc i s t b o m b i n g p rovocat i o n of P iazza Fontana ( M i l a n . C LASS I N T H E To take t h e factory or t h e U n ivers i t y as a start i n g p o i n t i s not a prob l e m . e m be l l i s h e d . a cert a i n revival of t h e h i storic orga n i sat i o n a l epoch of t h e I t a l i a n Com m u n i st Party a n d movement. This was acco m p a n ied by t h e reb i rt h in the move m e n t of u lt ra-Bo l s hevik models of orga n i sat i o n . Th e re w as . based on t h e M i la n s t ud e n t move m e n t). We m u s t now t u r n to the other s i d e . As regards t h e re l a t i o n between s u bjectivity a n d m o d e l s of o rg a n i sation o n t h e revo l u t i on a ry Left. D u r i n g the f i rst phase the " pa rty system " w a s n o t yet "congealed" i n t o t h e form of t h e State: i t w a s d ivided i n a s h a r p op­ p o s i t i o n between an exec u t i v e . t h i s f i rst p e r i o d .Fasc ist a c t i v i t y backed by t h e S t a t e . etc. . w i t h c o n s i d e ra b l e u s e of Fasc ist person n e l). in other words. i n other w o r d s . at most. c l andest i n e p roto.i n t h e case of g ro u p s l i ke t h e MLS (Workers ' Soc i a l ist M ovement.. i n that P E RIOD SI N C E both are e n c l aves of res istance a n d recovery of a n a lternat ive c l ass politics - T H E LATE 'SIXTI ES. The m o s t rece n t g e n e rat i o n of m i l itants formed a rou n d t h e movement of 1 968-69 was c o n s u med i n t h e res ponse to this at­ tack: fol l o w i n g t h e " pa re n t h e s i s " of t h e workers' offens ive. Decem be r 1 969) to t h e eve n t u a l defeat of t h e " s t rategy of t e n s i o n " (even if its ram i f i c a t i o n s cont i n u ed u p to t h e J u ne 1 976 E lection).t h e strict re l a t i o n between p rog ra m m e a n d org a n i s a t i o n . e i t h e r start i n g p o i n t wou l d serve u s j u s t as wel l . com b i ned w i t h t h e conq u est of the f o r m a l .

lead i n g to t h e c reat ion of orga n i sa t i o n s l i ke P D (Proletarian Democra cy). to overth row the terrorist b l a c k m a i l of the DC Gove r n m e n t and its a l l ies. t h e new. The central n u c l e u s of t h e "workers ' s a u t o n o m y " t e n d e n c y . etc. t h e u nceas i n g rhyt h m of ca m p a i g n s a n d m o b i l i sa t i o n s . We can t h e refore d i s t i n g u i s h t h e c h a racter i s t i c s of t h e a verage type of milita n t f o r m e d i n t h i s p h a s e of t h e strugg l e : a party cad re. m i l itant a n t i . I t i nvolved s t a k i n g everyt h i n g on l eve l s of org a n i sed m i l itancy. but who received a n overa l l p o l i t i c a l framework from t h e " p a rty schoo l " a n d t h e myt h s o f t h e o rg a n i sa t i o n . expropri ated of t h e i r own s u bjectivity. This s i m i l a r l y i nvolved slogans l i ke " overcom­ ing the spontaneity of the autonomous mass movement" a nd " b u i l d i n g the armed party " . h a v i n g come u p a g a i n s t t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l . made a d ra m a t i c c h o i ce i n favou r of f i g h t i n g for t h e militarisa tion of t h e move m e n t . or tact i c s of e l ectoral s u p port for t h e P C I . T h i s revival d rast i c a l l y m a rg i n a l i sed t h e c l a s s i c "worker i st " a rea of autonomy i n ­ he rited f r o m t h e worker-st u d e n t movem e n t of 1 968-69. ca l c u l ated. F o l l o w i n g t h e wave of new THE M O V E M ENT. we then saw a w h o l e s a l e recovery a n d revival of T h i rd I nternat i o n a l ist DEVELOPING mod e l s and perspectives. T h i s was to be a l o s i n g battle. T h i s w a s n o t o n l y d u e to t h e i n c reased e m p h a s i s o n territoria l-com m u n i ty a c t i v i s m 46 . in AND T H E 1 968-69. The posit ive c h a ract e r i s t i c s of t h i s period.Fasc i s m . B u t t h i s a l ready takes us i nt o the seco n d . w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e o rg a n i sa­ t i o n a l a b i l ity. l i ke L o tta Continua . a class compositio n . org a n i sed u se of " d i rect act i o n " in the st reet d e m o n s t rat i o n s a n d confrontat i o n s . even if i t s s i g n s of frag i l ity became a p parent i n t h e second period. vetera n s of the armed Resistance of the 1 940's) and t h e b u i l d i ng of a n armed party. I t w o u l d b e u n f a i r to s a y s i m p l y t h a t t h i s i m p l i e s t h e format i o n of a l i en ated m i l itants.po l i t i c a l l i m i t s o f a st rategy based o n t h e p o l i t i c a l poten­ tial of factory wage s t r u g g l es. derived f ro m w i t h i n the " post-workerist" and i n s u rrec t i o n i s t perspect ives of the "workers' autonomy" c u rre n t we have a l ready referred to. which became a social s tructure. c l a s s i c Len i n i st featu res of org a n i s a t i o n . o n t h e o t h e r . w h i c h we s h a l l be exa m i n i ng later. T h e tra n s i t i o n to t h i s second period of t h e s t ru g g l e m ust be f i rst u nd e rstood in terms of t h e c h a n g ed re l a t i o n between t h e revo l u t i o n a ry Left a n d t h e factory. p rofes­ s i o n a l cadres. b u t above a l l t h ro u g h i ns t i t u t i o n s and t h e Press.Fasc i s m (viewed with considerable tolerance by certa i n sectors of ex-part i s a n s . f u rt h e r acce n t u ated t h e CONC EPTIONS. p o l i t i c a l hypot h eses that went we l l beyond t h e com m u n i st h i storical t rad i t i o n . m a s s c a m p a i g n s and d e m o n strat i o n s p ro m oted b y t h e g r o u p s . to t h e e x t e n t of " c ros s i n g t h e p a r l i a m e n t a ry-electoral t h res h o l d " . But t h e m a i n prob l e m now i s to g rasp how and w h y t h e m a rg i n s of t h e M ovement were so d rast ica l ly c u rtai l ed .1 973 p h ase. act i v i s m and presence at a l l necessary l eve l s . the prompt response to p rovocat i o n s of t h e Right .M a l a g od i Gove r n m e n t up to 1 972. T H E P O LITICAL In general we can say th at h i storical model s were taken up u n c r i t i ca l l y and P R O B L E M S OF assu med as a priori normat ive va l i d ity a n d i m portance. T h i s i s t r u e espec i a l l y of t h e s t ru g g l e to overth row t h e R i g ht-w i n g And reott i . s i t u a t i o n i s t . post. The central prob l e m was State terro r i s m . dep rived of po l it i c a l s pace. p a r l i a m e n t a ry pres s u re . s o m e t i m e s b l i nd . as w e l l as t h e a n a rc h i st. and m o re i n t ra n s i g e n t M a rx i st-Le n i n i st g rou p s . A sort of i m perfect Tog l i attian system was i n operation i n t h i s f i rst period: on t h e one h a n d a strong presence i n t h e s t reets. t h e prob l e m of ' PARTYIST' power. represented by Po tere Operaio (Workers' Power) and Collettivo Politico Metropolitan o . T h e g ro u p s were i n t h e process absorbed i nto t h e " p a rty syst e m " . Even t h e i n it i at ives of t h e Red Brigades ( B R) in t h i s period m a i n t a i n a n objective a m b iva l e n ce between extreme forms of m i l itant a n t i . w h i l e o n l y hy pot h eses of party orga n i s a t i o n s u rvived in t h i s period. seen as the s m a s h i n g of t h e State m a c h i ne.all t hese act i v i t i es esta b l i s h ed a n d im­ posed a terra i n of m a s s political p ract ice. b y t h e PCI and PS I . w h i c h led to t h e maxi m u m deg ree of convergence betwee n t h e org a n i sa t i o n a l st rategy of the revo l u t ionary Left g ro u p s and t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l forces of a n t i-Fasc i s m . who developed cer­ t a i n l y from h i s or her own s i t u a t i o n of s t ru g g l e . b u t n o less effective i n t h e l o n g r u n .

The rea l i ty of t h e s i t u a t i o n was rat h e r that a l l t h e p ropert ies of t h e c l a s s w h i c h u n i fy and d e f i n e i t as a p o l i t i c a l s u bj ect w e re now transferred to the org a n i sations. In some of t h e l a rge work i n g c l ass concentra t i o n s of t h e N o rt h . o n l y a c l andest i n e fraction w a s l e f t to m a i n t a i n a s l e nd e r orga n i sat i o n a l network. a defensive terra i n . t h e i r m i l itants were p u rged from t h e p l a nts. 1 96 1 ) to GENE RALISATION OF the g e n e ra l i sed offens ive of the Hot A u t u m n ( 1 969) .that of res tructura tion. A NEW POLITICAL B u t i f t h e i d e n t i ty of t h e mass worker as political s u bject was now dead . as "ma teria l " for the party. by leav i n g of t h e i r ow n accord. T h i s was a confu s i n g period. imposing its specific hegemony on the composition o f the en tire class. e i t h e r sacked (often for absentee i s m).cou l d BEHAVIO U R OF THE h a rd l y be expected to d i sa p pear w i t h o u t a t race. I t w a s rat h e r t h at t h e restoration of T h i rd I n ternat i o na l i st m od e l s m e a n t t h a t t h e scien­ t i f i c M a rx i st concepts of t h e factory and t h e work i n g c l ass were lost s i g h t of.long CYCLE O F l ive t h e mass worke r ! A p o l i t i c a l cycle of stru gg les as d e e p l y rooted and powerf u l STR U G GLES: THE as t h a t w h i c h led from t h e mass confrontation o f Piazza Statuto (Tu r i n . Not that the period 1 969-73 was o n e of standst i l l as far as workers' demands were concerned . The class rem a i ned as a s u baltern e l e­ m e n t . .t h e driving force of t h e c lass i n t h e p revious workers' offens ive . I t w a s b o u n d to s e t i n m o t i o n a MASS WO R KE R w h o l e series of secondary effects and i rreversi b l e m ec h a n i s m s . reducing it t o its lo wes t common denomina tor as mere labour-po wer.t h ro u g h o u t w h i c h t h e mass THE POLITICAL worker of l a rg e-sca l e i n d u st ry had acted as t h e central d ri v i n g force . In other words. T h i s m e a n t a severe setback f o r the autonomy of t h e work i n g c l ass: a defeat of work i n g c l ass s c i e n c e . In some sectors l a b o u r costs rose by 25 % a year. The spectre of t h e old separat ion betwee n "ec o n o m i c " and " p o l i t i c a l " s t r u g g l e ret u rned to t h e s c e n e . Few were a w a re of t h e reco n q u est by the " pa rty system " in the factories prec isely becau s e t h i s p rocess was covered up by the pressu re of U n i on barga i n i n g .proba b l y t h e most i ntense s i nce t h e War. I t wo u l d b e q u ite wrong t o s a y t h at t h e presence of workers' p o l i t i c a l p ro b l e m s " d i m i n i s hed" i n t h i s p e r i o d at a l l leve l s . B u t t h i s cont i n u o u s barga i n i ng activity tended t o h ave a frag m e n t i n g effect p o l i t i c a l ly: it tended to dissolve the politica l iden tity o f t h e class. w h i c h not o n l y accepted as given t h e fragmentat i o n of the " m a s s worker" . in other words as labour po wer. ( s e e Take Over t h e City and s i m i l a r s l o g a n s and p rojects of t h i s p hase).b u t made t h i s f rag mentat i o n t h e key point of depart u re for org a n i sa t i o n . The Left g ro u p s h a d no factory st rategy.far from i t . of revo l u t ionary theory. I t was ma rked by i ntensive col l ective barga i n i n g activity . not to m e n t i o n t h e U n ion pressu re for the inquadramento unico ( u n i f ication of g rad i n g systems for workers and w h i t e c o l l a r staff) and on work i n g cond i t i o n s and e n v i r o n m e n t . or tak i n g s h e l ter w i t h i n t h e U n io n s . The re l a t i o n between revo l u t i o nary p o l i t i c s and the rea l ity of t h e work i n g c l ass was med i ated by one over-rid i n g t h e m e .

N ot to m e n t i o n cert a i n m o re spec i f i c effects. we find para l l e l forms of col lective behav i o u r a n d p ractices of s t ru g g l e. T H E WO M EN'S which offered l i t t l e . The effects of f ree i n g e n t ry to t h e U n ivers i t ies becam e macroscopic. has MOV E M ENT s u cceeded i n coopt i n g a new generation of y o u n g opport u n ist teac hers. a re-eva l u a t i o n and re l a u n c h i n g of revo l u t i o n a ry t h eory and c reat i o n of new theoret i c a l weapons that t h e U n ivers ity cou l d offer. the rest of t h e labou r force at a l l leve l s t o o k t h e c u e a n d b e g a n to o rg a n ise and s t ru g g l e a l o n g t h e s a m e l i nes as t h e workers of t h e b i g factories. t h e stru g g l e over health a n d safety at work p rovided a p latform f o r doc­ tors to b reak away f ro m t h e corporate i n te rests of t h e med i c a l p rofess i o n : hence t h e beg i n n i ng of mass criticism of m ed i c i n e a nd t h e med i c a l . t h e U n iversity a p peared as a l i fe l ess. F u rther. T H E NEWLY D E F I N E D T h i s new generat i o n of entrants to t h e U n ivers ity fou nd not h i n g new or s u perior i n ROLE OF THE terms o f c u l t u re a n d means o f pol i t i c a l ex p res s i o n . F i n a l l y . and t h e worker-st udents. i n c l u d i n g v i o l e n t c o n f ro nta­ t i o n s w i t h p o l i c e and scabs (the p o l i c e were by now b e i n g used reg u l ar l y a g a i n s t p i c kets). and t hose formed in the so-ca l led m i nority g ro u p s of the ' s ixties. T h i s began to p rov i d e cer­ t a i n leve l s of t h e m a g i s t racy w i t h a p l atform to break away form t h e i m passe of a p u re l y j u ri d ical-formal battle for respect of l a b o u r codes and g u arantees a g a i n st t h e i l l e g a l p ract ices of t h e j ud i c i a ry . Besides t h e network of s m a l l e r factories w h i c h began to ex p l ode one after another. t h e ' s h oc k t roops' at d e m o n st ra t i o n s). d e s p i te t h e student revo l t of 1 968. factory p resence in t h e State schools a n d U n i ve rs i t i es. s u c h as t h e workers' use of labou r t r i b u n a l s . no l o n g e r made sense. T h o s e arriv i n g from tec h n i c a l a n d commerc i a l o r accou ntancy schoo l s come f r o m a backg ro u n d of s t ru g g l es arou nd t h e re l a t i o n between ed u c a t i o n a n d e m p l oy m e n t . b u t t h e p o l i t i c a l s t r u ct u re o f t h e m i l itants comes f r o m t h e servizio d 'ordine ( t h e org a n i sation of stewards. a n d f ro m p o l i t i c a l orga n i s i n g i n t h e com m u n ity. or t h ro u g h activity i n p o l i t i c a l g ro u p s . w h i c h h a s b e e n one of t h e m a j o r c o n q u ests of work i n g c lass hegemony at t h e i ns t i t u t i o n a l leve l . Class res istance to restru c t u ra t i o n and tec h n o l o g i c a l i n n ovat i o n i n t h e p l a nts led e n g i n eers a n d tec h n ic i a n s a l s o to a c r i t i q u e of t h e orga n i sation of m a c h i nery a n d p la n t s from a w o rk i n g c lass v i ew­ p o i n t . I n fact t here were p lenty of s i g n s of t h i s .p h a rm a ce u t i c a l power b l o c . The arrival of t h e " 1 50 H o u rs" workers o n study-leave i n U n ivers i t i e s meant a rad i c a l c h an ge . b u reaucrat i c struct u re. The mass meet i n g (assemb/ea) rema i n s t h e bas i s of p o l i t i c a l format i o n . The o l d acad e m i c e l i te. as in 1 968.t h e y o u t h e n ro l l i n g i n U n ivers ities h ave beh i n d t h e m a H i g h School move m e n t . b o t h c o m p a c t a n d t e s t e d i n mass act i v i s m i n t h e s t reets. if not openly "sold o u t " . or i n t h e " i n te rn al marches" ( c h a racterist i c form of mobi l i sa t i o n at F I AT) by Govern me n t e m p l oyees at t h e M i n istries. The " N ew Left" i n t e l lectu a l s of the 1 968 v i n tage. or p ract i s i n g a d u a l ro l e of orga n i sa t i o n a l m i l itancy c o m b i ned w i t h " s c i e n t i f i c " acad e m i c i s m . t h a n what had a l ready been UNIVERSITY. AN D c o n q u e red in the H i g h Schools. were e i t h e r at the service of the Trade U n ion Left. There was a l s o t h e generat i o n a l factor .h e n c e t h e emergence of a new w o rk i n g c lass p ract i ce i n j u ri s p ru dence. The h e g e m o n y of t h e w orkers o v e r s a la r i ed e m p l oyees c a n be s e e n i n t h e mass p i c ket i n g by b a n k e m p l oyees. A u t o n o m o u s and d is t i nct from both p rofess i o n a l work-ret ra i n i ng s c h emes and t rade u n io n t ra i n i n g cou rses. s i nce t h e State itself had i m posed mass i f ication a n d f ree e n t ry. t h e re was the u n i fication of g rad i n g systems for staff and workers (staff s ta tus) toget h e r with t h e c o n q u est of the " 1 50 H o u rs " (workers ' paid s tudy lea ve) conceded in t h e e n g i n ee r i n g contract of 1 972 and s u bseq u e n t l y g e n e ra­ l i sed . H e n ce t h e U n ivers ity was taken f o r what it was: a b u reauc rat i c f i l t e r of soc i a l mob i l ity a n d n ot h i n g more. T w o new elements t h rew t h e o l d e l ite a n d academ i c forms i n t o c r i s i s : s t u d e n t s of p roletarian backg rou nd/st u d e n t s w h o had b e e n proletaria­ n i sed. The contents of acad e m i c c u l t u re were not c h a l lenged: i n stead t h e re was a wholesale desert i o n of lectu res a n d s e m i nars. were open l y d i scou raged both by t h e groups and by Left j o u r n a l i s m and p u b l i s h i n g . Selection now took 48 . s q u a l i d . A p a rt f r o m t h e a f f i rmation of a s i m i l a r m o d e l of po l it i ca l-t rade u n i o n activity. t h i s latter v i ctory re i m posed a work i n g c l ass. The p i c ­ t u resq ue arrogance of t h e o l d e r academ i c s was b e i n g rep l aced by a new genera­ tion of merc u r i a l and s p e n t i n d iv i d u a ls. The stru g g l e against selection of i ntake. Any poss i b i l ity of a new c u l t u re. In com­ T H E E M E R G ENCE O F parison.

organised by women. All this remained a latent tendency. autonomous interests of women. their subjectivity. the State form was seen in itself. This immediately posed a question of hegemony over the whole social fabric. and from Trade Union representation. and the Oil Crisis. by taking an autonomous political form as an independent feminist movement. Rather. The forced abandonment by the DC Government of its underhand use of Fascist personnel and provocation was mistaken for the crisis of the regime. they also. until the beginning of the acute phase of the crisis in 1974-75. above all MISTAKING THE the gap between "politics" and the reality of the class. not only directly challenge family relations of productio i. place at other levels .) was mistaken for the crisis of State command. But before we go on.in­ cluding a large part of the extra-parliamentary groups . Just at the point when the violence of the crisis against the composition of the class reached its apex. The temporary virulence of internal battles within the DC and the "separate bodies" of the State (secret services. but also above all from the revolutionary Left groups themselves. At the institutional level this coincided with the defeat of the "strategy of tension".at the level of income and needs: no longer by the vote of academic functionaries. their own needs and desires. This was to mistake the appearance for the . The attention of the Left was THE SUBSTANCE focused on the form of the State: but not at the State form as measured or levell­ OF STATE POWER. at the formal-political level only. in its own autonomy. we see the beginnings of a new critique of alienated militancy . hence was analogous in its dimensions and its claims to the hegemony of the mass worker. This account takes us to the end of 1973. the Italian Left . security. etc. which we take as the conventional date for the opening of the second phase. ed against the autonomy of the working class. With women's self-rediscovery and claim to control their bodies. The crisis of the Right-wing strategy of tension was mistakenly seen by the Left as the crisis of the State form.one of the key themes of the movement in the second phase . however. but by the structural inadequacy of services. The impact of the crisis and the rise in the cost of living played the decisive role here. which marked the "im­ APPEARANCE FOR perfect Togliattian" situation we described above.were celebrating their victory at the institutional level. considering their mission practically accomp­ lished! THE ERROR OF Here we see in striking form the precipitation of all the contradictions. the starting point for the general thematic of needs within the movement. and more fundamentally.but also. still in the earlier phase: the birth of the feminist move­ ment. The specific. in­ volved a radical separation from the mediations of the "party system". we must turn to the decisive event which began to transform the conditions of the movement from 1970-71.

eased b y systematic recou rse to t h e cassa in tegrazione ( t h e State-e m p loyer f u n d to com­ pensate for periods laid off from work. estab l i s hed thanks to t h e workers' of­ fens ive of 1 969. of p i ecemeal b l ow against COMPOSITION: cou nterblow. A D EVELOPING The smaller firms and pla n ts have a spec i a l i m portance. as a mac h i n e d i rectly p o l a r i sed a g a i n st t h e i nterests of the work i n g c l ass. M i n i sters." were bei n g adopted i n t h e factory ! From 1 974 t h e t e m p o of factory c l o s u res.h o m e of t h e off i c i a l trade u n ion line ("Th i n g s cou l d get worse". never s u f fered any p e n a l ty in terms of loss of person a l f reedom or i ncome. t h e corru p t i o n of t h e e l ite and b u re a u c racry crudely exposed f o r t h e f i rst t i m e . i n c r i s i s . The a p p l ication of toug h measu res i n h i g h p l aces. t h e rea l reco n s t r u c t i o n of t h e " p a rty system " proceeded from belo w: t h e form of the State had a l ready penet rated the terra i n of t h e factory. Seen from t h i s context. They suffer i n s i lence t h e con­ t i n u o u s h a m m e r i n g . b u t probably t h e s m a l l factory h as p rovided t h e best terra i n .a s i l e n c e i n which we s till find ourselves today. with t h e d ec l i ne of democratic t rade u n ion i n s t i t u t i o n s . revel a t i o n of s c a n d a l s . p o l i ce ch iefs.b u t a l l i n s u c h a way as to d e m o n s t rate p ro­ vocat ively t h e p r i v i l e g e of i m p u n ity of t h e " party syste m " . and by now only needed the ideology of the c r i s i s to come out i n t o t h e open. t h e re i s no doubt t h a t t h e m a c rosco p i c e l e m e n t of t h e p e r i o d 1 974-76 rem a i n s t h e inability of t h e workers' s t ru g g l e to b reak t h e eq u i l i b ri u m of t h e " party system " a n d destab i l ise its i nt e r n a l re l a t i o n s . sac k i n g s and layoffs g a t h e red pace. Des p i t e these pos i t i ve as pec t s. accept certa i n sacrifices" etc. In other words.h i t i n d ust r i e s and sectors). T h u s t h e s c a n d a l s of t h e reg i m e o n l y s e rved i n f a c t as a n e l e­ ment of in timida tion a n d hence reinforcemen t of t h e State form based on t h e par­ ty system. t h e workers n o l o n g e r speak. s i l e n t p rocess. for t h e c lass s u bjectivity CLASS and type of s t ru g g l e th at t hey engender.a l t h o u g h we s h o u l d not u nderes t i mate t h e i r effects. ex h i b i ted i n p u b l i c . They close t h e m s e l ves off i n to a n a t t i t u d e of non-express i o n of t h e i r own n e e d s . a c o n ­ siderable role has been p l ayed by t h e dece n t ra l i sed po l i t ica l-ad m i n i s t rative s t r u c ­ t u re of reg i o n a l gove r n m ents a n d local a u t h o r i t ies. I t is st i l l d i ff i c u l t THE SMALL to estab l i s h . But the reality of " g u arantee i s m ' ' .of u n ion and party off i c i a l s .t h i s w a s attacked b y a l l m e a n s ava i l ab l e . c l o s u res a n d occu pa t i o n s . t h e advances m a d e i n t h e s p h e re of " c i v i l r i g h t s " i n t h i s n e w p h ase m u s t be s e e n as a d ivers i o n . W h i l e t h e p u rg i n g of m i l itants had p rev i o u s l y been a cree p i n g . T h i s occu rred . was not broken and remained i n tact. Me a nw h i le. i t was a l l ow­ ed to s u rvive as a juridical-con tractual framework. "We must t i g h t e n our belts. I nc reas i n g l y t h ey h a v e i n ­ tervened as m e d i ators a n d a r b i t rators i n factory confrontat ions. "We have t o accept t h e rea l ity of t h e s i t u a t i o n " . Meanw h i l e "tough measu res. I n t h i s tem porary b l u n t i n g of t h e p o l i t i c a l i m pact of work i n g class s t r u g g l e . and i n t i m id a t i n g M a f i a-st y l e behaviou r at t h e h i g hest l eve l . w h ose i l l e g a l a n d u nderhand p ract ices were a m p­ ly p roved a n d d i sc u ssed. attorney genera l s . in t h e absence of a l t e rnat ive political struct u re s . w h i c h does not depend o n w r i tten statutes or labou r c o n t racts. b u t com b i n ed w i t h g rad u a l "sta b i l isat i o n " i n t h e factories. a determ i ned effort b y t h e " p a rty system " to norm a l ise t h e behav i o u r of t h e workers a n d t h e i r forms of s t r u g g l e . Hence t h e re was a t e m porary crisis at gove r n m e n t leve l . substance of Sta te po wer. In t h e factory mass meet i n g s . it is precisely this war of position tha t THE ROLE O F gives rise to the recompositional processes of the working class. p u rged or expel led from t h e factory w i t h t h e open com p l i c i t y . At this leve l . a n d s t a n d by w h i l e va n g u a rd m i l i t a n t s a r e i n t i m idated. i n l e g i t i m a t i n g t h e w o m e n ' s move m e n t (and h e n c e a l l ow i n g i t to advance on a broade r pol i t ic al front) a n d i n prec i p itat i n g t h e c r i s i s of t h e m i l i t a ry i n st i t u t io n s. w h i c h i s o u r m a i n foc u s i n t h i s a r t i c l e . The system of l a b o u r-contract l e g a l g u a rantees.). a period of s i l e n c e now sets i n (apart from t h e w e l l-known worse n i n g of t h e condi­ t i o n s of work) . bankers. As regards t h e s u bj e c t i v i ty of t h e c lass. however. b u t on t h e h o m o g e n e i ty and com pactness of c l ass orga n i sa t i o n and t h e p o l i t i c a l network of c l ass a u tonomy b u i l t i n t h e factories i n t h e p reced i n g years .i n­ deed act ive c o n n ivance . t h e "en- 50 . which become m o re and more i n f req u e n t . the t r a n s i t i o n to the se­ cond phase becomes open and d e m o n s t rative: the p o l i t i c a l confrontat i o n with t h e workers becomes a frontal attack.

illegal work (la voro nero). I n other words. i na s m u c h as i t is h a rd for them to apply org a n i sa t i o n a l models a n d forms of s t ru g g l e w h i c h rea l ly . i n t h i s c a s e t h e re i s a lack of t hose p o l i t i c a l m ec h a n i s m s t h at h a d m a rked t h e cyc l e of s t r u g g l e s of t h e m a s s worker. t h e c o n s c i o u s d i s pe r s i o n o f t h e l a b o u r force w i t h i n a territorial d i me n s i o n . At t h e sam e t i me. we cannot expect to see t h e kind of re l at i o n s h i p (as with t h e l a rg e-sca l e factory) of mass va n g u a rd s c a p a b l e of p u l l i ng be h i nd t h e m t h e w h o l e of t h e move m e n t . w i t h a part i c u l a r awareness of t h e p r o b l e m s of material needs. vary i n g s ized factories w h e re a l l t hese e le m e n t s a re c o m b i n ed u nd e r one roof. a n d b i g i n n ovat ive t e n d e n c i e s . a n d factories serv i n g o n ly a n i nter­ n a t i o n a l m a rket. Prec isely t h i s level of d i s-homogeneity means t hat t h e s m a l l-to-med i u m factory worker does not e x p ress a major i t a r i a n soc i a l reference p o i n t for t h e c l ass. work in the home. a n t i q uated leve l s of org a n i sa t i o n . Of c o u rse. Let ' s beg i n w i t h age: prec i s e l y because the s m a l l factory tends to use marg i na l l a b o u r-power. to t h ose w here it i s h i g h l y paid a n d s k i l led. t hey have a l s o provided a recru i t i n g g r o u n d for a s izea b l e w i n g of t h e wome n ' s move m e n t . This i s a p recise p l a n . between s i t u at i o n s of total m arket para l y s i s a n d s i t u at i o n s offeri n g poss i b i l i t i es of fresh m a rket p e n e t rat i o n . w h ose d e m a nd s a n d forms of s t r u g g l e can b e taken u p at t h e gen eral level of p o l i t i c a l objectives: f u rt h e rm o re. i n a n i n termediate condition betwee n formal a n d rea l s u bj e c t i o n to c a p i t a l . from a base of dishomogeneity. s m a l l T H E DISS EMINATED factories are not homogeneous a m o n g t h e m s e l ves. In add i t i o n t here i s t h e q u estion of t h e workforce i nvolved i n precarious work (la voro precario). f i rm s that a re tota l l y dependent on t h e strang le-hold of c red i t a n d f i rms l i ke t h e cooperatives w h i c h a r e f ree f ro m ban kers' u s u ry . leav i n g a s i d e these s tructural a s p e c t s . from f i rm s with a labou r force w h i c h i s m a rg i na l and u nderpa i d . t h e b i g c h a n g es a re to be seen in t h e subjectivity of the workers in the s m a l l factory. For exa m p l e : d i f ferences betwee n low tec h no l og i c a l l eve l s . a n d i n fact ex h i b i t s harp d i f­ WORKER ferences a n d c o n t rasts. local ly-oriented factories. i s nevert h e l ess very f req u e n t . put i n to operat ion a g a i n s t t h e p o l i t i c a l a g g re g a t i o n of t h e c l ass. B u t t h i s d o e s not mean that a g e n e r a l p o l i t i c a l pote n t i a l does not e x i s t : h e re we f i n d i n stead a set of recomposi­ tional mechanisms tha t s tart. t h e presence of m i n o rs a n d very y o u n g peop l e . s i nce t h e s m a l l factories e m p l oy a c o n s i d e ra b l e n u m ber of women workers. B u t . precisely. a n d i t i s f r o m t h e s m a l l factories t h a t perhaps t h e m o s t s o l i d w i n g of t h e move m e n t of proletarian y o u t h h a s b e e n recru ited.FACTORY A N D t ry h o l e " t h ro u g h w h i c h t h e m o l e h a s started to d i g once a g a i n . f ro m u n io n i s­ ed f i r m s to others (far g reater i n n u m ber) w i t h no trade u n i o n org a n i sa t i o n . etc: the c r i s i s has s w e p t away t h e d ivid i n g p a rt i t i o n s between t h e va r i o u s " i n d u s t r i a l forma­ t i o n s " a n d has created t h e p h e n o m e n o n of t h e "d issem i n ated worker" (w h i c h can a l s o be fou n d i n o t h e r spec i f i c epochs in t h e h i story of t h e I t a l i a n proletari at). i f n o t t y p i c a l . and f i n a l ly. I n o t h e r word s.

e m p l oyment has u n i fo r m l y stag nated i n m a n u fact u r i n g and has i n c reased i n the services. b u t t h e f a c t tha t these f i r m s are at t h e c e n t re of f u n d a m e n t a l d e c i ­ s i o n s regard i n g t h e so-c a l led " model of deve l o p m e n t " ( e g t h e q u es t i o n of e nergy p o l i cy) means t h a t t h e workers' demands t e n d to s l i p o u t of t h e trad i t i o n a l c h a n ­ n e l s of col l ec tive barg a i n i n g a n d i n t o po l i t i c a l d e bate t o u t court. I n t hese a reas t h e i nterlock w i t h overa l l c l ass c o m pos i t i o n has a l so been fac i l i t ated by t h e l a rge n u m b e r of workers from the c red i t i n s t i t u t i o n s and from the service sector in general w h o 52 . H owever. The workers' s t r u g g l e s and f o r m s of org a n i sa t i o n i n t hese a reas h a v e f o l l owed t h e cyc l e s of t h e w i d e r c l ass s t r u g g l e . I n a l l c a p i t a l is t s o c i e t i e s i n t h e p a s t 30 years. or t h e l eve l s of orga n i c compos i t i o n of c a p i t a l . a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e i n an a r e a w h ere s u b-contract i n g has c reated a l a rg e p o o l of cas u a l labou r (forza­ la voro precario) (for exa m p le. o n l y a p p l y in l a rge-sca l e i n d u s t ry. This becomes all the more evident i f we exa m i n e the other l a rge sector of rec r u i t m e n t . I n other words. nor i s i t represented by a majority soc i a l f i g u re. however.t h e service indus tries. on t h e f i r m s and agencies w i t h i n t h a t sector. acco m p a n i ed by p h e n o m e n a of v i o l e n t rest ructu rat i o n . for t h e women ' s move m e n t . t hese pos i t i o n s reg a rd i n g t h e s m a l l factory m u s t not be taken i n a n " i n­ s t i t u t i o n a l " sense. i n po l i t ical terms t h ey are based on t h e s t a n d a rd of t h e small factory. Breda. i n the old "Sta l i ng rads" of t h e work i n g c lass. H e re we find o u rse l ves i n a n area o f l a rge-s c a l e tec h no l o g i c a l i n novat i o n .a n d i t has prov i d ed a channel of mediation between t h e behavi o u r of t h e d i ss e m i nated worker a n d t h e behavi o u r of t h e workers based in the large i n d u st r i a l c o n c e n t ra t i o n s . i nv o l v i n g h u g e expend i t u re. H e re we see a c r i s i s in t he trade u n io n i s t s t y l e of operat i n g th at c h a racteri sed t h e s t r u g g l e of workers i n t he l a rge f a c t o r i e s . I f t h e roots of d i rect act ion armed workers' groups are to be f o u n d . and on t h e p o l i t i c a l and LOCAL A U T H O R ITY ad m i n i st rat ive i n s t i t u t i o n s . the decentralisation o f the functions o f State administration: all t h ese c o n tribu te to m a k i n g t h e service sector a focal p o i n t for a part i c u l a r set of p o l i t ic al t e n s i o n s . for the stru g g l e a g a i n s t overt i m e and i l legal l a b o u r . ex-Pe l l izzari). O n the o n e hand t h ere are the exa m p l es of f i r m s l i ke S I P and E N E L (petroc h e m i c a l s and e l ec t r i c i ty). we f i n d rad i c a l d i fferences. has not p reven t ed t h e i r s t r u g g l e f r o m s p read i n g to t h e p o i n t wh ere i t has f o u n d p recise p o i n t s of contact w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l f o r m of t h e a u tonomy of t h e m a s s worker. A n s a l d o M e c c a n i c o . because when we look at t h e l ev e l s of orga n i sation. T h i s becomes ex p l os ive when the i d ea of a right to an income becomes w i d e s p read. T h i s has bu i l t u p t h ro u g h a w h o l e range of s u bject ive AND PA RA·STATE and struct u ra l pressu res. H ere we see fam i l ia r patterns repeat i n g t h e m se l ves. what i s not u n iform i s the l evel of wages w i t h i n the respective services sectors. T H E CHAN G I N G The d o m i n a n t f a c t i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s t h e i n c reas i n g p o l i t i c a l pres s u re on t h e ser· POSITION O F vice sector. The fact t h a t we are d ea l i n g h e re with workers who a re often regarded as a p r i v i l eged sector of the workforce becau se of t h e i r relatively high wages. h i stori c a l l y . H e re. H owever. T h e t ra n s i t i o n w h ereby l a b o u r p o w e r becomes worK i n g class (a p rocess w n i c h i s g u a ran teed i n t h e l a rge factory b y t h e very f a c t of mass i f ication) is a t ra n s i t i o n th at t h e s m a l l -factory worker m u s t w i n v i a p o l i t i c a l p rocesses t h a t a re by n o m e a n s "g iven " . It has provided a material terra i n of reco m p o s i t i o n for proletarian you t h . The fact of W O R K E RS. To sum up: t h e s m a l l factory has p l ayed a c r u c i a l role. back­ ed by the banks and f i n a n c e i n s t i t u t i o n s (S I P is far and away the most i nd e bted of a l l I t a l i a n f i r m s). N am e l y : t h e u n c lear d e m a rcat i o n between t h e a rea of receive rs of reve n u e a n d t h e a rea of services. S I P's t rave l l i ng work-force). a n d t he huge d i fferences i n l eve l s of org a n isation a n d e f f i c iency. t h e l a u n c h i n g of t h e trade u n i o n s ' reform p rog ram m e after t h e H o t A u t u m n w i t h t h e i n t e n t i o n of d ivert i n g w o r k e r s ' p ress u re on t h e factory wage o n t o the indirect wage. t h e new c l ass compos i t i o n t h a t e m e rges from t h e second phase h a s n e i t h e r a n i n s t i t u t i o n to s ym bo l ise i t . We a l s o find o u rselves in o n e of t h e heart l a n d s of the work i n g c l ass (Sit-S i e m e n s . this pressure is the only element of homogeneity in the situation. t h e p rob l e m i s one of a part i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l conj u nc t u re. a l o n g s i d e the e m e rg i n g p o l i t i c a l rea l i ty of the " new need s " . T h e p ractice of v i o l ence m u s t m a ke u p for t h e lack of n u m be rs and t h e low level of m a s s i f i ca t i o n . a l l of w h i c h req u i re a m i c roscop i c a n a l y s i s . F a c e Standard. The s i t uation is s i m i l a r as regards t h e c red i t i n st i t u t i o n s .

. It has to take i n i t iat ives d i rect ly at the level of the org a n isation of h ierarc h ies a n d the org a n i sa t i o n of work. The s t r u g g l e s of t h e AS PECTS O F ra i l way workers were t reated i n t h e same h a r s h m a n n e r as t hose of t h e h o s p i t a l DECENT RA LISA· workers. b u t a bove a l l in deal i n g w i t h t h e g row i n g demand f o r i n come a n d d e m a n d f o r services . .a r e e x p l od i n g for t h e f i rst t i me. a nd the f u n c t i o n of money w i t h i n the c r i s i s . i n t h e h o s p i t a l s t h e autonomous s t ru g g l e has a l s o s p arked a p rocess of u n i o n i sa t i o n . local a u t hority workers and soc i a l service workers. and i t i s perhaps the o n l y sect ion of the c lass today w h ose m ove- . but t h e f a c t th at t h e U n io n i n q u es t i o n has had a l o n g ( a n d some wou l d TION. The s i t u a t i o n a l ters rad i c a l l y when we look at h o s p i t a l workers. B u t h e re we are d ea l i n g w i t h t h i n g s tha t a r e wel l-known . The " party syst e m " b rou g h t i n t h e army to b reak t h e i r s t r u g g l e . T h e l o g i c a l seq uence of c l i e n te l i s m . T RANSPORTATION T h e s i t u a t i o n i s s i m i l a r i n t h e case of t h e transport workers. as w e l l as h i erarc h i c a l struct u res t h a t a re i nconceivable i n t h i s "age of e g a l itaria n i s m " . O n t h e rai lways. T h i s i s t h e f i rst test t h a t t h e Com m u n i s t Party h a s h a d to face i n its n e w ro l e as t h e ru l­ i n g p a rty w i t h i n local a u t h o r i t i es. Cert a i n i n s t i t u t i o n s . H ere we are faced with a mass of waged workers a n d i ndependent operators eq u a l to twenty M i ra f i o r i s ro l le d i nto one. c o n s c i o u s reject i o n of CG I L u n i o n m e m bers h i p .t h e w a y t h i s U n io n w a s rejected w h e n i t t r i e d to take control o f t h e workforce and i m pose t h e p o l i c i e s of au sterity. say g l o r i o u s) h istorical t rad i t i o n m a d e i t a l l t h e more stri k i n g . H e re contro l of t h e work-force i s exercised d i rect l y by t h e " party syste m " . H e re t h e " p a rty system" i s not able to d e l egate t h e bas ica l l y p o l i t i c a l c h o i ces to "econ o m i c i n teres t s " . h ave e n ro l led in t h e U n ivers i t i es .ie dea l i n g w i t h t h e n e w com pos i t i o n of t h e c l ass and t h e e m e rg i ng system of " need s " . at the level of c u tt i n g jobs and c u t t i n g l a b o u r costs. b u t i n f i n itely more exp l os ive. For t h e h o s p i t a l workers i n par­ ticular C G I L leader Lama has reserved words even harsher than those he used on t h e s t u d e n t s . . u ncove r i n g cond i t i o n s of w o r k and wages t h a t d i sappeared f r o m i n d u st ry years a g o . The fact t h a t t hey a re e m p l oyed by i n terest­ p rod u c i n g c a p i t a l has a l l owed bank workers to g ra s p the way i n w h i c h c a p i t a l is m a n a g i n g t h e c r i s i s . i s t h e s i t u at i o n i n road transport. Less w e l l-know n . The "objective" w e i g h t of t h i s workforce i s f r i g h te n i n g . W h e t h e r for g ood o r i l l .t h e h o s p i t a l s i n part i c u l a r . . h e re we s t i l l f i nd ou rse l ves w i t h i n a framework of trade u n i on c o n t ro l of t h e workforce. on t h e o t h e r h a n d . t h e t h i rd b i g sector WO R KE RS. Once aga i n the " p a rty system " and t h e SMA L L FI RM AN D t rade u n i o n s f u nc t i o n as c o m m a n d over t h e l a b o u r force.s u bvers i o n has b e e n evoked to p ro­ v i d e a basis w hereby t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l bloc can oppose t h e new types of s t r u g g l e s by t h e workers i n t h e soc i a l services. t here has b e e n a mass.tert i a ry . H owever. THE feed i n g into t h i s new c l as s com pos i t i o n .

This c h a i n of i n f i n i t e d ec en tra l i sa t i o n i s o n e of t h e more " p rogressive" e l ements of c a p i ta l i s m today. as m ere ad m i n i st ra t i o n of decen t ra l i sed l a b o u r. B u t i s this network only c h a racterist i c of t h e State. a "work i n g c l ass ari stocracy" w a s s u p posed to be rep rod u ced i n t h e factory) a n d t h e U n iver­ s i ty as a n i n s t i t u t i o n of soc i a l p romotion ( w h e re a n a n t i -worker m id d l e c l ass was s u p posed to be c reated) . and t h e soc i a l service a n d local a u t hority workers. taking on t h e stat u s of students. it i m posed its h ierarc h ies a n d i t s com­ partmenta l is a t i o n s o n t h e whole of society. These a re both movements i n t h e a rea of p o l i t i c a l demography. d e s p i t e the obv i o u s d e s i re of F I AT and the oil com pan i es to p rovoke dead l ock) made w i d e s p read use of the s pectre of C h i le. we n e e d not l i s t t h e t h o u sand-and-one p o s i ­ "PE RSONAL LI FE". ment cou l d paralyse t h e w h o l e c a p i t a l i s t cyc l e . c o n t r o l s a f a i r s l ice of t h i s sector. t h e l a id-off workers and t h e red u nd a n t workers have i n s e rted t h e m s e lves. h u rried to conc l u d e t h e c o n t ract negot i a t i o n s . i t p l ayed a normat ive role as a com­ p l ete. T h e s e t h o u s a n d s of s tu d e n t-workers have broug h t a new pol i t i c a l d i m e n s i o n to t h e cond i t i o n of waged labou r in w h i c h t hey f i n d t h e m se l ves. t h e f i r m rema i n s merely as c h i ef cl erk. the students. because t h e stat u s of t h e waged worker a n d t h e s t a t u s of t h e s t u d e n t have a p recise l e g i t i mation w i t h i n t h e i ns t i t u t i o n a l con f l i ct-system i n o u r c o u n t ry . even i n s i t u a t i o n s w h e re t rade 54 . etc. a n d i t h a s p roved pos s i b l e to c reate a m u t u a l strengt h e n i n g of isol ated s t r u g g les. T h i s network of cont ract l a bou r b r i n g s u s r i g h t to t h e heart l a n d s of /a voro nero . e i t h e r d i rect l y or i n d i rect l y . as a means of prod u c i ng c o m m o d i t ies. T h e i r n u m be rs considerably i n c rease t h e s ize of t h e workforce t h at is commanded. in t h e s a m e w a y as t h ey had d o n e for t h e ra i lway workers. THE DECEN· So far we h ave s h o w n t h at t h e system of dece n t ra l isation has a l l owed a " m ixed " T RALISATION O F l a b o u r force to be absorbed w i t h i n t h e wage rel a t i o n . was beco m i n g soc i a l ly and p o l i t i c a l l y i s o l ated. Our acco u n t so f a r has left out t h e l a rge n u m bers of workers in each of t h e a bove sectors who are e m p l oyed by contractors and s u b-con t ractors. I t d i d not a l low e n t ry to y o u n g peo p l e . perfect soc i a l form. And i n t h e meant i m e t h o u s a n d s of waged workers have been f low i n g o u t of the factories a n d into the U n ivers i t ies. and once a g a i n repeated t h e i r operat ion of p o l i t i c a l marg i n a l i sa t i o n of the d rivers' d e m a n d s .i n o t h e r word s . etc. and t h i s c h a i n of i n f i n ite decentra l i sa t i o n has c reated l a rge n u m be rs of open i n g s into w h i c h the women. The s t r i ke of t a n ker d rivers in t h e N orth-West g a v e a t a s t e of t h i s : t h e Com m u n i s t Pa rty. by t h e way. accord i n g to t rade u n i on sou rces. i t i s a far more powerf u l weapon of m a s s i f i c a t i o n t h a n t h e assem b l y l i ne. It has become necessary to e n c i rc l e a n d envelop the factory. I t i s t h e s truc ture of t h e firm itself (impresa) tha t is being dissolved. in fact. The whole mec h a n i s m of t h e rep rod u c t i o n of c l asses had t h e i n s t i t u t i o n of t h e factory as i t s bed rock (w i t h t h e deve l o p me n t of a s y s t e m of t rade u n i on g u a ra n tees. t h ro u g h t h e struct u re o f t h e cooperat ives. by t h e " p a rty system " ( o r . t h a t very w i d e a rea of waged l a bo u r w here t h e system of t rade u n i o n g u a ra ntees i s either frag i l e or non­ existent. d riven t h o u sa n d s of waged workers to STR U G GLES. a n d all this i s a w e i g h t y factor i n f u s i n g t h e new com pos i t i o n of t h e c lass. H ow c a n we s peak of r i g i d i t y of t h e l a b o u r ma rket o u t s i d e of t h i s i ns t i t u t i o n a l b reak-u p? The c h a i n of i n f i n i t e d ec en tra l i sa t i o n of p rod u c t i o n breaks t h e r i g i d i t ie s of age a n d sex. the you n g p e o p l e . H av i n g shown that these d r i ves have conferred a new p o l i t i c a l POLITICS O F l e g i t i mation on a l l t hose i nvolved . H e re t h e " p a rty syste m " (w h i c h . t h e f i rm d i ssolves i t s e l f as a s u bject or p rotag o n i s t of c o n f l ict.000 t i res s l as h e d . as an i n s t i t u t i o n of t h e c l a s s s t r u g g l e . of geog ra p h i c a l l ocat i o n . by t h e C h ri s t i a n Democrats o r t h e C o m m u n i s t Party).b u t t h i s mecha n i s m has ex p l oded. t i o n s th at t h e s t u d e n t s h ave t a k e n u p o r can t a ke u p w i t h i n t h e o p p o rt u n ities o f waged l a bo u r that t h e s y s t e m of dece n t ra l i s a t i o n offers. more p recisely. t h e h o s p i t a l workers. i n t u r n . The f i rm i s t h e f u l c r u m of t h e p rocesses of tert i a r i s a t i o n . t a k i n g o n the as pect of waged workers. to s t u d e n t s . w i t h i n a very few days. of soc i a l backg rou n d . to w o m e n . as a n i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t i s i n c reas i n g l y " g u a ranteed" a n d " p rotected " . a n d t h a t t h e p rocesses of THE SYSTEM O F tert i arisation of t h e f i rm have. local a u t h o r i t y a n d service sectors? Far from i t . The t a n ker d rivers' s t r i ke gave an i n d icat i o n of the pos s i b l e leve l s of v i o l e n c e : 7·8. The factory. THE become students.

The " I ta l i a n Utopia" has a s o l i d work i n g c l ass stamp. not a separat i o n .g h ettoi sed and s e l f-s u f f i c i e n t . . The defense of one's ow n p h y s i c a l i ntegrity a g a i n st b e i n g s l a u g h te red by l i ne-s peed s and m ac h i nery. t h e women and the workers. etc. emotions a n d d e s i res. . on i s s u e s l i ke canteens.w i l l be able to erase. a n d vot i n g r i g h t s . a g a i n s t bei n g poisoned by t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . a n ag­ g rega t i o n poi n t for a system of strugg les that i s itself also i n f i n itely decentra l i s­ ed. Meanwh i le . . a n d f i n a l l y o n c o u rse contents. i t has its roots i n t h e "We Want Everyt h i n g " of t h e M i ra f i o r i workers i n t h e S u m me r of ' 6 9 . E ve n t h i s " s q u a l i d b u re a u c rat i c antec h a m ber" has p roved capable of becom i n g somet h i n g d ifferent . w i t h i n certa i n l i m its) a n d exc h a n g e v a l u e of d rug s . A space o f pol i t i ca l confrontat i o n opens u p . The q u estion of d ru g s now arises. of a l ienat i n g h i erar· . than the hero i n m u l t i n a t i o n a l s decide to step i n a n d i m pose h a rd d ru g s . TH E C RISIS O F As we h ave see n . w h i c h no t heorists of a n A m e rica n-sty l e " move m e n t " . and t h i s i n vo lves org a n isation a n d i n sta nces of armed self-defence. T h e p roletarian ( a n d proletari a n i s­ ed) s t u d e n t sectors were a b l e to f u se t h emselves w i t h t h e w h o l e arc of stru g g l es that t h e c r i s i s was sett i n g i n m o t i o n . t h e organisations of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry Left. N o sooner have young peo p l e had a taste of soft d ru g s . Control of drug usage i s bei n g reap p ro p riated by t h e i ns t i t u t i o n s of t h e p o l i t i c a l cycle. g i v i n g them a f i rst-hand taste of how m u c h this society has robbed them of t h e i r perceptive pote n t i a l . on t h e o n e h a n d i s one w a y of res ist i n g t h e d e p rec iation of t h e exc h a n g e va l u e of one's labou r-power and t h e deteriorat i o n of its use va l u e .a meet i n g p o i n t . The U n ivers i t y has been used as a focal p o i n t . B u t o u r a n a l y s i s of t h ese stru ct u ra l factors w i l l be i neffective u n l ess we can com­ b i n e it w i t h an a n a l y s i s of t h e h u g e t ra nsformat ion taki n g p l ace i n t h e s p h e re of " person a l l i fe". after years of w a i t i n g . exams. . I t h a s work i n g class a ntecedents i n t h e cy­ c l e of strugg les of 1 968-69. T h i s i s not j u st a problem of " y o u t h c u l t u re". . H e re too t h e re is a homogeneity. u n io n i s m is weak and w h e re t h e re a re few t rad i t i o n s of s t r u g g l e . t ra n s port. the recon q u est of " perso n a l l i fe" has also dealt a deat h b l ow to POLITICAL FORMS. N o r i s the mec h a n i s m of t h e p rod u c t i o n of n e w n e e d s t h e exc l u s ive p re rog at ive of t h e " l i berat ion m ovements" . h o u s i n g . t h e o l d mole of t h e student stru g g l e has a lso started d ig g i n g again. I t t h e n w i d e n s to i nvo l ve all t h e problems of contro l l i n g one's o w n body a n d t h e structu res of perceptions. between the behavi ou r of t h e y o u n g peo p l e . This obv i o u s l y starts from t h e b reakdown of sex u a l re lations b rou g h t on by fem i n i s m . between use va l u e (se lf-managed. B u t t h e roots of their o rg a n i sa t i o n a l b reakdown d o not l ie o n l y i n q u es t i o n s of sex u a l re l a t i o n s . b u t at t h e s a m e t i m e it is a w a y of re-a p p ropriat i n g o n e ' s own body for t h e f ree enjoy­ m e n t of bod i ly needs. .

The n e w emergence of t h e w o m e n ' s move m e n t a n d t h e you t h movement deepens t h e split w i t h t h e orga n i sat io ns m a k i n g u p Democrazia Proletaria (Proletarian Democracy). s h o u l d t h e p rog ram m e be external to and cou nte rposed to the com pos i t i o n of t h e c l as s ? The echoes of t h e c l ashes i n Bologna had h a rd l y d ied away when every o n e w h i pped out t h e i r Len i n masks from beh i n d t h e i r backs . n o r i n t h ose of t h e Hot Autumn . d i fferent c l ass seg ments. I n other words. i n order to p u l l toget h e r t h e va n g u a rd a n d t h e average. as a destruction of the b r i d g i ng e l e m e n t s of l a n g u age. on t h e basis of a batt l e between politica l lines. t h e re i s i n fact a conscious p rac­ tice of the i rrat i o n a l . m o re often. In s h o rt. The rea l i ty i s t h a t po l i t i c s as a f o r m has u ndergone a c r i t i ­ q u e . m i staken theories of orga n i sa t i o n . with t h e service-sector p ro­ letariat in a big tert i a ry c i ty l i ke Rome. a p rojection i nto t h e f u t u re. i f anyt h i n g l e g i t i mated t h e m as a " lead i n g m i nority" i n t h e f i rst phase of t h e occu pation of t h e fac u l t i e s .T H E M EA NI N G O F ch ies. i n part i c u l ar t h e g ro u p s represe n t i n g Rome. w i t h the network of factory va n g u a rd s i n t h e i nd u s t r i a l zone between M i la n a n d Berg a m o . with i n c red i b l e speed. capable of rep resent i n g a l l t h e various part i a l programmes o f t h e n e w c l a s s compos i t i o n . T h i s e r r o r t u rn s i n t o parody w h en t h e g ro u p s a l l t roop d o w n i n t o t h e e l ectoral a r e n a . The a b i l ity to match c lass com pos i t i o n w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l p rog ram m e means t h e a b i l ity to p ractice t h e a r t of p o l i t i c s ( o r . t h e Po Va l l ey and t h e M i l a n-Sesto-Bergamo ax i s . a n d w i t h t h e needs o f proletarian students and geograp h i ca l l y d is s e m i nated workers i n t h e Po V a l l ey.i n part i c u l a r t h e Workers' Autonomy (Au t o n o m i a Operaia) tendency i n t h e N ort h . of t h e i rrat i o n a l . The ex p l o s i o n of 1 977. march over t h e corpse of t h e M ovement. etc. w i t h i t s p rog ra m m e a n d i t s plans. was a v i o l e n t confrontat ion between t h e State-form and t h e new p o l i t i c a l compos i t i o n of t h e c l ass. t h e hoary o l d q u est i o n s started com i n g out: should t h e organ i sat i o n . soc i a l g rou ps. C u rrent attempts to create a n o p p o s i t i o n between t h e l i be rat ion movement and t h e p o l i t ic al cyc l e a re false .as false as t h e t h eory t h a t defi nes t h e new c l ass c o m p os i t i o n as being made up of t h e unemployed a n d t h e margina lised sectors. it was t h e i r re lat ions h i p w i t h the new class compos i t i o n . become a form of o p p ress i o n . t h e d e n i a l of s u bj ectivity. on the other. T h e re l a t i o n between t h es e a u t o n o m i s t fact i o n s and t h e w i d e r M ovement w a s on a p a r w i t h t h e relation between t h e a n a rc h i s t g ro u p s a n d t h e m a s s e s i n t h e Sorbo n n e i n M ay '68. The fact that t h ey u nd e rstood a n d had s u bjectively a n t i c i pated mass behaviou rs t h a t were not locat a b l e i n t h e s c h e m a s of t h e wave of contestat ion i n 1 968. b u t t h e rea l ori g i n s of this s p l i t are to be f o u n d i n t h e po l i t i c a l d i sagreements voiced by t h e emerg i n g forces of t h e orga n i sed a rea of Autonomy ( l ' A u t o n o m i a Organ izzata). any separat i o n between the " post-po l i t i c a l " ( t h e a rea of i n s t i n c t. What we have are h i dden c i rc u i t s i nvo l v i n g part i c u l a r groups. w i t h the occ u pation of U n ivers ity fac u l t ies. op pos i n g . B u t i nstead. taking i t as a material base w h e re d i fferent needs. po l i t i c a l g ro u p s and d i ss e m i nated g ro u p s cou l d come together. the c u rrent con­ AUTO N O M Y cept of po wer. The U n ivers ity as a n i n s t i t u t i o n beca me a s t ru g g l e-base. H owever. For a wh i l e t h i s new c l ass compos i t i o n met and based i t s e l f i n t h e U n iversi­ ty. or to c o n s i d e r i t a n exc l u s ive p rerogative of t h e women . 56 . which th en evolve into part i c u l a r sets of res u l t s . and t h i s i n t u r n has a l l owed the em ergence of new o rg a n i sa t i o n s . e a t e n away f r o m t h e i ns i d e a n d abandoned by t h e m ore aware e l e m e n t s .albeit for a brief period . N ow . t h e personal and t h e private) and t h e po l i t ic al cyc l e i s u n acceptable. I t i s n o t poss i b l e to con f i ne t h e new s u bjectivity w i t h i n t h e terms of y o u t h cou ntercu l t u re. w h i c h have been p o l i t i c a l l y leg i t i mated by t h e i r presence w i t h i n t h ose c l ass n u c l e i o u t l i ned above. a society structu red by logical schemas. p l a i n good s e nse). For exam p l e . com­ m u n ication and m e d i a t i o n . has been based on t h e o l d po l i t i cal cyc l e (stru g g l e/party/t ransi­ tion/c i v i l war/State power).to ca rry forward a p rog ram me that matched t h e deve l o p i ng c l ass compos i t i o n . The rotten i n s t i t u ­ t i o n a l f o r m s of p o l i t ic s . i t wou l d be w r o n g to theorise on t h e one hand a n i rrat i o n a l society made u p of p u re behaviou rs. rat h e r t h a n a l ived e x p e r i e n c e w i t h i n t h e l i berated s p a c e s of t h e p resen t .: t h ey l i e in p recise.that fact allowed the people o f the Organized Autonomy . d o c u m e n t a b l e errors of T H E AREA O F po l i t ic al choice. t h e org a n i sation and the Moveme nt.

Meanw h i le, in t h e actual s t ru g g l e , i m portant t h i n gs were h a p pen i n g . The cu rrent
i n t e rpretat i o n s of t h e m (bot h t hose of t h e D P t e n d e n cy a n d t hose of the
Autonomy tendency) a re e i t h e r wrong , or only half r i g h t . Part i c u l arly as regards
t h e i n ternal m e c h a n i c s of t h e eve n t s of Bologna.

T h e main prob l e m b r i n g i n g about this split between c l a s s compos i t i o n a n d the
p rog ra m m e i s t h e q uest i o n of t h e "com bat party" (partito comba tten te). W he n
some f ract io n s of t h e Orga n i sed A u tonomy decide to force t h e p a c e on t h i s f ro n t
(with considerable internal d ifferences between those w h o base themselves on t h e
n e e d for sel f-defence, and t h ose w h o arg u e for a q u a l itat ive advance i n o rg a n i sa·
t i o n), not o n l y does the D P front rebu i ld i t s e l f ( M i l a n provides one exa m p l e of
t h is), b u t a l s o we find w i d e s p read and i n c reas i n g res istance on t h e part of t h ose
" l i be rtar i a n " e l e m e n t s w h o d o not accept a re- i n t rod u c t i o n of vo l u ntarist prac·
t i ce s .

I t was no a c c i d e n t t h a t i t fe l l to factions of t h e Org a n i sed Autonomy to l ead t h e
f i rst p hase of t h e s t r u g g l e s . T h e i r i n i t i a l h e g e m o n y o v e r t h e M o v e m e n t d e rived
from t h e i r havi ng u nd e rstood and a n t i c i pated the forms of p o l i t i c a l behaviou r t h a t
were c h a racteri s t i c of t h e new c l a s s compos i t i o n ; f rom t h e a b i l ity to read parts of
the programme within the masses themselves ; i n other words, k n ow i n g how to
present t h e m s e l ves not as a " p rivate" t h i n g , b u t as a " s oc i a l " e x p ress i o n , a
tendency of a g row i n g move m e n t , rat h e r t h a n a choice w h o l l y confi ned w i t h i n t h e
log i c of t h e self-re p rod u c t i o n of a pol i t i c a l g ro u p . T h e deve l o p i n g c r i t i q u e of t h e
t rad i t i o n a l f o r m s of pol i t i c s ( i n part i c u l a r of t h e " p a rty f o r m " ) has sharpened t h e
se n s i b i l it ies of c o m rades i n t o a n a l most n e u ro t i c a b i l ity to i nt u i t when part i c u l a r
c h o i ces a n d act i o n s f u n c t i o n " f o r a l l " and w h e n t h ey a r e o n l y private and per·
s o n a l . Forc i n g t h e pace on t h e q u es t i o n of t h e "com bat party" has set i n motion
all t hese mec h a n i s m s , a n d has opened u p more contrad i c t i o n s w i t h i n t h e Move­
m e n t t h a n it has in the State a p parat u s ! But t h e n t h i s is p rec isely t h e p o i n t : w i t h
t h i s cyc l e of s t r u g g l e s , t h e State-form has u ndergone a n evo l u t i o n . I t i s perfectly
c lear t h at it has been p roceed i n g f u l l-t i l t a l o n g t h e road of u n i f y i n g t h e " party
syste m " , and that law and order has been the m a i n t rack a l o n g w h i c h t h i s p ro­
cess of u n i f icat ion has passed . H owever, w i t h i n t h e " p a rty system " t h e re have
been d i f ferent a p p roaches (or perhaps a d iv i s i o n of roles?) on how to p roceed
w i t h a s t ren g t h e n i n g of the State-form.

P RACTICAL T h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats h ave taken t h e crude l i ne of p o l i s h i n g up exist i n g
EXPE RIMENTS p r i v i leges of t h e forces of l a w a n d order (pol ice l a w s of arrest etc), as wel l as i n­
IN A NEW t rod u c i n g new ru l es and reg u l a t i o n s . T h e effect of t h i s is to confer t h e w h o l e
STATE· FORM o pera t i o n of deterrence onto t h e repressive ap parat u s w i t h t h e i nt e n t i o n t hat, h av­
i n g d e a l t w i t h the "autonom i s t s " , t hey w i l l t h e n be a b l e to m ove a g a i n st the w i d e r

movement of oppos i t i o n . Certa i n ly t h e DC has sti l l d o n e t h i s after d u e c o n s u lta­
t i o n w i t h the other p a rt i e s ( i . e . , respect i n g the r u l e s of t h e i r j o i n t p roject, and ac­
cept i n g the i nevi t a b l e d e l ays and d i s c u s s i o n s a r i s i ng), but nevert h e l ess, the DC
st i l l bases i t s e l f on t h e State as an apparatu s : a separate m ac h i ne, a " s p e c i a l
body", to be u sed as a means of repres s i o n i n g iven emergency c i rc u m stances,
a n d i n t h e m ea n t i m e it l eaves t h e "daily repress i o n " to t h e cap i t a l ist form of com­
m an d over t h e factory a n d over d i s s e m i nated labour.

The Com m u n ist Party i n Bologna, on t h e other hand, has deve l oped a n d ex­
peri mented p ract i c a l l y with a more mat u re State-form, a form w h i c h i s m o re i n
l i ne w i t h mass soc i a l -d e m oc racy i n a period o f t r a n s i t i o n . A State-form i n w h i c h i t
is the masses themselves who act a s judge a n d jury, j u d g i n g w h o i s deviant and
w h o i s not, w h o i s p rod u c t ive and w h o i s not, w h o i s soc i a l ly d a n g e ro u s a n d w h o
i s n o t . N ow it i s to be t h e factory m a s s meet i n g that ex p e l s the extre m i st: t h e
m a s s tenants' meet i n g t h a t d e c i d e s to e x p e l t h e y o u n g hoo l i g a n ; and t h e col l ege
asse m b l y to expel t h e ' u ndes i ra b l e ' student with h i s pistol and i ron bar. Of
cou rse, t h e i nstances I a m t h i n k i n g of have been extreme cases - b u t t h e fact
that t h i s State-form i s being t r i ed o u t on the " a u to n o m ists" as g u i nea pigs d oes
not lessen t h e m a rg i na l i s i n g pote n t i a l of such a State-form w i t h i n a framework of
deve l o p i n g austerity, of the " p o l i t i c s of sacr i f i ce" and of m o n ey b e i n g g iven h a n d
o v e r f i st to capita l i st enterprises. Once you h ave t h e c o l lective act i n g as j u d g e
and j u ry, t h e n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l forces of t h e l a w (wigs and robes, e t c ) h a v e o n l y a
rat i fy i n g f u n c t i o n : t h ey take d e l i very of t h e hostage, t h e t u mor that has been
d riven o u t of t h e otherwise healthy body. The State-form a p pears as a kind of i m­
m u n i s i n g p rocess of c i v i l society. T h i s is a h u g e step forward - it is a m o m e n t of
"socia l i sation of t h e State," w h i c h wou l d be i n n ovative were it not h a p pe n i n g
w i t h i n a framework of a f reez i n g of t h e c lass power balance, w i t h a restoration o f
capita l i st control at a l l leve l s , and a general a m n esty f o r a l l t h e c ri m i n a l s , past
and p resen t , b e l o n g i n g to t h e apparatus of c l i e n t i s m , corru p t i o n and rep ress i o n .
At the level of power-i n s t i t u t i o n s it i s u n d o u bted ly a f u rt h e r e l e m e n t c o n t r i b u t i n g
to the sticki ness of t h e s i t u a t i o n , b u t at t h e same t i m e we m u st u nderstand i t s
" p rogressive" c h a racter. I t transcends t w o aspects of t h e p resent State-form: i t s
aspect as a " party system " , and its aspect as a b u rea u c rat i c-repressive ap­
parat u s , bot h of w h i c h a re separate from a n d host i l e to c i v i l society. I t is a n in­
f i n itely more advanced form, a form w h i c h , among other t h i ng s , has no n eed to
break u p t h e p rese n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l apparat u s o r p u rge it by s u bst i t u t i n g more
democ rat ic person n e l . . . . This State-form does m o re t h a n that. I t overt u rns the
re l at i o n s h i p between c i v i l society and t h e a p pa rat u s . I t a p p ro p r i ates t h e
q u a l i tative f u n c t i o n of t h e j u d i c i a ry, and leaves t h e ap parat u s w i t h t h e q u a n­
t itat ive tra n s l a t i o n , i n terms of t h e penalties to be i m posed . H e n ceforth it is c i v i l
society, t h e co l l ectivity, w h i c h f ixes the n o r m a n d form u l ates t h e sentence, w h i l e
t h e ap parat u s i s l e f t w i t h t h e tec h n i c a l t a s k of p u n i s h ment.

A ll this presen ts enormous problems for the legitima tion of politica l a c tions, in­
asmuch as organisa tion is obliged to measure itself day by day again s t the new
composition of the class; and must find its political progra mme only in the
beha viour of the class and not in some set of s ta tu tes; and thus must pra ctice,
not political clandes tinity, but its opposite. Those who practice techn ical
c landest i n ity g e n e ra l l y d o not even see t h i s State-form. They cont i n u e to relate to
t h e State ap paratuses, a n d by foc u s s i n g a l l t h e i r atte n t i o n on them, t hey then f i n d
t h e m s e l ves separated f ro m t h e mass move m e n t . O n t h e other h a n d , t hose w h o
c h oose politica l c l a n d e s t i n ity - ie refusal t o seek o r crea te a base for criticism
and legitima tion of a c tions - not o n l y u ndergo t h a t same segregat i o n from t h e
m a s s move m e n t , b u t are a l so s m a s h ed by t h e a pparat u s , because t h ey d o not
have the defences and the weapons possessed by t h ose in tec h n i c a l c l a ndest i n i·
ty.

N ow w h i l e it i s true that the PCI has p roposed (and i n some i nstances put i nto ef­
fect) t h i s new, m o re advanced form of the State, as a n ex p e r i m e n t , in act u a l fact
it has osc i l l ated between t h i s type of " p o l i t i c a l p reve n t i o n " of s u bversive
behav i o u r a n d a c o m pete delegation of repres s i o n to t h e State apparat u s . In my
own o p i n i o n , t h e f i rst o p t i o n has carried far more w e i g h t , a n d i n this sense I f i n d

58

t i resome and a l s o i n correct t h e references that a r e p resen t l y be i n g made to "a
new Prag u e " or " a new C h i l e " . B u t what we must c l arify i s t h e extent to w h i c h
t h i s propos i t i o n of a "soc i a l " State-form has m e t a n d w i l l meet res istance a n d
ref u s a l at t h e va r i o u s leve l s of t h e present c lass com pos i t i o n .

Leav i n g a s i d e t h e res istance t h a t i t h a s m e t even a m o n g part i c u l ar sectors of t h e
j u d i c i ary i t s e l f ( i e i n a frac t i o n of t h e a p parat u s i t s e l f), i t has bee n a l l owed to pass
at t h e a verage l evel of c l ass c o m p os i t i o n ( I u nd e r l i n e a verage). N o t only becau s e
i t a i m s to t r a n s f e r to c i v i l s o c i e t y o n l y some ( i n c i d e n ta l l y , t h e m o s t od i o u s)
p rerogat ives of t h e State and not other more attractive o n e s ( l i ke control of
resou rces, for exa m p l e). B u t a l s o beca use it d e l udes i t s e l f i n t o i m ag i n i ng that i t
can i nject peo p l e w i t h a n abst ract sense of t h e S t a t e , w hereas i n f a c t t h e State
t h at peo p l e u nderstand i s this State - ie a State of g iven power relations and
va l u e systems th at t h e work i n g c lass started to u n h i ng e in 1 969, and w h i c h t h e
" p a rty system " , w i t h t h e c r i s i s , has not o n l y s u cceeded i n sett i n g b a c k o n its feet,
but has a l so taken over as its own. The State-form i s not a j u ri d i c a l p r i n c i p le, nor
a n abstract norm, b u t a formation that i s h i storica l l y d e t e r m i nate.

TOWA R D S A The t h eo ry that t h e U n iversity has f u nctioned as a point of aggregation for the
MOBI LISATION O F M ovement runs a l o n g s i d e a t h eo ry rega rd i n g t h e f i g u re of t h e u n e m p l oyed in­
THE ENTIRE MASS tellectual (or rather the intellectual unemployed), who has been taken, uncritically,
OF DISSEMINATED as the most representative figure of the movement . The theory is that the exclusion
LABO U R of t h e i nt e l l ec t u a l u n e m p l oyed from t h e l a b o u r market p u t s t h e m on a par w i t h
o t h e r m a rg i n a l i sed sectors, for w h o m t h e i nt e l lect u a l u n e m p l oyed t h e n a c t as a
voice. I have a l ready stated my c o m p l ete d i sagreement w i t h t h i s k i n d of i nter­
p retat i o n . The U n iversity was taken by t h e c u rrent c l ass c o m pos i t i o n as a poi n t of
a g g regation, m o re tor reasons of the p o l i t i c a l forms of the s t ru g g l e ( i e for certa i n
l ev el s o f violence a n d power) t h a n f o r t h e fact t h at i t i s a factory p rod u c i n g
e m p l oyed i n t e l lect u a l s ; i t w a s taken u p becau s e i t p u t a n e n d to t h i s p rocess o f
t h e m a rg i na l isation of d e m a n d s , s u bject ive behaviou rs a n d o rg a n isation. B u t once
agai n we m u s t go beyond t h e U n iversity, both as a base for t h e M ovement a n d as
a point of a g g regat i o n , i n ord e r to i d e n t i fy t h e c h a n n e l s t h a t can bring about a
m o bi l i sation of t h e e n t i re mass of d issemi nated labou r - ie i n order to prov i d e a
way i n t o t h e factory th at p rod u ces relat ive s u r p l u s v a l u e . For t h i s reason I have
taken p a i n s t o e m p ha s i s e the q uestion of p recarious labor, together w i t h i h e
system of decentra l i sa t i o n of p rod u c t i o n , a n d t h a t soc i a l a rea w h e re t h e p ro-
tected system of trade u n io n " g u a rantees" a n d cond i t i o n s has entered i nto c r i s i s .
I n o r d e r to m a k e t h i s t ra n s i t i o n i t i s v i t a l that we f i rst rej ect t h e " rhetoric of pover­
ty" - moral p rotests on beh a l f of t h e poor. I nstead, we s h o u l d once agai n ask
o u rse lves whether i t i s poss i b l e to t h i n k i n terms of " m a s s obj e c t i ves" of t h e type
which c h a racterized t h e a n t i - a u t horitari a n i s m of 1 968 (t h e F I AT workers' demand

for "G rade 2 for a l l " , w h i c h led i nto t h e e g a l i t a r i a n i s m of t h e d e m a n d s p u t for­
ward i n the Hot A u t u m n of 1 969).

S u ch a proposal c a n not be s i m p l y written off as a step backwards in col l ec t i ve
barga i n i ng , that wou l d prepare t h e g rou nd for a new soc i a l contract between t h e
Government and t h e u n ions. I t wou l d be absu rd to rej ect it o u t of ha n d , for t h e
s i m p l e reason th at s u c h n e w objectives wou l d carry w i t h i n t h e m t h e represen­
tative weight of the i n f i n i te po l i t i c a l creativity t h at has e m e rged in t hese past few
years. Rather, the b i g g e r p rob l e m i s how we are g o i n g to f i n d the p o i n t w h e re
s u c h a p roject can be a p p l ied - in short, to c h oose t h e " new M i ra f i o r i s " o u t of
all t h e vari ous " d r i v i n g sectors" of t h e so-ca l led tert i a ry sector. M ore s p ec i f i c a l l y ,
o u t of t hose sectors w h i c h f u nction as a c o n n ect i n g l i n k between t h e p rod u c t i o n
of abso l u t e s u r p l u s va l u e and t h e p rod u c t i o n o f relative s u r p l u s va l u e - l i ke, for
exa m p l e , t h e cyc l e of t r a n s portat i o n . M o reover, even t h e s i m p l e exten s i o n of t h e
r i g i d ity of l a b o u r (even i n its f o r m as a system of t rade u n ion g uaran t i s m) t o
la voro nero, s u b c o n t racted work, e t c , wou l d h ave t h e effect of f o rc i n g t h e factory
stru g g l e to take a l e a p forward. I n s hort, we are l ook i n g for t h e soc i a l c h a n n e l s
w h ereby we cou l d b reak t h e e n c i rc lement t h a t i s c u rre n t l y u n d e r w a y , a n d p reve n t
the M ovement d i s pe rs i n g i t s e l f i nto a t h o u s a n d decentra l i sed m o m e n t s of strug­
gle - a new, l o n g P u rgatory of endemic s t ru g g l es. We have to f i nd somet h i n g
w h i c h c a n f u n c t i o n i n t h e s a m e way a s t h e stri kes over p e n s i o n s a n d t h e stri kes
over wage-zones d i d , in re l a t i o n to the workers' cyc l e of stru g g l es in 1 968-69.

T h i s a p p roach w i l l be branded as "econo m i c " and " c o l lective barga i n i n g i s m " by
a l l and s u n d ry. It w i l l be accused of lack of i m a g i na t i o n , in p u tt i n g f o rward
mechan i s m s that a re dead a n d bu ried. B u t let's move g e n t l y . The State-form
w h i c h p resents itse l f today has its ori g i n s i n the ideology of t h e c r i s i s a n d i n t h e
au sterity prog ram m e that t h i s has brou g h t a b o u t . The ideology has provided t h e
g r o u n d s for estab l i s h i n g t h e n e w , t i g hter re l a t i o n s between t h e part ies. I t i s t h e
h i storica l bas i s of t h e H i storic Compromise. I t i s t h e j u s t i f ication of t h e parties'
powers of m a rg i n a l i s a t i o n . To s u cceed in overt h row i n g all this wou l d be no s m a l l
matter. I t wou l d m e a n , n o t a ret u r n to t h e o l d c o n f l i c t u a l f o r m of t h e m e d i a t i o n s
of t h e party system , b u t rest o r i n g t h e c o n f l i c t between t h e " g rass roots" a n d t h e
new relationship between a socialised State-form and the production o f capital .
A l l t h e more so, s i nce J i m m y Carter's i m pe r i a l i s m - u n l i ke t h e obtuse accoun­
tants of t h e I M F - h a s u n d e rstood that i n Italy t h e system of value a n d
.
behaviou rs to w h i c h t h e combi nation of a u sterity measu res and law a n d o r d e r h a s
t o b e applied, i s stronger than i t appears . And therefore it's a good investment to
re l ease h u g e a m o u n t s of m o n ey ( t h i s is Carter's c u rrent i n c l i nation), a n d i nject
huge amounts of " c o m mand-money" t h ro u g h t h e big, p r i vate, i nternat i o n a l bank­
i n g system . Let u s start to t u rn t h i s com m a n d i nto m o n ey-as-money - to
t ransform this measu re of power-over-ot hers'-l abou r i nto power-over-ou r-ow n­
needs, power over our own spaces of org a n i sa t i o n and c u l t u re, a d r i v i n g - s p r i n g for
t h e new deve l o p m e n t of a new c l ass compos i t i o n . I t is time that we take back
from the " p a rty syste m " t h e i r res i d u a l power over t h e reprod u c t i o n of t h e c l asses,
so that we can start to determ i n e this reprod u c t i o n f ro m t h e base, in such a way
as to g u a ra ntee the va l u e-systems a n d the p o l i t i c a l behav i o u rs that the new c l ass
compos i t i o n has l e g i t i mated i n t h e stru g g les of t hese past m o n t h s .

Transla ted by Red Notes

1 . See H. B r a n d , "The M y t h of t h e C a p i t a l Shortage", i n Dissen t, S u m m e r 1 976.
2 . Federal Rese rve B a n k of N e w York Monthly Revie w, October 1 976.
3. Peter D r u c ker, The Unseen Revolu tion: How Pension Fund Socialism Came to A merica , Lon­
don, 1 976.
4. See B . Sacc h i , II Problema de/le A bitazioni, dalla Casa a l Territorio, Polytec h n i c F a c u l t y of
A r c h i tect u re , M i l a n 1 976-77.

1 1 12 Genoa hous i n g proj ect
i ll3 Executive mem bers of the Italian Communist Party (Au g ust 26, 1 964): (l eft to r i g ht)
G i rogio Amendola; Marlo A l i cata; M a l ro Scocc i marro; Lu i g i Longo; G i ancarlo Paj etta; and
Pietro l n g rao
1 1/4 M L-62 1 -4/22175- M I LA N , Italy: General view of P l azza Duomo (Duomo Square) d u ri n g today's
anti-fasc ist mass ra l ly; in background the fascade of Duomo C h u rc h

60

i l/5 Andreotti tomb Video/photo: Seth Tile!
i l/6 Arrested hospital workers, Polyc l l n lcal Hospital, Rome
i l/7 Chemical plant worker; Ottana, Sard i n i a
i l/8 C R O 1 729468 ROM E: Luciano Lams, leader of t h e Com m u n i st-led General Confederat ion
of Italian Labor (CG I L), add resses h u n d reds of pl acard-carry i n g stri kers i n St. John's Sq uare
here Feb. 3 as the Eternal City is h i t by a second general strike in 77 days, seri ously d i s ru p­
t i n g normal l i fe for some 2.7 m i l l i o n I n habitants and thousands of touri sts. The strike was call­
ed by Com m u n ist, Catholic and Soc i a l i st-led u n i ons to dramatize the prob lems of the Rome
work i n g m a n - u nemployment. 213172
i l/1 0 Paol o Tomass i n i , victim of Rome's Spec ial Squadron 212177
i l/1 1 SOP 091 402 D EATH COUCH SANTIAGO: This is the couch where Pres. Salvador Al lende
of Chile reported ly shot and k i l led h i mself during the coup d'etat i n the Pres idential Palace
here Sept. 1 1 (UPI) 9/1 5173

Dom i n ation a nd
S a bot a g e

Ton i N eg ri

To n i N e g r i , arrested on A p r i l 7, 1 979, w rote
Dominio e Sabo taggio s h o r t l y after the
emergence of the " M ov e m e n t of '77". T h i s
pam p h l et w a s w r i t t e n i n S w i tze r l a n d w h e re
N e g r i , a l ready accused of b e i n g t h e
i d e o l o g i s t of t h e M ov e m e n t , had taken
refuge. We present h e re c h apters 2 & 3 w h i c h
s y n t h e s i ze h i s m e t h od o l o g i c a l a p p roach t o
the d y n a m i c s of t h e new c l ass compos i t i o n .

P A R E N T H ESIS When I t heorise a n i ndependence of the p rocess of proletarian sel f·va lorisation,
N0. 1 : and when I exa m i n e t h e poss i b i l ity of i t s h av i n g a n i nternal d i a lect i c of con­
O N M ET H O D t i n u o u s recom post i o n between structural f u n c t i o n s and attac k i n g f u n c t i o n s , I a m
bound to d raw cert a i n methodolog i c a l conc l u s i ons. F i rst, i t seems to m e f u n ­
damental to consider t h e tot a l ity of t h e p rocess of proletarian self-va iorisation as
a lterna tive to, a n d rad i c a l l y different f ro m , t h e total ity of t h e process of c a p i t a l i s t
p rod u c t i o n and rep rod u c t i o n . I rea l ise that I a m exaggerat i n g t h e pos i t i o n , a n d
overs i m p l if y i n g its c o m p lexity. B u t I also know that t h i s " i ntens ive road " , t h i s
rad ic al break w i t h t h e total ity of c a p i ta l i st deve l o p m e n t , i s a f u n d a m e n t a l ex­
perience of the move m e n t as i t stands today.

Today the process of cons titu ting class independence is first and foremost a pro­
cess of separa tion.

I a m e m p h as i s i n g t h i s forced separat ion in order to c l a rify t h e overa l l mean­
i n g lessness of a c a p i t a l ist world w i t h i n which I find myself const i t u ted i n non­
i ndependent form, in t h e form of e xp l o i tat i o n . I thus refuse to accept t h e recom­
pos i t io n a l d i al e c t i c s of c a p i t a l ; I aff i r m in sectar i a n m a n n e r my own separateness,
my own independence, t h e d i f fere n t ness of m y c o n s t i t u t i o n . As H . J . Kra h l
u n derstood ( i n h i s book Cons titution a n d Class Consciousness - a book w h i c h ,

62

"The Other Workers' M ovement". w i t h t h e pas s i n g of t h e years. I t i s o n l y b y recog n i s i n g mysel f as other. w i t h t h e total ity of h i storical deve l o p m e n t . The con tinuity of the history of the working class revolutionary move­ ment is t h e history of the discon tinuity of tha t movement.experiences that h ave proved victorious and h ave (therefore) been betrayed and destroyed. t h ey are h i g h l i g h t i n g t h e rad i c a l . The present sta te of things is built upon a con tinuity of destruction. becomes i nc reas i n g l y i m portant). s h ort ly to be p u b l i shed by C S E Books). t h ey a re certa i n ly n o t a n i mated b y a s p i ri t of iconoclasm: rather. The hacks of cont i n u ity are st i l l a l ive a n d well in the H istory I ns t i t utes of t h e labour movement. Work i n g class sel f-valorisation i s f i rs t and foremost de-struct u ration of the e n e m y totality. So. I d e f i n e myself by separat i n g mysel f from t h e tota l i ty. For my own part . of abolition. The revo l u t i o n a ry work i n g class move­ ment is con t i n u a l ly bei n g reborn from a v i rg i n mother. 1 976) t e l l the form i d a b l e story of how t h e work i n g class in s t r u g g l e has con t i n u a l l y destroyed i t s o w n t rad i t i o n a l org a n i sa t i o n s .and in our h i story-writ i n g we are now confident enou g h to present the notion of the "other workers' move m e n t " . For my own part. t h e h i story of t h e rad i c a l r u pt u res th at h a v e c h a racterised i t . w h i c h destroys t h e rela­ t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e tota l ity of the c a p i t a l i s t system. i n scale. o n l y b y i n s i s t i n g o n t h e fact of m y d i f ferent-ness as a rad i c a l tota l ity t h a t I h ave t h e poss i b i l ity a n d t h e h o p e of a renew a l .Feltri n e l l i . perhaps. s p u rred by t h e ex­ perience of the r u pt u res in o u r present movement . i n my i n s i stence o n t h i s rad i c a l method o l o g i c a l r u p t u re I am i n good company. I h a v e t h e sense of h av i n g p l a c ­ ed myself at t h e extreme l i m it s of mean i n g i n a p o l i t i c a l c l ass debate.namely t h e p roject of proletarian self­ valorisat i o n . a process of i n­ t e n s i f i cation of class s e l f . M i lano. i rred u c i b l e d i fferent­ ness of t h e revo l u t ionary movement. i n t u r n . F u rt h e rmore. as some f u t u re a l l-embrac i n g reco m p os i t i o n . o n t h e contrary. m u s t . Thus t h e method o l o g i c a l p reco n d i t i o n of a n i n it i a l rad i c a l r u p t u re (wh i c h we consider f u n d a m e n t a l for any renewal of t h e soc i a l p ract ice of t h e p ro­ letariat) is e m p i ri c a l l y corroborated by a n ext e n s i ve d o c u mentation ( l i m i ted. by t h e g lobal sabotage of t h e h istory of c a p i t a l that t h e movement enacts. I d e f i n e t h e tota l i ty as other t h a n me . But l u c k i ly m i l itant h istoriography is u nd e rg o i n g a renaissance too. O f cou rse.i d e n t i t y as a p rod uct ive be i n g .as a n e t w h i c h i s cast over t h e cont i n u ity of t h e h i storical sabotage t h a t t h e c l a s s operates. W h e n Karl-H e i nz Roth (Die A ndere Arbeiterbewegung ."The Formati o n of t h e M a ss Worker in t h e USA" . of transcendence tha t the real movement brings about.w i t h its i l l ic i t d ea l i n g s w i t h t h e m o s t d is g u s t i n g resu l ts of t h e c a p i t a l i s t m o d e of prod u c t i o n . 63 . t h e tota l ity of c l a s s consciousness is f i rst a n d foremost an i nt e n s ive cond i t i o n . I s e e i t as a m o m e n t of i nt e n s ive root i n g w i t h i n my o w n separateness. t h e permanent p rovoca t i on-towards-separat i o n that t h e real move m e n t brings about. I d o not see t h e h i story of class con­ s c i o u s n es s in a Lu kacs i a n sense.as a l so i s t h e movement of t h a t c o l l ect ive p rax i s w i t h i n w h i c h I move. accept t h e respo n s i b i l ity of b e i n g a part i c i pa n t i n t h e m o n s t ro s i t i tes we h a v e seen i n t h e development of " s oc i a l i s m " . I am aware of a l l t h e c r i t i c i s m s that c o u l d be leve l led at t h i s pos i t i o n f r o m a t rad i t i o n a l M a rx i s t viewpoi n t . t h e rela­ t i o n s h i p with t h e tota l i ty of the system? H ere I must now face up to the second method o l o g i c a l conseq u e n c e of my a s s u m p t i o n : my rela tionship with the totality of c a p i t a l i s t deve l o p m e n t . But what about t h e rel at i o n s h i p with t h e tota l ity of h i story. b u t remark a b l e i n i t s i nt e n s i ty). There is o n l y one way that I c a n read t h e h istory of c a p i t a l . p ress i n g m e w i t h c r i t i c i s m a n d tel l i ng m e that I am w ro n g . I am other . I b e l o n g to t h e other movemen t o f t h e work i n g c l a s s . This i s a pers pective w h i c h cou l d a l s o p ro­ v i d e u s w i t h a feel for other h i storical revo l u t i o n a ry experiences of the proletariat . I must assume t h i s rad i c a l "otherness" as a method o l o g i c a l preco n d i t i o n of the s u bvers ive case we are a rg u i ng . i s g uaranteed s o l e l y by t h e force of destructuration t h a t t h e movement determ i nes. B u t a n y o n e w h o c o m e s w i t h accusat i o n s . t a k e n to a p o i n t of exc l u s ivity i n t h e s e l f-recog n i t i o n of t h e c l a s s ' s col lec­ t ive i ndependence. or G i se l a Bock (La Formazione dell'Operaio Massa negli USA .as t h e h i story of a con­ t i n u ity of operat i o n s of s e lf-re-estab l i s h ment that capital a n d i t s State have to set in mot i o n in ord e r to counter t h e conti n u o u s breakdown process .

to avoi d b o t h premat u re red u c t i v i s t forec losu res of t h e problem (because i n f a c t i t i s t he p ro­ d u ctivity of t h e proletarian s u bject that s t r u c t u res t h e destruct u ra t i o n . t hey o n l y h a n g toget h e r i n t h e i r m u t u a l u n t ra n s latab i l i ty . w h i c h have cau g h t my atte n t i o n because of t h e w a y t h ey s t ra i n a f t e r a notion of p rod uctivity. Force d o e s not s u bstitute for va l ue. o r c o n ­ ceived i n t e r m s of Wille z u r Macht. t h i s c ri t i c a l f o r m . I h a v e t a k e n t h i s n e x u s to extremes. H owever. T h i s l o g i c . tota l i s i n g d i a lect i c a l ex­ tensions of the d is c l os u re. The tot a l ity i s a v o i d . i n effect.t h e re is no homology.i n t h e v a r i o u s s u r re p t i t i o u s attempts that are b e i n g made to rei m pose a s e n se of conc l u s iveness o n t h i s destructu red h o r i z o n . R a t h e r . be t hey h u m a n i s t i c i n i n s p i ra t i o n .F e l t r i ne l l i . Regard i n g Cac­ c i a r i ' s Krisis . a n d its operat i o n s may be i m posed i n m od i f i ed form . i n t h e l i g h t o f what we h ave said. a n d I have d e f i n e d i t as separat i o n . o n l y i n t h e form o f a forced relat ions h i p . I t perm its me. The above considerations lead me now to c o n fi rm my ori g i na l hypothes i s of t h e preva lence of t h e subjec tive i n t h e ex p l a n a t i o n of t h e p resent-day d i a lectic of capita l . i s struct u red as destruct u ra t i o n . The r u l e of tot a l a l i en a t i o n i s t h e o n ly poss i b l e c o n t e n t of t h i s project.b u t this does not remove the void of s i g n i f i ca t i o n s that Power i s forced to reg ister. scanda l o u s . of s i g ns. the mea n i n g of t h e w h o l e i s not i n a n y way p rovided by the perfect connection of the parts. to t h e i d e n t i f icat i o n of the p rocess of s e l f-va lorisation as t h e c a u s e . B a s i n g myse l f o n t h e ex­ perience of the move m e n t . Thus i t becomes clear what we mean i n this case by a l a c k of homology. I have st ressed f i rst and foremost the s u bjective e l e­ ment. b u t provides a s u rrogate for its form. All t h e elements of t h e w h o l e are u n ified i n a technical sense. The C r i s i s-State i s a power w h i c h l ives i n a vac u u m of s i g n i f i c a t i o n s . The f u ndamental p o i n t .a n d . t h e re are no l o n g e r any homologous f u n c t i o n s . ie negative­ l y deter m i nes its own o p posite). a l o g i c of force/ l o g i c w h i c h is itself destruct u red. of l o g i c s . i t reg i sters u po n itse l f . as a rad ic al lack of val u e .as destructu red. d o n o n e t h eless start from a correct percept i o n of t h e b l i n d object ivity of t h e deve l o p m e n t of c a p i t a l ' s system . with its contents a n d its objectives. M i la n 1 977 . no poss i b l e i m med i ate translata b i l ity of l a n g u ages.a fraud. a n d . But t h i s s u rrept i t i o u s ly-related h o m o l ogy t h i s " revo l u t i o n from above" I n t h e absence o f rad i c a l s i g n i f icance . i s a " d a rk n i g h t i n w h i c h a l l c o w s a re w h i t e " : i n other words. because.c a n b e seen clearly. from a n objective viewpo i n t too. a c reativity of an u n kn o w n q ua n t i t y l ocated beyon d t h e cog n i t ive horizon . t h e objective aspect has neither t h e same logical ext e n s i o n n o r t h e capacity to s u bs t i t u t e for t h e s u bject ive. for w h a t i t i s . So. 1 55-1 56 of A u t-A u t). t h e c r i s i s of all h o m o l o g o u s f u n c t i o n s . T h i s i s a l so c l e a r . between t h e rea l i ty of the movement as I experience i t and the overa l l framework of capital ist deve l o p m e n t . i s obviously still t h e nexus between t h e p rocess of sel f-va l orisation and its effects i n destruct u ration. faced with t h e c r i s i s in the f u n c t i o n i n g of the law of va l u e . T h i s i s part i c u l a r l y c l e a r i n t h e a n a l y t i c p r i n c i p les of M ic h e l Foucau l t ( a n d i n part i c u l a r h i s met h od o l o g i c a l t reat­ ment in La Volante de Sa voir). O n e c a n n ot m ove f ro m t h e u nderstand i n g of destruct u ra t i o n as an effect. Let u s now pause and consider t h e q uestion from another a n g l e . on the other h a n d . i n s p i te of t h e c r i s i s of t h a t law. The State' s i nvest ment in t h e tota l ity i s p u re l y negat ive. w h i l e our cons ideration of the o bj e c t i ve aspect of the s i t u a t i o n confi rms our analysis of t h e s u bjective aspect. I f I now a p p roach t h e q uest ion from t h e objective p o i n t of view . i n t e r m s of mea n i n g . Tak i n g t h e s u bjective viewpo i n t to extremes does not negate i t s methodo l o g i c a l va l id ity. the pos i t i o n is n o d ifferent. in t h i s case. m ed i a t i n g its own rel a t i o n to capital in relation to the com mod i­ ty form. The law of va l u e m ay be forc i b l y re i n t rod uced. i t confi rms a n d e x t e n d s i t . 64 . a void. attem pts to rei m pose that law by force.see m y review in Nos. W h e n the State. And t h u s (here is t h e t h i rd methodolog i c a l i m p l ication) . t h e system can be seen .t h e v i ew­ p o i n t of the C r i s i s-State (Sta to-cris1). however you look at t h e q u es t i o n . (These attempts. f u rthermore.must be seen . i n t h e a rt i c u l at i o n between s e l f-valorisation a n d destruct u ra t i o n .

the estab l i s h m e n t of work i n g class i ndependence takes p l ace f i rst and foremost i n its separat i o n . ca l l s for "another mode of i n q u i ry" in the a n a l y s i s of the metamorphoses of overa l l soc i a l capita l . Let u s l o o k m o re c losely. M a rx i n Capital Vol . eq u a l l y necessar i l y . t h e sense of p ro letar i a n sel f-va l o r i s a t i o n has o f t e n b e e n ex­ p ressed w i t h ori g i n a l i n tensity. As I have s a i d . I know. Rec i p rocat i o n takes t h e p l ace of oppos i t i o n . h owever. Is t h i s to be a l o g i c of separat i o n ? Is it to be a Dars tellung b u i l t on carry i n g to extre m i ty t h i s i ndependent proletarian s u bjectivity b u i l t on t h e move ments of proletarian sel f-va l o r i sation as s u c h ? I t h i n k t hat t hese q u es t i o n s are i m portant for t h e f u rt h e r deve l o p m e n t of t h i s essay. this corres pondence. I I . (If G ra m s c i ' s teach i ngs can be reta i ned i n any u s ef u l sense today. 1 . H owever. But i s never ex p ressed in terms of separateness . has been p l ayed out i n terms of . t h ey c a n be f u rt h e r a rt i c u l ated at a formal a n d method o l o g i c a l l eve l . wha t a re the la ws tha t govern (a l be i t in a s i t u a t i o n of separateness. havi n g reac h ed the h i g hest p o i n t of soc i a l isation. it is i n herent in t h e c o m p lexity of the events t h a t are b e i n g determ i ned . because i t i s a d i a lectic of separa­ t i o n . t h e separateness of t h e p ro­ leta r i a n s u bject i s o rg a n i sed in the d i a lect i c between s e l f-va l o r i s i n g p rod uctivity a n d f u n c t i o n s of destructu rat i o n . today. B u t separa tion i n this i n st a n ce means breaking the capita l rela tion. i n order to constitute a f ramework for the e n s u i n g debate. Separat i o n a l so means that.rather i t is a l ways expressed i n a d i a lectical sense i n re lation to t h e tota l ity. I n t h e h i story o f soc i a l i s t t h o u g h t and practi ce. w i t h o u t prete n d i n g to be exhaustive. We know that t h e methodolog i c a l hypothesis req u i res c o n f i r m a t i o n from c l ass analysis. c o n f i r m our i n i t i a l method o l o g i c a l assu m pt i o n that. how p rec isely does the const i t u t ive p rocess of the col lective s u bjectivi ty proceed.We a re not suggest i n g that methodology i n any sense resolves t h e problems that face u s (a l t h o u g h a correct f ra m i n g of t h e solution i s g reat l y fac i l i tated). h ow d oes t h i s a rt i c u l a t i o n of a separate s u bj ect relate to t h e const i t u t i o n of capita l ist d o m i n a t i o n ? Seco n d l y and con­ versel y . It i s only t h e t heoret ica l-po l i t i c a l deter m i nation of t h e c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e work i n g c l ass t h a t c a n offer a s o u n d bas i s f o r a method o l o g i c a l hypothes i s s u c h as o u rs . H ow? In part i c u lar. i t i s certa i n ly in t h i s regard). And i n f a c t t h e f o l l o w i n g m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a p p rox i ma t i o n s . that this d i a lectic does not p ro­ d u c e effects of h o m o l ogy and of tota l i sat i o n .f i rst i n re l a t i o n t o t h e se/f-valorisa tion/des tructura tion nexus. in a l l its rad ica l i ty and i ntensity? In s h o rt . of lack of any h o m o l ogy) the para llel and opposed processes of the Sta te-form and of proletarian se/f-valorisa tion? B u t i n def i n i n g t h e problems we can now add a cou p l e of f u rt h e r notes . t h e work i n g class b reaks t h e la ws of the socia l media tion of c a p i t a l . before g o i n g f u rt her. In t h e soc ial-anarc h ist t rad i t i o n this rec i p rocity. B u t .

t h e s i t u a t i o n i s d i f­ ferent when we come to consider o u r m e t h od o l o g i c a l a p p roach to the nexus of self-va lorisa tion with itself. The d i a lectical pos i t ivity of method i n t h e separateness of proletarian sel f-va l o risation i s wholly a n d s o l e l y in­ novative. between soc i a l i s m a n d democ racy). Tro n t i i s cor­ rect i n h i s latest utterance th a t t h e modern State is t h e p o l i t i c a l form of t h e autonomy of t h e work i n g c lass. B u t h e re. " I n s h o rt . i t s separateness. C l ass s e l f-va l o r i s a t i o n h a s not h i n g t o do w i t h t h e struct u ration o f c a p i t a l . B u t i t has a l o t to do w i t h i t s de-st r u ct u ra t i o n . to f u n c t i o n a l determ i n a t i o n s : What can be said s t ra i g h t a w a y . B u t correct i n w h a t sense? I n t h e s e n s e . (K. The method of soc i a l t ra n sformation that derives from t h e sel f-va l o r i s i n g separateness of t h e proletariat has not h i n g i n c o m m o n w i t h t h e homolog ies of rat i o n a l i s t or h i storicist p rog ress i v i s m .of compat i b i l ity and converg e n ce? Not at a l l . of adj u s t m e n t i n re l a t i o n to t h e effects of self­ va l o r i sat i o n . tak i n g as i t s start i n g point proletarian sel f-va lorisat i o n . i t is t h e negat ive res u l t of our ac­ tions: "Crime.l oved syn t h e s i s . a n d t h e e f f e c t s of sabotage t h a t i t determ i nes. Proletarian sel f-va l o r i s a t i o n i s t h e p o w e r to w i t h d raw from exchange va l u e a n d t h e a b i l ity to rea p p ro p r i a te t h e world of use va l u es . to d e m o n s t rate t h e perfect c o m p at i b i l ity of Pro u d h o n and Ben­ tham. a f o l l o w i n g . of rec u p e rat i o n . I n part i c u l a r i t i s w i t h i n this perspective th at we m u s t f r a m e o u r a n a l y s i s of t h e State-form. T H E FO R M O F H a v i n g ou t l i ned ou r p o l e m i c a l methodolog i c a l p re m i ses. b u t Rousseau a n d Sta l i n who are t h e fathers of t h i s m u ch. N ow. and t h u s i s as p rod uc­ t ive as stri kes are i n re l a t i o n to t h e i nven t i o n of mac h i nery " . e v e r s i n c e t h e work i n g class reached its present h i g h l e v e l of com­ pos i t i o n . with his reva m ped "soc i a l i s m " . The r u p t u re and recog n i t i o n of t h e c l ass's own i n d ependent p rod uct ive force. among u s .becau s e i t const i t u tes t h e h e a r t a n d s u bstance of t h e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l proposi t i o n i t s e l f .t h i s t i me n o t extens ive (between centra l isation and decentra l isation).stands t h e form of t h e d o m i n a t i o n .and sometimes w i t h i n u s . as a conj o i n i n g of leaps and i n novat i o n s . t h e re can be no recou rse to models of "cont i n u ity". " t h ro u g h its consta n t l y new methods of attack o n p ro­ perty. we can now start o n the T H E DOMINATION s u bstance of the matter. H ere we s h a l l have to stress and adeq uately analyse t h e s y n c h ronous d i m e n s i o n s of t h e p rocess. b u t i nten­ sive (between t h e g e n e ra l work i n g c lass i n terest and t h e general i n t e rests of society. I t i s not Proud h o n a n d B e n t h a m . B u t this c o m p at i b i l i ty a l so exists in t h e t rad i t i o n of " s c i e n t i f i c soc i a l i s m " . Fac i n g u s stands the State. t hey a re add ress i n g t h e m s e l ves to a problem w h i c h no l o n g e r has a n y r e a l basis.i s t h at t h e separateness o f p r o l e t a r i a n self-valorisa tion i t s e l f a ppears a s discon tinuity.i n ­ t he-footsteps-of p ro l etarian sel f-va l o risat i o n . M a rx . i n its separateness. c o m rade: h e re the methodol ogy of the critique of politica l economy h a s to be mod i f ied. has been not h i n g other than t h e obverse. I have n o t i m e f o r t h e so-cal l ed " nouveaux p h i l osophes ' ' . T h e w h o l e c a p i t a l i s t deve l o p m e n t . i n a c r i t i q u e th at starts w i t h M a rx and stretches t h ro u g h to Foucau l t ' s ed i t i o n o f t h e Pa nopticon.M a rx does not l i ke t h e p a radox l a b e l . removes any poss i b i l ity of a resol u t ive d i a l e c t i c . consta n t l y c a l l s i n t o bei n g new methods of defence. too.for h i m too.a repeated operat ion of s e l f­ p rotec t i o n ." says M a rx. T h u s it is not d i f f i c u l t . recog n i s e i t w i t h t h e same i m med i ate c l arity and on t h e s a m e l e v e l as we have s e e n t h e rela­ t i o n s h i p between s e l f-va l ori sat i o n a n d destructuration. of t h e p rocess of sel f-va lorisation w i t h the prod uct ive struct u rat i o n of society. who have a lways been e n a m o u red of t h e l i n k between rat i o n a l i s m and prod u c t ive Sta l i n i s m . The h o m o l og i es of p rog res s i v i s m re late to exc h a n g e val u e . i n s u l t i n g t hese you n g p h i losophers for havi n g d rawn atten t i o n to t h i s " myst i fy i n g connect i o n . a reaction to. which are effects of sabotage of t h e c a p i t a l mac h i ne. b u t I m u st say I a m rat h e r d i sconcerted w h e n I see representat ives of the h i storical parties of t h e work i n g c l ass. is a myth. Perso n a l ly. This compat i b i l ity. I f o u r a n a l y s i s of t h e n e x u s between sel f-va l o r i s a t i o n and State s t r u ct u re leads u s a l o n g a p a t h of c a u s a l i t y t h a t i s negative a n d destruct u r i n g . Theories of Surplus Va lue) T h i s is no paradox . this monstrous na ture of po wer is the effect of our sabotage. t h e d i a lectic between c e n t ra l i sation and dece n t ra l i s a t i o n . To stru g g l e means t hat we m u s t recog n i s e t h e m o n s t ro u s n a t u re of t h e p o w e r t h at s t a n d s fac i n g u s . not even in t h e case 66 .

E lsewhere ( i n t h e a rt i c l e p u b l ished i n Operai e Sta to ("Workers a n d t h e State". control of the work i n g c lass s t ru g g l e was to be a c h i eved i n g lo bal terms. t ry to form " i ntermed iate reg i me s " etc: i n p ract ice. I . rat her. a k e y to u nd e rstan d i ng .h e had stressed the overal l trend. t h e evo l u t i o n o f t h e l og i c of c o m m a n d h a s taken p l ace i n at l e a s t t h ree d i st i nct p h ases. /. Felt r l ne l l i . But when the t rend comes i n to con­ t rad i c t i o n with the act u a l prog ress of t h e cyc l e (because work i n g c l ass conf l i c· t u a l ity d oes not respect f i n a l i sed eq u i l i b r i a). . because t h e form of t h e rest ructu rat i o n i s c o m m a n d . a l o g i c o f destructuration w h i c h can never be s u b l i mated. I t i s . becau se it lacks any rat i o n a l i t y save that accred ited by worki n g c l ass sabotage. But bou rgeo i s eco n o m y 's c r i t i c a l consc i o u sness i s o b l iged to f i l l t h e vac u u m of its own p rocess by s p read i n g a wafer-t h i n ( rec u pe rated and myst i f ied) f o r m a l rat i o na l i ty. con ten t of the Sta te-form. monstrous a n d i rrat i o n a l . So now let u s l ook at how t h e State a n d t h e system of soc i a l d o m i n at i o n res pond to t h e soc i a l sabotage w h i c h res u l t s from self-va l o r i s a t i o n . In that epoch. a n d let u s l oo k at the logic th at t hey express . But Keynes based h i m se l f o n a p o l i t ical propos i t i o n that was p u re and general . control i s l i t t l e by l it t l e s l i pp i n g o u t of their h a n d s . efficacious. W i t h i n t h e c r i t i c a l consc i o u s n ess of bou rgeoi s p o l i t i c a l economy. I n p o i n t of f a c t . M i l a n 1 972) I have i n d icated t h e f u n d a m e n t a l c haracte r i s t i cs o f t h e Keynesian epoch . but effica cious. A l o n g s i d e the t heoret i c a l " p rog resses" that l ead S raffa and h i s i l k to a d i sso l u t ion of t h e a g g regate categories o f Cap i t a l . /. E m pty. m o re concretely we can observe th at t h e work i n g c l ass stru g g l e has a cont i n u i t y t h a t is d iscont i n uo u s . A second phase opens.t h e contro l -d i me n s i o n no l o n g e r m a t c h e s t h e d i m e n s i o n s of p ro l etarian and work i n g c l ass conf l i c t u a l ity. b u t only p rec i p i t ated f u rt her. t h e m o r e we sabotag e t h e State and t h e m o re we g ive ex p res s i o n to t h e s e l f-va l o r i sat i o n/destruct u ra t i o n n e x u s . t h i s p l ea s u re he l eaves to the " p h i l i s t i n e a p o l o g i sts of t h e b o u r g e o i s s ch oo l " . Res tructura tion is the empty. C a p i t a l ' s cont i n u a l restructu rat i o n i s its response to work i n g c l ass sabotage.i n p rog ressive terms . of M a n d evi l le ' s Fable of the Bees . Let us look at how it p ro­ ceeds.of s u p p l y and de­ m a n d . t h e m o r e t h e r u l es g overn i n g t h e develop­ m e n t of cap i t a l ' s State-system become feroci o u s .a logic w h i c h i s i nterna l ly coherent. over the t i m i ng s set by work i n g c l ass and proletarian stru g g l es. E a c h one of t hese p hases i s m a t c h e d by a par­ t i c u l a r q u a l ity a n d i ntensity of work i n g c l ass a n d p ro l e t a r i a n stru g g les. f o l l o w i n g o n t h e g reat C r i s i s of t h e 1 930s. t h e Key n e s i a n State goes i n to c r i s i s . W h o c o m m a n d s t h e c r i s i s ? T h e Keynesian-bred p o l i t i c i a n s t ry to i nvent a " p o l i t i c a l trade cyc l e " . Keynes rep l ied to t h e format i o n a n d t h e s t r u g g les of t h e mass worker with a n overal l b a l a n c i n g . b u t w h i c h i s n o n e t h e l ess negat ive.

I n p a rt i c u l a r it tries to operate i n a m o r e genera l i sed w a y o n t h e soc i a l movements of t h e work i n g c l ass. .a n d in part i c u l a r George R . to factory c o m m a n d over l iv i n g l a b o u r. t h e e n t i re mech a n i s m of c i rc u l a­ t i o n . t h e n e w a p p roach i s a s o r t of Ei nstei n i a n t h eory of re l a t i v i ty : i t i nvolves t h e 68 . i n Trend and Business Cycles Reconsidered. Kalecki. Keynes n e v e r concerned h i m s e l f w i t h t h e t e m p o r a l determ i n a t i o n of eq u i l i br i a a n d seco n d a ry eq u i l i br i a . forc i n g agg regate soc i a l c a p i t a l i n t o a c o n f rontat i o n over t h e ru les g overn i ng t h e reprod u c t i o n of t h e syste m . " i t is not an i ndependent e n t i t y " . and that t h e a p parent c o n t i n u ity of t h e s t ru g g l e is t h e outcome of an i n f i n i te series of i nd i v i d u a l c r i s is-po i n t s . I t i s i n terest i n g to n o t e t h e format i o n of a third phase of t h eo ret i c a l deve l o p me n t i n the p o l i t i c a l eco n o m y of t h e Keynesian epoch. I t is no l o n g e r poss i b l e to i nvent i n d et e r m i nate macro-eco n o m i c eq u i l i b r i a w h i c h a re i ndependent of s h o rt-ru n variat i o n s and i n­ dependent of t h e m i c ro-econom ic components w h i c h a re variable w i t h i n t h e u n ­ foreseea b l e t i m i n g determ i ned b y t h e s t r u g g l e s of t h e col lect ive worker. today. B u t t h i s t heory a l so f a l l s s hort. i n Economic Journal. p p 263 seq.of a c h a i n of s h o rt-term s i t u a­ t i o n s " . t h e Crisis-Sta te i s forced i nto a n i nt e r n a l self-c r i t i c i s m of what i s now a soc i a l l y i n escapab l e (and i m mediately efficac i o u s) exte n s i o n of work i n g c l ass ac­ t i o n . .goes i nto a f u rth e r stage of c r i s i s and d i s i nteg rat i o n . A l o n g phase of bou rgeo i s eco n o m i c t h eory n o w deve l o p s a ro u n d t hese p r e m ises. Ten n essee. The In tellectua l Capita l of M. on t h e other h a n d . t h e t e m p o r a l d i m e n s i o n i s b e i n g extended to t h e w h o l e of t h e p rocess. Knoxv i l l e . a State-form that i s st i l l l i n ked in to the d i m e n s i o n s of d i rect p rod u c t i o n . 1 976 . after a l l .w h i c h a l ters s l o w l y . " T h e l o n g-term t rend i s n ot h i n g other t h a n a c o m p o n e n t . of t h e dynamic nex u s l i n k i n g p rod u c t i o n a n d rep rod u c t i o n . A n d n o w . ( M i c h a e l Ka l e c k i . I f t h i s latter went i n to crisis beca u s e of its i n a b i l ity to c o n t ro l t h e q u a n t it ies of work i n g c l ass de m a n d . we now see t h e formation of t h e State-as-Cr i s i s . M i chael Kalecki i s the lead i n g l ig h t i n t h i s movement (see Joan R o b i n s o n i n New York Review of Books . to control i t f ro m w i t h i n the mecha n i s m s of its o w n accu m u l a t i o n . I t i s i n t h e p rocess of format i o n today.a m ic r o p h y s i c s of p o l i t i c a l eco n o m y . t h e C r i s i s-State (Stato-cris1). M a rc h 4. Kalecki. at that same moment t h e c o n s c i o u s ness of bou rgeois p o l i t i c a l economy . t h e action of t h e mass worker h a s g rad u a l l y laid s i e g e to t h e w h o l e of society. 1 971 . C r i s i s-State t h eo ry i s . i n an attack that is p rec isely o r i e n tated towards dea l i n g with s i n g l e a n d part i c u l a r c l ass c r i s i s p o i n t s . Based on t h i s necess ity. 1 975).).P l a n n e r (Sta to-piano). and d raws o n t h e elements of c r i s i s i n t h e prev i o u s s c h e m a s . b y attac k i n g it i n i t s c l ass compos i t i o n . A n d h e re t h e p rob l e m of time becomes fu n d a m e n t a l .i t is a l so. J u l y 1968.which had act u a l ly been conso l i d at i n g itself up to that point . a n d t r i e s to c o n s t r u c t a n " e c o n o m y of o l i g o p o l ies" . w i t h i n t h e c l ass. on the fo l l o w i n g l i nes: to d ivide up the overa l l t h ru s t of t h e work i n g c l ass. s t ressed t h e necessity of determ i n i ng Key nes i a n i s m v i a t h e redef i n i t i o n of p h e n o m e n a w i t h i n i nd i v i d u a l " t i m e u n it s " . K a l e c k i . Feiwee l . T h e s i m­ p l e t ra n s i t i o n from g lo b a l c o n t ro l of p rod u c t i o n ( Keynes). i ncorporat i n g t h e d y n a m i c s that occ u r at a m i c roeco n o m i c leve l . The C r i s i s-State i s not o n l y a State-form that i s refor m i s t to its roots . It faces u p to t h e emerg i n g p rod u c t i v i t y of the m a s s worker. I t s c e n tral a r e n a of i n terest i s t h e q u es t i o n of circula tion . the s t ru g g l e has advanced. and thus a fresh f o u n d a t i o n i s laid for a t h eo ry of deve l o p m e n t based o n the t heory of cyc l i c a l f l u ct u a t i o n s . The worker res p o n d s to t h e C r i s i s-State even m o re v i o l e n t l y t h a n prev i o u s l y to t h e State-as. pp 1 seq. and above a l l . a reformis t theory. and on the ot h e r h a n d the work i n g c l ass-t rade u n io n o l i g o p o l y in the factory ( M . Thus it becomes i m po s s i b l e to p rod uce a model of deve l o p ment u n less i t takes ex p l i c i t acco u n t of t h e i n terru p t i o n s that occ u r i n t h e p rocess of p rod u c t i o n a n d reprod uc­ tion. to d y n a m i c c o n t r o l of p rod u c t i o n (Kalecki) i s i n s u f f i c i e n t . a n d t o fo rest a l l i t .even (and part i c u l arly) i f s t i l l re­ m a i n i n g a "work p l ace worker" . Keynes' b road eq u i l i br i a a re rep l aced by an i n t e r n a l operat ion of deco m p o s i t i o n . The econ o m i c and po l i t i c a l s c i ences of restruc­ t u ration m u s t take acco u n t of t h i s . I n a n a l y t i c t e r m s . . We now see the worker deve l o p i n g as a "soc i a l " worker . " C l as s S t r u g g l e and t h e D i s t r i b u t i o n of N a t i o n a l I ncome". The prob l e m i s that of t h e f u n c t i o n a l control of c i rc u l a t i o n .o n two fronts: on t h e o n e hand t h e c a p i ta l i st e n t re p re n e u r o l i go po­ ly.) B u t in the mea n t i me. i n Kyklos XXIV. But when work i n g c l ass sabotage extends to i n vest t h e whole of society.

Lon d o n . In its anx iety to keep u p w i t h t h e p rocess of work i n g c lass attack a g a i n st t h e g e n e ra l d i me n s i o n s of ex p l o i tat i o n . i n t rod u c i n g R. a n d i n general w i t h i n t h e rel a­ t i o n as it i m p i nges on t h e c l as s s t r u g g l e in t h e s p h e re of rep rod u c t i o n ( a l t ho u g h G eoff Kay d raws atte n t i o n t o t h e problem i n h i s very u s ef u l Developmen t and Underdevelopment. I t i s a p h y s i c s of e l e me n t a ry part i c l es . the f i n e essay by A. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that t h e problem i s arising a g a i n . 1 975). I n p rac­ t i c a l p o l i t i c a l terms we h ave a n a n a l y t i c mec h a n i s m w h i c h ass u m es c i rc u l a t i o n­ t i me as a terra i n of both theory a n d contro l . p p 1 1 3 seq. bei n g res po n s i b l e peo p l e . N o . The Kaleckian i n terru p t i o n s of the s h o rt cycle a re s t i l l m e d i a t i o n s between the t re n d and t h e overa l l cycle: h e re science does not become separated in i t s ap­ p l i c a t i o n . G ood work i n g c lass t heory rej o i ces at t h i s . bou rgeois po l i t ic a l eco nomy s t r i p s even t h e ap­ pearance of coherence from i t s logic. State rest r u c t u r a t i o n becomes i n c reas i n g l y a n i nd i sc ri m i nate s u cces­ sion of act i o n s of contro l . (See. w e m u s t recog n i se t h e e n o r m o u s w e i g h t of suffer i n g . every t ran s i t i o n . i t exte n d s i t s e l f over t h e i nd e f i n i t e d i scon t i n u ity of t h e movement of self­ valorisation. our task i s to note how the process of des tructura tion within the logic of politica l economy i s tak i n g a f u rt h e r step forward. a l l i n ternal reference. what i s s u rp r i s i n g i s t h e fact t h a t t h e propos i t i o n arouses so m u c h pass i o n .i n sert ion of another d i m e n s i o n of a n a l y s i s . G raz i a n i . The p h i loso p h e rs a re we l l aware of t h e problems assoc i ated w i t h the d i m e n s i o n of t i m e : i n f i n it e l y s u b-d i v i s i b l e and i n f i n i t e l y extendable. rep u b l i s hed i n Quaderni Pia cen tini. a tec h n i c a l a p pa rat u s that i s effective. M a c m i l la n . So how s h o u l d we g rasp t h e a n a l y t i c p ropos i t i o n in operat i o n a l terms. Rather. over everyt h i n g . b u t i nt e n s i f ies its a n a l y s i s o n every m o m e n t . But t h i s i s i ndeed a strange k i n d of relativity: i t i s above a l l a relativity of time. t h e red u c t i o n of t i m e to an indifference of command. but w h i c h has l ost a l l measu re. of barba r i t i es .64.t i m e i s d rawn i nto t h e eco n o m i c a n a l y s i s . how are we to c o n c retise t h e p o l i t i c a l p roject? I t i s not our j o b to a n swer t h i s : s u f f i ce it to d raw atten t i o n to the i ndeterm i n ateness of the p roject. does not waste i t s efforts i n forecas t i n g . The tota l ity of c i rc u l at i o n . I t i s n o t t h e M a rx i s t s ' j o b to observe t h a t t h e temporal d i m e n s i o n i s decis ive i n t h e re l a t i o n between c i rc u l a t i o n a n d rep rod u c t i o n . and forces itself i nto t h e role of a tec h n i c a l i n s t r u m e n t a g a i n st t h e e m e r g e n c e of t h e destruct u r i n g p o w e r of t h e work i n g c l as s . Rather. l i ke a p o l i ceman. a p ropos. i n order to re l a t i v i se t h e contents of that a n a y l s i s . of i n h u m a n i ty.p o i n t s . Convenevo l e ' s book La Dinam ica de/ Sa lario Rela tivo ("The Dy n a m i c of the Relat ive Wage"). but operat i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l (a l a M i lton F r i ed m a n and h i s monetarist bed fe l l ows).and science stands watc h f u l . B u t . t h e tota l i ty of c i rc u l a t i o n -t i m e i s to be contro l l ­ ed b y econom i c po l i cy: t h e hypothes i s of t h e s i m u l t a n e i ty of f u n c t i o n s a n d o pera­ t i o n s w i t h i n the cycle i s not assu med in advance and abst ract (a l a neo-c l a s s i cs). a l l i nt e r n a l coherent l o g i c .).

i s p u re form of d o m i n a t i o n . I t i s i m portant to e m phasize t h i s t ra n s i t i o n . even i n i t s formal aspect. t h e ext e n s i veness of t h e control. 70 . At every level . at t h i s p o i n t . and w h i c h h a s to face u p to t h e destructu rati o n effects that t hese e n g e n d e r). That very social-democra tic project. The soc i a l -democra t i c p roject i s beg i n n i n g to d i s i ntegrate. a n d from t h i s p o i n t of view. The s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the i n d i fference starts from com m a n d . i n a n e w m a n n er. If t h e soc i a l s t r u g g l e of t h e work i n g c l ass has d riven t h e c a p i t a l i s t b ra i n i nto a pos i t i o n of for­ m a l i nd i fference. and is logically founded on criteria of indifference. B u t . to reach s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l soc i a l g ro u ps. And yet i t i s st i l l the action of t h e work i n g class that b r i n g s about t hese effects . act i n g at s u c h a d e p t h and w i t h i n s u c h m i c ro­ econom i c d i me n s i o n s . the e u p horia t hat i s acco m p a n y i n g the present deve l o p m e n t of the var i o u s E u roco m m u n i s m s I s s l i g h t l y macabre. This i s perhaps a s p l e n d i d exa m p l e of how work i n g c l ass a n d proletarian self-val o r izat i o n has destroyed a n i n stance of t h e enemy. t h e n c a p i t a l i s t command t ries to spec i fy itself mate r i a l l y o n t h i s poss i b i l ity. The destru c t u red log i c of the economic compat i b i l i t ies m u st in fact be extended downwards. tec h n ical a n d rep ressive. and removes this ra tionali­ ty. i s now subsumed to the indifference of the poss i b i l it ies of c a p i t a l . c o m m a n d i s in c r i s i s . arise effects that a re th e n matched . R i g ht down to t h e level of factory-com m a n d (comando-impresa).ape t h ese bou rgeo i s a f f i rmat i o n s). i t m u s t f l u i d ity. A l c a l y and E l e n Bod i a n i n The Fiscal Crisis o f A merican Cities . Th u s i t i s n o acc i d en t that today the big forces of c a p i ta l i st refor m i s m h ave adopted . The varied and c o m b i ned mod a l i ty of work i n g c l ass ac­ t i o n is respected in every moment of the res t r u c t u ration of c a p i t a l : from the ac­ t i o n s of the mass worker. and from t hose of the " s o c i a l " worker. the s i n g l e i n d iv i d u a l .to t h e extent that the destructuring tendency of these struggles has a direct effect on the very ra tionality of capitalis t res tructuring. the s i n g l e soc i a l g r o u p . T h i s revelat i o n of t h e i nternal void of cap i t a l i s t restruc­ t u ration. reach e s a h i g h p o i n t of its l o g i c a l vacu i ty: here the reimposition of the la w of value within restructura tion is violence. Restr u c t u rat i o n . B u t what makes t h e present s i t u a t i o n spec i f i c i s t h e depth. which s i nce t h e t i m e of Keynes has been at t h e c e n t re of capital's i nterests w i t h i n t h e rest ru c t u r i n g p rocess. and w h i c h have not h i n g to d o with M a rx i s m .a terroristic s tra tegy of sa vage defla tion (or " d i s . ( N ote that certai n theoret i c a l pos i t i o n s that exist w i t h i n t h e official labor movement. t h e cyc l e of c a p i t a l i s t reprod u c t i o n . a n d t h i s dissolu tion of theory into a technique of po wer. t h e i nt e n s i ty . resu rrec t i n g the ideology of F reed o m ! At t h i s stage. O n the bas i s of t h e experience of the fiscal crisis of the A m ercan cities t h i s pol it i c a l l i ne has been correct l y descri bed as a " re g ressive d i s t r i b u t i o n of i ncome. if you p refer).i n f l a t i o n " . for the f i rst t i m e in several decades. b r i n g c loser t h e f i n a l o u t ­ c o m e of t h e revo l u t i o na ry stru g g l e . i n such a way as to destroy any conso l i dation of proletarian sel f-val o r izat i o n . to act o n every point of l i n kage in the p ro­ cess of reprod u c t i o n . t h at a l l t h i s b r i n g s w i t h i t . N e w York. Capital has been s u bjected to a c l ass p res s u re at t h e soc i a l leve l . State power is once aga i n . t h i s in n o sense d i m i n ishes the efflcacity of the p roject of rest r u c t ura­ t i o n . I t i s i m po rtan t because with it comes a f u ndamental s h i f t in t h e deve l o p m e n t of t h e contempora ry form of t h e State.such as t h e famous t heory of t h e "autonomy of t h e p o l i t i c a l " .at a world-wide level . G e n e ral ized con­ trol m u st be deepened a n d i nt e n s i f i e d .y o u s a y - t h i s has a l ways h a pp e n ed ! T h i s is one of t h e laws of capital ! Certa i n ly . t h e c a p i t a l ist determ i nation (whose a rt i c u lations atte m pt to fol low the soc i a l emergence of the p rocesses of proletarian sel f-val orizat i o n . I t a i m s to be effective even at t h e level of the i n d iv i d u a l u n i t of prod u c t i o n . this s u ccess ive se l f-dest r u c t i o n of t h e moments of capita l ist c o n t ro l . H owever. T h u s it i s n o a c c i d e n t that. of weal t h a n d of power" (see t h e a r t i c les by Robert Zev i n . 1 977). and l eaves us w i t h a whole that is destr u c t u red. i n t h e sense of a s u bseq u e n t rad ical destruc t u r i n g of t h e e n e m y power. w h i c h h a s d ef i n i t ively destruct u red i t s terms of reference. a n d Roger A. B u t at t h e same t i m e it m a k e s it h a rd to en­ d u re t h e harshness of t h e daily stru g g l e a n d t h e cruelty of capital's con t i n ued ex­ istence. i t m u s t a l low the destr u c t i o n of every r i g i d ity.

i s veri f i e d . of its articula­ tions. i t has to base i t s e l f on a l o g i c that i s as e m pty as i t i s separate.how is i t dete r m i ned today? For the m o m e n t I know only one t h i n g . T h i s c a p i t a l ist conc l u s i o n d erives from t h e powerf u l soc i a l izat ion of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement of t h e proletarian c l ass. i f we w a n t to i d e n t i fy not so m u c h t h e center. And t h i s means.in a destructive m a n n e r - c a p i t a l ' s powers of stab i l izat i o n . what is t h e center of t h e c a p i ta l ist rest r u c t u rat ion p ro­ j ect today? H ow is the form of d o m i nation bei n g rea l ized ? The fact of c o m m a n d o v e r l iv i n g labor t a k i n g t h e u pp e r hand o v e r t h e law of va l u e i s not somet h i n g new: b u t wha t i s specific t o today 's res tructura tion i s the conjuncture of com­ mand together with the indifference of the con ten ts of command. Cortez . i s f u n d a m e n t a l . that from the work i n g c l ass poi nt of v i ew . capita l ' s i n i t iat ive becomes reg ressive . But at t h i s p o i n t a w h o l e series of prob l e m s re-e merge.t h e effects of t h e destruct u ri n g ac­ tion t hat I have set in m o t i o n f o rce m e to confront .ie t h e separateness of t h e cycles of c a p i t a l and its State­ form from the cyc l e of work i n g c l ass s e l f-va l o rizat i o n .i n o t h e r words. Once a g a i n a premise w h i c h .So. I n part i c u l ar. confro n t i n g that power which provides t h e b reed i n g g ro u n d for t h e m u l t i p l e i n d ifferent poss i b i l i t ies of d o m i n a t i o n . I n t h i s s i t u a t i o n . it i s t h e obverse of t h is. T h i s terri b l e v o i d a n d i n d i fference.havi n g arrived at t h i s level of awareness . to u s . Tra n s la te d b y R e d N otes i l/2-3 Photo: D. as t h e spec i f i c content of c a p i t a l ist rest ructu ra t i o n . above a l l . Dest r u ct u ra t i o n of t h e enemy system i nvo lves the i m m e d i ate necessity of attac k i n g and destab i l iz i n g its p o l i t i c a l reg i m e . t h i s terr i b l y w e a k and t h e same t i m e feroc i o u s f reedo m of c a p i t a l . c o n c rete l y spea k i n g .

t h e most e n l i g h tened sectors of the tec h n oc racy a n d certa i n leaders of the l a rg e I t a l i a n monopo l i es (suc h as A g n e l l i . . o n e m u st t u rn to I taly. i n t h e a rea of c o n s u m p t i o n . const i t u tes a deve l o p m e n t of t h e u tmost i m portance. t h e autored u c t i o n movement. electricity. c o m p e l t h e gove r n m e n t to accept a p l a n o f reform. P . t h e C a r l i P l a n . centered arou nd Car l i . or i n t h e factory. i n t h e a rea of p rod u c t i o n . t h e rate of p rod u c t i vity. has a s s u med o r i g i n a l forms. w h i c h bega n i n T u r i n i n t h e f a l l of 1 974. Fou nded on t h e fu n d a m e n t a l hypothesis of t h e t a c i t s u p­ port of t h e l . or at least its n e u t ra l ity. often on a mass scale. F r o m t h i s p o i n t of v i e w . i n J u n e 1 974. U rb a n stru g g l es have led to org a n ized u n i on and p o l i t i c a l n e i g h borhood act i o n s w i t h stakes t i ed to consu m p t i o n . THE ITALIAN A bove a n d beyond the " c lassica l " forms of econ o m i c crisis a n d t h e bankru ptcy C RISIS (or rat h e r absence) of the I t a l i a n govern m e n t ' s eco n o m i c p o l i cy . A u tored uct ion Movements in Turin Ed dy Cherk i / Michel W i eviorka To consider t h e new developments i n soc i a l s t ru g g l e w i t h i n Western E u rope s i nce 1 968. The org a n izat ion of t h e Worker's M ovem e n t . F I AT). pres i d e n t of t h e I t a l i a n b a n k . h o u s i n g . at a collectively determ i ned leve l . propose a n d .C . take i t u p o n themselves t o red uce. t h i s p l a n proposes two esse n t i a l objec- 72 . and workers. A utored u c t i o n is t h e act by w h i c h c o n s u mers. t h e price of p u b l ic services.

sequeste r i n g leaders. Between 1 968 and 1 975 forms of d i rect action reap pear o n t h e batt l e g rou n d of u rban s t ru g g les. .C . "Ava n g u a r d i a O p e ra i a " . u n o rg a n ized : b u ses a re b l oc ked at P i n e ro l lo. some t racts are d i s t r i b uted. t h e d e c i s i o n of two p rivate transportat ion com­ p a n i es to i n c rease t h e i r fares by 20% to 50 % cau sed a n i m med i ate react i o n on t h e part of t h e workers. as i s t h e c a s e of F I AT.i n part i c u l ar. the govern­ m e n t ' s p r i n c i p l e of " f a i r p r i c i n g " of p u b l i c services e n ta i l s a massive price i n ­ c rease i n transpo rta t i o n . a n d m a s s i ve absentee i s m . massive a n d often violent. This d e c i s i o n f o l l ows a brief po l i t ic al d e b a t e . e l e c t r i c i ty. A l l of t h i s c h a n g es l i t t l e to the i n c rease. i n t h e a rea of con s u m pt i o n . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to esta b l i s h a d i rect connection between u rban stru g g les and workers' strugg les. rest r u c t u r i n g t h e p rod u c t i o n (divers i f ication of some i n­ d u st r i a l sectors. The most dramatic e p i sode occu red i n t h e San Bas i l i o n e i g h borhood ( i n t h e s u b u rbs of Rome). and later " I I M a n i festo") take a n active role i n this movement. red u c i n g . notably t h e automob i l e i n d u st ry. MOVEMENT AND T H E P RICE O F Some b u s i n esses a l low t h e i r e m p l oyees t ravel e x p e n s e s . P u b l i c h o u s i n g tenants a u tored uce rents or res ist evi c t i o n . Rent a u t o red u c t i o n w a s t h e f i rst form of act i o n . I t is not easy to g rasp that t h e c a p i t a l i s t system i n general is u nd e r attack i n both t h e areas of p rod u c t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n . c u rb i n g t h e prod u c t i o n of c o l l ect ive too l s a n d a r­ rangements (eq u i pements c o l lecti fs). t h u s h o u s e h o l d consu m p t i o n . T h e h o m e l e s s t a k e over em pty h o uses.) a n d various g ro u p s of t h e extreme left (" Lot­ ta Cont i n u a " . T h i s movement e x presses at one a n d t h e s a m e t i m e t h e rebe l l i on of t h e I t a l i a n work i n g c l ass and its p u g n a c i o u s ness. On t h e one h a n d . On a m o re general leve l . t i ves. M . i n t h e p a s t f e w years. THE E a c h d a y . The a u tored u c t i o n movement i n Tu r i n strives i n to u n i te t h ro u g h a c o l l ec t i ve action t h e forces of p ro­ d u c t i o n and t hose of c o n s u m p t i o n . Mas s ive stru g g l es: i n I t a l y between 1 969 and 1 975. l owe r i n g p roductivity. h e a l t h c a re a n d h o u s i n g . te n s of t h o u sands of workers c o m m u t e (pendolarl). for a very good reason: the trans portat i o n c o m p a n ies wou l d s i m p l y stop r u n - 73 . Ref u s i n g a l l pay m e n t i s p ract ica l l y not consid ered a n d . soc i a l stru g g les ST R U G GLE are on t h e rise. b u t often . some delegations head towards m u n i c i pa l i t ies a n d the reg i o n a l govern m e n t . T H E RISE The a p p l icat ion of t h e Carl i P l a n pres u p poses a c l i mate of soc i a l p e a c e a n d t h e OF SOCIA L absence of workers' stru g g l e s . ' In the s u m m e r and f a l l of 1 974. form u l ation of a n u c lear energy prog ram) a n d . These struggles are i l l e ga l . The R ivalta FLM decides to take i n h a n d t h e organization of t h e stru g g l e on t h e basis of a u t o red u c t i o n : the week l y trans portat ion pass m u st be p u rchased at the old p rice. T h e meta l l u rg i c a l u n i o n s (the F . contro l l i n g t h e r a t e of p rod u c t i o n . H owever. T h e s e v i o l e n t stru g g les c a n n ot be isolated from t h e c l i mate of soc i a l and p o l ice v i o lence w h i c h rei g n s in I ta l y . p u b l i c ex­ pend i t u res . t h e p o l i t i c a l obj e c t i ve was to l i m i t rents to 1 0 % of one's s a l a ry . a n i m portant g a t h e r i n g p o i n t of R ivalta a n d M i rafiori workers. transporta­ t i o n costs a re d i rectly born by the workers. on t h e other hand. telephone. t h e Assem b l y a p p roved t h i s p r o g r a m w i t h i n c reases exceed i n g 5 0 per c e n t . T h i s con­ A UTO RE D U CTION s t i t u tes a forced exte n s i o n of t h e work day a n d a n i m portant f i n a n c i a l b u rd e n . L . Classical forms of action have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y s u p p l e m e n ted by less conve n t i o n a l forms: sabotag i n g prod u c t i o n . a m i l itant of t h e extreme left was k i l led d u ri n g a c lash between police and s q u atters. I n J u ly . i n Tu r i n . T h e f i rst react ions are spontaneous. t h e Carl i P l a n seeks to p l ace t h e b u rden of the I t a l i a n eco n o m i c reform on the work i n g c l asses by red u c i n g i nternal d e m a n d . others p rovide for t h e T RANS PORTATION t r a n s portation for t h e i r w o r k force. b e s i d e s a f e w amend ments p roposed by the l . Concretely. twenty-t housand h a b i t a t i o n s a re " s q u atterized " . P . t h ey a r e esse n t i a l l y centered a ro u n d t h e prob l e m of h o u s i n g . In Septem ber of 1 974.

t h i s last s o l u t i o n risks b e i n g t u rned a g a i nst t h ose w h o use i t : var i o u s past experiences have f a i led. f o r a set o bj e c t i ve. W i l l t h e b i l l s that t h e c u stomers receive be red uced by 50 % or. The m o n ey col­ l ected i s t h e n t u rned over to t h e companies. A u tored u c i n g the e l e c t r i c i ty rates s i g n i f ies the c u stomers' d i sag reem e n t w i t h t h e u n i l ateral d e c i s i o n t a k e n b y t h e gove r n m e n t i n J u ly . this form of s truggle does n o t oblige the workers to organize themselves. t h e u n i o n s p lay a determ i n i n g rol e . of cer­ t a i n t hemes of the extreme left. At no t i me w a s it a q u es t i o n o f genera l iz i n g t h e m ove­ ment on a n a t i o n a l scale. We are no l o n g e r i n t h e fa ctory. i n t h e p rod u c t i o n a r e a i t s e l f . are d e s i g nated to gather s u b s c r i p t i o n s at t h e o l d price i n exchange for a rece i p t p re p a red by t h e u n i o n s . assess the scope of t h i s breakt h rou g h : t h e a u tored u c t i o n of reg i o n a l t ra n s p o rtat i o n h a s a l ways been a local ized p h e n o m e n o n i nvol v i n g merely t h e m ac h i nery of local meta l l u rg i ca l u n ions. . i f o n l y on the level of the debate w i t h i n the u n ions and leftist organ iza­ tions. decides to i n c rease t h e electricity rates. as a resu l t . its t r u l y m a s s c h aracter. In i n i t i a t i n g t h i s s t r u g g l e . con­ s t i t u tes a p o l i t i c a l test for t h e a u t h o r i t i es. etc. at t h e beg i n n i n g of J u ly . 74 . In add i t i o n . We s h o u l d . t h e g overn­ AUTO R E D U CTION ment. t h i s form of s truggle const i t u tes a b reak from tradi­ tional p ract i ce. a n d act fast. b y u n i o n s w h i c h b ro u g h t t h e i r active s u p po rt a n d s i m u l t aneous l y i m posed a coherent l i n e of act i o n . The movement on e l ectricity. l . i n s t i gated by the p rovi n­ cial leaders h i p of the F L M w i l l g ive a new d i m e n s i o n to a u t o red u c t i o n . L . w i l l a ref u s a l to pay the b i l l s be organ ized ? I n fact. This i n­ OF ELECTRICITY c rease a n t i c i pates an e n t i re series of comparable measu res a n d . d i f f i c u l ty in relat i n g to factory strugg les). Worker's d e m o n s t rat i o n s and p ressu re from F IAT leads t h e reg i o n a l gove r n m e n t to demand that t h e concerned compan ies accept s u s p e n s i o n of t h e i r c u rt a i l m e n t s and operate b u ses at t h e old price u n t i l a n a g reement with t h e u n io n s i s reached. a n d t h i s i s a f u n d a m e n t a l p o i n t . I n each bu s . S u c h a pos i t i o n wou l d have been u n t h i n ka b l e a few years earlier: it s t ro n g ly s u g g ests a breakt h ro u g h . n i n g t h e i r b u ses. u s i n g t h e exam p l e of t h e reg i o n a l transportat ion movement. the s truggle in the fa c tory cannot serve a s a ba sis of mobiliza tion for meeting demands rela ted to consump tion. p u b l i c transportat i o n . S i m p l y asked to not set t l e t h e i r b i l l s . THE Tak i n g adva ntage o f the s u m me r and in t h e context of t h El. t h e l eve l of d e m a n d s arou n d w h i c h negociat i o n s c a n t a k e p l ace. In a n eco n o m i c c r i s i s . The U n i o n m e m bers s e t t h i s leve l at 50 % o f t h e new e l e c t r i c i t y rates. They t h reaten to c u rt a i l certa i n l i nes i n reta l i a t i o n . d e l egates. w i t h o u t y e t p resen­ t i n g t h e most c haracter i s t i c traits ( p l u ri-c l a ss i s m . t h e e l e c t r i c i ty u n io n s d e c l a red that t h ey wou l d ref u se to t u rn off t h e e l ec­ t r i c i ty in the apart m e n t b u i l d i ng s p ract i c i n g a u tored u c t i o n no matter what. b u t rat h e r at t h e j u n c t i o n of t h e factory a n d t h e n e i g h borhood or tow n . From t h e ear­ ly days. They w i l l be a b l e to i m pose t h e f o l l ow­ i n g i n c reases (te l e p h o ne.) a l l t h e more q u i c k l y a n d eas i­ l y i f t h e react i o n to their f i rst d e c i s i o n is weak a n d i ndecis ive. S .1 The s m a l lest c o m p a n ies refuse t h e money .electricity. t h e n q u i c k l y reverse this d e c i s i o n . t h e workers rem a i n pass ive. Carli P l a n . The fact that a direct a c tion res u l ted i n s u c h rap i d s u ccess i s of u t most i m por­ tance. The u n i o n s of t h e C . Last a n d above a l l . th e n p ropose to i n i t iate a n a u t o red u c t i o n . The u n ion m e m bers t h u s i nsti l l a n i l le g a l d i m e n s i o n of " c i v i l d i sobed ience" to the action. h owever. T h i s foreshadows t h e d evelopment of p o p u l a r strugg les at t h e l e v e l of consu m p t i o n . more rad i c a l ly. D i rect a c t i o n s h o u l d f o rce t h e gove r n m e n t to n e g o t i a t e and t h e reby determ i ne. A utored u c t i o n was not p ract iced by i s o lated m i l itants: i t was organ ized . Th!: u n i o n s m ust act.

C I S L i s a n " o p e n " u n i o n i n w h i c h m i l itants of t h e extreme l e f t defend t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i d eas and obta i n p os i t i o n s of res pons i b i l ity o n t h e reg i o n a l l eve l . I n­ deed. The i m portant f a c t to n o t e is t h e r o l e of a worker's u n i on i n i n it i a t i n g s t ru g g l es o u t s i d e of t h e factory. The a c t u a l s t r u g g l e w i l l u nf o l d in two stages. a c a m pa i g n to col­ l ect s i g nat u res of com m i t m e n t to t h e a utored uc t i o n pos i t i o n i s i n i t i ated in t h e factories. U n io n i n i t iat ive can o n ly be u nd e rstood i f one c o n s i ders the re l a t i o n s of power between the l oca l/reg i o n a l level and the n a t i o n a l level of the confederat i o n s . a n d t h e u n ion of F L M u n ions are relatively a u tonomous i n re l a t i o n t o t h e i r n a t i o n a l leaders h i p . d i rect l y t i ed to t h e l . had not s u p po rted the u n i o n ' s i n i t iat ive. The workers ' unions have come to somewh a t replace parties or political organiza tions. on t h e n a t i o n a l leve l . CG I L a n d U I L. t h e e l ec­ t r i c i t y u n i ons i ntervene. has c u rbed t h e a u t o red u c t i o n movement on e l ec t r i c i ty i n i t iated by ex­ t re m e leftist g ro u p s . In t h e f i rst stage. P. The active s u p port of t h e u n i o n i n i t iative by t h e e n t i re extreme left in T u r i n con­ s t i t utes a n i m portant p o i n t . As a res u l t of t h i s acco u n t i n g . t hey were ready to warn the tenants so t h a t a m o b i l iza t i o n to p reve n t e l e c t r i c i t y f r o m bei n g t u rned off be u n leashed. T h e CG I L i n T u r i n . o r a l s o at N a p les w h e re the a u t o red u c t i o n movement is m o re spontaneous and u nc o n n ected w i t h any u n ion i n it i at ive.M o reover. T h i s wou ld n o t b e t h e case e l sew h e re. a l e t t e r i n w h i c h he ex p l a i n s t hat he i s act i n g i n accor­ d a n c e w i t h t h e d i rections of t h e u n i o n s i n T u r i n : C I S L . w i t h the d i fferent g rass root n e i g h borhood organ izat i o n s .C . t h e re is a spec i f i c context of u n i o n i s m i n Tu r i n . by f u r n i s h i n g a c o m p l ete acco u n t of t h e d a t e s w h e n t h e b i l l s w e r e m a i l e d . C I S L. t o g e t h e r w i t h h i s pay m e n t . t h e n very q u i c k l y . CG I L. W h y t h i s c a m p a i g n ? Beca us e i t i s necessary to m ove f a s t a n d g ive a mass d i me n s i o n to t h e s t ru g g l e . the g rass root organ izat i o n s set up p i ckets in front of certa i n post o f f i ces a n d d i s t r i b u t e t o t h e workers a leaflet w h i c h ex p l a i n s t h e methods of It . i n t h e n e i g h borhoods. is s i t u ated t o t h e l eft of i t s nat i o n a l leaders h i p . n e i g h borhood by n e i g h borhood. and the extreme left. The second p h ase deals w i t h t h e a c t u a l sett l i ng of b i l l s . U I L. the movement wou l d never h ave been able to organ ize the n e i g h borhoods in the C . The pet i t i o n a l lows t h e u n leas h i n g of a n i m med i ate a n d col lect ive a c t i o n : t h e s i g n e r has c o m ­ m i tted h i ms e l f to pay i n g o n l y h a l f price a n d to send i n g to t h e ad m i n i s t rat i o n . as expected. At t h i s stage. notably i n M i l a n w h e re t h e u n i o n s ' reg i o n a l leaders h i p . P. T h e u n i o n s of T u r i n .

o p p oses s u p porters a n d o p p o n e n t s of a u tored u c t i o n . nonetheless. s u cceds i n red u c i n g a ro u n d 1 0. T h e workers settle t h e a u t o red u ced b i l l s by u s i n g d rafts prepared by the u n i o n s or the s t ru g g l e com m i ttees.000 b i l ls.). P . au tored u c t i o n . P. i n a context of i nc reased soc i a l stru g g les. of a n extreme l e f t c a p a b l e of p u t t i n g p ressu re o n t h e u n io n s and o n t h e g rass root organ iza t i o n s f u n c t i o n i n g at t h e n e i g h borhood leve l . M i l a n a n d Rome. about 1 50. t h e s tra tegy of t h e H istorical C o m p ro m i se. it has never been a b l e to a m a l gam ate ideolog i c a l and p o l i t i c a l forces capable of i m po s i n g t h e a u tored uc­ t i o n i n it iative as a form of action that t h e leaders of t h e national u n i o n s and t h e parties cou l d rat i f y . t h e d e b a t e .t h e famous m i d d l e c l asses .C . a n d t h e reservat i o n s of t h e u n i o n s ' leaders. P . T h e only adeq uate form of worker stru g g l e i s t h e s t r i ke. t h e l . can only c o n t r i b u te f u rt h e r to its weake n i n g . as w e l l as an i m portant debate. In a p o l i t i ca l context w h e re any action of the r i g h t tends to weaken t h e State ( th e s t rategy of " t e n s i o n " advocated by t h e I t a l i a n extreme r i g ht). w i t h i n a few weeks.C . ' s w i l l i ng ness to manage t h e econ o m i c c r i s i s a rt i c u l ates.C . serv i n g everyone. t here w i l l be several tens of t h o u sands of a u tored u c ed b i l l s . 76 . P. C.C . P.m a n a g e m e n t of t h e c r i s i s a n d t h e p a rt i c i pation i n power toget h e r with the C h r i s t i a n Democrats can n o t be organized by the l . in Taranto. o n t h e p o l i t i c a l leve l . o n t h e n a t i o n a l leve l . I n M i l a n . tec h n i ca l . : t h e s i t u at i o n i n T u r i n favored t h e deve l o p me n t of t h i s movement. i t d o e s so i n o r d e r to c r i t icize t h e bold c h a racter of t h i s f o r m of s t r u g g l e . a n d t h e local s u p po rt of t h e l . Other types of s t ru g g l e can o n l y be led a n d e x p l o i ted by the extreme left. t h e i s o lated extreme left. without p o l i t i c a l o r i d e o l o g i c a l c o n n otat i o n s . such a m ove m e n t .C . I n f a c t . T h e g row i n g movement of c i v i l d i sobed i e n ce i s u nd o u bted l y l i n k­ ed to t h e n eg l i gence of t h e eco n o m i c p o l icy of t h e I t a l i a n State.a n d t hey c o n f e r o n t h i s m a s s stru g g l e a rea l p l u ri-classic d i m e n s i o n . For M i l a n a n d Rome. P . The co. w h i c h I n n o w a y con­ s t i t u tes a form of worki n g c l ass action (centra l thesis. The conj u n c t i o n of a l e f t i st u n i o n i s m re l a t i v e l y a u t o n o m o u s i n re lat i o n s h i p to t h e confederat i o n s . B u t t h e spec i f i c c h a racter of t h e u n io n ' s po l i t i c a l situation i n Turin i s a l so at t h e r o o t of its i s o l a t i o n : i f t h e moveme n t i n Tu r i n has i n s t igated movements of a s i m i l a r type i n I ta l y .000 fam i l ies t h u s au tored uced t h e i r e l ec t r i c ity b i l l . Wh e n t h e l .C. The host i l ity of t h e l . In t h e rest of I ta l y . e i t h e r ex p l i c i t l y o r u n d e r i t s u n i on " cover" (the CSL i n T u r i n or M i lan). t h e move m e n t u n d e r t h i s massive form rem a i n s very d i s t i n c t l y l i m ited t o P i ed mont. In T u r i n . P . F o r t h e m o s t part. t a k e s a pos i t i o n o n t h e a u tored u c t i o n movement. a n d to its decomposition. and in P i e d m o n t . t h e non-exte n s i o n of t h e movement i s d i re c t l y l i n ked to t h e " c u rb" i m posed b y t h e leaders h i p of t h e n a ­ t i o n a l u n i o n s (and i n d i rect l y b y t h e p o l i t i c a l p a rt i es. on t h e ideolog i c a l leve l . Varese. R a p i d l y p o l a rized by t h e host i l ity of t h e l . H owever. i n part i c u l a r t h e l . i n re l a t i o n to t h e a u t o red u c t i o n m ove m e n t i s s u p p o rted by a l i ne of a rg u me n t based on the not i o n of the State a n d of " p u b l i c service" : a utoreduction and the ideology of civil disobedience tha t it can genera te on a mass scale c o n t r i b u t e to accentuat i n g t h e State's d i s i nteg rat i o n a n d t h e c r i s i s of its i ns t i t u t i o n s . a n d its var i a n t : workers don't b reak t h e law). There is no d o u bt t h a t a u t o red u c t i o n conta i n s t h e seeds of a s e r i o us c r i t i c i s m o f a public service ( o r of a State) a l leged l y n e u t r a l . t h ese are work i n g c l ass f a m i l ies a n d also f a m i l ies of t h e petty bourgeo i s i e .

t h e au tored u ct i o n move m e n t wou l d h ave rem a i ned isolated. if n o t t h e isola tion of urban s truggles led exclusively by t h e ex treme left. P. and the a u tonomy. The na­ t i o n a l con federat i o n s are eager to set t l e the matter. C . What are t h e cond i t i o n s w h i c h favored such a n i n terve n t i o n ? Th ree essent i a l e l e m e n t s : 1 ) t h e spec i f i c ity of Turin. ' s d i s a g ree m e n t isolate more a n d m o re t h e Turin m i l i t a n t s as t h e date of t h e second wave of a u tored uc­ tion a p p roaches (the first bills a re expected in mid December). 2 ) t h e strong t rad i t i o n of in terven tion on t h e nat i o n a l level i n soc i a l s t r u g g l es by It . The econom i c c r i s i s i s at i t s s t rongest. subordina ted to factory s truggles. or t h ose more ret i c e n t (t h e u n i o n s ' leaders). beca use t hey t o o k t h e i n i t iat ive a n d c o n t r i b u ted org a n izat i o n a l s u p p o rt to t h e move m e n t . The a u toreduction movemen t opens up the old a lterna tive between urban s trug­ gles (secondary fron t). A new center-left gove r n m e n t see m s ready to sett l e t h e q u est ion by t r y i n g to negotiate as q u i c k l y as poss i b le. t h e u n i on con federat i o n s a c c e p t t h e repay m e n t of t h e a u t o red u ced p a r t w h i c h exceed s t h e b a l a n ce ag reed u po n . CONCLUSION One can derive severa l p o l i t i c a l and t h eoret i c a l lessons from the a u t o red u ct i o n movem e n t i n T u r i n .). C . P . I t is t h e workers ' unions w h o d e c i s i vely g u a ra nteed t h i s coord i nat i o n . A n i nternal d e b a t e o n t h e p o l i t i c a l perspec t i ves opened u p by t h i s t y p e o f s t ru g g l e t a k e s t h e p l ace of t h e o p p o s i t i o n between t h e s u pporters of a u to red uc­ tion a n d its opponents (t h e l . I t d e m o n s t rates t h e poss i b i l i ty of a coord i nated s t r u g g l e . By s i g n i n g t h e a g reement. E a c h component of t h e move m e n t t h e n d raws i t s own c o n c l u s i o n s f rom t h e s t r u g ­ g le. The p o l i t i c a l context is m u c h l ess favora b l e t h a n at t h e beg i n n i ng of October. The strong ret icence of some con federat i o n s and t h e l . In T u r i n a l s o m a n y fear t h e ex h a u s t i o n of t h e move m e n t . a working class city w hose l i fe sty l e is profou n d ly i n­ f l u enced by F I AT. W i t h o u t t h e u n i o n i nterve n t i o n . a n d t h e s t r u g g les w h i c h are cond u cted t h e re i n . t h e f i rst c o n c rete ac­ com p l i s h me n t of the t h eoret i c a l and p ract i c a l i n t u i t i o n s of extra-parl i a m e n t a ry g ro u ps. Fiat has j u st put a l a rg e part of i t s workers on tec h n i c a l u n e m p l oy m e n t . The u n i on leaders beg i n negot iat i n g w i t h t h e gove r n m e n t i n t h i s context.

i n t h e n a t i o n a l workers' stri kes o n t h e p r o b l e m of h o u s i n g ( i n 1 969) o r i n t h e s u p port of t h e F L M for n u merous oc­ c u pat ions of e m pty h o u ses. Tra nsla ted by Elizabeth A . To keep o n e ' s j o b a n d to defend s a l aries become t h e main t h ru s t of factory strugg les. . I nd i rect u n i o n i nterve n t i o n g i ves way in Turin to a d i rect i nvolvement i n soc i a l stru g g les w h i c h perm it s a considerable enlargement o f t h e u rban m ove­ ment. etc.p u n c hers). Autored u c t i o n a l most a lways d i rectly p u t s i n t o q u estion t h e State a n d p u b l i c i n ­ s t i t u t i o n s . a " p o l i t i c a l " pric­ i n g for p u b l i c services. Res u l t : t h e p o l i c e i ntervened w i t h o u t d e l ay j a i l i n g t h e m i l itants. the usual defenses of t h e work i n g c lass lose their sting. The stru g g l e to defend o n e ' s p u rc h a s i n g p o w e r c a n be d evel o ped o n a m a s s s c a l e . I t h a s n ow become o n e of t h e most i m ­ portant c h a racte r i s t i c s of t h i s s t ru g g le. u ne m p l o y m e n t o r t h reatened u n e m p loyment. a ref u s a l of reg u l ated work pace. to de­ fend one's t h reatened p u rc h a s i n g power req u i res strugg l i ng i n t h e area of con­ s u m pt i o n . T h ey organ ize t h e m d i rectly on a precise object ive. c i v i l servants (brea k i n g w i t h t h e ideology of p u b l i c service a s " ne u t ra l " a n d exte r n a l to conf l i cts). Autored u c t i o n s d evel o p ped for t h e most part i n sectors c o n t ro l l ed by t h e State - a State i n c r i s i s . E m p l oyees. F i g h t i n g for s a l a ry i n c reases i s no l o n g e r sufficient. t h e I t a l i a n u n i o n s . The repressive ma chinery m o ves a t once to defend priva te property. Autored u c t i o n i s much more d i f f i c u l t to apply i n t h e private sector. The deve l o p m e n t of t h i s move m e n t cou l d o n ly accel e rate t h e d i s i ntegrat i o n of t h e State. t h e stru g g l e a g a i n st a n i n c rease in p roductivity. F i n a l l y . We a r e f a r removed f r o m what h a p pened at P a l e r m o . for exa m p l e . The occu pation of privately owned h o u s i n g prom pted o n the contrary immedia te repress i o n . teachers. Two exa m p l es: M a rx i st­ Len i n ist m i l itants i n i t i ated a u t o red u c t i o n s o n products sold in s u permarkets i n M i l a n . I t is e x p ressed . Pop u l a r c o n t r o l of so-ca l l ed col l ective con s u m pt i o n . Bowman . t h e context of t h e eco n o m i c c r i s i s assu mes a f u n d a m e n t a l i m portance: d u ri n g a period of overp rod u c t i o n . it becomes harder to en­ force stri kes. Cortez 78 . i nc a p a b l e of manag i n g its own c o n t rad i c t i o n s . The u n ions a re n o l o n g e r retre n ched i n a p o l i t ical-sy m b o l i c s u p port of t h e Workers' M ovement i n u rban stru g g les. i 1/1 -3 Photo: D . h a v e part i c i pated i n t h e a u to­ red u c t i o n move m e n t o n e l e c t r i c i ty. A p l u ri c l a s s i s m cons tituted by the initia tive of workers ' unions and on the basis of direct a c tion (au tored uction) was o n ly prev i o u s l y p racticed by act ive m i norities. Attacked by both strong i n f l a t i o n and massive i n c reases i n p u b l i c services. w h e re transportat i o n " a utored u c t i o n " ( c i t y bu ses) was p u t i nto m o t i o n by s t u d e n t s u s i n g far less l e g a l f o r m s of stru g g l e ( b l o c k i n g the automat i c t i cket. T h e second exam p l e i s t h e occ u p a t i o n s of empty houses: t h e repress i o n i s rare l y i m m ed iate or brutal when it i nv o l ves p u b l i c apart m e n t s . goes a g a i n st t h e po l i cy of "fair p r i c i n g " p u t forth by the Carl i Plan. I t s rei n­ forcem e n t req u i red t h e i n terve n t i o n of an e n s e m b l e of forces concerned w i t h t h e re-estab l i s h m e n t of e c o n o m i c order. worker's salaries can not b e s u ccessf u l ly defended b y actions within t h e factories.

It .

What i s i nvolved i s a c o l l ec t i o n of soc i a l facts of g reat s i g n i f icance: the obses s i ve i n s istence w i t h w h i c h even today . The j u s t i f i cation and cont i n u at i o n of t h i s rigidity. arrested on A p r i l 7. to the sys tem of s truggles w h i c h has D I SADVAN TAGES g iven l i fe to the strongest and most ext e n s i ve fabric of socia l coun terpo wer w h i c h O F G U A RA N TEE I S M c a n be reca l led i n recent years i n t h e capita l i s t i c metropo l i s: guara n teeis m . w h i c h is f o u n d ed on a n etwork of guara n tees (j ob sec u rity. w o rk in g c o n d i t i o n s .k n i t web. p rotec t i o n from transferra l of t h e worker) have const i t u ted the " le i t motif" of t h e s t ru g g l e of re­ cent years. h e a n i m ated Potere Operaio ("Workers Power") u n t i l i t s d i sso l u t i o n i n 1 973. soc i a l servi ces). cau ses u s t o 80 . was one of t h e leaders of t h e s t u d e n t ' s movement i n Rome i n 1 968. " the b l o od l i ne of g u a ranteeism has been a total rigidity of the labor fac tor (ei t h e r in the m a n . " exerc i s i n g of u n i o n r i g h t s .power m a rket p l ace or in the factory. By t h e term " g u a ra n t e e i s m " i s meant a s a n c t i on-formal izat ion (sy n o n y m o u s w i t h " f a i t acco m p l i ") of t h e w h o l e of t h e victories rea l ized b y proletarian s t r u g g les ( o n t h e l e v e l of w a g e . The "sou l .t h e m e n of t h e entrepre n e u r i a l c l ass i ns i s t u pon t h e i r g o a l of reass u m i n g f u l l p o w e r o f m a n a g e m e n t o v e r a w o r k force rendered " ma l leable" once a g a i n . Tog e t h e r w i t h Toni N e g r i a n d F r a n c o Pi perno. F ro m G u a ra n tee i s m t o Arm ed P o l i t i cs O reste Sca l zo n e O reste Scalzone.after years of p l a n ned c r i s i s . of pat i e n t u n io n efforts at red i me n s i o n i n g a n d part i a l l y d i s m a n t l i n g t h i s state of a f f a i r s . ADVANTAGES A N D A name can be g iven to the w e l l . in the organ izat i o n s of prod u c t i on). l i m i ts p l aced on t h e " f reedom to ex p l o i t . protec t i o n f rom d i s m i s s a l .

a regressive u topia : t h e m od i f i ca t i o n of t h e organ izat i o n of p rod u c t i o n .part i a l l y . h i s or her p rotect ion f rom transferral. t h e n . a p hase of po l i t i c a l con­ f l i c t w i t h the majority of the " t rad i t i o n a l " work i n g-class sectors. t h e pol i c i es . guaran teeism e n d s u p const i t u t i n g a restra i n t . t h e d e m a n d for a n i m ­ m u t a b l e organ izat i o n of p rod u c t i o n i s .monetary. I t has mean i n g a n d revo l u t i o n a ry s t r e n g t h only i f i t i s t h e ins ta n taneous ta ctica l decision of a stra tegic plan. and for tha t very rea son.i n t h e " c l a s s i c a l " a rea of s a l ary negot i a t i o n s . At a certa i n p o i n t i n t h e deve l o p m e n t of the clash between c l asses. i n f a c t . The conserva tive THE GIVEN and conserving content of t h ese s t r u g g l e s catches o u r eye. ra ther. t h e r i g i d i ty comes to be u n d e rstood not as a " p reface . T h e bas i c limita tion i n t h e s tra tegy of this move m e n t for soc i a l red ress and g u arantee i s m l i es i n t h e fact t h at w h i l e i t cal l s i nto q u es t i o n t h e " f i xed p ropor­ t i o n s " of s a l a r i e s . G UA R A N T E E I S M Everyone can u l t i mately s e e t h at s t r u g g l e s of t h e " g u a ra n t i s t i c " k i n d (the s t ru g g l e I M P L I ES T H E to defend and/or acq u i re a j o b i s t h e perfect exa m p l e) a l ways become more DEFENSE OF minimal . ineffective. a n d objective sabotage of m a n a g e m e n t .in order to u n derstand that bas i c i s s u e of I t a l i a n opera ismo ("worker­ i s m ") in the S i x t i es . So t h e n . to take the i n i t i ative in brea k i n g the " s t a l e m a t e . i f i t i s t r u e t h a t guaran teeism has expanded beyond t h e f ront i e r of t h e factory.for ex­ a m p l e . as a d i saffect i o n f o r t h e ru l es of t h e p reva i l i n g soc i a l f o r m and as i n s u bord i n a t i o n to m a n a g e m e n t . I t i s necessary. d e s i g ned to res t r u c t u re t h e p rod uct ive a n d soc i a l systems w h i c h together h ave const i t u ted the capita lis tic manipula tion of the crisis . it does not c a l l i n t o q u est i o n wage sca les as such.U P Let u s c o n s i d e r the r i g i d ity of the worker. We cou l d perhaps describe the state of the power relat i o n s h i p s w h i c h was estab l i s hed d u r i n g the heyday of g u arantee i s m as a dua lism ( i n formal) of socia l po wers : on t h e one h a n d . on t h e other h a n d . I t i s certa i n ly an ex a m p l e of a s i g n i f i c a n t worker accom p l i s h me n t . real ized in a way rad i ca l l y d i fferent f ro m t h e working form o f p rod u c t i ve h u ma n a c t i v i ty . t h e stoppage of that " i ncessant revo l u t i o n i z i n g of itself" w h i c h m a kes of c a p i ta l i s m "the most revo l u t i o n a ry system to h ave ap peared yet 81 . w h i c h was the s truggle over wage 1 . I n t h e m id d l e-of-t he-road i d e o l ogy of t h e move m e n t . " as a p u re a n d s i m p l e ta ctica l pro­ logue. b u t i t s va l i d ity l i es i n i t s p rov i s i o n a l . i m med iate nat u re. t h e general move m e n t of socia l transforma tion . i n ev i t a b l y . as a block to t h e i n i t iat ive of t h e class enemy.t h e res u l t of s t r u g g l e s i s m a d e man i fest (t h i n k of t h e relat ion s h i p between t h e rifiuto def la voro and tec h n o l o g i c a l i n nova t i on). b u t as a "thing of va lue in itself.i n i t s e l f . Escape from the realm of guaran teeism means res ump tion of the offensive. i n i t s f u n c t i o n as a nega ting factor. I t i s easy to see that s u c h a d u a l i s m can not last forever. how can one adopt as a worker. For. on t h e other h a n d . see how p rofou nd h ave been t h e mod i f icat i o n s which g u a rantee i s m has bro u g h t to t h e eco n o m i c-soc i a l p i c t u re. In t h e social syn­ thesis w h i c h c a p i t a l consta n t l y rea l izes. red uc­ tion of work t i me by means of red u c t i o n of necessary work.even regressive. at a certa i n p o i n t .p roletarian program of action t h e stagna­ t i o n of all c h a n g e s . a l ways has a n a m b i v a l e n t content: and t h e refore a /so a content w h i c h i n c l ud e s l i berat ion f rom w o r k . " in order to g o beyond a m e re s t ru g g l e of res istance. of t h e cap i t a l i s t i c f reedo m to take advantage of t h e " u se va l u e" of t h e work-force. a l i m i t to t h e d eve l o p m e n t o f t h e general level of soc i a l a n t ag o n i s m . which is tha t manifes t in the rifiuto def la voro ( "refusal of work ' ) a n d t h e concrete rea l izat i o n of t h e separat ion between the concept of work and t h e concept of production. C LASS M A K E .i t has repeated· ly shown i t s stre n g t h a n d i t s cont i n u ity.w h i c h has been m a n i fest as a network of d a i l y m i c ro-beh a v i o r-u n i ts. t h i s capacity to i n corporate . i t i s represented as such : t h i s c l a r i f i ca t i o n m u s t be m a d e . t h e s t a g n at i n g b a l a n c e of p o w e r col lapses. " On t h e contrary. i t i s l i ke w i s e t r u e t h a t t h ere . In the s trug· gle for social redress and in con tract nego tia tions the work-force is not denied a s such. That w i l l req u i re. i n f l a t i o n a ry a n d fiscal.

t hey take p l ace w i t h i n t h e social rea l m .p a u p e r i s t i c vers i o n .c o n s t i t u t e m i n i ma l . or sub-s u m pt i o n w i t h i n t h e diffuse Sta te of t h e i ns t i t u t i o n s of "soc i a l self. in and on society) b u t is u n derstood . e t c . of t h e f u n c t i o n i n g e l ements of t h e State. T h i s i s no new assert i o n : a revo l u t ionary p o i n t of view can not c a l l for a n i m ­ mobi l i ty of t h e org a n izat ion of p rod u c t i o n a n d of class m a ke. as a means of s truggle (a t r a n s i tory form of worker i n f l uence in and on prod u c t i o n . H ow can one say no to " l abor­ sav i n g " devices a n d not f i rst b r i n g u p t h e q u es t i o n of transformat i o n of tech n o l o g i c a l i n n ovat ion i nto a red u c t i o n of total labor . i n f a c t . w h i c h . and i f i t were to f u n c t i o n as a p ract i c a l criticism of s a l ary. after a l l .govern m e n t . w a i t for i t a t t h e n e w l y attained l e v e l of deve l o p m e n t and t h e re m a k e t h e attack. exc l u s ive l y . The p roblem i s h o w to assure the continual decay of surplus-labor and h o w to get s tuck a t the level of a resis tance s truggle against the reduction of necessary labor. There wou l d be not h i n g t o object to h e re. taken as t h e "stat u s q u o " o f t h e tec h n i c a l c l ass make. based on t h e "right to l i fe. and 82 . MORE ON THE T here a re other res i d u a l trends w h i c h a re part of t h e g u a ra n t i s t i c u n iverse. of t h e "geography of t h e work force") i s a d o u b l e-edged sword w h e n i t i s not u n d e rstood. i n t h e l o n g run.M a c h i ne) coincides i n rea l i ty w i t h max i m u m "soc i a l izat i o n . w i t h b r i n g i n g to l i g h t t h e f a c t t h a t t hese act i v i t i e s .if-you-need-it a c t i v i t i es of t h e " s m a l l f i g h t i n g g ro u p " mot ivated by its own pa rt i c u l a r system of needs): . c o n s i d e r t h e f o l low i n g exa m p l es: OF THE . " ( P i p e rno: "On N o n-Worker Labor"). and t h e n be o n e s t e p ahead of i t . h u n t i t down. o n society's part. " or b reak i n g d o w n ( " ca p i l l a rizat ion") of m a n a g e m e n t .rat h e r. h owever. i s made known i n t h e form of the UNI VERSE" take-it.w h e n t hey take p l ace . i t m u s t k e e p c l ose w a t c h o n t h e a g g ressive e n e rgy of c a p i t a l .i s s u e).u p . The answer comes from t h e a u t o n o m o u s f i g h t of rece n t years: "in the cla sh between the capita lis tic a ttemp t to lim it necessary labor in order to increase surplus-labor a s surplus-va lue. as a " po s i t ive" pla n . I t i s a q u es t i o n of a n " a rt of m a ki ng-do" w h i c h i s soc i a l ized by means of i t s o w n p rog ressive i n s t i t u t i o n a l izat i o n : t h e no-fa i l exams f r o m t h e democrat ic p rofessors (bu t-for-heave n ' s-sake. i n o r d e r t o force c a p i t a l to t ra n sform i t s e l f . and the workers ' pra ctice of assuring themselves more free time (be it time free for "leisure " or time in which to get richer) the beha vior of the worker has preva iled over the production and re-production of the companies. o n l y on the cond i t i o n t h at the d i s g u i sed mot ivat i o n s of t h i s camou f l ag ed welfare not be taken as s i n cere. t hey arrive at t h e p o i n t of b e i n g t h e m ec h a n i s m t h ro u g h w h i c h m ax i m u m " pa rt i c i pa t i o n " ( o f a p p a re n t rea p p ro pr i a t i o n . on t h e stage of h i story?" H ow can one t h i n k t h at in p l ace of a s tra tegica lly revolu tionary l i ne of action one can s u b s t i t u t e t h e w h i ms i c a l n o t i o n of " p reve n­ t i ng c a p i t a l f ro m ext ract i n g relat ive s u r p l u s-va l u e (wa s n ' t that. of t h e com pany work-day. i f t h e i s s u e were i n ­ terpreted as a p ro l et a r i a n ex p l oitation of a l l t h e l o o p h o l e s i n t h e soc i a l f a b r i c . Above RESI DUAL E F FECTS a l l . i n t o a n acq u i s i t i o n of p a r t of t h e time saved from labor by each person? I t becomes c l ea r t h a t guaran teeism (the defense of r i g i d ity.somewhere between w e l f a r i s m a n d payoffs f r o m a new t y p e o f po l i t ic al patronage .th at brand of p e r m i s s s ive " red u c t i o n . m o l ec u l a r p i vot-po i n t s w i t h i n t h e f u n c t i o n i n g system of t h e S t a t e . the c o n d i ­ t i o n for determ i n i n g t h e d rop i n t h e r a t e of p ro f i t?). to a l i m ited deg ree. more a n d m o re. t h e concession . o n l y on t h e cond i t i o n t h a t we not really bel i eve i n t h e "socially useful" c h a racter of t h e spec i f i c c o n t e n t of one o r a n o t h e r activity.t h e "art of making-do " (ei t h e r i n t h e m a rg i n a l . t h e re wou l d be not h i ng to object to. as a form of " s o c i a l ized tec h n i q ues of rea p p ro p r i a t i o n " ( even i f not q u i t e re i n terpreted and t ra n s l ated i n t o a " new prod u c t i o n i nt e l l i g ence"). " O n t h e other s i d e of t h e a rg u m e n t l i es t h e s t r e n g t h of an unprejudiced c o n s i d e ra­ t i o n of welfare. as a progra m of act i o n . ' ' which.of f o r m s of "socially useless work" i n seve ral a reas o f soc i a l services.t h a t i s to say.l e t ' s-not-tal k-about-t he-gu aranteed-pass i ng-g rade.u p . or i n t h e "ap­ "GUA RA N TISTIC propriat i n g " fas h i o n . of p u b l i c assistance tied to t h e e m e rg i ng needs of society. " the w e l fare and democrat ic/leg a l itarian type. we see be i n g im­ p l e me nted t hese days i n t h e rise i n gove r n m e n t e m p l oy m e n t . i n t h i s s e n s e . I t a l l has to do.

but does not break down the structure of the system.so too. E v e n the milita n t line of action c a n b e c o m e residual . de-stabilizes the regime. H e re we cou l d def i n e the general l i m i tation of the m i l i ta n t l i ne of act i o n : jus t a s wage has de-stabilized t h e economic "model. b u t i t has not had - nor c o u l d it have had . i n t h i s re l a t i ve "compat i b i l i t y " . i t may be red u ced to a "deviant soc i a l " phenomenon. by becom i n g " ro u t i n e " and endemic. 2. in itself.a resol u t i ve capacity for destru c t u r i n g the system. of the ex i s t i n g pol i t i cal-soc i a l reg i me.o n the level of the post-Keynesian planned Sta te and o f the operaio-massa ("mass worker") . in every case. i t does not bri n g u p the q ue s t i o n of the f u ndamental categories of p o l i t i c a l econo m i c s . more genera l l y .a politica l residuality. t h a t " m i d d l e p o i n t " i s m i s s i n g . that i s . in fact.that poi nt w h i c h we can c a l l armed politics. i s that i t reve a l s i ts e l f . not t i ed to t h e s i m u l taneous stren g t h e n i n g of t h e system of parties.i f i t d o e s not exert i t s e l f toward a rad i c a l re-q u a l i f i cation of t h i n g s . it is not.has certa i n l y b e e n a form i d a b l e ve h i c l e of unity and of self-identification of c l ass. operaismo ("worker. " but not broken down the structure of the social form of capitalism . and t h a t t h e re i s a d i rect conf l i ct bet­ ween worker struggles and the Sta ta-Piano ("State-as. I n e i t h e r case. i l/1 V i d eo/photo: Seth T i le! .not concent rated on t h e i n f i n ite s p l i t t i n g of t h e soc i a l proletarian body. two: on the one hand.the l i m i t s of the autonomous stru g g l e for redress of the l ast decade i n Italy (and. m i n i m a l i st i c . The stre n g t h and . revolutionary (the veh i c l e . however. has certa i n l y had a f u n c t i o n of destabilization of the "develop­ ment mod e l " a n d .the d i s t i n c t i o n between "econom i c stru g g l e " and " p o l i t i ca l stru g g l e " i s be i n g red u ced to the p o i n t of van i s h i n g . political (the veh i c l e. T h i s the source of the a m b i g u o u s dest i n y of a c o m p l ete h i stori cal a r c of stru g g l es: t h e i r capac i ty to promote and to polarize c l ass autonomy and t h e i r s i m u l taneous i na b i l ity to b r i n g i t to power. as if a civil war were act u a l l y going o n . that i s . rat her incompa tible w i t h any part i c u l a r form.of a d y n a m i c s of stru g g l e w h i c h i s . of res o l u t i ve steps toward destru c t u r i n g the system). Residual is the ideology and the l i ne of action of the "oppos i t i o n . u nder the d o m i n a t i o n of money f l ow .i s m ") was what led to a theore t i c a l -prac t i c a l " break" con­ s i s t i n g of the a f f i r m a t i o n that . w i t h any l evel of development determined by i t . i n part i c u l ar. Transla ted b y James Cascaito I. that is.compat i b i lty w i t h the pers i stence of the c a p i ta l i s t i c soc i a l f o r m as such .the pivot-point of tha t which we from Potere Operaio c a l l e d " revo l u t i o nary strategy of objectives" . paras i t i c and s u ba l tern d i a l ec t i c . the armed struggle. of con crete a n t i -State consequences). o n the other hand.where the spec i f i c phases of the p ro b l e m are u nderstood .P l a n ner"). Today we must c o m p lete it: the "econom i c " stru g g l e is.There i s a l s o . a n d i n so m a n y s t rata o f soc i ety2. howe ver. the r i c h ness and the poverty of the u n forgettab l e "trou bled a u t u m n " ) l i e i n t h i s a m b i g u i ty . " w i t h its s q u a l i d . The struggle over salary . The risks for deteriora t i o n of the m i l itant l i n e of action are. This l i ne of i n terpretat i o n is correct only in as much as i t i s a part i a l affirmation.w h i c h p reva i l s a m o n g s o many.i n add i t i o n to t h e social residuality . i t may be set forth as war. I t i s a q u est i o n of i nt rod u c i n g guaran teed wage as a device t h at w i l l halt t h e f l uc­ t u a t i o n .between neo-paras i t i s m and "proletarianiza tio n " .at the same time . to t he very core. Its l i m i ta t i o n . In the S i x t ies.

I. a crit i q u e addressed to t h e I C P from w i t h i n the t rad i t i o n of t h e Worker's M ove m e n t . merely a joke. . so r i c h i n t rad i t i o n s a n d h i story. " 1 The h i storical d eb i l ity of t h e I t a l i a n State v i v i d l y ex p l a i n s t h e c o n s id e ra b l e i m por· tance of certa i n s u rvivors and a rc h a i s m s . . or better st i l l . B u t c o n t ra ry to t h e F re n c h State. t h e e n t re p re n e u r. T H E ITALIAN Accord i n g to a ru n n i n g joke i n t h e I t a l i a n left. t h e secretary of t h e I t a l i a n Com m u n ist 84 . t h e p riest. I n t h e B eg i n n i n g w a s G ra m sc i H e n ri Webe r The fol l ow i n g text repres e n t s a " c l assica l " critique o f the I t a l i a n C o m m u ni st Party. which has l o n g been u n i f i ed a n d centra l ized . n e i t h e r as i ns t i t u t i o n nor as concept. t h e n e w notaries ( t h e f u n ct i o na ry. of cou rse. and p o l i t i c a l i ns t i t u t i o n w h i c h i s I t a l i a n Catho l i c i s m . as d i d t h e masters a n d patriarchs of o l d . The State. t h e I t a l i a n State has f o r b u t a cent u ry encom passed t h e ma ny-thousand-headed p o p u l a t i o n s . I ta l y is t h e wor l d ' s f i rst cou n t ry to STATE rea l ize M a rx ' s p red i c t i o n : the State has perished and c i v i l society i s n o n e the worst for its d e m ise. T h i s i s . " A n d D i d i e r M otchane properly u nd e r l i nes t h i s pondero u s l y i m port a n t f a c t : " I t i s n o t t h e State w h i c h fashioned the I t a l i a n conscie nce but rat h e r t h e C h u rc h . that ideo l og ic al axis of French conscience . espec i a l l y that of t h e patronage o r c l ientage system . not a State . . . was never. f i t and even f u rt h e r fort i f ie d . m e n t a l . " I t a l y i s a col lection of f a m i l ies. t h e f o u n d a t i o n a n d t h e g u a ra ntee of soc i a l order in l ta l y . The State i n Italy con t i n ues to be f i n e .e. As Longanesi ex p l a i ned. I. t hat soc i a l .

B u t w i t h t h e e m e rg i ng c r i s i s i n t h e c le r i c a l ideology ( f o r exa m p l e t h e refere n d u m on d ivorce o r t h e abort i o n leg i s l a­ t i on). paralyzed by clan wa rfare. F rom t h i s p rope n s i t y towards patronage. the p a ras i t i s m . as l o n g as t h e eco n o m i c e x p a n s i o n p e r m i t t e d t h e f i n a n c i n g of a "consen­ sus". a n d a bove a l l conce rned w i t h s u rv i v a l and t h u s d i rect i n g towards that end a p o l i t i c s that d a i ­ l y s i n ks t h e cou n t ry f u rt h e r i n t o c r i s i s . In control for t h i rty years. Thus occurs t h e p a radox of an u n d e r-ad m i n i stered c o u n t y with a behemoth bu rea u c racy. t h e i m ba l a n ce in t h e b a l a n ce of payments cont i n ues to d i ve. Even in the rare case i n w h i c h t h ese posts correspond to a rea l service. As l o n g as t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats eas i l y i m posed t h e i r ideology o n t h e masses.l e g a l re l a t i o n s . T h e I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s i s deve l o p i ng i n t h e context of a n ideolog i c a l crisis so p rofound th at t h e ru l i n g c l e r i c a l. E v e n m o re t h a n w i t h F r a n c e ' s T h i rd a n d Fourth R e p u b l i c s . T h e c i t izens feel each day t h at they are e n t e r i n g deeper i n to a n i ne x t r i c a b l e c h aos. t h e corru p t i o n of t h i s b u re a u c racy of t h e I t a l i a n State a r e t h e object of constant d e n u n c i a t i o n . u n d e r the a r i st o c rat i c m i e n of Be r l i n g u er. T h e existent i n s t i t u t i o n s . t h e b a s i s of m a lgoverno. A f rac­ tion of the u p per m i d d l e c l ass view the cont rast between the p rog ress of I t a l i a n economy a n d t h e a rc h a i c state of t h e State s t r u c t u res as t h e p r i n c i p a l cont rad i c­ t i o n of modern I t a l y . a n d a deg ree of u n pa ra l l e l ed i n te rpenetration between t h e ru l i n g party a n d t h e State m a c h i nery. The l a b o r move m e n t . t h e end of t h e l o n g period of eco n o m i c ex p a n s i o n . the C h r i s t i a n Democratic Party i s f rayed to t h e w i re. dou b l i n g a n d transce n d i n g ad m i n i s t ra t ive. not yet cou n t i n g the " u n d e r­ e m p l oyed . Party). .p roport i o n a l represe ntation .1 970. t h e l i re experiences f ree fa l l . t h e forma l i s m . havi ng obta i n ed t h e i r pos i t i o n s i n payment f o r s e rvices rendered a n d i n token of p o l i t i c a l f i d e l i t y. " C a p i t a l i n terests take f l i g h t in a l l d i rect i o n s . t h e C h ri s t i a n Democratic Party forged a system of g ove r n m e n t : the C i v i l Service i s g l u tted w i t h its p roteges. t h e rad i c a l izat ion of t h e po pu l a r masses. w h ose democratic content was resto red and extended i n t h e w h i rl w i n d s of " ra m p a n t M ay . u ne m p l oy me n t attacks two m i l l i on workers. t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s ca rry a p o l i t i c a l i m pact of g reat i m portance to the petty bou rgeois a n d the work i n g c l ass. i g n ites a crisis in t h e I t a l i a n State t h a t verges on para l y s i s : power d ec l a res itself u n a b l e to master t h e s i t u a t i o n : t h e rate of i n f l a t i o n reaches 3 % per month (26 % per year). " i n no way favor a c a p i t a l i s t solution to the crisis: such a solution wou l d severe l y i nj u re t h e i nterests of t h e m i d d l e c l asses as w e l l as t h ose of t h e w o rk i n g c l ass. p ree m i nence of leg i s l a t ive power over exec u t ive power. T h e i n efficacy. The com b i nation of ail of these e l e m e n t s in the context of an eco n o m i c c r i s i s so severe th at Italy cou l d not even cou n t on its exports for h e l p. T h e ru l i n g c l a s s a p pears i nvolved i n an i rrever­ s i b l e c o l l a pse. t h e postal a n d p u b l i c ser­ vices f u n c t i o n poorly if at a l l .l i beral ideology is f u rt h e r a l i e n ated from t h e con­ d i t i o n s a n d modes of e x i s t e n c e c reated by t h e wave of i n d u s t r i a l izat ion from the years 1 950. estab l i s h l i nes from t h e o b l i g e r to t h e o b l i ged with their " base. t h e p a r l i me n t a ry natu re of t h e reg i m e c o n st i t u tes a n add i t i o n a l c r i t i c a l factor for t h e r u l i n g c l ass. . t h e t ra i n s are not on t i m e . t h e pro m i sed c l i e n t s regard t h e i r j o b as a n a n n u i t y m o re than as a n apostolate . as l o n g as t h e C o l d W a r a n d t h e d iv i s i o n of t h e labor move m e n t kept t h e wo rkers i n l i ne. A f f l i cted w i t h a n i n e f f i c i e n t a n d expa n d i n g b u re a u c racy. the I t a l i a n State i s a l so r u l ed by one of t h e m o s t p a r l i a m e n t a ry Const i t u t i o n s of Eu rope ." a rel a t i o n of pers o n a l protec t i o n ­ s u bo rd i n a t i o n . a mysterious d i sease s t r i kes at a l l s ma l l c h a n g e . 85 . . T h e f e l t p resence of t hese fact i o n s at the c e n t e r of t h e e l ected asse m b l ies effect ively p rec l u d e s this perspective. . l a c k i n g i n both i m a g i n a t i o n a n d reso u rces. ap­ pears as the last recou rse. f i l led w i t h a demoral ized and oft d i seased p o l i t i c a l p e rso n n e l . a l l t hose w h o i n a n y way partake of an iota of power. a n d p rov i n c i a l a n d reg i o n a l dece n t ra l izat i o n . t h e s t r o n g p a r l i m e n t a ry represe n t a t i o n of petty bou rgeois a n d w o rk i n g c l ass i nterests cou n ted for l i t t l e .

m a t e r i a l a n d organ izat i o n a l p u rpose a n d p ract i c e of t h e Soviet b u re a u c racy. i t s a m b i t i o n i s " t o transform a l l of I t a l y i n to E m i l ia-Romag n a . I t i s prec i s e l y t h e s t rategy of t h e l . i n both c a s e s . C. I t s s t rategy reflects t h e spec i f i c i ty of i t s re l a t i o n s to t h e ru l i n g class. 86 . parties w h i c h beca u s e of t h e i r s u bord i n a t i o n va l u e foremost t h e defense of t h e i n terests of t h e Soviet State. a period of soc i a l desta b i l izat i o n i n a u g u rated i n 1 968 by t h e so-ca l l ed " r u p ­ t u re of a l l b a l a n ces of system" p rese nt a l l t h e f u n d a m e n t a l c h a ract e r i s t i c s of a pre-revo l u t i o n a ry s i t u a t i o n . P . P . P . a p pears as a worke rs-reform i s t p a rty w i t h Sta l i n i st o r i g i n s : a n a t i o n a l Com m u n i s t party. On at l east two occas i o n s . t h e l . pu shed f i rst a n d f u r­ STRATEGY O F t h est t h e move m e n t f o r autonomy as regards t h e State Party of t h e U . as i t c h a n n e l ed t h i s s u rge i n to t h e g o a l s of rat i o n a l izat i o n o f t h e estab l i s hed order. I t a l y ' s m e m be rs h i p i n N ATO i s presented not as i r revers i b l e m i sfort u ne b u t as a g u a ra n tee a g a i n s t t h e o n s l a u g h t of R u s s i a n tanks i n t h e eve n t of a " Ro m a n s p r i n g . C . d u ri n g t h e e l ectoral ca m p a i g n of J u n e 1 976.1 9 1 4 Soc i a l -Democrat i c pa rty i n G e r m a n y . as conceived by t h e sec reta riat of t h e Com m u n ist Party of t h e Soviet U n i o n . i n 1 968-9 and 1 975-6. . C . i n to a soc iety j o i n t l y d i rected by t h e l a b o r m ove­ m en t and the bourgeo i s i e . a ut o n o m izat i o n i s adaptat i o n to both t h e n a t i o n a l COMMUNISM bou rgeo i s i e a n d to i t s State: at t h e heart of I t a l i a n soc iety. U n fo r t u n a t e l y .u p coa lesced i n to a n a c u t e c r i s i s . U n l i ke t h e French C o m m u n i s t Party. i t had s i m u l t a n e o u s l y offered a p l atform f o r ex press i o n a n d n a t i o n a l central izat i o n to t h e res u rg e n t work i n g-class. " w h i c h i m pedes t h e d eve l o p m e n t of p re-revo l u t i o nary s i t u a t i o n s i n to c h a ra c t e r i s t i c revo l u t i o n a ry ones ( s i t u a t i o n s of s p l i t power). this a u t o n o m izat i o n does not stop at t h e rep u d i a t i o n of t h e l a pses of " s oc i a l ist l e g a l i t y . w i t h i n the c o n f i nes of the p rese nt f ra mework. a s s u m e s a f u n c t i o n a n a l o g o u s to t h at of t h e G e r m a n Soc i a l-Dem ocrats p r i o r to 1 9 1 4. P . i t h e reafter assumes a f u n c t i o n of med i a t i o n between t h e i n terests of t h e work i n g class a n d t h ose of the bou rgeo i s State. C . t h e bou rgeo i s S t a t e a n d t h e masses. Accord i n g to Rossana Rossa nda. II. " for i t i s beg i n n i n g to assert i t s e l f as w e l l i n i n ternat i o n a l affa i rs. c a p a b l e o f deepe n i n g i n to a n i r revoca b l e d iv i s i o n of power i f a s i g n i f i c a n t fract i o n of the labor move m e n t had acted a p p r o p r i a t e l y . I n t h e l i g h t of t h e I t a l i a n exa m p l e . P . S . C . t h e l . t h e l . po l i t i c a l . P . C . ' s s t a n c e towards E u rope.) p l aced a l l of its p o l i t i c a l c l o u t b e h i n d the sta b i l izat i o n of the syste m . i s not Sta l i n i s t . then c l early t h e l . I t s reform i s t po l i t i c s a p pea red as t h e su rest s u p port for t h e d ec l i n i n g power of t h e bou rgeo i s i e . a n d t h e Party i t s e l f i s i nvolved i n a t re m e n d o u s p u b l i c debate concern i n g t h e bases for t h e " a u t h o r i t a r i a n d e g e n erat i o n " of t h e soc i a l i s t cou n­ tries a n d t h e m e a n s to avo i d i t s repet i t i o n in t h e West.Democra t i c . ' s own p roposal can be reve rsed to rea d : i t i s not true that the bou rgeo i s democracies of western E u rope a re i n ­ v u l n e ra b l e to revo l u t i o n a ry c r i ses.revo l u t i o n a ry set. P . R . " t h at i s . N o t a "EU RO· week passes w i t h o u t Unita denou n c i n g t h e repressive or a r b i t ra ry acts of t h e COMMUNISM" Eastern cou n t r i e s . THE Of all t h e Com m u n i s t parties of western E u rope. As a b u re a u c rat ic l a b o r pa rty it tries to rat i o n a l ize i n stead of revo l u t i o n ize t h e ex i s t i n g society. P. t h i s p re. T h u s . . t h e I t a l i a n Com m u n i s t Par­ ty (the l . t h e l i n e of " h i s t o r i c a l c o m p r o m i s e . p a rt i a l l y adapt i n g i t s e l f to t h e i r a s p i ra t i o n s . as s e e n by t h e l . i n Berl i n g u e r ' s aston i s h i n g i n terview w i t h Corriere de/la Serra . N o l o n g e r Sta l i n i st and not yet ( i f ever) Soc i a l . NATIONAL· As regards t h e S o v i e t U n i o n . t h e l . P . C . As w i t h t h e p re. for a l l the Sta l i n i st e l e m e n t s h e l dover from i t s past. The l . C . ' ' I f Sta l i n ist part i es a r e n a t i o n a l Com m u n ist parties abso l u tely s u bord i nated to t h e ideolog i c a l . S . F o r exa m p l e . C . ' s desta l i n izat i o n thus res e m b l e s the p rocess of soc i a l -democrat izat i o n : i f t h e Com m u n i s t b u re a u c racy has l o n g ass u m ed p r i n c i p a l l y a f u n c t i o n of med i a­ t i o n between t h e i n t e rests of t h e I t a l i a n work i n g c l ass a n d t hose of t h e Soviet bu rea u c racy (to t h e b e n e f i t of t h e latter).

w i l l be i m ­ poss i b l e and t h e w h o l e po l i t i c a l s i t u at i o n w i l l rebou n d i n t o a tota l reversa l .IN THE To estab l i s h its concept of t h e " I ta l i a n road to soc i a l i s m . t h e very rea l izat ion of reforms. " W h i l e i n t h e E a s t i t may be pos s i b l e to c o n q u e r and dest roy the S t a t e by mea n s of a revo l u · t i o n a ry e x p l o s i o n of t h e masses. " t h e l . THE HISTORICAL Accord i n g to E n r i c o Berl i n g u er. a p pea l s to BEGINNING t h e a u t hority of G ra m s c i . I n t h e W e s t . for i n t h e Prison Diaries h e u nd e r l i nes t h e spec i f i c i t y of WAS G RAMSCI t h e revo l u t i on i n t h e West as d i ffere n t i ated f rom t h e R u s s i a n October revo l u t i o n . w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e t h e decis ive c o n d i t i o n . t h i s e n t a i l s a m a n ifest rev i s i o n of the M a rx i st-Le n i n ist a n a l y s i s of t h e democratic bourgeois State: t h e rep resentative b o u r g e o i s democracy. At t h a t p o i n t . no longer s i m p l y t h e p o l i t i c a l reg i m e most favora b l e to the deve l o p m e n t of c l ass c o n s c i e n ce a n d workers' org a n izat i o n s . T h e W e s t e r n S t a t e i s not t h e s i n g u l a r l o c u s of a l l p o w e r b u t " a n a d v a n c e t r e n c h be h i nd w h i c h stands a n act ive l i n e of fortresses a n d casemates . t h i s conq u est f i rst i nv ol ves t h e con­ q u est of t h e "casemates" a n d " f o r t resses" o n which t h e State rests a n d w h i c h represe nt t h e rea l defenses at t h e heart of bou rgeois society. I t s power does not mate r i a l ize i n a n a u t o c rat ic S t a t e th at ove r h a n g s a n d m ixes a b a r e l y s t r u ct u red s o c i e t y b u t rat h e r i n a d emocrat ic S t a t e th at r e s t s on a dense n e t w o r k of s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . T h e soc i a l ist revo l u t i o n i s e n v i s i o n ed as a s l ow p rocess of t h e w o rk i n g c l as s ' s ass u m pt i o n of hegemony after a p rot racted " w a r of pos i t i o n s " i n w h i c h t h e " casemates" a n d " f o rt resses" a re bes i eged and overt h ro w n o n e by one: t h e i n­ terve n t i o n of t h e workers' move m e n t at t h e heart of i n s t i t u t io n s . C . " . "The s t rategy of reform c a n advance only i f i t i s COMPROMISE s u p p o rted by a s t rategy of a l l i a nces. i s a l s o t h e reg i m e u nd e r w h i c h t h e t ra n s i t i o n to soc i a l i s m can c o m e a b o u t by m e a n s of a series o f mod i f i ca t i o n s . c a p i t a l ist deve l o p m e n t e n g e nd e rs a co m p l ex soc i a l st rat i f i c a t i o n and organ izat i o n part i c u l a r to power: t h e ru l i n g c l ass re i g n s p r i m a ri­ l y t h ro u g h consent rat h e r than coerc i o n . T h e ru l i n g m o d e of prod u c t i o n ceases to be c a p i t a l i s t a n d becomes soc i a l i s t . P. before or after. rec og n ized by ever i n c reas i n g doses o f "soc i a l i st e le m e n t s " in the economy a n d society. t h e t h re s h o l d i s c rossed a n d t h e soc i a l rea l i t i es c h a n g e : p o l i t i c a l d e m ocracy ceases to be f o r m a l a n d becomes rea l . T h i s d i fference is based on t h e d i fference a m o n g soc i a l s t r u c t u res a n d p o l i t i c a l s u perstruct u res. As t h e I t a l i a n com m u n ists read i l y a d m i t . T h e q u a n t i t y of " s oc i a l ist e l e m e n t s " p ro g ressively i njected i n t o society is t ra n sformed i n q u a l ity. i n t h e West. for i f t h e a l l i a n ces of t h e w o rk i n g c l ass a re res t r i cted a n d i f t h e soc i a l base of t h e r u l ­ i n g g ro u p s expands.

com m u n i st a n d Cat h o l i c workers. etc. i s o l at i n g t h e i r r i g h t . t h ey re l i nq u i s h s p a c e to g a i n C LASS STR U G G L E t i me. p u t s on a i rs . G ramsci's co n t r i b u t i o n t a k e s p l ace i n s t r i d e w i t h t h i s e f f o r t of strateg i c re­ orientation p r i o r to t h e g reat ice age. P ' s l o g i c . " i n many ways c o n s t i t u tes a f i rst step towards t h e e l a borat i o n of a spec i f i c s t rategy f o r the t rad i t i o n a l l y d e m o c rat i c .t h e H i storical Com p rom i s e . t h e l . t h e c h a m p i o n of t h e s n a i l ' s-pace acc u m u l a t i o n of reforms c reat i n g a n economy of revo l u t i o n . d i s l oc a t i o n of the con­ servative block. I t forces t h e com m u n ist pa rty to prepare i t s e l f a n d t h e masses for this confrontat i o n and does not absolve t h e m . C .f i r m l y a n c hors t h e Cat h o l i c workers i n t h e left. T h e proleta r i a t ' s s t ru g g l e for h e g e m o n y const i t u tes a prepara t i o n for t h e revo l u ­ t i o na ry r u p t u re rat h e r t h a n t h e act u a l acco m p l i s h me n t of t h e revo l u t i o n . C o n f ro n ted w i t h a f u l l b l o w n p o p u l a r C HARACTER O F revo l t . aff i rm a t i o n of t h e work i n g c lass a n d i t s a l l ies as t h e cou n t ry ' s poten­ tial leaders h i p. t h e st rate g i s t of t h e peace f u l road to soc i a l i s m . T h i s assumes a n accord a m o n g t h e org a n izat i o n s . w here poss i b le. i t rep resents t h e con d i t i o n for a v i c t o r i o u s revo l u t io n b u t d o e s not stand i n for o n e . a n d e n h a nces t h e i r receptivity to t h e l . d i s pe rs i n g t h e m into all d i re c t i o n s . ' s s t rategy does have the benef i t of coherence." as G RA D U A L I S M its part i s a n s c l a i m ? Does i t d e f i n e a " rea l i s t i c revo l u t i o n a ry l i ne " f o r the workers' move m e n t ? O r i s i t i n stead t h e most recent a n d s o p h i s t icated avatar of g rad u a l ist reform i s m . O n c e again o n e must fol low i n t h e footsteps of the U n i ted F ro n t and p romote the u n i f ied act i o n of soc i a l i s t . d i at r i be a n d confrontat i o n d o not a f f e c t t h e Socia l-Democrats' h o l d over t h e Cat h o l i c masses. t h e cap i t a l i s t b o u rg eo i s i e releases its b a l last. t h e conc l u ­ s i o n to w h i c h . I t opens d i rect l y o n t o t h e po l i t i c a l . O n l y t h ro u g h s o m e f ra u d u l e n t a l c h emy c a n G ra m s c i a p p e a r as a theoret i c i a n o f g rad u a l i s m . 88 .C . s t rategy p resents o n l y t h e wea k p o i n t s DISCONTI N U O U S of re nderi n g t h e c l ass s t r u g g l e abstract.m i l i t a ry s t ru g g l e w i t h t h e b o u r g e o i s S t a t e a n d d o e s not avo id i t . THE As w i t h a l l g rad u a l i s t s t rateg ies. i t exacerbates t h e c o n t rad i c t i o n s of C h ris­ tian Democrats. C . advanced c a p i t a l i st cou n t ries. F i n a l l y . pa ralyz­ i n g the w h o l e party in t h e face of t h e workers' i n i t iat ive. favors the deve l o p m e n t of t h e i r c l as s conscience. H e d oes not exam i n e the revolu tionary conques t of power itself. T h e endorse m e n t by t h e 3rd a n d 4 t h I n ternat i o n a l of t h e " U n ited F ro n t . Ill GRANDEUR AND The l . P . T h e d y n a m i c s of t h e s t ru g g l e w h i c h the u n ited proleta r i a n front con t i n u a l l y i n vokes forces t h e ref o r m i s t masses to t h e left and a l l ows for t h e u l t i mate obviation of t h e e a r l i e r a g reements. p e n e t rat ion and. as t h e extreme left c l a i ms? O n fou r esse n t i a l points. n e u t ra l izat i o n of t h e State m a c h i n e ry . borne of t h e spec u l a t i o n of m e m bers of the G RA M S C I Com m u n i s t I n ternat i o n a l concern i n g t h e fa i l u re of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry wave of 1 9 1 7-1 923 in E u rope. This contri b u t i o n p roperly c l a r i f ies t h e e m p h a s i s on t h e d e c i s ive i m portance of prepara tory work f o r the revo l u t i o n a ry s e i z u re of power: d i so rg a n izat i o n of the bou rg e o i s h e g e m o n y . a n d avo i d s t h e THE waves: as t h e late C h a i rm a n Mao e x p l a i n e d . J u st as s i m p l e d e n u n c i a t i o n can not destroy t h e Soc i a l-Democrats' grip o n i t s organ ized m a s s e s . e n d a n g e r i n g of the ru l i ng ideology. A p rog ress w h i c h was soon i nterrupted by t h e Sta l i n ist degenera t i o n a n d t h e n f o l l owed by mass ive reg ress i o n . Does i t e m body a POVE RTY O F " c reative a p p l i c a t i o n of M a rx i s t t h eo ry to t h e cond i t i o n s of western Eu rope. CONCER N I N G THE G ra m s c i ' s view of t h e spec i f i c i ty of t h e revo l u t i on a ry p rocess i n t h e West i s part M IS U S E O F of a general t h e o re t i c a l move m e n t . T h e accord w i t h t h e Soc i a l . t h e revo l u t i o n a ry M a rx ist critique s t r i kes home. P.Democratic leaders h i p is i nd i s pe n s a b l e if t h e col lec­ t ive action is to a t t a i n its widest scope.

. forced to res pect t h e " l aws of t h e market . and spec u l a t i o n a g a i n s t t h e lira . c a n not m ob i l ize i t s e l f per­ m a n e n t l y aro u n d obj e c t i ves as advanced as t h e org a n izat i o n of control. g a l l o p i n g i n f l a t i o n . seri a l ban kru ptcy a n d g e n e ra l i n sta b i l i ty . T h e " M arx­ ist" workers a re not i m m u n ized a g a i n s t a n overw h e l m i n g ret u r n of t h e i rrat i o n a l : t h e m y st i q u e of t h e State o r race can s u bs u m e t h e soc i a l i s t con s c i e n ce. w i t h h i s d rives. t h e I t a l i a n bourgeo i s i e reacts as d o a l l o t h e r bourgeo i s i e s : by t h e w i t h d rawal of i nvest m e n t s . h i s a n x i et ies. O n e does not n eed a f i n a n c i a l M a c h i ave l l i to orchestrate t hi s econo m i c c h aos: t h e c a p i t a l i s t s . But the elected assemblies are n o t a t the core o f the modern Sta te. i s correct i n e m p h a s i z i n g t h e i m­ portance of t h e Democrat i c t h ru s t i n I ta l y : t h e org a n izat i o n of t h e pop u l a r masses was n ever so w id e s p read n o r t h e presence of t h e workers' parties so p a l p a b l y felt in t h e Parl i a m e n t a n d t h e l o c a l assem b l ies. a n d scept i c i s m seize t h e l east advanced a m o n g t h e masses. to a lesser extent. the w o rk i n g c lass. I n I t a l y as e l sewhere (thou g h in fact a l i t t l e l ess t h a n a n y w h ere e l s e) t h e cen­ t ra l izat i o n of capital has occu red i n t a n d e m with t h e s h i f t of rea l power f rom Pa rl i a m e n t to t h e ad m i n i st rat i o n a n d i n g e n e r a l towards centers of d e c i s i o n ­ m a k i n g t hat a re safe from t h e d e m oc racy's s c ru t i n y . or the i n i t i a t ive s h o u l d revert to the ru l i n g c l ass. d e m o ra l izat i o n . or t h e proletariat should fail to form u l ate a n d i m pose its s o l u t i o n s . W h i c h for t h e workers means at least mass ive u n e m p l o y m e n t . Trotsky's m o l ec u l a r p rocess i s reversed . T h i s " s pontaneous behavior of econo m i c factors" c reates the cond i t i o n s for t h e bourgeo i s i e ' s po l i t i c a l c o u n t e r-attack: for t h i s i t c a n cou n t o n t h e m a n i fo l d coopera t i o n of t h e S t a t e mac h i nery: T h e l . I t a l y in 1 92 1 . t h e " o l d m a n " s l eeps . P. h i s a n c i e n t va l u es. as oc­ c u red in G e r m a n y in 1 933. Beneath t h e veneer of a soc i a l i s t ed u c a t i o n .Faced w i t h t h e State's i n a b i l i t y to c lean u p t h e mess i n t h e factories. a n d . etc. in its mass. " d o not i nvest w h e n prof i t i s r i s k y a n d p l ace t h e i r c a p i t a l w h ere at l e a s t a moderate p rof i t i s assu red. D i scou rag e m e n t . C . t h e f l i g ht of c a p i t a l . France in 1 940 and 1 958. T h e " m o l ec u l a r process" of the con s t i t u t i o n of t h e proletariat as a pote n t i a l hegem o n i c c l a s s n ever repres e n t s a d i f i n i t ive atta i n me n t : i f a period of extreme soc i a l crisis s h o u l d arise. T h ere is no reason t h i s i nvo l u t i o n cou l d not occ u r today. We now t u r n to t h e s e c o n d erroneous p re s u p p os i t i o n of g rad u a l i s m : no m o r e t h a n t h e bou rgeo i s i e c a n t o l e rate i nd ef i n i t e l y a n a l l i a nce of s t re n g t h i m ped i n g t h e ac­ c u m u l a t i o n of cap i t a l .

effect i ve c o n t ro l of e l ected off i c i a l s s a n c t i o ned by their permanent revoca b i l ity. It d i d t h i s by adapt i n g to the t rad i­ t i o n s a n d prej u d i ces of t h e I t a l i a n petty bourgeo i s i e and p ro l etariat. and t h u s can rea l l y d e f i n e c o m m o n pos i t i o n s and make t h e m s t i c k . Rather than seiz i n g the t i mes and actively s t r i v i n g to detach the Cat h o l i c masses from the C h r i s t i a n D e m o c rat p o l i t i c i a n s who p l ace them in bondage to t h e bou rgeo i s ie. u nd e r cover of a n " a usterity p l a n . A COM P ROMISI N G The u to p i a n i s m of t h i s s t rategy i s rei n forced by i t s pol i t i c s of a l l i ances. st r i p p i n g i t e v e n of t h e capac i t ies f o r s e lf-ad m i n i s t rat i o n w h i c h i t concea l s . As i n a l l parl i m e n t a ry d e m ocracies. Pat ro nage reached i t s l i m its a n d then beg i ns to prod u c e cont rad i ctory effects. " t h a t gove r n m e n t i s l a u n­ c h i n g a n u n p recedented assa u l t on the workers' g a i ns. a c t a n d l ive together. etc. The rea l izat i o n of t h e p r i n c i p les of t h e proletar i a n democracy . P . I n rea l i ty. t h e agg ravat i o n of t h e crisis of I t a l i a n c a p i t a l i s m s t r i p s t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrat of h i s m e a n s of sedat i n g t h e petty b o u rgeo i s a n d pop u l ist base. with t h e I ta l i a n extreme left. t h a t i s ." To forego this r u p t u re in favor of t h e i n te g rat i o n of parl i a mentary cou n c i l s i s to c h oose bou rgeoi s p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m i n stead of soc i a l i st d e m oc racy. i s o f f s e t by a s u p p o rt w i t h o u t s e r i o u s cou n te r p a rt i n t h e C h r i s t i a n D e mocrat i c gove r n m e n t . enforced f u n c t i o n a l u n i t s i n w h i c h people recog n ize each o t h e r . P. From t h e re to say. to Cat h o l i c t rad i t i o n s and prej u d ices. large sectors of i t s base a re b reak i n g a n d f a l l i n g away. t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats f o r m t h e p o l i t i c a l i nstru m e n t par exce l l e n c e o f the u pper bou rgeo i s i e. to c o n c e n t rate a l l i t s power i n i t s d i ve rse m ec h a n i s m s . at t h e p rec ise m o m e n t t h a t . The i nterests of t h e petty bourgeois and Cat h o l i c workers a re not eq u a l l y represented a n d defended b u t systemat i ca l l y s u bord i nated to t h e former.i n e­ q u a l ity that cou l d be corrected by compe nsatory measu res. even i f t h e C h r i s t i a n Democ rat i c Party assu res i t s p op u l a r " c l i e n t s " t h e scraps necessary to m a i n ta i n t h e conserva t i ve b l ock. rega rd less o f i t s bas i c heteroge n e i ty. rotat i o n of e l ect ive f u n c t i o n s . tranq u i l izes. The l .c lass party. ' s l i n e of H i st o r i c a l C o m p ro m i se. t h e s e l f-org a n izat i o n of "associated p rod u cers. t reats i t s d i rectors a s t h e l e g i t i mate spokespeo p l e of Cat h o l i c workers.representat i ve d e m oc racy i n c l u d e d . I t g rafted i t s e l f onto the Cat h o l i c movem e n t t h ro u g h a g r e e m e n t a n d s y m b i o s i s w i t h t h e c l e r i c a l h ierarchy. The i ns t i t u t i o n s . For t h i s reason betwee n t h e p roleta r i a n democ racy and t h e b o u r g e o i s democracy l i es not cont i n u i t y but i ns t i t u t i o n a l r u p t u re. p rog res s i v e l y. for the d e m i se of t h e State. b u t o n l y w i t h g reat d i ff i c u lty cou l d one c l a i m th at t h e C h r i s t i a n Democra t i c Party represents a " m u l t i -c l ass bloc. One can COM P R O M I SE ad m i t va r i o u s t h i n g s concern i n g t h e spec i f i c i t y of t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats. the p roced u res. espec i a l l y . i t s t i es to t h e Catho l i c w o r l d and t h u s to t h e workers. Above a l l it is a demonstrat i o n a n d c r i t i q u e of t h e p rocess by w h i c h t h e bou rgeo i s State. t h e l . The i nt e rests w h i c h t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats h a v e a l ways represented and defended a re t h o s e of t h e m a j o r I t a l i a n c a p i t a l i n terests. C .a t o m izes." at t h e heart of w h i c h d i verse soc i a l c l asses a p pear on t h e same p l a n e . a n d t h e person n e l w h o for centu ries served to d e po l i t ic ize society a re now i n ad eq u ate to the red i ff u s i o n of power t h ro u g h o u t the soc i a l d o ma i n . e n c l oses i t s e l f i n a stat i c a n a l y s i s . The s u ccess of t h i s operat i o n d i d n o t c reate a m u l t i .i m p l ies t h e g ro u n d i n g of p o l i t i c a l power in t h e a c t u a l col l ec­ t i v i t ies: the b u s i ness and the n e i g h borhood c o m m u n ity. Today. t h i s bourgeo i s i e st rove to en d ow i t s e l f w i t h a party of popu l a r s u pport. .C . a n d sees a n a l l i a n c e w i t h t hese workers as m e re l y a u n i o n w i t h the party that served them u n t i l today for parl i a mentary rep res e n t a t i o n but from w h i c h t h ey have beg u n to t u r n . but a bourgeois p a rty with a mass base. The C h r i s t i a n Democrat i c Party has entered the age of d ec l i ne. that t h e H i storical Com p ro m i s e 90 . va m p i rizes t h e soc i a l b o d y .SOC IALISM A N D The Marxist c r i t i q u e of t h e formal c h a racter of bourgeois d e m oc racy d oes not DE MOCRACY stop at c o n s i de rat i o n s of t h e i neq u a l i t y of soc i a l c l asses before t h e l aw .

to view those sac r i f i ces as 'conces s i o n s ' g i ve n to the c a p i ta l i sts and the govern ment o r as the ' price' of some p retended co m m u n i st manoeuvre to enter at a l l c o s t s i nto the govern­ ment. Rinascita. etc . 9 . Transla ted by Daniel Moshenberg 1 . He a l s o las hes out at certa i n sectors of the work i n g c l ass w h o b a l k a t t h e m e n t i o n of s a c r i f i ces: "When we t a l k of t h e necessary sacri f i ces that t h e workers m u s t ag ree to in order to em erge from the crisis. t h e sacri f i ces are necessary in order to serve p r i m a r i l y t h e i n terests of the work i n g c l ass by p u l l i ng the cou n t ry out of the c r i s i s : so that t h e you n g m i g h t f i nd e m p l oy­ m e n t . as i t hap­ pens. the secretary of the l . perhaps. Com m u n i sts were b i g l osers in the I t a l i a n general e l e c t i o n s J u n e 3/4. . D i d i e r Motchane. I t i m p l ies t h e su bord i na t i o n of workers' i n ­ terests and a s p i ra t i o n s to t h e i m peratives of va l u a t i o n of c a p i t a l i n a n a l ready d i l a p i dated i n ternat i o n a l context. 1 978 i ll3 611 3179 R O M E : E n ri c o Berl i ng u e r cons u l t i n g documents s hort l y before the start of party d i rectorate meet i n g 6/1 3. C . 3. Preface to Workers' Struggles in Italy by D. The s t rate g i c d e m a n d s c reated by the col lapse of the Sta l i n ist m o no l i t h . who s u p port t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrat i c government i n Parl i a m e n t w h i l e warri ng a g a i n s t ii in the factories. 2. I t is at t h i s leve l . i t wou l d be w ro n g . is f o rc­ ed to p l ay the i g n o m i n i o u s u s u re r of I t a l i a n c a p i t a l . P . for the betterme n t of the l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s of the peop l e . the ex­ t rem ity of the c a p i t a l i s t c r i s i s . G ri s o n i and H . . t h a t i t w i l l d i rect i t s efforts. . T h i s is p rec i s e l y the assert i o n of G i org i o A m e n d o l a . Oct. p u b l i s hed i n September 1 976 u nder the s u g g e s t i ve rubric of "Coherence a n d R i gor" and presented to t h e Central C o m m i ttee i n October 1 976. C . T h e C h r i s t i a n Democratic P a r t y i s t h e p o l i t i c a l i nstru m e n t of t h e I t a l i a n u p per bourgeoisie. O n the contrary. a n d espec i a l l y the u n i o n i sts. A m e n d o l a attacks the w h i m s i c a l i ncoherence o f t h e Com m u n i sts l eaders h i p .acts l i ke a rej u venat i n g s p r i n g on t h e C h ri s t i a n Democrats. t h e re i s only o n e res ponse poss i b l e . a p pare n t l y . w h i l e t h e l . E n r i c o Berl i n g uer. and a m aj o r f i g u re of the r i g h t w i n g p a r t of the p a rty. P . For t h i s reason it is i n ­ correct to demand s o m e equ i vale n t sacri f i ces i n exchange f o r t h e sac r i f i ces necessary t o t h e effort at transform a t i o n . 1 973. Porte l l i . that t h e E u ropean extreme left h a s revea led m o s t c learly i t s own s hortco m i n g s . Reflections o n Italy after the events i n Chile. T h i s means the workers sacrifice w i t h o u t recom pense o t h e r t h a n that of rem a i n i n g t h e work i n g c l a s s of a c a p i ta l ist cou n t ry w e l l ran ked in t h e i n ternat i o n a l d i v i s i o n of l a bor. . " i ll1 I t a l i a n Com m u n i st leader E n r i c o Berl i nguer takes office i ll2 Berl i ng u e r attends f u neral services for s l a i n A l d o M o ro. w h i c h m a n y party m i l i t a n t s are making at this m o m e n t . Union with it can occur only on the lines of defending Ita lian capita lism again s t the global crisis. T h e c o u n terpart i s n o t somet h i n g t h a t t h e others ( t h e govern ment o r the c a p i t a l i st bourgeo i s i e) c o u l d c o n c e d e but rather the rea l izat i o n of objec t i ves that concern f i rst of all the workers: the wel fare of the c o u n t ry a n d the p u rs u i t of i t s progress. I n a ra l ly i n g p i ece. I t i s on t h i s p o i n t . the s t ri k i n g i n e q u ivalence between neo-refo r m i s t g rad u a l i s m and t h e revo l u t i on a ry pote n t i a l i t ies of t h e period req u i re a massive work of e l a borat i o n .

Among a l l t h ose p o l i t i c a l leaders w h o f o r m o n t h s have been reve l l i ng i n h ig h ­ f l o w n words to convoke the H i storical Com p ro m i se. t h e honorable M oro.u n less you want to cal l h i st o r i c a l every tactical act i o n w h i c h may be found necessary to make t hose peo p l e work w h o d o not want to work. w h i c h a t t h e s a m e t i me is and is n o t a relaxation o f t h e roles of t h e majority and t h e oppos i t i o n . ( O h . no o n e has stated t h e pri n­ cipal and s i m p lest truth on t h e q u e s t i o n : that t h e H istorical Compromise i s a compromise. and w h i c h t h e Pres ident of t h e Cou n c i l . a n d ab­ s o l u t e l y not for us. for us. t hey are over. solely for the communis ts. taking advantage of a d iversity w h i c h does not consist i n a c h a n g e of t h e forces of d i rect i o n . offe r i n g t h e m w h a t w a s c a l l ed the "strategy of atte n t i o n . " a w a i t i n g room of i nd ef i n ite d u ration before t h e H i storical Com p ro m i se. a n d f o r want o f t h i s accord. h o w m a n y " h istorical d ut i e s " m u s t t h e 92 . b u t i n t h e mod i fy i n g ad d i t i o n of t h e com m u n ist e l e m e n t to others . w i t h s u c h c a u t i o u s ness that he was o b l i ged to walk on eggs. Wha t t he Com m unists Really Are Censor Who w rote t h i s ? Who is Censor? What is he t ry i n g to s u g gest? Is he the worst of fasc i s t s or the most e x t r e m e of com m u n i st s ? W h a t a r e we to make of t h i s ? A l l we a r e w i l l i ng to admit i s t h a t t h e same q uest i o ns p l ag ued t h e Italian press when the book from which t h i s a rt i c l e i s taken appeared i n 1 975 u n d e r t h e t i ­ t l e True Report on the L a s t Chance t o Sa ve Capitalism in Italy. " MUCH ADO ABOUT N O T H I N G . we do know that Censor was f o u n d in a S i t u a t i o n i s t g ro u p w h e re he s a i d he was G i a n f ranco Sang u i net­ t i . as "a sort of h a l f-way meet i n g . i n t h e t r u e sense of t h e term. t h ose seasons of games of verbal p rest i g e by w h i c h o u r p o l i t i c a l trapeze a rt i sts measu red themse lves i n " p a ra l l e l converg ence" w i t h t h e com m u n ists. somet h i n g new.) From now o n . defined. t h i s accord w i t h the com m u n ists i s not even " h istorica l " . B u t i n that case.

t h a t i s . even i f t h e y h ave to ad m i t they a re otherwise correct a n d u s ef u l . m o s t often follo w this neutra l pa th.s p read i l l u s i o n s i n an era. rem a i ned u n t i l n o w q u ite i ns u f f i c i e n t to reverse t h e p rocess. M o reover. the very e x i stence of tomorrows. D o m e n i c o B a rto l i . by offe r i n g i t t h e m o s t c e n t ra l of a l l a p p l ic a t i o n p o i n t s i n society. We wou l d a n swer t h at the o bj e c t i o n i s u n fou n d ed a n d t h a t fear i s a poor c o u n s e l o r. t h e s l i g h t defect t h a t they appear prec i s e l y to u nd e r p l ay the peri l o u s c h a racter w h i c h cou l d afterward arise from the fact of hav­ ing p l aced a co m m u n i s t party in t h e heart of p o l i t i c a l power. a n d a l l t h i s w h i le I t a l y t h rows out. " o r t h a t o u r i n d u stry w i l l get a new b rea t h of l i fe a n d reg a i n i t s v i g o r a l t h o u g h c l a m o r i n g a n a rc h y re i g n s i n o u r factories. p o l i c e perform in front of t h e factories? Even t h e ex-M i n ister of Labor. m o reover. A l berto R o n c hey. " s a i d i t better t h a n a n y o n e e l s e a n d once a n d for a l l : "We m u s t d e c i d e w h e t h e r we wish to g overn with t h e u n i o n s or w i t h t h e g u n me n . we s h o u l d n ever r i s k all o u r f o rt u n e w i t h o u t havi n g r i sked all o u r forces. a n d f u rt h e r m ore. a n d t h a t "Irresolute princes. o n e after t h e other. by i n t rod u c i n g i t i n t o t h e c e n t e r of S t a t e power. or not so good ones? We must u nd ertake l o n g -term gove r n m e n t a l act i o n . a re c o n s t a n t l y a n d solely e n g aged i n t h e t i t a n i c effort to stay in p l ace a l i t t l e b i t l o n g e r than w ha t seems poss i b l e to them. better than a M i n ister of t h e I nt e r i o r l i ke G i org i o Amen­ d o l a . i s the d a u g hter of i rreso l u t i o n . Only our p rese n t gove r n m e n t peo p l e . needs to be defended with t h e a s s i s t a n ce of t h ose same com­ m u n ists. in s u c h a n affair. d e s p i te their u n fort u nate b a n k r u ptcy. b u t t h ree t i mes m o re u n i on m e n . recen t l y w rote th at henceforth t h e g reatest econom i c p r ob l e m i s to convince peo­ ple to work. t h ese peri l s . we pretend to see an accord w i t h t h e P. even t h e s m a l l est ones. " For t h a t i s t h e c r u x of t h e p r o b l e m . cou l d weed o u t t h e d e l i q uency w h i c h has s p read to every l eve l . for ou rselves. F i rst of a l l . d i s m i s s i n g a l l q u es t i o n s . 1 969. d o not e x i s t a n y w h e re b u t i n t h e very s p here of these i l l u s i o n s about t h e revo l u t i o n a ry tendency c o n s t i t u ted i n o u r society by t h e Com m u n i st Party. h owever. d u ri n g w h i c h t h e workers w i l l have to stop f i g h t i n g and res u m e work i n g ? Who. and that i s true. t h e soc i a l ist Berto l d i . w h o i s by far t h e best I t a l i a n e d i t o ri a l i s t . w h e n t hey were usef u l for t h e defense of a w o r l d w h i c h today. our i n terest i s d o u b t l ess to ga lvanize t ha t force with a l l u rgency. t i mes hav­ ing c h a n g ed . becau s e they w o u l d b e e n o u g h to make t h e g over n m e n t f a l l ! A n d w h o better t h a n t h e com m u n ists can today i n st i t u t e a period o f con­ va l escence i n t h e co u n t ry . a n d make t h e ag itators shut up. a rt i f i c i a l l y w i d e. as " a s u bt l e i n terpreter of H e g e l i a n d i a lect i c s . i n order t o flee presen t perils. " (Macchia velli) I n order not to see t h e rea l peri l . the s u p posed f u t u re peri l s of t h i s com m u n ist part i c i pa t i o n i n t h e govern m e n t . Since the present force of t h e Com m u n ist Party a n d t h e u n io n s i s a l ready serv i n g u s a n d i n ­ deed p roves to have b e e n o u r p r i n c i pa l s u p port s i nce A u t u m n .C. Fearf u l m i n d s m a y perhaps f i n d i n o u r proposa l s . we i n s i s t . t h r o u g h o u t t h e last few years. At present i t i s no l o n g e r poss i b l e to let t h i n g s go w h i l e a lways hoping t h a t t h e workers w i l l d e l ay their smoldering revolt " a l i t t l e w h i le l o n g e r . w e s h o u l d never fear f u t u re a n d h y p o t h e t i c a l peri l s at the i n st a n t we a re d y i n g from a present and cert a i n d a n g e r . we wou l d h ave g a i ned a lot i n t h e c u rrency ex­ c h a n g e i f w e had been able to use t h ree t i mes fewer g u n me n . w h i c h i s p o l i t i c a l as w e l l as eco n o m i c . a n d s i n c e i t s effect h a s . govern­ m e n t s w h i c h . Quis cus todia t cus todes ipsos ? ( " W h o w i l l g u a rd t h e g u a rd s t h e m s e lves?"). and mo s t often collapse. at a cert a i n stage of crisis w h e re o u r powers p rove i n c a p a b l e of m a k i n g t h e workers work. I . still pretend to consider as a real given 93 . as a peri l . its g overn m e n t s w h i c h last only a few months. s i nce. and we f lee t h e m bot h . a n d to do so we must h ave a s o l i d and reso l u te g over n m e n t : not accept i n g a " c o m p ro m i se" l i ke t h a t i n q u e s t i o n today i n rea l i ty s i g n i f i es fata l l y c o m p ro m i s i n g . a s p i r i n g . by good methods. h e n ceforth con­ c l u d ed . c o n s i d e red by a m a n f rom t h e r i g h t . Let u s remember that n e u t ra l i ty. to t h e a u t o n o m izat i o n of their own existence as s i m p l e de legates of Italian society to its State administration.

and the Com­ m u n i s t Party. w h i l e a necessary m o d e r n i z a t i o n i m poses t h e i r " recyc l i ng .has never been a n yt h i n g other than a n i d e o l o g i c a l " a rt i c l e of export" destined for t h e people. b u t now t h a t t h ose f a c t s h ave l i t t l e b y l i t t l e come to be known t h ro u g h o u t t h e c o u n ­ t r y . only force is. of ced i n g a few m i n i stries to the c om m u n ists seems to be. W hatever t h e case may be. for t h e i r own l i m ited i n t erests. And if. a n d h e w i l l not be d i s posed to s h a re t h e g ove r n m e n t w i t h u s . the credibility o f the Communist Party with the workers Is found to be completely exhausted at the time of this in­ s u rrec t i o n . a m p u tated from i t s base. in t a k i n g t h e re i ns. I am no s u c h t h i n g . even t h i s l a s t j u st i f i c a t i o n i s void. And f u rt hermore. all of w hose conseq u e n ces can not eas i l y be f o reseen .t h at s u p posed revo l u t i onary tendancy of t h e PCI . w h o m u st l et " h a l f h i s face b e seen t h ro u g h t h e l i o n ' s neck. i n t h e n a m e of t h e workers. We c a n n o longer cont i n u e t o reass u re t h e cou n t ry w h i l e p reten­ d i n g the opposite. w i l l n o l o n g e r be of a n y use to u s . a n d . t h e apparent existence of t h e p rofess i o n they s t i l l k n ow how to o perate. to w h o m they w i l l t h e n a p p e a l to d e f e n d it. nor t h e u n io n s . bec a u s e we have reached t h e hour of t r u t h . h owever. we know that t h e Com m u n ist Party i s our s u p port. n o r t h e forces of order. b u t it i s n o t an e n e m y o f o u r City. b u t i n d eed t h e existence of a profession they did not know h o w to opera te. b y f i rst see m i n g to part i c i pate i n i t so as l ater to a s s u m e c o m m a n d . w h o h ave sworn to t h e offens ive o f social war. a s seems more likely t o us. i f t hey had been k n o w n . i f the com m u n ists s u cceed . o n t h e i m petu s of t h e i n s u rrec t i o n a l move m e n t . If. o n the contrary. rat her. when lies a re no longer a n y u s e to u s . I f we s u e- 94 . t h i s C h r i s t i a n ­ Democrat i c att i t u d e f o u n d its sem i-rat i o n a l j u s t i f i c a t i on i n t h e n e c e s s i t y of m a i n ­ t a i n i n g t h e m o n o p o l y of p o w e r so as to cont i n u e to h i d e t h e way t h a t p o w e r h a d b e e n ad m i n i stered. T h o s e a re t h e t w o variants t h at form a n a l ternative w i t h t h e H i storical Compromise. that is. or we w i l l not s u cceed. in a second atte m p t . not t o fear. i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t i n s u c h a s i t u a t i o n i t w i l l be u p t o Berl i n g u e r to i m pose h i s c o n d i ­ t i o n s . in the best h y p o t h e s i s . let u s not g o so f a r as to forget t h a t our parl ia m e n ta ry majority has for a l o n g t i m e a l ready been based on t h e com m u n i st o p p o s i t i o n . t h i s i n s u rrect i o n does not becom e a c i v i l war p u re and s i m p l e . T h e I t a l i a n com m u n i st i n stead resem b l e s t h at carpenter i n a l i o n ' s m a s k in A Midsummer Night's Dream. e i t h e r we w i l l s u cceed i n sav i n g o u r d o m i n a t i o n . ii were p i ty of my l i fe: no. w h i c h w i l l i nevitably u n i te w i t h the revo l u ­ t i onaries. b u t . t h e e n t i re p o l i t i c a l l i fe o f t h e c o u n t ry i s as t h o u g h para l yzed before the n i g h t m a re that the idea. . F i n a l l y let u s c o n c l ude. a n d t h at t h e com m u n i st oppos i t i o n o p p oses t h e same t h i n g s t h e m a j o r i t y o p ­ p o s e s . A n d i t i s t h e c o l l apse of I t a l y t h a t we m u s t t ry to avo i d . i n s u c h a way t h a t t h e com m u n ist a c t i o n of " recovery" of t h e i n s u rgents i nto t h e very ranks of t h e party p roves useless or i m po s s i b l e . Which makes t hese worn-out l eaders fall u nder this severe con­ demnation: w h a t t h ey i n fact w a n t . w h e n t h e y c l i ng to their o l d spec i a l izat i o n . are our e n e m ies. a n d some part i c u l a r f a c t s so sca n d a l o u s t h a t . of strateg i c reaso n i n g wh at . a n d m u s t even ass u me again. T h e Troj a n H o rse is not to be feared except w h e n t h e re a re G reeks i n s i d e i t . " i s not e v e n to p ro­ l o n g . . a certa i n cos t u m e to d i s g u i se i t s e l f a s a n enemy of o u r City. ("the t h i rd i s ex­ c l uded"). would have bro u g h t about t h e i m m ed i ate c o l l a pse of t h e party. " And prec i s e l y because we d a re to ad m i t t h a t I t a l i a n workers. not t o t re m b l e : m y l i fe for you rs. for the C h r i s t i a n-Democrats. The Com m u n i st Party h a s assumed. With t h e help of t h e Com m u n i st Party i n t h e g overn m e n t ." a n d w h o m u s t s a y to t h e spectators: " I wou l d entreat y o u . w h i c h is o n l y a l l too foreseeab l e . l e t u s a s k t h e q uest i o n . tertium non da tur. t h e com m u n ists w i l l take o v e r t h e State. j u st as it is not d i rected by U lysses. n o r t h e secret services w i l l be a b l e to manage to hold back the workers from the b r i n k of a general i ns u rrec t i o n . I f y o u t h i n k I come h i t her as a l i o n . i f we c a n .and we can o n l y see t w o -. wha t i s t h e a lterna tive of w h i c h t h e H i storical C o m p r o m i s e i s o n e of t h e t e r m s ? T h e other t e r m can be presented t h u s l y : sooner or later we w i l l reac h a s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h n e i t h e r the com m u n ists. Up u n t i l a rece n t period. t h e n c i v i l war w i l l n o l o n g e r be avo i d a b l e .

i n a w o r l d w h i c h w i l l have c r u m b led. " A n d i f w e d o not su cceed . Cortez . at t h e same t i me as a large port i o n of the present p o l i t i c a l perso n n e l . The com­ m u n is ts t h e m se l ves a l ready o p e n l y ad m i t t h i s as a n a r t i c l e of t h e i r c o n t ract of cooperat i o n . n ot h i n g e l s e matters a n y m o re.ceed. a n d s i nce H erac l i t u s . we know that " a l l t hat c raw l s o n the earth i s governed by b l ow s . we w i l l t h row o u t t h e c o m m u n ists. Tra nsla ted by Richard G a rdner i l/1 Photo: D. w i t h the g reatest of ease. at t h e t i m e w h e n t h e T u r k is on t h e ramparts. to g u ess w h i c h t r o p h i e s m i g h t h ave bee n w o n i n t h e G reen and B l u e c i rc u s . l i ke serva nts. because everyo n e wou l d admit t h at i t would be t h e w o rst of Byza n t i n e d i s c u s­ s i o n s .

It was a mytholog i c a l opera with g reat mac h i n a t i o n s .i n t h e tec h n i ca l and p o l i c e c o n t ro l of men and n a t u r a l forces. T h e S t a t e of S pect a c l e G u y D e b o rd T h i s t e x t . however.u ps. I ta l y had occas i o n to ref lect u po n t h i s tec h n i q u e at its most h i g h ly developed p o i n t . W e h a v e s e e n a striv i n g for t h e absol u t e . In the rece n t events s u rrou n d i n g the k i d n a p p i ng and execu t i o n of A l d o M o ro. w r i t t e n by o n e of t h e l e a d e rs of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l S i t u a t i o n i s t s . l i ke a sticky fog w h i c h acc u m u lates a t t h e g ro u n d l evel of a l l d a i l y l i fe. but to sit a l o n e in a d i s p l ay window. w i l l soon be s u rpassed. h av i n g so c o m p l etely forgotten its c o n f l i c t i n g l i n ks w i t h t r u t h a n d veri s i m i l it u d e that t h e very connections t h e m se lves can be d ro p ped a n d rep l aced from hou r to h o u r . We have seen the State l ie. exac t l y l i ke a b a d book. We have seen t h e f a l s i f i cation gett i n g t h i cker. w h i c h a l l c o m m e n tators have made it t h e i r d u t y to ad· mit in p u b l i c . w h e re terrorist h e roes q u i c k- 96 . The vers ion g iven by I t a l i a n a u t h o r i t i es. a c o n t r o l w h ose errors g row as fast as its m e t h od s . e i t h e r h e re or e l sew h e re. desce n d i n g to t h e fabrication of t h e m o s t t r i v i a l t h i n g s .as f a r as "telematic" madness . It was up to t h e society of s pectac les to add j u st what I t h i n k t h i s book d i d n ' t need : m o re w e i g h ty a n d conv i n c i n g p roofs a n d exam p l es. I t was not i ntended to be b e l i eved. w h i c h . to be forgotten afterwards. w a s p u b l i shed as a n I n t ro d u c t i o n to t h e 4 t h I t a l i a n e d i t i o n of his book. d eve l o p in i t s e l f and for itself. The Society of Specta cle. made worse rat h e r than better by a h u n­ d red s u cces s i ve t o u c h . has not been bel i eva b l e for one i nstant.

. N ow t h a t t h e R e d B rigade does exac t l y t h e same w o r k a n d for once at l e a s t w i t h a n operat i o n a l e f f i c i e ncy w h i c h i s q u ite s u perior. Another tendency. Certa i n modern sectors of l a rg e private c a p i t a l are or w e re reso l u t e l y in favor of t h e m . p u shed his mastery to t h e point of havi n g t h e prime m i n ister Stoly Pine h i m s e l f assassi nated. l . l . s i nce it i s d i ssolved. o r s i t u a t i o n i st. its s t o o l p i geons. s h o u l d expect that s o m et i mes i t s m a n i p u l ators be t h e m s el ves ma n i p u l ated . t h a t l o n g series of massacres w h i c h were att r i b u ted. f i rst by gett i 119 r i d of t h e i r s u periors in the m a n n e r of M a l i novsk i . I n p o i n t of fact we k n ow that t h e State w i l l never hesitate to k i l l B r u t u s ' sons to have its own laws respected . others. became t h e S . i t was t h e o n e w h i c h s i n c e 1 969 c o m m itted. M o reover. a n d w h a t was d i sc reet l y exterm i nated by a State proba b l y i n­ d i g na n t to learn that i t s i ns t r u c t i o n s were someti mes su rpassed. B u t a secret service u n t i l n o w h a s never been d i ssolved i n t h e m a n n e r o f . f a m o u s for its sabotages a n d i t s fore i g n assas s i n at i o n s . o r l i ke Azev. or at l e a s t deemed that t h e Stal i n ists. B u t t h e I t a l i a n State g o e s f u rt h e r. or Service of Defense I n formation u nd e r t h e C h ri s t i a n-Democrat i c reg i m e . B u t this ex­ p l a n a t i o n i s h a rd l y d i a lectica l . by prov i n g t h e m i n practice. m o s t o f t e n b u t n o t a lways by bom b i n g . for t h e few services that they cou l d re n d e r. " to be attri b u ted to t h e s i n g l e pseudo-concept repeated automat i c a l l y by the Red B r i g ade. d i s m a l caricat u re of what one m i g h t h ave t h o u g h t and d o n e if o n e had wa nted to advocate t h e d i sa ppearance of t h e State. Like any other State. accord i n g to t h e seaso n . D. This S . b u t t hey t h e m se l ves are d ivided i n o p i n i o n . M . l y c h a n g e i nto foxes to take p rey from t raps. In a secret s e r­ vice wort h y of its name. M . The f u t u re of each c l i q u e d e p e n d s on t h e m a n n e r i n w h i c h it w i l l be a b l e to i m pose its reasons. c a n not combat it. a v i t a l b u t h i g h l y u ncert a i n q ue s t i o n . A sed i t i o u s org a n izat i o n that wou l d put some of its m e m bers in contact w i t h the State sec u rity forces. a s l i p of t h e computer . w h o . . say. u n less it had i n f i l t rated agents years before i n ord e r to make s u re of their l oy a l t y w h e n t h e occa s i o n for their u se a rose. M oro bel i eved i n t h e H i storical Compromise. D. s i nce i t s i n t r a n s i g e n t refu s a l to envisage even t h e most m i n i ma l concession to save M oro f i n a l l y p roved that h e h a d a l l t h e f i rm v i rtues of repu b l ican Rome. l .so true i s it that t hese m a c h i nes depend on the u nc o n s c i o u s of t hose who feed in i n­ formation . They tel l u s that t h ey a re l u cky to be d e a l i n g w i t h t h e most i n com petent of p o l i ce f o rces. O n e can not t e l l t h e refore what proport i o n of t h e total force was a l l owed a n h o n o r a b l e ret i re m e n t . a petro l e u m tanker's cargo i n coastal waters. B y m a i n ­ t a i n i n g its record s . w h o fooled even t h e s h rewd Len i n for t h e s a k e of t h e tza r i s t O k rana. t h e one that i s at this m o m e n t i n a pos i t i o n to c o m m a n d t h e atten t i o n of t h e c o m m a n d e r s of t h e Red B rigade d i d not be l i eve i n i t . i t t h o u g ht of i n f i l t rat i n g a g e n t s of its s p ec i a l forces i n t o c l a ndest i n e terrorist net­ works. its worki ng o p e ratives. w h e n a k i n d of robot doct r i n e of t h e Red B ri g a d e was p rogrammed o n a c o m p u ter. n eo-fas c i s t . it s i m p l y c h a n g ed i t s n a m e . t h i s t i m e d e s i g n at i n g t h e " I nterna­ t i o n a l Society of M u lt i n a t i o n a l s .caused t h e s a m e acronym S . or perhaps loaned to t h e Shah of I ra n to b u rn a movie t heater i n Abad a n . s i nce t h e d e c i s i o n s of t h e capta i n s u rpass t h o s e of t h e o w n e r w h e n t h e s h i p i s s i n k i n g . once at t h e h ead of t h e "c o m bat organ izat i o n " of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry soc i a l i s t party. i t s very d i s s o l u t i o n is secret. H i g h l y ran ked State perso n n e l have a wide manoeuve r i n g autonomy. bes i des. or a p o rt i o n o f modern i n d u st r i a l p rod u c t i o n i n Seveso. that i s to say. l . w h e re t hey cou l d then be assu red of a swift a n d easy passage up to the l eaders h i p . s u p ported by many who m a n a g e t h e c a p i t a l of State s u p po rted b u s i nesses. obv i o u s l y S. I t a l i a n c a p i ta l i s m a n d t h e gove r n m e n t bu rea u c racy a re q u ite d iv i d ed o n t h e use of the Sta l i n ists. a n d i nto sheep so as not to cause t h e s l i g htest h a rm f u l effect to t h e reg i m e w h i c h t hey pretend to defy. l . w h at was a l l otted to t h e Red B r i gade. w i t h t h e u n a n i mo u s a p p rova l of those w h o u p h o l d i t . D . i n t h e capacity of the Sta l i n ists to f i n a l l y break up t h e movement of revo l u t i o n a ry workers. o r Service of M i l i t a ry I n formation from t h e fascist reg i m e . as t h e State avows post fes tum . " m u st have been d i ssolved recen t l y because. . t h ey have been able to i n f i l t rate t h e h i g h est ranks w i t h o u t a p ro b l e m . " bathed i n I t a l i a n b l ood . t o a n a rc h ist. i nto l i o n s w h o fear no o n e for as long as t hey keep t h e i r prey. T h u s i n I t a l y t h e S . . and that they wi l l 97 . A s i n g l e u n fortu nate c o i n c i d e n ce c a m e to h i nd e r t h e g ood w i l l of t h e State: i t s spec i a l forces were just t h e n d i ssolved. are more host i l e. a n d t h at. T h u s t hey wou l d be d e p rived of that o l y m p i c assurance of i m p u n i ty w h i c h c h a racterizes the R e d B ri g a d e ' s ch ief of staff.

because terrorists a r e somet i mes moved b y t h e d e s i re to make u s speak of t h e m . Kadar a n d Nagy. I t i s a lesson w h i c h t hey w i l l h ave to a p p l y i n t h e i r o w n cou n t r i e s f o r a l o n g t i m e to come. T h e keg a l ways s m e l l s of herri n g and a Sta l i n i s t w i l l a lways be i n his element w h e rever one s m e l l s a n odor of secret c r i m e i n t h e State. B u t no one i s i g norant of t h e f a c t that t hey cou l d not u s e t h i s weapon w i t h o u t brea k i n g t h e H i storical C o m p r o m i s e. M a o a n d L i n Piao? A n d besides. D . i n i t s t i me. i n t h e cases o f Kruschev and Beria. What wou l d b e c o m e of t h e Sta l i n ists i n a revo l u ­ t i o n ? We cont i n u e to u pset t h e m . s h o u l d not be spared. and perhaps to one day e l i m i nate some of t h e more d a n g e ro u s . w h i l e t h e latter lack t h e m e a n s . bu rea u c ra t i c-tota l i t a r i a n a n d bourgeois. T h e i r a r m o f d i ss u a­ s i o n is t hat they c o u l d s u d d e n l y t e l l a l l t h at t h ey know about t h e Red B r i g ad e from its i ncept i o n . We saw that this analysis was not w i t h o u t va l u e s i nce. to a m a l g a mate i n a s i n g l e cou n t ry t h e repressive H o l y A l l iance of c l ass power. f o r exam p l e . with a k n ife u p t h e i r s l eeves a n d a b o m b u nder t h e t a b l e? Was it not i n t h e s a m e sty l e t h at t h ey took care of d ifferences a m o n g t h e m se l ves. A n u m ber of I t a l i a n s a re very f a m i l i ar w i t h t h i s s a d ev idence. " p re-spectac u l ar" i n nat u re. l ook on w i t h ad m i ration at t h e Italian gove r n m e n t for t h e i m passiveness which i t can m a i n t a i n at t h e t u m u l t u o u s c e n t e r of its degradation . a n d not. b u t n o t t o o m u c h . t h e former h ave no reason to. by t h reate n i n g i t s a l l ies to force t h e m t h e reafter to desig nate i t as a p a rty. t h a t it is necessary to beat t h e m harder so that t hey d o not become too i n s o l e n t . t h e so c a l led Com m u n i s t Party reacts s o o n after. a lways loyal and construct ive cert a i n ly. b u t w h i c h w i l l be beside the m aj o r i t y and no l o n g e r on the side of the majority. I t w a s t h e n t h a t t h e i r own R e d B r i g a d e k i d ­ n a p ped And res N i n a n d k i l l ed h i m i n a n o t h e r sec ret p r i s o n . t h e Red B ri g a d e has another f u n c t i o n . who had to s u b m i t to b l a c k m a i l w h i l e p rete n d i n g n o b l y not to u nderstand w hat t hese u n known barba r i a n s expected of t h e m . as i s repeated by so m a n y j o u r n a l ists a n d p rofessors w i t h t h e f i nesse of t h e h i re l i ng . p u b l ic l y a l l u d i n g to obsc u re manoeu v re s a n d M o ro d ied deceived. T h e s i d e i n j u r i o u s to t h e m i s rest ra i ned by i n s i n u a­ t i o n s crypt ica l l y m a d e i n p u b l i c at c r u c i a l m o m e n t s . s i nce i t h e l p s t h e m i n t h e i r d i f f i c u l t t a s k . a n d m a n y m o r e f o u n d out about i t r i g h t a w a y . I t a l y i s a l s o t h e most modern sort of l a boratory for i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o u n t e r-revo l u t i o n . a n d t h e refore t hey h o p e s i ncerely t h a t t h ey c a n rem a i n as d i screet on t h i s s u bject as t hey were about t h e d o i n g s of t h e S . w h i c h i s to d i sconcert o r d i sc red i t p ro­ letarians who rea l ly r i s e a g a i n s t the State. b u t o n l y i n t h e rea l m of p rotoco l . a n d t r i e s . a n d for t h e c a l m d i g n i ty w i t h w h i c h it s i t s i n t h e m u d . W h e n . render in any case. Transla ted by Wendy Greenberg & John Johns ton 98 . As t h e most advanced cou n t ry at t h e moment i n its s l i d e toward a proletarian revo l u t i o n . w i t h M o ro k i d nap ped as a n i n a u g u ra l affro n t to the H i storical Compromise f i n a l l y m ad e authentic by a n act of parliament. B u t i t has not been p u b l i shed a n yw he re. I t a l y e p i t o m izes t h e soc i a l contrad i c t i o n s of t h e w h o l e w o r l d . T h e a f f a i r e n d ed a n y w a y as soon as t h e Sta l i n ists s howed t h e i r teet h . of cou rse. Why should t h ey be of­ fended by t h e a t m o s p h e re of d i s c u s s i o n at t h e top of t h e Italian State. i n a m a n ­ n e r we are fa m i l i ar w i t h . w h e n t hey were c h a rged w i t h t h e ot h e r e m p l oyees of " Ko m i n t e r n " w i t h c o u n t e r-revol u t i o n at t h e service of t h e Democrat ic S pa n i s h R e p u b l i c i n 1 937. not w i t h o u t some d i s c u s s i o n and sett l i ng of ac­ counts i n t h e I t a l i a n m a n n e r. t h e s a m e i nv i n c i b l e R e d B r i g ad e knocks d o w n a t rade. This f u n c t i o n the Sta l i n i st s a p p rove.u n i o n Sta l i n i s t for t h e f i rs t t i m e . t h e Sta l i n i s t party cont i n u ed to p retend t o bel ieve i n the i nd e p e n d e nce of the Red B r i g a d e . a l t h ou g h . T h ey kept the prisoner a l ive as long as t h ey t h o u g h t they cou l d p ro l o n g the h u m i l i a t i o n and d i scomfort of the f r i e n d s . and by prec ise t h reats voiced i n t h e i r constant n e g o t i a t i o n s i n private w i t h the State power. t e n m o n t h s a f t e r t h e k i d n a p p i n g of M oro. w h i c h a l ready f u n c t i o n s ope n l y ac ross t h e face of t h e earth in a n econom i c a n d p o l i c e State sol idarity. o f m o re general i n terest. t h e d i rec­ tors of the I t a l i a n S ta l i n ist move m e n t became b u t c h e rs i n t h e i r you t h at the t i me of t h e i r f i rst H i s t o r i c a l Compromise. O t h e r g ove r n m e n t s com i n g out of t h e old bourgeois d e m o c racy. At this stage i n t h e a n a l y s i s t h e re a re g ro u n d s for evok i n g a " s p ectac u l a r " p o l i t i c s of terrori s m . l . But act u a l l y .

I taly: An army skier p robes a hole in the ice cover i n g Duc hess Lake with h i s ski pole 4/1 9 after detonation s q u a d s bl asted the frozen l a k e . Frog men are d ragg i ng the lake where the Red Bri gades gang say they d u m ped the body of ex-Pre m i er Aldo Moro after h i s "execution".i l/1 RO P-041 906-4/19/78-DUCH ESS LA KE. (UPI) (ITALY) .

l ook i n g b u i l d i ng s . It was the morn i n g o f T h u rsday February 17.none too g l oriously -d riven off the campus. t h a t the mass ref used to be led in the t rad i t i o n a l style. These writings were the work of t h e Metropol it a n I n d ia n s . warned t h e c a p i ta l i st s and rev i s i o n i sts that t hey would be " b u ried by a b u rst of l a u g hter". t h e e n t i re U n i vers ity seemed to be a cont i n u ou s peo p l e ' s party a n d people's foru m . to a g reat ex· tent. Luciano Lama. The U n ivers i t y c a m p u s had been occup ied for over a week by students. and even on revol u t i o n a ry " leader-f i g u res" w h o tried to assert their d o m i n a n ce over the mass. the Com m u n ist u n i on leader entered the oc­ cu p i ed Rome U n i vers i ty to " l ecture" the students. with their Fa s c i s t a rc h i tectu re. There were cont i n u i n g a n d end less debates i n t h e vari o u s com m i s s i o n s ( t h e cou n te r. w h i c h was vert i c a l a n d many yards h i g h . the 1 00 . The t a l l . The q u a l i t y o f t h i s new revo l u t i o n a ry movement was. who t u rned t h e i r biting w i t a n d sarcasm o n t h e G overnment. the factory-and-com m u n i ty com m i s s i o n . had been t ra nsform­ ed . 1 977. La m a Sabachthan i On February 1 7. severe.i n formation com m i ss i o n . This is an eye­ wit ness account of the event w hi ch broke open the deep-rooted conflict between the " new left" and the I t a l i a n Commun ist Party. the Com m u n i s t Party. I t was. One. a non-org a n i sed c u l t u ra l movement of you n g c o m rades. 1977 . in fact. The white facade o f the Facu lty of Letters was covered with s l o g a n s and wri t i n gs . s elf-d i rect i n g a n d sel f-org a n i s i n g . from above. D u r i n g the d ays a n d n i g ht s of the occ u p a t i o n . H e was . It was s i g ned "Godere Opera i o " ("Workers' J oy") a n d " G o d i mento Studentesco" (St u d e n t s ' En­ joyment)-a pun o n t h e o l d Potere Opera i o ('Workers' Power") a n d Movimento Studentesco ("St u d e n t M ovement"). t h e u ne m p l oyed. t h e teach i ng-methods com m i ss i o n . t h e c o m rades.

A n o t h e r r e p . a you n g I C P lect u re r i n sociology at t h e U n ivers ity remarked: T h e p o l i c e were r i g h t to c l ea r t h e U n ivers ity. w h o worked at t h e U n ivers ity Teac h i n g H os p i t a l (a bad l y p a i d a n d overworked category .000 r e p s . The Government a n d t h e I C P d e c i ded to send L u c i a n o L a m a i n . About 1. L a m a f o u n d another p l atform a l ready rigged u p . w h i st l i n g . a l so a n A u t o n o m i s t s t rong ho l d ) was heard to say: " T h e y o u g h t to s h oot h i m i n t h e m o u t h ! " A woman. The operat i o n was d u bbed " Li t t l e Pra g u e " by t h e s t u d e n t s . I t wou l d be h a rd to say w h i c h side t h rew the f i rst stone. to g u a rd a g a i n s t p rovocateu rs . d i d not take part in the f i g h t i n g ." N es s u n o L'Ama" (Lama N o body . V i o lence soon broke o u t . a n d to avoi d p h y s i c a l v i o l ence. 101 . w here t h e Movement decided i t s p o l i cies. on a truck w h i ch was to be his p latform. As Lama started to speak. and a l l t h e w i ndows of h i s t r u c k w e re smashed. the riot-pol ice moved i nto the C a m p u s . Lama came in at about 9 am. a n d workers. w i t h o u t a n y ex p l a n a t i o n or d is c u s s i o n . There were a l s o t h e (often stormy) g e n e ra l asse m b l i es . I n t h e l a r g e open area of t h e C a m p u s where he was to s p e a k . o n l y h i ppies. D u r i n g t h e afternoon. Bricks. The f o l l o w i n g day. a n d everyone who entered was f r i s ked a n d s c ru t i n ised. "We demand to work h a rd e r a n d e a r n less ! " T h i s i ro n y agg ravated t h e h u mou rless I C P heavies. it was eq u i pped w i t h a powerf u l l o u d speaker system. The d ay before. to " l i berate i t from t h e Fasci s t s " . O n e s aid th at Lama was ' a s k i n g for i t ' . The vast majority of those present. There were n ' t a n y real s t u d e n t s i n t here. w h o took it i n turns. I met some reps. a n d a c h ron i c hou s i n g sh o rtage). w i t h e a c h s i d e c a l l i ng t h e other: " Fascists ! Fas c i s t s ! " (Th i s i s a dead l y i n s u l t o n t h e I t a l i a n Left. a n d t h a t I c a n ' t ac­ cept.t hey have beaten u p workers ( i e I C P h eavies).000 c o m rades a n d s t u d e n t s gathered. . " After an hou r or so. t h ey began c h a n t i n g : "Sacrif i c e s . They stood a ro u n d in g ro u p s . . We Want Sacri f i ces ! " (a parody of the State's econom i c p o l i cy u ph e l d by the Com m u n ist Party). I ns u l t s were exchanged over t h e rai l i ng s . . H e was accom p a n i ed by h i s 200 I C P heavies (with Trade U n i o n "steward s " cards p i n ned to t h e i r j ackets) a n d about 2. corrected h i m : ' N ot water. t h e Move m e n t ' s G e n e r a l Assem b l y had voted to a l low L a m a to come in. a n d w i l l u s u a l l y start a f i g ht). A c l ea n i n g l a d y . Cert a i n l y there was p u s h i n g a n d s h ov i n g a n d exchanges of i ns u l t s which led u p to i t . . stones and bottles f lew t h ro u g h t h e a i r. both workers and s t u d e n t s .g as ! ' Other workers were com p l a i n i n g that t h e U n i o n s had been very h i g h­ h a n d ed i n r i n g i n g th em u p a n d tel l i n g them to come to t h e U n ivers ity. The A u t o n o m i sts started to p u t o n t h e i r masks. from a n e n g i neer­ i n g factory. told me: "These Autonom i st s rea l l y a r e Fasci s t s . a member o f t h e Com m u n i st Party. q u eers a n d peo­ ple from the s l u m-d i s t r i c t s " . Sacri f i c e s . " B u i ld u s M ore C h u rches a n d Fewer H o u s es ! " ( I taly h a s more c h u rc h e s t h a n a n y other E u ropean c o u n t ry. There w a s a b i g red c u t-out of a V a l e n t i n e ' s heart. Some Com m u n i s t Party m e mbers received t reat m e n t (the n o n . Lama a n d t h e heavies retreated o u t s i d e t h e U n ivers ity.000 Com m u n ist Party m i l i t a n t s stood o u t s i d e and c l a p ped and cheered. . with a d u m m y of h i m s e l f on i t (co m p l ete w i t h h i s f a m o u s p i pe). About 10. b u t to defeat him " p o l i t i c a l ly" (ie d rown him o u t by boo i n g . or N o body Loves H im). etc).w h o left b y a secondary e n t rance. All t h e gates to t h e Cam p u s were g uarded by comrades. wome n ' s c o m m i s s ion). and c l eared out a l l t h e occ u p i e rs . w i t h a s l o g a n p u n n i ng h i s name. A ro u n d t h i s p l atform t h e re was a band of Metro po l i t a n I nd i a n s .I C P wou nd ed c o u l d not go to hospital for fear of arrest). hast i ly c a l led to t h e U n ivers ity by t h e U n i o n s . H e had come to t h e U n ivers ity to ' pou r w a t e r o n t h e f i re ' .

w i t h t h e i r s o n g s a n d d a n ces. w i t h t h e i r paradox i c a l s l og a n s . s po rts clot hes). w h oever ref u ses to exp l a i n h i m s e l f 1 02 . The term " M etropo l i t a n I nd i a n s " i s a n i nvented one. e s p e c i a l l y B o l o g n a a n d R o m e . n i h i l i s t i c h a p pe n i n g s were staged in various c i t i es . t h e i r u s e of s i m u l a t i o n a n d p a r o d y as pol i t i c a l weapons were n o t forgotten by t h e Move m e n t . The p ress conceal s t h e fact that t hey h a b i t u a l l y break i nto shops a n d a p p ro p r i ate u se less goods (record a l b u m s . w hoever a p p r o p r i ates in a n exhaust ive way a l l poss i b l e terms and t reats l a n g u ag e as a science of i m a g i n a ry s o l u t i o n s . P a i n te d P o l i t i cs M a u ri z i o To re a l t a I n t h e S p r i n g of ' 7 7 . The p ress often p refers to occupy itself with the m a rks o n t h e g ro u p ' s faces.c l a n d e s t i n e i ndependents" w h o a re on t h e verge of acq u i ri n g t h e c la ndest i n e c h a racter of t h e B u n ker. relegat i n g t h e "expropria­ t i o n s " to t h e " s e m i . The i r e x i s t e n ce was s h o r t. n at u ra l l y after v i s i t i n g the most expensive restau ran ts w h e re t hey obv i o u s l y did not pay. The p ress has g ood reason to i nvent d i fferences a n d to be concerned . They a l so f req u e n t l y ap pear at t h e most elegant movie t h eaters i n g ro u p s of about t h i rty peo p l e . The deta i led physical d e s c r i p t i o n presents them with m a rks pai nted on t h e i r faces as a g ro u p whose d ec i s i o n s are not very t r u stworthy ( m o re than once t hey h ave made arrangements for demonstrations that never occu rred) and w h i c h is u na b l e to part i c i pate i n p u b l i c assem b l ies w i t h sen s i b l e s peec hes. l i q uor. t h e i r d i f f i d e n c e of rad i c a l r h e t o r i c . The p ress descri bes t h e m as the i l l eg i t i mate c h i l d of a c l a ndest i n e mother and a t rad i t i o n a l M a rx i s t father. i n t h e m i d s t of v i o l e n t d e m o n s t r a t i o n s . W hoever p a i n t s h i s face tak i n g t h e m arks as an arbit rary c h a racterizat i o n of a f u t u re peo­ ple.l i ved but t h e i n ve n t i ve n e s s o f t h e M e t ropo l i t a n I n­ d i a n s .

We a re c o n v in ced t h a t t h i s e n t i re s i t u a t i o n i s c o n n ected w i t h t h e d eve l o p m e n t of t h e u n foresee n . T h e i n d u s t ry i n vo lved in t h e t ra n s m is­ s i o n a n d e l aborat i o n of s i g n s i s ranked t h i rd i n t h e world on t h e bas i s of s a l e s . T h u s t h e soc i a l cond i t i o n s o f s i m u l a t i o n a n d of t h e a r b i t ra ry come i nto bei n g : t he re ari ses a soc i a l s u bject t h a t i s n o t red u c i b l e to o n e prec i s e i d e n t i ty. s i g n i f i c a t i o n ) th at b a l l asted t h e s i g n w i t h a k i n d of u s ef u l f o r c e of g ravity a re no l o n g e r effec­ tively com m u n i cated. Every e l e m e n t in the s u bvers i o n of a system m u s t be of a s u pe r i o r l o g i c a l order. t h e nonsense a r g u ­ m e n t . the s i g n s are now exchanged among t h e m s e lves w i t h o u t a n y c o m merce w i t h some object i n rea l ity. and t h e ve ry m u tation t h a t s t r i kes l i n g u i s t i c s i g n s w h e n t h ey l ose their refe re n t i a l stat u s a l s o stri kes t h e categories of political economy. " T h i s s l og a n w a s w r i t t e n i n C a m p o d e i F i o r i . S a u ss u re was r i g h t : p o l i t i c a l economy h a s i t s own d i sco u rse. m a t h e m a t i c a l reaso n i n g and t h e const i t u t ive model of m u s i c a n d t h e g a m e as we l l . n o r i n fact engages i n a n y col­ lective practice . t h e n . s u spended between abso l u t e power and total a b s u rd i ty. t h e " pa n g s of c o n s c i e n ce" a n d d i scou rses o n " p o l i t i c a l economy" are c o m p l etel y u s e l ess. the M i n ister of the I nterior. despite t h i s o m i s s i o n . Let u s t ry to get a n overview of t h e scene. a n 1 03 . on t h e tec h n o l o g i c a l poss i b i l i t i e s res u l t i n g from t h e destruction of r u l es. 1 977 d e m o n strat i o n s to a n i nterpretive model w h i c h s u cceeds i n comprehend i n g t h e m . a s u bject that i s d i ff u s e a n d fo rced i nto a re l a t i o n w i t h f l u ct u at i n g a n d i n d eter­ m i nate wages (and t h e q u es t i o n of wages. For a soc i a l s u bject. s i m u l a t i o n . t h e s a m e p rocess occu rs i n both d i re c t i o n s . does n ' t stop robb i n g . i t w i l l not be d i f­ f i c u l t for us to t race t h i s s e m a n t i c open m i ndedness. Consider t h i s f u rt h e r hypot h e s i s : t h e c reat i o n of a soc i a l i n t e l l igence w h i c h has b e e n rendered u s e l e s s and polyva l e n t may have g i ven rise to the soc i a l poss i b i l ity of s i m u l a t i o n or. affect. o n e c a n not s t ru g g l e against t ra n s i e n ce a n d d i spersion w i t h t h e b l ows of p u rpose a n d c o n s c i e n ce . we m u st relate a few s c e n e s . C o n s i d e r a hypot h e s i s : t h e d i f f u s i o n of t h e s i g n as t h e general eq u iva l e n t of a l l t h i ng s a n d t h e transfer of t h e prod u c t ive i n te l l i g e n ce t o m a c h i nes may i nvolve some rad i c a l i n novat i o n s i n t h e soc i a l forms of l a n g u ag e and t h o u g h t and in t h e f o r m s of l e g a l and j u ri d i c a l c o n t r o l . T h i s e r a w i l l be based o n t h e soc i a l poss i b i l i t i es of f a l sehood. absurd a n d p a radox i c a l behavior that i s i m p roperly c a l led "the p h enomenon of t h e M e t ropo l i tan I nd i a n s . p o l i t i c a l g ro u p s w i t h t h e i r i d e n t i fy i n g s i g n s and t h e i r b a n n e rs) w i t h i n t e l l i g e n c e and s h rewd ness.such a person i s t h e agent of s u bvers i o n s which h ave g reat s i g n i f i cance. t h e com i n g of a n e r a w h i c h replaces t h e bearers of t r u t h d i ­ v i d ed u n i o n s . w a i t i n g w i t h o u t fear for some other determ i n ation of i d e n t i ty at its i n e l u c t a b l e open i n g : th at of deris io n . as i n a f i l m . b u t t h e a n a g r a m . I f we i nves t i g ate th is deve l o p m e n t . is t h e general referent of a l l s i g n s). to t h e prod u ct i o n of s i g n s beyond the l aws g ove rn i n g property and the forms of control i n carn ated i n signs. We hypothes ize. " S i nce a l l t h e " rea l contents" ( t h e referen t s of prod u c t i o n . to t h e h i g hest leve l s of formal l a n g u ages. better. t h at ar­ b i t rari ly i nvents o n e for i t s e l f a n d at t h e same t i m e h a n g s on t h e t h i n t h read of its own p recar i o u s l a n g u ag e . m ov i n g from t h e M a rc h . t h e d ream. I f we n o w w a n t to retrace t h e steps t h a t l eg i t i m ize t h i s hyopthes i s i n t h e even t s w h i c h h a v e a l ready occu rred . Yet w h at i s anathema h e re i s not t h e i ns u l t . the game. e v e n i f w e a l l k n ow t h a t t h e b e s t g a g s c a n not be related. The a n a l y s i s and i n t ro d u c t i o n of transg ress i ve and u n con­ t ro l l a b l e variables i nto c o l l ec t i ve syste m s (wh i c h a re f i c t i o n a l and sympat h e t i c) form p a rt of every good p roject i n t h e i n d u st ry of t h e spectac l e . L e t u s beg i n w i t h a t i t l e : "COSS/NO A SSA SIGA . The nonsense a rg u me n t i s t h e basis of l o g i ca l . on the f ree excha n g e of p rod u cts. a n d ii at­ t r i butes the epith et " m u rderer" (assassino) to Cos s i g a . these m ec h a n i s m s of s i m u la­ tion. by d ef i n it i o n . m u s i c . In w r i t i n g . on t h e other h a n d . a n d .

War i s a lways a n t i c i pated by t h e v i s u a l f u n c t i o n of t h e parade. S u c h p laces a re d es i g n ed w i t h a c e n t ra l p o i n t s i t u ated to m a i n t a i n t h e least d i stance from t h e other p o i n t s a n d . i n t h e i r b a l anced d i m e n s i o n a l i t y a n d i ne x p l i c a b l e s i l e n ce. a l l ud e to fee l i n g s so v i o l e n t t h a t t hey b r u s h a g a i n st cert a i nty (as h a p p e n s i n every we l l­ made f i l m) . in fact. t h e m o s t i m portan t of w h i c h were t h e attacks o n t h e armories i n M arch ( t o s t e a l n o t m e r e l y g u n s . The esca l a t i o n of weapons i s rat h e r s i n g u l a r: t h e M e t ropo l it a n I nd i a n s t h row bags f i l led with water. T h i s day w i l l l o n g be remem bered i n I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l h i story. a l ways seen f ro m above. a n d t hey do not s e i z e t h e m i c rophone. a n d t h e a r m ed i nterve n t i o n s . I t l ies p rec i s e l y i n t h e p l ace o f d i scou rse. yet o n l y the M etropo l i t a n I nd i a n s w i l l rema i n s i l e n t . b u t ten n i s rac q u ets a n d f i s h i n g rods as w e l l ) . I ma g i n e t h e U n iversity of R o m e . M ost E u ropean c i t ies m a i n t a i n t h e a rc h i tecto n i c struct u re of m i l i t a ry 1 04 . the M ovement of 77' or. t h e truck i s eq u i pped with powerf u l l o u d -s peakers. M o re t h a n a h u n d red t h o u sa n d peo p l e responded to t h e ca l l . i n f a c t . to preserve t h e power of c o n t ro l l i n g with o n e ' s gaze every o t h e r p o i n t of t h e p lace i n which one i s pos i t i o n e d . i f you p refer. M a n y o t h e r t h i n g s h a p pened. B u t t h e second i m portant scene i s not t h e batt l e . I ma g i n e t h e en­ trance to t h e pat h s t h a t conso l i date t h e power of a huge truck. l i tera l l y destroy i n g everyt h i n g . now beyond l a w s a n d t h e p u r­ poses that l i n g u i s t i c s ass i g n s i t . The s e c o n d p a rt of o u r s c ree n p lay on t h e M e t ropo l i tan I nd i a n s i s concerned w i t h a n alyzi n g t h e s t r u ct u re of t h i s scene w i t h t h e h u n d red t h o u s a n d extras. The I nd i a n s c h a rg e . even i n u n known l a n g uages. l ocated i n c i r­ c u l a r p l aces (sq u a res or h a l l s w i t h s l o p i n g t iers of seats). t h e arrests. w i t h a p e r i p h e ry w a l l that detaches it f ro m t h e n e i g h bo rhood of S a n Lorenzo a n d e m p h a t i ca l l y c h a racterizes it as a p l ace d e legated f o r i ns t i t u t i o n a l f u n c t i o n s . In September. I t i s g e n e ra l l y a q u es t i o n of h i g h p latforms ( s u c h as t h e t r u c k m e n t ioned earl i e r). d i s pers i n g a n d terroriz i n g t h e u n io n a p paratu s . I t i s a g a i n at t h e s e m a n t i c l eve l that t h e g ro u p ' s p rovocation organ izes t h e en­ cou nter: t h e d a nc i n g M e t ropo l i tan I nd i a n s act u a l l y carry a hanged p u p pet of t h e u n ion sec reta ry d an g l i n g before t h e m l i ke a d e s t royed i mage. a l a n g u ag e w i t h o u t e x p res s i o n .terms t h a t a re p e r h a p s c a r e l e s s . on that day h u n d re d s of s e l f-c r i t i c a l and remorsef u l d i scou rses w i l l be m a d e . and i t i s f o l l owed by h u n­ d reds of u n io n m e m be rs e n l i sted to m a i n ta i n l a w a n d order: it is t h e day f o r t h e meet i n g of t h e C G L ' s secretary genera l 1 at t h e U n iversity of R o m e . war i s t h e coherent deve l o p m e n t of t h e parade. Every p l ace d e l eg ated f o r p o l i t i c a l d i scou rse h a s a struct u re that i s q u ite s i m i l a r to t h e Panopticon d e s c r i bed by M i c h e l Foucau l t i n Discipline and Punish. B u t let u s l eave t h e ex p l a nation of t h i s a n a g r a m m a t i c t i t l e to describe a few scenes w h i c h . f r o m s u bvert i n g t h e d i s c i p l i n e of t h e i r v a l o r izat i o n . The d i s po s i t i o n of m e n a n d t h i ng s i s a lways the resu l t of s t rateg ies for w a r and contro l . t h e very v i o l e n t c lashes w i t h t h e c rowd . a port a b l e p l ace d e l egated for w hoever has pret e n s i o n s to speak. from t h a t day w i l l g u s h rivers o f speeches o n t h e new needs o f t h e you t h f u l s t rata o f t h e pop u l a t i o n . b u t t h ey d o n o t t a k e o v e r t h e p latform o n t h e t r u c k . t h e u n i o n i st s res po n d with t h e s p rays of f i re e x t i n g u i s hers. I n o u r c a s e . b u t u n ­ dou bted l y c o n s i s t e n t . t h e M etropo l i t a n I nd i a n s l a u n c h ed a m a s s meet i n g i n t h e c i ty of B o l o g n a . at all events. t h e a c t i o n w a s t h e i n t ro d u c t i o n of " t h e u n ion l i ne at t h e u n ivers i ty " . anagrammatic s i g n h a s d i s pensed w i t h order: t h e poet i c p leas u re comes d i rect l y f rom v i o l at i n g t h e f u n d a m e n t a l l a w s of h u m a n l a n g u age. a n d t h i s action u n leashes t h e a n g e r o f t h e u n i o n ' s law-and-order g u ard . The a n a g ra m i n t h i s c a s e i s t h e mark of a n a n ­ tag o n i s t i c f o r m .

rather. O n e part of t h e Movement s o u g h t t h e esta b l i s h me n t .of a city fortress (t h e s p o rt s arena). but at t h e same t i m e enter the city of the e n e m y ' s l a n g u a g e . in a pos i t i o n to p l ay-act. At t h e meet i n g i n September a g a i n s t repres s i o n . e n t e red the city. they decided to cont i n u e be­ i n g nomads. A n o t h e r part of the M ovement. without taking t h e m a s a despotic a n d u ny i e l d i n g tot a l ity. pas s i n g out t h e l i t t l e i l l e g a l i t ies t h a t had been p rod u ced for t h e occa s i o n (fake t ra i n t i ckets. T h i s type of sophist i s a f i g u re w h o c a n i n tervene i n l a n g u ages with a n exact a n d d i st i nct act i o n . ex p l o i t i n g a few u p r i g h t s c u l p t u res in a s m a l l s q u a re.camps and med i eva l f o rt resses. c o n d u c t i n g d i s c u s s i o n s a n d s e m i nars in t h o u s a n d s of s m a l l g ro u p s . create p a radoxes. to e n t e r and l eave the w a l l s . i n a pos i t i o n to s i m u late. t h e war s o n g t h a t G reek c o m b a t a n t s s an g d ed i c a t i n g themselves to deat h .i n t h e o r d e r of s i g n s a n d d i scou rse . b u t rat h e r effec­ t i n g t h e meta m o r p h o s i s of t h e m . A n d this break i n t h e scope of t h e s t r u g g l e i s at o n c e a b reak i n l a n g u age a n d t h e forms of t h e e n c o u nter. u nd e r porticoes. because t h e i r enterprise i s n o l o n g e r prod u c i n g metaphors f o r i n st i t u t i o n s . etc. si t ­ tin g a ro u n d . b u t perhaps i t i s m o re correct to ca l l t h e m sop h i sts. about 8000 peo p l e . keys to open t e l e p h o n e co i n boxes a n d t raff i c l i g h t s . I t was a s p orts arena.e v e n i f o n l y to rema i n s i l e n t . They wanted to c o m p e l I t a l i a n youth to reck o n w i t h w a g e s . was d iv i d ed and c l ashed a m o n g t h e m s elves. One part of the M ove­ m e n t chose as its own territory a c i rc u l a r l ocat i o n w i t h s l o p i n g seats t h a t s u r­ rounded a central p l atform. s l e e p i n g anywhere i n t h e s t reets. s mo k in g. a n d d i sappear once aga i n . convey i n g f u r n i t u re a n d c h a i rs o u t d oors. t h e " n ew" bas t i o n of t h e f u t u re peo p l e . b u t a l so to f o rce t h e m a l l to rea l ize t h a t t h e M ovement i s t i red of reckon i n g merely with m oney. sabotage. f a l s ify. t h e re was a s u peri m po s i t i o n of two g ro u p s of peo p l e and two d i fferent c i t ies of l a n g u a g e . T h e M e t ropo l i tan I nd i a n s h ave stopped u s i n g the metaphor of wages. to master d iverse l a n g u a g es as the s i tu a t i o n d e m a n d s . a p lace d e s i g n ated for a t h l e t i c (agonis tiche) eve n t s (agonism ety m o l o g i ca l ly d erives from agon. ) T h i s part of t h e M ove­ m e n t . i n rea l i ty t h e m a r k of a n o l d pass i o n for c o l lect i n g i m ported practices.). We h ave t e r m e d t h e m n o m a d s . The majority or. c reat i n g a n e n o r m o u s c u rta i n .a c i t y t hat i s a l ways s t re n g t h e n i n g i t s f o r t i f i c a t i o n s . i t i s a conseq u e n ce of the rel a t i o n to wages (wage s ' g e n e r a l e q u ivalence w i t h t h e r e s t of t h i ng s . . Thus a very i nterest i n g s i t u a t i o n was c reated . d ru g s . This gift i s of cou rse not i n nate. t h e rema i n i n g p a rt of t h e M ovement chose n o t to est a b l i s h a city. a p o l i t i c a l s o l u t i o n is represented by a w r i t t e n m o t i o n a p proved by a majori ty). the majority. s m a s h i n g c h a i rs over o n e a n o t h e r ' s heads a n d f a i l i n g to a r rive at a n y s o l u t i o n ( g e n e ra l ly . s l ee p i n g . exact l y l i ke l a n g u age).

t h e same rhyt h m i c breat h i n g as t h a t we f i nd in o u r own l ives and i n t h e p hases of o u r col­ lect i ve study. s hortc i rc u ited b y t h e med i a ' s d i ff u s i o n . The program w h i c h g u ides and w i l l g u i d e t h e M ovement aims at giving t h e i r p rojects t h e same prec i s i o n as a k n i tted work. f a l s i f icat i o n . For a brief t i me. not b o u n d to the criteria of p rofessiona l i s m . a n d that we a re all I nd i a n s . t h e same organ izat i o n as our emo­ t i o n a l relations. as a lways i l l e g a l b u t never c l a ndest i ne. t h e d i s placement. t h e same col lective part i c i pa t i o n as a common home. a hypostasi s . t hey w i l l b e a n d a re format i o n s w h i c h c a n b e constructed as t h e need a r ises a n d d isso lved i m mediately after. i t i s s u bjectively not o b l i g ated to any determ i nation of i d e n t ity. We can foresee th at t h e forms of t h e organ izat i o n . What i s left for u s to d o before conc l u d i n g i s f i n a l l y to forget about t h e Metropo l itan I nd i a n s a n d o n c e agai n p reven t a M ovement f rom beco m i n g a fe t i s h . T h e i m med i ate steps to be taken by t h ose t h e press has d u bbed t h e M e t ropo l i t a n I nd i a n s is t h e p rod u c t i o n of p rojects in t h e f i e l d of s i m u l at i o n . t h e revo l u t i o n of ex i s t i n g rel a t i o n s i s no l o n g e r t h e prerog a t i ve of capital and its acc u m u l ated i n te l l i gence. t h e i rreal ity. t h e same ra n g e as o u r j o u rneys. w i l l not be precisely symbo l i c . a n d t hat i t i s everyw h e re a n d nowhere. i t i s i ntersected a n d made l a byri n t h i ne so as to be ren d e red i nd ef i n a ble. notw i t h st a n d i n g a l l t h e Len i n i s m of t hose w h o b i d e t h e i r t i me. correspo n d i n g to w h oever l eaves his own d i s t i n ct i ve marks. L u c i a n o Lama i s t h e sec retary of t h e G e n e r a l Confederat i o n of W o r k e r s . b u t even before t h i s . Transla ted by La wrence Venuti I . There w i l l a lways be factories to conceal t h e fact that p rod uction i s dead. even t h ou g h c landest i n e g ro u p s can f l oat around w i t h i n i t . and w h i c h i s at t h e same time not c la ndest i ne. c l ose to t h e I C P i l/1 -2 Photos: Marion Scemama 1 06 . A n u n­ foreseen vari a b l e has been c reated i n t h e I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l scene: a soc i a l sector w h i c h i s i l l e g a l m o re in its behavior than In i t s relation to wages. We f o l l ow t h e momen­ tum of o u r p rojects with o u r song a n d occ u py o u rse lves with other t h i n g s . a n d paradox. T h i s sector i n not red u ced a n d not red u c i b l e to t h e p rod uct ive o rder. Rather. There w i l l a lways be a n i ma l reserves a n d I nd i a n reservat i o n s to conceal t h e fact t h a t t h e a n i ma l s a re dead.

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1 977). . s e m i . t h e a u t hor.O t h e r forms of p rotest p rove. a s e m i -t o l e rated .e n co u raged . e .w hatever its scope . y o u t h . . T h e P ro l i fe ra t i o n o f M a rg i n s Fe l ix G u a tt a ri Fel i x G u attar i . . on t h e o t h e r h a n d . " T h e fron t i ers act u a l l y rem a i n b l u r red and u n s t a b l e both i n t i me a n d in space. . . f o r State power. a n d a m i n i m a l capacity to a d a p t to t h e new f o r m s of sens i b i l i­ ty and to t h e new t y pes of h u m a n re lat i o n s h i ps w h i c h are " m ut at i n g " h e re a n d t here ( i . f o r h ie rarchy.I n teg rated world c a p i t a l i s m does not aim at a syste m a t i c a n d g e n e ra l ized repress i o n of the workers. It is i m poss i b l e to t race a c le a r and d ef i n i te b o u n d a ry between t h e rec u pera b l e m a rg i n a l s a n d other types of m a rg i n a l i t i es o n the way to t r u l y " m o l e c u l a r revo l u t i o n s . women. T h e rea l q u est i o n i s w h e t h e r this p h e n o m e n o n f i na l ly w i l l re­ m a i n on the o u t s k i rts of soc iety . . to be m u c h m o re d a n g e ro u s to t h e e x t e n t th at t h ey t h reaten t h e esse n t i a l re l at i o n s h i ps on w h i c h t h i s system i s based (t h e respect f o r work. ). m i n o r i t ies . together w i t h G i l les Deleuze. ) U nd e r t h e s e con d i ­ t i o n s . . e x p l o i t a t i o n by advert i s i n g of t h e " d i scoveries" of t h e m a rg i n a l s . of A n ti-Oedipus ( R i c hard Seaver Books. for t h e re l i g i o n of cons u m pt i o n . The means of p rod u c t i o n on w h i c h i t rests w i l l i n d eed ca l l for a f l ex i b i l i t y i n relat i o n s h i ps of p rod u c t i o n a n d i n soc i a l re l a t i o n s . .o r w h e t h e r it w i l l p u t i t 1 08 . a n d co-opted p rotest cou l d w e l l be a n i n t r i n s i c p a r t of t h e s y s t e m . has taken an active part in t h e defense of the i m pri soned I t a l i a n i n ­ t e l l ec t u a l s . relat ive t o l e ran c e w i t h regard to t h e zones of la issez-fa ire . .

and of t ra n s m i s s i o n of va r i o u s f o r m s of power. I s n ' t t h i s a case o f " re t u rn to"? B u t w h a t i s a t i s s u e h e re i s t h e p romot i o n o f a new Cors ica. s k i l led workers u n happy w i t h t h e k i n d of w o r k i m posed on t h e m . a n d thus u nderm i n e o l d e r re l at i o n s h i ps to p rod u c­ t i o n . as wel l as t hose of the n a t i o n a l i sts. e t c . over territories. or w i l l t hey u n d e rgo p rofou n d transformations? 1 09 . .u p s . t h e y o u n g etc. of homogen izat i o n . i n o r d e r to a p p reciate t h e poss i b i l i t ies for revo l u t i o n a ry t ra n sformat i o n s d u r i n g t h e peri od to come: . or not h i n g w i l l be poss i b l e. a new B r i t a n n y .What w i l l be t h e f o r m of res istance of t h e m o re t rad i t i o n a l sectors w h i c h f i nd t hemse lves s q u eezed by t h e p resent evo l u t i o n of i n teg rated world c a p i t a l i s m ? W i l l t h e u n i o n a n d t h e trad i t i o n a l l e f t i s t part ies a l low t h e m se lves t o b e m a n i p u l ated and co-opted i n def i n i t e l y by modern c a p i ta l i s m . b u t a l s o . a s we l l a s a new Sa rce l l es. and world c a p i ta l i s m w i l l always reg a i n t h e u p p e r h a n d . m e n t a l pat i e n t s . w i l l not cease t o g a i n mome n t u m . For i n stance. w i l l a l l t hese m i c ro-revo l u t i o n s f i n a l l y i n i t i ate a rea l revo l u t i o n ? W i l l th ey be a b l e to take c h a r g e of not o n l y local prob l e m s . meets a col lect ive a s p i rat i o n for a new means of ex­ pres s i o n . The " obj ective" l i nes of dete r r i t o r i a l izat i o n are i rrevers i b l e. rad i c a l l y i n to q u estion . " power over re lat ives. i n the next few years. b u t a l s o ad m i n i s t rat ive larger eco n o m i c co n f i g u ra t i o n s ? . . power over work.W i l l i nteg rated world c a p i t a l i s m s u cceed in fou n d i n g a soc i a l order accepted by t h e g reatest n u m b e r of peo p l e and i m p l y i n g a n accen t u a t i o n of soc i a l s e g rega­ tion? Ca p i t a l .For t h e last decade " batt l e l i nes" w i d e l y d if ferent f r o m t hose w h i c h p rev i o u s l y c h a racterized t h e t rad i t i o n a l workers' movement h ave not ceased to m u l t i p l y : ( i m ­ m i g ra n t workers. for exa m p l e . ) . t h e s t r u g g l e for s e l f-dete r m i n a t i o n in Cors i ca. in p a rt i c u l a r t h e m i n i a t u rizat i o n of t ra n s m i tters and t h e fact t h at t he y can be " t i n ke red with" by a m a t e u r s . t h e body. T h i s power can p reva i l o n l y to t h e extent t h a t a n overw h e l m i n g maj o r i ty o f i n d i v i d u a l s n o t o n l y part i c i pate i n i t . society. . W h a t c h aracterizes t h e " m o l e c u l a r " h e re is t h e fact t h a t th e Jines of fligh t m erge with th e objective lines of deterritoria liza tion of t h e s y s tem a n d c reate a n i r revers i b l e asp i ra t i o n for new s paces of l i berty. b u t a l so u n consc i o u s l y ad h e re to i t . that is. T h e reversal of m o d e r n cap i ta l i s m i nvolves not o n l y t h e s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t materi a l b o n ­ d a g e a n d v i s i b l e forms of rep ress i o n . in t h e West as in t h e East. a cap i t a l ist v i r u s . i s not h i n g m o re than t h e c a p i t a l of power. t h e cosmos . T h e tec h no l o g i c a l evol u t i o n . t hat i s . ecolog i s t s . . to n a t u re. t h e e l d e r l y . . esta b l i s h u n d e r g rou n d . t h e crea t i o n o f m a n y a l ternat ive set. n a t i on a l i sts. We m u s t make t h e best of " p ro g ress" in s c i e n c e and t ec h n o l ogy.revo l u t i o n s . t ra n sve rsa l con­ nections a m o n g t h e m se lves.N u merous factors m u st be c o n s i d ered b o t h "objec t i ve l y " a n d on t h e l e v e l o f new soc i a l p ract i ces. . i t i s c l e a r t h a t . . homosex u a l s . a power of s u bj u ga­ tion. t h ese p rofou n d exa m i n a t i o n s of t h e relat i o n s h i p s w i t h i n soc iety o n l y rema i n d i v i ded i n to l i m i ted s p h e res of t h e soc i a l arena? O r w i l l a new "soc i a l segmentat i o n " manage t o c o n n ect t h e m w i t h o u t i m po s i n g h i e rar­ chy a n d seg reg a t i o n ? In s h o rt . over-ex p l o i ted wome n . . ) . f r o m t h e o u t s e t . to t ra nsc e n d e n ce . . B r i t a n n y .A l l t h i s a m o u n t s to a s k i n g w h e t h e r we w i l l be a b l e to g o beyo nd t h e various utopias of " re t u r n t o ' : Return to t h e sou rces. B u t w i l l t h e i r objectives become j u st a n o t h e r " d e m a n d " accepta b l e to the system? O r w i l l vectors of molecu l a r revo l u ­ t i o n beg i n to p ro l i f e rate beh i n d t h e m ? ( U n l ocata b l e on t h e dom i n a n t coord i nates. a mode of s e m i o t izat i o n . over t h e fam i l y. T h e d e m a n d s of t h e m i n o r i t i e s . ( Power over goods. . etc .W i l l these m i c ro. sex. . ) O n l y t h e a p pearance of new ways of re l a t i n g to t h e world a n d to soc iety w i l l a l t e r t h e i nd iv i d u a l ' s " l i b i d i n a l f i x a t i o n " to c a p i t a l a n d to i t s va r i o u s crysta l l izat i o n s o f power. a new Yve l i nes . S h a m e l e s s l y rew r i t i n g t h e past on t h e p l o t of an open f u t u re. t h e " i n fe r i o r s . t h e f a m i l y . t h e u ne m p l oyed. over s u bo rd i nates.). ( A n exam­ ple of one of t h ese l i nes of f l i g h t : t h e Free R a d i o s . can be carri ers of a cert a i n type of State Power. t h ey p rod u c e their own axes of reference.

to t h e f l atte n i n g o u t a n d rep ress i o n of d e s i res in their s i n g u l a r i t y . t h a t i s . the s o l u t i o n to the I t a l i a n p r o b l e m does not b e l o n g to t h e soc i a l i sts. savi n g t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . H e re aga i n we f i n d t h e w i t h e r i n g a w a y of o p p os i t i o n s between p rod u c t ive. c o m m u n i s t s . 1 9 1 7.They w i l l ref u s e to separate exc h a n g e va l u e . A l l a n swers re m a i n eq u a l l y o p e n now . a n d f o r m a t i o n capsu l e c o n s t i t u ted by t h e f a m i ly a n d i t s ad m i n i s t ra­ t i o n . It makes use of tool-mac h i nes as w e l l as c o m p u ters. C lose to t h e most q u oti- dian rea l i ty. even i rred u c i b l e a n t ag o n i s m s . ( E n d of t h e m y t h of t h e Pou t i lof factory revo l u t i o n a r i e s . . .s u bject of t h e s t ru g g l e and t h e m e a n s by w h i c h t h e w h o l e "of mass move m e n t s " w i l l be o r i ented.They w i l l not be focu sed o n l y on a n avant-g a rd e party conceived of as t h e t h i n k i n g . s c i e n t i f i c . I t l i ke w i s e i m p l ies t h e m a i n t e n a n c e .They w i l l not be focused s o l e l y o n the work i n g . a n d c u l t u ra l l abor. a specific desire. Cont rad i c t i o n s . .i n d u st r i a l -q u a l i f ied-w h i te. T h e most refo r m i st as well as t h e most revo l u ­ tionary parties and splinter groups (groupuscule) who specify their objective uni­ q u e l y as t h e " s e i z u re of State po l i t i c a l power" c o n d e m n t h e m s e lves to powerlessness. d a i l y l i fe. . .m a l e­ ad u l l c l asses. . . . They w i l l a g a i n p u t i n to q u es t i o n t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . m a le-f e m a l e a n d c h i l d -ad u l t relat i o n s h i ps. I t i s i n separable f r o m t h e mou l d i n g of t h e work-force. " i s m o re a n d m o re c u t off f rom t h e i n terests a n d d e s i res of i n d i v i d u a l s . esse n t i a l l y the b u rd e n of women . I t s d i fferent c o m p o n e n t s w i l l each e l a borate. use value a n d d es i re value. For i n s tan ce. domestic l i fe. . . beg i n n i n g w i t h c h i l d " l abor" f rom i t s earl iest years. they w i l l aga i n p u t i n to q u est i o n t h e goals of work a n d t h e refore of l e i s u re time a n d of c u l t u re. . t h e spec i f i c point of view of w o m e n w i t h regard to t h e m a l e-d o m i nated movements. .It is i m poss i b l e to p red ict w hat form s of s truggle and organiza tion t h e revo l u ­ t i o n j u st beg i n n i n g w i l l a s s u m e i n t h e f u t u re. T h ey w i l l be m u l t i -centered. to t h e loss of the m ea n i n g of l i fe.) H e re c o n t rad i c t i o n does not paral yze a c t i o n . i n t h e i r ow n rhyt h m . Their d i fferent com­ ponents w i l l in n o way be req u i red to ag ree o n everyt h i n g . o r a u t o n o m i s t s ! I t i m p l i es a move m e n t of s t ru g g l e deve l o p i n g i n a m i n i m u m of fou r or f ive E u ropean c o u n t r i e s . .T h e y w i l l not be focu sed o n a s i n g l e t heoret i c a l bod y . b u t p roves t h a t a s i n g u l a r pos i t i o n .Soc i a l prod u ct i o n . .to a system a t i c over-va l o r izat i o n of i nd u st r i e s w h i c h c o m p ro m i se t h e very f u t u re of the h u m a n species (armaments race. w i l l be a l l owed to co-ex i s t .T h ey w i l l not be focused on q u a n t i ta t i ve objectives. w h i c h i s in the p resent o p p ress ive cond i t i o n s .) P ro­ d u c t i o n today c a n i n n o way be i d e n t i f ied w i t h heavy i n d u s t ry.to a n u nd e r-est i ma t i o n of the esse n t ial u se-va l u es ( h u n g e r in the w o r l d . ). These separat i o n s const i t u t e a n essen t i a l s u p port f o r power form a t i o n s c l osed i n u po n t h e m se lves a n d for m i n g h i e ra rc h i es u p o n w h i c h c a p i ta l i s m a n d soc i a l se g regat i o n a r e based . between m a n u a l and i n t e l lect u a l l abor.T h ey w i l l not be focu sed on n a t i o n a l f rameworks. the concept i o n of t i m e . . i s p u t i n q u e s t i o n . . 1 10 . rep rod u c t i o n . a n d leads: . n u c l e a r reac t i o n s . ( F o r exa m p l e . o r to speak the same stereot y p i c a l l a n g u age. u nd e r t h e control of c a p i t a l ist a n d tec h n oc rat i c " e l ites. t h e mean i n g of l i fe . . . o n t h e i r own leve l . ). . . Today every perspective of stru g g l e form u l ated o n l y w i t h i n a n a t i o n a l framwork a n n u l s i t s e f f i cacy in advance. soc i a l set u ps as w e l l as tech n i co-sc i e n t i f i c k n ow-how. t h e i r ow n modes o f s e m i o t i za t i o n i n order to def i n e a n d o r i e n t t h e i r act i o n . they w i l l i n vo lve soc i a l g ro u p s w h i c h overflow all national b o u n d a r i e s .

U nd e r t hese cond i t i o n s . and a f u l l acknow l e d g e m e n t of d e s i res o n a l l l ev el s o f society have become i n se p a ra b l e . t h e p e rspective of revo l u t i o n a ry t ra n sformat i o n s . the col­ l e c t i ve re-a p p r o p r i a t i o n of d a i l y l i fe. Tra n s lated by R i c ha rd G a r d n e r & Syb i l W a l k e r i l/1 F e l i x G uattari I n " l ndeces" V i d eo/photo: Seth Tilet .

"off-t he-books" l a bor. p ro­ f o u n d l y varied. was ar­ rested in J u ne . w h i c h const i t u tes a n a u t o n o m o u s and powerf u l means for u nd e rsta n d i n g the tota l i ty of t h e p rod u ct i o n process. To u nd e rsta n d t h i s pro l i ferat i o n of t h e concrete a n d t h e different w i t h i n soc i a l ized labor req u i res a conste l l a t i o n of materia l i s t i c concepts w h i c h a r e tota l l y detached f r o m t h a t universality c h a racteris t i c of t h e " g eneral eq u iva l e n t " a n d w h i c h a r e n o t u sed as t h e bases or s y n t h e s i z i n g elements for t h e a c t u a l processes of l i berat i o n . b u t rather a l l t h e aspects of t h e activity of t hese i nd iv i d u a l s w h o f i n d t h e m s e l ves i n oppos i t i o n to t h a t d ef i n i t io n . The "tec h n i ca l -sc i e n t i f i c i n t e l lect".not red u c i b l e to any w h o l e .w i t h i n which d i me n s i o n t h e re i s no f u rther d i s t i n c t i o n between "complex" a n d " s i m p le" l a bor. may be s e e n as parts . t h o u g h the concept of i m med iate p rod u c t i o n is 112 . e t c . As far as soc i a l c h a n g e i s concerned.of a composite prax i s i n w h i c h prod u c t i o n a n d e m a n c i pation are i ntertw i ned. The d i rectly soc i a l d i men­ s i o n of labor. W h a t c o u n t s i s t h e q u a l i tative c o n s i stency. of t h e i r "doi n g " . d i fferent t h a n t h a t based on t h e exch a n g e of eq u iva l e n t v a l u e s . T h i s praxis cannot be u nderstood t h ro u g h a n i d e n t i ty p ri n c i p l e found­ ed on categories of commod i ty. t h e fem i n ist movem e n t . what c o u n t s more a n d m ore i s not t h e c o m m o n l y accepted def i n it i o n of l abor force. y o u n g proletarians. D re a m e rs of a S u cc e s s f u l L i fe P a o l o V i rn o Paolo V i rno. The prat ices and t h e l a n g u ages adopted by t h e M ovement seem to s u g g est an a l ternate type of s o c i a l izat i o n . T h u s i t i s t h e e m p i r i c a l ­ percept i b l e determ i n ateness of h u man l a b o r . t h e spec i f i c q u a l itative r i c h ness of l abor's use va l u e . 1 979. a m e m b e r of Metropoli.

sepa rat i o n between p rod u c t i o n a n d the a s s i g n i n g of value. need s . on t h e other h a n d .l abor exchange. tec h n i q u es. i n rea l ity. l a n g u ages. w i t h o u t a n y rec i p rocal c o n n e c t i o n : on t h e o n e h a n d t h e p rax i s of l a bor. W h a t i s req u i red f o r i n te ract ion between i n d i v i d u a l s to f l o w freely i s . t h ey perceive t h e p r i n c i p a l route for a d i a l ec t i c of l i berat i o n . m o re s i g n i f i ca n t th an t h e q u a n t i f i cation a n d t h e e q u iva l ent-as s i g n i n g w h i c h p reva i l i n exchange system s . d i v i ded d o w n t h e m id d l e b u t conceived u n d e r a s i n g l e head i n g as t h e i m pa rt i n g of va l u e ( a n d t h u s . i n the e n d . t h e i r eq u ivalents determ i ned. In s h o rt: in the rea l m of p rod u c t i o n . "pure " socia liza tion. t h e d i st i nct ive as pect of t h i s fantasy-l a n d soc i a l ization i s a sort of " s t r u g ­ g l e for recog n i t i o n " on t h e part of u n h a p py m i nd s : u n rep ressed i n d ivid u a l ity m u st be e m b raced w i t h a l l needs a n d desi res by other i nd i v i d u a l ities. if o n l y on t h e letters-to-the-ed i t o r p a g e of t h e newspaper. boils do wn to the demands for a "fair ex­ change ". g ives rise to an ext raor­ PAIN F U L MYTH O F d i n ary b u rgeo n i n g of i d e o l ogy. d e t a c h e d from t h e s p here of material a c t i v i t y and by SOCIALIZATION" d e s i g n not re lated to the h i storical forms by w h i c h n a t u re i s a p propriated. I f bod ies cont i n u e t o b e meas u re d . w h i c h constra i n s a n d i n h i b i t s rec i p rocal recog n i t i o n i n relat i o n s h i ps based o n d o m i n a t i o n . or " i n s t r u m e n t a l act i o n " a n d "com m u n i cative act i o n " .tota l l y d e v o i d of rela­ t i o n s h i ps. a sanct i o n i n g of the u ncontested hegemony of exchange va l u e . In short. b u t rather. t h a t i s to say. f ree relat i o n s h i p s based o n d ia log between peo p l e w h o g ra n t e a c h other " re c i p rocal recog n i t i o n " as bearers of pet i t i o n s for e m a n c i p a t i o n . or one which will not make the warm-blooded in terior space of in- 1 13 . A n t ag o n i s m i s de-mate r i a l ized a n d constantly red uced to t h e past i m e of c r i t i c a l ref l e c t i o n on the i na u t h e n t i c ity of d a i ly l i fe. labor a g i t a t i o n has not affected t h e forms of t h e p rod u c t i o n p rocess.a n d o n e w i l l d o u bt l ess f i n d for a l o n g t i m e t o come-a s t r i k i n g g a p between a move m e n t w h i c h re-p rod uces i t s e l f d a i l y i n t h e p rocess of l a bor a n d t h e s e l f-ex p ress i o n o f th at movement. I n f a c t .i n this c o n f u sed pot of idology-as two tota l ly separated poles. a criterion for u n dersta n d i n g w h i c h i s n o t a t a l l retrog rade.makes of u s e va l u e. brou g h t about t h ro u g h i nterac t i o n : a g i t a t i o n . H owever. the p r i n c i pa l c h a racter i s t i c of w h i c h i s a p i n i ng f o r A "PU RE a " p u re " soc i a l izat i o n .b u t t hese prom i ses a re a l ways bet rayed by t h e esse n t i a l i neq u ity of t h e se l l i n g and b u y i n g relat i o ns h i p w h i c h p reva i l s between c a p i t a l and the labor force. t h e n t h e poss i b i l ity of reac h i n g a n o n ­ m u t i l ated soc i a l i za t i o n seems to l i e i n a n i n d e f i n ite e x p a n s i o n of i n terpers o n a l re l at i o n s h i ps . M e n a n d w o m e n . Work and i nterac t i o n . i n t h e rea l m of d i st r i b u t i o n on ly. that i s . "OUT OF DELICACY The conseq uence of this " i m passe" i s that t h e ret h i n k i ng for p u r poses of eman­ I HAVE FOR FEITE D c i pation of t h e re l at i o ns h i p between labor a n d soc i a l izat i o n .a n d h e re one may t h i n k of t h e p a rabo l a t raced by t h e " g reat d isorder" of 1 97 7 . i f they con t i n u e to be mortified by t h e c a p i t a l . Dr e a m e r s of a s u ccess f u l l i fe perceive in t h e p rocess of labor t h e means to escape from t h e i r d ream l a n d . it h a p p e n s . operat i n g as m o n o l og).as far as t h e a c t i v i t y o f t h e i n d iv i d u a l i s concerned . in t h e backg rou n d l oo m s the a l l-powerf u l category of com mod ity-form (the c r i s i s of w h i c h i s not perceived i n the rea l m of p rod u c t ion). O n e f i n d s . i nstead of a r r i v i n g at MY LI FE" OR: THE a transformed a n d e n r i ched conception of p rod u c t i o n . and tastes t h a t a re antag o n i s t i c to the ass i g n i ng of va l u e. " post-G a l i l e a n " . a red i s covery of u s e v a l u e . i n t h e p rod u c t i o n of material g o o d s a n d i n t h e s c i e n t i f i c a p pa rat u s needed for s u c h p ro­ d u ct i o n . of p h y s i c a l ity. factory workers and m a rg i n a l workers of every s pecies.t h at t h e n e w l e v e l atta i ned by t h e soc i a l izat ion of l a b o r may not c o m e to be m a n i fested i n t h e m i l ie u f r o m w h i c h i t s p r a n g . w h i c h q u ite o f t e n i s s i t u ated " e l sewhere". t h e p a rt­ l y e m p l oyed and the p a rt l y u ne m p l oyed . a l l derive from t h e i r a rt i c u l ated presence w i t h i n the system of p rod u c t i o n a welter of i ns i g h t s . m od i f i ed . are seen . which is irreleva n t or in­ adequate in defining the praxis of labor. behavior. and has not been able to attack in a w i d e-ra n g i n g and s i g n i f i ca n t way t h e l i n k bet­ ween the f u n c t i o n i n g of c a p i t a l i s t management and the f u n c t i o n i n g of coord i n a­ t i o n as exerci sed by t h e " g e neral ized i n t e l l ec t " . i n the t a n g i b l e-yet b l oc ked a n d i nc o m p lete. t h e m a i ntenance of t h a t u n ivers a l ity a n d e q u ivalence of va l u e s prom i sed b y t h e system of e q u iva l e n t e x c h a n g e .

E t h i c a l M a rx i s m . t h e p retense of ded u c i n g t h e transformed form of l abor i n a "society of confederated p rod ucers" t h ro u g h stu­ dying t h e a rt i c u l a t i o n a n d t h e q u a l ity of soci a l needs amounts to repeat i n g the p o i n t of view fou n d in t h e g reat bourgeois ideolog ies and a p p l y i n g it to the 1 14 . bri n g i n g no s u bsta n t i a l c h a nges to t h e m . c a n not avoi d paperi n g over t h e rel at i o n s h i p w h i c h exists between c r i t i q u e s of c a p i t a l is t i c eco n o m i c f o r m s a n d t h e compos i t i o n of s u bjectivity. N evert h e l ess.a n d p l an n i ng-oriented n a t u re of l a bor. act u a l "dete r­ m i nations of va l u e " are at t h e bottom of t h e p r i n c i pa l Marxian categories. as a n t h ro p o l o g i c a l categories of val ue . t h a t i s t h e dependence of t h e system on t h e h i storical f o r m of l a bor. The point i s t h i s: i f o n e cannot detect i n t h e fabric of a g i t a t i o n t h e ready poss i b i l i· ty for a soc i a l izat i o n w h i c h is no l o n g e r reg u l ated by t h e market p l ace. A " j u s t " exch a n g e t h u s rep resen t s a f i n a l . t h e n . " T h e s e needs. " I n h i s works . caref u l l y refra i n s f r o m conf i n i ng t h e n e w needs to some u nspec i f ied expansion of c o n s u m e r i s m a n d i n stead strives to read t h e m i n rel a t i o n to a rec o n s i d e red a p p rec i a t i o n of t h e goal. or l a bor "as s u bj ectivity " . i n t h e vari o u s con notat i o n s w i t h w h i c h M arx e m p l oys t h e term " need " . becomes rat h e r i n effective as a means of c r i t i q u i n g from w it h i n t h e f u l l wei g h t of econo m i c categories. " t h e p r i n c i p a l tendency i s to consider concepts of need a s extra-econ o m i c . " H e l l e r writes. H e l ler. W h a t i s a l most a l ways i g n o red i s t h e HELLER CASE more or less c o m p lete lack of autonomy of t h e " system of needs " . preferr i n g to cons i g n t h e l a t ­ ter to a " theory of v a l u e s " . w h i c h become t h e true privi l eged seat of s u bjectivity rega i ned. i n no w a y u nd e r m i nes t h e u n iversa l l y preva i l i ng system of wage-ea r n i n g l a bor. she cannot h e l p fee l i ng that t h e " c o u n ter-econ o m y " .has detected . t h a t i s . cannot help b u t pay t h e price of its e t h i c a l a n d an­ t h ropolog i c a l ori g i n s. who as p i re to a com m u n ication-c i rc u l a t i o n f reed from d o m i nation rel a t i o n s h i ps. is n o t capable of envisaging the degree of liberty which can result from the use of violence as a function specific to the further s ocia liza­ tion of labor.a n d t h e exam p l e i s s i g n i f icant beca use of t h e w e i g h t w h i c h her t heses h ave carried w i t h o u r c o m ra d es . I DEOLOGY. u n l ike m a n y of h e r readers. The ideology of libera tion. a n d as s u c h . The system of bas i c needs. twisted i l l us i o n t h a t t h e abstract f o r m i n w h i c h wea l t h i s produced i s be i n g recon c i led to t h e d i s parate n a t u res of i n d iv i d u a l s . p reci s e l y because i t i s s i t u ated in a space struct u ra l l y d i ffere n t than that occ u p i ed by the " real abstrac t i o n s " of capita l i st society. b u t i n stead based d i rectly on l a bor. B u t t h i s transcen d e n t a l conception of n e e d s . she l i m its herse l f t o d ef i n i n g marg i n a l spaces w i t h i n w h i c h a renewed "system of e t h i c a l c o n d u c t " can be c u l t u red. M ore genera l l y . constitute t h e foundations necessary for a s u perior organ izati o n of p rod u c t i o n . for exa m p le . M s . So there is no reason to be a s tonished tha t this version of socia liza tion does n o t con templa te the use of violence: given tha t such socia liza tion comes in to being a lready "separa te ". t h e c l ea r presence of a " j u d g e m e n ta l " a p p roach i n eco n o m i c c r i t i q u es : accord i n g to H e l ler. T h i s overs i g h t i s f o u n d e v e n i n t h e m o s t penet rat i n g a u t h o rs. prec i s e l y because t hey b u rst o u t of a n d transcend t h e narrow b o u n daries of t h ose c o n c e p t s f o u n d i n p o l i t i c a l eco n o m ics. frozen in the purity of those guaran tees which have been given to workers. h i storical-p h i l osoph i c a l categories. taken as the possess i o n of the power and the s k i l l to pro­ d u ce. NEEDS AN D A l so entwi ned i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n perspective a p pear to be " theories of n eeds " . dividuals seem worthless.with agita tion and libera tion campaigns constituting an a u tonomous universe-it does n o t even conceive the need to define-precisely by means of violence. THE vari o u s l y construed w i t h i n t h e movement. to w h i c h her w r i t i n g s i m p l i c i t l y refer.the separa tion between an­ tinomical elemen ts present in production. H e l ler. e v e n i n t h e most u p-to-date vers i o n s . not suscept i b l e to def i n i t i o n w i t h i n t h e econ o m i c syst e m . rather.t h e n i t i s i nevitable that the re l at i o ns h i p bet­ ween labor and soc i a l ization s h o u l d cont i n u e to be med iated by the d i s t r i b u t i o n a s p e c t . a n d i nstead is l i m ited t o coex istence w i t h these categories.

rep l a c i n g t h i s c h a racter w i t h t h e eq u a l l y a n t h ropolog i c a l m o d e l of a n i nd i v i d u a l r i c h i n rad ic al needs. A n d .s i l e n t o r vociferous. T h u s t hey t u rned f rom t h e market p l ace to l a bor: the o m n i present exc h a n g e of p rod ucts i s such that t h e i nd iv i d u a l no l o n g e r works for his own concrete need. W h e n t h e accent is p laced e m ph a t i c a l l y on t h e antagon i s t i c i m m ed iacy of needs. one loses sight prec i s e l y of t h at "expanded rep rod u c t i o n " of t h e p reva i l i n g soc i a l relat i o n s h i ps . � � . in f i x i n g t h e rel at i o n s h i p between needs a n d l a bor. From t h e beg i n n i ng . for H e g e l a n d S m i t h . t h e n i t i s c l e a r that soc i a l needs n o l o n g e r represent e i t h e r t h e p o i n t of departu re or t h e p o i n t of arrival f o r t h e p rocess of prod u c t i o n . � t . T h e refore: the needs of paid labor consist in the reproduction of paid labor. w h i c h i s i m p l i c i t i n t h e "system of needs" th at has evolved from t h e abstract i o n of value. Peo p l e p rod uce g e n e r a l wea l t h so t hat t h e y can gain possess io n s of i t s toke n . s p ec i f i c theme of t h e t ra n s i t io n to com m u n is m . LABOR AND NEE DS: M arx. Q u i t e early. g iven that t h i s g e n e ra l eq u ivalent is t h e s p ec i f i c p rod u c t of p a i d l a bor. M oney as goal h e re becomes t h e means for t h e g e n e r a l laboriosity. Hegel and S m i t h p o i n ted u n hesitat i n g l y to t h e i n f i n ite m u l t i p l ication a n d spec i f ication of needs a s t h e d i s t i n ct ive tra i t of post-feu d a l society. of t h e l a b o r force taken as goods. The q u a l ity of t h e need cond i t i o n s the q u a l ity of t h e l a bor. . a MENT g e n e ra l wea l t h is set as i t s object and a i m .. the modern form taken by the d is t r i b u t i o n of wea l t h dete r m i nes.. . t h e " system of need s " necessar i l y t e n d s to rep rod uce th at part i c u l a r l i n k between i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g e neral wea l t h w h i c h is esta b l i s h ed p rec isely by t h e c a p i ta l i st form of labor. " I f t h e i m med iate goal of abstract labor i s not t h i s o r t h a t part i c u l a r prod uct b u t rather " t h e general form of wea l t h " (money). Then t h e s m u g a n d u na n a l y t i c a l adoption of o n e ' s o w n existent i a l rad i c a l ness . N eeds t h e m se l ves a r e s e e n as needs for a general e q u i va l e n t . reverses t h e order of t h e TOWAR D A CRITI­ seq uence a n d locates t h e g e n e s i s of needs w i t h i n t h e s t r u ct u re of abstract l a bor: QUE OF THE MOVE· " I n a s m u c h as labor i s labor to earn wages a n d its i mm ed i ate goal i s m o n ey. Thus one neg lects the "coercion to repeat" w h i c h i s i n herent in t h e general eq u ivalent. i n stead t h ey constitute a " m id d l e t e r m " i n t h e route t ravel ed by " money as c a p i t a l " .. - . t h e a n t h ropology of need has c e l e b rated its r i t e s i n t h e d o· m a i n of d is t r i b u t i o n : t h i s fate h a s befal le n H e l l e r as wel l . .. conseq u e n t l y labor too becomes abst ract and g e n e ra l ized. . t h e abst ract i o n of need is precu rsor to the abstraction of l a bor. b u t for t h e abstract ion of a general ized need. a f l i g h t w h i c h "always a m o u n t s to a forced repet i t i o n of t h e 7 .as a pole of i nevitable conf l ict c o m e s near to b e i n g a labor of S i s y p h u s .·� � l . i t hardly matters. for she l i m i ts h e rse l f to c reat i n g a m i rror i mage of t h e classical f i g u re of " ho m o oecono m i c u s " . t h e f o r m of t h e prod u ct ion of wea l t h .

a hierarchy which is an tithetical to the one manda ted by the general equiva len t. and w h o wants not h i n g to d o with a permanent pos i t i o n ? T o rep resent t h e c o l lection of n e e d s w h i c h t h e movement ex h i b i t s a s a p l u ra l i s t i c .b u t rat h e r the res u l t of t h e acknowledged u n iversal i ty o f t h ese rel a t i o n s h i ps . Obviously. restores to p rod u c t i o n t i m e b o d y a n d q u a l ity. but t h e present rea l ity of a divided production in w h i c h t h e re ex­ i sts. THE f rag mented a rt i c u l a t i o n . a u n i t of meas u re in itse l f .as a potent aspect of h u ma n labor. w h a t organ izes t h e c h a i n of needs here. a s f a r as col lective processes a re concerned.DAY. to take t h e p rod uctivity of t h e "soc i a l i n ­ d i v i d u a l " a s a c r i t i c a l parameter f o r needs does n o t mean resort i n g to a n y very idea l i s t i c " reg u l atory idea". state from w h i c h o n e f l e d . a d ivers i fied percept ion deeply m arked by t h e "s pace" of t h e experience. t h e " A m e r i c a n iza­ t i o n " of the behavior of non-work i n g class labor and the ext rem ist s t ru g g l es op­ pos i n g i n d u st r i a l reform and defen d i n g the old c l ass organ izat i o n c a n be seen as two from a m o n g t h e m a n y poss i b l e exa m ples of a " rad i c a l need i n g " in which is i n scri bed a priori t h e reprod uc t i o n of d o m i n a t i o n . toget h e r w i t h e m b ryon i c elements of c o u n te r­ economy. I n t h e experience of p rod u c t i o n . W i t h i n this " d i a c h ro n i c zone" of t h e work-day i s a l s o s i t u ated the p ro b l e m of hedon i s m . THE a n d abstract i ndex f o r assi g n i n g va l ue. H a t red a n d s c o r n at "work i n g u nd e r t h e b o s s " express t h e pot e n t i a l for an i m med i ate cor­ respondence between t h e prod u c t i o n act ivity of t h e i n d i v i d u a l a n d t h a t of t h e species. The BODY. in that i nternal ness w h e re t h e conscious ness of cooperation l ies.i m portant form which labor activity assu mes. e l evat i n g some and p u s h i n g others into the m a rg i n . s i m u ltaneous p rese n c e . a m o u n t i n g to a new p r i n c i p l e o f syn t h e s i s . of rea l ized h a p p i ness. beyond any ideolog i c a l parody of t h e s e l f . t i m e d o e s not p a s s eve n l y . U n re m u ne rated soc i a l cooperat i o n . esta b l ishes a p l u ra l i s t i c percept i o n of t i m e .as in preca pita l is t i c eco n o m i c organ izat i o n s . M a r x i a n a r g u ments s h ow c learly t h e necessity of d i s c u s s i n g t h e theme of n e e d s i n t e r m s of t h e a l l. t h e pleas u re of u nd e rst a n d i n g and t h e des i re to organ ize w i t h t h e g reatest poss i b l e tact i c a l i n te l l i g e n c e one's own h atred. " I n t h e same w a y . eve n l y-we i g h ted s e t of elements w i t h o u t h i e rarchy i s an i l l u s i o n t h a t has no sense: t here is a lways h ie rarchy. To t h i s e n d . t hat is. i s not t h e f u t u re of the utopian society. o n t h e materia l leve l . on t h e contra ry . prec i s e l y of t h e i n - 116 . feel i n g and rel at i o n s h i p s . a d ifferent a n d h i g h l y efficacious coa l i t i o n of t h e forces of p rod u c t i o n . T h i s necessity p reva i l s whether t h e perpetu a t i o n of capita l istic relat i o n s h i ps of prod u c t i o n o r t h e exact opposite i s bei n g c o n s i d e red . the pote n t i a l " f u l l s i g n i ficance" o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l no l o n g e r a p pears as a n effect of t h e poverty of soc i a l rel a t i o ns h i ps . o r t hey a r e f i ltered a n d arranged i n a h i e rarchy i n accordance w i t h a l l t h e ram i f ica­ tions of t h e soc i a l aspect of t h e labor process. I s it necessary to repeat that Carn i t i ' s h a rd-nosed brand of labor u n io n i s m i s a hand-me-down f r o m t h e ru l i ng c lass? A n d that even t h e m o s t extreme forms of agitation cannot redeem a content that i s s u baltern? That o n e can p re p a re onese l f for f u l l e m p loyment. THE SOCIAL I n t h e composite s t ru c t u re of t h e soc i a l work-day. T i m e i s not a l ways t h e e m pty INDIVI DUAL. of t h e restored power of t h e category of t h e i n d iv i d u a l . E i t he r one or t h e other: e i t he r needs a re ordered by money and abstract l abor. a l l i nterchangeable. w h i l e st i l l b e i n g less advanced t h a n t h e y o u n g p ro­ letarian who has m a n y jobs. in its i n homogeneous a n d WORK.as r i c h as i t i s c o n f l ict-ri d d e n .of work as "coord i n a t i o n " a n d " s u pervi s i o n " . In short: from the reality of a broadened concep t of labor s tems a hierarchy of needs orien ted toward emancipa tion.of a y o u n g worker or a you n g e n g i n eer. s u b m i s s i o n to t h e mach i n e or nomad i s m a m o n g m a n y a n d various precarious activities. w h i c h i s no l o n g e r measu ra b l e i n terms of t h e l a w of va l u e . Other exam p l es: t h e forms of agitation by w h i c h needs are m a n ifested come u nder d is c u s s i o n as a matter of cou rse.a n d the rat h e r h a p h azard com b i nation . i n that externa l ness of the part i c u l a r assig ned task. a l l precarious. o r w h at l it t l e of i t i s fou n d today-and t h at see m i n g somet h i n g of a fet i s h . t h u s t h e poss i b i l ity for a n automat ized a p p ropriat i o n i n t h e exter n a l rea l m a n d a f u l l a p p reciation of " i nternal n at u re " . a n d o n e m u s t find what t h e p r i n c i p l e i s t h a t reg u l ates a n d c lass i f ies.

i s what M arx a l l u d ed to w h e n h e spoke of t h e com poser of m u s i c a n d t h e work of a rt as a n t i c i p a t i o n s i n terms of f o r m of p rod u c t i o n w i t h o u t d o m i nation. i n ­ stead of const i t u t i n g t h e ted i o u s a n d s u perf l uo u s e m p i r i c a l zone i n w h i c h va l u e i s p ro d u ced. Sperone editore . after all. Transla ted by Jared Becker i l/ 1 -2 " F i bonacci 1 202" Mario M e rz.o n t h e o t h e r h a n d t h e connection i s reh a b i l i tated i n " q u a l itat ive" t i me. s u ggest a d i fferent criterion of prod u ctivity. p o i n t i n g to t h e contrad i c t i o n s i n i t . Turi n . n o longer based o n t h e b l i nd necess ity of s e l f-preservat i o n or " t i me-sav i n g " . The natu ra l corporea l rea l i ty o f i n d ivid u a l . i n which p rod u c t i v i ty i s somet h i n g p u re l y soc i a l . Which. I f cap i t a l i s t i c society c o n cea l s t h e connection bet­ ween labor and n a t u re ("The b o u rgeoi s i e has good reason to att r i b u t e a s u per­ n a t u r a l c reative force to l abor". as M a rx s a i d) .s u bs u m i n g t h e connection beneath the r u b r i c of p rod uctive l a bor.d i v i d u a l a n d h i s or h e r body. h i s o r h e r soc i a l ly e n r i ched s e n s e s . 1 970. b u t rath e r o n t h e variegated t i me of consci o u s p l a n n i n g act ivities. w h i c h i nf i l t rates t h e work-day.

the h i storical experience of the Wob- 118 . The State has been red u ced to a senseless mac h i n e that nevert h e less works. i n u rban s pace. t h e l ac k of p ro l etarian territo r i a l ity. at t h e center of soc i a l ized prod u c t i o n . can n o l o n g e r ex p l a i n or u nderstand t h e f a c t that t h e lack of territor i a l ity (of Power a n d of t h e i n s u bo rd i nate c l ass) i s not e q u iva l e n t to t h e territo r i a l i t y of t h e I nd i v i d u a l . The Wobbly f i g u re re-emerges in t h e form of the fragmented worker. a center-less mac h i n e that absorbs val ue-t i m e a n d s peaks t h e abstract l a n g ua g e of mobi l i ty of labor. a n d i n t h e existence of m i l l i o n s of w o rkers a n d no n-work i n g workers such as t h e u ne m p loyed. d ru g-ad d icts. The m a rg i n s are at t h e center: at t h e center of t h e a ssi g n i n g of va l u e . A n ex p e r i e n c e l o n g . T h e p rocess of ass i g n i n g va l u e comes o u t of the factory . At that point. at o n e p o i n t . H e g e l . in the p ro l i fe rat i o n of pa rt-t i m e a n d "off-the-books" work. The Wobb l i es (I nternat i o n a l Workers of the World) were mob i l e m i l itants w h o t r i ed to organ ize i m ­ m i g rant workers t h ro u g h o u t t h e coun try. perhaps. m a rg i n a l s . of work s p read t h ro u g h s pace a n d through dai l y l ife. H eg e l a nd the Wo b b l i e s E ri c A l l i ez The experience of the I t a l i a n M ovement has t h rown a new l i g h t on o n e of the most o r i g i n a l forms of organization devel oped w i t h i n the American proletarian movement at the beg i n n i ng of t h i s c e n t u ry. a n d t h e Po l i t i c a l Party. a n d i n t h e i n f i n ite forms by w h i c h t i m e ass i g n s v a l u e . i n t h e home. expands every w h e re : i n t h e city. t h e State. Pol it ics.removed from i ns t i t u t i o n a l ized worker move m e n t s ap­ pears to u s as the p resent-day form of organ izat i o n . What i s the proleta r i a n i n d iv i d u a l l i ke? Labor force mob i l ity. The h o bo. o n e may beg i n to g ra s p w hat route freedom a n d autonomy take w i t h i n t h e u rban society.

b u t recog n ize i t s i m p l y as a p o l i t i c a l defeat. m a k i n g i n tel l i gence a u t o n o m o u s as a p rod uct ive force. or i s i t rather t h a t a rea l society in move m e n t cannot be red uced to t h e formal schemes of a n a l l-encom pass i n g d es i g n ? I t i s n o t b y c h a n ce i f today w e pose t h i s q u est i o n . breaking up of leisure time. L i n kskom m u n i sts. An experience w h i c h tota l ly escapes t h e t rad i t i o n a l i d e o l o g i c a l and organ izat i o n a l schemes of t h e M a rx i sts. reassembled only in the abstract con t i n u u m of V a l u e : i n I t a l y t h e C E N S 1 s 1 d i scovers t ha t t h e econom i c a l l y s o u n d sectors a r e t hose w h e re t h e i rreg u l ars a n d the m a rg i na l s a re e m p loyed. the i nvent ive power of t h e young proletariat and of t h e e d u cated yo u n g . i ns u re d . d r u g a d d i c t s . of i n t e l l i g e n ce. I t i s t r u e t ha t t h e American rebe l l i o n s h ave n e v e r p rod u ced a form of c o n s c i o u s ness of soc i a l rea l i ty as a l l-encom pass i n g as t h e H e g e l i a n . We dec l a re t h i s w i t h o u t the h a u g hty a t t i t u d e of a n e m p loyer. We were not able to make a n autonomous force of t h e m o b i l i ty of l a bor a n d . C E N S I S : Center for Soci o-ec o n o m i c S t u d i es (Rome). b l i e s i n t h e '20 ' s a m o u n t to t ho u s a n d s u p o n t ho u s a n d s of m ob i l e workers w h o move f rom o n e p a r t of t h e c o n t i n e n t to t h e o t h e r . T h e e n d of t h e factory as a central place of exploitation. as is ex p l a i ned by t rad i t i o n a l M a rx i s m . The parasi tes. T h e Hegelian categories of d i a lect i c s c a n n ot deal w i t h the rea l i ty of a soc i a l organ izat i o n of labor. A weakness of t h e A m e r i c a n move m e n t . nor t h e practi ces of a move m e n t w h i c h ref uses t o b e red uced to t h e terri t o r i a l izat i o n of a party or p rog ra m .M a rx i s t d i a lect i c s . T h e factory becomes a sort of soc i a l w e l f a re f o r u n p roduct ive workers. a n d i n -factory u n i o n s . w h o are the carriers of tec h n ical-sc i e n t i f i c know-how. a n d become. s u c h as extrem i s t s . a n d we s h o u l d beg i n anew. m a rg i na l s . p a radox i c a l ly. espec i a l l y . Transla ted by William Pagno tta 1. H ere l ies t h e prob l e m . t h e d i sa p ­ p e a r a n c e of t h e labori n g i n d i v i d u a l . t h a t is. parasites. a n d degenerates a r e t h e m o t o r of a p ro­ d u c t ive u p-sw i n g . Len i n i sts. w h i c h i n fact d i sregards t h e h i story o f t h i s u n orthodox move m e n t . I t i s evi­ dent th at t h e form of organ i z a t i o n of America's w o rk i n g c l ass can only f u n c t i o n as a d r i v i n g belt between t h e S t a t e and r a n k s of u n p rod uct ive workers w h o a r e a lways a i ded. We were not a b l e to organ ize the movement of t h e non-g u a ra nteed workers i nto a move m e n t of f reed o m . 1 19 . nor a f o r m o f p o l i t i c a l p l a n n i n g as a l l-encom pass i n g as the i ns u rrec t i o n to c o n q u e r Power.

We l l . a new e l e m e n t s u rfaced onto the pol i t i ca l scene: c o m rade P. a n d . but collec­ tive . t h e n u m ber 38 referri n g to t h e year of m a n u factu re) w i t h t h e 3 8 spec i a l . b u t i n revo lvers. b u t a c a l i ber. a n d a revo l v i n g cy l i nd e r w h i c h has d i fferent b reec hes for t h e cart r i d g e s . There was a g reat n eed for t h i s . i n a n a u t o m a t i c loader. moreover. w h i c h i s not a p a rt i c u l a r w e a p o n o r mod e l . and automatic weapo n s : T h e revo lver i s c o m p r i s ed of a f ixed barre l . forms of act i o n . I t ap­ peared at t h e time of t h e v i o l e n t c l ashes w i t h the pol i ce i n Bolog n a a n d Rome. c o n s i d e r i n g t h e c o n f u s i o n re i n i n g among the zea l o u s d i rectors of t h e d i s i nformation newspapers. on several occas i o n s . w h e n o n e k e e p s one's f i n ger pressed on t h e lock. Automatic weapons ( m ac h i n e g u ns) are those w hose f i r i n g . n o t a ca l i be r u sed i n s e m i a u t o m a t i c p i s t o l s ( l i ke t h e W a l t h e r). I t s i n trod uc­ t i o n was i n tended to c h a l l e n g e the c l andes t i n e n a t u re of t h e Red Brigade's operat i o n s and encou rage i l l e g a l .38. m o u nted on a m ec h a n i s m . s e m i automatic p i s t o l s . Let ' s d o J u s t i ce t o o u r C o m ra d e P . Let u s c l a ri f y t h e d i fference between revo lvers. t h i s w e a p o n no l o n g e r e x i s t s . t h e cartridges. i s o n l y i nterru pted w h e n t h e re a re no more cartridges. 38 In Apri l of 1 977. we h a v e h eard t a l k of a p h antom "38 spec i a l " . f i re o n e after 1 20 . For sem i-a u t o m a t i c weapons. I t i s t h e prod uct of t h e perverse i m a g i n a t i o n of j o u r n a l ists w h o c o n f u se t h e trademark of a p a rt i c u l a r w e a p o n (the W a l t h e r 3 8 . Late l y .

38's u nder o u r coats. i n revo lvers.08 (better k n o w n as the L u g e r). w h i c h i s l o ad e d o n l y with 7. T h i s is the reason that t h e d i scovery of s h e l l s from 38-s pecial cart r i d g e s f i red by assas s i n extre m i st s . perfected Waffe n f a b r i k C a r l Walther.38" i s m e n t i o ned . s i nce t h e s a l e of t hese weapons i s p ro h i b i ted in I ta l y .65 a n d 9 c a l i ber automatic cart r i d g es . see m s to u s c o m p letely i m poss i bl e . t h e other. w e a d v i s e j o u r n a l ists a n d a l l i n terested p a r t i e s to add ress t h e m se l ves to the Ch ief of Security Serv i ces1 E m i l i o S a nt i l l o. I t m u s t be ad d e d that i f revolvers that can be l o a d e d w i t h 38-s pec i a l c a r t r i d g e s are o n s a l e i n gu n stores. who has a reputa­ tion as an expert i n t h e field a n d as a n i n fa l l i b le m a r k s m a n : beyond c l a r i f i c a t i o n of a g e n e r a l natu re. he can ex p l a i n t h e operat ion of t h e C o l t Pyt h o n 3 5 7 ca l i be r M ag n u m . t h e f i rst s h o t can t h u s be f i red w i t h t h e g reatest speed.35 Bernard e l l i . t h e same i s not true of p i s t o l s l i ke t h e W a l t h e r P.38. t h e s h e l l rem a i n s i n t h e cy l i n d e r. as i n Rome or B o l o g n a . 1 21 . D u r i n g t h e last war. a n d t h e barre l . If. as we h ave often t h e opport u n ity to read about. That's w h e re i t gets its p rest ige. u n fo rt u nately. have not yet ach ieved enough mob i l ity to permit t h e m to cross t h e borders a n d roam t h ro u g h t h e c a p i t a l s of E u rope. T h e m a n u fact u re of t h e P.38). What i s o b v i o u s i s that t h ose w h o c o n s i d e r arm i n g t h e m selves i n view of relatively c l ose p rospects d o not envision eq u i p p i n g t h e m s e l ves with a 6. i n August 1 977. a soc i a l i st I t a l i a n deputy accu sed it. i s a kind of I t a l i a n political anti-gang bri gade. exact l y as i n a revo lver.The SOS. t hey are o n ly fou n d o n t h e i n ternat i o n a l ma rkets.38 began aga i n after t h e war.38. 3 8 . T h e safety m ec h a n i s m p roved except i o n a l l y s o l i d . t h e g u n i s cocked w h i l e it i s s t i l l i n a r e s t pos i t i o n . w h e n t h e lock i s deact ivated .38 w a s t h e best pe rfected a n d most modern h a nd g u n (t h e i ntrod u ct i o n o f t h e d o u b l e-ac t i o n mec h a n i s m w a s s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s regard). i t i s certa i n ­ l y n o t becau s e we a r e h i d i n g P. t h ey s l i g h t ly i n c reased the s p a c e between t h e stock. We s h o u l d c l a rify one point: w h i le. t h e P. attempted govern ment overthrows. t h e "com rade P. w h i c h e n a b les t h e cartridge to be bro u g h t into t h e barrel w i t h prec i s i o n as soon as the h a m mer i s p u l led back. Transla ted by Richa rd G a rdner 1 . t h e a d m i s si o n t h a t t o d a y it i s necessary a n d j u s t to carry arms. in autonomous d e m o n strations. t h e h a m ­ m e r . as t h e stand a rd i s s u e p i stol beg i n n i n g i n 1 938 ( w h e n c e t h e p i s to l ' s name. = They decided to use the W a l t h e r at the same t i m e as the P. because t h e latter was a weapon better ada pted to mass p rod u c t i o n a n d less l i ke l y to b reak d o w n i n com­ bat. T h a n k s to t h e dou b l e-act i o n firing m ec h a n i s m . w h i c h . a n d t h us offered for t h e u s e of t h e M ovement. i n s e m i a u t o m a t i c pistols. a n d today this weapon s t i l l represe nts t h e best mec h a n i c a l system among d o u b l e-act i o n pistols. t h e n to rep l ace the Luger with t h e P. t h e ej ect i o n of t h e s h e l l occu rs at t h e m o m e n t one f i res. ex-reserve affai rs. 1 938 P. T h e G e r m a n A r m y adopted t h e P. F o r f u rther e x p l a n a t i o n s . I t performed satisfacto r i l y on a l l f ro n t s and the A f r i ka Korps was t h e o n l y o n e to com p l a i n of some j a m m i n g because of the s a n d : w i t h t h i s i n m i nd . I t i s e n o u g h t o say that p i s t o l s a re certa i n l y u n obta i na b l e f o r t h e modern proletariat b a n d s . ex-a nti -terrorism. with a cy l i n d e r w h i c h can even take h i g h-power cartridges. w h i c h he a l ways carries on h i m . of having part i c i pated in the "strategy of tension": assassi nation atte mpts. b u t we m u s t observe t h a t t h e re i s a s y m bo l i c aspect to t h i s .

the " Li v i n g Theater". o r to ra l l y s u p port. . J UNE 1 1 . They are c harged. 1 977 Early i n t h e m o r n i n g . we g o to the o f f i ces of the B o l o g n a Com u n e .w h e re we had been made very w e l c o m e a n d prom i sed ret u r n . H e t e l l s u s t h a t t h e Ques tura i s ref u s i n g perm i t s for t h e s i tes for T h e H o u s e of War i n front of t h e Ca rabinieri. h owever. M a rio. i n for­ m a l s u i t and t i e. with i n c i t i n g to t h e a c t i o n s . 1 22 . Te l e p h o n e c a l l s received from t h e s i tes of po l ice c o n f ro n ­ t a t i o n s w e r e t ra n s m i tted d i rect l y o n t o t h e a i r. a n d a l to get h e r i n t h e old-fa s h i oned style. w h o g u ides u s t h ro u g h t h e b u reaucratic maze. a n d T h e H o u s e of D e a t h i n front of t h e c h u rc h . N o n v i o l e n ce i n B o l og n a J ud ith M a l i na N ow based i n Aome. T h e cause of t h e c l o s u re a n d arrests: t hey reported t h e re­ cent street eve n t s . H e' s a n a m i a b l e m a n of about 45. w i t h m i n u t e to m i n u t e news report i n g w h e re a n d w h e n t h e ac­ t i o n s were t a k i n g p l ace. a n i m ated by J u l i a n Beck and J ud i th M a l i na. h a n d s o m e i n t h a t natty I t a l i a n m a n ner. These are frag ments from M a l i n a's un­ p u b l i shed j o u r n a l . has been tou r i n g I t a l y for the last few years. As we c ross t h e p iazza to t h e offices.to t h e BOLOGNA c u l t u ra l w i n g of t h e c o m m u n i s t m u n i c i p a l gove r n m e n t .i n s u p port of t h ose a r­ rested at t h e c l o s i n g of Radio A lice . we pass t h e corner u nd e r t h e portici w h e re t h e h u n g e r-stri kers h ave c h a i ned t h e m se lves t o g e t h e r . T h i s made i t pos s i b l e for t h e d e m o n s t rators to be i n c l ose com m u n i c a t i o n s w i t h each other. c o m e s to get u s at o u r hote l . a n d for sym­ path izers to a i d them.

b u t worried. can enter. . Such as we now confront. 1 23 . i s not h i d i n g beh i nd a n y m o d e r n a r t . I n t h e eve n i n g we rehearse i n t h e w r i t i n g s a l o n of o u r h o t e l . . . T h e assessore i s f r i e n d l y . O n e o f t h e i r p l acards BOLOGNA read s . t h e p o l i t i c a l relat i o ns h i p of t h e Comune w i t h t h e p o l i ce.h i s po l i t i ca l re l at i o n s h i p . The capt a i n receives u s a m i d st h i s t ro p h i e s. the g reat h a l l . t hey are l y i n g o n t h e s i dewa l k on b l a n kets a n d s l ee p i n g bags. We m u s t g o t h e Ques tura . stat u a ry . T h e Cara b i n i e r i are i n a p a l azzo. . The c o l o n e l i n h i s a r m y k h a k i officer's o u t f i t . We a r e o n a h u n g e r s t r i ke a n d a re c h a i ned i n P i azza M a g g i ore for t h e l i berat i o n of o u r com­ rades i m p r i soned for t h e M arch events. . 1 977 A t noon i n t h e Pi azza M a g g i ore w e meet w i t h t h e h u n g e rers.a n d t h ere's n o sense f o r t h e peo p l e i n j a i l to be t h e scapegoats f o r our col l ect ive f a i l u re to p rovide peacef u l revo l u t i o na ry tact i c s t h a t work. In a corner u nd e r t h e portici at t h e doorway of t h e M u n i c i p a l B u i ld i n g . vases. o u r m a n y denuncie . ' " M a r i o rem a i n s i n t h e o u t e r o f f i c e . Mario ex p l a i n s how d i f- f i c u l t it is . . bearded. h e a n d I. f o r i n t he o l d days. We would l i ke to see you a n d speak w i t h y o u . T h e p o l ice received a l l t h e i n fo r m a t i o n a l o n g w i t h t h e compagni . . .a n d we d o n ' t w a n t/n eed to s t i r u p t h e p r o b l e m s t h a t w i l l e n s u e i f o u r doss i e r i s reexam i ned . . We f i n d a park i n g lot beh i n d i t .t h a t is to say. too. as h e ca l l s h i m s e l f s t i l l h a s t re p i d a t i o n s . .a dark room w i t h d e s k s a n d a n a i r s h a f t . of t h e prac t i c a l aspects of t h e H i storic Com p ro m i s e. o r t h e C h u rc h .i f a n yt h i n g was i n c i t i n g .t ha t i s . of w h i c h w e ' re a l l a part . I p r o m i s e we' l l ret u rn . T h ose i n j a i l a r e o n t h e i r 1 2t h ! J UNE 1 2. cei l i n g . Posters a rou nd t h e m . J u l i a n s a y s . . t h ere's a deeper p r o b l e m . B u t f o r n o w . O n t h e way to t h e Cara binieri 's off i ces we talk. we m u s t g o w i t h t h e F u n c t i o n a ries a n d t h e O f f i c i a l s . T h e r e ' s a n o t e f ro m t h e compagni o n t h e h u n g e r s t i k e d e l ivered to t h e hotel to m e a n d J u l i a n . " T h e y o u n g peo p l e are too a n x i o u s to move too q u i c k l y . . . " W e are t h e com rades of R a d i o A l ice a n d t h e S t u d e n t M oveme n t . " U n t i l . We m u s t g o a n d a s k t h e m . We g o t h e n w i t h M a r i o to t h e quartiere S a n R u f f i e l l o a n d w a l k a r o u n d t h e caser­ m a . . t h e C h u rc h . C o m e a n d see u s ton i g h t . w i l l i ng . . t h e Po l i ce. i s t o o d e l i cate to d i s t u rb. W h e n ? W h e re? K i sses.to keep the ba l ance w i t h a p o l i c e force t h a t ' s p o l i t ic a l ly host i l e . We walk among t h e i r s leep i n g bags to read t h e posters t hey h ave w r i t t e n : 3rd Day of Fast i n g . you n g . (Th e C h a i ned) T h e tasters are a s l ee p . We set t l e for i t . o r better we w i l l c o m e to y o u r hote l . . for now . . . b u t c h oose rat h e r a spot i n front of some stores dow n t h e st reet. t h o u g h t h e 'funzionario '. marble f l oo r has a s t a i rway lead i n g to it t h a t i s made so t h a t t h e horses. i t was a l ways public i n format i o n . w i t h s p l e n d i d w a l l s . H e ' s a s l eek m a n . works o f a rt. . I t ' s not f o r h i m to decide w hat c a n h a p pe n o n the g r o u n d s of the p roperty of t h e Carabinieri . We g reet e a c h other. T h e o f f i ces o f t h e Comune a re i n a p a l azzo of s u m pt u o u s m u ra l s . . . of cou rse.o u r two ex p u l s i o n s f rom I ta l y . i t was t h e act i o n s of t he p o l i c e w h i c h were be i n g reported. 'They ' re g iv i n g y o u t h e ru n-aro u n d . " M y A u n t M i ri a m wou l d say. Ac ross from t h e be/lo p a l azzo i s t h e w h i te m a r b l e f a s c i st-sty le b u i l d i n g of t h e Questura . even t h e h o rses were Nobili a n d t h e p o m p o u s beasts e n t e red t h e h a l l s of t h e i r masters' h o u ses. H e ' s got t h e framed p h o t o of t h e Pres i d e n t o f t h e Repu b l i c a n d t h e capo of t h e Cara b i n i er i . t h e i r c h a i n s v i s i b l e arou nd t h e i r a n k l es . . H e k n o w s we' l l never get a n o k f r o m R o m e as we l l as we d o .

w h a t we mean by co m m u n i t y i s j u st that: A ll t h e peo p l e who aren 't t h ese peo p l e .or worst. t h ey w i l l m a k e arrests. w h i c h does n ' t w a n t t h e m in the path of today's Corpus Domini p roces s i o n . w h i c h see m s to e n d a n g e r t h e i r dearest con­ cepts of how a n d what we are a n d s h o u l d be.who aren 't s t u d e n t s . d i sc u s s i o n g ro u p s . . W h o is h u n g ry i s good. b u t a g a i n s t t h e w h o l e s p i r i t of t h e N ew W o r l d . w i t h o u t even be i n g told to stop . I t ' s strange th at t h ey have n ' t won t h e s u p port of " t h e com m u n i t y . . i d l e r s . A n d t h e prej u d ice i s n ' t . t h e y g a t h e r rou nd u s a n d te l l u s of t h e com p l ex en­ cou n ters they h ave had in their d e f i a n c e of t h e p o l ice. o r worse. We g o i n t o a n e rvous rehea rsa l . . I t h i n k . a n d s e e s t h e h u n d reds ( m a y b e 1 500-2000 ton i g h t ! ) or t h o u s a n d s of you n g p e o p l e s i t t i n g o n t h e steps. i d lers. J u l i a n ' s praise of t h e i r w i l l ­ i n g ness t o u s e s u c h " s t rategy" re l i eves t h e i r sense of com p ro m i s e . a g a i n s t t h e inca tena ti and t h e i r cause. Leroy a n d A n n ie a n d I say we won't be in the p i azza at m i d n i g h t u nd e r t h reat of a police attack . perhaps s i n g i n g .I r i s h s ay i n g Stand i n g i n t h e i r c h a i n s . . . h owever. " in fact. at t h e s a m e h o u r as o u r P u b l i c Acts. . w h o took away t h e i r c h a i n s . . The l atest news: the inca tena ti ret u rned to the p i azza.i f we attempt to. . . . I ' m per­ sona l l y p repa red to do t h e H o u s e of t h e State w i t h new b l ood l i nes f o r some of us. . . they fear . T h e L i v i n g T h eatre. . " b u t as o n e l o o k s at t h e v a s t P i azza M a g g i ore at n i g h t . We' l l be s h ot i n the s t reets. Late at n i g h t we hear: t h e p o l i c e ag ree to a l l o w t h e d e m o n s t ra t i o n to co n t i n u e t i l l j u st before m i d n i g h t . T h e p o l ice have g iven perm i s s i o n for i t t o go o n from s i x o ' c l ock t i l l n i ne o ' c l ock. . t a l kers . The dead in seve ral c i t ies attest to this c u stom . . M a r i a Rosa a n d B i l l y fear that t h e p o l i c e h e re m a y f o l l ow t h e recent a w f u l p rece­ dent of attac k i n g w i t h o u t warn i n g and u s i n g tear gas at m i n i m u m . The l atest news a r r i ves h o u r by h o u r: t h e s t r i kers are movi n g to t h e Due Torri to avo i d a con f l i c t w i t h the C h u rc h . These aren't " Th e Com m u n i t y . a n d that we t h e n p roceed i n p roces­ s i o n . Cos ' e R a d i o A l i ce? Cos'e l a l i berta d ' e s p ressione? Cos ' e l a p r i g i one? Cos ' e l a l i berta? This b r i n g s u p a t e r r i f i c wave of fear . freaks. of c o u r s e .t h e n they m a y take act i o n . p o l i t i c a l s . new worlders . They d o n ' t w a n t to rouse host i l ity of " t h e com m u n i t y " and t h ey rat h e r re l u ct a n t l y make t h e con cess i o n . i s not to perform i n t h e p i azza . 1 24 . g a t h e r i n g rou n d g u i ta r s . I s u g g est that at the e n d of the Love House t h e Time S h a m a n a n n o u nce t hat i t i s now t i m e t o p roceed t o Pi azza M a g g i o re t o part i c i pate i n t h e d e m o n s t rat i o n i n s o l i d a r i t y w i t h t h e peo p l e of Rad i o A l ice w h o are i n j a i l . W h o i s w e l l-fed i s bad. A n d t h ey have d e c i ded d ef i n i t e l y to c l e a r t h e p i azza at m i d n i g h t . tea heads. they were taken in by the pol i ce. c l ob­ beri n g and break i n g heads . The d e m o n s t rat i o n i s . u s i n g g u n s w i t h o u t warn­ ing. at the extreme. I n M e mory of F r a n cesco LoRu sso . It's better to be h u n g ry t h a n to be r i c h .a n d a l l m o re or l ess Freaks. f l ow e r k i d s . Tomorrow t h e re w i l l be a d e m o n s t r a t i o n i n P i azza M a g g iore.

l i n e n s . carry i n g h e l mets a n d gas masks (?) a n d seem i n g to be m u stered for act i o n . because of this confronta t i o n . BOLOG N A We e n t e r t h e po l i ce c a r a n d d rive t h e w h o l e route. l s h a w h i s pers. a n d I n­ d i a n c l oths.000 . i n t h e l i t t l e c i rc l e of l i g h t s u rro u nded by a n armed force t h at cou l d . d a n ce a n d t h i n k of s u m me r d resses: t h i s i s not t h e death dance of A n ­ t i go n e ' s city. The men a re not o n l y armed. . w h e re we n o rm a l l y park. P i erre. A n n ie. t h a t stands ready to destroy t h e i r f e l i c i ­ ty at a n y m o m e n t . t h at m i g h t. I t h i n k t h e re a re 5000 m e n . i t ' s j ust a n d r i g h t t hat I n o t i ce it here. We g o u p o n t h e p l atform . . . . We a re ste p p i n g o u t of j e a n s .J u l i a n . S i n g . T he re are peo p l e s i n g i n g . w e s e e a n armed force of extraord i n a ry p ro­ p o rt i o n s . p l a y i n g ba l l . w here a w o rk i n g c l a s s h i g h-rise w i t h perfect b a l c o n i e s for a new a u d i e n c e adds to t h e u t i l i t y . T h e rest of t h e scene i s a l most Parad i s i a l . I look o u t across t h e p i azza . " a n d c l i n gs to me. T h e way h o m e i s t h ro u g h t h e a r m y . t a l k i n g . p o i n t i n g o u t each s pot w h e re we' l l perform.i n a n y case i t ' s f o r m i d a b l e . T h e c h u rc h is h a l f-renewed . A n n i e g u esses 1 0. " I want to g o h o m e . T h e re a re o n l y a few po l i ce scattered i n t h e p i azza. but h o l d i n g m a c h i n e g u n s and r i f l e s at a lert. a n d I c a n ' t i ma g i n e t h a t t h e h e a rts of at l e a s t a f e w of t h e g ri m-faced sol d i ers w e re n ' t moved by the i mage of good a n d evi l that the c o n t rast between the two g ro u p s s p e l led o u t . as t h o u g h we d o n ' t s e e t h e m . . . W h e n we emerge f ro m t h e c a r o n Pi azza F ra n k l i n Rooseve l t . T o m a n d I . We ret u r n to t h e hote l . f l owered s k i rts b r i g h t e n t h e scene. . . We w a l k i n a g ro u p . We settle for the s i d e e n ­ trance. a n d t h e c l ea n ed m a r b l e g leams p i n k i s h w h i te l i ke i n f a n t ' s skin. yes. d a n c­ i n g . . I t ' s e l even t h i rty as we e n t e r t h e p i azza w a l k i n g between l i n es of heav i ly a r m ed m e n i n to a scene of i n nocent p l e a s u res. o n l y a s m an y a s o n e w o u l d see o n a n o r m a l n i g ht i n s u m mer. we wan t t h e C h u rc h as a b a c k d r o p .J U N E 1 3. O n l y t h e C h u rc h p resents p r o b l e m s . T h i s p o l a r i t y i s espec i a l ly keen h e re. a n d t h e dark part seems l i ke a n evi l m i rror of its s i n i s t e r . even to t h e por­ t a l s of t h e Cat h e d ra l . 1 977 M u c h ado t h i s m o r n i n g for t h e preparat i o n of t h e p l ay . T h ey w a n t us away i n a h i d d e n p a rk i n g s pace. . yet I n o t i c e sad l y h o w m a n y women are c u t t i n g off t h e i r l ovely h a i r - _ yes.f ro m w h e re we are i t see m s f u l l . The w o m e n t e n d aga i n towards s o f t s u m mer c l ot h es. A large w h i t e b a l l l i ke a peace d ove keeps f l i t t i n g i n a h u g e a r c over t h e p i azza. t a l k i n g together. t h i s i s t h e dance of vita .

t h a t ' s a l l over .S i l e n t l y W a i t i n g .ready c o p s a n d heari n g p a r a n o i d s t o r i e s . There's a g reat orlogio t h a t ' s lit t i l l m i d n i g h t i n decorative f lood l i g h t s . to s e p a rate one f ro m t h e other. .i n d i fferent j a i l s . .. I ' m g l ad to hear it proc l a i med so l o u d l y . a n d t h e peo p l e of Rad i o A l ice a re st i l l i n j a i l s .n o p o l i ce. We s i t on a l i t t l e stoop beh i n d t h e p o l i ce. J u l i a n p r a i ses t h e m a n d tel l s t h e m t h e i r t h eatre i s better t h a n o u rs - a n d yet they e x p ress d i sa p po i n t m e n t t h a t we' re not g o i n g to perform . The M a r t i a l M u s i c . t h i s is t h e H o u s e of O u r B rothers i n carcere . . n o a t t a c k . . . N o matter. H ere a r e t h e ex-inca tena ti i n t h e i r own e n v i r o n m e n t . . I t looks q u ite t h e same as w h e n we w e n t BOLOG N A t h e re l a s t . A woman from the Partito Ra dicale i s t a l k i n g about n o n v i o l e n ce. I ' l l remember t h e Pi azza M a g g i o re i n t h i s p a rt i c u l a r l ig h t . it's all p a rt o f a somewhat l a g g a rd b u t u n f a i l i n g c u l t u ra l revo l u t i o n . A n n i e takes t h e m i c ro p h o n e and says some f i e ry words . i n g e n u o u s l y h o r­ rified by Pierre's i m p l i c a t i o n s : " B u t t h ey aren 't o u r brothers w h e n t h ey s hoot at u s . " H o w cou l d I say i t s u c c i n c t l y? How can I answer her s u re l y e n o u g h and q u i c k l y enou g h . t h a t I 'd ret u rn at 5 or 1 0 to m i d n i g h t . The t a l k i s l o n g a n d m ov i n g . . The p u b l i s hed tapes t h a t record t h e e n t ry of t h e armed pol ice i n to t h e stat i o n w h i l e t h e broadcast c o n t i n u es l ive o n t h e a i r.J u l i a n says: They say t h ey are a l l leav i n g at m i d n i g h t . M o v i n g bec a u s e w e are t a l k i n g w i t h peo p l e w hose 1 26 . . t h i s p i azza as t h e H o u s e of V i o l ence this p i azza as t h e House o f H op e th is i s t h e H o u se of O ur B ro t h e rs t h e p o l i c e . H o w m a n y b u rned for t h a t f a l se precept? I ' m sorry we d i d n ' t perform. . J U N E 1 4. Every o n e heari n g t h e M a rt i a l M u s i c . Wh en o u r s p e e c h e s a re over. . . i t ' s a q uarter to 1 2. So I beg i n to m a k e my way toward t h e orlogio w h e re t h e sleet to o u r hotel is con nected to t h e p i azza by a sort of piazzetta w h e re t h e C a ra b i n i e r i a re m u stered. T h e o t h e rs retreat away from the p i azza. . . At 5 to 12 the p o l i c e l eave the piazzetta . . . . I prom ised l s ha. But the h u n g e r s t r i k e and the c h a i n i n g act i o n . We stand in the w i n d o w and h e a r at m i d n i g ht : a cou n t d o w n . w h e n s h e w a s f u l l of f e a r s .t hey've w i ped o u t t h e st reet t heatre. sta n d i n g o n the p l atform in the l i g ht. b u t I t h i n k every on e wants to stay around as long as poss i b le. I ret u rn to the h o t e l . a n d n o n e of those present a re f a m i l i a r e n o u g h with t h e t ec h n o l og y to run t h e sound e f f i c i e n t­ l y . . d e s p i t e t h e d ra m a t i c eve n t s t h a t h ave taken p l ace t h e re s i nce. . I d i d n ' t get to h e a r t h e rest beca u s e a y o u n g w o m a n s a i d to m e . i n fear of t h e po l i ce terror.P i e r re spoke h i s d ra m a t i c d e s i g n a t i o n . a n d at z e r o . the l o u d s peakers b l a r i n g . Drow n i n g o u t a l l o u r sou n d . Our hands are i n t h e air. . Everyon e ' s eyes t rave l u p t o i t o n c e i n a w h i l e . Here we s p e n d a few m i n utes . "Stano tte faremo Cenerentola ! " (To n i g h t we' l l p l ay C i n d e re l l a) c ry t h e ex-inca tena ti . " m a k e d ra m a of t h e l i t t l e room s . . The o n l y tec h n i c i a n left a m o n g t h e m f l ed B o l o g n a yesterday. t hey are . Show enough g u n s a n d you w o n ' t need to f i re a s h o t . "They are p o i n t i n g m ac h i n e g u n s at u s . . went u p a m o n g t h ose w h o rem a i ned in t h e p i azza. i n fact. except f o r o n e who stays to g u a rd some off i c i a l ' s car . . as of victory . . b u t t h ey brave l y m u d d l e t h r o u g h . 1 977 I n t h e even i n g w e h i e u s to R a d i o A l ice. see i n g t h e f i re. A s h o u t . Loo k i n g i n t o t h e faces of t h o u s a n d s of peo p l e w h o w a n ted to d e f y evi l w i t h o u t violence .

t h u s c reat i n g t h e a t m o s p h e re of fear a n d t h e i n secu rity/d istru st/ . . v i s i b l e i n t h e s t reet s . fee l i n g rather s t ra n g e t h a t t h i s s h o u l d h a p pen to h i m at a c u l t u ra l event t h at he was s p o n sori n g . t h e i r R e i c h i a n postu res - n o n-agg ressive peop l e . .seems abstract to t h e m i n t h e i r c o n c rete s i t u a t i o n . T h e m u rd e r of Francesco LoRusso. a n d t h e more we a re noisy. A general s h o u t i n g a n d c o n f u s i o n of p rotest resu l t s . evident i n t h e b i t t e r i n g of t h e sweet faces . I hear S i b i l l a s u d d e n l y s h r i e k i n g . . terror t h at l ater led to t h e f racas .searc h i n g f o r t h e poss i b i l ity t h a t we a l l w a n t . T h e p o l i c e were obvi o u s l y p retty BOLOGNA u pt i g h t at t h e ou tset . . I noticed C h r i s C reatore s i t t i n g at the ex it/entrance rap p i n g w i t h s o l d iers and the p o l i c e . . . . A p l a i n c l ot h es capo is d i rect i n g t h e activity of t h e p o l ice. . i n t h e c i rc l e . t h e y a re l i f t i n g h i m rat h e r b r uta l ly a n d carry i n g h i m o f f . . t h e i r e x p res s i o n s . . .s h e ' s screa m i n g w i t h M a l c o l m i n her arms . . . .we go o n . t h e i r l a n g u ag e . peacefu l att i t u d es a n d menta l i ty is evid e n t in a l l they say . B u t a l l went w e l l a n d I was i n a good t a l k w i t h two peo p l e i nterested i n s t u d y i n g a u toges t i o n w i t h i n a state-c o n t ro l led sc h oo l . . the i ncarceration of t h e i r f e l low workers. Even t h e A ssessore a l/a Cultura was f r i s ked . . . At f i rs t .f r i s k i n g everyone t h at c a m e i n a n d searc h i n g a l l hand­ bags . . .soon a l l of u s come ru n n i n g . fac i n g t h e door a n d t h e a g i t a t i o n of t h e u n i formed pol ice was a l most d i st ract i n g . . b u t t h at t h ey c a n n o l o n g e r be l i eve i n . A l l t h at we say . . b u t get n o c i v i l answer.a f t e r m o r e t h a n an h o u r of t a l k . . Long a f t e r we are off t h e a i r . perhaps i n t h e m i staken b e l i e f t h at o u r i d e n t i ty is part of o u r r i g h t of p r i vacy i n t h e face of t h e p o l i c e .b u t t h ey a re at t h e e n d of t h e i r tether. w h o res pond l i ke m a r i onettes. b u t . we o n l y d e m a n d to k n o w w h a t ' s h a p p e n i n g . J UNE 1 5. I see l s h a ru n towards t h e m . I sat. . . G reat consternation i n t h e Tortu re scene a m o n g t h e m . t h e s a m e as w h e n it w a s p u b l i c .a c i rc l e of p o l ice aro u n d C h r i s . We learn later that t h e o ri g i n o f t h e d i f f i c u l t y was a d e m a n d by t h e po l i ce t h a t C h r i s i d e n t i f y h i ms e l f a n d h e d id n ' t do that.more t h a n t h at. t h e pol ice fears t h at a re tan g i b l e i n t h e a i r. even in how t h ey move. . t h e m o re a g g ressively t h e p o l ice h a n d l e C h r i s . we look u p . . as u s u a l . 1 977 I t w a s a good s h o w i n t h e P a lazzo d e l l o Sport. .a n d we say a l l t h at we k n ow .

C h r i s w i l l have t o stay i n overn i g h t f o r a n "in terroga torio " i n t h e morn i n g . . W e h e a r h e ' s been beaten u p . H e sq u i rms under t h e heavy g ra s p . O u t i n t h e ra i n . . "My name i s J u l i a n Beck. . We t ry. . b u t i t ' s " N o" a l l BOLOG N A t h e way. T h ey ca rry him a-ways a n d t h e n p u t him down. J u l i a n a n d I feel we s h o u l d have h a n d led i t better. Rad io A l ice opens t h e p l ay. J U N E 1 6. t h e k i n d t h a t a l most a l ways f o l lows g ro u p action i n w h i c h t h e re a re arrests. " T h ey ' re p u t t i n g bullets i n t h e i r g u n s ! " The cops d rive away w i t h C h r i s .t h e n o u t a g a i n .heard . I h a d asked t h e M a y o r i f i t were i n t h e i r power t o stop t h e p o l i c e from f r i s k i ng everyone as th ey c am e i n . s weet a m b i e nce for t h e performance w h i c h goes w e l l . We g o d o wn t h e h a l l . Tom tries to get i n to h i m (why do we d o s u c h t h i n g s?) a n d t h e n mad l y t h rows h i m s e l f on top of the c a r . a practice we had n ever e n c o u n te red a n y w he re a n d w h i c h set u p a n a t m o s p here of t e r r o r a n d be l l i cosity. B l ame.t i l l t o m o rrow. . I stand t h e re w i t h t h e LOVE a n d A N A RC H I S M t e x t s i n m y h a n d s . . . o u r bare feet i n t h e p u d d les. i n t o h i s a r m s . . Not yet a n a l y s i s . . o u r th eatric al e n e rg y s t i l l pote n t . . c ry i n g I w a n t to g o h o m e ." T h e capo orders t h e m e n to take Chris up ag a i n . f o l l owed by a l e t t e r f ro m A l ice to t h e Livi n g w h i c h i s a l ove letter. R e a d a l o u d i n t h e concentrat i o n of t h e ope n i n g m e d i t a t i o n i t ' s very mov i n g a n d s e t s a s a d . J u l i a n l o u d l y d e m a n d s from t h e capo w h at has h a p pe n ed . I ' m s h o u t i n g l i t t l e moral lectu res about the n a t u re of v i o l e n c e t hat nobody wants to h e a r . a n d to m e . A l l t h e pol i ce l eave. We p roceed a n o t h e r f e w f e e t from t h e stad i u m i n t o t h e h a l l way that e n c i rc l es i t . . . Rehas h . I t h i n k i t was o n l y beca use we w e re o n t h e h i g h w a v e of t h e performance. Spec u l a t i o n s . he does t h i s . r u n ­ n i n g b a c k i n t o t h e f ray a f t e r h e r . P l a n s . I t cou ld h ave g o n e d o w n cal mer. T h e capo orders h i m p i c ked u p a g a i n . Try i n g to t a k e l s h a to t h e d ress i n g roo m . and t h e stre n g t h of h is Tai-C h i -t ra i ned bod y. B u t not e v e n o n e cop t o n i g h t . Q u est i o n s : Were o u r actions n o n v i o l e n t ? What i s . And I shout at the p o l i c e for bei ng a bad exa m p l e for lsha w h o scream s w h e n a second con t i n g e n t arrives w i t h s h i e l d s a n d h e l mets a n d cocks t h e i r r i f l e s . Alas a n d a l a c k ! O u r i d e n t i t y belongs to t h e m a n d we m u s t g i ve it t h e m w h e n t h ey d e m a n d it. a n d I a m a s k i n g y o u w h a t h a p pe n ed here. . T h e re are no police v i s i b l e at the Sports Palace at a l l . Leroy' s t h e V i ct i m . BO LOG N A W e have o n e of t h ose i n tense c o m p a ny t a l ks . Sel f-rep roac h . a n d h i s you t h f u l vigor t h a t defies c u rt a i l me n t makes i t very h a rd for t h e m to ca rry h i m . We're stand i n g t h ere t o o u r a n k les i n ra i n water o n a dark s t reet. 1 977 C h r i s c a n ' t be " i n terrogated" . We perform w i t h o u t C h r i s .t h e capo says h e wou l d n ' t g ive h i s n a m e and adds ag­ g ressive l y . P l a i n c l ot he s m e n every w h e re. A n d I s h o u t a n d J u l i a n s h o u t s . J U N E 1 7. 1 979 C h r i s i s s t i l l i ns i d e . l s h a comes s h ri e k i n g a l o n g t h e h a l lway to J u l i a n . " A n d what's your name?" A n d J u l i a n s h o u t s back.twice. with a flute s o l o e n t e r i n g t h e open i n g m e d i t a t i o n . n o n v i o l e n t res i s t a n ce? 1 28 . T h e y brusq u e l y t h row C h r i s i n t o a p o l i ce car . . i n pract ice. A n d h e s h o u ts .

p retty bad l y beate n . O n t h e s t reet we a re stop ped several t i mes a n d as ked about Chris. hear­ i n g t h e voice of a w o m a n . after t h e P u b l i c Acts. t h e V i g i l i U rban i . .and we' re f r u s t rated by his flak . J U N E 20. P i erre makes a fantast i c B l ood Speech a b o u t K i m Sek J o n g . " even as we t ry to set dates.a w o m a n speak i n g a rd e n t l y . Late i n t h e day we hear th at h e was. but b l u rred by a f i erce sou n d syste m .U g h ! Everyone s u g gests d i fferent t a c t i c s . After t h e a r rest. Manifesto a n d Lo tta Con tinua s u p port u s . . the Carab i n i e r i . and B O LOG N A t h e y ' re say i ng tomorrow.t h e army. Fears of Ex p u l s i on i f t h e re ' s a bust. and i t has c a l led o u t t r u c k l oads of t h e d i fferent ar m ed forces w h o are pa rked at each entrance to the p i azza . c a l m l y s u rro u n d ed by t h i s armed m i g h t . adopted by A m e r i c a n s w h o re-named h i m Chris C reatore. . I t ' s a Part i t o R a d i c a l e meet i n g about abort i o n . i l/ 1 -3 Photo: M atthew G e l l er. A good performance in s u n s h i n e in t h e M azz i n i quartiere. i m p risoned by t h e Bolognese p o l i c e.maybe a few days .s t i tches in his head . the Questu ra . . t h e m a n from t h e Party tries to put up obstacles th at are i rr i t at i n g l y stupid . t e l l i n g passersby t h e news of o u r j a i led compagno. T h e re' l l be a meet i n g about i t ton i g h t . . 1 979 . Fears o f a b u s t i f w e act d ramat i c a l l y .o r p h a n ed by t h e A m e r i c a n A r m y .t h e p o l i c e say that he beat h i s own head a g a i n s t t h e wa l l ! And t h e Resto def Carlino p r i n t s t h i s ! L 'Unita assumes t hat he was v i o l e n t . We s i p o u r ca ffe freddo i n t h e s u n . he was taken to the h o s p i t a l . maybe . w h e re we meet w i t h a g ro u p for a n " a n i mat i o n . . in fact. A meet i n g on the p i azza . 1 979 M u c h consternat i o n in the c o m p a n y that C h r i s i s not rel eased t h i s morn i n g .b u t J u l i a n s a y s everyone saw t h i s d u m b tact i c ( I ' m not s u re). I n t h e afternoon we go to t h e Q u a rt i e re M azz i n i .

fam i ly. soc i a l i st b l ac k ma i l . the d is c ipl i ne of labor. Out­ s i d e i t s me l l s l i ke s h i t . s u bversives. the desire to sleep in the morning. sacrifice. a n d d i n ­ n e r w i t h t h e fam i ly. LAN G UAG E We had t h o u g h t about many poss i b l e accu sat i o n s : p i rate stat i o n . w h e n i t i s f reed from t h e s u b l i ma t i o n s w h i c h red uce i i t o t h e code a n d makes d e s i re a n d t h e body speak. 1 30 . All o u r t i me. rest . and. we were a l it t l e d i scon certed . the liberation from labor. The body. two hou rs of t rave l . Vade Retro. fat h e r l a n d . to make o n e s e l f u n p roduct ive and open to tac­ t i le. sexuality. Language. t e l evi s i o n . It was e m i tted from B o l o g n a . b u t we did not a n t i c i pate this one. FOR T H E com m u n i sts. s u bmerged. hierarchical order. i s obscene ( l itera l ly: obscene). g e n e r a l i n terests. u ncod i f i ed com m u n i c a t i o n : a l l t h i s has for c e n t u ries been h i d d e n . part i c i pa t i o n : a l l that s t i f l ed t h e voice of t h e body. A DI RTY When t h e accu s a t i o n of obsce n ity was f l u n g at u s . afterward . R a d i o A l i ce ­ F ree R a d i o C o l l ec t i ve A/T rave rs o After the eve nts of M a rc h 1 977. denied. devoted to l a bor. t h e pos s i b i l ity to be overw h e l m ed . one of the stron g h o l d s of the I C P and the ex p l i c i t showcase for the H i storical C o m p rom i s e . u nstated. The blackmail of poverty. Radio A lice became the symbol of the f ree rad ios. Everyt h i n g which i s not confi ned w i t h i n t h e l i m i t s of that order i s obscene. B u t that's n at u ra l MOVEMENT a n d p roper. u nd e r m i n e rs. forever a n d a l ways. Satanas. E i g h t h o u rs of work.

I n t h i s sense. Pant. In the second case somet h i n g con t i n ues to f l ee from l a n g uage. . as d e n s e a s i n a newspaper . a l lows no i nterru p t i o n s . attempts at i m i t a t i o n are pathet i ca l ly r i d i c u l o u s : d i a l ects a n d ac­ cents are not t o l e rated. . con templa tes. A l l t h at J azz . S i lence. . T h e s u bject has c h a n ged . i t i s obscene. j u m ps. i t speaks i n S u rrea l i s m a n d i n t h e F re n c h M a y . " 131 . t h e u nc a n n y . " t h a t w h i c h rema i n s to be s a i d . it s peaks across t h e separate orders of t h e l a n g u a g e of rebe l l i o n . Like an in vita tion to ta lk with you about your work where they don 't give you a nything to ea t. They talk about somet h i ng w h i c h means somet h i n g e l s e a n d can t h e refore n e v e r be c a p t u red becau s e i t i s over. . I t speaks i n t h e Paris Com m u ne a n d i n Art a u d ' s poetry. l i sten how he ye l l s . h i ss . D i scou rse c o n n ects. ex p l a i n s . in terrupts herself. w h o a n nou nces that the eve n t has happened. s i l ence. . Go tell him tha t it's spring. A mirror. H e w a n ted to i m pose u p o n u s a vote by a s h o w of h a n d s a n d t h e n h e ' d s h ove it u p o u r ass. . frig htens. P U S H E D ASI D E And yet every t h i n g f u n c t i o n s in the order of d i scou rse." I t 's better tha t way. T H E VOICE A l ice l ooks arou n d . Des i re i s g iven a voice. . We have received a t e l e p h o n e ca l l from t h e Tec h n o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u te: "We h ave oc­ c u p ied t h e p res i d e n t ' s o f f i c e a n d we a re ca l l i n g f ro m h i s p h o n e . . pulls. 3 o ' c lock b u l l et i n . "let's talk about the uncanny. re p r i m a n d s . Well. d o n ' t t h i n k y o u ' re r i g ht . T h i s i s m a n i fest in o u t b u rsts of l a u g hter. Cheek to c h eek w i t h f o l k s . words in s u s p e n s i o n . runs ahead. Radio for the p a rt i c i pa n t s or rad i o for t h e u ncan ny? In t h e f i rst case t h e l a n g u ag e i s u n ivoc a l : t h e a n n o u n c e r ' s . . A h a l f­ h o u r w i t h you r Carlo . t h e w o r d w h i c h c a n n ot be fou n d a n d w h i c h ref uses to c h a n g e i n to a n o t h e r o n e . T h e s i l e n ce. a n d for them. . . I n t h e p rog ra m . All t h e " u nstated" i s e m e rg i ng : from t h e Chan ts de Ma ldoror to t h e strugg l e s for red u c i n g t h e work-day. p l ay s . organ izes. part i c i pates. 2. wastes time i n t h e midst of papers i l l u m i nated O F THOSE by t h e s u n . t h e " u nstated . . 1 . . so m a n y d e n s e head i n g s . sett les d o w n e l se w h e re. A lice hisses. yells. T h e d i sco u rse of order's d e s i re for power or the power of d es i re a g a i n s t the order of d i scou rse. i n t h e I t a l i a n A u t u m n a n d i n i m­ mediate l i berat i o n . stam­ mering.

2 . N o n e of t h e m are i n d i s p e n s a b l e to t h e struct u re th ey s e rve. d o n ' t w o r ry abou t a n yt h i n g . d a n g erous a re t h e fac­ tories a n d t h e s h i py a r d s . we k n ow who you a r e . t h e j u d g e s . d a n g e ro u s beca use of t h e l atest s u bmac h i n e g u n m o d e l . Obtuse i s the constable w h o h o l d s in his hand t h e hoods of his c o l l ea g u es w h o ru m m a g e t h rou g h t h e c o m r a d e ' s effects. O BTUSE. A n ot h e r d i rect p h o n e ca l l : "We are workers o n s t r i ke. l e t ' s f a l l i n to t h e m a n d p a s s on e l sewhere. 3120176. T h ey a r- 1 32 . I t serves t h e o w n e rs . obtuse i s t e l ev i s i o n . let's not f e a r o r i f i ce s .M . we are h e re n i g h t and d a y . we' re g o i n g t o make y o u pay dearly f o r t h i s rad i o s t a t i o n . i t ' s t i m e t h e y t a l ked a b o u t t h a t i n c o n t ract s . " G RAY. g ray a r e t h e i r DA N G E R O U S i nstruments o f death . But communism is young and bea utiful. Dangerous are t h e roads and sq u a res i n fested w i t h the angels of death of a system a l ways m o re m i n o r i t a r i a n . Dangerous are t h e o r g a n s of rep res s i o n . d a ngerous i s t h e j u d g e w h o arrests f i rst then looks for p roof. " B reak t h e cycle of t h e v a l o r i z a t i o n of c a p i t a l i n t h e process of c i rc u l a t i o n of t h e s i g n-va l u e ( n o m o re a p p ro p r i a t i o n of m e rc h a n d i s e to i n terrupt t h e A . O r speaks when i t wants to. Wonderland. " A n o t h e r d i rect p h o n e ca l l : " D i rty com m u n i st s . O n e c a n n ot pass from o n e d i scou rse to a n o t h e r (from i n s i d e I t a l i a n Rad i o to out­ s i d e I t a l i a n Rad i o). g ray are t h e s t reets of t h e b u s i ness d i s t r i c t . f rom t h e San G i ova n n i in M o n t e P r i s o n . They make a l i fe of s h i t t h e only model of l i fe poss i b le. b u t a savage s t r i ke i n t h e c i rc u l a t i o n of t h e s i n g l e s i g n-va l u e A-A'). d a n g erous. G ray. " A n o t h e r d i rect o n e : "We are from t h e a n t i-fascist co m m i ttee of t h e R izzo l i H o s p i t a l . G ray i s t h e prison where he h a s been locked u p . S i lence: a h o l e . c y c l e . of t h e work-et h i c. g ray are the bed room com m u n i t i es. T h e s u bject c h a n ges? T h e new s u bject i s col l ective a n d does not s peak. they w a n t to i m pose t h e i r scale o n t h e world: g ray. o b t u s e are t h e pol ice w h o for t h ree m o n t h s record­ ed the p h o n e c a l l s (what are we havi n g for d i n ne r today? l e t ' s get together on t h i s). The tota l i t a r i a n soc i ety of capital l ives o n t h e monotonous repet i t i o n of t h e ex is­ tant. G ray a re t h e coats of t h e c o p s w h o have i m p ri s o n ed com rade B i fo. we w a n t you to p l ay some m u s i c a n d we w a n t t o t a l k to y o u a b o u t t h e 35 hou r week. d a n g er o u s . obtuse. t h e cops. of p rod u c t i v i ty . COMMUNIQUE No. I n terrupt t h e l a n g u a g e of m ac h i nes. Let ' s a l low h o l es to g row. to s t a y i n b e d w i t h someo n e . " A n i nv i t a t i o n not to get u p t h i s morn i n g . d a n gerous to decide w h e t h e r or not to let a c h i l d see the l i g h t of day. to make m u s i c a l i n s t r u m e n t s a n d war devices for you rse l f .A ' . a n d c a l l u s if somet h i n g h a p p e n s . ob­ tuse.

B u t t h e n l e t t h e m say i t c l e a r l y : T o conspire m e a n s t o brea the together. w h e n t h e repress i o n o f work. In t h e s pace of two days this accusat i o n becam e so r i d i c u l o u s t hat t hey had to i nvent a n o t h e r one. B u t t h e n let t h e m s a y i t c l ea r l y : It i s dada tha t terrorizes t h e gra y. i n t h e h o u s e w h e re I was s l eep i n g with my com rades. O u r w i l l for h a p p i ness a n d l i be r a t i o n is t h e i r terror. of t h e p a t r i a rc h a l fam i ly . N o t t h e s l i g htest b i t of p roof of t h e s e s u bvers ive act i v i t i es t h a t were s u p posed t o h ave b e e n m i n e e x i s t s . A n d t hat is w h at we are accused of. of i g n o r/Ac t i o n w h i c h constructs l i berat i n g s paces a n d moments of c o l l ect ive t ra n s format i o n of e x i stence. i n t h e i r atom i z i n g h o u ses. a g a i n s t sex i s m i n i n ter­ i nd i v i d u a l relat i o n s h i ps . T h e re i s a crime I con fess I have c o m m i t ted: I t i s t h e attack ag a i nst t h e separat i o n of l i fe and d e s i re. the t ra n svers a l w r i t i n g w h i c h r u n s t h r o u g h t h e separate orders a n d reu n i tes i s o l ated behaviors i s not j u st obscene. So t h ey accu sed me of be i n g the ideolog i c a l o r g a n i z e r of a n i n c red i b l e series of c r i m i n a l p l ots com m i tted i n B o l o g n e i n t h e last f e w months. s u b m a c h i ne g u n s i n h a n d . t h e da ngerous.rested me on t h e f i ftee n t h . a n d of sex­ ism i s not e n o u g h . i n t h e i r i n d i v i d u a t i n g f a m i l i a l relat i o n s h i ps . a n d t h ey react by terro r i z i n g u s w i t h p r i s o n . B u t then l et t h e m say i t c l e a r l y : The practice of happiness i s subversive when it becomes collective. t h e ob tuse. G u ard i a n s of order a n d of the e x p l o i ta t i o n of poverty . any m o r e .f o r t h e m . a g a i n s t t h e red u c t i o n of l i fe to t h e payment of a s a l a ry . . i n t h e i r asphyxiat i n g p l aces o f work. t hey w a nt to p reve n t us from breat h i n g because w e h ave refused to breathe i n i s o l a t i o n . i t i s a crime. T h ey are t ry i n g to g ive a reco g n i z a b l e appearance to t h e i n c o m p re h e n s i b l e ( f o r Power) cou rse of l i berat i o n located i n t h e space o f separ/Act i o n . F i rst t h ey accu sed m e of b e l o n g i n g to t h e Red B r i g ades.

let's e x h a u s t t h e e n e m y . t h e comrades a r e q u iet. There i s n ' t a s i n g l e comrade who d oes not ask me. Rad i o A l ice i s q u i e t . Bifo. the g ray. t h e h a b i t u a l m a s k s . Fontana. i l/ 1 Fel i x G u attari w i t h staff of Rad i o Allee Sept. 3. they i n ve n t word s . it's a l l a p l o t . Let hargy. s t r i ke the t i g er's heart every day. a n d M a rc h i are a l ways CRAZY in p r i s o n . I c a n not keep q u iet m u c h l o nger. Let ' s not t a l k a b o u t d e s i res a n y m ore. San G i ov a n i in M o n te: a p r i s o n in B o l o g n e . T h i s i s a n i nvitat i o n to speak a n d to t h i n k. 2 . we know it. a n d M a rc h i are st i l l i n prison. Transla ted by Richard Gardner & Sybil Wa lker 1 .THE UNCANNY 15 Wha t makes me crazy is the uncanny. M a r i o S a l v i w a s k i l l e d i n t h e v i c i n i t y of t h e j u d i c i a ry p r i s o n i n Rome a f t e r a motorcyc l i st l a u n c h e d a M o l otov c o c k t a i l a g a i n s t t h e p r i s o n . E i t her t h e p r i s o n m u st e x p l ode or my head m u st e x p l ode. l e t ' s d e s i re: we a re d e s i r i n g mac h i nes. T h e y d o n ' t s p e a k a n d t hey d o n ' t e v e n h a v e a n y i d e a s . the d a n g e rou s. in eve ry way. San V i t tore: a p r i s o n in M i l a n . the a n g e l s of deat h . a g a i n s t t h e sadness and t h e sol i t u d e of ce l l s of c o n f i n e m e n t . A m o n t h has a l ready passed s i nce t h e arrest of B i f o a n d we have not got­ ten h i m o u t of t here. 2 4 h o u rs of a i r. Fontana. accord i n g to o u r d if ferences. a n d i nv i t a t i o n to be a lways p resen t in t h e s i t ua t i o n s in the town t h e n e i g h borhoods the s c h o o l s t h e ba rracks t h e factories t h e roads. M a rc h i : B o l og nese s t u d e n t s t h ro w n i n j a i l . the obt u se.2 WHAT MAKES ME B i fo. We a re a l ready creat i n g t h e l i t t l e g het­ to: we are or we a re not w i l d cats ru n n i n g t h ro u g h the tow n . B i fo. A n d now what d o we do? A n d n o w what d o we do? We must d o somet h i n g . and M a rc h i a re i n prison. S i l e n c e . B u t it was l i ke a m o n t h i n t h e m i n d of someone w h o i s n ' t t h i n k i n g : an i n­ stant. Cortez 1 34 . Let ' s not g ive free re i n to our j a i lers. 1 977 P h o t o M a r i o n Scemama i l/2 Photo: D. A n d t h e y take advantage of o u r s i l e nce. Fontana. mac h i nes of war. There i s no proof. A m o n t h h a s a l ready passed . l e t ' s w e a r o u t t h e g i a n t monster b y beat i n g i t a l l over its body. "And w h at d o we do now?" S i lence. They have k i l led M ar i o Salvi3 i n Rome. I want to do somet h i n g . Fontana. i t i s n ' t true t h at we are powerless before t h e monsters .

...··-v.. . ' " .

of a speech of m i n e o n Roman fem i n i s m . t h ro u g h t h e w o r d s of o t h e r women.recreat i o n . C o m m i t t i n g t h e sin of s p ea k i n g u nd e r t h e i n f l u en c e of c u l t u ra l rem i n i scenses. Sex u a l i ty . G u i l t y fee l i n g s . " nor t h e attempt to propose an a n a l y s i s of t h e d i ffere n t t h eo r i e s c i rc u l a t i n g i n t h e M ovement. N o r i s i t t h e rec o n s t r u c t i o n . T h e C i ty i n t h e Fe m a l e Gender Lia M ag a l e Lia M a g a l e i s a Roman fem i n i s t wri ter. memories. i n t ra n s i g e n ce. let i t be c lear. 1 36 . l oss of i n h i bi t i o n s . s i m i l a r i t i es l oved . only when concretely ex perienced. i n t h e memory of fem i n i s m . toget h e r w i t h so many o t h e r s . attract i o n for power. Sex u a l ity. a constant l oss i n the absence of d e s i res. rigor.h i s t o ry of "fem i n ist t h o u g h t . weakness. fou g h t even in i t s m i n i m a l creat i o n . What is it then? N ot h i n g m o r e t h a n s t a t e m e n t s . a m i n i. A n d t h e d i f f i c u l ty of c l a r i f y i n g a work t h a t revealed i t s e l f only i n act i o n . i m p ress i o n s . D i f fe re n ces put i nto practice. Power refu sed. i n t h e memory of w o m e n w h o h a v e l ived t h ro u g h s p l e n d i d a n d t i r i n g years of revo l t . i t i n e ra ries w h i c h are. T h i s person a l and s u bject ive read i n g of some w r i t i n g s by women i s not. a s y n t h e s i s reac hed by forget t i n g a n y l a n g u ag e . d u ri n g w h i c h "a l o t " a n d i t s opposite have been ex­ perienced: s e l f-con t r o l i n s p i red by t h e d es i re f o r a n identity. T h ey a re a l so my memories. A body l oved a n d hated in i t s i ncessant presence.

women separated f rom o u r l ivable fem i n i ne. t h e u p h o l d i n g of t h e p u rported objectivity of c o n ­ s c i o u s ness over t h e f l u x of t h e u nc o nsc i o us. B E I N G I N TO U C H " T h e s u b j u g a t i o n of t h e fem i n i n e ( i n w o m a n . such a mag i c word. a p iece c a l led "A l l i n d u e t i m e . a p p rox i mate o n e s . we s t u bborn l y s w i t c h f rom t h e psychosomatic c o d e to t h e l i n g u i s t i c one h o p i n g to com p a re a g reater n u m be r o f experiences. t h e c o l o n ization of existence. T h e n m u s i c a l t i m e c a m e to m i n d . "It i s not easy to t a l k about sex u a l i t y . . forc i n g u s t o m a k e pai n f u l c h o ices. a n d . d re a m s . rat h e r t h a n econom i c a n d p rod uctive. It seemed that the c o n t rast i n g read i n g s offered on S c h o n berg were re l e­ vant to u s : t h e d ra m a of d i ss o l u t i o n of t o n a l i t y a n d t h e u l t i mate fa i l u re i n t h e at­ tempt to construct a new m u s i c a l norm. Ato n a l ity and 1 2-tone m u s i c . w h o m some of u s l oved . of o u r obstru cted s e l f-assert i o n . n a t u ra l l y . we were n o t a b l e to t race t h at score.rea l ized y e t no-longer-lac k i n g-somet h i n g m u st b e t h e rejection o f t h e v i s i o n o f ou rselves as w o m e n . . sometimes ex p resses itself i n a strange m a n ner. . on t h e m a n y ty pes of woma n ' s t i me: o n work t i me a n d l ove t i m e . cau s i n g t h e separat i o n 1 37 . not t h e i r i d e n t ity. but by the laws of market i n g . by means of i n­ c i s ive. T h i s c a l l s f o r a p roj ect to resea rch t h e d i versity of wome n . o n " f ree" t i m e a n d " l i berated" t i me. I t has b e e n s a i d : "Wo m a n ' s t i me i s w o m a n ' s t i m e . said somebody. A t i m e that i n vokes m u l t i p l i c i ty . " (The w o m e n of t h e Center Col l ect ive). b u t a l s o i n m a n ) h a s p ro­ WITH THE d u ced a body that i s n o l o n g e r posessed by desi res. .h o l e s . It e n t a i l s c a p s i z i n g t h e rea l i ty p r i n c i p l e a n d c o n s i d e r i n g desi res t h e t r u e rea l i ty . i m p i n g e s o n o u r wo rkaday rea l ity. speech a n d t h e n f i n a l ly . res u l ts in t h e d i sap­ pearance of p l eas u re. . A move to h e l p u s g o beyond t h e s t a g e of not-be i n g -f u l ly. a n d t h e refore condem ned to t h e n o n l i v a b l e . b u t p r i m a r i l y of t h e ex p e r i m e n t a t i o n on o n e s e l f . a n d of t h e fe m i n i n e from itself res u l t s i n t h e fictional appearance of woman on t h e scene. "The idea came u p a l most by c h a nce. Sed u c t i o n i n words. " ( M a r i l i na) But desi re. S u s p e n s i o n of sex u a l ity . A l l t h i s req u i red t h e creat i o n of a n o t h e r t i me. t h e a n c i e n t root of o u r d i sfra n c h i se­ m e n t . I n t h e m ea n t i m e we h a d started d i sc u s s i n g S c h o n berg. I t e n t a i l s refra i n i n g f r o m the w h i n i n g acco u n t s of o n e ' s m i sery. R E A D I N G O N ES E L F O n t h e cover of a n i s s u e of Differences. W o m a n becomes t h e o p p o s i t e of somet h i n g e l s e . breakdown of the old order and the i m poss i b i l ity of a " s pontaneous" and non-pa i n f u l jou rney towards a new order of t h i n g s . as a " s u s p e n s i o n " of d e s i re. We were pond e r i n g over t i me . a n a n c i e n t i n st r u m e n t of t i mekee p i n g . The o p pos i t i o n w o m a n . o r maybe a n o t h e r d i me n s i o n . on research t i me. T h i s en tail s d i s r u pt i n g t h e u s u a l m a nne r of spea k i n g . U N CO N S C I O U S b y a desi re t h a t does n o t e n t e r t h e body b u t i s bartered i n a g a m e t h a t red u ces l i fe to eco n o m i c l aws w i t h death as its e n d . " Later. n a rrat i n g . T h e prog ressive separat ion­ estrangement of t h e mascu l i n e from t h e fem i n i n e . and o t h e rs k n ew l i t­ tle about. however. u n c o n s c i o u s states. self-d i sc l o s u re . attac k i n g the mecha n i s m t h a t n o t o n l y p rodu ces re p re s s i o n i n t h e u nc o n s c i o u s . forcefu l frag m e n t s of d es i res. . t h e magazi n e of t h e Roman col lectives. I N MUSIC t he re i s a score by Schoenberg. some did not. often. w h e re t h e p rod u c t i o n of mea n i n g d o e s not c o n s i s t of t h e p rod u c t i o n of e x c h a n g e va l u e . t h e p a rce l izat i o n of t i me a n d s pace. w h y n o t .m a n . Someone e l s e s u g gested p u tt i n g t h e score of a S c h o n berg p i ece o n t h e cover. t h e o p p o s i t e of a m a n . w h i c h i s seen as fem i n i n e a n d n o n p roduct ive. t h e refore a b e i n g t ha t c a n not e x i s t by herse l f . perhaps j u st by p l a y i n g o n words. b u t t h a t represses t h e u n ­ c o n s c i o u s i t s e l f . " Tautolog i c a l . Ot hers did not ag ree. O n e of u s p u t forward t h e idea of h av i n g a n h o u r g l ass o n t h e cove r. m ea n i n g . i t s d i s i ntegration t h ro u g h i n h u ma n r o l e c o n s t ra i n t s . The d e s t r u c t i o n of the fem i n i ne i s t h e t h read th at r u n s t h ro u g h a n d accom pa n i es t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f h u m a n ity.

To get i n t o u c h w i t h t h e w h o l e w i t h o u t fee l i ng overpowered . at atte n t i o n . One in t u n e w i t h the w h o l e . t h e a l i e n a t i o n of motherhood. w h o are h u dd l i n g arou n d t h e i r u m b re l l a s . I n my l i fe. " my emot i o n s wane and I becom e more aware of my o p p re s s i o n . Everyt h i n g w i t h i n everyt h i ng e l se. "The p l ea s u re I a m t a l k i n g about i s somet h i n g m o re t h a n p l eas u re. it is an excess. then w h y not start c reat i n g a c h a racter o u t of ou rselves ! L i t t l e comedy in o n e act: " To Be or Not to Be" After a whole day spent at t h e t e l evi s i o n center. O u t of t h e corner of my e y e . soak i n g wet. i f even j u st a n i mage of myse l f . n o t a foc u s i n g b u t a d i ff u s i o n . Not a n abstract i d e n t ity. to a p pear h a rd and p r o b l e m a t i c . a sense of f u l l ness that goes beyond t h a t of a cup a l ready fu l l to the brim. My body oc­ c u pies a space t h a t f e e l s r i g h t . and w o m e n h a v e n e v e r b e e n h i story. Ecstasy. " ( T h e w o m e n of S t u d i o R i petta) One may object: "What n a rc i s s i s m ! " Why not ! S i nce representation i s h i st ory . S i nce Antone l l a i s a n g ry . w h o chose to b e separated from m a n e v e n sex u a l l y . s h e u s u a l l y goes and l e t s i t o u t t h ro u g h exerc ise. for ways to use t h e body as a b r i d g e . it is not a g oa l to reac h . ( B i anca) Then o n e looks for a way beyond. w i t h my h e a d h i g h . I o n l y k n ow that every t i m e I m ove a w a y from t h i s " s u s p e n s i o n . a l ways at t h e same t i m e . f u l f i l led . M a r i n e l l a i s f r i g h tened: " W h at h a p pen- 1 38 . everyw here. start i n g from tota l i ty. g o i n g around i n c i rc l es and gett i n g n ot h i n g acco m p l i shed. I do not know how o n e comes o u t of such a q u a n t i tative abstrac t i o n of l i fe. if I corres pond to w h at I t h i n k I s h o u l d be. a n d d rive away. p u shed from t h e f i rst f l oo r to the secon d . b u t o n t h e o p p o s i t e s i d e of t h e st reet. I feel bea u t i f u l . e v e n t h o u g h i t ' s ra i n i n g cats and dogs. I t is a d u ra t i o n . b u t j u st " l e repos d u g u errier. then back a g a i n to t h e f i rst. stand i n g on t h e c u rb . an extra . UTOPIA. I am. a sum without exc l u ­ s i o n . I do not wonder any more i f I am rea l ized . i t i s PROBABLY somet h i n g i n e x c e s s of i t . s h e does n ' t come a l o n g t o o u r meet i n g . b u t c r i t i c a l and active n o n e t h e less. t h e a n n oyance a n d t h e f u t i l ity of a q u a n t i fy i n g test of myse l f d rive m e i n t o a state of sex u a l " s u s p e n s i o n . as a woman w h o l o n g ago rej ected t h e role of rep rod u c er of t h e s p e c i e s . as t ho u g h o n a s h i p ' s u pper d e c k . T h e copresence of a l l the fu l l ness and e m p t i ness I am a b l e to fee l . Comble­ ment is not p l a n ned any more. So I say to her: "Wat c h . not t h e satisfac t i o n of a desi re. When I arrive at the meet i n g . A relat i o n s h i p with myse l f t hat works perfect ly. and w h e n s h e i s . I ' m g o i n g to act o u t o u r d e p ress i o n . w h o stand f l at a g a i n s t a bu i ld i n g to f i n d s h e lter. and t h o s e w i t h o u t on e . Somet h i n g t h a t . ends u p exceed i n g i t : a tota l i ty without rem a i nder. An to n e l l a a n d I d rove back d o w n t ow n . So w h i l e t h e d rive to produce s t i l l l i n g e rs w i t h i n m e i n t h e form of a necess ity to c reate. c ross t h e street c a l m l y . T h e certai nty of a t h eo ry o r t h e acq u i s i t i o n of practice d o e s not rea s s u re me. I s e e Antone l l a l a u g h . " I get off. erect. a p l ace w i t h n o l i m its . b u t somet h i n g t h a t ex­ ceeds the poss i b i l i t i e s t h at d e s i re had foresee n . proba b l y . n o t at t h e b u s stop. " a warm l a p to come back to. leav i n g me with rare moments of l u c i d ity. b u t existence. t i m e d i s a p pears. I am not any more at t h e p l a n n i n g stage. l i ke a h e ro i ne. for stepp i n g beyond o n e s e l f . w i t h o u t the need of e x p l ana­ t i o n . S h e d ro p s m e of f . " i n produc­ ing. Deat h i s n o longer meas u ra b l e . t h e sense of op p res s i o n cont i n u e s . g o i n t o f i rst g e a r . A sense of comblement. I am my body. in order to show to myse l f that I exist. a m idst t h e amazement of t h e bysta nders. when I rea l ize t h a t my negative relat i o n s h i p w i t h t h e w o r l d derives from t h e f a c t that I i n t rojected t h e l a w of " d o u t d e s . then I stand u n d e r t h e stop s i g n . " appare n t l y d e v o i d of n e e d s and d es i res.

w o m e n brou g h t about t h e e r u p t i o n of major c o n t rad i c t i o n s w i t h i n t h e p a r t i e s of t h e e x ­ treme a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e f t . o f t h e o c c u p at i o n of t h e Wome n ' s H o u se. a t seventeen. l a bor. c o n t rad i c t i o n s . I t i s h e re t h ey p a rt i c i pated i n t h e M ove m e n t ' s meet i n g of 1 977. T h e d e b a t e s w i t h i n t h e Move m e n t h ave a lways taken i n t o acc o u n t t h e prob l e m of t h e " o u t s i d e . ap­ propriately so f o r a M ovem e n t t h at negotiates f o r w o me n . raised to accu se. d e s i re. B e h i n d t hat p o i n t i n g f i n g er. a c t o u t t h e i n c o n s i st e n c i e s . . m o re t h a n every w h e re e l se. . to keep t h e m e m o ry a l ive . " " m a l e p o l i t ics. d i ed o n M a rc h 1 2. I t ' s not e n o u g h f o r m e j u st to g ive a n acco u n t of m y s e l f . assas s i n ated d u r i n g a protest march. t h i s c h a racter of m i ne i s p o s i t i v e l y po l i t i c a l . ed?" I te l l her. I try to represe n t myself. h o w I p l ay. ." " t h e rel a t i o n ­ s h i p w i t h t h e o t h e r o p p ressed . s h e l a u g h s . I t i s i n R o m e G i o r g i a n a M a s i . I F T H E OCTO B E R R EVOLUT I O N H A D B E E N I N MAY IF YOU WERE ST I LL A L I V E I F I W E R E N OT I M POT E N T I N T H E FAC E O F Y O U R ASSASS I N AT I O N I F M Y P E N W E R E A V I CTO R ' S W E A P O N I F M Y F E A R EXPLO D E D I N T H E SQUAR ES A COU RAG E B O R N O F T H E A N G E R STRA N G LE D IN M Y T H ROAT I F H AV I N G K N OW N YOU WOU LD B ECO M E O U R STR E N G T H I F T H E F LOW E R S W E G A V E TO Y O U R C O U R A G E O U S LI F E I N O U R D EAT H W O U L D AT LEAST B E CO M E W R EAT H S I N T H E ST R U G G L E O F A L L U S WO M E N I F. . " t h e " o u t s i d e " m ean i n g t h e " i n s t i t u t i o n s . H e r f e m i n i s t c o m rades cou l d just w r i te poet i c words i n h e r m e m o ry . o f t h e o r g a n ized stru g g l e i n t h e h o s p i t a l s t o g u arantee t h e r i g h t to a b o r t . I w a n t to h e a r n o t o n l y " I heard you ! " b u t a l s o " I s a w you ! " Y e s . . " A n d i n Rome. Rome has been t h e p l ace of t h e g reat d e m o n s t rat i o n s . . " (Alessa n d ra) TO G EO R G I A N A I n R o m e the Fem i n ist M o ve m e n t has a lways been g i ve n a p o l i t i c a l l a b e l . b u t t hey covered every w a l l w i t h t h e m . 1 977.

ITS R E F U SAL. I w a n t wh at I c reate." s p r i n g i n g f ro m o l d fem i n i ne sed u c t ive g u i les (beauty. beau t i f u l . w i l l i t become the soc i a l basis for a new f e m a l e power? A n a n a l y s i s of the s u bject ive i nt e n t i o n s of the M ove m e n t w i l l reve a l i t s a n t i ­ refor m i s t c h a racter: i n d i v i d u a l e m a n c i pa t i o n a n d e m a n c i pation a s a p o l i t i c a l p ro­ g ra m are rej ected beca u s e c o n s i d e red an e xp r e ssi o n of i n teg rat i o n i s t s u bo rd i n a­ t i o n a n d a sou rce of d iv i s i o n a m o n g w o m e n . Conseq u e n t l y . I w a n t t h e u n ity of t h e sky. " W h a t bothered m e m o s t was t h e c o nt i n uo u s repet i t i o n of " w e a r e h a l f . S i nce t h e exerc i s e of power a l ways refers to a re l a t i on s h i p of sed u c t i o n and t h e refore to rec i p ro c a l deplmdency. takes t h e form of a t e n d e n c y to exc l u d e someone d i f­ ferent f ro m onese l f a n d to s o l i d i fy a col lect ive u sage i nto l i n g u i s t i c a n d i d e o l o g i c norm. " bring about new i nd e p e n d e n c e . ' i s not less real than the sec o n d . w h a t fem i n i s m i nt u i t s is t hat t h e f i rst t y p e of d o m i n a t i o n . W i t h i n p o l i t i c a l c o l l ectives. W e were t a l k i n g a b o u t p o l i t i cs. B u t I do not w a n t w hat e x i s t s a l ready . ON POW E R . becau s e t hey w i l l p rove useless? O r . o n e c a n then s u m m arize in t h ree f u n d a m e n t a l p o i n t s a l l the t h e m e s o n power: 1) a n a l y s i s of power and of t h e powers of t h e m a l e society d i v ided i n c l asses. " t h e " new s u bject i v i s m . a t y p i c a l f i g u re of m a l e power. 2) a n a l y s i s of t h e power re l a t i o ns c reated w i t h [ n t h e W o m e n ' s M ovement. I do not ref u s e a n yt h i n g . p ract i c a l a s p ects of t h e M ove m e n t . " A re w e h a l f o r d o we w a n t h a l f ? Are w e h a l f of t h e c l ea r . T h e p o w e r of t h e oppos i t i o n m a n/w o m a n a n d ITS V U L G A R I T I ES woma n/wo m a n . From t h e s t reets. w e a r e h a l f . i n accord a n ce w i t h t h e f e m i n ist atte n t i o n p a i d t o t h e k n o w n d y n a m i c f o rces i n t r i n s i c i n every h u m a n a g g regat i o n . " it is t h e i n s i d e of t h e col lective t h a t is t h reatened by a ref l ect i o n of t h e m a l e-fem a l e b i po l a ri t y . b u t n ever conve n t i o n a l sky. w h a t is c reated t h ro u g h s t r u g g l e . Power. I n o t h e r words. of a soc i a l col­ lective i nd e p e n d e n t f r o m t h e ru les of t h e Oed i p a l g a m e . Word p o w e r i s t h e refore exerted by w o m e n w h o a p p e a r to be sex u a l l y repressed a n d w i t h dependency needs. T h e w o m a n w h o i s a b l e to t a k e t h e f lo o r m o r e eas i l y becomes. a n d lead to the con seq u e n t d i sa ppearance of sex u a l roles. a n d a l s o i n s m a l l c o n s c i o u s ness-ra i s i n g o r d e p t h ­ a n a l y s i s g ro u ps. sweet ness. male and female. t h e m a s c u l i n e a n d fem i n i ne roles. I d o not w a n t h a l f of w h a t t h e re i s today. c o m p l i c i t y a n d d i scomfort t h a t emerge f ro m t h e p rog ressive d i scovery of i nd i v i d u a l d i f ferences. t h e m a t e r n a l a n d pater n a l r o l e s recreate t h e m s e l ves t h ro u g h t h e i n t ricate i nt e r.re l a t i o n s h i ps of leaders h i p a n d d e l e g at i o n . W I T H OUT A D D I N G M O R E . IT W E R E NOT W O R D S T RY I N G TO A F F I R M LI F E BUT L I F E I TS E L F . w o m e n a r e s l ow l y i n ve s t i g a t i n g t h e p o w e r w i e l d ­ ed by t h e f a t h e r. 3) t h e e l a bo rat i o n of a l i berat i o n p l a n w i t h reg a rd to power. i n fact. w h i c h i s c o n s i d e red t h e more d a n g e ro u s becau s e ' mo re i n t rojected a n d o m n i p rese n t . Anyway. e m o­ t i o n a l ity. w i l d . t heoret i c a l a n d st rateg i c p r o b l e m s are t r a n s f e r red to t h e s m a l l space o f l i t t l e g ro u p s a n d c o l l ect ives. n o w st i l l u t o p i a n . As soon as t h e p o l i t i c a l d ef i n i t i o n of " id e n t i ty agai n s t" col l a pses a n d t h e m a l e qua oppos i t i o n f u ses w i t h a h y p o t h e t i c a l " o u t­ s i d e .m o t h e r s i d e . i n s t i n c t i v ity). a n d t h e prospect. I w a n t everyt h i n g . o r d o w e w a n t to e a t o u r h a l f of t h e c a k e h e re on eart h . a n d to i t s u s u a l repet i t i o n of t h e Oed i p a l t r i a n g l e . s i nce i t too i s a d i st o rted a n d 1 40 . i n t h e M ovem e n t . " (Lia) "If o n e g ra n t s t h e i n ev i t a b l e d istort i o n s faced in t a l k i n g about t h e vast t h eoret i c a l . we are h a l f . eve n t h o u g h I a m o n l y h a l f t h e sky. t h e b i g p r o b l e m of p o w e r c a m e i n . the reverse of " w o rd power" i s " s i l e n c e power. of t hose va l u es I refuse a n d f i g h t . u nd e r t h e g u ise of a g g ression-passivity. w h i c h a l s o i m p l ies organ izat i o n . Does t h e w o m e n ' s revo l t a i m at a g reater acq u i s i t i o n of power o r at i t s total ref u s a l ? W i l l t h e obd u rate search for " id e n t i t y . o n the c o n t ra ry .

h u dd l i n g . n o n . I n s h o rt: a h i g h p o i n t o f t h e M ovem e n t . ' re t rave l l i n g ' our c on d i t i o n of sex u a l s i g n a l s . R o m e ' s t ra i n ter­ m i na l . bea r i n g torches. b u t l e t ' s g o b a c k to t h e d e m o n s t rat i o n . " Ro m a n fem i n i s t s m a rc h ed at n i g h t a g a i n s t v i o l e n ce.000 W O M E N p resence. not to c l a i m s o m et h i n g . beh i n d t h e s c reen of u pt u rned s i g n i f i ca t i o n . fac i n g t h e p rovoc a t i o n com i n g f ro m t h e s i d ew a l k . From t h at m o m e n t o n . g o i n g beyond t h e h i st o r i c a l r i t u a l i s m . T h i s d e m o n s t rat i o n I N T H E ST R E ETS f o l lowed t h ree d a y s of debates. t h e R o m a n fem i n i st s e x p e r i e nced prost i t u t i o n . t h e o b l i q u e e x p res s i o n (Ach i l l e s ' s l aves m o u r n ' u s i n g Pat roc l u s as a p retext/ each h e r own sorrow'). t h e v i sceral a n d n i g h t l y fem i n i ne . e x p e r i e n ­ c i n g aga i n t h e co n d i t i o n of i m p r i s o n me n t . a p o s i t i ve o n e for t h e women. p res s i n g c l ose. For t h e f i rst t i m e R o m a n women wou l d take D E M O N ST RATI O N S? to the s t reets. a n e g a t i ve one f o r the m e n w h o watched o n the s i dewa l ks . t h e use of force . T h e g ro u p w e n t t h ro u g h t h e n e i g h bo r h ood of Staz i o n e Term i n i . I n so d o i n g . I t i s reg res s i o n w i t h a p rog ress ive va l u e t h at t h e Wom e n ' s Move m e n t i n t roduces i n t h e p o l i t i c a l u n iverse. B e i n g w i t h o t h e r w o m e n . M a n y were heav i l y m a d e u p . p o l i t i c a l l y t h e t u n n e l of regress i o n . A m a r c h i n t h e n i g ht." ( E l i sabetta) As we were say i n g . Repossess i n g . we w o u l d b e fac i n g new probl e m s . t h e h a nd l i n g of w o m e n ' s v i o l e n ce. T h e w o m e n h o l l ered T h i rd-Wor l d come-ons. t h e i n t i macy t h a t b l i nd s a n d d i v i des. T h e p r o b l e m o f v i o l e n ce. c l a i m i n g p rost i t u t i o n . p e n e t rat i n g d e l i berately t h e aphasia t hat t r i es to re medy its s h o rtcom i n g s t h ro u g h body l a n g u ag e . a p l ace of t h e most prof o u n d a n d p u b l i c s u b m i s s i o n . enacted. p a rt i a l ref l e c t i o n of t h e rea l re l a t i o n s h i ps of power a c t i ve in t h e so-ca l l ed " o u t - side. t h e i n ev i t a b l e . w h e n t h e d i scovered u n i t y of R o m a n fe m i n i s m b e c a m e m a n i fest as a p rac t i c a l poss i b i l ity of c o l l ec t i ve w o r k . f r o m t h e ' o u t s i d e ' .p r o g ra m m a t i c s o l i d a r i ty of t h e regressive cond i t i o n . t h e i m poss i b l e com m u n i cat i o n of contact. b u t to make a d i rect a f f i rmat i o n of t h e i r 50. u nd e r i t s o w n eyes a n d t h ose of the m e n w a i t i n g in a m b u s h on t h e s i d e w a l k s . c u t off from t h e aware n e s s o f i t s e l f . all t h i s m e a n s exper i m e n t i n g . It i s the beg i n n i ng of the c l a s h bet­ ween the women for the M o v e m e n t and t h ose who g ravitate toward A u t o n o m y . Tog e t h e r t h ey wou l d c l a i m t h e n i g h t f o r t he m s e lves. t h e u s u a l ceremony of t h e come-o n . M i m i c k i n g p rost i t u t i o n . m e a n t fac i n g c o l l e c t i v e l y . a place f req u e n ted by t h e poorest p rost i t u tes. s o m et h i n g h a d to c h a n g e . in a con­ s c i o u s a n d ex p l i c i t way." ( B i a n ca m a r i a) W H AT O F T H E B I G A s p ec i a l date was N ovember 1 976. C l o t hes were u sed as a s ex u a l s i g n a l . ' ret ravel l i n g ' t h e c ond i t i o n of t h e h a r e m .

the effort exerted not to k i l l a n y p a r t of o u rselves. After a l l . i f we o n l y w a n t . l i fe. The destru c t u r i n g of t h o u g h t c on cerned with f i n a l ity. H o p e l ess? N o . M y past. when it i s l i fe i t s e l f that escapes u s . I d o not bel ieve i n a n y f o r m of s u rvival o n e i s a b l e to come u p w h e n t h e n e e d arises. w h i c h comes w i t h i n that catego ry of p o l i t i c a l s t rateg ies rejected by u s women: l o s s of c o n t ro l o n t h e l ower leve l s . In the face of t h es e C h o i ces. " B u t I d o n o t t h i n k t h a t to p roceed s t ra i g h t . I d o n o t t h i n k t h a t it i s ev en necessary t o program t h e m . I c o n s t a n t l y l ive with t h e f o r m s of s u rvival I make up as I g o a l o n g . fam i l ies. we m u st l ive w i t h o u r c o n t i n u o u s i nv e n t i o n s of s u rviva l . it i s u n t h i n k a b l e for u s not to p l ace at the center of our a n a l y s i s l i fe i t s e l f . MY FAC E L ESS " I wou l d l i ke to beg i n by para p h ras i n g A rt a u d . a b s o l ute d e l e g a t i o n . I w a n t to a d d t h a t today i t i s u n ­ t h i n k a b l e for u s w h o h ave u nd e rtaken a p h y s i c a l a n d cog n i t ive j o u r n ey t h at took u s t h r o u g h facto r i e s . l o c a l a n d n a t i o n a l meet i n g s . o n e day. e . t h e d i f f i c u l ty to e n ­ d u re t h e d i scovery of t h e n o n l i nearity of o u rse l ves. rej ects a s e l f-tra n s pa rency made up of truths a n d c e r­ t a i n t ies over that a c h i eved t h ro u g h t h e effort to k n ow oneself. i . a series of asse m b l ed l i t t l e victories. b u t I w a n t to speak of my l i fe. everybody ' s past. T o d a y we st i l l say t h a t we must talk about l i fe. I categ o r i ca l l y reject it as nosta l g ia. p l a n n i n g . a l l with c a p i t a l ' c ' . seems to m e a n o b l i gatory step t o remove from ou rselves t h e w e i g h t of ideology. G o i n g b a c k to Arta u d . a j o u rney that went o n inside u s . become d i v i s ive i s s u e s at every meet i n g . p rojec t i o n . " T h e new debate m u st deal w i t h terro r i s m . T w o years a g o . i n t h e u n ma s k i n g of our p e rs o n a l relat i o n s h i ps. t h e y k i l l a l l other poss i b l e c h o ices. to be s u re. i d e a l ized a n d i d e o l o g ized: from c reative w o r k e r s to hero i n addicts. perhaps not a i m i n g at d i scove r i n g in the m idst of the d ay-to­ day rea l i ty the e x i s t e n c e of that " fe m i n i ne i d e n t ity" that we carried/carry g l u ed to o u r s k i n . how c a n w e t a l k about t h e p o l i t i c a l crisis w i t h o u t t a l k i n g about our i deas o n l i fe ? " E v e n a d e b a t e o n terro r i s m i s organ ized . t h e armed stru g g l e . at t h e s a m e t i m e .l e f t i s t organ izat i o n s . a n d t hat i s i m posed o n i t . h o p e i s t h e l ast to d i e . T h e re i s a strange para l l e l i s m between t h e general ized c o l l apse of l i fe w h i c h i s at t h e core of t h e present d i s c o u ragement. The nosta l g i a of t hose w h o w o u l d m u ster u s f o r a n armed s t ru g g l e and organ ize u s i n b r i g ades. w e m u st p ref i g u re s o m et h i n g : o u r i d e n t i ty . as women. " F i rst I wou l d l i ke to a n a l yze t h e " po l i t i c a l " s i d e of terro r i s t act i o n . A geometry that. t o t hose w h o practice " t h e refu s a l of w o r k . we m o re o r less s a i d t h e s a m e t h i ng s . w h i c h . w i t h o u t s t ro n g l y b e l i ev i n g i n t h e m . i n t h e e n d . For t h i s reaso n . t i m e l e s s. hopes. a necessary s t e p to arrive at t h e p rocess of c reat i o n . of t h e n ew. The nosta l g i a of t h ose w h o would rouse our affection for t h e state a n d e n c l ose us i n organ izat i o n s . most certa i n l y . etc. I o n l y accept i t as a learn i n g process. nuclei. l ove. w i t h o u t t h e negativity of lett i n g o u rselve s merely ex i st. N o th i n g i s more attac h ed to t h e past t h a n our i ma g i n a t i o n . y o u n g people. t o t a l a n d abso l u t e s p l i t of t h e p o l i t i c a l 1 42 . T h e M ovement loses i t s h o m o g e n e i ty w i t h reg ard to t h e " o u t s i d e . we who con­ cerned o u rselves with t h e p o l i t i c s of t h e g reat systems d o w n to t h e p o l i t ic s of d i sh-was h i n g . t h e d i scovery of o u r m u l t i p l i c i ­ t y . Yet. by say i n g t h a t n ever m o re t h a n to­ H O P ES day has t h e re been so m u c h talk about the State a n d p o l i t i c s. I d o n o t t h i n k that ou r f u t u re p l a n n ed / p l a n ­ n a b l e i d e n t i ty i s a set of mosaic p ieces." A ro u n d u s w e s e e alternat ive s u rviva l tact ic s . a l most e n masse. i n d ifferent t i mes. b u t . becau se. a n d t he p r o b l e m of a p o l i t i c a l cou rse of a c t i o n that never h a r m o n ized w i t h l i fe. a c k n o w l ed g e ou rselves a n d t o be a b l e to l ove. w e who a n a l yzed d y n a m i c forces a n d t h e s u bc o n s c i o u s . we d e f i ned as " w o m a n is beau t i f u l . a n d w h y not. t h e state. w h e n we c a m e o u t . t o have. n e i g hborhoods. world v i e w . workers. b u t I m u s t ad m i t t h a t these h o p e s of m i ne are face less. as I was say i n g . " to t hose w h o c hoose to be Com m u n i s t f i g hters. and not a n y l o n g e r " w h a t i s t h e r i g h t i d e n t i ty i n order to l ive. M aybe I a m o n l y speak i n g of m y l i fe. Our face less h o pe s are t h e only poss i b i l i t y to know. l i nes.

someone to t r u s t . ' ' everybody prac tic es i t . I a m n o t a p a c i f i s t . on­ l y we women can reiterate t h e c o n d e m n a t i o n of t h e var i o u s leve l s of v i o l e nce of w h i c h t h e p h y s i c a l type i s j u st t h e tip of t h e iceberg. becau s e i t i s s t i l l to be t ra n s lated in a p ractice that wou l d h e l p h a n d l e o u r i n d i v i d u a l re l at i o n s h i p w i t h w o r k . sex u a l i t y . a n d a s i t u a t i o n of revo l u ­ t i o n a ry m a s s v i o l e n ce . w i t h o u t l a p s i n g in such abstrac t i o n s a s 'every t h i n g i s v i ol e n c e . H owever c r i t i c i s m of e m a n c i p a t i o n h a s o n l y rema i ned t h eoret i c a l . ' I t h i n k . a p o l i t i c a l cou rse of a c t i o n t h a t forces o n e to an e i t h e r/or s i t ua­ t i o n . ' as t h e e x p ress i o n goes. We a r e f o rced to t h e u s u a l modes of s u rviva l : e i t h e r total e m a n c i pa t i o n . a n d o u r co m p l i c ity. becau se i t forces u s to be eq u a l to him i n work. ' N o r d o I c o n s i d e r i t r i g h t t h a t t h ose w h o reject t h e p l a n n ­ ed a n d spec i f i c t y p e of v i o l e n c e m u s t r i g h t a w a y be l a b e l ed pac i f ists. "To g i ve a n exa m p l e . I w i l l say t h at I have asked myself w h a t I wou l d do i f I met a n ex-terrorist along t h e way a n d i f s h e n eeded help. but I bel i eve t h a t p o l i t i c a l c h o i ces m u s t be m a d e i n t h e p rese n t . robb­ i n g us of o u r i d e n t i t y . po l i t i c s . but to denou nce. as we h ave a l ways d o n e . (M ichi) O n e m o re statement. we women. t o s e rve t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a i m s .from t h e private. and with i t h i g h l eve l s of moral a n d psych o l o g i c a l v i o l e n ce p racti ced o n women. s i nce i t keeps fear a l ive. to d e n o u n ce t h e leve l s of v i o l e n ce o n e w a n t s to h ide. t h e refore.e. O n v i o lence. J u st as we have l earned t hat rape i s a repressive weapon t u rned a g a i nst women. In fact we a re. i n t h e m idst of t h e u s u a l f o r m s of ' e m a rg i na t i o n . Let ' s d e n o u n c e a l l t h a t t h ro u g h t h e c e n ­ t u ries has kept u s d ivided a n d i nc a p a b l e of rebe l l i n g . T h e f a c t i s t h a t . a l it t l e affec­ tion. t h e refore. I wou l d l i ke to h e a r more concrete d i sc u s s i o n s . I n t h e M ovement w e condem ned e m a n c i pa­ t i o n a s a s i m p l e req uest of eq u a l ity to man. c h o i ce of va l u es. Let u s g o back. a h o u se. a n eq u a l ity that p roves to be f a l se. t o o . Fear of what? To become part of t h e p o l i t i c a l persec u t i o n t h a t h i t s anyone s u s pected of b e i n g a f e l low t ravel ler. because of t h i s fear. t h a t as a . i . now. I t h i n k I wou l d help h e r with g reat fear to ' m ake a new start . S i nce p o l i t i c a l v i o lence i s d e n o u n ced nowadays b y t hose i n power i n a g e n e r i c a n d ' i nstru m e n ta l ized ' m a n n e r. t h e p r e s e n t attempt to assert o u rse lves o n t h e level of e m a n c i p a t i o n . m a n . Wel l . o n the s u bject of e m a n c i p a t i o n .w i t h u s o r against u s . t h at i s . t h e re i s an enormous d i fference between h o m i c ides a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l v i o l ence practi ced now. tota l i d e n t i f icat i o n with man o r becom i n g s u p e r-em a n c i pated ter­ rorists or s u per-e m a n c i pated women w i t h i n State i n s t i t u t i o n s . a level for w h i c h we don't possess yet a plan a n d a f i g h t strategy. even t h i s form of p h y s i c a l a n d p o l i t i ca l v i o l e nce. From a general h i sto ric al point of view. I wou l d f a l l i n t o a pattern of behavior. t h a t i t i s v i t a l not to rema i n s i l e n t . s t i l l d iv i d ed a n d s u bo rd i nate to m a n .

because i t i s a n i l l u s i on t h a t t h e t ho u s a n d s t rea m s t h a t form f e m i n i s m at t h i s t i me w i l l a u t o m at i c a l l y become a s i n g l e g reat river. to the rad i c a l way in w h i c h w e d i sassoci ated ou rselves from every kind of i ns t i t u t i o n a l p o l i t ics d u r i n g t h e last years. t h e ret u r n o f poss i b i l i t y . Cortez 1 44 . B e h i n d i t . i t i s h a rd to s i n g l e o u t t h e enemy w i t h p rec i s i o n . a n d I a l s o be l ieve t ha t i t can be d e f i ned i n m o r e present t e r m s be h i nd what d i s g u i s e t h e eternal enemy is h i d i n g . I f i r m l y be l i eve t h a t fem i n i s m has t ra n sformed s o c i e t y . N ow t h e q uestion a r i ses i f . i n t h e last two y e a r s . in our c o u n t ry . The ' d o u b l e m i l i t a n c y ' has been a spec i f i c a l l y I t a l i a n p h e n o m e n o n . between t h e two w o r d s we p u t a d a s h . t h e m e m o ry e merges of t h e b i g break a m o n g women. one must do so in a d i fferent m a n ner. in t h e h y p o t h e t i c a l case I p u t f o rt h . o n e becomes a moral a n d g u i l t. For t h i s reason nowadays i t i s n o l o n g e r poss i b l e to d ef i ne a w o m a n as bei n g m o re fe m i n i st t h a n a n o t h e r . I d o n o t be l i eve t h at o u r po l i t i cal st rateg ies h ave b e e n s u f f i­ c i e n t l y mod i f ied by t h e com i n g on t h e scene of d i fferent fem i n i st leve l s . Fine res u l t after so many years of stru g g l e when I p roc l a i med w i t h o t h e rs the respect for d ivers i t y . W i t h o u t doubt. however. Worse. t h e po l i t i c a l m i l i t a n cy i n t h e organ izat i o n s has b e e n f o r m a ny of u s t h e o n l y t h i n g that saved u s f r o m d a n g l i n g i n t h e abyss t h at d iv i d ed u s f ro m l i berat i o n .t h e c h a n g e s . t h e o n e used by mothers w i t h t h e i r d a u g h ters w h e n t hey cover up for t h e m w i t h father: 'I w i l l h e l p y o u . woman I k n ow w e l l . s o t h a t o n e t u r n s to t h e most s y m bo l i c a n d ete r n a l enemy t h e re i s : t h e State. a n d i f o n e remem bers the r i g h t s i d e a n y more. w h i c h i n t h i s case i s t h e State. goes back. i t i s t h e revers e . t h e d y n a m i c forces . i n t h e a b s e n c e of a b r i d g e . but you m u st g u a rantee t h a t you w o n ' t get me in t ro u b l e . Fem i n i sts c l e a r l y s p l i t f rom t h e s u p po rters of Autonomy. The r i g h t side and t h e reverse of ou r h i story are m i xed. ( M a n u e l a) At t h i s p o i n t my m e m o ry becomes p resence. a b r e a k t h a t ma rked a d i v i s i o n not o n l y between two ways of u ndersta n d i n g wome n ' s po l i t i c s. we have gone a l l out to deve l o p a plan of a c t i o n that w i l l not systemat i c a l l y exc l u d e m a ny women d i fferent f ro m u s because of age a n d soc i a l leve l . A n d i f o n e m u s t t a l k about p resence. a l l women i n a n i r revers i b l e m a n ner. Emanc i pa t i o n .t h a t s e t s t h e p a c e .' U ndou bted l y terro r i s m must be rej ected t h ro u g h words and act i o n s becau se i t does not p ropose but i m pose. by the log i c of terro r i s m i t s e l f : ' w i t h me o r a g a i n s t me. o n e speaks about it more eas i ly . i m p l ies g o i n g t h ro u g h a po l i t i c a l organ izat i o n m u c h more t h a n t h e j o b w o r l d . beca u s e i n t h e oppos i t i o n between e m a n c i pa t i o n a n d l i berat i o n . To be e m p h a t i c . ' That a m o u n t s to be i n g a k i n d of father s u b s t i t u te. t h i s m u s t be done q u i c k l y . T h e same p h e n o m e n o n of fem i n ist terro r i s m . i f not by m e o r t h e woman in q u e s t i o n . t h e sen s i b i l i t i es . i n fact. B u t I h ave m an y d o u b t s about t h e f a c t t ha t t h e f e m a l e presence i n terro r i s t organ iza­ t i o n s i s tota l l y to be ascri bed to the s u bo rd i nate c h a racter of the women w h o m a d e th at c h o i c e . T h e fact i s that. What has h a p pe n ed s i nce t h e n ? We h ave t a l k­ ed so m u c h between e m a n c i pation a n d l i berat i o n . a n d I wou l d add . b u t al s o between two g e n e rat i o n s . usef u l v i s u a l l y b u t too vag u e pract i ca l ly.p rod u c i n g f i g u re. Some of these streams a re a l ready beco m i n g b i g l a kes w h ere t h e c o n s c i o u s n ess of m a ny women stag nates. I f I j u s t go back two years. in part. the d ivers i t y would be red u ced to n i l . p e r h a p s we have to start from h e re to u nderstand w hat i s h a p pe n i n g among women now. I be l i eve. as t hese w r i t i n g s bear out. Accord i n g to me. t h e re i s a s u bject ive and object ive s i t u a­ t i o n . I be l i eve i n stead t h a t fem i n i s m h a s s t i l l a l o t to s a y about t h e n at u re of l h !3 oppos i t i o n . When pol i t i ca l d i s i nteg ra t i o n i s g reat. So t h e n of t h e presence o n e w i l l s peak s o m e other t i me. Transla ted by Vincenzo B uonocore 1 1/1 -4 Leisa Stroud Photos: D.

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9. 285 days In j a i l . It's n i ghtti me. Lucky h i m . 264 days In j a i l . 2 1 2 days in j ai l . 8. 1 98. 294 days i n j a i l . Yesterday I h a d sex w i t h a man. SOLI N G .290 d ays I n j a i l . 3. 1 96 days i n j a i l . eight months in jai l . 1 7. . M aybe I ' l l make I I too. 244 days I n j a i l and 245. . Read i n g makes me s ic k . 248 days i n jai l . 1 8.Thursday. 225 days in j a i l . U h . 7. 289 days in JAI L. 283 days in jai l . . Bum. 280 days in j a i l . 250 days In j a i l . ENOUGH WITH THAT FUCKI N G N O I S E . 281 d ays i n j a i l . 222 days in j a i l 223 days in j a i l 224 days in j a i l . U p your ass w i t h t h i s shit. I have a ton of books here. 242. Days i n j a i l . 269. . 260 days in jail. SOLI N G . 9. 1 99. 263 days in j a i l . 252 days I n jail. . Tried speed. When I get out I ' m going to sett le on one of Saturn's rings so nobody can ever agai n break M Y BALLS ! ! ! 201 days in j a i l . 38. 251 days I n jail. 254 days I n jai l . opi u m . 203 days i n jai l . 98. 35. That g u y i n t h e next cel l has f i n i s hed h i s sentence. W h o remem bers anyt h i ng . 6. 1 5. But read i n g makes me sick. I ' d had enough of that. 1 9. 241 days in j a i l . when I came . 1 95 days In j a i l . D l l ng-sd l i ng . Bum. Bum. 207 days i n j a i l . 230 . 200 days In jai l . 268 days i n jai l . I 'd l i ke to sleep t h rough 500 days of freedom on an I ceberg and I wou ldn ' t g i ve a fuck whether I d i ed from pneu m o n i a . F i rst I took It . 249 days in j a i l . 205 days I n j a i l . 3 1 . 36. . 284 days in j a i l . 206 days I n j a i l . . 240 days. 4. 253 days I n jail. and h a s h . H u rray. The way she looks at me is d i fferent from before . Was there a s u i c i d e last n i g ht? Ah. 204 days i n j a i l a n d so o n . 293 days i n j a i l . Today I saw Daria. 243 days i n j a i l . . 2 1 1 days In j a i l . 202 days I n j a i l . 266 days i n j a i l . the 26 1 st n i g h t of the 26 1 st day I n j ai l . . . 247 days i n jai l . l ' M H ERE . I couldn't j erk off any more. Today t here are some new arrivals. . Days l e s s to do i n j a i l . 2 1 4. heroi n . 3 2 . 220 days in j a i l . I'm afra i d she doesn't l ove me any more. T H R E E H U N D R E D DAYS IN JAI L. 1 6. U h . it m u st h ave been a . . was my b i rthday . 1 97 days. 72. A Thu rsday in j ai l . . I 've learned h o w to sew. 296 days I n j a i l 297 days. 2 9 1 days I n j a i l . they can't stop m e from doing everything. wait a m i nute. . acid. W H E R E DO YOU TH I N K l ' M G O I N G ? . . 271 . I n o n e week. . let's have a dri nk. . 39 DAYS IN J A I L. . I n jail. 260 days i n j a i l . 221 days in jai l . Bum. And a pu rse­ snatcher. And 209 da . . . I saw her a month ago too. I 've put my h e a d o u t s i d e t h i s s h i tty j a i l . . Three men sent u p for armed robbery. . 226 days in j a i l . 227 days in j a i l . 8. .then I gave It. 229 days I n j ai l . g rass. Bum. 2 1 0 days I n j a i l I hate y o u you make me sick. How w i l l t h i ngs be when I get out? Normal? 213 days I n j a i l . 33. 99. I t 's ni g ht agai n . He is very young. 7. 34. . 228 days in j a i l . 295 days i n j a i l . SOLITU D E I S A DARK ARMY O N T H E HORIZON . A m u rderer. FUCK . 5. 6. A i l a i l a i l a i l · a l l a l l a i l a i l . 255. . my 206th day In j ai l . . 208 days I n j a i l . I won't g ive you the satisfaction of k i l l i ng you l i ke dogs so you can beat me for the next 246 days I n j a i l . I ' m afrai d . My bra i n i s m i n e . 37. Ten years. 265 days in j a i l . 287 days in 288 days in. . They've woken me up. U h . . the other day. 286 days in j a i l .

3 Apri l 7 Arrests .

head of t h e govern i n g C h r i s t i a n Democrat ic party. We asked B i fo to w r i t e t h e f o l l ow i n g presenta­ tion on t h e context in w h i c h t h e M ovement developed a n d t h e p ro b l e m s i t had to con­ front u p to. The gove r n m e n t t h i n k s i t can s ucceed . t h e p o l i t ical a n d t heoret ical l i nes of t h e Red B r i gades d iverge d rast i c a l l y from t hose of t h e i n d iv i d u a l s a rrested. b u t . i n fact. in t h e g ro u p Workers' Power (Potere Operaio) w h i c h t h e n d i ssolved a n d became an element i n the movement of A u tonomia .has decided to make this g ro u p of i ntel lect u a l s pay for t h e last 10 years of mass revo l u t i o n a ry stru g g l e i n Italy. H e was a rrested a t t h a t t i m e u n d e r t h e c harge of " s u bve rsive assoc i a t i o n " . There a re no g ro u n d s a n d no p roof w hatsoever for t h ese c harges. M i la n o a n d Tor i n o w e r e a r rested . t h ey are accu sed of d i rect i n g t h e k i d n a p p i n g and exec u t i o n of A l d o M o ro. O n A p r i l 7. Rome. a n d after. twenty-two m i l itants and i nt e l l ect u a l s f rom Pad ua. a n d t h a t t h e balance of p o w e r may be s h i fted d e c i s i v e l y to i t s advantage. t h e strongest of terrorist organ izat i o n s i n Italy.a n d t h u s its sponso r i n g agency. a l i as " B i fo " . B u t we can make n o s e n s e at a l l of t h e a c t i o n s taken b y t h e gove r n m e n t d u ri n g t h e s e p a s t m o n t h s i f we do n o t u nderstand at least s o m e t h i n g s a b o u t t h e pol i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n I t a l y . and about t h e I t a l i a n revo l u t i o n a ry movemen t: 1 48 . Anatomy of A u t o n o my B i fo Franco B e rard i . A n d pract i c a l l y everyon e i n I ta l y w h o has read a newspaper k n ows it. was o n e of t h e m a i n f i g u res of t h e M ov e m e n t of '77 i n B o l o g n a . u n t i l 1973. t h e A p r i l 7 arrests. t h e g ove r n m e n t . They were a rrested o n t h e c harge of lead i n g t h e Red B r i gades. What t hey h a v e i n c o m m o n i s t h e i r part i c i pat i o n . Esse n t i a l l y w h a t i s clear i n all this opera t i o n i s t h a t t h e p rosec u t i o n . A n d in part i c u lar. I t i s not o n l y f a l s e that t h e m i l itants of Autonomy and t h e i ntel lectu a l s a r rested on A p r i l 7 d i rected t h e Red B rigades.

In order to u nderstand the h i story of the last 1 0 years i n I ta l y . S ECO N D: The H istorical C o m p rom ise. F o r t h e present we seek t o i d e n t ify t h e conseq u e n ces w h i c h t h e c l ass stru g g l e d u ri n g t hose years h a d f o r t h e cou n t ry ' s econ o m i c a n d i ns t i t u t i o n a l eq u i l i b r i u m . T h e s e s t r u g g les forced a def i n i t ive c r i s i s for t h e p o l i t i c s of t h e Center. w here t h e y were waged ha nd-to. F I AT i n Tori no). a n d a p a r t of t h e s t u d e n t movements at R o m e a n d F l orence. an attack d i rected toward the e l i m i nation of t h ose forces t h a t const i t u te t h e e l e me n ts of cont i n u ity i n t h e h i story of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry m ovement. i s un­ q u es t i o n a b l y t h e r i c hest a n d t h e most mean i n g f u l w i t h i n t h e c a p i t a l ist West. 1 969.Left ( a n a l l iance a m o n g t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats a n d Soc i a l ists) w h i c h t h ro u g h o u t t h e 60' s h a d m a d e poss i b l e a gove r n m e n t fou nded o n t h e pol icy o f vag u e refor m . It i s precisely because the p rog ress of the workers and of Autonomy const i t u tes the most i nterest i n g a n d essent i a l e l e m e n t of the e n t i re revo l u t i o n a ry movem e n t i n I ta l y d u ri n g t h e s e 1 2 y e a r s t h a t we s h o u l d c o n s i d e r t h e repressive i n i t iat ive o n t h e part of t h e j u d i c i a ry i n Pad u a . t h e W e s t i n part i c u l a r). i n the " t r o u b l e d a u t u m n " of 1 969. i t was com posed of s m a l l e r g ro u p s a l ready in existence: t h e Workers' Com m i ttee at Portomarghera. But to u n derstand t h e p o l i t i c a l and t heoret i c a l ferment u nd e r l y i n g t h e c reat i o n of t h e PO. t h e PO con so l i d ated i t s e l f a n d b e g a n p u b l i s h i n g a newspaper b y t h e s a m e name.a n d a re t h e n d i s persed and a rt i c u lated i n various org a n i za­ t i o n a l forms w i t h i n "Workers' Autonomy" (A u tonomia Operaia). d e m o n st rations. we m u s t start w i t h t h e wave of c o n f l icts beg u n in 1 968 at u n ivers i t i es a n d at some factories ( M ontedison i n Porto m a r g h e ro. A n d in t h e fo l l ow i n g years t h is d i v i s i o n produ ced a variety of organ izat i o n s to t h e left of t h e I t a l i a n Com m u n i st Pa r­ t y . FAT M E in Rome. T h e experience of t h e revo l u t i on a ry movem e n t i n Italy. g ro u p s for workers' power i n Pad u a a n d E m i l ia . take-overs. as seen i n 1 977. I. and in t h e factories and sc hoo l s . we should f i rst of a l l say more about t h e new organ izat i o n a l exper i m e n t s of 1 968 and 1 969. I n Septem ber. at t h e loca l leve l . F I RST: The c r i s i s of Cap i t a l i s m a n d of t h e I t a l i a n State s u bseq u e n t to t h e workers' s t r u g g l e d u ri n g t h e S i x t ies. and of the Red B rigades. made b y t h e work i n g c l ass i n t h e larger factories of t h e N ort h . t h e g ro u p Workers' P o w e r (Po tere Operaio) was f o r m e d at the n a t i o n a l l eve l . t he c o n f l i c t eve n­ t u a l l y i nvo l ved a l l t h e I t a l i a n work i n g class i n stri kes. To c o m p rehend t h e n ovel elements that this experience conta i n s we have to l ook at t h e t heoret ic al a n d org a n izat i o n a l c u rrents t h a t come to a head i n Potere Opera io . i t s t h eoret i c a l ori g i n a l ity a n d its po l i t ic al p rax is. S p read i n g t h e n .h a n d by the students and t h e you n g (as in most of the wor l d .u nt i l 1 97 3 . T h e s t r u g g l e s of 1 968 had t h e i r g reatest effects i n t h e u n ivers i t y . from 1 968 to 1 979. t h ose forces that h ave p rovided t h e catalyst for very s i g n i f icant theoret i c a l departu res. T h e a n t i-a u t h o r i t a r i a n assa u l t by t h e M ovement of ' 6 8 made prob l e m s and t e n - 1 49 .o u t s i d e t h e o f f i c i a l Workers' Movement. T H I R D : The nove lty of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry move m e n t for A u tonomy w i t h respect to t h e h i storical Soc i a l ist a n d M a rx i st Workers' Move m e n t . I t i s t h e Pad u a n cou rt w h i c h w a s respo n s i b l e for t h e arrest of m o s t of t h e m i l itants and i n t e l lect u a l s w h o took p a r t i n t h e move­ m e n t . a n atte m p t to get beyond this crisis a n d to d efeat t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement. and acts of sabotage. t h ro u g h o u t t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r . F O U R T H : The p rob l e m of the c i v i l war. D u rin g t h e same period. And the court's a c t i o n m u s t be seen as a real attempt at a f i n a l sol u t i o n . D u r i n g t hose two years of s t ru g g l e a d iv i s i o n occu red bet­ ween t h e Left a n d t h e Workers' Movement.

in t h e eve n t s of 1 968. u n t i l t h e n . e t c .i n te l l i ge nce) by a g ro u p of fascists c o n nected to t h e Secret Service a n d p rotected by powerf u l C h r i s t i a n Democrats. u n d e r accusat i o n . abo l i t i o n of p i ece-work a n d s a l a ry d i fferences.Left cou l d not a b s o l u t e l y contro l . 1 2. of p rod u c t i o n bonuses. the PCI n o n e th e less saw a n opport u n ity. " In the years f o l l o w i n g 1 970. between '68 and '69. C . a m o n g the youth a n d students. i t g rew in new sectors.c a l led t h e st rategy of t e n s i o n (s tra tegia def/a tensione). I n t h e f o l l o w i n g years.fo r being part l y respon s i b l e f o r t h e d i ctators h i p of t h e bou rgeo i s i e i n I t a l i a n society a n d f o r t h e n a t i o n ' s dependency on t h e C h u rch a n d a u t h o ritarian e l e m e n t s . a b a l a nce m a i n t a i ned by h i g h u n e m p loyment a n d a l a rge labor s u p p ly. in fact. t h e v a n g u a rd of workers w h o were orga n i z i n g i n t h e factories had q u i te d i fferent a i m s . and t h u s t h e econ o m i c c r i s i s of 1 970 as wel l . A n d t h e M ovement g a i ned cont i n u ity t h ro u g h t h e format i o n of revol u ­ t i o n a ry organ izat i o n s w h i c h arose t h ro u g h o u t t h e cou n t ry. a bo l i t i o n of job c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and ag a i nst t h e i nterests of p rod u c t i o n (abo l i t i o n o f promot i o n by merit. The I t a l i a n Com m u n ist Party. T h u s th e re arose i n t hose y e a r s a p o l i cy . in t h e factories of Port o m a rg h e ra. These q u i c k l y acq u i red the capacity to m ob i l ize peo p l e . w i t h cont i n u e d w a g e pressu res i n t h e f o l l o w i n g years). t hese acts were f req u e n t l y repeated : in every i n stance fascist cri mes were u sed as a n occa­ sion to accuse the left of violence and to i n st i t u te repressive cou nter-measu res. D u r i n g t h ose years. N a t u ra l l y e n o u g h . A n d i n a general way t h e M ovement brou g h t t h e politics of t h e D.w h i c h was a major p resence at Pad u a . U n t i l t h e n these w o r k e r s had p rovided t h e mass-base for contro l l i n g u n io n p ressu res i n t h e l a rge labor centers. s i o n s emerge w h i c h t h e Center. f o r organ ized p o l i t i ca l revo l u t i on). and f i n a l ly " Potere Operaio" . A n i m portant e l e m e n t i n t h e soc i a l scene of that period was t h e i n i t iation of a n org a n izat i o n a l campaign among m i g ra n t workers from t h e S o u t h . W h i l e d i sa p p rovi n g of t h e i r rad i ca l i s m . t h e worker's cause tended i n­ creas i n g l y toward b a rg a i n i n g for eq u a l ity (eq u a l l y i n c reased salaries f o r everyone. and at t h e U n i versity of Rome. ) . The d o m i n a n t p o l i t i c a l c l ass revealed its i n a b i l ity to deal w i t h t h i s s t ru g g l e . i nc reased labor costs by m o re t h a n 20 % . 1 50 . The c u m u lative e f f e c t of t h e workers' d e m a n d s p rovoked a c r i s i s i n t h e eco n o m i c b a l a n c e o n w h i c h i n d u st r i a l deve l o p m e n t . t h e b a l a n c e between low salaries and i ntensive e x p l o i ta t i o n of t h e labor force.d i rected a n d s u pported by t h e D . espec i a l l y i n To rin o .at t h e c u l m i na t i o n of t h e Workers' s t ru g g l e beg u n i n t h e " t ro u b l ed a u t u m n . h ave t h e i r roots i n t h e stre n g t h a n d c o nt i n u ity of this workers' s t ru g g l e . a n d by a large n u m be r of m i l i­ tant g ro u p s engaged in counter. and a seg m e n t of t h e workers reorg a n ized d u r i n g t h e s t ru g g l es of 1 969. "Ava n g u a rd i a Opera i a " (entrenched i n M i la n a m o n g workers i n large fac­ tories and a m o n g s t u d ents). C . This p o l i cy a m o u n t s to the a r­ t i f i c i a l c reat i o n of m o m e n t s of extreme t e n s i o n t h ro u g h s u c h means as i ncidents p rovoked by fascist g ro u p s or by agents t h a t often have d i rect l i n k s to t h e govern­ ment's Sec ret Service. f o r break­ ing the C h r i s t i a n Democrat i c hegemony and p u s h i n g for a d is p l acement o f t h e p o l i t i c a l b a l a n c e to t h e l eft. a n d d e s p i t e t h e c l a i m to A u t o n o m y f r o m w h i c h t h e move m e n t never wavered. The f i rst l a rge-sca l e act resu l t i n g from t h i s s t rategy was t h e assa u l t on the A g r i c u l t u ra l B a n k of M i l a n o t hat k i l led 14 persons o n Dec. m a i n t a i n ed a n essen t i a l l y a m b i g u o u s l i n k to t h e move m e n t of t h e students a n d t h e y o u n g . t o o . The strongest of t hese g ro u ps were " Lotta Con t i n u a " (part i c u l arly a m o n g Fiat workers). however. . But a n a r c h i s t s w e r e a c c u s e d of t h e b o m b i n g . had depended: t h a t i s . by g ro u p s on t h e extreme l e f t . rejection o f accelerated prod u c t i o n . t hey became t h e mass-base at t h e forefro n t of t h e u n io n st r u g g l e ( a n d t h e b a s e . " The bombs were p l aced (the deed was d i s covered a n d d e n o u nced by democratic forces. U n q u es t i o n a b l y the c r i s i s over pol i t ical control of the p rod u c t i o n cycle. and t h e revo l u t io n a ry movement came u n d e r v i o l e n t attack f r o m t h e p ress a n d t h e cou rts. 1 969. g a t h e r i n g the rem na n t s of the s t u d e n t movem e n t of 1 968. But t h e M ovem e n t was n e i t h e r broken n o r d riven back by the " s t rateg i a d e l l a ten­ s i o n e . and in t h e considerable res u l t s a c h i eved by i t (ac ross­ t h e-board s a l a ry h i kes w h i c h in 1 969 a l o n e . mea n w h i l e .

Revolutionary groups such as " Lotta Continua" and " Potere Operaio" were a marginal presence in this occupation . and of subordination to the will of Big Capital in the name of economic revival . They assumed a position of opposition to the Italian Communist Party. above all. and assaulted the rule of low wages and intensive exploitation. of bureaucratic intran­ sigence in the face of the passions and the new types of needs expressed. after decades of Stalinist loyalty. Thus within the takeover itself was contained the possibility of transcending those vanguard organizations that had come near to assuming the role traditionally played by the workers' movement: a role of authoritarian leadership. and occupation of vacant houses by homeless proletarians . This position of opposition had already been manifest in 1968. the P C I arrived at its choice of a Historical Compromise. Meanwhile other significant events took place that same year. when the P C I had been criticized and superseded by the student movement . the occupation of schools. They organized sabotage against machinery. they brought into being embryonic stages of a workers' counter-power . of an alliance with the Christian Democrats. in the "troubled autumn" of 1969. After it had broken owner's control. the first armed cells began to be formed inside the factories (first in Milano and then in Torino and Genoa) . student demonstrations against the government.in Rome and Milan especially) . and they began organizing autonomously . The first was the occupation of F I A T by thousands of young workers . At the same time.in short. schools. i n 1973. in 1969. by the young . disciplined foremen and guards. The workers had learned only too well to fend for themselves. And again. But the antagonism grew more acute and became a n open break when. All of Italian society was affected by this extremely vast network of counter­ insurgence . the methods of the decisive struggle in the factories had been resisted by the P C I . it began to deal .These groups organized in factories. Acting with complete autonomy from union decision-making. besieged the rotten bosses . was taking on the characteristics of a social-democratic party and was condemning the most radical working-class and student demonstrations in the name of unity with the middle classes and in the name of a policy of legality and respect for the fundamental rule of the capitalist order . and at the local level (promoting political strikes. which. that is. they decided to occupy the factory and set up barricades in order to impose their demands for significant wage increases and reduced work loads .

As an ideology based on socia l i s m . espec i a l l y among the y o u n g . T h i s new process of rad ical ization in w h i c h Power itse l f was brought under d i s c u s s i o n .evolved i nto the very real issues of power and l i beration. I n t h i s lay the poss i b i l ity for a l i beration of repressed workers. T H E H ISTO RICAL II. and a rejection of t h at ex p l o itation w h i c h transforms h u man l ife i nto a work i n g death on cred it. Yet the conseq uense of the"about-face" was the f u rther exacerbat i o n of the r u pt u re between the off i c i a l Workers' M ovement (PCI and U n ion) and the new g roups i n the factories and large cities. began to d i vest themselves of t h e i r own tra p p i ngs. that of transform i n g these objections i nto a p rogram for the l i beration of ex isting energ ies. the rad ical i s m which t h e movement d i s p l ayed. conso l i d ati n g themselves and work i n g together for the soc i a l and political rea l ization of Autonomy. i nto a p rogram of self­ organ ization of the p rod uction process and of the ent i re social cycle of prod u c­ tion and consu m pt i o n . the rejection of the ideology of prod uction. d i f f u s i n g itse l f t h roughout the c o m m i ttees. the PO decided. from the bottom up. T h i s political "about-face" w a s a l ready i m p l ied a t every p o i nt along the I ta l ian road to soc i a l i s m and represented less a rad ical b reak with the trad ition of Tog l i atti ' s PC I than a log ical devo l o p m ent of it. The d i s p utes between the PCI and the M ovement toward Autonomy became i n­ creas i n g l y more v i o lent d u r i n g the f o l l ow i n g years. forc i n g people to sel l their own l ives i n exchange for t h e i r wages. Labor's rejection of work ex pressed itse l f i n m a ny ways: the red uction of the work week to 40 hou rs: the r i g ht to rest periods and control over prod uction ti me. to d i ssolve. and their forms of organ ization. directly with political problems . I t was i n 1 973 that the PCI . g u ided by the lessons of the C h i lean ex- COMPROMISE perience. and i n 1 975 pari c u larly. It is u nd e n i a b l e that the only ones to take cog n izance of the cou rse of t h i s transformation on both the theoretical and political l evels. were the m i l itants of Workers' Power. But a more p ress i n g need exerted its elf with i n t h e stru gg le.a n d t h u s on a form of organ ized soc i a l ex p l o itation that i s al l the more r i g i d in its d o m i n ation of worki n g l i fe­ trad itional M a rx i s m cou ld not conta i n the forcef u l energy a nd . But the ideolog ical baggage of trad itional M a rx i s m cont i n u es to be borne not o n l y by the off i c i a l Workers' M ove­ ment (prima rily that of the PCI) but by the newer g roups of the revol uti onary left as wel l . and crit i c i s m of the methodology of ex p l o itat i o n . the groups on the revo l utionary l eft itse l f entered a critical period of their own. D u r i n g those years the utopia of workers' l i beration was a mass ive d r i v i n g force. What the strugg les d u ri n g all those years act u a l l y amou nted to was a rejection of the wage-ea r n i n g syste m . a power for organ izat i o n and for cal l s to act i o n . But it is also true tha t the problem of power rem a i ned an i n d isso l u b l e k n ot i n Italy. w h o were organ iz­ ing at the g rou nd l eve l . these g roups beg an an i n exorable process of b u reaucratization by which they became the s m a l l a p pendages of the off i c i a l reform-oriented Workers Movement. They partici pated i n elections. on the theoretical even more than on the p o l itical level. As a new rad i c a l i s m expressed itse l f among the pro l etariat. in M ay of ' 73. d i stan­ c i n g themselves from tactics that cou ld not be recon c i led with the old modes of making pol i cy. c o l l ectives and base structu res w h i c h constitute the extensi ve network of Autonomy. the 1 52 . the i m position of a cou nter-power i nsi d e factories. above a l l . when Autonomy emerged as a true mass movement which u n ited young workers. A n d t h i s rej ection w h i c h entered i nto the soc i a l t h i n k­ i n g of a cu ltura l ly advan ced proletariat conti n u a l ly better edu cated and endowed with an ever i n c reas i n g tec h n ical and scienti f i c ex pertise . The p o l i cy was based on the h ypothesis that Italy c a n n ot be governed except by an i n stitu­ tional ized pol itical accord between Com m u n i sts and C h r i stian Democrats. At this poi nt.problems of po wer. worked out its so-ca l l ed policy of H i storical Comprom i se. was a l ready at work in the occupation of Mirafiori ( F I AT) w h i c h took p l ace in March and Apri l of 1 973. In fact.

And i t w a s s u p ported b y every party.u n e m p l oyed . no longer accepted the l i n e of the PCI and its strategy of com­ p rom i se and acq u i escen ce.t hey t o o m e t t h e i r d e a t h s b y v i rt u e of a law "for t h e p u b l i c order. The State rep l i ed to Autonomy's efforts d u r i n g t hat week in t h e severest man ner: repression. B u t the Com m u n i sts wou l d not op­ pose the law and thereby endanger their i ntended accord with the Christian Democrats. bega n to be wounded or k i l led by police f i rearms. demonstrat i n g and riot i ng. i n m i d ­ Apri l . as we l l as a m e m b e r of t h e "cara b i n ieri. I n S p r i n g of 1 975. where. w i t h the exception of t h e PCI . The law was ex­ p l ic i t l y d i rected against the you t h f u l proletariat who were orga n i z i n g w i t h i n t h e r a n k s of Auto nomy. The State recog n ized . The casualty l i st w i t h i n the M ovement is end less. F u rt hermore. m o lotov cockt a i l s or hand kerc h iefs. F lorence (where a m a n was k i l led by pol i ce). " The revo l ut i o n ary left and Auto nomy had to pay the price for the i n c reased v i o lence of the State and of the pol i ce. The d ay the law was passed m a rked the beg i n n i ng of t h e most violent and b l oody p h ase of the c l ass struggle i n I t a ly. Demonstrators. It i s e n o u g h to m e n t i o n here Pietro Bruno ( 1 8 years o l d . students. C i t izens who did not come to a h a l t at pol ice b lockades. w h i c h feebly absta i ned from vot i ng. joined w i t h students a n d u nemp loyed youth and p u t the i n ner c i ty u nder s iege. s u c h as bottles. m i l itant m e m ber . The conf l i ct s p read to M i l an. Its terms provide that p o l i ce can s h oot any t i m e p u b l i c order is felt to be t h reatened. and t h e systemat ic use of arms in p u b l i c confrontat ions. t h e legal ization of pol ice vio lence. or t h e marg i nal and del i n­ q ue n t elements i n genera l . i n w h i c h Autonomy had its f i rst experiences among t h e masses. its p r i n c i p a l ene my: A u tonomy rep resented a new level of soc i a l orga n izat ion w h i c h no longer accepted t h e u n ion as a med i a t i n g agent. Tor i n o. c h a nce passersby w h o f o u n d t h emselves i n the p ress of a demonstrat i o n . and i n Na p les. ja i l sentences w o u l d be more severe for anyone fou nd in possess ion of defensive weapons. Autonomy was p u t to its f i rst test as comm ittee mem bers took on fascists a n d p o l i ce i n a confron tation in Rome. m a i n ly from s m a l l factories. a you ng fasc ist w a s k i l l ed ." Thousands of young workers. the Christian Democrats and their a l l ies in the government passed a Parliamentary act called the Reale La w (Legge Reale). at t h at p o i n t . and others l iv i ng on the marg i n s of soci ety. (where a worker at F I AT was k i l led by an armed g u ard). These were heated days. In M ay of 1 975. ski masks and hel mets t hat c o u l d mask faces i n demon strat io ns. Other organ ized demonstrations occu rred i n Bologna.

was paradox­ i c a l : w h i l e the masses had s u p ported the PCI . bel iev i ng this was the best way to p romote a pol icy of rad ica l change. duri ng a h o u s i n g occu pation i n October 1 976). bread . Mario Salvi (worker for Autonomy. G i org iana Masi ( k i l led i n Rome. G i a n n i no Zi becch i (anti fasc i st committee. the And reotti gove r n ment i nsti g ated an eco n o m i c offens ive against workers' salaries. May 1 2. of " Lotta Conti n u a ' ' . Autonomy was at once a sym ptom and a cause of this d i stance. the pol icy of the off i c i a l Workers' M ove­ ment (chiefly. We a l so need to rem e m ber the other s ide. And f rom that time. In add i­ tion. a fem i n ist l i n ked to " Lotta Con­ t i n u a"). What i s m o re. k i l led at Bologna. a t ITALI S I D E R . then. as a resu lt of the o i l c r i s i s). The situation. March 1 1 . a few months after the elections. ente r i n g i nto that governme nt. I t s u p ported the C h r i stian-Democrati c govern ment without. the Parl iament. their faith i n the u n ions c o l l a psed . 1 977. and s u bord i nate to the movement of repres s i o n . consumer restricti ons. In the f o l l ow i n g years. Francesco Loruzzo (23. the p o l icy of the H istorical Com p ro m ise end­ ed u p bolste r i n g the totter i n g forces of the DC. If we w i s h to u nderstand the rise of "terro r i s m " . spies and stooges. k i l led a t San Bas i l io. pos i n g a t h reat t o C h r i stian-Democratic power: the DC w a s no longer g u a ra nteed a parl i a me nta ry majority with its trad itional a l l ies (centrist parties) without either the a g reement or the neutra l ity of the Com m u n i sts. Nor can we forget the ro le of that agg ravated and general v i o l e n ce perpetrated by the State from the moment Autonomy appeared i n the factories and streets of the cou ntry. 1 977). and red uced p u b l i c spend i n g . the p o l i c y of " s a c r i f i c e " w h i c h cut cons u m ption and p u b l i c spend i n g and p romoted worker lay-offs. Workers i n the large i n d u strial centers of the North reacted i n a wave o f fu rious protests. In the political elections of 1 976 the PCI considerably i n c reased its vot i n g strength. B u t the " c r u n c h " passed: l iv i n g conditions worsened n otably for workers. caus i n g a d iv i s i o n with i n the work i n g class and the p ro l etarian movement. O n the other hand. as a soc i a l l y d i ffuse and po l it i c a l l y organ ized M ove­ ment. t h i s pol icy sought to isolate the yout h f u l elements of Autonomy. the PCI began in 1 976. rebou nded back on those who were e m p l oyed . t h e y waged i n ­ dependent stri kes. I t is est i m ated that the vict i m s of the " Legge Rea le" n u m bered 1 50 i n the period between May '75 and December '76. the formation of m i l itant organ izations. The PCI and the u n i o ns exp l i c itly ass u m ed the task of for­ c i n g the work i n g class to accept a policy of sacri f i ce. l a u n c hed autonomously and agai nst t h e w i l l a n d i ntent i o n s o f t h e u n ions: a t A l fa-Romeo. the c h o i ce of c landest i n e armed warfare by a n ever g row i n g n u mber o f proleta rian youth. I t prod u ced a constantly g row i n g u n e m p loyment rate.000 off i c i a l ly. w h i c h at the beg i n n i n g of 1 977 reached a n u n­ p recedented f i g u re ( 1 . rather than being reso l ved t h rou g h the accord between the Com m u n i sts and the C h ristian Democrats.gasol i n e . Conv i n ced that it need­ ed to q u icken the pace of an a l l iance with the DC. rejection of the forms and d i rect i o n s of u n ion organ izat i o n i n c reased. The PCI became a sort of political p o l i ce made u p of enforcers. w h o d i ed in the s p r i n g of '75). a t F I AT. pasta. and other struc­ tu res of part i c i pation) and a popu l ation of hopeless young people. and serv i ces. 1 54 . and el sewhere. k i l led i n May 1 975). " Lotta Conti n u a " . i n c reas i n g t h e prices of the most essent i a l good s . But these are only the most notable. In terms of I ta l i a n society at large. i n rea l ity more than 2 m i l l ion). the PCI): a policy that was f i rst of a l l dependent on the dec i s i o n s of the Ch ristian Democrats. the i n stitutional crisis i n Italy assu med an i n c reas i n g ly d ramatic character. The PCI and the u n io n s were u sed i n order to del iver t h i s b l o w . t h e n w e cannot forget t h e ro le p l ayed b y the " Legge Reale". In the autu m n of 1 976. R o m e . The i m poss i b i l ity of govern i n g the cou ntry was h i g h l i g hted . this meant that workers had to pay for the econom i c crisis (wh i c h cont i n ued to g row worse between 1 973 and 1 976. because the Left s i m p l y d i d not have the strength. to press for the H i storical C o m p ro m i se. 700. 2 1 years o l d . The bas i c reason for the c r i s i s was the g row i n g d i stance bet­ ween representative pol itical i n stitutions (parties. C h ristian-Democ ractic r u l e cou ld not be s u b stantiated by a Leftist majority either. however.

sexu a l relation­ s h i ps . of cu ltural i d entity that these strata prod uce isolate them from the pol itical trad ition. The point of arrival for the student strug g l e beg u n in '68. a n d f i xed pos ition of work. and for the very reason that it poses with u n relenting u rgency the q uestion of the tra n s ition to com m u n i s m .a l l this renders even more i n s u pportab l e that contrad ic· . N ow t h e y await a rad i ca l l y n e w perspective that w i l l abandon a n d su rpass t h e o l d categories o f p o l itical i n ­ stitutions. w h i c h u pset forms of behavior. h u m a n re lat i o ns h i ps. I ta l ian soc iety has been tested by ten years of u n i nterru pted soc i a l conf l i ct. without any necess ity for external or ideological organ ization. provoki n g a p rofo u n d crisis for State con­ trol over soci ety. va l ues. but the hopef u l expectation can eas i l y turn i nto passivity and d i s i l l u s i o n ment if s i g n s of someth i n g new do not emerge. the revolutionary movement prod u ced its most m at u re form of ex p res­ s i o n . Such a prog ram wou ld h ave to be i n novative com­ pared with the Soviet type of social ist experience. w h o refuse any kind of work at al l . T h e masses are d i s i l l u sioned and t i red o f the p o l itics of the offi c i a l Workers' M ovement. are compel led to waste t h e i r p rod u ctive potent i a l . F in a lly we arrive a t 1 977. The forms of soc i a l behavior. of reforms and of com p ro m i se. rather than s peak of marg i n a l l i v i n g (emarginazione).a potential w h i c h fermented on contact with the p rocess of mass sel f-ed u cation that the revo l ut i onary movement has represented for 10 years . the year 1 977 i s . w h i c h i s authoritarian. It i s the moment at w h i c h a l l the f u ndamental contrad ictions acc u m u l ate a n d exp lode. B u t for the very reason that it i s fra u g ht with con­ trad ictions. the re latio n s h i p to cou ntry and to the home. The u ne m p loyed w h o issue from the schools o r u n ivers ities as possessors of a h i g h level of tec h n ical-scient i f i c knowledge. The poi nt of arriva l . and based o n a new soc i a l ized form of labor exploitat i o n . in w h i c h a f u l ly art i c u l ated n eed is ex pressed for a com m u n is m that i s the d i rect tra n s l ation of proletaria n society. The cu ltural revol ution of 1 968. i n m a ny respects. we can ta l k at this p o i nt of self-d i rected marg i na l l iv i n g . p o l itical and c u ltu ral-the moment of c u l m i nati on in the asce n d i n g p h ase of the c lass stru g g l e i n Italy. b u reaucrati c . The in· novation i s awa ited everywhere.T H E ORI G I NALITY Ill. The M ovement of '77 represents. has ended by c reat i n g a soc i a l strat u m that i s reca l c itrant before the notions of salaried work. M o reover. of ten O F AUTON O M Y years of class stru g g l e . the enormous tec h n i cal-scient i f i c and inte l l ectu a l potential that the education of the masses has p rodu ced . or not use it at a l l . But at the sa m e ti me. for everyone. a def i n itive test. a perspective that w i l l at the same t i m e p rod uce a workable program for s u persed i n g capita l i s m . The M ovement of '77 gathers together the new p roletarian strata: young p ro­ letarians in the b i g cities who refuse to devote their w h o l e l ives to salaried labor. i n all its aspects­ soc i a l . f ixed residence. for party a n d u n io n control over the m asses of youth. for the workers' stru g g l e of '69.

n e i g h borhood and v i l lage the young proleta r i a ns.became i n t h i s experience a rea l ity. young pro­ letarians t h u s organ ized territoria l ly and experi mented w ith forms of col lective­ l i fe-i n-transformat i o n . The des i g n .w h i c h from February 1 976 to March 1 977 tra n s m it­ ted from Bolog n a . The autu m n of 1 976 saw an explosion i n the movement toward "auto n o m o u s pri ce-sett i n g " (autoreduzione). 1 976. the l i kes of w h i c h had never been seen before-then foug ht with pol ice for several h o u rs. S . This was a tru ly revo l u ­ tionary fact: w ith f ree rad io it w a s poss i b l e t o com m u n i cate rap i d l y the dec i s ions and appoi ntments of revo l ution ary organ izat i o n s or base organ izations. but which fou nd here a n extremely fert i l e c u ltural terra i n . In every c ity. in M i lano: 1 8. perceptive a n d i m a g i n ative p l a nes. w h i le the poss i b i l ities for i n n ovations i n prod uction are s u p p ressed so t h at the ex i st i n g labor organ ization and the organ izat i o n of knowledge crucial to labor's f u n cti o n i n g are not d i stu rb­ ed. T e n s of thousands of young people. in w h i c h to transform the custom s of l i v i n g . In the same period. All d u ri n g 1 976. organ ized i n assoc iations of proletarian y o u t h . the movement for f ree rad i o spread widely.re m a i n s the symbol of t h i s period. Through t h i s channel c i rc u lated an u n i nterru pted f l ood of music and words. te l e p h o n i n g .c o n n ected with Autonomy.000 proletarian youths performed a g i gantic sun dance.were being esta b l i s h­ ed .echn ica l-sc ienti f i c expertise a n d i n n ovative e ne rgy that the young-pro l etarian strata possess. eat i n g . Cu ltural transformation. and refusal of work are the d o m i nant themes of the Movement of '77. post-socia l i st p ro l etariat. a f l ood of transformations on the symbo l i c . and anyone cou ld i nterven e in the f l ow . of that u n forgettab l e year of experi mentation and acc u m u l ation of i ntel l ectu a l . i ntel lectu a l a n d c reative energ ies a re wasted. . or G reat Brita i n . together with students and com­ m u n ications workers. These assoc i ations were com m u nes set up by s q u atters in certa i n neig h borhoods of big cities. organ izati o n a l . The year 1 976 i s a l s o the year of the g reat concert-festivals of proletar i a n youth: a last wave of pop m u s i c . accord i n g to w h i c h . The rad io stat i o n s were operated with l u c k and very l ittle money. but they cou ld cover a territorial s pace adeq uate for the organ izational forms a n d com­ m u n i cation needs of the emerg i n g proletarian strata. But o n l y with d if f i c u lty cou ld the M ovement suc­ ceed in orga n iz i n g a l l that potential constituted by the i ntel l ectu a l energy. hap­ py experience of Rad i o A l ice. Lam b ro Park. s mok­ i n g . new forms of organ izat i o n s . The storm that the fem i n i st movement provoked i n ma le-female relations and t h e su bseq uent ex p l o s i o n of homosex u a l col lectives t h u s found a territory i n w h i c h to conso l i d ate. s l eep i n g . The hars h n ess of org a n izational l ife i n the Workers' Autonomy was u n ited and merged with the sweet experiences of c u ltural transformation a n d the easy f low of i n format i o n . lion of capita l i s m . w h i c h arrived i n Italy f i ve or six years l ater than i n the U . c a m e i n from the s u b u rbs of M i lano. the d ream of the artistic ava nt-garde-to bridge the separat i o n between artistic com m u n i cation and revol utionary transfor­ mation or s u bversive p ractice. i nter­ rupt i n g . but rel ated to all as pects of col lective l i fe and c u l t u ral identity. It became the constituent element i n a v i s i o n of the "soft" cu ltural a n d soc i a l revo lution. This i s because o f capita l i st rep ress i o n . used the occas ion of a l e g i s l ative vac u u m (the resu lt of w h i c h was t h at the State monopoly on i nformat i o n lapsed and was not rep l aced by any other sort of reg u l ation) to g i ve l i fe to a network of s m a l l " w i l d cat" sta­ tions. T h e sweet s o u n d of pop i m med iately combi ned w i t h a certa i n d i m e nsi o n of mass cu ltural transformat i o n . pol itical. The rejection of the f a m i l y and of i n d iv i d u a l i s m had found a form of organ iza­ tion in the experience of proletarian youth assoc iations. The brief. b u t a l s o bec a u se o f t h e i n ab i l ity of t h e revo l u ­ tion ary movement t o adj u st w i t h rap i d ity i t s i nterpretive categories a n d i t s p rac­ tices to the rea l ity of a mature. Rome a n d 156 . This f l ood entered every house. and creative energ ies. add i n g . as tec h n ological and scient i f i c capacities i ncrease. co rrect i n g . mass c reativity. The enormous rich ness that t h e M ovement of '77 ex p resses cou ld not su cceed i n f i n d i n g a formal program and positive organ izat i o n .

1 976.000-l i re t i c kets. the fasc ists wounded a student i n Rome. on December 7. t h eaters and restau rants (that is. Then t h e re were the u ne m ployed . the d i se n f ra n c h i sed . a foreru n ner of the violence that would ex plode in 1 977: the battle of La Scala. t h e j uven ile del i n q uents. U n ivers ity com m u n i t ies became general q u a rters for a wave of social struggle that had as a f u ndamental theme the refu s al of the capitalist orga n izat ion of work. b u t homogeneous from t h e p o i n t of view o f cult u re. and had no other possi bility for organ izat ion and concerted act i o n . confi scated merc h a n d i se f rom l u x u ry shops. f i n e ry and 80. They declared war on the M ilan b o u rgeois and t h e i r fest ival. We want to make possi ble a general red uc- . or t h e r i g h t to a full. W o r k i s necessary evil-or at least rema i n s so for a h i stori cal period t hat we w i s h event u ally to s u rpass and ext i n g u i s h w i t h collect ive force. they paid what their pol i t i cs req u i red -a t h i rd or a fourth of the u su al p rice). The government accepted the c h allenge. laid s i ege to the city centers. totally and coherently. La Scala i s the bou rgeois t h eater of M ilano. and N a ples. .t i m e pos i t i o n . Palermo. . and t h e u n ivers ity was s u bseq u ently occ u p ied. " All work for less [t i m e]" became the watchword for t h i s wave of stru ggle of young p roletarians-a g ro u p h eterogeneous from t h e p o i n t of view of prod uctivity. th en i n Florence a n d Torino. The next time was i n February of 1 977. Decem ber 7 marks the i n a u g u ration of t h e new season . 300 i m prisoned. f i n ally i n Bolog na. H o u rs and h o u rs of conflict.Bologna. t h e e nerg ies and t h e potential that exist for a soc i aliz­ ed i ntelligence. but by young workers who worked in small factories. and t h o u sands of police i n battle formation defended La Scala. t h ose w h o lived i n t h e c i ty outskirts. "All work f o r less" i s a watchword w h i c h h a s not h i ng t o do w i t h q uest ions s u c h a s " t h e r i g h t t o a j o b " . The you t h m ove­ ment reflected for a m o n t h on t h i s battle and on its catastro p h i c outcome. The struggles that ex ploded in 1 977 were com pletely o u t of proport i o n to what oc­ casioned them: t hey began w i t h a small u n iversity c a m p a i g n against a Christian­ Democrat i c " reform " . B u t t h e f i nal test of t h e movement toward "autonomous pri ce-set t i n g " was a violent clas h . The occu pation of the u n ivers i t ies was a pretext: t h e acad e m i c i ns t i t u t i o n s were occ u p ied not only by students. the reject i o n of that system w h i c h generates exploitation and u ne m ployment as t h e two poles of socialized work. B u t young M ilanese proletarians said that they would not perm i t t h e M ila n bou rgeois to stage this yearly p rovoca­ t i o n w i t h its pomp. B u t only i n order to be better prepared the n e x t t i me. W h a t we w a n t i s to ap­ ply. t h e "open i n g n i g ht" gala. doze n s arrested . 7 g ravely wounded. F i rst i n Rome. for a general i n t ellect. On Febru ary 3. "autonomously red u ced " t h e prices of movies.

all sectors of i rreg ular or m a rg i nal workers. The occ u pation of t h e e n ­ t i re u n ivers ity z o n e by h u ge n u m bers of young p roletarians com i n g from every area was t ransformed i nto a true i n s u rrection w h e n on March 2. Lu­ ciano Lama. a youth was killed by police. B u t this move d i d not succeed. On the 1 7t h of February. The c r i t i q u e of power i s the c r i t i q u e of t h e lang uage of power. w i t h u ncon­ trollable rage and f u ry. " g rass roots poetry") had accu m ulated .i n s t i t u t i onal c reat ivity. w h e re he was delivering a policy statement. on the 2nd and the 1 2t h of M arc h i n Bolog n a . The exploitation of y o u n g workers i n Bologna i s controlled by a network of little bosses and b u rea u c rats. O n the 1 2t h . the most i m portant f i g u re among I tali a n labor leaders. The social strata that were mobilized i n this m o n t h were the you ng u nem ployed i n t ellectuals. wh ile 1 00. the young workers of the Nort hern factories ex­ pressed sympathy for the you ng proletarians of Rome who had expelled Lama. secretary of CG I L and ex ponent of PC I . i n the con­ sciou sness and i n t h e organ izat ion of ever-g row i n g strata. the i n telligent applicat ion of tec h n ical and scient i f i c knowled ge.t hat is.i n very violent conflict in Rome on March 7. no factory s u pported the g reat u n ion leader. The split between t h e PCI and the M ovement reached its apex at this period. M a rch was the moment of the g reatest tension and d istance between the new movement for autonomy and the Com m u n ist Party. t h e mass follow i n g attracted by the Movement. The cultu ral transformat ion and the rej ection of p reva ili ng values that t h e cultu ral experience of '76 (rad io stat ions. from a lect u re h all at the U n ivers ity of Rome. and the cri t i q u e of i ns t i t u ­ tional lan g u age w e r e u n i ted i n a u n iq u e act i o n . both Stali n i s t and reformist. the local govern men t i s a leftist coalition and bosses and organ izat i o ns of the Workers' M ovement collaborate to e n s u re soc i al peace. The autonomy of the movement had been assu red . and the rad i cal nat u re of its objectives created a crisis for the city's H i storical C o m p ro m ise by offeri ng evidence of the government's i n a b ility to fu nction as an i n strument of cont rol over vast p roletarian sectors. The act of ex pell i n g Lama from the U n ivers i ty of Rome establis hed a precedent from w h i c h the people at t h e Un ivers ity of Bolog n a p roceeded i n the d a y s of M a rc h . I nstead . On the 1 7t h of February a mass sector of t h e I talian proletariat was li berated with violence from socialist trad itions.000 f iled by i n demonstrat i o n s . t i o n in work i n g t i me and we want to transform t h e organ izat ion of work i n s u c h a way that an autonomous organization of sectors of prod uct ive exper i m e ntal organ izat ion may become possi ble. At the same t i me. 7000 young proletarians w h o ( a f a c t w i t h o u t precede n t i n the Movement's h i story i n Italy) ex pelled . The I tali a n bou rgeo i s i e recog n ized at t h i s t i m e the seri ous danger t hat its des i g n for i n s t i t u t i onal order faced. A n d t h e n i n t h e follow i n g days a t Bolog na t h e Movement i nvaded the c i ty . and i n novat i o n . and saw that the PCl's ability to g u aran tee 158 . often l i n ked with t h e Com m u n ist Party. assoc i a t i o n s . And for that reason (as well as for the reasons of t h e Movements' ext raord i n a ry creat ive vi tality) t h e Bologna experience ma rked a mo­ ment of absolutely cent ral pol i t i cal i m portance. the criti­ q u e of power. In brief: Bolog na i s t h e city of t h e realized H i stori cal Com p ro m i se. The PCI accu sed the young p roleta r i a n s of being "enem ies of the work i n g class" and t r i ed to d ivide them f rom factory workers. T h i s prog ram actu ally ex isted a m o n g the you n g proletarian soc ial st rata that i n February 1 977 f illed t h e c i t ies w i t h t h e i r demonstrations. two large c i t ies (Bolog na and Rome) were in the hands of the M ove­ men t . and w ill li kely never be rep a i red. M a rch of 1 977 was t h e moment of g reatest i ntensity i n the ex plos ion of t h e strug­ gle for autonomy. B u t Bolo g n a is also the c i ty in w h i c h the PCI has always been strong. The ext raord i n a ry v i olence of the days i n March. ex ploded with a wave of a n t i . t h e critique of rep resentative i n s t i t u t i ons. toget her w i t h "off-the-books labor a n d seasonal workers ' . jou rnals. Rome was t h e t h eater for a six-hour battle in w h i c h tens of t h o u s a n d s of youths were engaged. For ten days. And the stage was be· i n g set for the i n s u rrec t i o n of March. but the red uction of necessary work. These sectors would g ive rise to experimental forms of prod u c t i o n in w h i c h the object of worker cooperat ion would not be profit.

and beca u se i t had let con t ro l of so vast a movement s l i p away f rom i t. The September Convention w a s the g reat opport u n i ty . w a s not n ecessarily i n cont rad ict ion w i t h tota l itarian.o n the repressive n at u re of the H i storica l Com p ro m i se as an i ns t i t u ­ t i o n a l des i g n for the e l i m i na t i o n of all d i ssent. along with all t h e E u ropean i n tel l ect u a l s or pol i t ical g ro u ps t h a t were i n terested i n t h e I talian revol u t i o n as a fore r u n n e r o f t h i n g s to come. t h e two as pects w e r e m ixed i n the PCI . the PCI lost c red ibi l ity bot h as the g ove r n i n g pa rty. all com ponents of the M ovemen t i n I taly could come together. i n the last a n aly s i s .order had been u nd e r m i n e d . And so t h e critique of the i n s t i t u ­ t i o n alized Workers' Movement acq u i red a n e w connotat i o n : accord i n g to t h e PC I . w h o were too removed from any concrete experience w i t h the crit i q u e of i n s t i t u t ions and with class stru g g l e). even t h o u g h i n t rod uci n g n e w elements i nto t h e com m u n i s t worker movement trad i t i on of t h e T h i rd I nternat i o n a l . and bookstores w e r e closed and searched. Consequent ly. the PCI i s only a variant). But the M ovement was not broken: in M i lano. publ i s h i n g hou ses. Thus new forms of tota l i t a r i a n i s m were seen develo p i n g as the h i storical left was assi m i l ated by t h e ap parat u s of power. jou rn a l s . B u t now one beg a n to d i scover that soc i a l democracy. w h ich h a d become a com ponent of bou rgeoisie democracy b y aban d o n i n g every t y p e o f violence against t h e exist i n g o r d e r and at the s a m e t i me a violent force o f total i t a r i a n i s m against t h e revo l u t ionary movement. and then once more in Rome the mass demonstrat ions co n t i n ued. h owever-for the Movement to overcome its pu rely negat ive. t h e Bolog na movement set forth a p roposa l for a Conve n­ tion to be held at the end of September. The State was forced to resort to brutal rep ression: h u n d reds of arrests i n Bologna. v i o l e n t a n d Sta l i n ist t r e n d s . At the Conve n t i o n . all t h e years after '68 had been marked b y g a i n s f o r soc i al de mocratic a n d refo r­ m ist causes. Conf ronted w i t h the wave of repression t hat followed t h e events of M a rch. A l so at t hat t i me.i n s p i red by an appeal lau nched by F rench i ntel l ect u a l s aga i n st the repress i o n . and G u attari ( a more c r i t i c a l and doubtful reception was g iven to the Nouvea u x P h i losophes. Deleuze. On t h e stre n g t h of t h eoretical ref lect i o n s devel o ped i n F ra nce b y t hose such as Fouca u l t . T u r i n . and form ulate a p rog rammatic pos i t i o n for the autonomous organ izat ion of . and a new front was opened i n t h e strug gle against the State.m i ssed . t h e re beg an i n I t a ly (and here the M ovement was be h i n d the t i mes) a crit ical analysis of social i s m of the Sta l i n i st type (of w h ich. a n d t h e n the u n leas h i n g of a ca m p a i g n o f repression a l l over I t a l y that st ruck most heav i ly at g ro u p s that worked on t h e cu l t u ra l level: rad ios. I n fact. and m i nd f ul of the d iscu s s i o n that h ad deve l oped on the nat u re of t h e State after t he H i storical Com promise. The s u m me r beg an w i t h a violent polem ic. destruct ive connota­ t i o n s .

T u r i n . a n d G e n oa.abso l u te l y central THE RED BRIGADES to t h e a n a l y s i s of c l a s s stru g g l e i n I t a l y . From this point t h ey began to behave l i ke a n actu a l party. But t h e gatheri n g c o n c l u ded w i t h o u t p rod u c i n g a n y d i rect i o n for t h e f u t u re. t h e l a c k of p ros pects.set t h e m apart from oth ers eve n as early as 1974. T h e s e events t o o k p l ace at a t i me w h e n t h e Move m e n t fou nd i t s e l f i n a state of c r i s i s and i m mo b i l izat i o n . an a u t o n o m o u s organ izat i o n of soc i a l . w i t h i n the fra mework of our necessa r i l y s i m p l i f i ed " h istory". T h e f i rst a n d most i m portant armed organ izat i o n in Italy . as a symptom of t h e p r o b l e m s not resolved by t h e mass m ovement. to c h oose a c l andest i n e l i fe. to v i ew the experiences of t h e armed stru g g l e as a symptomat i c fact. Armed s t ru g g l e was a form of a g i t at i o n t h at g rew eve r larger after a certa i n p o i n t . i t has c o m p letely rep l aced t h e M ovement and occ u p ies all t h e ava i l a b l e space. n or d e p e n d e n t o n . a n d t h i s g reatly red uced t h e t h eoret i c a l i m portance a n d t h e poss i b i l i ties of t h i s p e ri o d . an a n a l y s i s of t h e re l a t i o n ­ s h i p between t h e m ass movement a n d c l a n d est i ne org a n izat i o n s o r armed ac­ t i o n s . 1972). The reaso n for t h i s om i s s i o n i s t h at we wou ld l i ke. together w i t h acts of sabotage) were l i n ked to t h e workers' s t ru g g l e a g a i n s t t h e factory h ierarchy. by 1977. espec i a l ly t h e i r soc i a l c o n text ( t h e factori es) comes f r o m t h e " ha rd " Sta l i n i st base of t h e Com m u n ist Party. T h e f i rst a r m e d act i o n s ( th e k i d n a p p i n g of m a n agers of factories. These s m a l l e r o r g a n izat i o n s had object i ves t h at were c l osely l i n ked to soc i a l 160 . U p to t h i s p o i n t . The problem of terro r i s m p robably c a n n ot be d i ssoci ated from the w h o l e c o m p lex of experie nces c o n n ected w i t h the M ove­ m e n t ' s organ izat i o n in factories and in society. a n d w i t h o u t advan c i n g t h e Move m e n t .t h e Red B r i g ades - was born o u t of t h e wo rkers' stru g g l e i n t h e f i rst years of t h e ?O's. I n stead i t was rest r i cted to hear­ i n g tales of rep ress i o n a n d t h e n def i n i n g . T h i s i s certa i n ly a va l i d enough viewpo i n t today. N o n et h e less. P res i d e n t of t h e D C . " po l i t i c a l " . the Red B r i g ades evolved rap i d l y toward a s t rategy of f ro n t a l . espec i a l ly t h ose h a rassed by repressive measu res. a rea l society a g a i n s t t h e State. t h e t i mes a n d o n t h e forms of t h e m a s s s t r u g g l e . O n t h e other h a n d i t i s a l so t r u e t h at t h e e n t i re rap i d analysis we h ave made of t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t moments of t h e c l ass s t r u g g l e i n t h i s decade rem a i n s i n­ c o m p lete a n d s potty. most abst ract sense of t h e term . CIVIL WAR: I V .i n t h e worst. no l o n g e r w i t h i n the mass m ove m e n t . l a rg e l y because of t h e " f a i l u re" of t h e S e p t e m b e r Conve n t i o n .000 peop le were p resent at t h e con­ ve n t i o n and t h e atte n t i o n of t h e whole I t a l i a n p ro letariat (as we l l as t h a t of vast n u m bers of i n t e l l e c t u a l s all over Eu rope) was d i rected toward t h e Convent i o n . B u t after t h ese f i rs t act i o n s (1971. The soc i a l contexts of t h e B r i g ades . a n y new p rog ram. I n t h i s n e w p hase t h e B r i gades reached a c r i t i c a l p o i n t . A l o n g p h ase of c r i s i s had beg u n for t h e M ovement. The m i l i t a n t s of t h e R e d B r i g ades c o m e from t h e large f a c t o r i e s i n M i la n . on p u rpose. M o reover. we h ave c o m p l etely i g no red t h e problem . 70.even m o re t h a n their s e l ect i o n of a c l a n de s t i n e modus operandi . a n d p rod u c t ive energ i es that m i g ht m a ke poss i b le a p rog ressive l i be ra t i o n o f l ives f r o m s a l a ried w o r k . We have neg lected.o p p os i t i o n to t h e State. t h e Conve n t i o n t u r n ed i nto a reu n i o n a g a i n s t rep ress i o n . Part of t h e i r backg ro u n d . The h i g hest p o i n t in the career of the Red B r i gades was the k i d n ap p i n g a n d m u rder of A l d o M o ro. t h e t heoret ical-po l i t i c a l grou n d i n g of t h e m i l i t a n t s i n t h e B r i g ades i s d i s t i n c t l y Sta l i n ist. U nfortunately. a c r i s i s that i nvolved d i s p e rs i o n . I t was p recisely t h e i m­ m o b i l izat i o n i n d u ced by t h e Conve n t i o n t ha t led ever larger sectors of t h e M ove­ ment. In rece n t years. i n negat ive terms. i n tel lec­ t u a l . w h o s e act i o n s a n d object ives a r e n e i t h e r rel ated to. a n d f i n a l l y became preponderant in September 1977. t h e d ifferences between the evo l v i n g M ovement for A u t o n o m y a n d t h e B r i g ades had become even g reater. t h e armed strug­ g l e has m o re a n d m ore assu med a "terro r i s t " con notat i o n . M a n y o t h e r f i g h t i n g organ izat i o n s s m a l l e r t h a n t h e R e d B r i g ades were form­ ed. at w h i c h t h e extreme " M L" ( M a rx i st-Le n i n i s t in t h e most dogmatic a n d ava nt-garde sen se) types of t h i n k i n g p reva i l ed in t h e f i g h t i n g organ izat i o n . its react i o n . d i sorg a n izat i o n a n d above a l l .of terro r i s m .

w h i l e t h e act i o n s of t h e Red B r i g ades had an effect a l m ost exc l u s ively p o l i t i c a l . rei nforc i n g t h e repress i o n from t h e o n e s i d e a n d . t h e p o w e r of t h e a r m ed o r g a n i z a t i o n i nc reases. sectors o f A u t o n o m y bega n t o . o r in p ropaganda e m i tted by t h e fo rces of t h e reg ime. The q uest i o n of t h e " a rmed s t r u g g l e " g ave b i rt h i n t hese years to a n u mber of d u b i o u s t h eses. w i t h o u t a l ternative routes. w i t h its e lectoral l osses i n J u n e .was adopted as a n emergency measure in t h e face of the Red B r i gades' assau l t . t h e n . A n d t h u s i n sert i n g i ts e l f. o n t h e o t h e r side.am o u n t i n g to a re i n forceme n t of t h e C h ristia n-Democrat i c gove r n m e n t (always a f rag i l e majori ty) w i t h u nc r i t i c a l s u p port f r o m t h e P C I . " The stre n g t h of t h e Red B r i g ades i s thus d i rect ly proport i o n a l to t h e weakness of the M ovement. T h i s said. w h e n t h e stre n g t h of t h e m a s s movement brou g h t about a c r i s i s for i n s t i t u t i o n a l eq u i l i b r i u m a n d t h e H i storical C o m p rom i se. b u r n i n g of e m p l oyment offi ces). Terro r i s m came to be c o n s i d ered a d i rect ex­ p re s s i o n of the forms of s t ru g g l e of the Movement. p i cket i n g). W h a t i s i n te rest i n g i s t h at terro r i s m c reated a s i t u a t i o n o f c r i s i s f o r t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement. 1 979. whether w i t h i n the M ovement. We can say t ha t armed ter­ rorist act i o n i s a sym p to m of t h e revo l u t i o na ry m ove m e n t ' s inab i l ity to p u t a p ro­ g ra m i nto effect. rest rict i n g t h e revo l u t i o nary p rocess t o a pathway w i t h o u t egress. w e m u s t a l so recog n ize t h at . w h e n v i o lence represented a necessary means for t h e defense of organ izat i o n a l levels (ta k i n g to t h e street s . beg i n n i n g i n t h e S p r i n g of ' 7 7 . or as an " a rmed party. For t h i s s t rategy the PCI p a i d . as we l l as a sym ptom of the M ove m e n t ' s c u l t u ra l i m pove r i s h ­ ment. i t accen t u ated a n d c o n s o l id ated t h e c r i s i s . t h e S t a t e u n d ertook to recon s t r u c t its stab i l ity a n d i n ­ s t i t u t i o n a l eq u i l i br i u m on t he b a s i s of t h e op p os i t i o n to terro r i s m . d i rected as t hey were at t h e DC or at t h e head q u a rters of the maj o r i t y party. A f t e r ' 7 7 . o r rat h e r i n serted i t s e l f i n to a p re-ex i st i n g c r i s i s of t h e Move m e n t . as t h e repress i o n of t h e reg i m e we i g h s m o re heav i l y o n t h e M ovement. B u t t h i s i s of l it t l e i n terest.s t ru g g l es (acts of sabotage. O n t h e other h a n d . occ u p y i n g b u i l d i n gs. A n d o n t h e s a m e d a y t h a t M oro w a s k i d n a p ped t h e P C I d e c i d e d to s u p port a D C gove r n m e n t t hat w a s c o m p letely u nacceptable. we have t o rec o g n ize that the exte n s i o n of t h e armed stru g g l e a n d t h e g reat i m pact of armed terrorist act i o n ( t o be d i ff e re n t i ated f r o m a p ract ice of mass v i o l e n ce j u s t i f ied by t h e n eeds of t he p ro letariat) a re d i rectly l i n ked to that crisis i n t h e M ovement w h i c h evolved after '77. The M oveme n t has certa i n l y ex p ressed a n d practiced forms of v i o l e n t stru g g le. b u t i t h as a l ways refused to s e e t h e m i l i t a ry organ izat i o n as an a u t o n o m o u s p o l i t i c a l body. A n d so. in the press. a n d espec i a l ly a f t e r t h e M o ro affa i r. T h e po l i cy of " n at i o n a l u n ity" .

To pac i fy obviou s l y meant to remove t h e obstac le const i t u ted by t h e m o re t h a n o n e t housand pol it i c a l p r i sone rs. o r to declare t h e m agents of fore i g n secret services o r of reac t i o n a ry g ro u p s . t h e even t s of A p r i l 7.l i ke behavior. " W i t h i n t h e M oveme n t . I n '77 t h e pos i t i o n s taken by t h e M ovement on t h e armed s t ru g g l e were i m p recise. w i t h i n d iscri m i nate a rres t s . 162 . i t was necessary to s u persede this fact ion a n d i t s terrori s t i c m a n i festat i o n s . All the c om p on e n t s of t h e Movement recog n ized t h e proletarian a n d revo l u t i o n a ry o r i g i ns of t h e f i g h t i n g for­ m ati o n s (a few i d iots act u a l l y sou g h t to exco m m u n i cate t h e armed formations. w i t h torture and i nternment camps. a l o n g w i t h am nesty. an "exte n s i o n " of proletarian rest iveness at t h e legal l i m i t s i m posed by c a p i ta l i s m . A n d h e re o u r study m u s t beco m e more com p lex. and that level of violence was an i nevitable stage w h i c h gave to t h e M ovement t h e maneuver i n g r o o m a l ways d e n i ed i t by t h e i ns t i t u t i on s . objec tives t h a t t h e pol i t i c a l p l a n ners o f A u t o n o m y w a n t to make i n t o t h e a i m s of a mass i n it iative c a p a b l e of sett i n g up t h e con d i t ions for a res u m pt i o n of t h e c l a s s s t ru g g l e i n a s t rateg i c a l l y a u t o n o m o u s form. t here a re t w o o p i n i o n s o n t h i s q uest i o n of " l e g i t i macy". a n d beh i n d t hem the l i t t l e j o u r­ n a l ists of Lotta Con tinua). The e n t i re M ovement had r i g h t l y refused to condemn (as t h e b o u rgeois reg i me a n d its parties req u ested) mass v i o l e nce. The com m i ttees of A u t o n o m o u s Workers (Autonomia Operaia) at Rome (the "Volsc i ") forcef u l ly c r i t i c ized t h e politics of t h e Red Bri gades. rea l ize a l l t h i s . of i t s capacity to occ u py p ro g ressively more s p a c e o n t h e stage-set o f c l ass s t ru g g le. L i berat i o n . s u pe rsed i n g terrori s m meant c reati n g a f o u n d a t ion for pac i f i cation a n d for t h e recons t r u c t i o n of con d i t ions needed for t h e c l ass s t r u g g le. or even State. out of experien ces we all h a d in t hose years). c l a i m i n g that t h i s o u t l ook u nderes t i mates (in t h e n a m e of spontaneous sympathy) t h e ractical c o n t rad i c t i o n between a u t o n o m o u s behavio r o n t h e part of p roletarian s t rata (who a re t h e bearers of a pote n t i a l for l i berat ion) a n d t h e Stal i n i st p o l i t ics. that i s . State repress i o n i ntervened with all t h e power that i t cou l d put i nt o the f i e l d . We can s a y t h at t h e i ntel lect u a l a n d m i l i t a n t seg ments of A u tonomy were concerned after t h e d e a t h of M o ro w i t h f i n d i n g m e t h o d s of s u p e rsed i n g terro r i s m . w i t h corru p t i o n a n d stool p i geons. 1979. of t h e pol i t ical deta i n ees. A n d w h e n t h i s aspect of terro r i s m w a s c o n s i dered (after t h e M o ro k i d n a p p i ng) a new o p e rat i o n beg a n : o n e d i d n o t attempt to c o n d e m n or exorcise terro r i s m (as the g reat b o u rgeois j o u r n a l ists d i d . I n stead . Su persed i n g ter­ ror i s m did not mean beco m i n g i n volved in the N az i exterm i nation that the s u p e r­ p o l icemen ( l i ke General D a l l a C h iesa. one s o u g h t to s u persede i t . So t h e problem was p u t in terms of " leg i t i mat izat i o n . G iven t h at com bat format i o n s represented a p rod u c t of a fact i o n w h i c h t h e M ovement had n o t b e e n a b l e to s u persede. of t h e B . A l l t hese a re objectives of pac i fication o r i g i n at i n g w i t h i n t h e M ovem e n t . B u t s u d d e n l y . peo p l e l o s t s i g h t o f terrorism a s spectacle. Pos i t i o n s o n t h e leg i t i macy of terro r i s m d i ffer w i t h i n t h e various c o m p o n e n t s o f t h e Movement. a n d d i s m issal of D a l l a C h iesa. The M arch i n s u rrect i o n had been a v i r­ t u a l ex p losion i nvo l v i n g tens of t h o usands of p ro letarians a n d you n g people.b u t everyone knows t h at t h e m i l itants i n t hese format i o n s a r e com rades w h o come o u t of agitation i n factories o r in t h e s l u m s . just when t h e poss i b i l ity of s u persed i ng terrorism began to be perceived a n d beg a n t o mat u re. e l i m i na t i o n of t h e c a m p s . nor even to s u p port it i n order to g a i n somet h i n g f rom i t . if we w i s h to c o m p rehend t h e most recent period of I t a l i a n h i st o ry. B u t w h i l e t h e " ideolog i c al " d i sc u s s i o n of terrorism cont i n u e d . t h e n . p l e n i pote n t i a ry of t h e a n t i -terrorists) t ried to effect w i t h d ragnets. R . no l o n g er determi ned by t h e d i f f i c u l t s t ra i t s of a c i v i l war. But others d e m u r. O n e fact i o n c o n s i d e rs a rmed c la n d est i n e act i o n as a s i m p l e "exte n s i o n " of mass v i o l ence. I n stead. B u t o n t h e s u bject of ter­ rorist action the d e bate was a lways more c o n f u sed. w h i le o t h e r groups m a i n ta i ned more problematic p os i t i o n i n order to avoid l u m p i n g together ter­ ror i s m a n d t h e most rad i c al practi ces of t h e M ove m e n t . Su persed i n g terro r i s m became the t r ue problem for t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement. I t was n ecessary to e n g a g e onese l f i n t h i s effort. The B o l o g n a movement ( t h e so-ca l led " c reat ive w i n g " ) recog n ized w i t h o u t hes i t a t i o n t h e c o n t rad i c t i o n between terro r i s m and the mass movement. We have rea c h ed the events of A p r i l 7.

F o r i n t r u t h i t i s i n t hat ter­ r i tory of t h e i m a g i nat ion t h a t t h e rea l war i s be i n g fou g h t . not t h i s or that assert ion. This i s t h e s p i ri t beh i n d t h e govern­ ment operat ion. t h e p roof. b u t T H E POW E R everyt h i n g . the real war. . t h e revo l u t ionary movem e n t w i l l h ave t o deal w i t h O F APRIL t he actions t a k e n by t h e S t a t e on A p r i l 7. t h e a l l­ know i n g b ra i n . a n d a r rogance t h a t is tota l it a r i a n . a n d O F S I M U LATI O N t h e power stru ctu re k nows i t . This i s t h e p ro­ b l e m fac i n g us at t h e momen t . T h u s t h e offe n s ive i s beyond pol i t ics. h a v i n g con q u e red t h e rea l m of t h e i m ag i nation. This i s the real con­ t rad i c t i o n . the Perform ance of A p r i l 7 h a s s how n t h a t t h e power s t r u ct u re can win t h e w a r today by i nvad i n g t h e rea l m of t h e i m a g i nation. The rea l operat i ves of the offens ive are not the j u dges. but t h e p ress. On one s i d e of t h e bat­ tle i s D i s s u asion (the i n f i n ite power of the State. a n d t h e Performance. l i berated from a n y corres pondence w i t h act u a l i ty. t h e a l l. a c a m p a i g n based on S I M U LATI O N . T h e d es i re of t h e S t a t e to e l i m i nate every attem p t at s u p e rsed i n g terror i s m b e c a m e y e t c l earer w h e n t h e e d i tors of Metropo/i w e r e a rrested a n d t h e p u b l i ca­ t ion s u p pressed. B u t the act ions of t h e gove r n m e n t were a i med at re n d e r i n g any t r a n s i t ion i m poss i b l e . a n d the poss i b i l i t y of making a t r a n s i t ion to a new e poc h i n t h e p rocess of l i bera­ t ion f rom c a p i t a l ist dom i nat ion has been j eopard ized in a d ramat i c way. some f u n d a m e n t a l doubts h ave been raised. E v e n beyond t h e q uestion of l i berat i n g A R R ESTS t h e comrades w ho were arrested. I t i s of no i m portance to t h e power s t r u ct u res w h e t h e r somet h i n g i s t r u e of not .t h ese a re two a pp a re n t l y cont rad ic­ tory moves. O F POWER.t he evidence. demonstrat i n g a violence t h a t has no p reced e n t s . A n d . every t h i n g i s false: not t h i s or t h at deta i l . on t h e ot h e r is L i beration of t h e c reat ive energ i es of a p roletariat w hose i n t e l lect u a l poten t i a l i s i m mense. T H E SEVENTH F o r q u i t e some t i m e to come. the a l l-see i n g eye. t h e power struct u res n o w r u n ram pa n t . S i m u late an i n f i n ite n u m ber o f war scenarios a n d p roject t he m on t h e s c reen of t h e m a s s i m a g i n a t i on .t h i s i s t h e strategy. To d ivest onese l f of t h ese last ten years a n d at t h e same t i m e to u n cover t h e con­ t i n u i t y i n herent in the p rocess of l i berat ion . e v e n d e c l a res it.i m ag i n i n g m i nd). So. b u t moves w h i c h m ust be effected s i m u l ta n eou s l y . Metropoli in fact is a j o u r n a l d evoted s p ec i f i c a l l y to the goa l of s u rpass i ng terror i s m and recon s t r u ct i n g a u tonomo u s con d i t ions for t h e c l ass struggle. Everyt h i ng i s f a l s e . but w hose con­ d i t ions of mater i a l existence a re c ra m ped a n d m i se ra b l e . freed f i n a l l y f rom any rema i n i ng l i n k to t r u t h . t h e T V . T H E S I M U LAT I O N I n t h e c a m p a i g n w h i c h t h e power struct u re has l a u n c h ed a g a i nst A u tonomy. t h e c i rc u m stances. The deterrent power of the operation l ies in i t s capacity to u n leash a violent cam p a i g n of i m mense p roport ions.

h e says.a s if i t were poss i b l e to cont i n u e w i t h that att i t u d e of t h e e n t o m o l o g ist which h e shows.i nformat i o n w i l l f i nd t h e i r words t u r n i n g t o d u s t i n their mouths.t h e st reets a re off l i m i ts. t h e a t t i t u d e of someone exa m i n i n g h i storical p rocesses. between t h e l i berat i o n of t h e poss i b l e a n d the d i ctators h i p of t h e p resent. T h e t r u t h determ i nes n ot h i n g . I t s p a ra l y s i s i s com p lete. Eco. su bversive a n d p a ra n o i d -wel l . u n a b l e to u ndersta n d anyth i n g i n f a c t . riere de/la Sera . as t h e power struct u re p repares t o t ry o u r e n t i re d e c a d e as c r i m i n a l . L e t u s a l so exa m i n e t h ose w h ose b u s i ness i t i s to be concerned a b o u t g u a ra ntees LEGALITY AND of f reed o m . etern al p r i c i p les s u c h as "active absten t i o n " . . programs. he a n n o u nces t h a t t h e bou n da ry between lega l i ty a n d i l l e g a l ity can s h ift depend i n g o n the m o m e n t . between a 164 . After havi n g sou g h t the " t r u t h " for h a l f a page. u s i n g methods worthy of a d etect ive n ove l . after OF ORGANIZED a l l . after t h e eve n t s of A p r i l 7. ) can match t h e State reg i me n t for reg i me n t.THE PARALYSIS H ow can o n e deny t h a t t h e power stru c t u re "seems" to h ave w o n ? H a s n ' t i t . B u t that obst i nate a n g e r w i t h w h i c h revo l u t i o na ry t h i n k i n g i n I ta l y h a s n o u r i shed t h e d e s i res a n d w a n t s of t h e masses of prolet a r i a n s a n d y o u t h h a s n ot h i n g i rrat i o n a l about i t . the s t reets t h e m se l ves h ave becom e u n u s a b l e . t h e d ra m a t i c rea l ity of t h e c o n t radic­ t i o n between m a n a n d n a t u re. the c reat ivity and the i nven­ t ive powers of t h e proletarian segment of society. I t i s t h e rea l ity of t h e s o c i a l c o n t rad i c t i o n s in u rban areas. here we s e e t h e forces t h a t represen t t h e e x i st i n g M ovem e n t u n a b l e t o u nd erstand t h e mea n i n g of t h i s O perat i o n S i m u l a t i o n l a u n c h ­ ed by t h e p o w e r s t r u c t u re. The i n tel lec t u a l s . desperate or res i g n e d . w h o o n A p r i l 1 0. So i t goes for Organ ized Autonomy. UTOPIA. which i s t h e rad i c a l e l e m e n t . W e l l t h a t ' s true e n o u g h . as t h o u g h w i t h i n t h e m were not the p u lsat i o n of a s u b­ jective i nt e n s i ty a n d t h e poss i b i l ity for a d i s r u p t i o n a n d overt h row of t h e e n t i re scenario. of the p rese n t ' s r i g h t to s u p p ress the energ ies. o n the c i rc u m st a n ces. B u t t h e State o perates o n a h u n d red bat t l e f i e l d s . T h e g reater t h e stre n g t h of that M ovement w h i c h stra i n s to l i berate t h e poss i b i l i t ies c o m p ressed w i t h i n t h e p re­ sent. As of A p r i l 7 i t has been s h u n ted into t h e Wax M u se u m of pol i t i c s . t h e decade of c o l l ec t i v izat i o n a n d reject i o n of work a re now on t r i a l . INTELLECTUALS . Those w h o w a nt to res p o n d to the s i m u l a t i o n -f i l led power s t ru c t u res w i t h the power ( b u t d oes it ex­ ist?) of t r u t h and of c o u n te r. I t i s rea l ity w h i c h s e t s before u s t h e c h o i ce between u t o p i a a n d barba r i s m . the fart h e r t h e b o u ndaries of legal ity w i l l be p u s hed. t h e good l i t t l e bad boys of Autonomy h ave rep l ied w i t h the conv i c t i o n t hat t h e i r p a rty (w i t h a l l i t s h o l y . d e f i n e s t h e c o m rades a rrested on A p r i l 7 as M e ss i a n i c v i s ionaries BREAKDOWN OR w h o p rov i d e a n i rrat i o n a l movement with a p rog ram that consta n t l y feeds t h e u t o­ BARBARISM p i a n i m p u lses of t h e masses of you n g peo p l e . i n t h e face of t h a t g a m e of m i rrors which i s S i m u l a t i o n . s t ru g g l es . with that stroke of s i m u l a t i o n .yes. A n d t h e peo p l e w h o decide w h e re t h e bou n da r i es should be s h i fted a re tru t h-seekers of Eco's i l k . In the face of t h e power s t r u c t u re. Except t h at t h e peo p l e w h o set t h ose b o u ndaries of l e g a l ity a re peo p l e ( l i ke Eco) w h o write for La Repubblica . O f cou rse ! It's t r u e : legal i ty i s determ i ned by the power re l at i o n s h i p s t h a t obta i n between o l d a n d new. o n t h e front page of t h e Cor­ MESSIANISM. a rrogated to itself t h e r i g h t to p u t a n e n t i re AUTONOMY decade on t r i a l ? It has set i t s e l f u p as a t r i a l j u d g e . it is t h e power struct u re w h i c h s i m u l ates t h e scenerio i n w h i c h power re l at i o n s h i p s a r e determ i ned.not our w a n t s . even they seek to reaf f i r m t h e i r role by seek­ LEGITIMACY ing out the " t r u t h " . . b y j u dges. A n d so t h e decade of egal itari a n i s m a n d s o l i d a rity. by t h e p o l i ce) of t h e p resen t state of af­ f a i rs . a n d for t h ose i n capable of t h i n k i n g i n any t e r m s b u t st reet c a m p a i g n s . pass i o n s a n d defeats a s t h o u g h t hey were nat u ra l p h e n o m e n a . Because l e g a l i t y is o n l y t h e sanct i o n i n g ( b y stru c t u res. Take a look at w h at U m berto Eco has to say in the A p r i l 22 ed i t i o n of La Repubblica . w h a t better p re m i se to a " ba c k l a s h " that p ro m i ses a ret u r n to n o r m a l prod u c t i o n . w h i le t h e p a rty of Autonomy c a n n ot even operate o n that s i n g l e f i e l d i t has c h osen for i t se l f . w h o w o u l d otherwise be scattered . to t h e u s u a l . Today. d ay-to-day v i o l e n c e that occu rs i n t h e fam i l y a n d on t h e j ob ? Meanw h i le. a n d u n a b l e to react i n any way. G ood t h i n k i n g . W h a t better i n t rod u c t i o n . Power rel at i o n s h i p s . O r take t h e case of L u i g i Barz i n i .

b re ak d o w n of t h e p resent system a n d t h e p e rm a n e n t t h reat of destruct i o n . A n d t h e c h o i c e w i l l have to be made very s o o n . t h e h a l l u c i natory q u a l i t y Of every form Of e x p res­ s i o n and every form of e x i s te n c e . the mad i n h u m a n ity Of rel at i o n s h i p s between p eo p l e . very q u i c k l y . T h e q u e s t i o n i s how c a n t h e l a b o r m a rket c o n t i n u e t o f u n c t i o n . extre m e l y f l ex i b l e in terms of its m ob i l ity. s c i e n t i f i c . both CENTERED fro m t he p o i n t of v i ew of c a p i ta l i st d o m i n a t i o n a n d f r om t h e revo l u t i o nary p o i n t of FORM OF T H E v i e w . of c o n f l i c t a n d f u n c t i o n i n g . ecocatastro p h e a n d psychocatastrophe. as " d ay-by-day p o l i t i c s ' ' . eve n s o . u n w i l l i n g to accept the f ixed a r ra n g e m e n t of s a l a r i ed o u t p u t .i n w h i c h a tota l iz i n g f u n c t i o n i n g exists w i t h o u t t h e tota l­ i t y . T h e r e a l mystery of t h e I t a l i a n s i t u ta t i o n i s how a n a p p a ra t u s of d o m i n a t i o n over s o c i a l bei n g s c a n be m a i n t a i n e d by a f u n c t i o n i n g w h i c h m u s t deal w i t h and o r g a n ize t h e most varied and c o n t ra d i ctory types of behavior i m a g i n a b l e .a l l t hese deve l o p me n t s co m b i n e to set a n u rg e n t c h o i ce before revo l u t i o n a ries: b reakd own o r b arba r i s m . T he re i s a t h read of f u n c t i o n i n g w h i c h ru n s t h ro u g h d i sco n t i n u i t y . The acce l e r a t i o n of pace in u rb a n a reas. c a n be esta b l i s hed. t h e o n l y rea l i s t i c c h o i ce w o u l d be revo l u t i o n . even i f t h e idea of l i berat i n g these poten t i a l s were a u t o p i a n o n e . i s t he p o i n t of departure for a new a l l i a n c e between c a p i t a l i s t i c deve l o p m e n t a n d t h e p r o l e t a r i a n l i be ra t i o n move m e n t . T H E NON· T h e s i t u a t i o n in I ta l y p rovides a social laboratory of exc e p t i o n a l i nterest. ST R U CT U R E A N D a n d t h u s t h e soci ety a n d t he forces w h i c h c i rc u late i n t h e soc i a l sector a r e n o P R O D U CT I O N l o n g e r g ove r n a b l e b y p o l i t i c s . a n d o b l ig e d t o accept a re l a t i ve l y h i g h r a t e of c o n f i sc a t i o n of t h e s u r p l u s v a l u e p rod u c e d . and in w h i c h power exists w i t h o u t a govern m e n t . w h e n a n e n o r m o u s q u a n t i t y of s u r p l u s-va l u e i s p ro d u ced b y a seg m e n t of t he l a b o r force w h i c h i s p o l i t i c a l l y a n d c u l t u ra l ly i n s u bord i nate. A n d even i f t h e poss i b i l it i es for a breakdo w n were very l i m ited. T h e most i m porta n t fact for u ndersta n d i n g t h e p resent s i t u a t i o n i s t h a t cen­ POWER t ra l ized a n d c o h e re n t forms o f c o n t ro l over t h e soc i a l sector have c om e to a n e n d .we l l . and the i n c rease in m i l i t a r izat i o n . c a p a b l e of f u n c t i o n i n g o n l y I I . I f we are i nt e rested i n l ife. rat her than a n oss i f i ed s u bo rd i n a t i o n . t h e n o n l y revo l u t i o n i s a rea l i s t i c a l ternat ive. The marriage of i n s u bo rd i n a t i o n a n d p rod u c t i v i t y . The rea l p r o b l e m is how t h e f u n c t i o n i n g of d o m i n a t i o n a n d t h e c a p i t a l i st system ' s ass i g n i n g -of-va l u e can be esta b l i s h ed by m e a n s of u nf o c u sed con f l i ct . T h i s a l l i a n ce p rovi d es t h e o n l y poss i b l e m e a n s of res o l v i n g t h e p resent c r i s i s .h a s in fact seen power p re­ sent i t s e l f as m e re tact i c s . even i f every t h i n g were tend i n g in a d i re c t i o n o p p osed to t h e poss i b i l ity of l i berat i n g h u m a n i t y ' s tec h n i c a l . c reative a n d i nventive e n ergies f ro m t h e destruc­ t ive d o m i n a t i o n of c a p i ta l i s m and ecocatastrophe. frag mentat i o n a n d c o n ­ f l i c t . t h e o n ly w a y i n w h i c h c o n d i t i o n s for a p rod u c t ive a u t o n o m y . T h e p resent s i t u a t i o n .

" (Cacc i a r i . i n La Repubblica 24/4/79). . so t h a t t h e pote n t i a l cont a i ned i n t h e i n tel l i gence a n d a c t i v i ty o f t h e i n d iv i d u a l i s h e l d i n c h eck. You k now t h e say i n g . a con t rol l i ng o f t h e s y s t e m w i t ho u t a govern i n g of t h e syst e m . no c r i terion of t r u t h i n tact i c s . . w h e n i t becomes a " j u d i c i a l emergency m e a s u r e " . i n ord e r t o con t rol every determ i nation. . but that version of " Potere O peraio" ( i . THE INDETER· T h u s we stand before the paradox of a dom i n at ion w h i c h i s exerc ised w i t hout a n y Ml NACY gove r n m e n t . The " l aw" fee l s t h e n eed t o m a k e i t s e l f i n determ i n ate i n order t o b e a b l e to p rosec ute a l l t hose b e i n g s w h o a re dete r m i ned by soc iety.to borrow a p h rase f rom Canett i .i t can o n l y be effective i f i t i s lived as hype. W h e n OF LAW AND THE a s y s t e m becomes very com p l ex a n d h a s n u m e rous i n d ep e n d e n t va r i a b l e s . or a need to s e p a rate t h e m s e l ves f rom t h e accu sed in order to savor the " p l eas u re of havi n g s u rv i ved " . C o n s i d e r som e of the more d i g n i f i ed con fessions: " Forg ive me i f I i n s i st on t h i s p o i n t . i s t h e t y p i c a l revo l u t i o n a ry o f tod ay? T h i s i ndeter m i nate " l a w ' ' . so t h a t t h e road to t h e l i beration o f l i fe f rom w o r k i s c losed off. B u t emergency m e a n s a c u t-off o f rat ion a l i ty. t h e n SELF-REGULATION t h e a d a g e " a n e m pty m i n d i s a n open m i n d " seems to a p p l y . " (Asor Rosa. . 10/4/79).i n d i v i d u a l ize h i m s e l f a n d s u b m i t to bei n g m a d e i n to Abstract Work. . B u t t h e re i s a poi n t o f contac t . after a l l . T h e f u nction i n g of t h i s type of pol i t i c s is not g u i d ed by a ny coh e re n t strateg i c p l a n n i n g . w h i c h orga n izes K n ow ledge a n d K now-how in a f u n ct i o n a l d es i g n a i med at r e p rod u c i n g t h e form of C a p i t a l a n d t h e f o r m o f V a l u e . i s not i ntent on hou n d i n g t hese movem e n t s ( i f i t were.between t h e p roletar i a t ' s i m port u nate d es i re for l i beration f rom the s lavery of work a n d c a p i t a l i s m ' s i n terests i n i nc reas i n g t h e rel a t i ve rate o f s u r p l u s-va l u e a n d i n c reas­ i n g soc i a l p rod u c t i v i ty . The i ndete r m i nacy of t h e " l aw" i n fact amou n t s to the i n determ i n acy of soc i a l types: w h a t . It i s at t h i s poi n t of contact that one can occasion a l l y break t h e power o f t h a t Dom i nation w h i c h w i s hes t o foresta l l A u tonomy. w h i c h rest ra i n s t h e i nt e l lect u a l energ i es o f t h e p roletariat.o n l y amou n t s t o rema i n i n g e n s n a red i n a g a m e . To o ppose t h i s mec h a n i s m of s e l f-reg u l ation ( i n w h i c h the off i c i a l d e c l a rations and the an­ nou nced strateg i e s are o n l y s i m u lations of tact i c a l scena rios t hat c a n not act u a l l y con t rol t h e forces t h ey s u m mon u p) .at least o n t h e tac t i c a l leve l .to op pose t h i s mec h a n i s m o f s e l f-reg u l ation by offe r i n g a cohere n t a lternat ive s t rategy . T h e "castle" o f accusat ions b u i l t u p h a s no " f o u n d a t ion " . w h i l e h e i s com p e l l ed to de. B u t t h i s i s exactly what t h e g ove r n m e n t actions were des i g ned to s how: " j u st i ce" revea l s i t s l a c k of foun­ dation i n " l aw" i n a way that i s nearly obsce n e .E m i l i a n b r a n c h to w h i c h Cacc i a r i belonged) has not h i n g at a l l to do w i t h t h e version w h i c h a rose after 1968. O n l y i n this manner can " j u st i ce" enter i n to a " c r i me-acc u s a t i o n " re lation s h i p with soc i a l be i ng s that a re very d i f­ ferent from one a nother.a s Organ ized A u tonomy h a s sou g h t t o do. The " f u l l wei g h t " of a n a r­ t i c u l ated p l a n t e n d s to polarize soc i ety by m a k i n g peo p l e erect " wa l l s of j u d ge­ m e n t " ." Peop le bet ray t h e m se l ves " ! A n d t h i s i s t h e mec h a n i s m w h i c h t h e forces of " j u st i ce" want to set in mot ion: i n d i v i d u a l s m u s t a u tonomou s l y come to feel a need to ex c u l pate t h e m se lves . t h e r u l es o f w h i c h n o n e of the p l ayers can m a k e operat i ve. I t i s t h e absence o f OF THE IMAGINARY " p l a n n i n g " w h i c h m a kes t h e s y s t e m con t ro l l a b l e . In com p lex systems pol arization is e l i m i nated and the m e a n s of reg u lation tend to be i n confor m i ty with t h e i ndeter m i nacy of t h e syste m . S o l e t u s exa m i n e o n c e a g a i n t h a t j ud i c i a l cam p a i g n l a u n c h ed on t h e 7th o f A p r i l . in an i n terview g ra n ted to Repubbfica . So: t h e re is n o s t rategy. S i nce that time I h ave n ' t seen h i m . T h e l a w ' s l a c k o f fou ndat ions becomes stri k i n g l y a p parent w h e n t h e " l aw" l ives i n a state o f " e m e rg e n c y " . i n s p i te of a p pearan ces a n d i n spite of t h e p r i ce that has been p a i d by the va n g u a rd movem e n t s . This rule of t h u m b p reva i l s even on i d eolog i c a l a n d j u d i c i a l level s . Or t h i s : " I h a d my last pol i t i c a l d i sc u ssion w i t h N e g r i more t h a n t e n years a g o. I l l u m i n at i n g for t h e s t u d y of this p h enomenon a re t h e reve l a t i o n s of certa i n i n ­ te l l ect u a l s who wou l d h ave u s be l i eve t hey were o n c e " p l a n t s " w i t h i n t h e M ove­ m e n t . u nd e r t h at g u ise. t h u s t h e hyp e m u s t s how i t s e l f a s hype. b u t by a g a m e of i nt e r n a l s e l f-reg u l a t i o n . then 166 . e . the Ven eto.

b u t rat h e r d i rects i t s atte n t i o n s toward i n determ i n ate e l e m e n t s . I n determ i n acy req u i res a re lat i o n s h i p w i t h t h e mass med i a . And t h e object i ve of c o u rt act i o n i s not so much t h e m a i ntenance of order. prod ucts of a col lective i ma g i n a t i o n . a perform a n ce o r spectacle o f accusat i o n a n d t r i a l . The law t u rn s i nto a com b i nat i o n of emergency and mass med i a . At t h i s level of abstract i o n of be i n g s . " The i ndeter­ m i nacy of t h e " l aw" se rves as a means for p u rsu i n g soc i a l be i n g s w h o a u t o n o m o u s l y def i n e t h e m selves to t h e e x t e n t that t h ey are no l o n g e r i d e n t i f i a b l e by t h e i r soc i a l "stat u s " . in a c o m p lex system in w h i c h " med i a t i o n " a s a struct u re h a s f a i led. I t i s t h e i m a g i n a t i o n w h i c h i s act u a l l y o n t r i a l . What matters i s not so much t h e outcome of t h e c o u rt act i o n .a recog n i t i o n t hat can be created only w h e n d i sorder p reva i l s. t h e G u i lty Party i s a p rod uct of everyone's i ma g i nat i o n . t h e law can no l o n g e r s u sta i n i t s e l f and h as need for abstrac t i o n s p ro m u l gated by the mass med i a . s i n ce. that is. i t a i m s at p rosec u t i n g sy m bo l i c f i g u res. To " p rosecute" soc i a l be i n g s t h u s m e a n s t h at t h e l a w m u s t m a k e i t s e l f " i m-persona l " to s u c h a d e g ree that i t becomes a sy m bo l i c re p resenta t i o n . b u t rat her t h e i m m ed iate c reat i o n of a col lective recog n i t i o n of t h e " bou n d a r i es " .o n ly t h e n can t h e " t h eater of cruelty" be staged . exists i n t h e form of e m e r g e n c y as i t b e c o m e s i d e n t i f ied w i t h t h e mass med i a . t e n d s to def i ne i t s e l f a u t o n o m o u s l y .the " law" w o u l d be a q u i t e determ i n ate t h i n g . I n a s i m i l a r ve i n . . because t h ere is no l o n g e r any point in p rosec u t i n g " p r i vate" beings. i s t h e o n e i n v i r­ t u e of be i n g t h e other. e . The . e n acted by t h e i m a g i n a t i o n) staged by t h e mass m ed i a . T h e re is no m o re " perso n a l " p e n a l izat i o n .b u t a l s o because today every bou n d a ry i s o u t s i d e t h e scope of c l a s s i c a l l y cod i f ied law. B r i a n J e n k i n s h a s d e f i ned terro r i s m as t h e " i nstru m e n t for g a i n i n g pol i t i cal object i ves t h at have b e e n s e t a u t o n o m o u s l y . every g r o u p . w o u l d have f o u n d at i o n s . b u t rat h e r t h e symbo l i c t r i a l set in motion t h ro u g h t h e mass med i a . What c a n n ot be p e n a l ized in p h y s i c a l terms i s i n stead penal ized by m e a n s of a u n iversal sacri f i c i a l rite. d o w n to t h e level o f t h e i n ­ d i v i d u a l .t h i s i s t h e p os i t i o n o f t h e PCI). and not s e e i t s e l f i n re l a t i o n t o " o t h e rs". The trad i ­ t i o n a l t r i a l i n t h e cou rtroom has become i rrel eva nt i n t h e face of t h e i ma g i nary t r i a l s ( i . Cou rt a c t i o n operates in t h e rea l m of cont i n g e n c ies not only because i t i s a system of tactics w h i c h s h i fts t h e bou n d a r i es of lega l i ty accord i n g to i nd iv i d u a l c i rc u mstances-as U m berto E c o assert s . An American researc her w rote in a recent a n a l y s i s of the p h e n o m e n o n of terro r i s m t h at " t h e ' m oral sens i b i l it y' of t h e n o r m a l c i t izen i s not very d i fferent form t h at of t h e terro r i s t " (J a n Schrei ber). t h e sy m b o l i c t r i a l s w h i c h t h e mass med i a stage in t h e i m ­ a g i nat i o n o f t h e co l l ec t i v i t y . o n ly sy m bo l i c p e n a l izat i o n . Rather t h a n p rosec ute p r i vate c i t ize n s .

t h e i d eas of t h e i m­ a g i nary soc i a l be i n g w h i c h have been c h a rged . i n t h e desert p l aces and in the wood s .t h i s p rocess of overt u r n i n g i s l i n ked to a repeated . s i nce not only t h e propert ies a n d use of K n o w l edge. Prese n t u rban society may i n f a c t be conceived a s med ieval f i e f d o m s : h i g hway m e n a n d m a d m e n can r o a m about see k i n g booty o r i n d u l g i n g i n f i t s of i n s a n i ty . Revo l u­ t i o n a ry i m p u lses are perm i tted to o perate i n every soc i a l m i l ie u . at forc i n g i ndeterm i n ate soc i a l b e i n g s to ass u m e . t h e p roced u res a n d the i n struments of t h e p rod u ct i o n of Knowledge (a passage from t h e power s t r u c t u re to an a u t o n o m o u s s o c i a l arrangement). CON CLUSIONS H a v i n g come t h i s far. The d e c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d constru c t i o n of texts and l e x i c o n are f u nc­ t i o n a l e l ements in t h e esta b l i s h m e n t of t h e lex i c a l and l i n g u i s t i c G u i l t y Party. The m a n o r i n t h e metropo l i s o f t h e 1980' s i s t h e p l ace w h e re Knowledge i s p rod uced. To t h i s end. That i s to say. reconst ruct i n g t h e c o nt i n u ity of its f u n c t i o n i n g across t h i s d i scon t i n u ity. A n d o n l y t h i s l o n g p rocess of repeated d i s l ocat i o n a n d a p p ro p r i a t i o n of the modes and i ns t r u m e n t s of the p rod u c t i o n of Knowledge w i l l be a b l e to mod ify the e p i stemo l og i c a l . a n i d e n t ity defi ned for t h e m by t h e cou rts. b u t also its struct u re. T h e access routes t o t h i s m a n o r a re c l os e l y g u arded.that is. l o n g-term (perhaps extre m e l y l o ng-term) d i s l ocat i o n of the modes. B u t t h e forms a n d t h e p o l i t ics i nvolved i n t h i s p rocess a re sti l l e n t i re l y u n known to u s . b u t o n l y i f t hey s t a y i n t h e c o u n t ryside. a n d d o not come onto the manor g rou n d s . And the p rocess of overt u r n i n g t h e f u n c t io n i n g of Knowledge (today K n ow l ed g e f u n c t i o n s to c ont r ol and to ass i g n va l u e. it i s of n o i nterest wh ose lexicon it i s . it i s t h e l e x i c o n . lexica l items from N e g r i ' s texts and i d eas h ave been put o n t r i a l . w h i l e i n t h e streets a n d homes of t h e metropo l i s. it i s done i n stead i n t h e m a s s med ia a n d i n t h e symbo l i c p rocess. b u t rath e r t h e G u i l t y Party. and t h u s the operative. t h e tec h n o l o g i c a l heart of p rod u c t i o n . struct u re of K n o w l e d ge . I t is not acc i d e n t a l t h at U m berto Eco fee l s t h e need to use a m b i g u i t i es i n his a r t i c l e . The center of t h e soc i a l organ izat i o n l ies in t h a t zone w h e re Knowledge i s p ro­ d u ced and f u n c t i o n s . but w i t h i n i t l i es t h e poss i b i l i t y f o r a self-tra n sformat i o n i nto a n i n f i n it e l y p rod uct ive f o rce capa b l e of p rog res s i v e l y f ree i n g seg ments of s oc i a l ex istence from the con­ stra i nts of work) . i n every type of p rod u c t i o n f u n c t i o n except for t h at f u n d a m e n t a l f u n c t i o n w h i c h i s t h e fu n c t i o n const i t u ted by K n ow ledge.ra ther. T h e p rob l e m i s i n rea l i ty much more com p l i cated . The g o a l w h i c h the revo l u t i o na ry e l e m e n t has been seek i n g to atta i n ( m o re o r less c o n s c i o u s ly) in recent years i s the l i be rat i o n of that potent i a l for a u t o n o m y which has been p ropagated in society by t h e efforts of t h e p rese n t form of organ ized Autonomy. This goal i s eq u iva l e n t to t h e aim of u n derta k i n g a passage from the 1970' s to the 1980 ' s wh i le m a i n ta i n i n g struct u ra l c o n d i t i o n s t h at e n s u re t h e l i berat i o n of l i fe f r o m l a b o r a n d t h a t avo i d t h e l o g i c o f exterm i n a t i o n a n d ecodest ruct i o n prom u l gated b y N u c l ea r A g e c a p i t a l i s m . Power exerc ised w i t h o u t an attempt to govern accepts a very h i g h level of con­ f l i c t. a re determ i ned by its c a p i ta l i s t i c f u n c t i o n i n g . i t i s a i med at restor i n g the i n i t i a t ive to the State w h i l e p reve n t i n g t h e cont i n ued e x i st e n ce of t h e struct u ra l cond i t i o n s needed for revo l u t i o n . anyt h i n g g oes. we now need to construct an operat i o n a l s y n t h e s i s w h i c h is capa b l e of overt u r n i n g t h e p rem i ses w h i c h t h e power struct u re i m posed by i t s ac­ tions of A p r i l 7 (as we l l as all t h e other p r e m i ses which t h e power s t r u ct u re h as i m posed in rece n t t i m es). The offe n s i ve u nd e rtaken by t h e power struct u re d u r i n g recent m o n t h s i s d i rected at maki n g t h i s passage i m poss i b le. we have not e l aborated a n y t h eory of " t ra n s i t i o n " (to use 1 68 . B u t it wou l d be s i m p l i s t i c to conc l ude that t h e revo l u t i o n t herefore needs to s u b s t i t u t e a Len i n i st seizu re of Knowledge f o r a Len i n i st seizu re of t h e State.t h e col l ective i m a g i n a t i o n of t h e G u i lty Party. Put t i n g w o r d s o n t r i a l i s not poss i b l e i n t h e c o u rtroom. a u t o n o m o u s l y and of t h e i r own acccord . t r i a l is a i med at c reat i n g cert a i n a t t i t u d es a n d i n s i g hts. The p rosec u t i o n is not seek i n g a s i n g l e g u i lty party. T h u s t h e power s t r u c t u re has learned to s u rvive on a d i scont i n u o u s terra i n .

t h o u g h a l ways rema i n i n g i n some ways e n t ra p ped w i t h i n i t . t h e t h eory to w h i c h we m u st consta n t l y refer. I t i s i n terest i n g t hat at p rese n t re newed atte n t i o n i s be i n g g i ven to neo. d ivest i n g oneself of a n effect of rea l ity. a n d t h u s .a n act i o n w h i c h i g n o res.l i berta rian tendency t h u s becomes u n derst a n d a b l e . t h e Le n i n ist t h eory can be form u l ated as fo l l ows: the p ro l etariat m u s t take possess i o n of t h e State. a t h rottl­ ing of every poss i b l e m ove toward autonomy i n t h e soc i a l system. B e r t i has s a i d .can p rod uce a v i s i o n of t h e revo l u t i o n a ry p rocess w h i c h gets i n t h e w a y of l i berat i o n . w h i c h o u g h t to i n carnate t h e w i l l to su persede. D ivest i n g onese l f of t h i s concept m e a n s d i vest i n g onese l f of a p ract ice a n d an ideolog i c a l p rojec t i o n . As L. Thus t h e time now see ms ripe to form u l ate a n h y p o t h e s i s concern i n g t h e " t r a n s i ­ t i o n " . i n t h e e n d . the State has represented a terrori st-sty l e forced reca p i t u l a t i o n of t h e ex i s t i n g modes of prod u c t i o n . f r o m t h e t i me o f "war com m u n i s m " . post. The o n l y t h eory of power and t ra n s i t i o n that we possess. t hat h o r r i b l e a n d i m p recise word). Free i n g o n e s e lf of t h e idea that c a p i ta l i s m and com m u n i s m a re systems w h i c h s u cceed each o t h e r i n a d i a c h ro n i c s c h e m e a m o u n t s to recog n iz i n g that i n a revo l u t i o n from t h e apex of c a p i ta l i s m l i es t h e only poss i b i l i· ty for a M ovem e n t of A u t o n o m y from c a p i t a l ist d o m i n a t i o n . W e have h a d t h e d ream of rea l iz i n g t h i s p r o g r a m o n o u r m i nd s for fifty years n o w . u p to t h e awf u l rea l i ty of p resen t-day soc i a l i s m . ON THE Revo l u t i o nary t h i n k i n g m u st focus its c r i t i c a l ski l l on t h e problem of tran s i t i o n . we s e e k to re ify an " i g nor­ act i o n " toward t h e State" ( " i g n o ract i o n " : adapted from t h e German igno rak· t ion . t h rou g h t h e period of Sta l i n i s m . t h e concept of " t ra n s i t i o n " and t h e system of categories w h i c h it i nvolves can " p rod u ce" a rea l scena r i o . b u t rat her h a s become o s s i f i e d . to re ify a n a bo l i t i o n o f t h e mec h a n i s m of State control a n d t o reify a p o l i t i c a l formal izat i o n of t h e a l l iance between m o b i l e strata of t h e labor fo rce a n d dynamic c a p i ta l i s m . u p to t h e C h i nese experience.i n d u st r i a l . Essent i a l l y . electro n i c deve l op m e n t a n d proletarian i n s u bo rd i n a t i o n to t h e w o r k e t h i c . i f TRANSITION o n l y to l i q u idate and s u persede t h e concept. I n other words. C a p i ta l i s m h a s been n e i t h e r abo l i s hed n o r transformed. has i n stead been noth i n g m o re than t h e re i f i ca t i o n of t h ose re lat i o n s h i ps of p ro­ d u c t i o n i n heri ted from c a p i ta l i s m . T h i s M ove ment of . i n a s m u c h as t h e State.l i berta r i a n hypot heses i n econ o m ics. from t h e t i m e of t h e N E P. d oes not recog n ize t h ose formal b o u n d aries w h i c h t h e State i m p oses). The hypothesis w h i c h we advance as t h e p rem ise for f u rt h e r t h eoret i c a l work i s a n e x ac t reversa l of Len i n ' s theory. That i s. T h e i n terest t h a t m a n y revo l u t i o nary M a rx ists h ave m a n i fested for eco n o m i c hypotheses of neo. between c a p i ta l i s t i c . b olster t h e m a c h i nery of t h e State and the d o m i n a t i o n of the State's w i l l over soci ety in order to abo l i s h cap i t a l i s m ( o n l y afterward w i l l t h e ext i n c t i o n of t h e State be poss i b l e) .perhaps i n order to deviate from i t .i s the Len i n ist one.

k i l led d u r­ i n g the riots today in M i l a n . N ov. I taly: a priest bless i n g the body of G i a n n i Zi becc h i . G a l lery Hetzler & Ke l le r G m b H i l/7 Photo: D. Pol ice s a i d a t i m e-bo m b apparently expl oded i n a toi l ette. a n d s u p p ress i o n of t h e general formal con d i t i o n s of c a p i t a l ist d o m i n a t i o n . After two ex plosions and a f i re i n a t u n nel through the Appen i n e M o u n t a i n s south of B . Despite fears of p o l i ce authorities.000 persons took part i n the b i g gest labor march of the year. Turi n i l/4 Pier Paolo Paso l i n i Photo A. More than 50. Cortez i l /8-9 via Fani il/10 Su per-8/photo: Seth T i l e! i l/1 1 ROM 1 205 1 0 1 D R U M BEATERS R O M E : Len d i n g emphasis by pound i n g on metal drums.not a n a t u ra l tendency. Italy: A view of a wrecked car on the Rome-M u n i c h ltalicus Ex­ press. 26. (UPl/AN SA) i l/2 M L-603-4/1 7/75. stri k i n g metal workers stage a noisy demonstrat ion demanding h i g her wages and a 40-hour week. Separat i n g t h e material organ izat i o n of K n ow-how f r o m t h e form of V a l u e t h e n becomes .M I LA N . Autonomy i nvolves l i berat i o n f ro m work. b u t t h e strateg i c objective./Agence France-Presse i l/5 Tables for 34 Persons. (UPI) i l/3 Flat M i rafiori p l a n t . Richard Reid & Andrew Rosenbaum i l/1 B0-1 -8/4 1 974-Bologna. P. w i t h o u t rep rod u c i n g t h e formal cond i t i o n s of t h e prev i o u s system . . The b reakdown of this d o m i n a t i o n can t h u s b e conceived ( a n d p u t i n to effect) a s a s u bject ive mode ( i n t h e M ovement toward Autonomy) of a p rocess in w h i c h c a p i t a l determ i n es t h e materi a l cond i t i o n s for the reconst r u c t i o n . triggering a second b l a s t and t h e f i re. t h e p l a n o f opera t i o n of t h e revo l u t io n a ry movement. the mani festat i o n was orderly. (UPI) 1 2/5/69 1 70 . I n foreg rou nd 1 2 bod ies covered w i t h sheets.F. 1 974-75 Mario Merz I nstallation in an abandoned factory near Stutt­ gart. w h i c h k i l led 1 2 persons a n d i n j u red more than 3 0 others. Transla ted by Jared Becker. 28.

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1 979 the police arrested about 20 people cla i m i n g that t h ey were "dangerous terrorists" and ch a rg i ng one of t h e m . The accusat ions are extremely serious a n d some carry sentences of up to life im­ prisonment. The accusat ions were m a i nly based u pon t h e w r i t i n g s of t h e 172 . Ton i Negri. T h o s e arrested were neither u n derg rou n d ter­ rorists cau g h t red . all t h e defendants are accu sed of " s u bvers i o n " for hav i n g organ ized and led a g ro u p called " Potere Operaio" (d issolved i n 1 973 ! ) as well as other g roups related to " A u t o n o m i a Opera i a . w i t h bei n g t h e "secret leader" of t h e R e d Brigades. O n April 7. " F u rt hermore. A l l the defendants have been openly active for many years i n the polit ical movement of the ext ra-parliamentary left and c o m p r i se most of the department of Pol i t i cal Science at t h e U n iversity of Pad u a as well as t h e ed itorial s t a f f of two rad i cal magazi nes. the arrests were m a d e w i t h o u t any factu al i n · OPERATION cri m i nat i n g evi d e n ce. Here i s a s u m mary of t h e off i c i al c h a rges." carry i n g " i n s u rrec t i o n against the State" as well as "being respon s i ble for the organ izat ion and leaders h i p of t h e Red B ridages . n i ne of the defendants face accusat io n s such as "cons p i r i n g to form a n d part i c i pate i n armed groups.h a nded i n the act nor were t h ey found i n secret h ideouts w i t h com pro m i s i n g docu ments. A p ri l 7 : Re p re s s i o n i n I ta l y C a ri The fo l l ow i n g analysis of the Apri l 7 opera· tion was written by the New York Com m i ttee Agai nst Repress i o n In Italy. " A POLITICAL Despite the g ravity of t h e ch a rges.

h a rd l y m e n t i oned t h e res u l t s of t h e voi ce­ p r i n t a n a l y s i s reac h ed in J u ly 1 979. T h u s . In response. " As La Repubblica states. O f u t m ost c o n c e r n is t h e v i o l a t i o n of t h e defe n d a n t ' s r i g h t to c o n s t r u c t t h e i r l e g a l d efen se. N ot o n l y h ave t h e workers refu sed to accept t h e c a l l for " restra i n t a n d s a c r i f i c e .p r i n t a n a l y s i s c on d ucted b o t h i n I t a l y a n d at t h e U n ivers i t y of M i c h i g a n c l e a red h i m e nt i re l y of t h e c h a rge. e t c . s u p ported o n l y by c o n t rad i ctory " e v i d e n c e . beg i n n i n g w i t h f reed o m of express i o n . p u rported l y a g a i nst terror i s m . O t h e r " e v i d e n c e " c o n s i s t s of t e l e p h o n e t a p e s . concern i n g t h e arrest warra n t of N e g r i . FROM FASCISM t h e Cod i c e Rocco. . i t is " 1 0 p a g e s w i t h o u t a n y p roof . t h e p rosec utor." t hereby d ivert i n g atte n t i o n from the rea l problems. The I t a l i a n p ress. " W h at C a logero. w h i c h m a kes i t poss i b l e to convict someone f o r having " d a ngerous" o p i n ions) has rei nforced its fascist i n h e r i t a n ce by i n s t i t u t i n g t h e " Le g g e Reale" i n 1 975. T h i s is a d a n gerous p reced e n t (rem i n iscent of t h e W e s t G e r m a n Kon taktverbot) for i t m a kes i t i m poss i b l e for t h e defense l awyers to d e f e n d t h e i r c l ients a g a i nst vag u e g e n e r a l c h a rges. who have been primarily charged for their politica l ideas. I t w a s rei n forced by t h e I C P ' s dec i s i o n to a l l y i t s e l f w i t h t h e C h r i s t i a n Dem o c rats a n d t h u s become a part of the State ap­ parat u s . a n d o n l y then has h e attem pted to c o n s t ruct h i s case. u nder t h e pretense of defend i n g d e m oc racy. T h e ext ra-pa r l i a m e n ta ry left i s stro n g est a m o n g t h e s o c i a l strata w h i c h has trad i ­ t i o n a l l y s u p ported t h e c o m m u n i sts. " This coa l it i o n was a b l a t a n t attempt t o m u zzle t h e new emerg i n g s o c i a l movements. T h i s i s a b o d y of l a w s . d efendants. T h e ICP after its H i storical C o m p ro m i se w i t h t h e C h rist i a n Democrats. The Com m u n ist Party has w i l l i n g l y p a raded i t s e l f a s t h e m a i n defender of l a w a n d order to g a i n res pecta b i l ity. T h u s. p reve n t ive dete n t i o n is a l l owed for u p to 4 years. t h e p rosec u t o r i n t h e recen t wave o f eve n t s . F u rther. i t i s not a coi n c i dence t h a t Calogero. In I t a l y t h e re i s n o ba i l p roced u re a n d a defe n d a n t c a n be kept i n jail for up to 2 years before bei n g tried. the major "evidence' l i n k i n g N e g r i and the j o u rn a l ist N i cotri w i t h the M o ro k i d n a p p i n g is a l leged p h o n e conversat i o n s between t h e two defendants a n d m e m bers of t h e M o ro f a m i l y . has been e n c o u n t e r i n g i nc reas i n g d i s i l l u s i o n m e nt w i t h i n i t s ra n k a n d f i l e . so i n­ s i stent on t h e t e l e p h o n e accusat i o n . N ocot r i w a s eve n t u a l l y f reed o n J u ly 7. ev i d e nced by a record c o l l a pse i n members h i p a n d h eavy l osses i n t h e past ad m i n is tra t ive elections. Ton i Neg ri i s st i l l in p r i s o n . e . w h i c h severe ly c u rta i l s person a l freedo m g iv i n g t h e p o l ice t h e r i g h t to s h oot i n ­ d iv i d u a l s w i t h o u t a n y l e g a l c o nseq u e n ces. w h i le m o re rec e n t l y i n 1 977 a new st u d e nt m ove m e n t has sw e p t both t h e s c h o o l s a n d t h e u n ivers i t ies. t h ey c a n g o before t h e S u p re m e Court. ) . voice. t h e p rosec u to r has act u a l l y swept away t h e l a s t vest iges of t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s l e g a l r i g hts. are c o n f ronted w i t h w i d e s p read SOCIAL soc i a l d i sc o n te n t that h as been i n tens i f i ed by the s t i f f eco n o m i c measu res i n­ DISCONTENT s t i t u ted i n t h e '?O's i n t h e n a m e of t h e e n e rgy c r i s i s ( l ayoffs. they m u st rema i n in j a i l for 2 years before their a p pea l . " but i n t h e m i dst o f t h e c r i s i s a m a s s wome n ' s move m e n t has e x p l od e d . i s a I C P m e m ber. LAWS INHERITED T h e I t a l i a n State. WIDESPREAD T h e I C P . t h e party has l a beled d i ssidents as e i t h e r terrori sts o r fasc ists. I n t h e case of N e g r i a n d t h e o t hers. c l a i m s to be " e v i d e n c e " a g a i nst N e g r i s i m p l y refers to h i s i d eas a n d w r i t i n g s w h i c h h a v e b e e n ope n l y s o l d i n bookstores for years. as we l l as t h e C h r i s t i a n Democrats. For ex­ a m p le. T h e deep crisis w i t h i n t h e I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l system e n a b l es t h e lead i n g part ies (the C D a n d ICP coa l i t i o n ) t o l o o k f o r "scapegoats. a f t e r 3 m o n ­ t h s i n j a i l . w h e re c h a rges a re serious. then. 1 73 . The p rosec u t o r has i m p riso ned a n d i s o lated t h e m (w i t h o u t bai l). if t hey l ose that a p p e a l after 2 m o re years. t h e C h ris­ tian Democrats (CD) a n d t h e Com m u n i st Party ( I C P) j o i ned forces to su p p o rt the " Le g g e Reale. ra m pa n t i n f l a t i o n . if t h e defense i s u n s u ccessf u l . sec ret w i t n esses a n d i n formants. I n t h e ref e re nd u m of 1 978. A s for N e g r i . w h i c h has ret a i ned t h e c ri m i na l l a w s of t h e fasc ist period ( i .

w h o for years has work­ ed in t h e "Wages For H o u sework" m ove m e n t and i s the a u t h o r of m a n y fem i n ist texts. " for all t h a t t h i s strategy i m p l ies i n terms of t h e s t r u g g les for a u t o n o m y . R epeated l y . H e c l a i m s t h a t A u tonomy and the Red Briga des a re one and the same. accu sed at t h e t i me of bom b i n g the P i azza Fontana (Va l p reda spent four yea rs in j a i l before it was ' d i scovered ' that the fascists were respo n s i b l e for t h i s c r i m e). a l so o p e n l y active in t h e W o me n ' s M ovement has been i n c r i m i nated a n d i nves t i g ated by the j udges for "terrorist a c t i v i t ies" . . . A l isa del Re. . e t c . I n part i c u lar. H e n ce. " Caccari i s n o t a n i s o l ated voice. Accord i n g to t h e p rosec u tor. I n I ta l y no evidence is needed to p u t somebody in j a i l .a clear p roof t h a t the 1 74 . M a n y scholars a n d i n t e l lectu a l s a s we l l as various p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u ra l organ izat i o n s have p rotested t hese arrests. ." H e c o n t i n ues: "What is h a p p e n i n g i s t h e p l a n ­ ned vict i m izat i o n of a n e n t i re p o l i t i c a l M ove m e n t . Some j u rists refer t o t h e d i fference between t h e case of Autonomy a n d t h e case b u i l t in 1 969 a g a i n s t the a n a rc h i st V a l p reda. b u t w i t h the organ izati o n " (L 'Espresso. J u ly 1 5." AN ATTACK A m o n g t h e peo p l e w h o have recei ved t h e j u d i c i a ry com m u n icat i o n for " pa r t i c i pa­ ON FEMINISM t i o n in armed b a n d " are Ferru c c i o G a m b i n o and M a r i a Rosa D a l l a Costa. w h e re t h e m a g i s t rates have i s s u ed f i fteen j u d i c i a ry c o m m u n ications for "format i o n " or " pa rt i c i pat i o n i n armed band. that women h a v e made. w h o is f a m i l i a r w i t h N e g r i ' s writ i ng s has c o n c l uded: " N oth i n g wou l d l e a d one to an e v e n t h eo ret i c a l connection w i t h t h e Red Brigades. W h i l e N ocotri was be i n g released . i n c l u d i n g The Power o f Women a n d the Subversion o f the Community. I t a l y has never excel l ed i n its res pect for p o l i t i c a l l i ber­ ties (the last t e n years offer an u n i nterru pted exa m p l e of h u s h . t h e re l a t i o n between a leader of a struc­ t u re l i ke Autonomy i s hardly ever w i t h a crime. m o re m o n ey a n d l e s s w o r k . F e l i x G uatta r i . 1 979). 'I can o n l y u nderstand this j u d i c i a ry com m u n i ca t i o n as a n attack o n fem i n is m . The search for " terrorists" has been a i med at t hose g ro u p s a n d activists w h o have t heorized o n t h e new soc i a l p h e n o m e n a . In t h e words of Pad u a Prosecu t o r C a l o gero: "To i m ag i ne that a n i n ve s t i g a t i o n of t h i s type may q u i c k l y and d i rectly arrive at some facts a n d evidence m a kes n o sense . the sheer suspicion o f crime i s a lready a crime. M i c h e l Fouca u l t . as wel l as a g a i n s t many brothers a n d s i sters. . t h e m e m be rs o f A u t o n o m y . NO FACTUAL Seven m o n t h s after the a rrests . A u t o n o m y i s a b reed i ng-g rou n d of terrorists. p u b l i ca t i o n s . Ferruccio G a m b i n o teaches soc i o l o g y at t h e I ns t i t u t e s i nce 1 970. a new b l itz has taken place in Pad u a . rad ios. the m a g i s t rates st i l l refu s e to p rod u c e any d i rect EVIDEN CE fact u a l evi d e n c e for t h e i r case. M a r i a Rosa Dalla Costa i s a w i d e l y k n o w n fem i n i s t . w h o m t h ey have accu sed of bypass i n g t h e M ovem e n t a n d d i s possess i n g i t of its r e a l s t re n g t h : m a s s mobiliza tion ins tead o f individua l a c ts of terrorism. Mass i m o Cacc i a r i . T o n i N e g r i . t h e a t t e m p t to " c ri m i n a l ize" t h e extra-parl i a m e n ta ry left M ovement. w h i c h can have serious conseq u e n ces i f t h e attempt i s not c i rc u mscribed . It is t h e last act of a w i t c h -h u n t l a u n c hed s i n c e April 7 against t h e I ns t i t u t e w h e re I work." Da l la C o s t a t o II Manifesto ( 1 317179).u p p o l i t i c a l scan­ d a l s and frame-u ps) n ever has t h e State so ex p l i c i t l y u p he l d its d i s e n g a g e m e n t from t h e leg i s l a t u re. i n t h e attempt to c ri m i na l ize o u r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o s c i e n t i f i c research and t h e p o l i t i c a l debate. The I C P a n d t he C h r i s t i a n Democrats b l a m e t h e problems of t h e I t a l i a n soci ety o n "terro r i s m " i nstead of a d m i t t i n g t h a t the c ri s i s i s a res u l t o f broad soc i a l p ro­ b l e m s . a l o o s e network of g ro u p s . in t h e i r w r i t i n g s . two of the o n l y t h ree teac h e rs from the Pad u a I ns t i t u t e for Po l i t i c a l S c i e n c e who h ave not been a rrested . Jean-Pa u l Sartre as w e l l as other m e m bers of t h e F r e n c h i n tel lect u a l com m u n i t y h ave m a d e p u b l i c statem e n t s d e m a n d i n g t h e i m m ed i ate rel ease of the p o l i t i c a l p r i so n e rs. i t i s c l e a r t h a t this time t h e target i s "Wages for H o u sework. a n ICP m e m be r of t h e I t a l i a n Par l i a m e n t . t h a t of A u to n o m y . O reste S c a l z o n e a n d t h e others h a v e seve r l y c r i t i c ized t h e act i o n s a n d p o l i t i c a l pos i t i o n s of t h e R e d B r i g ades. As far as I a m con­ cerned.

As for the t reat­ ment I was g iven the day I was arrested and afterwards. I have the i m p ress i o n I had been condem ned to death . . beg i n n i n g w i t h Franco Pi perno. At that t i me. scope of the April 7 o perat i o n goes beyond a n d has more a m b i t i o u s aims t h a n an attack o n Autonomy. S i nce h e d i d n ' t know the tow n . H e r i n terview to L 'Europeo i l l u st rates the type of "evidence" o n which the j udges h ave so far based t h e c h a rges. t h ose who were in favor of dea l i n g w i t h the Red B r i g ades) and some of t h e i r m e mbers met some A u t o n o m y people. I n t h e view of t h e t reatm e n t I have received . " T H E PARTY T h e z e a l of t h e m a g i s t rates has reached the p o i n t of rai s i n g s u s p i c i o n s even OF N EG OTIAT I O N a g a i n s t the Soc i a l ist Party ( I S P). W he n s h e was arrested she was i l l a n d her health has deteriorated. o n e year later. I was i nterrogated in J u ne 77 and stated i t be l o nged to my h u s b a n d . I w a s bro u g h t to Trieste and t h rown in to a d a m p a n d c o l d ce l l (the Trieste jail d oes n o t h ave a n i n f i rmary). The act i o n s that corresp o n d t o the m a rks o n the map are 2 o r 3. . M o reover. S i n c e accu s­ i n g an i ns t i t u t i o n a l party is a m o re d i f f i c u l t operat i o n t h a n j a i l i n g some m i l itants.e. H e had u sed it i n J u ly 73 w he n he s u b s t i t u ted for a doctor in Pad u a . he m arked o n the map t h e s t reets of h i s p a t i e n t s . in the s p r­ i n g of 78. now. So far every attem p t to obta i n her release o n accou n t of h e r hea l t h has bee n frustrated. After 15 days of con t i n u o u s req uests. W i t h s u s pected p n e u m o n i a I was brou g h t t o t h e Venice j a i l on a m o t o r boat. it was seized by the p o l i ce in a raid o n my house in M a rc h 77 . . Del Re has b e e n s u bj ected to a harsh jail d isc i p l i ne. "As f a r as t h e topog ra p h i c map of Pad u a i s concerned . . a n d the type of t reat m e n t which i s rese rved for women in I t a l i a n jails. . Seven d a y s after. to c o n s u l t o n poss i b l e steps to be taken i n t h e attempt to save M o ro's l i fe. i t i s a n a c c i d e n t I h ave s u rvived . . . . have raised t h e s u s p i c i o n of t h e m a g i s t rates. Del Re explains that the " evid e n c e " p rod u ced by t h e p o l ice i s a m a p fou n d in her possess i o n m arked w i t h some locat i o n s which were targets of t h e Red B r i gades. The attempt to i nvolve the ISP has centered arou n d the i n i t iatives i t took d u r i n g the M o ro k i d n a p p i n g . I managed to get an X-ray c o n f i rm i n g p n e u m o n i a i n t h e r i g h t l u n g . The f u n n iest t h i n g i s that t h ey c o n nected t h i s map w i t h ac­ t i o n s made in October 77 . who h ave h i n ted that the I S P s u p­ p o rts Autonomy a n d may even have contacts w i t h t h e Red B r i gades. on the map are m arked about 1 80 streets. . often rely i n g o n t h e help of t h e p ress a n d a wel l-ca l c u l ated use of h i nts and . . A l isa d e l Re i s t h e author of Beyond Housework. These meet i n gs . t h e m a g i s t rates h ave c o n d ucted their attacks o n t h e I S P from beh i n d the scenes. the I S P was t h e core of t h e " party of negot i at i o n " (i.

A l berto M o ra r i a . U m berto Eco. a m a n arrived at the V i areg g i o ra i l road stat i o n on the Rome-T u r i n o t ra i n . M o re t h a n 1 . 1 979. Leonardo Sciascia a n d M a r i o Tron t i . THE PIPERNO Meanw h i le. The Appeal d e m a n d s a n im­ media te trial of the a ccused in order to p u t an end to t h e s p i ra l of a m b i g u ity a n d defamat i o n f u e led by t h e med ia. a h i g h ra n k i n g member of t h e I S P . was sent by t h e Rome j ud ge s to t h e French m a g i s t rate. The party has g o n e a long way i nto t ra n sform i n g its m e m bers i nto a l ternat ive p o l i ce. w h ose d i rector i s G i acomo M a n c i n i . " The i nci­ dent wou l d h ave been t h e best evidence of his "connection w i t h t h e a rmed strug­ g l e . i n order to j u st i fy the req uest for extrad i t i o n . I n September. shoot i n g as wel l . " U n fo rt u n ate l y P i perno was arrested a few h o u rs later i n a Paris cafe by I nter­ p o l . The newspa pers head l i ned P i perno as a n " a rmed band i t . a n appeal was s i g ned by a large n u m b e r of I t a l i a n i n tel lect u a l s arou n d a n d w i t h i n t h e I C P . T h e most " b ri l l i a n t " operat i o n a g a i n s t Pi per­ no was t h e o n e o r g a n ized on A u g ust 1 7. I t i s a l so h i nted that the ISP f i n a nced t h e resea rc h center CERPET (fo u nded b y Pi perno) a n d t h e refore i n d i rectly t h e magaz i n e Me tropoli. evidence of t h e " s u s p i c i o u s relat i o n " between t h e I S P a n d A u t o n o m y w o u l d be t h e f a c t that Pi perno teaches p h y s i cs at t h e U n ivers i­ ty of Calabria in A rcacavata. A warrant of arrest with 46 c h a rges ra n g i n g from t h e M o ro k i l l i n g to traf f i c v i o l a t i o n s . escaped in a car. i l/1 A l i sa D e l Re (l eft). 1 97 1 Photo: D i g ne M e l l e r Marcov i cz 176 . M a s i m o Cacc i a r i . t h e m a g i strates a n d t h e pol ice h ave d o n e t h e i r best to bu i ld t h e i mage EXTRAVAGANZA of Pi perno as a d a n gerous cri m i n a l . He had been recog n i zed by a vacat i o n i n g member of t h e ICP.500 p o l i t ical p r i so ners a r e p rese n t l y b e i n g h e l d i n I ta l y . " The a g e n t ran after the m a n shoot i n g . 1 979. I n t h e late afternoon. but t h e man. The m a g i s t rates a re pres u ma b l y i nves t i g at i n g whether t h e I S P p rotected Pi perno w h i l e h e was u n derg rou nd . The I t a l i a n pol ice d e c l a red that the man was P i perno. Two men o n the t ra i n shou ted to a t r a n s i t p o l ice agent " he h a s g o n e d o w n t h a t way . F i n a l ly. a n d that he was armed and da ngerous. 1 976 i l/2 Rainer Fass b i n d e r (rig ht). I t i n c l udes Bernardo Bertol u c c i . ru mors.

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a n d theoret ical e l aborat i o n s . both i n theoret i c a l terms a n d as a m i l i t a n t practice. t h e p o l i t ical g ro u p Potere O peraio (Worke r's Power). a n d Caspare de Caro. Ton i N e g r i . Wo rke r i s t Publ ications a n d B i os PUB LICAT I O N S Accord i n g to the m a g i s t rates cond u ct i n g t h e i n q uest a g a i n st t hose w h o were a r­ rested on 7 Apri l . C l a u d i o G re p p i . seeks to d e m o n s t rate that the area of A u t o n o m y . M a r i o Tro n t i . Romano A l q u at i . w a s t h e p o i n t of depart u re for a l l t h e developments d u r i n g t h e p a s t f i v e years. conta i n s p rofo u n d l y d i fferent tendenc ies d ist i n g u i shed by their c h o i ce of thematics. U nd e r t h i s i n d ictment f a l l the m o s t d i ve rse peo p l e . c o m p i led for u s by Serg i o B o l o g n a . m a n y of w h o m n o l o n g e r have a n yt h i n g to d o w i t h the organ izat i o n s that a re p rosecuted today. from O r g a n ized A u t o n o m y t o t h e R e d Bri gades. Romolo G o b b i . Vittorio R i eser. I t i s i n t h i s w a y that t h e I t a l i a n State t r i es to " f ac i l itate" its rep ressive op e rat i o n : a n y k i n d of i nvolvement w i t h Potere O p e r a i o i s e n o u g h to p u t someone u nd e r i n d i ct­ ment. P i e r l u i g i Gasparotto. w h i c h emerged i n 1 969 a n d d i sbanded i n 1 974. T h i s brief c h ro n o l ogy. 1 961 Ran i e ro Panzieri f o u n d s Quaderni Rossi (Red No tebooks) w i t h t h e c o l laborat i o n o f V i t t o r i o F o a . A l berto Asor R o s a . Foa is a n a t i o n a l off i c i a l of t h e Confederazione Generate 178 . R i t a d i Leo. researches.

D ag h i n i . there a r e exte n s i ve stri kes at Fiat i n T u r i n . P i perno. 1 May 1 963). La Classe a p pears. Dal maviva a n d others. I n September. These local newspape rs t ry to u n ite themse lves u nder the head i n g Crona che Operaie (Labor News). and Crisis and Labor Organiza tion. a review of m i l i t a n t h i story. The e d i tors are N e g r i . Ferra r i B ravo. a n d Tro n t i f o u n d the review Con tropiano (Coun terplan). 1 970 In J a n u ary. a n d t h e f i rst f l iers w i t h the t i t l e L o tta Con tinua a p pear. t h e f i rst meet i n g of t h e A u t o n o m o u s Workers' Asse m b l y i s h e l d . Classe Opera ia (Working Cla ss) (Genoa. ltaliana def La voro (Federa t i o n of I t a l i a n Trade U n i o n s). G re p p i . a nd A r r i g hett i . a n d Bolog n a i s formed. a n d a n a t i o n a l secretariat com posed of N e g r i . Serg i o B o l o g n a . M a g n ag h i . the e d i t o r i a l staff p u b l i shes a series of p a m p h lets (News from Qua derni Rossi}. 1 968 N e g r i . 1 962 D u r i n g the metal workers' c o n t ract u a l strugg les. 1 974 Potere Operaio d is b a n d s . Forn i . I n September. 1 976 P i perno a n d S c a l z o n e f o u n d t h e review Linea d i Condo tta (Line of Conduct). P i perno. A l so in t h i s year. Negri. A s a r R o s a . a n d Cacc iari i n Pad u a . t h e col l ec t i ve of P o l yc l i n i c a n d of E n e l ( N a t i o n a l Company of E l ect r i c i ty) are p rese n t . Po tere Operaio di Porto Marghera ( Pad ua. p a m p h lets are p u b l i shed by Linea di Massa (Ma ss 's Line) o n t h e party c o m m i ttee's strugg les at P i rel l i a n d o n the organ izat i o n of the tec h n ic i a n s in t h e State's petro l e u m i nd u st ry (S. T h i s i s t h e p o i n t of departu re for Workers' A u t o n o m y . the f i rst meet i n g of Potere Opera i o i s held at F l o rence. Potere Opera i o holds i t s sec o n d meet i n g . Ga tto Selvaggio (Wildca t) (Tu r i n . 1 971 Potere Operaio h o l d s i t s t h i rd meet i n g i n September at Rome. Cac c i a r i . May 1 963). N e g r i l eaves after t h e second issue. a p pears. Com rades from M i la n . M aron g i u . The Other Labor Movement. 179 . Porto M a rg hera. 1 963 T h e g ro u p ' s f i rst p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s occu rs: a majority of t h e e d i to rs wants to organ ize local "workers' ed i t o r i a l staffs" a n d factory newspapers. 1 964 I n J a n u ary. The Multina tional Worker. Bru natto. Di Leo. t h e u n i o n of t h e soc i a l ­ c o m m u n ist majority. J u ne 1 963). Po tere Operaio ( M i la n . 1 973 T h e f i rst symptoms of the c r i s i s m a n i fest themselves accord i n g to two l i nes: t h e f i rst i s represented by T o n i N e g r i . a n d i n t h i s op e ra­ t i o n t h e re i s a break w i t h Panzieri. I t lasts u n t i l 1 973. a m o n g other t h i n g s . N e g r i s u bseq u e n t l y breaks w i t h Potere Opera i o a n d f o u n d s t h e review ROSSO (RED). the rem a i n d e r of t h e ed i t o r i a l staff f o u n d s Classe Operaia w i t h n u merous l o c a l e d i tors: Tro n t i . a n d Gobbi n i i n M i la n . the newspaper of the organ izat i o n . I n t h e s u m m e r of t h i s y e a r . M a g n a g h i . 1 966 Classe Operaia ceases p u b l i c a t i o n . 1 972 N eg r i a n d B o l o g n a ed i t t h e " M arxist Materials" series for t h e p u b l i s h e r Fe l t r i ne l l i . Bert i . In this year. 1 969 On 1 M ay . R i eser and others. F l o rence. The n a t i o n a l sec retariat i s A l berto M a g n ag h i . w h i c h p u b l ishes. B o l o g n a . The Sta te and Underdevelopmen t. A s a r R o s a . a n d De C a r o a re i n Rome. D o n a t o M i l anese's c o m p a n ies). R o m e . the worker-st u d e nt asse m b l y i s f o r m e d . the f i rst i s s u e o f Po tere Operaio. Workers a n d the Sta te. D a l m aviva. Scalzone. B o l o g n a . Scalzone. A l q u a t i a n d Gobbi i n T u r i n . J u ne 1 963) appear contemporaneously. a n d others. B i a n c h i n i . i n a d d i t i o n to the review. Casparotto. a n d Francov i c h in F l o re n ce. The f i rst i s s u e is s u bseq u e n t l y p u b l i shed by t h e editoral staff. I n Septem ber. Serg i o Bolog n a f o u n d s Primo Maggio (May Day). t h e sec o n d by P i p e r n o .

At t h e end of ' 68 h e e d i ted the f i rst two issues of L inea di Massa. Proletari e Sta to. toget her w i t h M a s s i m o Cacc i a r i . I I Quotidiano dei La vora tori. he part i c i pated in the f i rst attempts at u n i o n iz i n g the new w h ite c o l l a r workers in electron ics and in data process i n g . Ton i Negri founds Magazzino. 1 978-79 Pi perno and Scalzone found Metropoli. In 1 972. After A p r i l 7. " in w h i c h the role of the new soc i a l s u bjects becomes strateg i c a l l y i m portant. F r o m 1 970 o n . Bologna. In 1 966. A N TO N I O N E G R I Anton i o N e g r i . he s u pported t h e p o l i cy of ret u r n i n g to t h e worker's centra l ity. he left " Potere Opera i o " because o f d i sagreements o v e r t h e org a n i zation's g e n e r a l pol icy. In 1 978-79. From 1 973 to 1 974 he deve loped t h e t h eo ry of the tra n s i t i o n f ro m the m ass-worker to the "soci a l ized worker. As a n e m p l oyee of O l i vet­ t i . I n 1 973 he a l s o fou nded. In 1 969 h e was one of the main f i g u res in the foundation of " Potere Operaio. with Negri h e e d i ted t h e f i rst fou r vol u mes i n Feltri nel l i ' s " M arx i s t M ateria ls " series. Feltri n e l l i . In 1 973. t h e date of h i s arrest. 1 977. Feltri n e l l i . 1 976. P i perno. M u l t i p l a Edizion i . h av i n g left the I t a l i a n Soc i a l i s t Party. The newspaper I Vo/sci The Volscians appears at Rome. t h e t h ree d a i l ies of t h e n e w I t a l i a n l e f t . 1 974. Negri amd A l q u a t i . he fou nded Primo Maggio. 1 976. H e left the j o u r n a l after the f i rst issue. he bega n teac h i n g at the U n ivers ity of Trento. A l berto A s o r Rosa and Mario Tro n t i . H e left the review after the f i rst two issues. H e w a s t h e national secretary of t h e organ izat i o n f r o m 1 970 to 1 973.1 977-78 A utonomia appears at Pad ua. L a Forma Sta to. W i t h N e g r i . a review of m i l i t a n t h istory. In 1 961 he part i c i pated in Quaderni Rossi and later led t h e s p l i t w i t h R a n iero Panzieri w h i c h g ave r i s e to Potere Operaio d i Porto Marghera(1 963) a n d Classe Opera ia ( 1 964). Negri and Pi perno made up its f i rst n a t i o n a l secretariat. I n September 1 969 " Potere Opera io " was founded. He fou nded Classe Operaia w i t h Tro n t i . a n d forwarded the p u b l ication i n fore i g n l a n g u ages of I t a l i a n workerist l i terat u re. Feltri n e l l i . i n the same depart m e n t with Negri and Ferrari B ravo. Dal maviva and others. the year of h i s ex pu l s i o n . together w i t h E m i l io Vesce and Franco Tom m e i . I n 1 973. a n d above all t o t h e prob lems of t h e workers i n t h e ware transportat i o n sector. I n 1 968. S i nce 1 976 he has been considered the t h eoret i c i a n of Autonomy. 1 974. ed ited in 1 959 Progresso Veneta. I n N ovember of 1 970. B I OS S E R G I O BOLOG N A Serg i o Bologna part i c i pated in Quaderni Rossi and Cronache Operaie in 1 964. he fou nded La C/asse ( M ay 1 . the analysis of t h e l a rg e factories. II Manifes to. Scalzone. toget her w i t h t h e o t h e r ex-mem bers of " Potere Opera i o " ( a m o n g t h e m G ia n f ranco P a n c i no) a n d ex-mem bers of t h e " G ru p po G ra m sc i . H e i s co­ author of Operai e Sta to. his p o l i t ical a u to-b i og raphy appeared w i t h the t i t l e Dall'Operaio-Massa a ll'Operaio Sociale. Feltri n e l l i . H e has contributed to L o tta Continua. 1 979. Among Neg r i ' s n u mero u s writings are: Crisi de/lo Sta to-piano. Feltri n e l l i . and of Crisi e Organizazion e Operaia. H e also c o n t r i b u ted to Quaderni Pia cen tini. h e fou nded Contropiano. 1 969). " he fou n d ed t h e magaz i n e Rosso a n d t h e organ izat ion of t h e same n a m e . 1 80 . he has been a p rofessor of t h e H istory of t h e Workers' M ovement at Pad u a ." H e took c a re espec i a l l y of the i n ternati o n a l con nect i o ns of t h e organ izat i o n . t h e journal Controinformazione i n w h i c h t h e Red Brigades were also i n vo l ved.

Franco P i perno has always been more act ive at t h e organ izat ional rat her t h a n at t h e t h eoret ical leve l . He also p l ayed an i m portan t role. puo permet­ te descritto in queste pagine: le lotte operaie. agli operai in lotta con infiniti sono in atto. sia per quanto riguar­ pre loro una mano. together w i t h Oreste Scalzone. For t h ese reasons he sti l l i s t h e m o s t p o p u l a r f i g u re o f t h e " Potere Operaio" experience among t h e ran k and f i le. At t h e end of 1 978. pare con sufficiente chiarezza tere di arrivare ai contratti aven­ dall'insistenza sulle rifonne ai Abbiamo giii detto che lotte qual e la linea che P. 1 979. he w a s t h e m a i n f i g u re i n the org a n iza­ t i o n a l stuct u re of " Potere Opera i o . sia mil. sta giii unendosi Mirafiori. Aile grandi lotte to giii prima. fou n d ed " Potere Opera i o . Donat-Cattin dari sem­ Porto Marghera dei mesi scorsi ATTACCO ALLA FORMA della lotta. LOTTA PER IL SALARIO TRAPASSA IMMEDIATAMEN­ M ENO LAVORO E SALARIO GARANTITO Fin qui i padroni. toget her w i t h Franco Pi perno. " w h i c h he op posed w i t h Pi perno. together with Franco Pi perno. D u r i n g the '77 M ovement he p l ayed an i m portant ro le i n t h e representation o f Autonomy a n d emerged a s o n e o f t h e most prom i n e n t f i g u res i n t h e Bologna Conve n t i o n . a n d t h e spokes man of t h e organ izati o n . September 1 977. sia per quanto riguarda I 'identifi­ imbrogli e la divisione de! fronte delle fabbriche di Milano e di cazione della direzione operaia di lotta. CO NTRO I C ON TRATTI CONTRO LA GABBIA CONTRATTUALE. h e led the u n i vers ity struggles in Rome in 1 968.le mezzi per rompere le reni operaie di portata formidabile avanti all'inten10.. In " Potere Opera i o " he was i nstrumental i n bu i l d i ng con nect i o ns between the organ izat ion and t h e general movement. porteni do detenninato un terreno. After the '77 Movement he aga i n p l ayed an i m portant ro le in the def i n i t ion of Autonomy. he fou nded Metropoli. From 1 970 to its d i ss o l u t i o n . Dobbiamo avere la forza di a nticiparli sul terreno dello scontro. in lotta di partito armata lurido armamentario di repres­ contro la violenza dei padroni. i n t h e format ion of t h e worker-student's cou n c i l i n T u r i n . o n e o f t h e most represe n­ tative f i g u res of the students' movement in Rome in 1 968. O R ESTE SCA LZO N E Oreste Scalzone was.O. At t he end of 1 978. Per part. 1 979. H e was arrested in A u g u s t . se avremo la capacitci di unire in . sione delle lotte. i n September. H e s u pported t h e p o l i t ical prisoners and the stru g g l e a g a i n s t t h e spec i a l j a i l s . ma soprattut­ per quanto riguarda gli obiettivi. he fou nded the magaz i n e Linea di Condotta and organ ized t h e g ro u p cal led Comita ti Comunis ti Rivoluzionari. In 1 969 he ed i ted La Classe a n d . He was arrested on Apri l 7.FRANCO P I P E R N O Franco Pi perno. PROGRAMMA OPERAIO E VIOLENZA PROLETARIA ciamente iniziative di rottura sin­ mo renderci conto che OGGI LA Gli obiettivi del programme : dacale. Solo DELLA CONTRATTAZIONE da la militarizzazione de! movi. H e was i n j u red by the fascists d u r i n g the occu pation of the u n iversity. became one of t h e lead i n g f i g u res i n t h e student movement i n Italy i n 1 964. who w i shed to s e e i t d i ssolved . for w h i c h he was a r­ rested for several months. toget her w i t h A d r i a n o Sofri (leader of " Lotta Cont i n ua"). Toget her w i t h O reste Scalzone. TE IN WTTA PER IL POTE­ loro i rifonnistl di tutte le spe­ PER TUTTI I PROLETARI I cie stanno gia preparando ii loro RE . M ay-J u n e 1 972 POTERE OPERAIO I MAGGIO-GIUGNO 1972 PAGINA 15 II momento dei contratti sara quello in c u i la forza repressive dello Stato verra a l la l uce. After t h e d i sso l u t i o n of " Potere Opera i o . hav i n g l e f t t h e I t a l i a n Com m u n ist Party. Lo conosciamo contra la loro necessiti di scate­ Ne! documento politico della trapreso dalla generalita dei com­ tutto e lo abblamo giii largamen­ nare l'attacoo pill pesante dentro Segreteria di Potere Operaio ap­ pagni fin da subito. dei contratti. From 1 975 to 1 977 he w i t h d rew from act ive m i l itancy. i n Paris and ext rad i ted from France on October 1 6. " H e s u pported the central izat ion of t h e pol i t ical leaders h i p aga i nst N e g r i . Tra nsla ted by La wrence Venu ti i l/1 Potere Operaio. he fou nded Metropoli. d u ri n g t h e w i l d-cat strugg les at F I AT i n t h e s u m ­ mer of 1 969. " I n 1 970 h e moved to M i l an and became one of the most act ive m i l itants i n mass demonstrat ions.

the p l aces w here N eg r i was s u p posed to h ave been are somehow d i sa p­ pearing from t h e case. l i tera l l y not h i n g . t h ro u g h o u t t h e c o m m i t t a l proceed i ngs. Two principles a r e at s t a k e i n t h i s c a s e . 1 82 . i n t h e dossiers of t h e prosec u t i o n to b a c k u p t h e com­ mittal to prison a n d f u rt h e r deta i n ment of Professor Negri and his col leag ues and comrades. The voice on the telephone in the call to the M o ro fam i ly i s s u d d e n l y b e i n g p l ayed dow n . a n d h is w r i t i n g s . " And meanw h i l e t h e c o m m i t t a l p roceed i n g s h ave taken the form of a n ideolog ica l debate on Negri's w r i t i n g s . One i s rap i d l y g a i n i n g t h e i m p ress ion f rom t h e j u d i c i a l p roceed i n g s t h a t t h e re i s not h i ng . " t u r n out to be texts which express clear oppos i t i o n to t h e pos itions of t h e R e d Bri gades.we a re told to " have pat i e n ce. in a s pectac le wort hy of the l n q u i st i t ion. True. The prosec u t i n g j u d ges. two pri n c i p les that v i t a l l y c o n c e r n a l l respo n s i b l e democrats . h a v e cont i n u o u s l y p u t off prese n t i ng t h e i r legal evidence . t h e j u d ges h ave t i me on their s i d e : the Rea le Law ( 1 975) a l lows them to keep t hose c h a rged i n c u stody for up to 4 years before t hey come to t r i a l . O pe n Lette r t o N eg ri ' s J u d g e s G i l l e s D e l e u ze T h i s c r i t i q u e of the l e g a l bas i s of t h e c h a rges against t h e Atono m i sts was p u b l i s hed in La Repubblica o n e m o n t h after t h e i n i t i a l arrests in Padova and T u r i n . so far from being "strateg i c reso l u t ions of t h e Red Brigades .

Firstly. i f B . t h e n t h i s i nvolves a n e w case. t h e adding together o f con­ t rad i ctory e l e m e n t s . We m u st now ask how a n d w h y s u c h negat i o n s of j u st i ce b e c o m e poss i b l e . Yet in t h e N eg r i case i t a p pears t hat t h e j udges a r e i n tent o n " keep i n g t h e i r o p i n i o n s o pe n . . i n t h i s case. T h e j u d i c i a l system wou l d never h ave been a b l e to abandon the p r i n c i p l e of specific iden tity in the accusat i o n s . by s w i tc h i n g its c a l l e r to Paris (or vice versa). in the c o m m i t t a l warra n t i s s u ed f ro m Rome. because i n s u c h p o l i t i c a l d i sco u rse everyt h i n g i s c a l c u lated o p p o rt u n i s m . but p e r h a p s for t h e f i rst t i m e in such a syste m a t i c and orga n i sed way. I f o t h e r . offered the m e a n s . t h e c h arge brou g h t m u s t c onta i n i n i t s s u bstance a m i n i m u m of iden tifiable consistency. a n d con t i n ues to exert. not a l eg a l l y c o n s istent c harge. C o n t rad i ct o ry e l e m e n t s i n t h e c h a rges d o not c a n c e l e a c h o t h e r o u t . t hey become c u m u l at i ve. etc. Such a c h a rge. t h i s was o n l y a s m a rt " cover" p rov i n g even m o re c o n c l u s ively that he was i n secret ag reement w i t h t h e m a n d w a s t h e i r h i d d e n leader. I f N e g r i was not i n R o m e . t h at they s i m p l y c a n n ot conceive of the s i t u a t i o n of a revo l u t i o nary i nt e l l ec t u a l w h o h as no poss i b i l ity of w r i t i n g a n y t h i n g b u t w h at h e rea l ly t h i nks. Rather. for exam p l e. t h e med i a a re g overned by a p r i n c i p l e of a ccumula tion. Those bri n g i n g t h e accusat i o n s a g a i n s t N e g r i are so u s e d to t h e b e l i e f t h a t i n a p o l i t i c a l d i scou rse i t is poss i b l e to say a n y t h i n g . I t t h e n goes on to i nvoke h i s w r i t i n g s a n d i d eas ( s o that eve n i f h e w a s not d i rect l y i nvolved . j u stice m u s t c o n f o r m to a p r i n c i p l e t hat t h e c o n t e n t of t h e c h a rge m u s t h ave a certa i n i d e n t i t y . . as l o n g as t h e a c ­ c u s a t i o n s re m a i n general a n d u n s p e c i f i e d . o r B . I n s h brt. d i fferi n g . t h e c o m m i t t a l heari n g s of N e g r i and the ot hers accu sed i n t h i s case h ave been based o n a p r i n c i p l e o f inclusion. t h e n at a n y rate he i n s p i red i t . b u t so m u st t h e su bstance of t h e c h a rge. U n l ess s u c h a p recise i d e n ­ t i f i cat i o n exists as to t h e c h a rges l a i d a g a i n s t t h e accused. I f N e g r i i n h i s texts and statements has c learly o p p osed t h e Red B r i gades. a c r u c i a l i n f l uence in the Negri case. he w a s n o n e t h e less " respons i b l e " for t h i s even t ) . lacks t h e most e l em e n t a ry j u r i d i c a l i d e n t i t y : "You w i l l be m ade g u i l t y in any eve n t . t h e c o m m i t t a l h e a r i n g s m u st conform to a cert a i n p r i n c i p l e of disjunc­ tion and exclusio n . W h e t h e r i n t h e c a s e of d a i l y o r w e e k l y papers. operate accord i n g t o anot her. H e re we h ave a "catch-a l l " form u l a . I n short. I t i s h e re. B e r l i n g uer a n d t h e i r l i kes2 c a n a l ways h ide w h a t t hey rea l ­ l y t h i n k . So t h a t t here c a n be " n ews" to report 1 83 . t h e Press h a s p re-e m pted a n d prepared the g ro u n d by a sensa­ t i o n a l " p re-t r i a l " (and the F r e n c h Press has been n o l ess w i l l i n g to j o i n in t h i s c a m p a i g n o f defamat i o n a n d c a l u m ny). far from p roceed i n g t h ro u g h t h e ex­ clusion of a l ternat ives. so d ivers i f i ed and i n determ i nate. f r o m ideas to w hatever events suit t h e p rosec u t i o n case. S u c h can certa i n ly be s a i d ( t o c i te one notable exa m p l e of a n o t h e r revo l u t i o n a ry i n t e l l e c t u a l ) i n t h e case of G ra m s c i . N o t on l y m u s t t h e accused be i d e n t i f ied p rec i s e l y . As Franco P i perno. " Secondly. t h a t t h e ro l e of t h e Press a n d med i a has exerted . E i t h e r A i s the case. I f Negri was not d i rectly i nvolved in t h e M o ro k i d n a p p i n g . for t h e i r part. T h i s p r i n c i p l e has been v i o l ated. And reot t i . I be l i eve. t h e h e a r i n g s wou l d never h ave b e e n c o n d u cted o n t h e basis of inclusion. T h i s starts by reca p i t u l a t i n g t h e M o ro k i d n a p p i n g of M a r c h 1 978 (as i f N eg r i i s accu sed of h a v i n g been p resent). e l e me n t s of accusat i o n emerge l ater. N o t for the f i rst t i me. t h e n i t i s not A. w h e reby t hese r u l e s c o u l d be f l ag r a n t l y a b a n d o n e d a n d forgotten w i t h ou t p u b l i c o u t c ry . t h i s i m p l ies a n extre m e l y curious way of eva l u a t i n g t h e s i g n i f i ca n c e of p o l i t i ca l a n d t h eo ret i c a l t e x t s . of cou rse. one of the accu sed " i n h i d i n g " 1 has p o i nted o u t . t h e l e g a l d e f e n c e c a n n ot o perate. o r rad i o a n d T V . A n d so o n . I n f a c t t h e med i a . . t h e telephone c a l l t o M o ro's fam i l y i s sti l l kept as a n i nc ri m i na t i n g lead. I t m u st h ave been a precise iden tity a n d m u s t be non-con tradictory. s i nce overt " po l i t i c s " i s a l ways a cover. " so t h a t o pposed facts a re n o l o n g e r a l ternat ives w h i c h m u t u a l l y exc l u de each other. i f t h e Press and med i a had not prepared the g ro u n d . w i t h few excep­ t i o ns . spec i f i c p r i n c i p l e . o r " t h o u g h t " i t a n d t h at i s t a n t a m o u n t to h av i n g c a r r i e d i t o u t . i t l e a p s f rom act i o n to i n s t i g a t i o n to p u re t h o u g h t .

w i l l soon no l o n g e r a p p l y . I t seems that t h e t i m e has come i n E u rope. H e was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i m p l e m e n t i n g the H i s t o r i c a l Compromise. we get t h e f o l l ow­ i n g res u l t : even if N e g r i were not in t h e Red B r i gades. t h e t reat­ ment of N e g r i becomes j u st i f ied. The I t a l i a n a u t h o r i t i e s h ave asked for his ex· t rad i t i o n u nder the c h arge of "armed i n s u rrec t i o n a g a i n s t the State. as re ported i n t h e Press ( " t h e F r e n c h Con n ect i o n " . E n ri c o Ber l i n g uer: G e n e ra l Sec retary of the I C P . o n t h e cond i t i o n s of t h ose be i n g deta i ned. in t h e wake of. H e i s p resented at o n e p o i n t as an "act ive m e m ber" of t h e Red B r i g ades.s i nce its leg i t i m a t i o n i s carried o u t in advance by t h e Press. made acceptab le t h i s g ross b reec h o f j u stice a n d d u e p rocess. i ndef i n i t e l y . i n stead. "made u p for". A l l o r g a n s of t h e med ia. but a l so in c o n f ro n t i n g an esca l a t i o n of rep res s i o n t h at n o l o n g e r even fee l s t h e need to be j u ri d i c a l ly leg i t i mated . and "we all know w h o t h e left A u t o n o m ists in Italy are". s h o u l d rep resent a cer­ t a i n res istance to " o f f i c i a l s l o g a n s " . The use of t h e " c o n d i t i o n a l tense" a l l ows a l l poss i b i l i t ies to b e m u l t i p l ied a n d t o co-ex i s t . fol l o w i n g t h e " P rotest by French I nt e l l ec t u a l s a g a i n s t Repress i o n i n I t a l y " i n 1 977. G iven t h e a l l eged i n ternat i o n a l ra m i f i cat i o n s of t h i s con s p i racy. t h e m ed i a . . The Press has a b a n d o ned itself i n this affa i r to a f a n tast i c acc u m u l a t i o n of make­ bel ieve. M e a n w h i le. a n d at another as rep rese n t a t i ve of a tota l l y o p posed t e n d e n cy and tactics. . t h e " Pa r i s i a n H Q of t h e R e d B r i g a d e s " . Perhaps w e a re to await a n ot h e r " prison catast rop h e " . The new s pace for j u d i c i a l and pol ice repress i o n i n E u rope today can o n ly f u n c t i o n through a c r u c i a l p reparatory role of t h e P ress a n d med i a . of m e n a n d women who have bee n i n terned." 2 . W h a t w e are w i t ness i n g here i s an a u t h e n t i c j u d i c i a l s l a u g hter. the j u d i c i ary. T h i s reproach was made by I t a l i a n pol i t i c i a n s o f both Left and R i g h t . etc). t h e Press a n d med i a c a n operate an accu m u l at i o n of everyth i n g that i s s a i d f r o m one d a y to t h e next w i t h o u t fear i n g a n y c o n t rad i c t i o n . Paris or M i l a n on t h e s a m e day ! The t h ree " poss i b i l i t i e s " a r e s i m p l y acc u m u lated. Whatever t h e facts. let i t not be t h o u g h t o n t h i s occas i o n that my l e t t e r i s a " medd l i n g i n I t a l i a n affa i rs of w h i c h we are i g n o r a n t " 3 . but by t h e i r " p re-tri a l " . No matter . L ondon I . he i s an A u t o n o m i s t . 3. he often headed u p t h e I ta l i a n gove r n m e n t . I f we a re to bel ieve o n e French paper (Le Nouvel Observa teur). w h i c h has not to/lo wed a fter. o n the bas i s of legal "ev i d e n ce" of which t h e least o n e can say i s that i t i s as u n­ s u bs t a n t i a l a n d vag u e as t h e accusat i o n s . w h e n t h e o l d reproach t h at t h e P ress s h o u l d " keep a cert a i n d i stance" . G i u g l i o A n d reot t i : a leader of the DC. a n d t h e s o l i tary c o n f i n e m e n t to w h i c h t h ey h ave been s u bj ected. Negri i s a p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t . i n France a s wel l a s I t a l y . from L e f t to f a r R i g h t . t h e "organs of public opinion". t h e l o n g-awaited " p roofs" are consta n t l y put off u n t i l tom orrow. eac h day. a n d s i n ce re p u d i a t i o n s or contrad i c t i o n s from t h e p rev i o u s day have n o i n f l uence w h atever o n t h e " n ews" of t h e f o l l o w i n g d a y . b y t h e moda l i t ies of t h e med i a . I t a l i a n s a n d French today have t h e same p ro­ b l e m s in fac i n g esca l a t i n g v i o l e n ce. t h e d i ffer i n g vers i o n s are a g a i n acc u m u lated. w h i c h wou l d n o d o u b t g i ve t h e Press t h e i r c h a n ce to f i n d that e l u s ive " d ef i n i t e p roof" of N e g r i ' s g u i l t ? Tra n sla ted b y Com m i t tee April 7. We do not in fact be l i eve in t hese " p roofs" that have so often been p ro m i sed. T h u s i t i s " poss i b l e " t o p resent Negri as bei n g in Rome. have i n t h i s c a s e . 1 84 . We wou l d l i ke m o re i n format i o n . a n i n tel l e c t u a l of h i g h stand i n g . h a s actively p repared t h e way for t h e j u d i c i ary and t h e p o l ice to con­ ceal their total l ac k of evidence o r s u bstance to t h e c h a rges. o r t h e i r " h idden leader". P i perno was arrested in Paris on September 1 8.

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TV. especi a l l y t h ro u g h the Sta te O wned Industry and i t s advert i s i n g needs. Seth Tl/et H ow effective i s a " B lacko u t " in the I t a l i a n press. After the second World War a n d the fall of facism. In the 1 870' s o r 1 880's. That Is. 1 st) he had been not i f i ed by the police that he too was under i n ­ vest igation. espec i a l l y d a i l y newspapers. I t has a wide range of power over newspaper. how does i t f u nc- tion. I t sets t h e price of newspapers. w h i l e t hey were t a k i n g therapeut i c waters t h e re. o n the econo m i cs of pri n t i n g a n d p u b l i s h i n g . someti mes s t ra i g h t from M ussol i n n i . w h i c h was t h e m a i n n a t i o n a l n e w s agency. Th e A N SA Story Fe rru c i o G a m b i n o/ Set h T i l et ANSA in the offi c i a l I t a l i an news agency. The 'terrorist' I mage of Autonomy has al ways been a CO-PRODUCTI O N of the I t a l i a n j u d i c iary a n d the n e w s i nd ustry. espec i a l l y fore i g n pol i cies. t h i ng s have become somehow better. At the t i m e of t h i s i nterview (Aug . and t h ey wou l d decide u pon the n e x t p o l i cies. A n d It c a n 1 86 . In w h i c h Negri also taught. It has establ i shed a so cal led N a t i o n a l Organisation for Cel l u l ose. even early i n this cen t u ry. Govern ment has a d i rect control o n the price of cel l u lose a n d paper. the I t a l i a n pol icy m a ke rs u sed to meet at the M o n t e Cat i n i baths in Tuscany in the s u m mer. Ferru c i o Gambino Is professor of Labor R e l a t i o n s a t Padua U n iversity and one of the l a s t remain­ i ng mem bers of Its Pol i t i c a l Science Fac u l ty. Every day t h e Agencia Stephane u sed to receive orders d i rectly from t h e ex­ ecut ive. orders may not be so d i rect. t hey can be c i rc u mvented. After 1 945. a n d rad i o advert i s i n g . what i s t h e leverage that's u sed? Ferrucio Gambino The I t a l i a n bou rgoi s i e has a l ways worked q u ite i n formal ly. and they focu s bas i c a l l y . I t h i nk. some p u b l i s h e r p u b l i s hed the orders that the facist reg i m e was g iv i n g to t h e so cal led Agencla Stephane.

The o t h e r si d e i s . L 'Unita . I t can m a n i p u l ate t h ro u g h l a r g e concentrat ions.at l o w ebb. t hey s h y away. II Giorno i n M i la n . a d a i l y paper and it is t h e same t h i ng . So that is more or less t h e p i c t u re. is d i rect l y owned by state-owned E N l . A N SA i s t h e direct descenden t of Agenc i a Stephane. how is A N SA contro l led? G A N SA i s d i rectly control led by t h e government and t h e exec u tive i n t h i s c o u n t ry . h e i s bo l d or s h e i s bold. What cannot be contro l l ed d i rectly t h ro u g h t h e capi t a l i s t press is contro l led t h ro u g h t h e parties. I d o n ' t know. o r maybe i n m a n y years. t h e general pol i t i c a l s i tu a t i o n . a C h r i s t i a n Democrat i c newspaper. politically. Then t here are t h e support i n g papers. t h e I t a l i a n jou rna l i st i s say i n g . The Soc i a l ist Party has L 'A va n ti. Paese Sera i s a s u pport i n g communis t dai· /y. m a n i p u l ate also w i t h i t s own d a i l ies. of cou rse. I . 1 87 . ? G No.how d o y o u s a y t h a t . . w h e n t hey i nterview t h e power struct u re. T h ey know the ebb tide a n d the f l ow t ide. P . I t h i n k t hey're t w i n s . a s Agen c i a Stephane received th em i n t h e 30's. . as G io rg i o Bocca. and it has open orders. a n d I am s u re t h at i n a f e w years. f o r i nstance t h e d a i ly. S o t h at ' s one s ide of the story. T D i d you know that t h e D i rector of t h e Photogra p h i c Arch ives at A N SA i s t h e brother of the D i rector of Photogra p h i c Arch ives at U . let u s put i t t hat way. I t c a n i n t i m idate o r m a k e j o u r na l i sts s h y . I t can man i pu late t h ro u g h i t s own party newspapers.E N I . So that acco u nts for l a rge seg ments of t h e Italian press. A N SA representatives a re chosen b y government agencies. Renzo Romano Brizz i . T E nzo B rizzi and h i s brother. t h e l a rgest p u b l i s h i n g concentrat ion bei n g R i zzo l i ( M ondad ove comes i n second). I t has a very stra i g h t pos t u re on the case. the Com m u n ist Party has a d a i l y paper. I t i s l i ke apolog i z i n g for pos i ng a q uest i o n. H e says: " W h e n a n American journal i st i n terviews a Secretary of State o r t h e Secretary of Labor. I I Popolo. I n I t a l y . T What is the con nect i o n w i t h A N SA. I t h i n k. T h ey h ave f l a i r e n o u g h t o s m e l l w h at i s happe n i n g i n t h i s cou n t ry a n d w h e n t h e t i d e i s n o t h i g h . at t h e very least. for i nstance. Of cou rse. t h e o i l company. so to speak. somebody w i l l p u b l i s h agai n t h e a n t h ology o f orders com i ng down from t h e g overn ment to A N SA every morn i n g . or w h e n water i s .

but o n t h e i r very a n swers. As opposed to Oreste Scalzone. T o n i N e g r i ap­ peared a few days l at er before his j udges. in w h i c h a re-ex a m i n a t i o n of Len i n ' s t h o u g h t leads to t h e acceptance of armed stru g g l e as an esse n t i a l m o m e n t i n t h e deve l o p m e n t of m a s s a n d c l ass revo l u t i o n a ry s t r u g g l e . i n a l l m y p u b l i c state ments. letterhead. J u dge Te l l us w h a t you have written a b o u t armed s t r u g g l e . reasoned reject i o n o f a n y form of armed stru g g l e t h a t i nvolves t h e m i l i t a rizat i o n of t h e M ovement and c l a ndest i ne act ivity.O. N eg ri ' s I n te rrog a t i o n Arrested o n A p r i l 7. N e g r i t h e n fou n d i t adv i s a b l e t o a n s w e r q u e s t i o n s to h i s w r i t i n g s . 33 L e sson s on Lenin . one from S i t-Siemens o f M i l an a n d t h e o t h e r f r o m Rena u l t of Paris). 1 88 . The fo l l ow i n g t r a n s c r i p t i s i n­ va l u a b l e i na s m u c h as it ex e m p l i f i e s t h e " b i zarre" proced u re a d o p t e d by t h e j u dges. also a m i meog raphed s h eet w i t h t h e P. c o m rades a rrested for posses s i n g M o l otov cockta i l s . The seco n d . Negri I n reg a rd to armed stru g g l e my pos i t i o n has b e e n ex p ressed m ost com- p l etely i n my book. The f i rst i s a m i meographed sheet w h i c h p ra i ses t h e armed stru g g l e of a few P. I s how you two d o c u m e n t s w h i c h were f o u n d i n y o u r f i les. w i dest. a l ways e x p ressed t h e deepest.O. 1 979. Y e t I have. ) . " (two corporate managers.) were op- posed to c l a ndest i n izat i o n and to armed s t ru g g l e . As i t happens. the A u t o n o m i sts were in­ c ri m i nated o n t h e bas i s not of any p rev i o u s e v i d e n c e . J You have s ai d t h a t most of t h e m i l i t a n t s of " Potere Operaio" (P. R . ex­ p l a i n s "why l d a l g o M a c c h iari n i and Robert N e g ret have been k i d n a p ped and p u t on t r i a l .O. I m u st rem i nd you Macc h i a ri n i w a s k i d n a p ped i n 1972 and the act i o n was c l a i med by the R e d B r i g ades ( B .

R . The document in i t s e n t i rety see ms to be m i n e. va r i o u s methods of extrac t i n g absolute su rp l u s va l u e and t h e refore m o re b r u t a l ex p l o i ta t i o n). i t talks about a " V i et n a mese" st rategy i n t h e M ovement w i t h i n this g i ven and i rreve rs i b l e s i t u a t i o n . rests o n t h e f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s . " A u t o n o m i a " e m e rges o u t of t h e g rowth of t h e i m med i ate needs of the p ro letariat. R . It i s a m o m e n t for d i s m an t l i n g t h rou g h a stru g g l e a g a i n s t ex p l o i ta­ t i o n and l i be rat i o n of p r o l e t a r i a n needs. This i s t h e revo l u t i o n a ry p rocess as I mean i t . N I t i s t h e d i fference between t h e d i s m a n t l i n g of power and t h e destab i l iza- t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l system . concern i n g p u b l i c expend i t u re. overt u r n i n g t h e cap i t a l i s t org a n izat i o n of social prod u c t i o n . the concept of i n s u rrec t i o n is . Therefore. off-t he-books work. has an ex­ t r e m e l y central ized i d ea of organ izat i o n (the party). Public Prosecutor. In genera l . I t i s at the p o i n t of the ex p l o­ s i o n of object ive contrad i c t i o n s that t h e stru g g l e is i n te n s i f i ed and t h e eco n o m i c system of ex p l o i ta t i o n has d i f f i c u lty keep i n g i t s l aws f u n ct i o n i n g . l i ne as m u c h as t h e i nd i sc r i m i nate a n d ge n e r a l p r a i s e that the M ovement bestowed on t h e f i rst i n i t iat ives of mass armed s t r u g g l e . concern i n g n u c lear power. For the B . t h e concept i o n of orga n izat i o n . Seco n d ly.N They are l e a f l ets t h a t c o u l d have been fou nd a m o n g the d o c u m e n t s of a n y of t h e orga n i zat i o n s of '68.a p o l i t i c a l c l ass that d oes not know how to p rod uce s u rp l u s va l u e is a dead p o l i t i cal c l ass. w h i c h is p resen ted as t h e f u n ­ d a m e n t a l a n d exc l u s ive weapon a n d t h e determ i n i n g factor i n t h e c l a s h w i t h t h e State. J I do not q u ite see t h i s fu n d a m e n t a l d i fference. i s regarded as i n effec­ t i ve w i t h o u t t h e party's exte r n a l g u ide. "Autonom i a O p e ra i a . The m a s s move m e n t . PP B u t I st i l l have not u nd erstood t h e d i fference from t h e B . As a conse­ q u ence. t h e f u n d a m e n t a l p r ob le m i s one of destab i l iz­ i n g the p o l i t i c a l system t h r o u g h the d i s m a n t l i n g of the soc i a l system of ex p l o i ta­ t i o n . I t e m p has izes t h e maj o r aspects of mass s t r u g g le. w i t h o u t exc l u d i n g t h e f a c t t h at i t may rep rese nt t h e o u tcome of a c o l l ect ive d i sc u s s i o n . t h e system that represents it l i ves o n l y o u t of t h e terro r i s t i c i rrat i o n a l i ty of d o m i n a t i o n .o n t h e bas i s of t h e t rad i t i o n of I t a l i a n revo l u t i o n a ry M a rx i s m . I t is c l ear t h at when one is speak i n g about offe n s i ve stru g g l e . I n any c a s e . . A l l t h i s d e f i nes a s i t u a t i o n o f extreme soc i a l antagon i s m a m o n g c l asses a n d soc i a l g ro u p s .c o n s i d e rs orga n i zat i o n as mass o rg a n izat i o n that f i l ters a n d trans lates i n to itself. w h i l e s a i d to b e f u ndamenta l . w h i c h are c l a r i f ied in the central part of the same d o c u m e n t about t h e fou r c am pa i g n s : concern i n g t h e wor k i n g day a n d t h e wage. J I s h ow you t h i s typewritten mate r i a l that conta i n s some notes I be l i eve you wrote. R .o n e i s spea k i n g about t h e m a t e r i a l cond i t i o n s of e x p l o i t a t i o n i n re l a t i o n to t h e new cond i t i o n s of soc i a l p ro­ d u c t i o n (soc i a l ized work. and hence con­ tain some p o i n t s that I cou l d not accept. a n d a g a i n s t State terro r i s m . for w h i c h t h e conc l u s i o n i n evitably t e n d s to be m a d e i n terms o f c i v i l war. O . It i s the c l a s s i c T h i rd I n ternat i o n a l i d eo l ogy. t h e concept of i n s u rrect i o n . Do you want to verify the contents? N The d o c u m e n t c o n ta i n s analysis of t h e cu rre n t s i t u a t i o n that I t h i n k I can ag ree w i t h . " o n t h e cont rary . R . women ' s work. H ave you ever d i st r i b ut ed t h i s k i nd of l ea f l et? N I stop ped d o i n g it about ten years ago. N T h e d i fference between w h a t I s a i d a n d t h e i d e o l o g y o f t h e B . pos i t i o n . The i n s u rrect i o n a l p rocess (therefore t h e p rocess c o n n ected to t h e c i v i l war) can o n l y p l ace i t s e l f a t t h e end of t h e c o m p l e x i t y of t h i s soc i a l move m e n t . arou nd 1970. The B .a mater i a l p rocess s i m u l ta n e o u s l y brea k i n g the w h o l e c a p i ta l i st mac h i n e ' s d o m i n a t i o n a n d provi d i n g for t h e fu n d a m e n t a l needs of t h e proletariat (se lf-a m e l i o ra t i o n). N ot i c e t h e huge a n d d ra m a t i c d i fference that t hese t h eses make i n re l a t i o n to the B . t h e d o c u m e n t is c h a racteriz­ ed by t h e assu m p t i o n of t h e i r revers i b l e fact of extre m e l y antag o n i s t i c c l ass re la­ t i o n s h i ps. In fact. F i rst. tney do not i n d i cate a P . R .

con nected to t h e i s s u e of tak i n g over State power. For " A u to n o m i a , " take-over i s
a mea n i n g l ess term at l east o n t w o acco u n t s : that n o S t a t e p o w e r exists o u t s i d e
t h e mate r i a l organ izat i o n of p rod u c t i o n ; t h a t t here i s not revo l u t io n e x c e p t as a
t ra n s i t i o n a l p rocess i n t h e m a k i n g a n d partly rea l ized . It is therefore c l ea r that
" A u t o n o m i a " rejects a n y idea of a State " cou p " t h ro u g h act i o n s d i rected a g a i n st
t h e i ns t i t u t i on s . A n y act i o n m u st d i rect i t s e l f toward p rovid i ng for t h e f u ndamen­
tal needs of t h e proletariat. For t h e B.R., proletarian l i bera t i o n a n d a n y effort a n d
any m o m e n t of s t ru g g l e i n t h i s s e n s e a re i m poss i b l e i f the State power struct u re
is not attacked a n d dest royed .

J I s h ow you a series of documents on u n i o n issues, i n w h i c h a m o n g other
t h i ng s "attack a n d t u rn t h e tables" i s m e n t i o n e d . I b e l i eve that t hese objectives
are the same ones p u rsued by m i l i t a ry and c l andest i n e organ izat i o n s , s u c h as t h e
B.R.

N M ost of t hese documents - l i ke t h e ones we d i scussed ear l i e r - have
been p u b l i s h ed in the j o u rn a l Rosso. I b e l i eve that the ca l l for "attack a g a i n st
even democrat i c u n i o n rep resentat i o n , " is part of t h e constant perma n e n t l i ne of
" A u t o n o m i a " and that it i s j u s t i f i ed by genera l cou rse of p o l i t i c a l relat i o n s h i ps i n
t h i s society. W h e n o n e speaks o f t h e attack a g a i n st t h e u n ion struct u re, one
means the mass o p p o s i t i o n to the u n i o n a n d t h e exercise of the rad i c a l
de mocrat i c r i g h t s of t h e workers a n d t h e proletariat.

J Ex p l a i n t h e m ea n i n g of t h e expres s i o n s "organ ized a xi s of Autonomy" and
" c o m p l e mentary a x i s " .

N W h e n I s peak of "organ ized axis of A u t o n o m y " I am refe rri n g to the
autonomous mass va n g u a rd act i n g i n t h e factories, i n the service organ iza t i o ns,
i n the n e i g h borhoods. By " c o m p l e mentary a x i s " I mean sm a l l spontaneous g ro u p s
that a re work i n g i n t h e a rea of Autonomy.

J B u t do you or do you not s h a re t h e same objectives as t h e B . R . ?

N I t seems to m e erroneous to assert a n u na m b i g u o u s re l at i o n s h i p between
the genera l ly deve l oped a n t i - u n i o n p o l e m i c in the movement of the M a rx i st Left
and the m i l itary practice of the B . R .

J Remember t h a t y o u a l s o h a d i n y o u r f i l es t h i s document e n t i t led " O u t l i ne
for t h e Con s t r u c t i o n of a Workers Coord i n at i o n " . Among other t h i n g s , i n t h i s
material of you rs, i t i s stated : " T h e h u g e p l atoon of the owners' servants shou l d
b e p l aced i n a s i t u a t i o n of not bei n g harmf u l . The managers a r e t h e f i rst l i n k o f
t h e organ ized c h a i n t h ro u g h w h i c h the owners' c o m m a n d i s exercized . " A n d later:
" Let u s organ ize t h e proletarian patrol in ord e r to e l i m i nate scabs from the
workshops; let u s make the patrol a n i nstru m e n t of permanent o rg a n izat i o n i n s i d e
a n d o u t s i d e t h e factory . . . " There is no q uest i o n t hat t hese a r e t y p i c a l objectives
of the Red Brigades.

N From an even cu rsory read i n g of the d o c u m e n t , I bel ieve it is not m i ne.

PP B u t rem e m be r that i n i n yo u r f i les t h e re were other documents, handwrit-
ten or typed by y o u , of the same conten t !

Defense La wyer. You have to tel l us what t h i s document p roves ! The j u d i c i a l
code req u i res that t h e accu sed b e m a d e aware " i n a precise a n d c l ea r m a n ner"
t h e acts attribu ted to him as p u n i s h a b l e offenses a n d all t h e p roof re lat ive to
s u c h acts.

PP You a re t ry i n g to obstruct the answe r i n g of the q u es t i o n .

N I t is u s e l e s s to get exci ted s i nce I a m w i l l i n g to a n swer the q uest i o n . I n my
f i les I was gatheri n g both material I w rote a n d documents from t h e various ex­
isting po l it i ca l pos i t i o n s i n the M ovem e n t . The whole of which, as I did once
before i n t h e 1 960's, wou l d have been d onated to a f o u n d a t i o n .

1 90

J For c o m p leteness I now s h ow you t h e other t h ree d o c u m e n t s : a m a n u s c r i p t ,
"The Patro l , t h e B r i gade, t h e R e d G u a rd w i t h Ten n i s S hoes " ; typew r i tten mate r i a l
i n w h i c h , among other t h i ng s , i t i s stated that " t h e p a t r o l i n te n n i s shoes covers
the master's territory and s t r i kes the enemy recom p os i n g the c l ass"; and a letter
add ressed to y o u , i n w h i c h t h e sender ag rees with you concern i n g t h e p rac t i c a l ity
of t h e patrols.

N The m a n u s c r i p t i s t h e o u t l i n e of an art i c l e I wrote f o r Rosso. The idea of
t h e proletarian patrol seems to m e to be a usef u l tool of organ izat i o n for today ' s
proletariat, w h i c h i s fo rced i n to t e r r i t o r i a l d i spers i o n of p rod u c t ive activity, forced
i nto "off-the-books" work, d i ff u sed work, tert i a ry work. O n ly t h e patrol wou l d be
a b l e to c reate a n agg regat i o n of t hese fo rces not g a t hered i n s i d e the l a rge fac­
t o ry of c a p i t a l and t h e refore a l l ow t h e r i p e n i n g of class s t ru g g l e in terms adj u sted
to t h e m ob i l ity of t h i s new work force. The f u n ct i o n of t h e patrol i s t h e eco n o m ic­
p o l i t i c a l representat i o n of t h e p rod u c t ive p roletariat i nvolved i n "off-the-books"
work, in order to i m p rove work i n g a n d l iv i n g c o n d i t i o n s .

J We bel ieve that what you d e f i n e as t h e " r i pen i n g c l ass s t r u g g l e " i s carried
o u t by t h e patrols t h rou g h t h e use of i l legal a n d violent means.

N In t h e maj o r i ty of t h e cases t h e work of t h e patrols i s not carried o u t
t h ro u g h i l legal a n d v i o l e n t m e a n s , b u t rat h e r t h ro u g h pol i t i ca l p ress u re a n d
negot i at i o n s . The cases i n w h i c h t h e re are elements of v i o l e n ce, wou l d , I b e l i eve,
be t h e k i n d that are wel l-known in the h i st o ry of c l ass s t ru g g l e when sectors of
the u n organ ized labor force asks for u n io n recog n it i o n . One s h o u l d not forget t h at
t h e h i story of u n io n organ izat i o n s i n t h e l a rge factories has i n c l u d ed considerable
v i o l e n ce - v i o l e n ce, f i rst of all, i n react i o n to t h e repressive forces of capital.

J N ow I s h ow you a n o t h e r series of d o c u m e n ts t h at you h ad f i led . There i s
w r i t i n g about c o l u m n s , pol i t i co- m i l i t a ry cad res, l o g i s t i cal sec t i o n s and m a s s work.
Spec i f i ed are t h e tasks of t h e m i l i t a ry struct u re, i n c l u d i n g "act i o n against t h e
enemy, d e f e n s e act i o n , t rai n i n g , expropriat i o n s . " F i n a l l y , a r m i n g , f i na n c i n g , a n d
c l a ndest i n e b e h a v i o r . What d o you h ave to s a y i n t h i s reg ard?

N I t i s not my mate r i a l . T h ey a re documents t h at don't h ave t h e s l i g h test rela-
t i o ns h i p w i t h t h e k i n d of pol i t i ca l l i ne I am f o l l ow i n g . The h a nd-written notes o n
t h e borders a r e not my h a n d w ri t i n g . T h o s e docu ments w e r e c i rc u l ated i n M i l an
w i t h i n t h e M ovement as proposals for d i s c u s s i o n that were e n gaged i n by peo p l e
that I p res u m e l a t e r merged i nto P r i m a L i nea.

J W h o a re t hese people?

N I am not a b l e to te l l you t h e i r names. They were peop l e w h o h u n g around i n
t h e coord i nates o f " A u tonom i a . " The org a n i za t i o n a l model i n t h ose d o c u ments,
however, i s p retty much terro r i s t i c . A debate o n t hese i s s u es went o n a r o u n d
1976, w i t h t hese i d eas meet i n g su bsta n t i a l o p p os i t i o n i n t h e M ove m e n t .

J B u t why have you saved several c o p i es of t h e same text?

N Proba b l y t h ese d o c u m e n ts were g iven to me in ord e r to get my o p i n i o n a n d
s u p port. I want to m a ke i t c l e a r that i t i s p rec i s e l y t h e a b u n d a n ce of i n format i o n
m a d e ava i l a b l e to me t h at h a s enab led me to o p p ose s u c h pos i t i o n s m o re effec­
t i vely.

J B u t you s h o u l d be able to remember who t hese peo p l e were w h o g ave you
t h ese documents a n d asked for you r su pport.

N I repeat I c a n not answer. Terrorists never i n troduce themselves as s u c h !
T h i s m a t e r i a l c i rc u lates d u r i n g p u b l i c meet i n g s a n d often t h ro u g h severa l h a n d s .

P P W h e n you s p e a k i n t h i s exci ted tone, you rem i n d me of t h e v o i c e i n t h e
p h o n e c a l l to M rs . M o ro ! 1

N You have n o r i g h t t o make t h ese i n s i n u a t i o n s ! You have t o p rove what you
say f i rst. You a re i n s u l t i n g m e !

DL I d e m a n d t h a t t h i s i n c i d e n t be p u t i n t h e record.

J Ag reed . Let u s record everyt h i n g . B u t l e t ' s be c a l mer.

N In short, i t i s j u st about i m poss i b l e f o r me to i d e n t i fy t h e ones w h o b rou g h t
t hese d o c u m e n t s .

J " E l e m e n t a ry N o rms of Behavior" i s t h e t i t l e of a n o t h e r typew r i t t e n docu-
ment from you r f i l e s . The concepts p resented h e re are s i m i la r to t h e ones conta i n ­
e d i n a n o t h e r typew r i t t e n page w i t h t h e t i t l e " N orms of Secu r i ty a n d Work Style
for t h e I rreg u l a r Forces" by t h e B . R . , w h i c h was found i n t h e apartment of V i a
G rado l i .2 W i t h t hese docu ments w e h ave d i scovered c l ues concern i n g t h e ex­
istence of i l leg a l , c l a ndest i ne, a n d m i l i t a rized bodies w i t h i n the M ovement to
which y o u , Professor Negri, a re not extra n e o u s .

N Of cou rse I h a v e not w r i tten t h i s d o c u m e n t . I t belongs to d o c u m e n t a ry
mater i a l I h ave g a t h e red. It is worth reme m b e r i n g t h at the p rocess of gesta t i o n
a n d p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i f i ca t i o n of " A u t o n o m i a " i n M i l a n w h i c h has b e e n deve l o p i n g i n
recen t years req u i res t h e overcom i n g of t h e m i l i t a r i s t " i m passe" i n s i d e t h e M ove­
m e n t . It s h o u l d be c l ear that t h e org a n ized " A u t o n o m i a " of M i l a n is s t r u g g l i ng
a g a i nst t h i s " i m passe" .

J There are h a n d w r i tten notes on a leaflet I h ave here concern i n g u n i o n
issues.

N They are i t e m s for a d i s c u s s i o n concern i n g the org a n i za t i o n of t h e s t ru g g le
a g a i nst Sat u rd ay work.
.
J What does t h e ex p ress i o n " I " near t h e w o rd " leaflet" mean?

N Proba b l y i t m e a n s t h a t somehow I h a d taken c a re of t h e t h i n g , o r t h a t I
wa nted to take c a re of i t .

J I s t h i s p a m p h let, "Workers' Power f o r Co m m u n i s m , " you rs? I f i t i s t h e fru i t
of a col lective w o r k , d i d y o u p a rt i c i pate i n i t ?

N I t i s not a p a m p h let of m i n e a n d I d i d not c o l l a borate i n draw i ng i t u p . I
h ave never been a part of t h e Revo l u t i on a ry Com m u n i st Com m i ttees w h i c h a re
g i ven as a u t h ors on t h e f i rst page.

1 92

J Who are the persons who supported, as you said earlier, the "directive line
of the B.R." and the B.R.'s initiatives as a moment of unification for the Move­
ment? And who formed the "little groups" that supported the "clandestine" and
"terrorist line"?

N It is difficult, indeed impossible to answer that question.

J You keep talking about the constant rejection of armed struggle. We have
obtained a transcript of your statements during the third organizational con­
ference of P.O. in September 1971. You had stated then that "appropriation" on
the one hand and "militarization" on the other were absolutely related, and that
the development of the "clash" and the "organization" had to proceed together.

N That position (even simply expressed off the cuff and in the course of a
very complex and confused conference) was consistent with the positions that I
later supported. It is clear that the perspective of armed struggle, as it is called
here, refers to the perspective defined in the Marxist classics and does not cor­
respond at all to a particular program for the militarization of the Movement.

D L These are not relevent questions. The accused is being forced at each
point to provide not concrete answers on factual elements, but rather to engage
in analysis concerning philosophical premises, a specialized lexicon, and correla­
tions among political and historical issues. It seems to us that you expect some
element of evidence from the answers. We thus ask that the accused be question­
ed directly in relation to the charges. In particular, the two reports by the Oigos
(secret police) and the witnesses who will testify.

J I agree. Let us invite the accused to prove his innocence in relation to the
following probative elements against him, the sources of which cannot be in­
dicated without prejudicing the judicial inquiry. 1) Statements according to which
Negri helped to develop, on the one hand, the military actions of the B.R., and on
the other, the mass actions of "Autonomia", the one being coordinated with the
other through centralized (central and peripheral) structures. The link between the
armed vanguard and the base of the Movement had to be assured by the rigid
centralization (the so-called "workers' centralism") of the mass and vanguard in­
itiatives. 2) Statements according to which, in the course of meetings among
members of the organization, Negri advocated the necessity to raise the level of
confrontation (sabotage of industrial plants, the beating of factory supervisors,
proletarian expropriations, and kidnapping and confiscations in reference to union
leaders, judges, and factory managers), with the aim of conquering power. 3)
Statements according to which Negri pointed to the B.R. and P.O. as connected

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struc t u res, and accord i n g to w h i c h he part i c i pated i n B . R . p l a n n i n g . 4) Reve l a t i o n s
m a d e by a B . R . m e m be r to a p e r s o n w h o had later i nformed t h e j u d i c i a l
a u t h o r i t ies about t h e d i rect l i n k between t h e B . R . a n d P . O . 5 ) Statements accor­
d i n g to w h i c h t h e m i l i t a n t s of P . O . i n Pad ua had avai lable arms and ex p l o s ives
a n d were t ra i n i n g t h e m se l ves in m i l itary tec h n i q u es. Statements accord i n g to
w h i c h Negri t a u g h t the " t ec h n i q ue" of b u i ld i n g M o lotov cockta i l s.

N I am c o m p letely aston i s h ed by t h e p robat ive elements stated here. T h ey
are not o n l y u n true accusat i o n s , b u t dow n r i g h t u n l i ke l y a n d i nc o m p at i b l e w i t h
everyt h i n g I have s a i d a n d d o n e d u r i n g t h e t i mes I belonged to P . O . a n d later
" A u t o n o m i a " . The o p p os i t i o n between t h e B . R . a n d " A u t o n o m i a " i s c l ear from t h e
d o c u m e n ts of t h e two g ro u p s t h emse lves. I t i s prepostero u s to s a y t h at I tau g h t
peop l e h o w to m a k e M o l otov cockta i l s, w h i c h , b y t h e way, I do n o t k n o w h o w to
assem ble. I have never s poken i n su p p o rt of making l i nks between t h e B . R . ' s
m i l i t a ry act i o n s a n d t h e m a s s act i o n s o f t h e organ ized A ut on om y. T h e accu sa­
t i o n s a re based o n p u re fabri cat i o n - t h ey a re fantasies !

J At t h i s p o i n t we are q u est i o n i n g a l l you r w r i t i n g s , c h a rg i n g t h a t you p resent
programs ten d i n g towards armed stru g g l e a n d t h e esta b l i s h me n t of a p r o l e t a r i a n
d i ctators h i p.

N I ref use to accept t h e leg i t i macy of you r q u est i o n s a n d of t h e reports w h i c h
were used to j u st i f y my a r rest. N ot h i n g i n my books h a s a n y d i rect organ izat i o n a l
re lat i o n s h i p . M y respon s i b i l ity i s tota l l y as an i n tel lectual w h o w r i tes a n d se l l s
books !

J I f you have a l ways exp ressed t h e reject i o n of a rmed stru g g le, t e l l us t h e n
how you j u s t i fy t h i s p h rase contai ned i n t h i s leaflet: " T h e h e ro i c stru g g l e of t h e
B . R . a n d the N A P ( A rmed Proletariat N u c l e i ) c o m rades i s t h e iceberg of t h e M ove
m e n t . " I want you to n o t i c e that t h e d o c u m e n t , taken from y o u r f i les, has n ota­
t i o n s and co rrect i o n s , some of w h i c h q u ite l i ke l y a re your own.

N Yes, t h e d oc u m e n t seems to be m i ne; at least some of t h e m a rg i na l n ota­
t i o n s are m i ne. B u t i t c o n t a i n s c l ass i c exp ress i o n s of M a rx i s m . For " d e m o c racy"
one s h o u l d u n d e rstand t h e d i ctators h i p of t h e bou rg e o i s i e , and for " p ro l e t a r i a n
d i ctators h i p , " t h e h i g hest form of f reed o m a n d d e m ocracy. As for t h e sentence i n
q u est i o n , i t i s i n deed necessary t o reco g n ize a s a fact t h e emergence o f t h e B . R .
a n d N A P a s t h e t i p of t h e i ceberg o f t h e M ove m e n t . T h i s does n o t req u i re o n e i n
a n y way t o transform t h e recog n i t i o n i n to a defense, a n d t h i s does n o t i n any way
deny the g rave m i stake of the B . R . l i ne. At one p o i n t I defi ned the B . R . as a
va r i a b l e of t h e Move m e n t gone c razy.

I have exp ressed in the m ost e m p h a t i c way m y d i sa g reement reg a rd i n g the B . R .
i n i t i at i ves-a pos i t i o n t h a t I bel ieve c o i n c ides w i t h a very l a rge majority of t h e
c o m rades of " A u t o n o m i a " . Therefore, l e t t h e re b e no c o n f u s i o n . At t h e s a m e t i me
t h i s does not mean t h a t t h e B . R . c o n rades s h o u l d not be res pected . For i t i s
necessary to have s o m e res pect f o r a l l t h ose w h o a re seek i n g proleta r i a n com­
m u n ist goals, even as o n e dee p l y c r i t i c izes t h e i r " re g i c i d e " strategy, w h i c h i s con­
t rary to all t h e p rem i ses of M a r x i s m . M a rx h i m s e l f t i pped his hat to Fe l i ce O rs i n i .
N evert h e less, I state ag a i n that terro r i s m c a n o n ly b e fou g h t t h ro u g h a n a u t h e n t i c
m a s s pol i t i ca l s t ru g g l e a n d i n s i d e t h e revo l u t i o n a ry movement.

Tra n s la ted by I l l W W & Ph il Ma t tera

1. The o n l y " e v i d e n c e " brou g h t by the j u dges to j u s t i fy N e g r i 's arrest were tapes o f p h o n e
c a l l s made by t h e Red B ri g ades to t h e M oro fam i l y, p r e s u m a b l y p rov i n g t h a t i t was N e g r i ' s
v o i c e . I t t u rned o u t t h a t t h e t a p e had never b e e n a n a l yzed. The i r rec e n t a n a l y s i s by t h e
A m e r i c a n expert a p po i n te d by t h e prosec u t o r rema i ns u nc o n c l u s i ve .

1/1 J ud g e P a l o m b ar i n i q u es t i o n s Toni N e g r i , M ay 18, 1 979, Pad u a
1/2 Negri
1/3 C h i e f Prosec u t o r f o r t h e Re p u b l i c , Pi etro C a l o g e ro

1 94

State power has spoken out loud and c l ea r . have s e t i n m o t i o n a political trial. We are bei n g tried f o r a d ecade of p o l i t i c a l s t ru g g l e i n I ta l y . T h i s i s n o t TR IAL? j u st a t r i a l of i d e a s .a horren­ d o u s a l i b i for i t s i n ca p a c i ty to resolve t h e rea l u n d e r l y i n g problems c o n f ro n t i n g I t a l i a n society i n t h e c r i s i s . a t r i a l of cert a i n i nt e l lect u a l s .o f com rades be l o n g i n g to t h e i n ­ dependent Left move m e n t of A u tonomy. T h e y h ave to be made to appear as i d e n t i c a l . t h e terrorist gro u ps . 1 979 f rom the "Spec i a l W i n g . These com rades i n n o way d e n y o r con­ ceal their record of p o l i t ic a l m i l i t a ncy i n this move m e n t . M e m o ri a l f ro m P ri s o n T h i s d o c u m e n t was w r i t t e n o n M a y 24 . t h e accusat i o n of b e i n g terrorists. from 1968 to 1979.e. start i n g A p r i l 7th 1979. T o n i N e g r i . Footnotes were added by t h e E d i t o r s. b u t a j u d i c i a l p rosec u t i o n of a n e n t i re sec t i o n of t h e p o l i t ical movement i n I t a l y . E m i l i o Vesce a n d Lau s o Zagato. I n order to s u cceed . State p o w e r has to state a n d p rove that " t h e p a r t y of t h e n e w soci a l s t rata of t h e p ro l etariat" i s t h e same t h i n g as " t h e a r m e d p a r t y " . W H AT IS T H E The arrests a n d i m p ri s o n ments p u t into effect a g a i n st m i l i t a n t s a n d i nt e l l ec t u a l s N ATU R E O F T H I S of t h e Left.i . G 8" of the Reb i b· b i a j a i l i n Rome by M a r i o D a l m av i va. W i t h t h i s p rosec u t i o n . O reste Scalzone. " t h e a rmed 1 96 . T h i s t r i a l i s a i m ed to o u t law t h e p o l i t i c a l move m e n t of work i n g c l ass a n d p ro l etariat a u t o n o m y . L u c i a n o Ferrari B ravo. The S t a t e " p ro­ jects" onto t hese st rata a n d o n t o the men a n d women who have l ived t h e soc i a l s t r u g g l e s of t h e new p ro letariat. A l l of u s i n t h e Move m e n t k n ow t h e motive beh i nd t h i s op e rat i o n .

T H E V I O LATI O N S O F We shall take o n l y a few exa m p les of the leg a l p roce d u re adopted by the p rosecu­ PROC E D U R E B Y tion in t h e "Apri l 7th case " . of p ro­ ceed i n g s against t hose bei n g i nvestigated. One m i g ht t h i n k that t h e accu sed were t h e " p o l i t i cal leaders h i p " of t h e PO group.no s u c h p roof exists. W e are m i l itants and intel l ec t u a l s of t h e autonomous Left movement. The al legation r u n s as f o l l ows: these i n d iv i d u a l s are t h ose w h o ha ving been com rades i n PO. Fa i l u re to notify. altered later. One might rightly ask by what criteria so few card s . a representative role. it can resolve i t s own i n ­ a b i l ity to f u nction. by c ri m i n a l iz i n g t h e M ovement. abuses o f due process that we . eve n t u a l l y came o u t in t h e s h uffle. respo n s i b l e for the ent i re t rajectory of armed stru g g l e i n I taly in recent years - i t s d issol u t i o n i n 1 973 is reg arded as hav i n g been " f i c t i c i o u s " : it is al leged to h ave cont i n u ed its existence as an armed con s p i racy. a n d of t h ose w h o did. despite t h e fact that t h e prosec u t i n g j u d ge. . in some cases i t has been years t h a t some mem bers of t h e accu sed have not seen each other ! I t m u st be a d m i tted that for a "cons p i ratorial g ro u p " a l leged to have been n ot h i n g less (in t h e case of 9 of us) t h a n the " s t rateg i c leaders h i p " of the Red B r i g ades. so t h at. not one s i n g l e p iece of evidence has been b ro u g h t to p rove or i n d icate any s u c h assoc iation between t hose c h a rged. even briefly. It is true that a l l of those w h o are c h a rged i n t h i s case. F rom t h e t i m e t hat P O d issolved i n 1 973. B u t thousands of other comrades also part i c i pated i n this p o l i t i c a l experience. B u t here t h e make-be l i eve beh i n d t h e accusat i o n i s even more aston i s h i n g .I s s u e of arrest warrants e i t h e r w i t ho u t leg a l g rou n d s at a l l . t h e armed stru g g l e i n I t a l y . reg a rd i n g the consistency of t h i s ch a rge.) i m posed on those deta i ned. i n one way or anot her. or on "apparent" g ro u n ds . from s u c h a h u g e pack. subsequen tly m a i n t a i ned "associat ive l i n ks of a s u bvers ive nat u re" ai med to d i rect. (C) A rbitrary m ode of imprisonment: . So t h e accusat ion of havi n g par­ t i c i pated i n PO is not self-s u ff i c ient. In stri k i n g its blow at us. s o m e of t hose p resently accu sed have had n o political links wha tsoever w i t h the rest of the accu sed. at d i fferent t i mes and at d i fferent leve ls of activity. perhaps i n g e n u o u s ly. h a s ad m i tted t h a t t h i s j u d i c i a l i n q u i ry has been g o i n g on over a period of two years before t h e arrests. T h i s i s the c a s e ( i f f o r no o t h e r reason) because the PO w a s i n i t s o wn time i n­ vest i g ated on t h e g rou n d s of b e i n g a " s u bversive organ izat i o n " . w i t h pride. from 1 973-4 u p to the present day. in all this t i me con s t i t u tes a strange k i n d of assoc i a t i o n ! A n d it is not by chance t h at 6 weeks after the ar­ rests. T h i s i s only a s u m mary of a few of t h e most f l a g ra n t T H E PROSECUTI O N . is no basis in itself for the c harge bro u g h t . T h i s i s a l ist of points w h i c h are taken from a m u c h f u l ler documentation of ex­ a m p l es contai ned in the memorand u m p resented by o u r legal defence tea m . T h i s i s a past "assoc iat ive l i n k " w h i c h w e have no i ntention of d e ny i n g . T H E R ET R OACTIVE The f i rst accusation a g a i n s t u s all relates to h av i n g const i t u ted and part i c i pated C H A R G ES AGAI N ST in Potere Operaio ( 1 969. I na s m u c h as PO i s taken by the prosecu t i o n to be " POTE R E O P E RAIO" the "ori g i nal source" of armed terrori sm -of hav i n g therefore been col lectively (WO R K E R'S POW E R).h a v e had to face.not a l l the accused p l ayed s u c h a part i n PO. not to have met each other. a n d was i n fact c l eared . Hence t h e re m u s t be somet h i n g more beh i n d t h e c h a rge a n d t h e selection of t h ose accused. Calogero. etc. M o reover. in some cases.U s e o f p reven t ive dete n t i o n f o r ends other t h a n t h ose specif ied b y law.U n s pecif ied reasons for d i ffering prison t reatm e nt (so l i t a ry confi nement. i n one way o r another. (B) A rbitrary use o f coercitive po wers: . B u t this i s not true . did part i c i pate i n t h e experience o f PO. (A) Viola tions o f t h e rights o f defence i n t h e p hase of the p rel i m i nary i nves t i ga­ t i o n s ordered by the exa m i n i ng j udge. The reason i s simple . the State i s attri b u t i n g to u s a power as " leaders " .i n fact we rega rd i t . party i n I ta l y " .1 973)1 . at w i l l . A very i m porta n t prel i m i nary p o i n t needs to be made. that we do not posess.and we a r e not t h e f i rst . 1 97 . not all are bei n g charged.

t h e whereabouts of those detai ned. Once t h i s overa l l hypothesis of g u i l t is firs t estab l i shed. A l l the above p o i n ts m i g ht a p p e a r secondary t o a n y o n e not experie n c i n g them f i rst hand ! Yet t h ey amount to a rea l i l leg a l ity of the mode of the prosecu t i o n p ro­ ced u re in t h i s case. for a period. req u est b y j u d g e G uasco f o r for­ m a l i sation of the c harges " pend i n g " la ter spec i f i cation of t h e act u a l c r i mes a l leg­ ed to have been c o m m i tted ! ) .any Left revo l u t ionary l iteratu re i nevitably has some p o i n t s of s i m i larity) can then be con­ strued as a " lead " or as " i nc r i m i nat i n g s u bstance". The pres u m p t i o n of g u i l t based on deductive hypothesis has been the leitmo tif i n t h e p rosec u t i o n p roced u re r i g h t from t h e start.g. . t h e i nformal . of a " log i c a l " a n d hence spec u lative nature. that t hey be bro u g h t before the competent j u d g e i n Padova) had b e e n made. The accusat ions are e n t i rely " hy pothet ical-ded u c t i ve " . by the systemat i c refu sa l to back or specify c h a rges by p recise accusat i o n .Systematic i nvers i o n of the b u rden of p roof onto the defence. to make u s respo n s i b le.e. (D) A rbitrary use o f norm s of territorial judicial competence ( i .Refusal to notify . in t h e cou rse of the committal heari n g s : . In N e g r i ' s case. i n forma l ly passed to the Press a n d med ia t h ro u g h o u t t h e p roceed i ngs .V i o l a t i o n of a rt i c l e 3 6 5 i n the Proced u ra l C o d e ("the j udge must p roceed to the formal ' i nterrogat i o n ' w i t ho u t delay"). or s i m i l a r i t ies between documents . a d e l i berately falsif ied reconstruction of his ideas. the d iv i s i o n of j u d i c i a l competence in the case.e. A l l s u c h material can be re­ i n terpreted. in order to bypass any poten t i a l con f l i ct w i t h the j u d ges i n Padova. g . p i eced together accord i n g to the initia l deduct ive hypotheses.. . I n other word s . reformu lation and a l terat ion i n t h e accusatory s u bstance o f t h e charges (e. I t covered .i. for v i rt u a l l y all that has happened i n I t a l y over t h e past ten years. .Subsequen t add i t i o n of the charge re l ated t o the via Fani (the M o ro k i d na p p­ i n g ) case. from t h e word g o . .I l legal rete n t i o n of p rec ise i nformat i o n . for the sole p u rpose of j u st i f y i n g transferral of the j u d i c i a l com petence in the case of some of those accused (to Rome). t h e "generic" and t h e " p a rt i c u lar" are conflated . i n s u r­ rection. related to the prosecu­ tion charges. T i m e and space become i rrelevant. as a "col lect ive p l o t ' ' . or p recise accusat i o n s ( t o b e p roved or d i s p roved) related to the charg e of " s u bversive assoc i at i o n " . leaders h i p of the Red Brigades. strung together. in the Va l p reda case) w h i c h i n volve the ar­ b i t rary t ransfer of p roceed i n g s to Rome .and often later d ropped ! ) . g . use of this tact i c in order to set up a " s pecial t r i b u n a l " for p o l i t ical persecu t i o ns2. (E) Sys tema tic viola tion o f the rights of legal defence in this case. by a p rocess of osmosis. This rel ates to other p recedents (e. 1 98 . .Systemat i c a n d u n derhand v i o l a t i o n of the confidential secrecy of t h e c o m m i t ­ tal hea r i n g s b y the p rosec u t i n g mag istrates (use of i n s i n u at i n g " leaks". or to notify fam i l ies of prison transfers. i nto a stat i c "present-day" plot for " armed i n s u rrect i o n ' ' . T h i s i s the start i n g p o i n t . a deg radat ion of " d u e proces s " . evidence etc.L a c k of any evidence. thus a l l o w i n g a cont i n uous f l u i d ity. c o l la ps­ i n g the past i nto the p resent. hence e n s u r i n g a n "open-ended" set of options in t h e com m i ttal process.t h e initia l thesis of the prosecu t ion . but no less rea l . a n d leaders h i p of the armed s t ru g g l e in general. between Rome and Padova): . ac­ t i v i t ies of an acad e m i c nat u re etc. . this process of osmos i s d u ri n g the committal hear i n g s has amou nted to a crude a n d arroga n t d istort i o n of texts taken o u t of context.Abnormal unila teral decision on the part of prosecuting judge Calogero as to j u d i c i a l com petence (transferr i n g part of the case to Rome) a fter the req uest for form a l i sation of p roceed i n g s (i. etc.Acq u i s i t i o n of "evidence" a long time after t h e warrants for c ustody a n d deten- tion of the accused had a l ready been made o u t . Padova U n ivers ity I ns t i tute. . T h i s w a s a fter c harges of "format ion of armed bands" had alrea dy been bro u g h t in Padova. any element of physica l or mental/in tellectual l i n ks that can be fou n d (e.e.. Documents or events over a period of ten years are f l attened i nto the p resent.

q u ite apart f r o m o u r o w n pol it ical s i t u a t i o n . express i n g the new needs of the p ro­ letariat today. C I V I L R I G H TS A N D We w i s h to make an appeal for the widest poss i b l e sol i d arity w i t h t h ose 23 ar­ C LASS ST R U G G LE. The prosec u t i o n case aga i nst us is overtly p o l i t i c a l . The c h o i ce i s obviously not in our hands ! But the p rosecu t i o n and proceed i ng s a g a i n s t u s a r e an essent i a l part of t h i s proj ect. i s to become more r i g i d . to make t h i s c l ear.it is correct. . in terms of the relatio nsh i p between class forces i n t h i s type o f p o l i t i c a l prosec u t i o n . To ask for p o l i t ical sol idarity in our case i s to a p peal also to respons i b l e democrat i c o p i n i o n . We ca l l for the g u a ra n tee of f reedoms t hat are his torica lly and dynamically con­ s tituted by the re lation of class forces as i t ex ists in a l l the i ndustrial ised coun­ tries today. apart from the Left and com m u n i s t m ove­ ment. a key test-case. Or.w h a t i s bei n g tested or decided. for the broad movement t hat has deve l o ped in society. The method of the prosec u t i o n ' s case has been the separat i o n of sel ected elements and ideas from t h e i r overa l l context. i s whether t here i s to be any f u rther space. we t h i n k . M oreover. rested on A p r i l 7th 1 9793. and base its po l i t i cal pact on the destru c t i o n . I n o u r case . This a p peal to civi l l i bert ies a n d defence of legal "due p rocess" i s not i n our case restricted to the m u m m i f i ed l i bera l t rad i t i o n of c i v i l r i g h t s (open to many abu ses). W e a r e f i g h t i n g f o r a n ou tcome on t h e s ide o f t h e c l ass movement. on t h e bas i s of recog n iz i n g what is at stake. d u ri n g a n d after the revo l u t ionary process. often separated by years. Both before. whether the forces in power.and events . T h i s i s not opport u n is m on our part. c r i m i nal izat ion and rep ression of the c l ass move­ ment in c i v i l soc iety. t hese are selected f rom a long t i me-span. We w i s h to e m phas i se t hat " po l i t ical sol idarity" does not mean " id e n t i fy i n g " w i t h o u r person a l ideas or pos i t i o n s as s u c h . the effective "const i t u t i o n a l coa l i t io n " that governs Italy. T h i s i s done by arbitrary select ion of i n d iv i d u a l p h rases from a vast m ass of published and entirely public writings or s ta tements.has been the bas i c norm i n the constru ction of t h e prosec u t i o n ' s case ag a i nst us. and i t is on t h i s t h a t w e base our c a l l s for sol idarity. on the other h a n d . p o l i t i c a l ly. Let it also be c lear t hat we a lso i nsist on the defence of certa i n legal g u arantees. and we are a s k i n g for po l i t ica l sol i darity. T h i s method of arb i t rary separat ion and reconstruction or hypot hetical l i n ks between ideas . but re lates d i rectly to t h e stru g g l e and t h e goals of the c l ass movement itself.

N ovember 1 8. w h i c h concerns t h e broadest poss i b l e sect io n s of the c lass movement i n a l l its v a r i o u s art i c u lations. T h i s i s because it rep resents a spec i f i c attem p t . u n s pe c i fied a n d u n s u bs t a n t i ated c h a rges t h e a c c u s e d may be s u bj ected to a poss i b l e period of d e t e n t i o n of u p to F O U R years before t hey need be b ro u g h t t o t r i a l . U nder t hese vag ue . We bel ieve t hat in I t a l y . to " t u rn the clock back" h i storica l ly to set up and forma l i se on a permanent bas i s a new level of State repression. It was one of these t r i b u n a l s that sent G ra m s c i t o p r i s o n . today. and in E u rope. London I . a i med to attack and destroy t h e space for i ndependent c l ass po l i t ics. as b ro u g h t a g a i n s t t h e Bett e s h a n g e r m i n e rs d u r i n g t h e War. " S pec i a l t r i b u n a l s " w e re t h e p o l i t i c a l a n t i -co m m u n i st c o u rts set up by t he Fascists in 1 926. 2.A rt i c l e 270 in t h e Fas c i s t penal c o d e of 1 929. 3. an attempt w i t h o m i no u s i m p l i ca­ tions.a l l of w h i c h s paces have been fou g h t for and won over the cou rse of the last ten years. to attack the g u a ra ntees of rig hts to express t heoret i c a l l y and exerc ise i n pract ice any alternative bas i s of power for t h e transformat ion of soc i ety. 1 972 200 . t h e p o l i t i cal p rosecu t i o n of t h e "Worker's A u t o n o m y " movement has a wider s i g n i f i cance. i l/1 M a s s a Carrara. T h i s comes in the l i s t cove r i n g c harges of " s u bversive assoc i a t i o n " . The nearest B r i t i s h e q u i v a l e n t i s t he c h a rge of sedition. and to attack t h e s paces f o r the exerc ise of "cou nter­ power" . Translated by Committee April 7.

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O reste Scalzone (theatre). he i s a man f u l l of defects. Q And Oreste's d efects? 202 . A n u lterior motive for t h e friction between t h e two l ies i n Negri's recent Par i s i a n s u ccess at t h e Sor­ bonne and at t h e Eiffel Tower. Ques tion Wel l Franco. we went to f i nd Professor Pi perno. Ton i N e g r i n o t o n l y h e l d professor­ s h i p at Padova b u t he was also t h e d i rector of an i ns t i t u te. a l t h o u g h wan ted by the p o l i ce. were part of a farcical pre-e l ectoral sett i n g . B u t we were i ndeed s u p rised to f i n d ou rselves i n front of an i nd iv i d u a l i n an advanced ethy l i c state who w o u l d toast in friendly company the arrest of his long-t i me riva l : Professor Ton i N e g r i . T h e N a ked T ru t h a b o u t M o ro ' s D e te n t i o n F ra n co P i pe rn o T h i s i n terview was p u b l i s hed i n II Male one week after the Apri I 7 arrests. In a n y case. at h i s new res idence. w o u l d ag ree to take part in t h i s parody cons t i t u tes a n i n d i rect c o m m e n tary on the " se r io usne ss" of t h e accusations a n d the theatrica l i t y of the m e d i a . w h i l e P i perno rem a i ned i n Arcavacatoa i n t h e pro­ vi nce of Cosenza. some of Ton i ' s defects? Piperno The most s i c ke n i n g t h i n g about h i m i s his pretense to u n d erstand the i nformat ics. B e i n g conv i n ced t h a t t h e series of recent arrests i nvolvi ng s u c h e m i ne n t per­ sona l i t ies of the c u l t u ra l and t heat rical world. As m a n y do n o t know. II Male i s a sat i r i c a l week l y magazi n e l i n ked to the M ove­ m e n t . somet h i n g w h i c h has not been let out a n d w h i c h i s far f rom su cceed i n g to Pi perno. That Franco P i pe r no . s u c h as Ton i Negri (cu l t u re). w h o by c h ance escaped arrest.

P He takes notes on w hatever is sa i d . V i d a l i . 1 Q B u t Tro m badori h ow? Wasn't V i a Rase l l a2 enoug h for h i m ? P B u t how ! dear Antone l l o i s i nsat iab le. w h i le I a m st i l l stab i l ized. Asor Rosa.) Q I n you r o p i n i o n . w h i c h w a s a n ­ n u a l l y h e l d i n C h iava ri. Cacc i a r i . it's u s e l ess deny i n g i t . Somet h i n g w h i c h i s n o t accepted b y me. t hey fou nd the a u t h e n - t i c tape of t h e meet i n g of t h e st rateg i c d i rect ion on M ay 1 . as soon as we saw that he was more c l ear. Q And you? P I was t h e o n l y one i n t h i s g ro u p w i t h o u t defects. Q You were a l l therefore p resent at t h e meet i n g ? P Yes. . be i n g a physicist. Ton i h as learned from h i m . g uarantees t h e M ovem e nt of a series of breakdow n s that wou l d have certai n ly com b i n ed e i t h e r i n cont rast or i n conf l i ct w i t h i n them. Oreste. 1 978. what a re t h e f rag i l e elements i n t h e warrant for arrest? P In reference to Ton i and O reste. do you make a pos i t i ve est i m ate of w h at has h a p pened? P S u bsta n t i a l l y yes. You need to u nderstand h i m .3 Q S i nce you have decided to t a l k about everyt h i n g . w h o were t h e other m e m bers of t h e strateg i c d i rect i o n ? 203 . I h a v e a s c i e n t i f i c backgro u n d and I p a y atten t i o n to facts: I k n o w t h a t t h e j udge k n o w s . Above all because h e has a n u nd e n i a b l e advantage over me: to be a b l e to p a s s o f f p o l i t i c a l p u n c hes t h a t he wri tes as scient i f i c p u b l ications. After h av i n g i n d u lged a bit more u pon person a l aspects. Q W h i c h Massi mo? P Cacc iari nat u ra l l y ! Thus searc h i n g Massimo's home. Q B u t i n short . Trombadori often wrote against t h e R e d B rigades. Osva ldo. T h e j udges Calogero and G a l l u c c i sear- c hed Massimo's Venet i a n h o u se. R i ta d i Leo. . Q Is it true that you a re jealous of Negri? P Yes. we proceeded to ask h i m t h e news relat i n g to t h e j u d i c i a l and pol i t ical aspects of t h e event. W i t h t h i s system . Q H owever. Q Don ' t you t h i n k you ' re exaggerat i n g these reve l a t i o n s ? P You s e e . . At l east o n ce a year. b y now. demand i n g a rapid captu re. P Tro m badori does what Ton i does. I be l i eve that the weakest element l i es i n t h e pos i t i o n that t hese two friends assu med w h e n it was a q u estion o f dec i d i n g M o ro's fate. and bes ides. i t ' s l i ke a bad h a b i t for h i m . he needs to " p roceed " . . I t i s t h e refore better to precede t h e adversary. Pesce. my dear friends. and t h at is: Tront i . as we d i d a f t e r Feltri nel l i ' s death. ( . Trombadori. Q Who were the part i c i pants of t h e meet i ng? P A lways t h e same. he h a s g a i ned the p rofessors h i p . also because t h e u n fort u n ately temporary j a i l i n g of t h ese.m i nded.

H e i s o n l y a s u r- rogate m e m b e r a n d besides Tro n t i had strong d o u bts about h i m . s u s pected of terro r i s m a n d i n carcerated. I d o n ' t know why. n o . M a r i o . n . I remember we l l . d . r. as many t i mes before. Rita de Leo are ex-m i l i ta n t s of Po tere Opera io w h o eve n t u a l l y j o i ned the I C P . L u i g i P i ntor: a leader of II M a nifes to. F i ora P i rri Ard i zzone: P i perno's w i fe. I t was assu med that he belonged to t h e G ro u p for Part i s a n Act i o n . While s h e i s o cc u p ied with t h e zone s o u t h of V o l t u rno. G . P Do you mean t h e effect ive m e m bers or t h e c a n d i d ate m e m bers? Q No. B u t I d i d not have a c h o i ce. M a s s i mo Cac c i a r i . M a r i o M oret t i has b e e m presented by the m ed i a as t h e m y s t e r i o u s h e a d of t h e B R . B u t I m u s t say t h a t his d i sc o u rse was not i m pa rt i a l . r. Pace: wanted 204 . M a r i o Tron t i : t heoret i c i a n of t h e I ta l i a n "Worke r i s t " Left. had a r rived at a dead e n d . 4. the effect i ve ones. w ho? P P i ntor a n d Sof r i . 6. A l berto Asor Rosa. V i d a l i and Trom badori are orthodox m i l i t a n t s of t h e ICP. Q B u t why? W h a t d i d M o ro ever do to y o u ? Was n ' t he a m a n l i ke you rse l f ? P I f i t i s i n t h i s sense. G . . he was eve n a b e t t e r m a n t h a n myse l f . w h i l e To n i . They a l ready foresaw t h a t t hey w o u l d not be e l ected to t h e central c o m m i ttee i n t h e next Cong ress a n d t h at t h e V i l l a r i l o b byB w o u l d h ave p reva i led (as it t h e n c a m e about. the p ros p reva i l ed ove r t h e c o n s . A d r i a n o S o f r i : a leader of " Lotta C o n t i n u a " . M o re t t i n o . not to take p os i t i o n s o n h eated a r g u ments. " le t ' s s h u f f l e t h e c a rd s " . H e n ce. The c e n t r a l a rg u m e n t w a s t h at b y now t h e g a mes were m a d e i n t h e P C I ( I t a l i a n Com m u n i st Pa rty). S e e n o t e 1 . I wish to b u sy myself w i t h t h e zone n o r t h of V o l t u r n o a n d h o p e for a reu n i on . O reste and I w e re occ u p i ed w i t h the M ovement. in his expos i t i o n . No. V i l l a r i : h i st o r i c a l off i c i a l of t h e I C P. 9. u nd e rtaken i n ' 6 9 by M a s s i m o . d . who are t h ey? M oret t i ? P N o .5 Q I f not M o rett i . Mario Tro n t i .s Transla ted by Rosam a ria Sala m one 1. if La n f r a n c o per­ m i ts. obsessively repeated t h e p h rase: " l et's s h u f f l e t h e c a rd s ' ' . R i ta. they p referred . far m o re b r i l l i a n t t h a n her h u sband. V i a Rase l l a : part i s a n a c t i o n a g a i n s t the Germans d u r i n g t h e W W I I . w h o w e re t h e m a rs h a l ls? P I remember everyt h i n g perfec t l y . n o w i n t h e I C P . n . 2 . Doze n s of c i t izens o f Rome w e r e assass i nated as a rep r i s a l .6 b u t I must tell you that they did not come to the m e n t i on- ed meet i n g . . And t h e refore t h ey b e l i eved t h a t t h e o n l y poss i b i l ity w a s to c u t M o ro off a n d i n t h i s m a n n e r b reak u p t h e i nt e r n a l eq u i l i b ri u m of t h e two b i g g est part i es. A r i s a n d U m be rto? to f ree t h e p a rty from t h e h a n d s of t h ose who had control of i t . b u t that afternoon in C h i avari i n a h o u s e by t h e sea has rem a i ned i n d e l i b ly i m p ressed u p o n me. F e l t r i ne l l i : l e f t -w i ng p u b l i s h e r f o u n d d e a d i n s u s p i c i ou s cond i t i on s . 7 . 4 H e i s a n i nven t i o n of t h e p ress. A s o r . c l a i m i n g to be s i c k . Q A n d you? P I voted i n favor. Q A n d now w h at p l a n s do you h ave? P To do better t h a n F i o ra ( P i perno's wife.). 8. a pol i t i c a l grou p ( a n d j o u r n a l ) at t h e l e f t of t h e I C P . I t ' s been years now t h a t I d o o n l y w h a t Tro n t i does. A l berto. The l o n g adve n t u re. no. In rea l i ty. in the sense t hat.). The o t h e rs d o n ' t count a n d we also d o n ' t have e n o u g h space. w h e t h e r t h e DC o r t h e PC I . Q I n s h o rt . A r i s Acornero a n d U m berto Terra c i n i a r e prom i nent m e m bers of t h e I C P . 5. because h e d i d n ' t k n ow t h e w r i t i n g s of Kvasnj i ak. Asor expou nded t h e p ros and c o n s of t h e exec u t i o n . 3 .

by t h e p o l i ce. Apri l 1 979 . l n sparab l e from P i perno. i l/ 1 F r a n c o Pi perno (rig ht) w i t h II Male edi tor.

H e re . plans. . Q And so what d i d you do? P I moved . T h e h a rdest d a y s were the o n e s at t h e beg i n­ n i ng . i n a word. let alone to expose h i mself by gran t i n g an i nterview. Franco Pi per­ no: names. i t ' s rea l ly not so b a d . Q Why? P Because at the beg i n n i n g I was l i v i n g with t h e brigades a n d this meant I had to put up w i t h some u n bearable a n n oyances . how is l ife on the r u n ? P B e l i eve me. Q For exam p l e ? P I cou l d never s l eep at n i g h t because m y comrades. howl at the f u l l moon. I 've t a k e n refu g e i n the m a rg i n s of I t a l i a n society and I d o my b e s t to s u rvive. as Scalfari has l u c i d l y written. 206 . a n d now I l ive on a yacht a n c h o red i n t h i s bay. Certai n l y . weapons. . a n d as you w i l l recal l . P i pe rn o ' s Cou n t e roffe n s i ve Many members of the I t a l i a n press expressed their doubts about the authenti c i ty of the foreg o i n g i nterview. there was a f u l l moon t h e n ig h t of 7 Apri l . P i perno. II Male responded to this doubt s i m ply w i t h the p u b l i cation of t h i s second i n terview w h i c h promises "shoc k i n g new reve lations from that most wanted f u g i t ive. bei n g a l l mad w olves." Q Wel l . i t wou l d be u n l i kely for the wanted head of the Red Bri gades to be i n vo l ved in a parody. the i nside word on the mysterious world of the Red Bridages.

you p robably d o n ' t know that we managed to send him a few grams of cocai n e t h ro u g h Ferrari B ravo. Oreste l ost a l l h i s i n h i b i ­ t i o n s . P No. Professor B u c c i . Q Th i s is a yacht? I t rather looks l i ke a s ma l l v i l l a to u s . Lota had served as a n i n termed i a ry for the operat i o n against the coast of M o n t e n egro . Q And what a b o u t Ton i N e g r i ? Every morn i n g he g e t s d r u n k on Stock 84. The effect i s obvious: every t i m e he gets d r u n k .3 Q Why h i m i n part i c u l a r? At bottom he is a democrat. but it causes me m u c h trouble. so to speak: he has d iscovered the fasc i nation of a sexual rel a t i o n beyond heterosexu a l ity. he t a l ks non- stop for s i x h o u rs. despite the pers p i cacity of the j o u r na l i st s w h o a re cover i n g the a ffair. We p l a n ned to a t t a c k T i t o ' s rev i s i o n i s m . 1 the famous u n known " p u ppeteer" i n the M o ro affair. We're on the water. Spazza l i2 told me that the last time he d ra n k he kept on t a l k i n g even w h e n the j u d ges a n d l awyers l eft. .. the y a c h t w a s redone to l o o k l i ke a s m a l l v i l l a . he takes advantage as soon a s he c a n . no. after t h e dec i s i o n was made at a meet i n g of Potere Operaio to ab­ d u ct A g n e l l i and Fanfa n i . Based on t h e p r i n c i p les of Ugo A m a l d i . b u t d o you cont i n u e to meet w i t h j o u rn a l i sts on t h i s yacht? P Yes. Q How a re you r com rades i n j a i l d o i n g on t h e i r own? P Oreste Scalzone i s i n a c reati ve phase. a n d t here's no use d e n y i n g i t . The operat ion on t h e A d r i a t i c coast w a s j u st t h e beg i n n i n g . " With t h i s law i n m i nd . espec i a l l y w i t h Bocca. . . a n d p l a y i ng foot s i e w i t h . now clear to the j u dges. Does his d r i n k i n g have any effect on the i nterrogations? P Of cou rse. and bes ides. i n stead of tak­ ing notes he kept on stari n g at. Tra nsla ted by La wrence Venuti 207 . After a good healthy snort.7 but you ' l l see that in the end we' l l l i m i t o u rselves t o seizi n g G i acomo M arramaos and A u g usto. and he stopped o n l y w h e n the g u a rd s h u t o f f the l i g ht. The j u dges h ave d iscovered t h i s too. The other n i g h t . I t belongs to Croc i a n i . a vinter from Trastevere. P A n d j ust l i ke every democrat. Q Excuse u s i f we ask a perso n a l q u estion. n o one has y e t asked why on e a r t h o n l y Amerio and Soss i4 were abducted.a n d he h a d many of t h e m . 5 The truth. . it' s a y a c h t . Com rade Kioto Lota of t h e J apanese g ro u p Kara k i r i . . Q T h e n i t i s true that a s c i e n t i f i c i n t e l l igence i s at the bottom of the destruc- t i ve plan which has b l oodied our cou n t ry and Eu rope for years now? P It's true. The proof of i t l ies i n t h e f a c t t hat. . i s that even i n t h i s case. Q T h i s is a d i sg race ! O reste has a lways been f a i t h f u l to L u c i a ! P True.. t h e cannon generates g ravitat i o n a l waves o f arbitrary power. I want to g ive you a sensat i o n a l p red i c t i o n . o u r l i n e of conduct w a s g u i ded b y the well-known physical l a w cal led "the principle of m i n i m izat i o n . we decided to k i d nap Pecch i ol o6 and t h e fam i l iar Saragat. Q I n what sense was it an operat i o n ? Wasn't t h e re an eart h q uake? P I spent two years at Cosenza sett i n g up the " s e i s m i c c a n n o n " with t h e assistance of the rector. but you forget t hat prison has a pec u l iar atmosphere. At the m o s t recen t meet i n g of the tactical command. d u ri n g one of the many i n terviews he's done with me. a n d he tests this new d i me n s i o n of f reedom all day on Lauso Zagato .

he headed the "center-left" coa l i t i o n w i t h the Soc i a l i st Party. 1 . Fanfan i i s a h i g h-ra n k i n g member of the C h r i s t i a n Democrats. headed the per­ sonnel off ice. H e became famous d u r i n g t h e V a l p reda case. G i acomo M a rramao i s a p h i l osopher-h istorian of the I C P. Both were k i d napped by the Red Bri dages In 1 973. 5. 2. 208 . Amerio. 3. 4. Croc i a n i is a manager of the State-ow ned I t a l i a n i nd u stry who escaped the country after a f i nancial scandal. G i u l i a no Spazza l i i s To n i Negri's defe nse l awyer. 6. I n 1 963. Umberto Agnel l i i s t h e head of F I AT. G i org i o Bocca i s a wel l-known journal i st of La Repubblica and L 'Espresso. a F I AT e n g i neer. Pecc h i o l i i s the c h i ef of the federat ion of Turi n ' s Com m u n i st Party. 8. He was Pres ident of the I t a l i a n Republ i c d u r i n g the V a l p reda affa i r and w a s the f i rst to a c c u s e the anarc h i sts f o r the bom b i n g o f the b a n k i n M i l a n . 7. G i useppe Saragat founded the Soc i a l Democrat i c Party. H e heads the I C P ' s Bu reau of State's Pro b l e m s and i s considered the "s hadow" M i n ister of the I n terior.

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u rg i ng u s on to the very l i m it s of o u r const i t u t i o n a l freedoms up to t h e p o i n t of req u e st i n g . I nc i tement to violence i n each one of t h ese forms (except for t h e death penalty) i s m a n i fest i n what L e o Va l ia n i2. t h e i ns t i t u t i o n of t h e death penalty. Radio Onda Ross a . I V o l s c i are kno w n for t h e i r pol i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n i n s i d e the Polyc l i n i c and for t h e i r a c t i ve s u pport of t h e s q u a t t e r ' s move m e n t . V i o l e n ce of the S t a te I Vo l sc i I V o l s c i (The V o l sc i a n s ) are a group of A u t o n o m i s t s we l l rooted in t h e proletarian q u arters of Rome. a l l of w h i c h comprise t h e ex i s t i n g democ racy of o u r cou n t ry. the j udges. T h e i r f ree rad io. covers the metropo l i t a n area. j ust to name s o m e o n e who we l l symbol izes t h e i n­ s t i t u t ions. M i l an and Rome and t h e e n t i re i nvest i g a t i o n opened by t h e Pad u a mag istracy a re the outcome of i n i t i at ives taken by democrat i c people. We present t h i s statement to the pol i t i c i a n s . by men who bel i eve in the i ns t i t u ­ tions. i n the newspapers a n d from the seats of Parl i a m e n t . s u p port t h e m u l t i-party system and w h o therefore w o r k for t h e defense o f t h e res u ltant soc i a l o rder. as La M a l fa1 did. They a re c o n s i dered t h e " hard" fract i o n of t h e move m e n t . to t h e necess ity of p u t t i n g an end to t h e organ ized and d iffuse violence. that is. These and many other persons have often a l l u ded. "one of the most free in the wor l d . " a s k i n g to be proven wro n g . and the j o u r n a l ists of t h i s cou n t ry. We a r e convi nced of one t h i n g : t h e arrest of com rades i n Pad ua. 210 . has been capable of w r i t i n g i n t h e Corriere de/la Sera from February to Apri l .

I t i s not o u r intention to com p l a i n about the non-eq u a l ity of the law nor to em­ p h as ize t h e non-eq u i d i stance of t h e democracy w h i c h we u nd o u bted ly are. and all t h e l it t l e b u reaucrats whom h e moreover wants to j ud g e " f isca l ly" and n o t penal ly). i n fact. and an u lterior arm i n g of the forces of order. and T E R R O RIZE t h e refore w i t h o u t fal l i n g i nto an ideolog ical debate. i s not. t h e re is the tendency to overt h row it. Or someone m i g h t bel ieve t hat we w i s h to show that Va l i a n i com p l a i n s of t h e "senseless d i smant l i ng of t h e most severe laws" when to a g reat extent t h e Reale law i s more " severe" t h a n t h e Rocco Codex4. i s made of. H E W H O DOESN'T In order to res pond i n a prac t i c a l and non-e l u s i ve manner to t h ese pos i t ions. p reve n t ive (wh i c h i n pract ice becomes def i n i t ive) i n carcerat i o n . W hoever defends the f i rst i s j u st i f ied in h i s use of violence. i t is left to us to exam i n e B EC O M ES f r o m a very concrete (even i f g u arded) p o i n t of v i e w what t h e p u l p i t o f democracy. 4. and therefore. t here wou ld no longer be any leg i t i macy for the violence of t h e state. thousands of cri p p l i ngs and m u t i lations at the workp lace because of the i m p u n ity a l l owed to the capita l i sts. Someone might even bel i eve that we w i s h to p o i n t o u t that V a l i a n i does n ' t e v e n h i d e h i s p l eas u re w i t h t h e a rrest of Ton i Negri and the other com rades. SICK WITH T E R R O R from w h i c h the sermons l i ke t h ose of Val i a n i are p reached.a n d against e p i sodes or persons w h o i n t h e name of somet h i n g t hat does n ' t ex i s t . with the i ns t i t u t i o n s and the m u l t i -party system. 2. the robbery of t h e c i t izens and of the State. I f i t were to be shown t hat democracy does n ' t exist. The idea t hat democracy does n ' t exist does n ' t even occur to Va l i a n i . w h oever i s for the second.co m m u n i sm -combat t h ese in­ s t i t u t i o ns without exc l u d i ng vio lence. etc. or at least t here wou ld be an e q u a l meas u re of l eg i t i macy f o r the violence used to overt h row the state. and besides. to show that he. w h i c h can only be com­ bated with an i n c rease in the n u m ber of pol i ce. k i l l i ngs. w h i c h therefore transforms t h e const i t u t ional declarat i o n of t h e " r i g h t to work" i nto a " c o n d e m n a t i o n to work " . t h e violation of t h e laws of t h e State and rob­ bery of the c i t izens by the p h y s i c i a n s who perform s u c h abort i o n s . the general ized ap p l i cation o f repression and violence w i t h o u t ever d o u bt i n g the true bas i s of its leg i t i macy. (By t h e way. I n other words. H e sides with Baffi and Sarci ne l l i . H u nd reds of deat hs. as u s u a l . 3. but to whom i s recogn ized the free w i l l to c hoose bet- 21 1 . The systematic fiscal evasion of t h e capital ists (in v u l g a r terms. adopts a d o u b l e standard. even Pert i n i com p l i mented t h e Pad u a magistrates. Someone m i g h t t h i n k that by c i t i n g V a l i a n i we w i s h . if anyone be l i eves t h i s h e is m i staken. Thousands of c l a ndest i n e abortions done i n contempt of t h e d i g n ity and freedom of women. H e does n ' t attack t h e cri mes of the powerf u l w i t h eq u a l ve hemence (rat her. Rather we wish to reveal how this state of affa i rs is i nevitable and necessary for t h e in­ s t i t u t i o ns. he acq u i t s t h e m a priori as he d i d with Baff i . From one s i de. i t seems to u s (and we ask not h i ng but to be proven wrong) that t h i s democ racy den ies i n p r i n c i p l e b u t i n fact a l lows: 1 . frauds. it i s right that t h i ngs are this way because it i s r i g h t that men l i ke him come to t he p o i n t of cal l i n g for t h e a p p l ication of viol ence when i t i s to be u sed i n the defense of somet h i ng that exists-democracy. H u nd reds o f t h o u s a n d s of u n e m p loyed to w h o m n e i t h e r the r i g h t nor the con­ d e m n a t i o n to work a p p l ies.) w h i c h are erased in one b l ow by the demon of terror i s m . Anyway. Now. Sarc i nel l i3. to be exact . and t h e refore. but t here i s no evidence that he telegrap hed his i n d i g nation to the Catanzaro ma g is trates when Fred a a n d Ventu ras escaped). that i s . i n t h e sense t h at i t has not been f u l ly rea l ized . l i ke democracy. start i n g from t h e i r ev i l s and t h e i r contradictions (scandals. i t is st i l l i n effect. From t h e p o i n t of view of democrats l i ke Leo Va l i a n i . t h ose w h o ac­ c u m u late wealt h by t a k i n g i t from the workers).

I f democracy h as n o t yet been f u l ly rea l ized. w h i c h . nor are t h e re any m o t i vat i o n s for d i sorders a n d b l oo d s h ed that can stop t h e j u st rebel l i o n agai nst t h e State. Even a l i beral l i ke Locke a f f i rmed as early as 1 690 that n o reason of State can stand before abuses and p revari cat i o n s of power. Someone m i g h t say t h at even t h o u g h our reaso n i n g makes sense. as G e n n a ro states. From here h e c o n t i n ues o n to p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i es a n d t h e n o n to i d eas. M a n f redo n i a.p a r l i a m e nt a ry s t r u g g le. a n d s u bmerged economy. has not been f u l ly real ized (and let's h o p e that t h e u s u a l s h i t head . Tens of h o m i c ides by t h e pol ice o r cara b i n i e r i cau sed by t h e i r " s l i p p i n g up" o r by i nv i s i b i l ity at r o a d b l ocks. d r u g s . that seriously attacks m e n a n d ideas in v i rt u e of a n ideology loosened f r o m soc i a l matters a n d c o n f l icts. Democracy. T h e p rocess m oves f ro m m a s s i l l e g a l ity. P r i ol o. not because i t i s seen as hav i n g been a l ready atta i n ed b u t because i t i s p ro p ped up by the Power of t h e State. recog n i zed by t h e I t a l i a n S t a t e as legal b a s e d u po n t h e Rea le law. The co n c l u s i o n t h en i s th at t h i s democracy p e r m i t s soc i a l i neq u a l ity. T h e fact t h at B a f f i i s not arrested i n c o n s i d e ra t i o n of h i s pos i t i o n a n d h i s ad­ vanced age. exem p l i f ied by t h e f o r m s of a u tored u ct i o n (co n s i d e red a p r i o r i to be a n u nd e r ha nded w a y o f l eg i t i m iz­ i n g c r i m e by com rades). . t h e n w h y i s i t s present form n u rt u red by v i o l e n ce? J u stice h e l p s u s to u n derstand why t h ro u g h the co n c l u s i o n s arrived at by t h e m a g i s t rate Lu i g i G e n n aro i n reg ards to t h e c o m rades of t h e Workers a n d S t u d e n t s Col lect i ve of Caste l l i9. does n ' t come forward). w i d e s p read a m o n g t h e p o p u l a t i o n because of t h e p rod u c t i o n of certa i n m a t e r i a l s i n p l a n t s s u c h as Seveso. 6. h e re i s the est a b l i s hed Order that becomes a p a rt among parts. b u t we bel ieve t h at t hose made by G e n n aro1 0 several m o n t h s ago may be i l l u s t rative of t h e p rete n t i o u s ness a n d t h e danger w i t h w h i c h o n e p a rt of t h e m a g i s t racy assu mes the d u ty of " reso l v i n g " some p r o b l e m s of soc i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l n a t u re for t h e m u l t i-party system . not cou n t i n g t h e damage to h e a l t h a n d e n v i r o n m e n t . w h i l e p rovi s i o n a l f reedom i s repeated ly den ied to 72 yea r-o l d Salvatore M a n u n ta7 w h o i s seriou s l y i l l a n d i n p r i s o n for o v e r a year. cannot be u s u rped. h o m i c i d e a n d ex p l o i t a t i o n i n p e rfect h a r m o n y w i t h t h e l a w s of t h e State. W e d o not k n ow i n deta i l t h e m o t i vat i o n s of t h e accu sa­ t i o n form u l ated by the m a g i s t rate Calogero concern i ng the Pad u a c o m rades. 5. At t h i s p o i n t t h e d i s c u s s i o n becomes extre m e l y c lear: i t i s n o l o n g e r a matter of answe r i n g t h e a rg u m e n t s rai sed by a Leo Val i a n i o n t h e m o re o r less j u st u s e of v i o l e n ce. We wou ld rem i n d h i m t hat b e i n g a b l e to say from the very beg i n n i n g t h a t V a l p redaB was i n nocent served n o p u rpose w h atsoever as h e rem a i ned in p r i s o n for over t h ree years and he was released o n l y because the t r u t h was i m posed u po n t h e democ rat i c i n s t i t u t i o n s by extra. ween h u nger. The ex i s te n c e of democracy i s n o longer i n d is c u s s i o n here. The panic a n d terror. We p resen t h e re a f e w s i g n i f i c a n t passages f r o m t h e cou rt o r d e r for ret r i a l . 7. etc . t o c i v i l war and f i n a l ly t o terrorist m i l itancy for h av i n g defi ned as c o m rades t h e m i l itants of t h e Red A r m y Fract i o n . abstract a n d n arrow as o n l y t h e i d e o l ogy of Power c a n be. w h i c h w o u l d act u a l l y be t h e c o n d e m n a t i o n to worki n g w i t h o u t t h e r i g h t to work. b u t he g oes beyo n d them a n d a r rives at soc i a l behavior. sett i n g up a true a n d p e rson a l ideolog i c al process. M a rg hera. t h e refore. robbery. Other t h a n defense of d e m oc racy a n d l i be rty. who p retends to d e m o n s t rate j u st t h e opposite by ex p la i n i n g t h a t i f i t were n ' t t h i s way t h e n we wou l d n ' t even be a b l e to say t hese t h i n g s . i f i t i s st i l l as much a utopia as com­ m u n i s m . G e n n aro n o l o n g e r j u d ges o n l y t h e c o m p l eted fact o r t h e h y p o t h e s i s o f a c r i me. i t i s st i l l true 21 2 .

Transla ted by Mary Jane Ciccarello 1 . D i G e n naro: I t a l i a n mag i s t rate. V a l p reda: a n a rc h i s t accused of t h e bom b i n g s of the N a t i o n a l B a n k of A g r i c u l t u re. f r o m B rescia to the ltalicus. 1 1 . U g o La M a l la: Secretary of the Repu b l i can Party. 4. Pao l o Baff i : ex-gove rnor of the Banca di I ta lia. 6. Both Lauro and G ava belong to t h e DC. A l m i rante a n d t h e ot h e r f a s c i s t s w e r e g ive n t h e i r f reed om by Tog l i att i . a n d Lockheed. May/J u n e 1 978 EO 10 VI OFFIZO UNA FINE OEL PfZOSLEMA OEL TEr2r201215MQ' \ \ ' ' ' . Leo V a l i a n i : H i st o r i a n and J o u r n a l i st of t h e Corriere de/la Sera. t h e N a p o l i t a n s l i berated t h e i r city by t h e m se lves i n o r d e r to s e e it sacked by t h e Lau ros a n d t h e G avas1 1 . 1 111 I Vo/sci. T h e y i n s t i gated t h e attack of December 1 2 . f r o m Avol a to P i azza F o n t a n a . t h e sec ret funds and b r i bes at M o n te d i s o n . Sarc i ne l l i is a p u b l i c f i g u re i nvolved in f i nan­ cial s c a n d a l s . 3. 2 . Vaj o n t . S a n d ro Pert i n i : Pres i d e n t of t h e I t a l i a n Rep u b l i c . It marked the beg i n n i ng of t h e " S t rategy of tens i o n " . a n d t h e k i l l i n g s from Port e l l a d e l l a G i nestra to Reg g i o E m i l i a . C o l l e c t i ve of Caste l l i : one o n t h e m a n y pol i t i ca l col l ec t i ves of A u t o n o m y . 9 .k n o w n f a s c i s t s . H e was p roved i n noce n t after 4 years in p r i s o n . T h e s t ru g g l e for democracy in Italy began more than t h i rty years ago a n d i t was an armed s t r u g g l e : t h e workers saved t h e factories from t h e Germans i n order to see them ret u rned safe a n d sou nd to t h e same bosses as before. even i f o n l y to broaden i t t h ro u g h s t ru g g l e . S a l vatore M a n u n ta: u n k n o w n to t h e E d i tors. After t hese i n it i a l o u tcomes. F reda a n d V e n t u ra: wel l . S i far. Rocco c o d e x : c ri m i na l laws of t h e Fasc i s t period w h i c h makes i t poss i b l e to convict so­ meone for hav i n g " d a n g e rou s " o p i n i o n s . 7 . 1 0. 5. t h e tobacco a n d t h e Anas sca n d a l s . For t h at someone t h e fact t h a t democ racy has not been f u l l y rea l ized becomes s t i l l a n o t h e r reason to defend the stat u s q uo. 1 969 a g a i n s t the N a t i o n a l B a n k of A g ri c u l t u re in M i l a n w here 1 5 persons were k i l l e d . I n p r i n c i p l e t h i s wou ld be a n a c c e p t a b l e w a y of reaso n i n g i f i t had not a l ready been worn out by recent and past h i story. 8. T h i s i s t h e " s l ow march of d e mocracy" that has b ro u g h t u s to t h e p rese n t state of affai rs w h i c h we h ave desc r i bed . t h a t we a re better off t h a n u nd e r Fasc i s m or t h a n t h e C h i leans u nd e r P i nochet. t h e s t ru g g l e f o r democ racy has h a d other p roducts such as t h e banana.

t h ey resem b l e t h e com i c m i mes' s neers. Power extends h i s arms i n a p lea for h e l p and c l e mency. " Terrorism never desta b i l izes t h e esta b l i shed r u l e . The swe l l i ng d rops do not stream down t o bat he your m o u t h w i t h salt. violent acts w h i c h w i l l i n