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Gender, Development

and Citizenship
Edited by Caroline Sweetman

Oxfam Focus on Gender
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© Oxfam GB 2004
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This book converted to digital file in 2010
Editorial 2
Caroline Sweetman
Women in Ugandan local government: the impact of affirmative action 8
Deb Johnson with Hope Kabuchu and Santa Vusiya Kayonga

Citizenship degraded: Indian women in a modern state and a pre-modern society 19
Kanchan Sinha

Algerian women, citizenship, and the 'Family Code' 27
Zahia Smail Salhi

New forms of citizenship: democracy, family, and community in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil 36
Joanna S.Wheeler

Creating citizens who demand just governance: gender and development in the
twenty-first century 45
Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay

Fragmented feminisms: women's organisations and citizenship in 'transition'
in Poland 57
Angela Coyle

Gender, citizenship, and nationality in the Arab region 66
Lina Abou-Habib

Deprived of an individual identity: citizenship and women in Nepal 76
Mona Laczo
Women and citizenship in global teacher education: the Global-ITE Project 83
Jayashree Inbaraj, Subbalakshmi Kumar, Hellen Sambili, and Alison Scott-Baumann

Resources 93
Compiled by Lina Abou-Habib with Erin Leigh
Publications 93
Journals 97
Training manuals and briefing papers 98
Electronic resources 98
Websites 99
Organisations 100
Caroline Sweetman

through society, from village councils to
'The way we define citizenship is intimately linked
to the kind of society and political community weinternational institutions.) How much room
want.' for manoeuvre does the government allow
(Mouffe 1992a, 25, quoted in Lister 1997,103) for social action by people in poverty and by
itizenship is a famously slippery particular interest groups? How can women

C concept - different people use it in a or men from specific social groups shape the
range of different ways. But a very agenda and the decisions? If they can do so at
basic definition is that a citizen is 'a legally community level, what happens to this
recognised national of a state, either native or participation at national and international
naturalised' (New Oxford Dictionary of levels? Finally, how would more and better
English, 1998). Focusing on citizenship participation improve outcomes for people
means thinking about the relationships in poverty? Researching these and other
between individuals and the states in which related questions has the potential to lead to
they live. Are individual women and men action which improves the quality of human
considered as equal citizens? What about lives, by strengthening the accountability of
people from minority groups, or recent public institutions to the individuals,
migrants? What difference does having families, and communities whom they serve.
citizenship rights make to people's lives? Articles here consider the denial of
On one side of the citizenship 'coin', citizenship rights from a gender perspective,
citizenship equals entitlement to a range of and examine the relationship between
rights. To what extent do different states gender inequality and political participation
guarantee the civil, political, economic, and (not only in formal politics, but via activism
social rights of women and men, established in non-government organisations and
in national constitutions or international community groups). Writers come from a
agreements? How relevant are these rights to range of backgrounds, including develop-
particular economic and cultural groupings? ment funding organisations and community-
Whose rights are not acknowledged or based organisations in the global South, such
upheld, and why? as women's organisations, and teaching and
On the other side of the citizenship coin is training institutions. All are committed to
the issue of participation in governance. Is the the idea of active citizenship, in which
government democratic? Are structures of individuals are at liberty to contribute their
governance efficient, and responsive to skills and knowledge to society through
people's needs? (Governance structures are participating in public decision making
not only national, but run all the way up which is relevant to their lives.

This short introduction looks at three key influential twentieth-century theorist,
ways in which citizenship has been under- T.H. Marshall. Marshall considered that
stood, before considering how citizenship equal rights and duties as citizens are what
fits into development. The introduction then make people 'full members of a community'
highlights some ways in which citizenship (Marshall 1950, 14, quoted in Yuval-Davis
fails women and men from minority or 1997, 69). Marshall also stressed the
migrant groups. Finally, some strategies for importance of social rights, as well as civil
securing full citizenship rights are and political rights. He defined social rights
considered. as: 'the whole range from the right to a
modicum of economic welfare and security
to the right to share... in ... social heritage
Understandings of and to live the life of a civilised being
citizenship according to the standards [of] society'
Both rights and obligations are implicit in (Marshall 1950,10). This view of citizenship
the concept of citizenship. The emphasis on takes our focus beyond the concerns of
citizens having obligations to their state can politics, national government, and legal
be traced back to ancient Greece, the systems, to consider individual people's
birthplace of democracy. The cities of interactions with collective groupings at all
Greece were governed by participatory levels of society. These range from village
democracies. Men were citizens, and were councils allocating land and resolving
required to participate directly in gover- marital disputes, to the international bodies
nance. However, women were not citizens; which shape macro-economic policy and
they were excluded from the system, prosecute war crimes.
together with children and slaves.
A different view of citizenship came Where does citizenship fit
from Europe and the USA in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. This emphasised
into development?
citizens' right to make a range of claims on Why is citizenship currently attracting so
the state in which they lived. All citizens much attention from development policy
were guaranteed equal rights to make such makers and planners? For many, citizenship
claims, and impartial treatment before the is a new 'lens' through which to see a very
law. Rights included civil rights, which were familiar set of concerns. Marshall's vision of
concerned with the freedom to speak, think, citizenship is strikingly similar to the vision
and worship as one wished, to be in control of empowerment through awareness raising
of one's own body, and to own property. and popular participation that has been
Civil rights were also concerned with the promoted since the 1970s by development
right to enforce and defend all these organisations. A focus on citizenship from
principles through the legal system. Political the point of view of people in poverty invites
rights were concerned with the right to us to consider the extent to which poor
participate in politics. There was no acknow- people are able to participate in the decision-
ledgement of the possibility that social making structures which shape events and
inequalities between particular groups of outcomes in their own lives.
people - for example, between women and While this development model used to
men - might compromise or contradict the be seen as an alternative to dominant models
ideal of equal rights before the law. of economic development, elements of it
A third view of citizenship, which is appear now to have been absorbed into the
particularly relevant to our concerns in this mainstream. Since the start of the new
collection of articles, comes from an century, the atmosphere in international
financial institutions and international putting the vision of universal citizenship
development agencies seems to have rights into practice. If everyone is to be able
changed. The international development to claim his or her rights, laws and admin-
establishment is pinning its faith on the istrative institutions need to aim for equality
power of elected governments, and the of outcome, rather than assuming - wrongly
committed citizens whom they serve, to - that everyone is starting from a position of
deliver development. The emphasis is no equality. This means reforming the law, and
longer on the technical economic 'fixes' of the systems of governance.
the past 20 years. Structural adjustment In global terms, women are the biggest
programmes demanded that countries group of people who are denied full
deregulated their markets and 'rolled back' citizenship rights. In some countries,
state services. In contrast, lenders and women are denied citizenship outright. In
development donors are now stressing the others, women are declared in the consti-
role of good governance in economic growth tution to be full and equal citizens, but the
with poverty alleviation. Development laws - in particular those dealing with issues
programmes focusing on good governance of family and inheritance - often contradict
include various measures to reform and undermine national and international
government structures to make them commitments to equality. Feminist studies
more efficient and more accountable, and of human rights, the law, and institutions
consulting elements of civil society as have shown us that these are the products of
part of national-level planning procedures. decades or centuries of debate and decision
How genuine is this new commitment to making. They are founded on the age-old
accountability and participation? And what stereotype of men as actors in public life and
difference will it actually make in the lives ofgovernance, representing the interests of all
women and men in poverty? There is as yet family members. The corresponding
no clear consensus on these questions. stereotype of women is that they are
dependent on a (benevolent) male house-
The limits of citizenship hold head. This means that women have no
independent status enabling them to make
If governance is to be genuinely 'good', claims on resources, or to appeal to the state
its institutions need to serve, and be for protection or support. Such laws, and the
accountable to, everyone who lives within a governance systems which enact them,
particular state. The idea of citizenship is reflect the world visions of the elite groups
that it is universal, encompassing everyone, of men in middle life who first brought them
regardless of sex, race, class, age, or creed into being.
(Lister 1997). In reality, however, citizenship
fails to live up to the ideal. Researchers are Modernising these laws and systems is
currently engaged in charting the impact of an enormous challenge - in particular,
this failure on the rights of women and because women are still marginalised from
minority groups, and policy makers and participation in politics and governance.
planners are developing programmes to Many countries (both developing and post-
bring about positive change. industrialised) have now succeeded in
passing progressive constitutions which
Citizenship rights are not universal honour women as full citizens, yet laws
Obviously, people living in countries with remain on the statute books which prevent
non-democratic systems of government do women from exercising this equal status.
not have full citizenship rights. But even In her article, Lina Abou-Habib shows
countries whose systems of government are how the assumption that the man represents
democratic face serious challenges in the entire family, and passes citizenship on

to his children, has resulted in citizenship to participate is to be realised for all - women
(and its associated rights) being denied to as well as men, people from minority groups
children born to national mothers and as well as those from the dominant one -
foreign fathers, in seven Arab countries. In formal and informal measures are needed to
turn, Mona Laczo discusses the experience cut through a complex mesh of economic,
of women in Nepal, including refugees and social, and cultural factors which entangle
trafficked women. In her article, Kanchan women, and people from marginalised
Sinha discusses instances in which women groups, preventing them from entering
from particular groups in India cannot use public office.
national laws to uphold the equal citizen- For women, this means recognising that
ship that they enjoy according to the everyday life already presents women - and
Constitution. Women from marginalised particularly women in poverty - with a
groups with distinct cultural identities may heavy (and usually unequal) workload of
be prevented from using the law by income generation, food provision, child
arguments that the state is wrong to impose care, and household work. This in itself
universal notions of justice and legal rights, prevents many women from adopting a
but should instead respect the rights of public role. In addition, it means challenging
minority groups to dispense justice as they the spoken and unspoken prejudices that
see fit. keep women out of public life. Many men,
Some groups of men, too, lack citizenship and some women, believe that women are
rights. One such group is migrants, who may unsuited for leadership and political
be explicitly denied citizenship, or have only participation. Deb Johnson, Hope Kabuchu,
a diminished set of citizenship rights. and Santa Vusiya Kayonga assessed the use
Throughout history, millions of migrants of affirmative action in Uganda's Local
have left their countries of origin in search of Councils. They found that after women
temporary or permanent work, or as a result reached office, action was needed to equip
of war and persecution. Now, however, rich them for the new roles, and to begin to break
countries are tightening their controls on down the prejudices against them that were
migration across their borders, by preventing prevalent among their fellow councillors
the citizens of poor countries from travelling and the wider community.
there to visit family or seek employment
The fact that formal political partici-
in today's globalised economy. Illegal
pation carries a heavy price for women
immigrants live in constant insecurity in
means that they may choose a different form
many countries, unable to make basic claims
of active citizenship, outside formal politics.
for food, shelter, or health care from the
As Ruth Lister notes, 'for many women,
state. Legal immigrants must usually wait
involvement in community organisations or
for years to earn the right to apply for
social movements can be more potentially
naturalisation as a citizen. In the meantime,
fruitful than engagement in formal politics,
as Lina Abou-Habib illustrates in her article,
which is often more alienating than
they contribute to the surrounding society
empowering' (Lister 1997, 31). In any case,
but do not have the right to claim essential
the line between politics and community
support and services from the state.
involvement may well be blurred. In her
Barriers prevent some from 'active article, Angela Coyle points out that both
citizenship' governments and international donors now
In theory, every citizen has an equal right to increasingly recognise women's organi-
participate in decision making. For example, sations as key actors in the promotion of
in a representative democracy, all citizens women's rights, democracy, and citizenship.
have the right to vote. However, if this right This is in line with the vision (outlined
earlier) of good governance and a strong 'caught in a pincer movement between the
civil society as key elements in successful forces of "globalisation" and localism/
national development. However, Coyle regionalism' (Lister 1997, 42). In her article
argues that the experience of women's on citizenship in Rio de Janeiro, Joanna
organisations in many different contexts Wheeler argues that people have developed
belies donor commitment to civil society: a 'privatised citizenship' in response to
sustained financial support and capacity economic crisis and neo-liberal policies
building is needed. She describes a capacity- which have no popular support. Growing
building project with four Polish women's poverty has led to an 'accompanying
organisations working to advance the informalisation of political activity, as drug-
interests of women in this former related violence has further eroded the link
communist state. between poor communities and formal
democratic mechanisms' (Wheeler, this
Citizenship cannot alleviate poverty or issue). Wheeler found that ideas of
inequality citizenship have shifted from a focus on
A final criticism of the concept of citizenship formal political participation to an emphasis
is that it cannot guarantee a life of dignity, on family and community survival through
because dignity depends on freedom self-help initiatives.
from economic want. Citizenship is of limited
use in the fight against poverty caused by The idea of global citizenship leads us to
current national and international economic focus on the responsibilities of rich countries
policies. towards countries which are impoverished
enough not to be able to translate inter-
First, this is because citizenship focuses
on civil and political rights, at the expense of national principles of human rights into
economic rights. Over the past 20 years, citizenship rights (Lister 1997). It also leads
women - and in particular women from to a focus on the action of global civil society
developing countries - have pointed out that to ensure equal rights for citizens world-
the range of rights recognised as legitimate wide. Social movements, including the
by governments and international decision- women's movement, and non-government
making bodies needs to be joined by organisations, are instrumental in this.
economic rights, if inequality, poverty, and In their article, Jayashree Inbaraj,
suffering are to be addressed and eradicated Subbalakshmi Kumar, Hellen Sambili, and
(Sen and Grown 1987). Yet the issue of Alison Scott-Baumann discuss the idea of
economic rights remains off the agenda; the global citizenship, from their perspectives as
maximum that seems to be envisaged is that educationalists on three continents.
civil society is involved in consultation Education for global citizenship is a radical
exercises on poverty, as in the PRSP (Poverty approach to education which will poten-
Reduction Strategy Paper) process, led by tially create widespread demand for
the World Bank (Zuckerman 2002). international democratic decision making.
Second, citizenship focuses on the state. It aims to develop moral sensibility in
Historically, states in developing countries children through educating them about the
have not been able to respond to people's wider world, and their own roles as world
need for stable and sustainable livelihoods, citizens (Oxfam GB 2003). The idea is to
because of the unfair terms on which their encourage the next generation to behave
economies are incorporated into the global with a sense of responsibility, not only to
system. Currently, economic globalisation is themselves and their nation, but to the wider
further limiting the power of individual global community, and render children
states to protect the livelihoods and human aware of their ability to challenge social,
rights of their inhabitants. Many states are economic, and political injustice.

Conclusion References
Citizenship is a contract between an Lister, R. (1997) Citizenship: Feminist
individual and the society in which he or she Perspectives, Basingstoke: Palgrave
lives. But in order to make use of that Macmillan
contract, individuals must be able to take Marshall, T.H. (1950) Citizenship and Social
part in shaping the society in which they Class, Cambridge: Cambridge University
live. This means that they need awareness of Press
their political, economic, and social rights, Oxfam GB (2003) 'Global Citizenship',
and the rights of others. Further, they need to / coolplanet / teachers
be confident that there are efficient ways of /globciti/whatis.htm (last checked by
securing their rights, and that they can hold the author 17 November 2003)
institutions and organisations accountable. Sen, G. and C. Grown (1987) Development,
Throughout the world, until very Crises and Alternative Visions: Third World
recently, the sense of entitlement that is a key Women's Perspectives, New York:
element of citizenship has tended to be Monthly Review Press
restricted to men and dominant social Yuval-Davis, N. (1997) Gender and Nation,
groups. The impact of this fact on women London: Sage Publications
and marginalised categories of people has Zuckerman, E. (2002) '"Engendering"
been enormous. Deprived of a direct claim Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers
on the governments of the states in which (PRSPs): the issues and the challenges',
they live, they have been unable to assert Gender and Development 10(3): 88-94
their right to equal treatment, and the state
has been able to ignore its obligations to
Citizenship potentially provides a frame-
work which enables all people to participate
in political life at all levels: from the village to
the state parliament, and beyond that to
the global community. Its potential for
liberation is enormous. Citizenship is about
the relationship of an individual to the state
in which he or she lives, and to wider society.
Possessing rights as a citizen, and being
aware of this, is an essential prerequisite to
mounting a challenge to community,
national, and international institutions
which determine access to resources.
Women in Ugandan local
the impact of affirmative action
Deb Johnson with Hope Kabuchu and Santa Vusiya
Uganda has introduced affirmative action to ensure that women are represented on the various Councils
which govern village affairs. This article asks what has changed as a result of women's presence on the
Councils. Both women and men felt that women had not significantly influenced Local Council
planning and budget decisions. They felt this was due to lack of exposure to, and understanding of,
council procedures and subjects (such as planning, budgeting, and accounting). However, women's
presence in local government is leading to a positive change in men's and women's attitudes to women
leaders in the community. These attitudes have previously prevented women's involvement in
community activities. While this is positive in itself, the ability of women to participate actively in
decisions about resource allocation needs to be monitored and supported - at both local and national
government levels.

'Men will no longer be talking in 20 years. Although the Constitution provided an
Museveni has given too much power to women.' opening for women in the national policy
(Male sub-county Executive Committee environment, it did not provide guidance on
member, Uganda) how to put this commitment to affirmative
action into practice in government instit-

n 1995, Uganda took a bold step to protect
utions. The passing of the Local Government
and enforce the rights of groups of people
Act in 1997 laid the foundation for women's
who had been marginalised in previous inclusion in the government's decision-
government systems. It included an making structures, by specifying that
affirmative-action clause within its new women councillors must form one-third of
Constitution, which ran as follows: the membership of local government
'Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, councils, and stipulating a minimum
the State shall take affirmative action in number of women appointees on many of
favour of groups marginalised on the basis of the local government statutory commissions
gender, age, disability or any other reasons and committees. The implementation of
created by history, tradition or custom, for these clauses was quickly put into effect at
the purpose of redressing imbalances which the local government elections in 1998.
exist against them' (Article 32.1). Closely complementing the affirmative-
The Constitution outlines the specific action clause is the central government's
rights of women, as one of the marginalised commitment to decentralisation of admin-
groups noted above. This commitment to istrative, political, and financial responsibility
affirmative action and redressing past im- and authority to lower levels of government.
balances has offered an opportunity for Ugandan Decentralisation has brought some of the
women that does not exist in many countries decision making about government services
- developed and underdeveloped alike. closer to the people who use them. The local
Women in Ugandan local government 9

government system is now based on a five- involved in the project. Two sub-counties in
tiered Local Council structure. Local Council each district were selected for their different
1 (LCI) refers to the village administrative characteristics. At this level, focus-group
structure. (The urban structure is similar, but discussion and analysis approaches were
we do not specifically examine it in this used with 16 lower-level Local Councils
article.) This is the basic rural administrative (LCI and LC2), and approximately 18
and political unit in Uganda. The LCI different community groups (such as credit,
Executive Committee is a village governance farmers, women, youth, and functional
committee elected by the village council, adult literacy groups). Sixteen women
which consists of all residents of the village councillors at different levels were inter-
aged over 18. The next tiers of Local Council viewed about their personal and
are LC2 (parish level, covering several professional histories.
villages); LC3 (sub-county); LC4 (county);
and finally LC5 (district).
Since women are generally more
Factors affecting women in
comfortable in, and less constrained from, political leadership
getting involved in community affairs which Legal and policy environment
are very close to home, moving decision In Uganda, affirmative action for women,
making closer to the village level should youth, and people with disabilities, within
offer them a better opportunity to influence the Local Government Act of 1997, and
local development, and give them a platform subsequent bills and laws,2 has rapidly
from which to move into higher positions changed the decision-making environment,
with more responsibilities. Like men, opening up opportunities for women in
women can run for public office of a mixed particular. In our research, we asked about
constituency, with the chance thereby of legislation that has supported women to go
being elected to represent everyone, not just into politics. The most commonly cited
women. In addition, there are seats set aside pieces of legislation were the Constitution
specifically for women, in order to assure at and the Local Government Act. In discussions
least one-third representation of women on specifically about women's rights, the Land
the Councils. These women are now elected Act is noted, since it has a particular
by universal adult suffrage, even though provision concerning the right of women
they are elected to represent women and dependent children to land.
Affirmative action has been further
This article examines the impact of the strengthened by the appointment of a
measures outlined above on the work of the woman as national Vice-President, and the
Local Councils, and on attitudes to women's vocal and visible actions of several women
role in governance. It is derived from work members of parliament.
done for a five-country study commissioned
by the Belgian government1 and organised Institutional structure
by the Special Evaluator for International Legislation and written policies supporting
Co-operation (working directly under the women's involvement in the political
Belgian parliament), in the context of an decision-making sphere are undermined
overall thematic evaluation on poverty somewhat by the lack of support for the
reduction. The study relied largely on relevant ministry and district departments
qualitative, rather than quantitative, tasked with creating an environment which
methods of analysis. Semi-structured encourages women's political participation.
interviews were carried out with 23 district Bearing in mind the strong legal and policy
politicians and staff from the two districts commitment to women's empowerment

in Uganda, the limited commitment of Vice-Chairperson of a Local Council must be
resources to the institutions that are a woman.
responsible for ensuring the inclusion of Some people noted that they heard of the
women in decision making is confusing, and need for gender balance and gender equality
seemingly contradictory. through the radio. Both men and women
A central ministry responsible for specifically mentioned radio presentations
women's issues was established in 1988. by the MGLSD, as well as specific news
Since then the ministry has undergone stories. Some had heard about affirmative
several changes of name and strategy, action through the newspapers. Some noted
including a shift from a Women in that it is the women in parliament who raise
Development (WID) focus towards a difficult and contentious issues, and
Gender and Development (GAD) focus. challenge the President and others, when
Currently, the national-level institution for they feel that things are not right.
policy development on gender is the Others said they had heard about the
Ministry of Gender, Labour, and Social need for gender sensitivity and balance
Development (MGLSD). The corresponding through materials and workshops organised
structure within the districts is the for members of various committees, such as
Community Development Department the Parish Land Committees. The Land
(CDD). The CDD is much more involved Committees had received specific materials
than the Ministry in the implementation of about women's and children's rights (from
development initiatives in the districts,
the MGLSD, non-government organi-
through its efforts to create awareness of
sations, and other donors), which were
development issues within communities,
intended to help them to understand the
and to mobilise them to address blockages to
parts of Ugandan law that supersede
traditional or customary rules.
Both the Ministry and the Community
Services Departments3 at the district level
are perpetually under-resourced in all Blockages to women
aspects - human, financial, information, and entering political
material. There are competent people within leadership
the Ministry and the district departments,
but they are hampered by this overall lack of The people we spoke to in rural areas
resources, and by the lack of a clear mandate identified a number of factors which, in their
to make strategic decisions about the vast view, blocked women from assuming
array of responsibilities expected of them. leadership positions. These factors highlight
The lack of resources greatly hinders the the struggle that women face in maintaining
Ministry and the Community Services 'traditional' roles (reproductive/domestic
Departments from implementing some key responsibilities) and creating new,
policies and strategies (for example, the community/political roles for themselves.
National Gender Policy of 1997, and the
National Action Plan on Women 1999/2000 Women's lack of skills
to 2003/04). We were told that women are afraid and
shy to contribute to Local Council deliber-
Social and cultural context ations. This fear and shyness is rooted in
The nomination of a woman Vice-President three main influences: limited command of
has set a precedent in the Local Councils, language; cultural factors which discourage
some of which have taken this to be a general women's participation; and inexperience,
rule. Several men in our research said that if which causes lack of understanding of
a man is elected as the Chairperson, then the Councils and how they operate.
Women in Ugandan local government 11

Limited command of language is a men. Often, women who had retired or been
problem for many of the women elected to retrenched from the civil service, or who had
Local Councils. While they have some level retired from business, were asked by their
of formal education, they are frequently not communities to take Council positions.
comfortable using technical or conceptual The majority of the councillors inter-
language. Many of the women interviewed viewed (both men and women) said that
from the lower Local Councils said that they they had not been trained in these new roles.
were not comfortable with some of the They said they learned about their roles and
concepts of local governance, and the responsibilities through radio programmes,
technical language used within Council and through news stories concerning the
discussions. They attributed this discomfort expectations of local governments. However,
to their relative lack of exposure to new ideas women's access (in terms of time and
and procedures found outside the village, in ownership of radios) to radio programmes
comparison with the men elected to the and other forms of political sensitisation has
Council. In some cases, the fact that Council been questioned (UWONET 1998). Queries
meetings use English creates problems. have also been raised about mental barriers
Cultural barriers prevent women speaking to listening to this kind of programme:
assertively in mixed company. We observed women may simply lack interest, thinking
during our interviews that many times that these issues are not relevant to them
women were not able to make effective (ibid.).
contributions in meetings - they hesitated Another skill lacked by many women
slightly before making their point, or spoke was knowing how to ride a bicycle. Since
quietly, which allowed a more vocal and some of the posts in the Local Councils
aggressive participant to talk over them. require the candidate to travel distances to
This may be connected to cultural issues. visit her constituency, she must use a bicycle,
Women in many parts of Uganda are not as other forms of transport are less common
supposed to express their ideas openly in and more expensive. In districts such as
public. Women in the assessment reported Kibaale, many women do not know how to
that even in the home there is a limit to the ride bicycles, or there are cultural beliefs that
amount of discussion or dialogue that a discourage them. One of the more inter-
woman can have with her husband. This esting sayings we discovered was that if a
was expressed more commonly amongst the woman rides a bicycle, then rats will eat the
Banyoro, Baganda, Bagungu, and Bakiga seat. In Hoima district, bicycle riding by
people to whom we spoke. women was more common and considered
Another factor creating shyness was a less of a barrier to women taking up posts.
lack of understanding of Councils. With the
passing of the Local Government Act of Objections to travelling and working
1997, and then the implementation of the late at night
affirmative-action clauses in the local Women members of Councils must have the
government elections in 1998, women were freedom to be away from the home for
thrust into Local Council positions, with extended periods of time during the day,
little or no preparation for their roles and and sometimes well into the evening. We
responsibilities. In some cases, villagers had were told by sub-county councillors in
to cajole and plead with women to stand for Nkooko: 'Men do not want women travelling,
office, just to fill some of the spaces created. especially if they were staying out late into
The number of women who had been the evening'. Even in discussions with
exposed to experiences which stood them in councillors in Hoima, the issue of women
good stead for this was very small, travelling in the evenings was still difficult
compared with the number of experienced for their husbands to accept. This was cited

in one village as a key reason why women prerequisite for a woman to be considered as
were not being considered for the position of a candidate for Local Councils at the lower
Chairperson. Villagers said that men refuse levels (LCI and LC2).
to let their wives go out of the house after Nkooko sub-county councillors (both
dark. They did not state the reasons clearly; male and female) linked the idea of women
it was repeated frequently in group needing to take care of the children to the
discussions and individual interviews that prevailing lack of family planning, which
women councillors will 'misbehave'. results in larger families. The total fertility
Statements about women 'misbehaving' rate (the number of children that a woman
were quickly followed by observations that will have in her reproductive lifetime) is
the Museveni government has given too high for women in Uganda, at 6.9 (UNDP
much freedom to women. Respondents 1999). This means a greater workload for
reasoned that this excess freedom can be women, resulting in less time for pursuing
seen in the increasing number of women activities outside the family.
who 'misbehave' in public as well as in the
home. Definitions of 'misbehaviour' came Men's fears over gender power relations
not only from men (young, old, married, and The quotation that heads this article typifies
unmarried), but also from some older men's fears that women's power will
women. A woman who 'misbehaves' does surpass their own, and women will become
not wash her husband's clothes, does not richer or stronger. Men fear that new-found
prepare meals for her husband, or does not independence (derived from earning
follow the instructions of her husband as income or from political participation) will
head of the family. One of the older women encourage women to leave their husbands.
added that these women do not wear For many men, women's independence
traditional clothing and hairstyles. means that they will no longer need men, and
Objections to travelling and working late hence will leave the marital home and return
at night are usually mitigated when the to their home village and their parents.
woman is bringing earnings into the home. While this fear was, once again,
Men would acknowledge that experience associated with women 'misbehaving', it
has demonstrated that if a women is given a was also linked to a more basic concern that
chance to earn an income then she will men are losing their own roles and
'uplift the standards' of the family. identities, while women discover new roles
and responsibilities. Closely related to this
Women's domestic and reproductive view was a concern about the power
responsibilities relations within the household. Men said
These responsibilities were perceived by that they would become the laughing-stock
respondents as by far the most common of their village if their wives were seen to be
factors limiting women's involvement in the heads of the households.
local government. The specific reasons given
by respondents included: 'It is our culture Age restrictions on older women's
for women to be at home', and 'Women must participation in politics
take care of the children'. The common view is that women over the
A female LC3 representative noted that age of 60 should not become involved in
women are torn between the opportunity to politics. One older man from Kakindo
play a stronger role in community politics, village in Hoima district said that this was
and the social expectation that they will because they would neglect to take care of
continue to play their traditional reproductive their husbands in their old age, but he would
roles as wives and mothers. We found that accept their involvement if the Council
being married seems to be seen as a paid them a salary. (These are voluntary
Women in Ugandan local government 13

positions, but there are ways of getting some men. Study participants from the Isongero
compensation through allowances.) In Trading Centre, Imara village in Kibaale
addition, older women are shouldering the district, said that men have more oppor-
responsibility of taking care of their AIDS- tunities and freedom to travel outside the
orphaned grandchildren. Men, on the other village, or spend time listening to radio and
hand, can get involved in politics at any age talking to people within the markets and
without any age-related restrictions, since in trading centres; therefore most people
general their responsibilities lessen as they assume that they are sufficiently exposed to
get older. They are supported by a pension, external issues and realities.
by the investments they made earlier in life
(for example, in agriculture or business), or Formal education
by their children. The election of a woman to the position of
the Vice-Chairperson in one village was
attributed to the fact that she had been
Qualities needed to become through seven years of schooling, could
a woman councillor speak English, and was 'presentable' (that is,
she gave a good impression of her village
Some qualities appear fairly consistently in through her appearance and manner). This
the histories and backgrounds of a number particular woman was said to be poor, and
of women currently holding elected posts in was not a member of a community group
the Councils and holding positions of power such as a women's group or a credit group. It
within the Executive Committees of these seemed to respondents that it was the
Councils. Although local councillors woman's educational background and
frequently talked of the involvement of English-language skills that had made her
women in the Councils as an inevitable an attractive candidate for the Local Council.
outcome of laws passed recently by the In contrast, the Chairman of the same
government, the standard and qualifications Council did not have any formal education,
demanded of women are quite different or English-language skills. However, he was
from those demanded of men. a wealthy businessman in the village. One
Generally, women have to satisfy higher villager said that the woman had been
standards than men if they are to be elected elected 'to give the Chairperson ... someone
to office. This was summed up in the who is educated'. There were other cases
statement by a male district Executive where business success was a more
Committee member, who said, 'Men are important factor than formal education
passed through [to office in Councils] by when electing a local councillor, but
cultural standards, whereas women pass nonetheless a lack of formal education is
through on merit'. considered to be a stigma, especially higher
up in the Local Council system.
Previous exposure
The women elected to the Local Councils Financial security
and appointed to Executive Committees are, Much financial success in rural areas starts
or have been, engaged in many visible with the production and sale of agricultural
activities outside their homes. In one LC2 goods. As women frequently lack access and
Executive Committee, the Chairman said control over the means and uses of agri-
that he chose three women for his Executive cultural production, this has generally
Committee because they had been exposed limited their ability to become wealthy.
to ideas and ways of life outside the parish. However, there are three main reasons why
The issue of previous exposure of this political candidates require a constant and
kind was not considered so important for steady source of income. The first reason is

the cost of political campaigning. Men and Since reproductive work is unpaid, and
women alike talked of what they perceived women's income-generating activities
as the enormous financial costs involved in typically bring in low returns, the allow-
campaigning. For many, campaigning ances may make Local Council work
meant offering something tangible to people economically attractive. Men and women in
in their constituency-. It could mean the districts stated that if women are making
providing local beer or other alcohol to men, some money from their involvement in
whereas women constituents might be given lower-level Local Council work, men are
a bar of soap, a packet of salt, or some other more willing to ignore the cultural barriers
household item. In addition to being able to to women's participation in politics, and
afford to give these things to voters, allow female relatives to become active.
candidates need to be able to travel widely Although we did not specifically focus
and frequently throughout their constit- on this in our evaluation, there is evidence
uency, to build their awareness of local that many women could not contest Council
concerns. seats because they could not raise the
Three female district councillors from registration fee (UWONET1998). UWONET
Kibaale said that women actively (the Uganda Women's Network) further
campaigning for positions at the district notes that women would rather spend their
level generally require both a supportive limited, hard-earned money on their
husband (for financial support and to create children's school fees than on campaigning.
a good image), and a good supplemental Specific skills appropriate to Council
source of income. This is where women face work
a greater challenge than men, because Women involved in civil-service positions
women are expected to be supportive of are appointed to what seem to be positions
their husbands' ambitions, whatever they requiring similar skills on Executive
may be. The reverse has not often been the Committees. For example, a clerk/typist is
case. appointed to the post of General Secretary,
Councillors also need money to enable an agricultural extension worker is
them to function on a daily basis. Most of the appointed to the post of Secretary for
positions in the lower Councils are Production, or a woman involved in
voluntary, their occupants only receiving management of group funds is appointed to
some money for 'sitting' (meeting attendance) the post of Secretary of Finance.
and /or 'night' allowances (money intended
to cover lodging costs when travelling), and
possibly some money for transport or other
Experiences and examples
direct Council-related costs. of women representatives
For some councillors, especially those at The mandatory requirement of ensuring
lower levels of government, the sitting that at least one-third of Council members
allowance is seen as a source of income for are women had been translated slightly
the household, to offset the time contri- differently in each district. In Hoima
buted. In other positions with more district, four women's constituencies were
responsibilities, which are more time- established, to ensure the one-third
consuming, the sitting allowance is not minimum representation on the District
enough to offset the lost income for the Council. At the sub-county level, the district
individual involved. If a councillor does not set up women's constituencies to ensure that
have sufficient income to enable him or her approximately one man and one woman
to weather this, problems will arise. from each parish were elected to the LC3.
Women in Ugandan local government 15

From our discussions in the two districts, positions of power. This went beyond their
we felt that the people to whom we talked direct experience at the community level:
are content to have women elected to the they indicated that there have been few
minimum number of mandatory seats in the scandals reported in the newspapers or on
Council, leaving men to compete for the the radio that involved women in power. It
regular constituency seats (based on electing was also pointed out that the more well-
leaders to represent a specific geographic known women (at the national and district
and population size). In Hoima, there was levels) have promoted specific causes that
only one woman who campaigned against are good for the entire country, such as the
men for a regular constituency post, and she exposure of corruption and the promotion of
campaigned for, but eventually lost, the children's rights.
position of Chairperson of LC5. In Kibaale
district, however, three women were elected
to regular constituency seats - two of whom Outcomes from women's
competed against men and won. The involvement in local
reasons for the difference cannot be government
explained at this point, but the result is that
There was a mix of opinions about the
women hold 47 per cent of the District
contributions and effectiveness of women on
Council seats in Kibaale, as opposed to the
the Councils.
minimum level of 33 per cent found in
Hoima. Women's influence over budget decisions
Discussions with Executive Committee Some male councillors said that increasing
members, of each District Council revealed the number of women on the Councils has
that the women councillors in Kibaale's improved the allocation of funds, because
Executive Committee (where women make women lobby for facilities which benefit
up 46 per cent of the posts, compared with everyone (such as health facilities), and for
only 14 per cent in Hoima) have made a money to support women to get involved in
significant and clearly visible impact in their household and community development
constituencies, lobbying (successfully) for activities. Once they are elected to the
public funds to be invested in development Council, the objective of most women is first
activities in their constituencies. to increase the amount of money going to the
Several times, men and women referred women's vote. The women's vote at LC3 and
to what they said was a commonly held LC5 levels is used to mobilise and sensitise
perception that women are more caring - a women on a whole range of issues affecting
characteristic attributed to women's maternal them, such as maintenance of the home,
nature - and that they are more transparent health issues (for example, immunisation
and honest in financial management. When and nutrition of children), and establishing
asked where these perceptions of care, home gardens. This mobilisation and
transparent dealing, and honesty come sensitisation can entail women councillors
from, the majority of group members (non- holding meetings with women in the village,
politicians) who participated in the study or it can mean getting interested, engaged
talked of the positive experiences that they women to visit other areas of the district and
had had. For example, women were widely beyond.
said to be more responsible than men in However, both women and men felt that
the management of household money. the lack of exposure to, and understanding
Participants pointed out the fact that there of, the Council procedures and subjects
had not been many negative experiences (such as planning, budgeting, and accounting)
with women in the parliament or other have, so far, prevented women from

significantly influencing Local Council [graduated tax], so they don't really have a
outputs and making a greater impact on right to make decisions about the 25 per cent
budget decisions. The Kibaale district [the village's percentage of local govern-
councillors interviewed felt that some of ment revenue]'. It is also possible that
the quieter women councillors in Kibaale women may dismiss their own right to
district were easily swayed in their decisions, participate in discussions about local
depending on who was lobbying them at the revenue, which is primarily graduated tax
time. They thought this was connected to revenue.
their lack of confidence in Council matters, Men are not openly and actively using
linked both to limited exposure and /or the payment of graduated tax to prevent
understanding, and to cultural influences. women's access to the local government
planning and allocation process. However,
Challenges to women's right to if a non-taxpayer advocates action which is
participate in budget decisions unpopular to a taxpayer, she or he can be
Perceptions of women's right to participate dismissed as having no entitlement to make
in Council budget decisions were connected such decisions. A male villager noted an
to their perceived contribution to graduated example where an old man who had been
tax. In Uganda, graduated tax is levied on exempted from paying graduated tax was
every man over the age of 18 years. The level ridiculed by the councillors during a lower-
is calculated on the basis of household level Council meeting, when he tried to
assets. It is important to note that most men disagree with how funds were being spent.
pay their graduated tax requirements
through the sale of agricultural products.
Until recently, women's contributions to The impact of women's
household income, or their central role in presence on Local Council
agricultural production, were not often Courts
considered to be significant contributions to
the upkeep of the household. The results of One of the more positive impacts coming
women's agricultural efforts are generally from the mandatory reservation, for women,
not quantified, since women grow subsis- of at least one-third of the seats on the local
tence crops and provide family labour for government councils in Uganda was their
cash crops. A woman's contribution to the presence on the Local Council Courts,
household is, therefore, not considered as specifically the LCI Courts. The local court is
important as a man's contribution, because formed from the Local Council Executive
he is generating cash (through the sale of Committee. It is the first forum for conflict
cash crops) for household requirements that mediation within the Local Council system,
need money, such as school fees and and should be the most accessible.
graduated tax. By disregarding women's Accessibility depends largely on the people
contribution to cultivating and harvesting, on the LCI Executive Committee. If they are
one can more easily disregard a woman's approachable (both in terms of availability
contribution to household income, and and personality), and if they seem to be fair
hence to payment of graduated tax. and honest in their decision-making
The fact that women's contribution to the capacity, then people say that the Court
household is not often understood to be an works well. If they are not seen as fair,
indirect contribution to the payment of honest, or approachable, then there are few
graduated tax leads men to justify the avenues for recourse, as few villagers have
exclusion of women from local government the financial capacity and confidence to
planning. Men in our research used bypass the LCI Courts to seek redress in
statements such as: 'They don't pay for g-tax higher courts.
Women in Ugandan local government 17

The research revealed an interesting and this has increased women's confidence
contrast between opinions on women's in, and use of, the Local Council Courts for
involvement in the Local Council meetings 'women's issues' such as child and domestic
and on their involvement in the Local abuse cases, and cases in which child
Courts. Both men and women agreed that support is sought.
women were more comfortable and better It seems that women's involvement in
acquainted with the Local Courts than with national and local government Councils has
the Local Councils. One woman councillor increased the number of positive role
summarised the reasons: 'We [women] are models for women. This has encouraged
used to village issues. We know what is other women to become more engaged in a
happening in the village. The Council is the variety of community activities, such as
introduction of new ideas. When people are joining groups, campaigning for public
mistreated [and come to the Courts], we office, and starting businesses. Positive
naturally come to the rescue.' female role models seem also to have had a
Women and men, including local police significant impact on the attitudes of men.
officials, confirmed that there are more However, having confident role models
'women's issues' being brought to the is only one side of the story. As discussed
Courts. These issues were specifically stated above, some women councillors are
as: lack of support by the husband for the reluctant to express their thoughts or
children; domestic abuse; defilement (sexual opinions during Council meetings. Their
abuse); and protection of widows' lack of confidence (or in some cases lack of
inheritance rights. Generally, domestic interest) in speaking out, results in men (and
abuse cases involve the husband physically some women) dismissing women's potential
abusing his wife. Even though there are said contribution. They are seen as easily swayed
to be cases of women verbally and physically by other, more vocal, councillors. In many
abusing their husbands, especially when cases, women councillors are considered
drunk, very few men would risk the to be ineffective. While there are male
humiliation of taking their wives to court councillors who are not active, there is a
over the abuse. greater expectation that women should be
more active, perhaps as a justification for
affirmative action. When a woman is not
Conclusion playing an active role, some people are quick
After local government elections in Uganda to conclude that women do not make good
in 1998, many women were swept into councillors, thereby making it more difficult
politics without adequate preparation, in for other women to follow.
order to fill the one-third quota set out in the There are also some changes due to
Local Government Act 1997. Given the short women's participation in Local Councils
period of time since the local government which some believe to be negative. There is a
elections, and the number of obstacles to lingering impression that women's increasing
effective local governance, the long-term involvement in community activities will
impact of this increase in women's political result in long-lasting changes in cultural
involvement on the way in which Councils norms and traditions. At the beginning of
work and how they allocate funds is not yet many of the discussions, the increased
clear. Despite the lack of conclusive evidence freedom of women (as evidenced through
on women's impact on local government, their participation in public life) was seen by
some positive and negative changes are both men and women as positive. Men
beginning to emerge. talked of 'being relieved' of the burden of
There has been an expansion in the supporting the entire family alone. They
number of women on the Local Councils, would further note that, with the easing of

this burden, they felt happier. However, Hope Kabuchu lives and works in Uganda, based
soon after these initial thoughts, men turned in Kampala. She has significant experience in
to their perceptions of the negative impacts gender mainstreaming and analysis, as well as
of women's freedom. Frequently these grew skills in management and organisational issues
out of fears that their wives would become of development project implementation,
financially independent and leave them, or monitoring, and evaluation.
that they would become uncontrollable.
Men's self-image depends to a great Santa Vusiya Kayonga lives and works in
extent on their having a productive role in Uganda, based in Kampala. She has had
society. Their ability to earn money and extensive experience in mainstreaming gender
make decisions about its use sets them apart issues into planning and evaluation of
as the heads of households. As women start development projects. In addition, she has been
to move more strongly into productive and involved in literacy and adult education through
community roles, they threaten this male her work within the Ministry of Gender.
self-image. Men are unsure and worried
about their place in the household and
community, since women seem to have the
capacity to pursue their own goals. Men Notes
expressed fears of high divorce rates; of 1 However, the conclusions presented
women taking them to court to claim half here do not represent the ideas and/or
of the household assets; and a dramatic perceptions of the Government of
increase in women 'misbehaving' (translated Belgium. Any errors or false conclusions
into women leaving them, especially are the sole responsibility of the authors.
women finding other men). 2 These include the Land Act of 1998;
Not everyone perceived all changes to Local Government Finance and
cultural norms and traditions as negative. Accounting Regulations 1998; the
One Local Council councillor said that Poverty Eradication Action Plan 2000;
changing negative cultural practices is and the Domestic Relations Bill 1999.
actually good. He noted that, according to 3 The Community Services Departments
tradition, women were not supposed to eat are linked to the MGLSD and are given a
chicken, but now everyone eats it, and this is large range of social-service respons-
a good and positive change. Yet he ended by ibilities, such as promoting and
saying that he was afraid that women's organising functional adult literacy
freedom would change even the good courses, enforcing labour regulations,
traditions: 'The food of a house girl does not gender sensitisation work, and other
taste as good as your own wife's food'. community mobilisation work.

Deb Johnson lived and worked in Uganda from References
1997 until 2003 as a co-director of Sikiliza
International, Ltd. She is currently working as a UNDP (1998) Uganda Human Development
Local Government Advisor with SNV (a Dutch Report, Kampala: UNDP
non-government organisation) in Honduras. UWONET (1998) 'Women Emerging in Uganda's Democracy: A Documentation
of Women's Experiences in Uganda's
Local Council and Local Government
Elections', Kampala: Ugandan Women's

Citizenship degraded:
Indian women in a modern state and a
pre-modern society
Kanchan Sinha
Proverbial statements about women being second-class citizens are familiar in many societies. It is
vitally important to challenge the many barriers to full citizenship that confront women, and
barriers to women's human rights in general. Development interventions must help to do this. The
denial of equal citizenship to women is a phenomenon familiar in many parts of the world, but it
assumes alarming proportions in societies that are still largely 'pre-modern'. Development workers
should not be deflected from addressing these issues because of sensitivities about not becoming
involved in 'other' cultures and traditions. While these sensitivities are a welcome development in
many ways, a blind eye should not be turned to the injustices and oppressions to which women are
subjected. The development sector must devise effective strategies to deal with culturally sensitive
issues, such as forging partnerships with indigenous social movements. This article draws on
experience from India, illustrating its argument with three cases of violations of women's rights.

'Orient', to further their economic and

itizenship is often seen exclusively as
a political issue, but many of its facets political interests and designs. Nationalists
go beyond the political domain. challenged the colonial powers on two
Citizens live in social relationships which bases. First, strategies of mass mobilisation
are shaped by economic and social forces, as against the foreign rulers often relied on
well as by politics. Gender, race, class, and ideas of cultural identity, which were
religion are among the principal aspects of supported by cultural practices that were
social relations that influence people's rooted in age-old traditions. Second, they
experience of citizenship. A current challenge claimed the right of the nation-state to
to development workers is to decide sovereignty. This was inspired largely by
whether and how their interventions should exposure to Western ideals. Thus, there was
address cultural beliefs and practices which an internal tension at the core of the
challenge the idea of women as equal to nationalist movement: it deployed pre-
men, and hence undermine the idea that modern culture in its struggle to attain the
women are full citizens of the states in which modern goal of a sovereign nation-state.
they live. In India in the 1950s and 1960s, the
Cultural beliefs and practices are emphasis shifted to modernising society,
sensitive matters, and more so in societies and building a modern nation-state, in the
that are still largely 'pre-modern'. The immediate aftermath of independence from
reasons for this sensitivity go way back in British rule. This required challenging many
history. In the case of India in the colonial of the cultural practices that had gone into
era, the 'West' came to colonise the 'East', forging a national identity during the anti-
with pretensions of 'civilising' it. The colonial struggle. Lawmakers who wrote the
colonials invented the suspect image of the Constitution for a newly independent India

had to tread cautiously, especially in the citizenship for all - would be immensely
domain of the so-called personal laws. These desirable for women and for other
laws about marriage, inheritance, and many oppressed communities, groups, and social
other cultural-traditional practices had to classes. Because of this, the issue of 'cultural
accommodate the sensitivities of religious relativism'1 is critically important for
communities. the development sector. As Radhika
Today, the pendulum has swung away Coomaraswamy points out in her Report of
from the modernising ethos of half a the Special Rapporteur on Violence against
century ago. These are times of heightened Women to the Commission on Human
sensitivities about cultural identities and Rights, United Nations: 'Cultural relativism
practices. Post-modern scholars from the is often used as an excuse to permit inhuman
West adopt an anthropologist's attitude and discriminatory practices against women
towards cultural practices of a tradition- in the community, despite clear provisions
bound community. This attitude is reverential in many human rights instruments,
towards all existing cultures and traditions, including the Convention on the
and, at the same time, seeks to uncover Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
deeply structured meanings and 'cultural against Women...' (Coomaraswamy, 2002).
reason' in the age-old practices. Post-colonial Not only the world economy, but also
scholars from the East do not necessarily the development sector, is currently
glorify everything in the 'native cultures'. experiencing 'selective globalisation'. The
However, they place the blame for disturbing development sector has a global
aspects of these societies, such as com- institutional framework. The organisations
munalism, caste-based hierarchy and and the functionaries who formulate
discrimination, and even certain forms of development goals and strategies, and who
gender-based oppression, at the doorstep of command resources, are mostly from the
colonialism. For them, modernity is suspect, developed countries of the North. However,
because of its association with colonialism. the societies where these strategies and
It is interesting to note that these new resources are deployed are mostly in the
perspectives have emerged in the era of developing countries in the South. Under
globalisation. National barriers are being this arrangement there does not exist, at least
dismantled in the realms of finance, so far, a mechanism of local democratic
production, and trade, but in the realm of control from the South over the inter-
culture and social practice care is being ventions that aim to 'develop' it. This
taken (despite a certain degree of obstructs the global development organi-
Americanisation) to preserve and attach sations from acquiring popular legitimacy in
value to all that has existed for centuries and the societies where they make their
millennia. It is hard to decide whether this development interventions. They remain
originates in a genuine concern for cultural aliens, always wary of the danger that their
diversity and pluralism, or whether it is part interventions in local culture will be seen as
of a strategy to facilitate the smooth the return of the colonialists. This puts
globalisation of capital. pressure on them to adopt pragmatic
versions of cultural relativism.
Culture, development, and In the remainder of this article, I will
globalisation of human argue that cultural barriers to empowerment
and emancipation are the most formidable
rights obstacles to Indian women realising equal
A certain kind of globalisation - of basic citizenship, and that development organi-
human rights, and of norms of equal sations need to respond by avoiding the trap
Citizenship degraded 21

of cultural relativism and by advocating Sameness and difference
women's human rights. Another critique of the Indian Constitution
sees the source of the problem in the reliance
of the Constitution on formal, rather than
State, power, and culture substantive, ideas of equality.2 The High
The formal legal structure of the Indian Court and the Supreme Court interpret the
Constitution grants equal citizenship rights principle of equality to be operative under
to women. Yet any statement about the the condition of sameness. Women, being
Indian Constitution being largely gender- different, do not necessarily have claims to
egalitarian in bestowing on men and women equality. Furthermore, the difference is
equal rights of citizenship would raise posited in the notion that women are weaker
many eyebrows, if not unleash outright than men and, hence, in need of protection.
condemnation, in the Indian feminist Such an interpretation is deployed in
movement. There are numerous reasons for selected areas of personal and social life, so
objecting to any such statement. that some laws are affected by it, while
others are not - but the damage is done.
Patriarchal character of personal laws This idea easily gets harnessed in the service
First, the Constitution has serious of patriarchy. The substantive model of
limitations, especially in the realm of equality, on the other hand, would have
personal laws. The patriarchal character of taken into account the actual conditions of
the Indian state has been, and continues to women's subordination, and would have
be, a live issue in the women's movement. used both the factors of sameness and
As Nivedita Menon puts it: 'In the laws on difference in such a way that would work
rape and marriage, women's right to against the conditions of subordination.
property, custody and guardianship of
children, the Indian state shows itself to be The mismatch between justice and law
the protector of patriarchal values. Marital There are yet other critiques. Some people
rape is not recognised, and only penetration question the ability of the law to deliver
by the penis is considered to be rape, any universal justice.3 They argue that ideas of
other form of sexual assault however justice depend on specific and particular
grievous, being considered a lesser crime. moral visions that differ from community to
Feminists argue that this kind of under- community. Justice must, therefore, be
standing of rape is clearly based on the value culture-specific, singular, and unique. Law,
of women's chastity for patriarchal systems on the other hand, must take a general form,
of property and descent, and has nothing to uniformly applicable to all those who come
do with the notion of women as individuals under its purview. Within its domain of
with the right to bodily integrity. As for application, it must be universal. The
laws governing marriage and inheritance, problem is obvious, especially in the cases
religious communities have their own where many communities and cultures exist
personal laws, and all of these discriminate under one state. There is a mismatch
against women. The Directive Principles of between justice and law, which arises from
state policy call for the state to enact a the mismatch between the particular and the
uniform civil code, but successive govern- universal.
ments have not so far done so, because the
I do not necessarily disagree with most
personal laws are protected by the Fund-
of these critiques, but I have a different
amental Right to freedom of religion. Some
approach to the issue. My focus is on the
feminists see this as a prominent example of
question: what prevents the formal rights
the way in which the state protects
enshrined in the Constitution from becoming
patriarchal interests' (Menon 1999,16).
real and substantive?

Culture as a barrier to of an entire society. My assertion is that
realisation of formal rights culture is the more formidable obstacle to
the realisation of Indian women's formal
The Indian Constitution is not perfect: it rights to equality, including the right to
does have patriarchal elements, and it is equal citizenship. Some unequal power
based on a formalist interpretation of relationships can be addressed relatively
equality which takes sameness as the easily, by reforming the institutions in which
deciding criterion. It cannot be denied, they are played out. Cultural ideas of
however, that it also contains the notion of
women as inferior to men, however, do not
equal citizenship. To take an obvious
only play out in particular institutions, such
example, it gives every citizen the right to
as the family: they prevail throughout every
vote and elect a government on the basis of
universal suffrage. While democracy is not aspect of life, in a fluid, uncontrollable form.
enough, if conditions of social and economic A number of feminist investigations of
inequality remain, democracy is a burning the Constitution and of the legal framework
issue of rights and justice. An occurrence all have come to similar conclusions. Vasudha
too common in India, especially in the case Dhagamwar, for example, makes the
of Dalits ('Untouchables'), is that members following observation in her study of the
of an oppressed community are prevented Indian Penal Code: 'Criminal law also
by the local powers-that-be from casting illustrates most vividly the problems that
their votes. arise when social norms differ or contradict
There are many layers of institutions and the provisions of the law. It has been found,
practices which prevent formal rights from almost universally, that in such cases social
becoming real. These layers must be norms prevail... Not only the people, but the
analysed, and weakened or removed. The civil servants, police and judiciary are
first layer consists of the parts of the influenced by the social norms'
Constitution itself that prevent the realisation (Dhagamwar 1992,10).
of equal citizenship for women. We have Indian society is well known for cultural
seen the example of personal laws. The practices such as dowry, arranged marriages,
second layer consists of the interests and the and sati (the custom of self-immolation by
entrenched power structure in the economy widows on their husbands' funeral pyres).
and in society. These present formidable These have been the focus of heated debate
barriers to the operation of the Constitution. among colonial, post-modern, and post-
The third layer consists of cultural practices colonial scholars, and also among activists.
within the community and the family.
Each one of these practices violates the basic
Nothing is immune from the influence of
human rights of women. Yet despite this,
cultural beliefs and practices, and for this
reason the other layers are not fully some argue that these practices were benign
separable from the cultural one. Yet it needs and even useful, in the organic culture that
to be examined in its own right. Cultural prevailed before the arrival of 'modernity' in
beliefs and practices cast a big shadow over India. I do not have space to examine
the possibility of turning many of women's arguments that romanticise the pre-British
formal rights into real ones. or the pre-Islamic India. Instead I will
Power and culture are the two large-scale summarise three selected cases from more
barriers to realisation of women's human modern times which, in my opinion, shed
rights. By power I mean the macro-level and clear light on the role of culture in degrading
institutional structures of power, whereas women's citizenship and in sanctifying the
culture permeates the beliefs and practices violation of their basic human rights.
Citizenship degraded 23

How culture violates judgement. On the other side, people felt
citizenship rights that nothing could override the claims of the
state, which was democratically constituted
The Shah Bano case4 by the entire citizenry, and was concerned
In April 1985, the Supreme Court of India with ensuring the protection of rights and
delivered a judgment granting a small the common good of all, in its capacity as the
maintenance allowance to a 73-year-old supreme representative institution. The
divorcee, Shah Bano, and ordering her ex- issue was further complicated by the rise of
husband, Mohammed Ahmed Khan, to pay Hindu communalism, and the political
her the allowance under the provisions of ascendance of the Hindu Right. The demand
the Criminal Procedure Code. The Court for a uniform civil code was turned into a
had been approached by Ahmed Khan with slogan of the Hindu communal campaign
the plea that he had fulfilled his obligations against the Muslim minority.
to his ex-wife in accordance with the Muslim The complexity of the issue has weighed
personal law, and he was not bound to heavily on the women's movement too. It is
maintain her any further. However, the not as simple as rising to defend Shah Bano's
Court ruled that the criminal laws override rights, and women's rights in general. One
the personal laws, and they are applicable to has to think about the dangers of the current
all Indian citizens irrespective of their creed. rise of the Hindu Right, and about the
This judgement sparked a tremendous apprehensions of the Muslim minority,
controversy, which has had serious which increasingly has a sense of being
repercussions for the Indian law and state. besieged by the aggressive communalism of
Large sections of the Muslim community the Hindu majority. At another level, one
saw the judgement as an abrogation of their has to think about the issue of cultural
religious-cultural rights by the state. rights, and about the relationship between
Political pressure on the government and the community and state. The Court clearly
ruling Congress Party forced the then Prime favoured Shah Bano as a woman, but where
Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, to enact new should society draw a line beyond which the
parliamentary legislation, called the Muslim rights of women as individuals can override
Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) the rights of a community? Within the
Bill, 1986. The Bill made provisions such that feminist movement there have been debates
the Criminal Procedure Code would not and controversies on all these issues since
apply to Muslim women. the case was determined.
The controversy generated by the Shah In my view, the bottom line is that, in this
Bano case and the subsequent Bill is still far case, cultural practices prevented the
from over. It has many dimensions. The realisation of the rights of Muslim women,
dominant themes are community, state, and including their right to equal citizenship.
gender relations. Some people are most The need to win elections can lead to
concerned about safeguarding the cultural politicians being influenced by the cultural
rights and autonomy of religious and other sensitivities of a section of the electorate. The
communities. In this case, the cultural result here was that a retrograde step was
autonomy of a religious. minority was taken against women's rights by a Prime
considered to be at stake. The Muslim Minister who had become famous for his
community was divided on the issue, but in pledge to take India into the twenty-first
the prevailing political atmosphere a large century.
majority was opposed to the Supreme Court
judgment. This was the reason why Rajiv The Bhanwari Devi case
Gandhi was forced to bring the Bill that The case of Bhanwari Devi is very well
would undo the effects of the Court known in India, especially in the women's

movement and the NGO sector. A feature taken place, because Bhanwari was from a
film, Bawandar, has been made of Bhanwari's lower caste"'(ibid.).
story. My account here is based on internal Bhanwari's assailants were locally
documents of women's organisations that powerful people, while she came from a
took up the campaign in Bhanwari's poor and low-caste family. However, these
support, and on my own familiarity with the locally powerful elements could not have
case.5 counted for much in the macro-level power
On 15 November 1995, the District and structure. Though powerful in relation to
Sessions Court of Jaipur, Rajasthan, passed a Bhanwari, they too were relatively poor
judgement acquitting five men who had villagers, who could hardly influence a
gang-raped Bhanwari Devi. Bhanwari was a District Judge. The views expressed in the
Sathin (village-level woman worker) in the judgement had their origin in the fact that
Women's Development Programme run by the Judge had typical patriarchal, caste-
the State of Rajasthan. She had joined the bound, and class-bound prejudices. These
programme in 1985, and had become a cultural prejudices overrode the constit-
relentless campaigner against the practice of utional role and the sense of justice expected
child marriage. This practice is very common of him. This is a clear example of how pre-
in Rajasthan. Bhanwari had successfully modern cultural factors can prevail over a
prevented the marriage of the one-year-old modernist constitutional legal structure.
daughter of Ram Karan Gujar. Bhanwari Today, Bhanwari is still seeking justice.
and her husband, Mohan, were often Refusing numerous offers of a compromise,
harassed and threatened on account of her she has struggled to bring the case to a
campaign against this practice; but this time higher court. She has found support in the
a ghastly 'punishment' was meted out. On women's organisations and other civil-
22 September 1992, she was gang-raped by society organisations, which have helped to
five men. Ram Karan Gujar was one of them. transform her into a symbol of women's
The reasons given in the judgment for courage and dedication to the cause of
acquitting the accused were remarkable. gender justice and emancipation. Ten years
First, the court rejected the testimony of later, there are perceptible changes in the
Bhanwari's husband. A press release atmosphere in some parts of society. On
International Women's Day 2003, a
supportive of Bhanwari reported: 'The
women's organisation, Stree Adhikar
judgment discredits his testimony by stating
Sangathan, honoured Bhanwari in a Delhi
that "in our society, how can an Indian
University auditorium, and hundreds of
husband whose role is to protect his wife,
students, teachers, scholars, and activists
stand by and watch his wife be raped?" The
gave her a prolonged standing ovation. This
fact that there were five offenders who is a small indication of the big changes that
assaulted Mohan (two of who were are taking place, often imperceptibly, on the
convicted of simple assault in the same gender scene in India.
judgment) has been conveniently side-
stepped' (NGO press release in support of Alinagar killings6
Bhanwari Devi, 1995). Another argument On 7August 2001, a young couple were
was even more remarkable: 'According to hanged by their own family members in the
the judge, the rapists are middle-aged and village of Alinagar in the Muzaffarnagar
therefore respectable citizens, whilst rape is district of western Uttar Pradesh. In the
"usually committed by teenagers". In cultural atmosphere of this region, choosing
addition, the judgment states that, "since the one's own partner can be a hazardous thing
offenders were upper-caste men and to do. Marriages are arranged by the family
included a Brahmin, the rape could not have elders. If young people choose their own
Citizenship degraded 25

partners, across castes or communities, their Concluding remarks
action can easily lead to a murderous end.
There have been cases in this region in which Challenging the cultural practices of a
the village panchayat (village council) has community, let alone of a 'civilisation', is a
pronounced a death penalty on an erring formidable and enormously complex task.
couple, and they have been executed by However, changes in culture do occur, even
hanging from a tree in front of the whole if over long periods of time, and there are
village. There was even an infamous case in famous and heroic examples in history when
which the mother of a young man from a such changes have been brought about
lower caste, who had eloped with a girl from through conscious and planned inter-
an upper-caste family, was raped by several ventions. Social movements are the best and
men on the orders of the village panchayat. the most effective mediators of cultural
Criminal cases arising out of these murders change. As Bryan Turner has pointed out,
and rapes have often not made much social movements are 'inevitably movements
progress, as no one will testify in court. The about the rights of citizenship' (Turner 1986,
entire community seems to support these 92).
cultural norms and practices. This has important implications for the
The young woman in this case was Sonu, development sector. Social movements are
aged 17, who belonged to a rich Jat7 family. rooted in their own societies. The develop-
The young man, Vishal, belonged to a ment sector, on the other hand, has an
Brahmin family of the same village. They increasingly global character, as discussed
were found together, in a 'compromising earlier in this article, and it is mostly driven
position'. The murder was committed in the from the North. In the absence of robust and
house of a poor low-caste woman, by the transparent mechanisms for democratic
father of the girl and the brother of the boy. control and supervision over the global
After the hanging, the entire village organisations, the development inter-
participated in the burning of the bodies, ventions of such organisations are likely to
which was hastily done on the same night be seen as colonial. If the development sector
soon after the murder. No one from the aspires, as it must, to address the issue of
village informed the police. The next day, harmful cultural practices, it must win
the police received an anonymous call about popular legitimacy in the societies of the
the incident and performed a routine check. South. This requires innovative and effective
They found confirmation that the crime had partnerships to be created between local
actually taken place. As no one was willing social movements and the development
to file a First Information Report (FIR), the sector. This is of crucial importance if
police sub-inspector himself lodged the FIR conditions are to be created whereby the
in his own handwriting. Thirteen out of the right to equal citizenship is realised by
16 persons named in the FIR were soon women in societies like India.
arrested. When a fact-finding team, consisting
of four women activists from four different Kanchan Sinha is the North India Programme
organisations, visited the village, it found Manager ofOxfam GB in India. She has a Ph.D.
that no one had mourned the dead, except in philosophy and was a university teacher in the
perhaps Vishal's mother, who had since early part of her career. She specialises in gender
moved out of the village. Nothing has and development. She has been active in the
happened in the case as yet, which may go women's movement for the last two decades.
on for years. Meanwhile, the village remains uk
united in shielding the murderers, who are
seen as having done what honour and
tradition demanded.

Notes References
1 'Cultural relativism' can be defined as AALI (2001) 'Report of the Fact-finding
the belief that it is impossible to Team', Lucknow: Association for
formulate uniform criteria of judgement Advocacy and Legal Initiative
that apply across cultural boundaries. Coomaraswamy, R. (2002) 'Integration of
The notions of justice, rights, gender the Human Rights of Women and the
equality, human dignity, and other such Gender Perspective: Violence against
concepts would, according to the Women', Report of the Special
cultural relativist view, change from one Rapporteur on Violence against Women,
culture to another. its Causes and Consequences, submitted
2 See, for example, Kapur and Cossman in accordance with Commission on
(1999). Human Rights resolution 2001/49,
3 See Menon (1999), 'Rights, bodies and United Nations, E/CN.4/2003/83, 31
the law: rethinking feminist politics of January 2002
justice', in Menon (ed.) (1999). Dhagamwar, V. (1992) Law, Power and
4 Literature on the Shah Bano controversy Justice: The Protection of Personal Rights in
is extensive. See, for example, Hasan the Indian Penal Code, New Delhi: Sage
(2000), and Palriwala and Agnihotri Publications
(1998). Hasan, Z. (2000) 'Uniform civil code and
5 See also Human Rights Watch (1999, gender justice in India', in P.R. deSouza
176). (ed.) Contemporary India - Transitions,
6 Information here comes from AALI New Delhi: Sage Publications
(2001). Human Rights Watch (1999) Broken People:
7 This is a landowning middle-level caste Caste Violence against India's
that is socially dominant in the north- 'Untouchables', New York: Human Rights
western region of the country around Watch
the national capital, Delhi. Kapur, R. and B. Cossman (1999) 'On
women, equality and the constitution:
through the looking glass of feminism',
in N. Menon (ed.) (1999)
Menon, N. (ed.) (1999) Gender and Politics in
India, New Delhi: Oxford University
Palriwala, R. and I. Agnihotri (1998)
'Tradition, the family and the State:
politics of the contemporary women's
movement', in T.V. Satyamurthy (ed.)
Region, Religion, Caste, Gender and Culture
in Contemporary India, Delhi: Oxford
University Press
Turner, B.S. (1986) Citizenship and
Capitalism, London: Allen and Unwin

Algerian women,
citizenship, and the
'Family Code'
Zahia Smail Salhi
Women's struggle for both equality and national liberation are crucial to democracy: if a democratic
state is one in which citizens have the right to participate in society and the way it is governed, women
must, automatically, be included in the equation. Yet in many so-called democratic states, women lack
full citizenship.This article traces Algerian women's struggle for full citizenship after the national
liberation struggle ended in 1962. The Algerian Family Code, which became law in 1984, proclaims
women to be minors under the law, and defines them as existing only in so far as they are daughters,
mothers, or wives. Algerian women are demanding that the government repeal the Family Code;
challenging patriarchal values that prevail in Algerian society; and resisting and fighting Islamic

active roles in a wide public sphere. Their

he rebellion of Algerian women
during the national liberation struggle work was integral to the struggle for
was on two fronts: it was, national liberation and, therefore, equally
simultaneously, a rebellion against the important to their own liberation. Yet
colonial occupation of Algeria by France, Algerian women are now trapped between
and against the restrictive attitudes of the dictates of an infamous Family Code,
traditional Algerian society. Women were which became law in 1984, and the
active agents in the revolution. Their contri- barbarism of Islamic fundamentalists.
bution ranged from fighting beside men,
planting bombs, and carrying weapons, to
nursing the sick and wounded in the maquis Progress on women's rights
(fighting fronts), and, above all, keeping during the liberation war
the revolution moving forward. The The FLN (Front de Liberation Nationale, or
Italian-Algerian film, The Battle of Algiers National Liberation Front) had a policy
(directed by Pontecorvo in 1965), though committing it to women's equality, and the
rarely screened now, records women's policy was put into practice in certain
extraordinary courage. situations during the war. One example was
Women's new status as activists during the institution of tribunals before which
the war not only altered the division of couples were married on the basis of the
labour between women and men, but also partners' mutual consent. Woodhull observes,
challenged the wider power of patriarchy, 'At the time of the Algerian revolution and at
threatening to erode its power and the time of independence the emerging
privileges. Rejecting their restricted role as nation still held the promise of social
mothers, wives, and daughters in the private equality for women, whose fundamental
sphere of the household, women took on role in the war had been recognised by the

National Liberation Front', (Woodhull 1993, now they won't allow us to put our own
10). In the late 1980s, however, this progress laws on the market. I am convinced that all
seemed to be lost. One woman states: 'Our men are aware that women understand
only regret is the loss of that absolute things a lot better than they do. That's why
equality achieved during the revolution. As they feel inferior to us, and instead of having
far as that's concerned, we seem to have the courage to face us they try to keep us
moved backwards rather than forwards' down. How long it will take us to outwit
(Shaaban 1988,199). them, just as we outwitted the French, I don't
However, some argue that the beginnings know. Not very long, I hope' (Shaaban 1988,
of the backlash against women's rights 200).
occurred during the national liberation
struggle: 'Our return to the "inside" didn't
begin in 1962, but, rather, before inde-
The 1976 Constitution
pendence. Little by little, during the war, the In 1976, the FLN government agreed a
FLN removed us from the real fighting new Constitution after a referendum. The
zones and sent us to the borders or overseas. Constitution promoted the emancipation of
Our role was defined from that moment on. women, and deplored the way in which the
We didn't have any place in the world of the old feudal system had restricted their rights.
"outside"' (Messaoudi and Schemla 1998, It stated that equality of the sexes and
51). freedom of movement were guaranteed by
What is clear is that the majority of law. The Constitution acknowledged the
Algerian men did not acknowledge the need role of the Algerian revolution in enabling
for women's emancipation. Those who did women to liberate themselves as well as
often saw it as a secondary priority in their country, and insisted that the status
relation to the endless list of other issues of women still needed improvement. It
facing the government. Soon after inde- emphasised the state's efforts to this end, in
pendence, Algerian men cut the strong ties granting women their political rights, and
that they had forged with their female exalted the socialist regime adopted by the
compatriots, and denied them their basic government as a democratic movement
civil rights. which would promote justice, strive against
An example of this betrayal of women as backward thinking, and change the justice
equals was the way in which many fighters system in women's favour. The Constitution
who achieved good social or political held Islam to be a liberating power,
considering women to be equal to men.
positions after independence repudiated
their wives, and married girls whose youth Nevertheless, the text of the Constitution
reflected positively on their husbands at stated that women must lead this battle for
social events. Buthaina Shaaban reports the their emancipation: 'It is woman herself who
testimony of a woman war veteran, who must ultimately remain the best defender of
describes this as common practice: 'This was her own rights and dignity through her
very common. In fact, it was the norm. There deportment and qualities as well as a
were lots of men who married their women relentless struggle against prejudice,
comrades in the mountains. Once they came injustice, and humiliation... As for the state,
down, however, and got good positions or it has already recognised woman's political
good jobs in the towns, they divorced their rights, and is committed to her education
comrades and got married to younger, more and inevitable social advancement' (Lazreg,
presentable, women.' The same woman war cited in Joseph 2000,63).
veteran related this directly to the betrayal of After the death of the first post-Revolution
women's citizenship rights: 'As women, we head of state, President Boumedienne, in
paid the price from every point of view, and 1978, Chadli Bendjedid was named
Algerian women, citizenship, and the 'Family Code' 29

President of Algeria by the Islamo-ba'thist growing tendency towards Islamic funda-
clan.1 'The objective of this clan, beyond mentalism and, as such, threatened women's
ensuring that Algerian assets continued to rights and privileges as fully enfranchised
yield a profit to their benefit, was to place the citizens.
country under the law of charia [sic]. To Outraged, a hundred feminist activists in
succeed, they had to launch a simultaneous Algiers staged a sit-in in the offices of the
attack on the three pillars on which they UNFA (Union Nationale des Femmes
planned to base that project: women, Algeriennes, or National Union of Algerian
education, and the justice system' Women), a state organisation, established
(Messaoudi and Schemla 1998, 48). soon after independence in 1962, and
Although, until then, clan members were affiliated to the FLN. The women demanded
only a minority in Algeria's single party, to see the classified text of the pilot study.
they soon won over the socialist modernists. The UNFA replied that Algerian women
were not aware of their rights and had,
therefore, nothing to discuss (Messaoudi
Restrictions on women's and Schemla 1998). If Algerian women were
citizenship rights not aware of their rights, as claimed,
independent feminists asserted that this was
In 1980, the Constitutional commitment to because the UNFA had not played the vital
freedom of movement was broken by a role of promoting women's interests after
ministerial order prohibiting women from independence. Rather, the women of the
travelling unaccompanied by a male UNFA were more concerned with inter-
relative. This decision became public know- national political issues, and distanced
ledge when a group of women, who were themselves from the real dilemmas of the
enrolled in universities abroad, were women of Algeria, whom they were
stopped at the airport and prevented from supposed to represent.
travelling to join their universities. This
demonstrated that women's citizenship was The outcome was a complete rupture
between the UNFA and feminists outside,
perceived as a privilege that the state could
who were determined to continue the fight
withdraw at any time. Although the women
for the rights of Algerian women. On 28
attempted to trigger a public scandal about
October 1981, women demonstrated in the
this infringement of their civil rights, the
streets, expressing their wrath at the govern-
echoes of the event were only timidly
ment's decision to debate the Family Code in
reported in the Algerian daily El-Moujahid secret. Two weeks later, on 16 November
and the weekly Algerie Actualites. A group 1981, 500 women gathered in front of the
of women, including many university National Assembly as it met for a plenary
students, signed a long petition and asked to session. One of them, Khalida Messaoudi,
meet the Minister of the Interior. On 8 March testified later: 'We had gathered more than
1980, a huge demonstration was organised ten thousand signatures of support from all
to mark International Women's Day, and over Algeria. Along with two friends, I
demand that the order hampering women's marched into the assembly chambers. Rabah
freedom of movement be abolished. In the Bitat, the assembly president, was obliged to
end, Chadli's government retreated: the adjourn the session. The assembly leaders
ministerial order was cancelled (Messaoudi skilfully manipulated the situation: we were
and Schemla 1998,49). given four days to make propositions for
The following year, Chadli's government amending the text. The movement became
prepared a pilot study of a proposed new divided at that point: there were those who
Family Code. The newspapers reported that wanted to accept the deal, and those who
the Code was an attempt to placate a rejected it' (Messaoudi and Schemla 1998,49).

The ultimate outcome was that the text went children and care for them until adulthood
ahead unchanged. (Article 48), although they are not responsible
The date 23 December 1981 is considered for children's education (Article 63). Yet
an important day in the history of the secular women have no right to pass their name,
feminist movement in Algeria. That day, nationality, or religion to their children, and
women war veterans joined the young if they marry a foreigner they are crossed out
feminist activists and voiced their rejection of the country's registration books altogether.
of the government's introduction of the The consequences of divorce are
Family Code. This was seen as a betrayal of dramatic for both women and children:
what they had fought for. Young and old wives and mothers have no right to the
gathered in front of the main post office in family home, since this is automatically
Algiers. The demonstrators carried slogans awarded to the husband. Moreover, the state
reading, 'No to Silence, Yes to Democracy!' does nothing to provide housing or financial
and 'No to the betrayal of the ideals of support for divorced mothers. Consequently,
November 1,1954!'. Despite this solidarity, in the absence of assistance from their
and intensified protests, the women's parents, divorced women often find them-
groups failed to stop the Family Code from selves on the streets with their children. As
passing into law in June 1984. for custody of the children after divorce, the
mother cannot become the carer of her
children until adulthood unless their father
The Family Code and agrees to it. The mother can never become
women's rights the tutor of her children, and the father's
Marnia Lazreg states, 'Family law has often consent and permission are needed for the
codified the ownership of wives and children most basic needs of the child, including
by fathers/husbands' (Lazreg, cited in registering him or her at school, and even
Joseph 2000, 21). The Family Code of 1984 approving the child's participation in school
makes it a legal duty for Algerian women to activities (Articles 52, 62, 65). On the other
obey their husbands, and respect and serve hand, the law does not punish the father if he
them, their parents, and relatives (Article decides not to provide for his children.
39). It institutionalised polygamy and made In the 19 years since the Family Code
it the right of men to take up to four wives came into force, Algeria has seen increasing
(Article 8). Women cannot arrange their own levels of homelessness among women and
marriage contracts unless represented by a children. Thousands of mothers wander the
matrimonial guardian (Article 11), and they streets with their children; others sell their
have no right to apply for divorce. While a labour as domestic servants at very cheap
man needs only to desire a divorce to get rates. The streets of Algeria's major cities are
one, it is made a most difficult, if not the homes of many desperate divorced
impossible, thing to be obtained by women. women. Some of them have found shelter in
Women may obtain divorce only by the slums; others have sought refuge in the
submitting to the practice of kho'a, (Article hostels run by the organisation SOS Women
54) 'which allows women to divorce on the in Distress. However, according to newspaper
condition that they give up any claim to reports, this organisation is unable to cope
alimony. Khol'a [sic] is the problematic with the large number of requests it receives
ransom that women must pay for their every day, because of its lack of financial
freedom, just like slaves' (Messaoudi and backing.
Schemla 1998, 53). The Family Code assigns Although the authors of this Code claim
the role of procreator to women, making it a it to be merely based on the teachings of
legal duty for them to breastfeed their Shari'a law, it is clear from its text that its
Algerian women, citizenship, and the 'Family Code' 31

roots emanate from a tradition of patriarchy asserts: 'Men were painfully absent from our
and misogyny in Algeria, which was taken struggle. This reinforced my conviction that
up in a particular way in the post-colonial Algerian women could expect salvation only
era. A clear example comes in Article 38. The from themselves' (Messaoudi and Schemla
content of this article relates to married 1998, 56). Since 1984, war veterans and
women's rights in wedlock: a wife has the younger feminists have joined together to
right to visit her parents, and they the right protest ceaselessly against a piece of legis-
to visit her according to local custom. In lation that proclaims men to be superior to
post-colonial Algeria, women were seen (as women and codifies women's subordination.
in the pre-revolutionary period) as the After many disappointments, the
repositories of men's honour; as guardians women of Algeria had come to understand
of the traditional values which had been that no one else would help them seek
disrupted and devalued by the colonial emancipation. They knew that they would
presence. They were also symbols that have to build their own movement, to fight
represented the conflicts inherent in the new the violation of women's human rights.
historical situation faced by post-colonial Khalida Messaoudi testifies: 'I had the
Algeria. Hence, the Family Code placed feeling that the deepest injustice had been
limits on women's mobility. perpetuated. We had been had, totally had,
Some articles in the Family Code reflect and we could do nothing but bang our heads
the economic crisis in Algeria in the mid- against the wall, because we knew that this
1980s. An example is Article 52, which text was going to structure the entire society
relates to the family home in case of divorce. from that point on. For me, the whole
The article states clearly that the husband business had really opened my eyes: The
may allow his wife and children to live in the traitor in this story was the Algerian state'
family home if he possesses more than one (Messaoudi and Schemla 1998,55).
house, which is a rarity in a country where
housing shortages are a major problem.
Also, this leaves it up to the man to decide to Unrest and political reform
be generous or not. Once again women are Nearly two decades after the imposition of
dependent on male whims. the Family Code, political reforms have
In her book, Women and Islam, Fatima since occurred in Algeria in response to
Mernissi states: 'If women's rights are a popular protest. However, the Family Code
problem for some modern Muslim men, it is remains.
neither because of the Koran [sic] nor the On 5 October 1988, young people took to
prophet, nor the Islamic tradition, but the streets, calling for an end to the system's
simply because those rights conflict with the oppression and corruption, and demanding
interests of a male elite. The elite faction is dignity and justice. The same day, groups
trying to convince us that their egotistic, consisting mainly of high-school students
highly subjective, and mediocre view of and unemployed young people attacked
culture and society has a sacred basis' everything that represented the state and the
(Mernissi 1991, ix). FLN, which was now synonymous with
corruption, chaos, and the misuse of public
Women's response to the funds. The economic reforms introduced by
President Chadli Ben Djedid in the 1980s had
Family Code failed, creating an anarchic situation as
Determined to challenge the Family Code, unemployment increased, mainly among
the women of Algeria embarked on a long, the young people who made up 70 per cent
painful, and lonely battle. Khalida Messaoudi of the Algerian population. There were also

shortages of all sorts. Among the political movement, using populist rhetoric to
elite, tension was growing between those express outright hatred of the regime.
who continued to believe in central planning In order to save his government, Chadli
and those who wanted to liberalise the Ben Djedid gave promises of political
economy. reforms, which he launched in November of
The October riots were also an explosion the same year. A new Constitution was
of life that had been repressed for too long. drafted and approved in February 1989. This
The youths' main objective was to destroy guaranteed Algerian citizens freedom of
the old system and build a new society expression, association, and assembly
which would release the country's unused (Article 39). It also recognised the right of the
human potential. They danced and celebrated citizens to create political associations,
in the streets of Algiers. Their joy was short- meaning political parties (Article 40): 'This
lived, however, as they faced fierce amendment allowed for the establishment
repression soon afterwards. Thousands of of a multi-party system, thus terminating, at
arrests were made, and most of the detainees least theoretically, the FLN's monopoly and
were tortured, while some of them were making it a parti comme les autres' (Zoubir
actually shot by the army: 'Doctors 1993,90).
estimated that five hundred people were Subsequently, a law on political assoc-
killed and thousands wounded' (Messaoudi
iations was issued. Although it prohibits the
and Schemla 1998,85).
foundation of parties set up exclusively to
The youth movement triggered protests campaign on religious, linguistic, or
and demands for change from many other regionalist issues, several parties that should
groups. Seventy Algerian journalists published have been banned under this law were
a declaration in which they denounced the recognised by the government. The best
ban on reporting, and condemned the example is the recognition of the Islamic
restrictions that were imposed on freedom Salvation Front (FIS), whose leaders never
of speech. They also denounced the
supported democracy. Indeed, they asserted
violence, torture, and arbitrary arrests used
that once in power they would implement
by the state. In short, the whole political
the Shari'a law, which they presented as the
system was coming under sustained attack.
solution to every question. They unequivocally
The Algerian League for Human Rights
declared that they would repeal the
denounced the practice of torture, while the
republic's constitution and ban secular
doctors who saw the results of torture, and
the merciless repressive measures political parties. 'Ali Benhadj repeated ad
undertaken by government forces, became infinitum that democracy was incompatible
the principal driving force behind the with Islam and was kufr [blasphemy]
creation of the National Committee Against because it placed the power of the people
Torture. They were joined by other groups over God's power over the people'
and organisations, among them militant (Al-Ahnafetall991,87).
women's groups, who expressed their full
support for the youth movement, and called Continuing the struggle for
for the recognition of democratic liberties. repeal of the Family Code
While all sectors of opposition con-
demned torture, the Islamists maintained Despite these tremendous changes on a
silence on the issue. Instead, Ali Benhadj, political level, the Family Code remained
a high-school teacher, and Abassi Madani, a unchanged, and there was no question of
university professor, issued an anonymous repealing it. The Islamists argued that
call for a huge demonstration in Algiers. Shari'a law should be applied throughout
This event was used to hijack the youth society, and called for stricter measures with
Algerian women, citizenship, and the 'Family Code' 33

regard to the treatment of women. Feminist women who live alone or who refuse to wear
groups and organisations became alarmed, the veil in the workplace.
and were particularly worried by the For example, as early as June 1989, a
populist misogynous propaganda that the fundamentalist gang set fire to the house of
FIS had started to direct at young people. For a woman from Ouargla, a city in southern
example, young men were encouraged to Algeria. The sole reason for this act was the
believe that they were unemployed because fact that she lived alone with her seven
women had taken their jobs. The funda- children. The fundamentalists claimed that
mentalists argued that housework is more she was a whore. As such, she posed a threat
suited to female biology and psychology to the health of the community and was a
than professional work; that rates of mortality source of discord. One of her children
and morbidity are actually higher among burned to death in the attack. During the
employed women than among women who same summer, acid was thrown at women
stay at home; that employed women are less on beaches and other public places for
moral; and that female employment causes publicly exposing parts of their bodies.
male unemployment. A nurse was burned by her fundamentalist
Although women's organisations have brother because she was working with men
now been legally recognised, and have in hospital. An athlete, Hassiba Boulmerka,
gained access to a wider audience, thanks was declared a shameless renegade in the
to the liberalisation of the media, Islamic nation's mosques because she ran 'half
fundamentalists continue to pose a threat to naked' in the full gaze of world publicity.
activists, first intimidating women's groups She was subject to these attacks after she
and later issuing death threats against their wore the regulation running shorts and vest
leaders. An example is Khalida Messaoudi, when she won the 1500-metres race at the
whose life became a daily battle to save her World Athletics Championships in 1991,
own skin. She has described how, after she as only the second Arab woman ever to
received several anonymous death threats receive a sporting title of such prestige. Her
over the phone, matters quickly spiralled out remarkable performance was, indeed, a
of control as verbal attacks were made on her source of pride to all Arab women, and
during prayers in mosques associated with Algerian women in particular.
the FIS: 'Over the loudspeakers, whose In their tracts FIS members insisted on
monotonous echoes penetrate into the very the importance of women returning to Islam;
centre of the surrounding houses, imams this was partly because women are regarded
(priests) would hurl curses at me, describe by the fundamentalists as symbols and
me as "a woman of delinquent morals" and a repositories of religious, national, and
"danger to the morality of women", and cultural identity. FIS tracts and leaflets made
warn those women who might be tempted clear the role attributed to women by Islam:
to follow my example' (Messaoudi and 'Mother, sister, wife, as your father, brother,
Schemla 1998,87). husband, I would like your beauty to be my
In 1992, the Islamic fundamentalists wealth, for I cannot live without you. I seethe
began their violent terrorist campaign to with jealousy when I see you working as a
enforce strict observance of Shari'a law as it secretary for a human fox, who asked for
affects women. They demanded that women your photo before he hired you. I don't want
be forced to wear the veil, and issued death you to be a work tool, or a scapegoat for
threats against feminist leaders who claimed those who seek to destroy Islamic morals...
the most basic civil rights for women in a I don't want you to use the Jewish word
misogynous culture. Harassment has been "emancipation" to attack the Islamic values
relentless and unbearable, particularly for of your ancestors and make the feminist

organisation happy' (quoted in Messaoudi security forces six months later, no longer in
and Schemla 1998; 92). The discourse of the her right mind and more than three months
FIS regarding women is not much different pregnant' (CMF MENA 2000, 27). When
from that of the FLN. Both parties ignore the Nora requested to be reunited with her
enormous socio-economic changes that have parents, her father disowned her, insisting
happened in Algeria in recent years. Women that his daughter was killed.
have suffered just as much as men from the Because Algerian families feel shamed
unprecedented economic crisis of the 1980s. by the rape of a female relative, they condemn
Furthermore, not all women 'enjoy' male the survivors of rape to even more suffering,
protection: fewer and fewer families are able as they end up homeless or (in the best of
to take in divorced women and their cases) in charity hostels. The silence imposed
children. on the subject of rape in Algeria is not only
The 1990s have been known as a decade the work of individual families, but also that
of terrorist violence, but this decade also saw of the government, which fails to condemn
flourishing women's movements in Algeria. organised rape as a crime against humanity,
They are now voicing their bitterness, and fails to acknowledge that its victims are
concerns, and determination to resist the victims of torture, in need of support and
misogyny so prevalent in the country, using counselling.
a variety of channels. Algeria has heard
women's angry voices at demonstrations in
the streets of major cities, the voices of The new government: a
female political leaders in Parliament and commitment to social
various political groupings, and the voices justice
of Algerian women writers using a variety of
literary forms. All these female voices The end of the 1990s brought a radical
condemn and unmask the barbarity and the change in Algerian politics, Abdul Aziz
misogyny of the fundamentalists. Women Bouteflika was elected the new President of
were the first to demonstrate bluntly against the country, promising to promote social
Islamic terrorism and its anti-democratic justice and, more importantly, to put an
approach. They reminded the world of the end to terrorist violence. The government
100,000 Algerian victims massacred during announced an amnesty in July 1999, and
the 1990s, out of which women and children vast numbers of terrorists surrendered,
account for 80 per cent of the fatalities. They apparently bringing the violence to a halt.
also called for an end to Algerian society's Once again women supported the new
silence over the crime of systematic rape. President and voted massively for his
Fearless of the consequences, women programme; nevertheless, whenever asked
rape survivors have courageously testified about the issue of women in Algeria, he
to the media about the hideous act of gang tactfully replied that they made up the
rape, to which many women were subjected. majority of the Algerian population. Happy
On a regular basis, newspapers have to see terrorist violence coming to a halt,
reported atrocities in which terrorists abduct women believed in the good faith of
women at random, rape them, make them President Abdul Aziz Bouteflika, and
wash and cook for them, and finally kill eminent feminists like Khalida Messaoudi
them or dismiss them. For example, on 11 gave him their full support and became part
March 2000, £/ Watan reported on the of his team.
scandal of the '5,000 victims people want The new government has made major
to hide'. Twelve-year-old Nora was compromises with the Islamist terrorist
'kidnapped from her school gates, held, groups, yet it has so far not acknowledged
raped repeatedly, and discovered by the women's ordeal under the dictates of the
Algerian women, citizenship, and the 'Family Code' 35

inequitable Family Code. After a year in References
office, the President was questioned by an
Algerian female journalist during a press Al-Ahnaf, M., B. Botiveau, and F. Fr£gosi
conference in Canada regarding the repealing (2001) L'Algerie par ses Islamistes, Paris:
of the code. He first reprimanded her for Karthala
daring to ask the question. He told her that CMF MENA (2000) 'Women's Rights and
the time had not yet come for such a move; the Arab Media', London: Centre for
Algerian women must wait for mentalities to Media Freedom Middle East and North
become ready to accept the change. To add Africa
insult to injury, he told the journalist that sheJoseph, S. (ed.) (2000) Gender and Citizenship
was pretty, and should therefore not be in the Middle East, Syracuse: University
aggressive. Press
The government's second priority is Mernissi, F. (1991) Women and Islam:
to bring about economic stability to the An Historical and Theological Enquiry,
country. One wonders how a nation can Oxford: Blackwell
hope to achieve such a goal, with 52 per cent Messaoudi, K. a n d E. Schemla (1998)
of its population living as minors, and being Unbowed: An Algerian Woman Confronts
denied their basic civil rights. Islamic Fundamentalism, Pennsylvania:
University of Pennsylvania Press
Zahia Smail Salhi is Senior Lecturer in the Republique Alge"rienne Democratique et
Department of Arabic and Middle Eastern Populaire, Ministere de la Justice (1993)
Studies, and a member of the executive committee Le Code de la famille (The Family Code)
of the Centre for Gender Studies at Leeds Algiers: OPU
University, UK. She works on issues of gender Shaaban B. (1998) Both Right and Left
and development, women and Islam, and also on Handed: Arab Women Talk about their
the representation of Arab women in literature Lives, London: Women's Press
and the media. Address: Department of Arabic, Woodhull, W. (1993) Transfiguration of the
University of Leeds, LS2 9JT, UK. Maghreb, Minneapolis a n d London: University of Minnesota Press
Zoubir, Y.H. (1993) 'The painful transition
from authoritarianism in Algeria', Arab
Notes Studies Quarterly 15(3): 83-110
1 In the Algerian army, there are two
tendencies; one secular, often French-
educated, and the other non-secular,
often educated in the Arab East, and
believing and insisting on the Arabic
and Islamic identity of the country. This
tendency calls for the promotion of
Arabic as the only official language, and
Islam as the religion of the state.

New forms of citizenship:
democracy, family, and community in
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Joanna S. Wheeler 1
In the context of macro-level political and economic changes, how do poor women and men living in
Rio de Janeiro understand the idea of citizenship? Is it relevant to their daily lives? Because the poor
have not reaped the rewards of macro-economic reforms and do not have confidence in the effectiveness
of formal democratic participation, they have developed new ways of understanding citizenship. These
have evolved in response to needs dictated by family, community, and gender relations, helping people
to obtain access to the city's resources on a daily basis. Ultimately, citizenship means participation with
dignity in the city's life.

participation in the city has become

ver the past 15 years, significant
political and economic changes in increasingly informal under neo-liberal
Brazil have made a dramatic impact reform: more than 40 per cent of the
on women and men in poverty. The country population is now employed outside the
moved from military dictatorship to formal formal sector (UNDP 2000).
democracy in 1988 and adopted a broad- There has been an accompanying
reaching constitution, encoding numerous informalisation of political activity, as drug-
rights. In a plebiscite2 held in 1993, 66 per related violence has further eroded the link
cent of Brazilians confirmed that they between poor communities and formal
wanted to maintain some form of democracy. democratic mechanisms. The power of the
Economically, the neo-liberal reforms of the drug mafias over poor communities in Rio de
Cardoso administration (1992-2000) have Janeiro has also eroded the once strong base
replaced the hyperinflation of the 1980s, and of residents' associations that represented a
the military regime's subsidies designed to more politically united block in the 1980s.
promote industrialisation through import Drug traffickers are known as the poder
substitution.3 paralelo (parallel power), because they
Despite these changes, people in poverty control favelas and housing projects as if they
remain excluded in Rio de Janeiro, on were independent states, exercising all the
multiple levels: socially, politically, eco- powers of an autocratic government over the
nomically, spatially, and in terms of stigma residents.
and discrimination. In thefavelas (illegal land Growing financial pressures on families
occupations) and housing projects of Rio de due to neo-liberal reforms have forced more
Janeiro, the number of urban poor continues of the women of Rio de Janeiro to participate
to grow; they now comprise 40 per cent of the in the market economy (Bulbeck 1998, 99). In
city's population (UNDP 2001). Economic poor families, women's contributions now
New forms of citizenship 37

make up 38 per cent of the family's income 'Privatisation of
(UNECLAC1997). The pressures of acting as citizenship'
a 'market citizen' do not fit easily with the
traditional gender roles for women as National political discourse on democracy
mothers and wives. Women's work at home and individual rights is very distant from
has increased, because neo-liberal reforms daily struggles for survival. My respondents
have resulted in the erosion of government- consistently identified their participation in
sponsored safety nets. As the state with- their own communities - not specific rights
draws from providing social services, the or Brazilian national identity - as the core
family and social networks must fill in the feature of citizenship. Among my respondents,
gap. Despite women's additional workload, ideas of citizenship seem to have changed
there has been no change in the distribution through the generations, from a focus on
of household responsibilities. Women are formal political participation to an emphasis
still responsible for the vast majority of child on families in low-income communities
care, cleaning, shopping, and provision of addressing the serious problems facing
education and health care for the family. residents on a daily basis. These problems
This problem is exacerbated in the case of include violence, lack of infrastructure,
single-mother households, whose number is poverty, and inadequate housing and
dramatically on the rise in Brazil. Single education.
mothers now head one in four households in No participant in the research defined
Brazil (up from one in six in 1991), and earn citizenship as meaning an individual's
an average US$246 per month, in com- entitlement to claim particular rights from a
parison with men's average of US$344 per Brazilian state. This is an especially sur-
month {journal do Brasil, 8 March 2002,18). prising result, given that Brazil passed
Poor women have responded to this tension through a very public process of debating
between their roles in income generation and ratifying a new constitution in 1988,
and family care by linking their political which gave extensive individual rights and
participation and income generation directly privileges to all citizens, such as the right to
to family needs. health care, education, and labour pro-
The following sections will explore these tections. Both the concept of individual
issues in more depth. I draw on my findings rights, and formal democratic practices,
from research conducted between September (such as signing petitions, joining political
2001 and March 2002 in Rio de Janeiro, parties, and participating in commissions),
including more than 40 open-ended inter- have been heavily promoted by the state and
views. The primary source of the research is also by international non-government
the interviews conducted with women and organisations (NGOs). It is also surprising
men in six extended families from low- since, partly due to Brazil's history of
income communities (interviews with three populist regimes enforcing a national
to four members of the same family from identity, 'Brazilian-ness' is believed to be
three generations). These interviews incorp- widely valued as a category of identity
orated families from favelas, families from (Davis 1999; Marx 1998; Machado 1980).
housing projects, and families from the It appears that, while democracy and
working-class suburbs. I also conducted democratic impulses are important to poor
interviews with key community leaders, women and men in Rio de Janeiro's favelas,
workers in the non-profit sector, and they have redefined democratic practice in
members of the government. terms of their own values and beliefs,
moving away from the national discourse of
individual rights-based democratic
practices. Instead, they focus on practices

that ensure the survival and well-being the problems that he recognises in his
of their own families and community. community: lack of education and access to
Citizenship is expressed through specific the job market, and poor infrastructure. The
forms of community participation, which future centre will perform a wealth of
provide essential resources and services for functions: it will house a community assoc-
the family. iation board, a recycling centre, language
Several factors contribute to the distance training, information-technology training,
between formal democratic mechanisms and a children's choir.
and the daily lives of poor women and men. Over the past six years, friends and
Very few respondents could identify any family members have contributed labour
major difference in their lives under dictator- and money to start construction on the
ship and democracy, meaning that formal centre. Every day, the man who began the
democratic reforms have not dramatically work walks through the community to see
affected their everyday lives. One parti- who has time to help for a few hours. Every
cipant claimed, 'I much prefer a legitimate day, children collect empty plastic bottles for
dictatorship to a false democracy. What we the community centre's future recycling
have is a false democracy.' In particular, programme. Hundreds of bottles are
poor women consistently identified lack of stacked in one corner of the construction site.
access to urban services, jobs, adequate After six years, the first floor has yet to be
housing, education, and health care as completed. This is because, when there is no
evidence that they did not in fact live in a money or time, the project stops until
democracy - or at least that formal demo- circumstances improve, and the centre
cracy had no meaning for them. They receives no support from government or
characterised their participation in family, NGOs. The instigator explained that 'the
community, and city life as the most community centre is being built one bag
meaningful aspect of their political of cement at a time - but it will be built'.
participation.4 He plans to name the centre after his
Participants from one housing project daughter, reasoning that building it has
ringed by favelas identified the construction 'taken the food out of her mouth, but it will
of a community centre as their most make her life better'.
important form of political participation.5 Most people involved in the construction
One man, living with his wife and two small had little or no interest in citywide or state-
children in a nearby housing project, who wide politics. They consistently identified
had committed considerable time and this community work as important to their
energy to community improvements, own families, and they did not believe that
initiated this project. Although he has a job the city government could ever do anything
at the local university as a security guard, he to address the problems in their community.
has negotiated extended leave to carry out At the community level, democratic
community development projects of his impulses6 in favelas are transformed into
own design. Because the drug traffickers creative projects to improve specific aspects
have taken control of the community where of the community. The major motivation for
he lives, including control of the local these projects, according to the participants
political structure, he has developed a form in the study, was to build a better life for
of activism which carefully negotiates their children or their families.
between the traffickers, other established
local activists, and his own family's well-
being. He has claimed a piece of land in one
of the favelas to construct a centre to address
Nezv forms of citizenship 39

'Qualified participation' in poor black woman, who lives in a city
the market and formal housing project, said: 'Brazil would be better
off with a dictatorship. At least then things
politics were working.' Another poor elderly woman
In the interviews that I conducted with men from the suburbs could only identify 'more
and women in favelas, participants consist- buses' as the major difference in her life
ently emphasised that their participation in between dictatorship and democracy.
their community and their city was more In the 1993 plebiscite mentioned earlier,
important than formal political parti- only 66 per cent voted to maintain demo-
cipation, such as voting. cracy (either as presidential or parlia-
The people whom I interviewed, mentary), while 11 per cent voted for a
including self-identified community activists, monarchy, and an additional 33 per cent
saw democratic practice as being about voted for 'other form of government'.7
participation in a just society, rather than Several participants voted against demo-
being about formal political issues, such as cracy for Brazil. One woman explained that
open and fair elections and individual she voted for the monarchy, because she did
rights. For the poor, the evidence that society not believe that the form of government
is not intrinsically just and fair is all around would make any difference in her life, and 'a
them, in the form of police raids, over- king or queen sounds more interesting than
crowded buses, inadequate schools, and a president.' The refusal of several
crumbling and overcrowded health clinics. participants to take such a vote seriously,
In favelas, voting and formal political demonstrated by their choice of the highly
participation in Brazil's institutional demo- improbable monarchy, is a symptom of deep
cracy was seen as relatively unimportant. mistrust and disinterest in macro-level
Democracy has been reclaimed and politics. In total, 44 per cent of the population
redefined to mean participation and voted against democracy, which is a
contribution to family, community, and city significant number, given the length of the
life. In response to a question about political military dictatorship.
participation, one veteran community
activist told me: 'I don't feel diminished Governance in Rio de Janeiro: violence
because I live in a favela - each of us has and poder paralelo
tried to improve our own lives. All the The violence in Rio de Janeiro, while
intellectuals who came here, poor things - endemic, is not homogeneous. It is, to use
they never really understood anything Holston and Appadurai's phrase, 'a city-
because the changes you can make specific violence of citizenship', meaning
depend on the opportunities you take. that it affects specific places and persons
[Governments] change and time passes and differently (Holston and Appadurai 1999,
goes by, but who knows - tomorrow I might
16). The level of violence in some parts of the
manage to do something else [to help the
city peaked at 80 homicides per 100,000
people (equivalent to the levels of violence in
Several factors have contributed to the Colombia and South Africa). From 1995 to
shift away from formal political and 2000, the levels of violence declined some-
economic participation towards activity that what (UNDP 2001), but in the past year
focuses on the needs of family and there has been a significant resurgence,
community. More than 90 per cent of the culminating in the bombing of city govern-
participants interviewed said they did not ment buildings, bus burnings, and army
trust the national government. This distrust occupation of the streets during the 2003
of the formal political structure goes deeper Carnival.8 The highest rates of violence are
than any particular administration. One in favelas and poor neighbourhoods

inhabited by Afro-Brazilians (Zona Oeste with notions of citizenship in favelas. These
and Zona Norte) (UNDP 2001). In these economic ideals have been widely discussed
areas, the violence takes the form of state- in public, and heavily promoted by the state.
sponsored raids and battles with drug For example, Rio de Janeiro's city govern-
mafias (in 2001 more than 900 civilians were ment has set up numerous micro-credit and
killed by the police in Rio de Janeiro), and funding programmes.
wars between competing factions and The market, and certain aspects of
mafias of the drug trade (UNDP 2001). market-driven logic, have become prevalent
Violence related to drug trafficking, and in favelas, but favela residents have adapted
the invasive power of drug mafias over poor market practices to the needs of their own
communities in Rio de Janeiro, means that family and community structures. The
national democratic citizenship has little family has become the point of articulation
meaning for the participants in this research. between the market and individuals. That is
The extremely high levels of violence to say, the participants in this study on the
dramatically affect the daily lives of the whole did not approach the market as
residents. It is unsafe to use public spaces individuals, but rather as members of
like streets, bus stops, and plazas after dark, families. Getting a job, credit, and obtaining
and increasingly during the day. In one access to education and health care were
housing project involved in the study, a mediated by family needs and relationships.
faction of traffickers took control of the localCertain aspects of 'market logic' are
school, while another took control of the promoted, while others are rejected.
local day-care nursery, and the children
For example, one woman to whom I
were unable to attend for more than a
spoke lives with her husband and son in
month, for fear of being caught in the
crossfire between the warring groups. a house built on the family's property,
together with more than 40 members of her
The overall result is that formal political extended family. The land was inherited
rights become ever less relevant for the poor:
from her great-grandfather, who emigrated
'Democratic rights are compromised by
from Portugal. Although her salary as a
other power circuits [including the military
housekeeper in the city is essential income
police, and the drug and gambling mafias]
for the family, she commutes nearly five
that obliterate the public dimension of
hours a day to the city centre, in order to
citizenship, re-establishing violence and
continue to live with her family. Several
arbitrary power in the sphere of private
relations, class, gender and ethnicity, employers have offered her accommodation
thereby rendering the state increasingly in the city during the week, so that she can
ineffective...'(Paoli and Telles 1998,65). avoid this lengthy and costly commute, but
she refuses to move away from her family.
Recasting citizenship through the family She uses her salary to pay for daily
As highlighted earlier, residents in Rio de household expenses, while her husband's
Janeiro's favelas face exclusion from the city, salary goes towards bills. When she has
a problem which is exacerbated by extremely extra money, she transfers her son from
poor schools, drug-related violence, and poor state-funded to private school.
infrastructure. Almost every respondent While my respondent could save a
considered participation in the market considerable amount by living in Rio and
through paid employment, both formal and avoiding transportation costs, she refuses to
informal, to be essential. The ideals of neo- do this. When she became seriously ill, her
liberalism - that is, the 'market logic' of mother and sister (also housekeepers in the
efficiency, competitiveness, and individ- city centre) filled in at her jobs, so that she
ualism - have interacted in unexpected ways would not lose them. Her other sister stays at
New forms of citizenship 41

home and provides child care for the Citizenship and dignity
extended family, and also does the washing
The final piece in this narrative of citizenship
and cleaning. Although she could make
from poor communities in Rio de Janeiro
more money if she were to get a job outside
is the issue of dignity in everyday life.
the home, she and her sisters believe it is Dignity was the most important aspect of
more important for her to provide child care citizenship identified by 74 per cent of the
and laundry services for the family. participants of the study. Dignity was
Together, these women are participating in strongly associated with their daily attempts
the market to secure jobs, health care, child to secure education, health care, urban
care, and education for their children. services, and housing from the city
However, while they participate in the market, authorities. Most participants cited a lack of
and make rational economic decisions, paid dignity as proof that they were, in fact, not
work is only one element in their livelihood really citizens at all. One woman said:
strategy as members of a family. The family 'Dignity is everything for a citizen - and we
works together to respond to crisis and have no dignity. We are treated like cattle in
uncertainty, fulfilling market demand for the clinics, on the buses, and in the shops.
cheap day-labour in the city, but using the Only in rich neighbourhoods are people
connections of family members to guarantee treated with dignity.'
other benefits. To illustrate what they meant, the
participants in this study most frequently
The need for women to integrate them-
referred to their daily experiences of life in
selves into the market has affected family the city - especially lack of access to public
structures, and the gendered division of services including health care, education,
labour. Increasing numbers of women travel urban services, and public housing.
long distances for work, while men are more Meaningful citizenship cannot exist without
likely to find work nearer to the home dignity. For the participants in this study, it
(UNDP 2000). Women with little formal was not poverty or lack of rights that robbed
education are most likely to work in the them of dignity. Rather, the difference
informal service sector - for example, as between dignity and exclusion hinged on
housekeepers, cooks, or nannies - and must their overall experience of survival, with its
travel from the low-income communities conflicts and triumphs.
ringing the city into more wealthy areas Dignity for the poor, in terms of daily life,
closer to the city centre. Men from low- meant dignified access to public services -
income communities, on the other hand, facilitated or blocked by women's and men's
often find work in civil construction, everyday interactions with the health-care
factories, or other manual work - which is and education systems, urban services, and
often much closer to low-income areas of the housing. While access to these public
city. Since women are still responsible for services may be guaranteed by Brazil's
constitution as a right, it is the nature of that
household tasks, this puts an increasing
access that is most important to the poor. The
strain on them to fulfil their work
erosion of health, education, housing, and
obligations. As a result, men are forced to urban services over the past 30 years has
take a larger role in the home. Women's compromised the dignity of the poor in
entry into the labour market has also everyday life. The participants in this study
increased their control over family finances, identified dignified access to these services
and women often opt to keep their children as the most important characteristics of
in school for longer than would have been citizenship, and also the biggest lack in
possible if they were not working. terms of their citizenship.

Public services in Rio de Janeiro: the case paediatric service. The participants in this
of public health care study went to great lengths to gain access to
It is the challenge of regular access to public private health care and education. Most
services, such as the health-care system, that frequently, this meant women working in
erodes the dignity of the poor in Rio de domestic-service jobs for the middle classes,
Janeiro, and it is dignity that they place at theand using their employers to gain access to
centre of their conception of citizenship. private health care and better education.
While access may be limited and services The daily struggle of the poor with the
poor, it is the nature of such access that most public health-care system most clearly
affects participants' daily lives. demonstrates how lack of dignified access to
The end of the dictatorship coincided public services affects their lives. Despite the
with a marked disintegration of many public clear problems in getting service in the
services, because the new democratic system, the main complaint of the partici-
government did not have the funds to make pants was that, at the public hospitals, they
up for 15 years of under-investment and felt as though they were treated as 'cattle'
neglect. The neo-liberal reforms over the and 'not as a real person with dignity'. In one
past eight years have further diminished the interview with a poor black woman who
resources available for public services. lives in a housing project in the Zona Norte,
The result is minimal public education and I was told that her former employer had
health-care systems, which have been arranged an appointment for her in a private
abandoned by anyone with enough money hospital after she had had no success in
to afford private education or health getting treatment for her hypertension in the
services. public hospital. She commented that at the
The public health-care system (Sistema private hospital she was treated 'like a
Unico de Saude Brasiliera), which is supported person', with 'politeness and respect',
by a heavy tax paid by employers, is whereas at the public hospital the doctors
woefully inadequate. Public hospitals do not and nurses were 'rude' and treated her 'like
have the resources to provide basic care. an animal'.
Currently 40 per cent of the total population
in Rio de Janeiro has resorted to private Conclusion
health care (UNDP 2001). The most readily
available form of health service for poor The women and men who participated in
women is pre-natal care. Nonetheless, Brazil this study did not identify themselves as
has the highest mortality rate among activists in organised social movements, nor
pregnant women in Latin America. The were they involved in political campaigns.
United Nations estimates that 200 women They have recast citizenship in terms of the
die in childbirth for every 100,000 children needs and interests of families and
born (UNECLAC 1997). For all other types communities, in order to contest access to
of health service, from family planning to their society's resources. This under-
treatment for hypertension, one has to wait standing is more relevant than more
for months or even years for appointments. conventional understandings of their daily
In order to be seen by a doctor in a public lives. This process of addressing the
hospital, the queue starts to form at three problems of their own communities, and
o'clock in the morning, to get a ticket to enter reinforcing their sense of community at a
the waiting list for an appointment. Several local level, is the most important form of
participants in my research reported having democratic practice in their view. The
travelled for three hours across the entire women and men whom I interviewed
city with their children, to go to a public redefined citizenship in their daily lives in
hospital that was rumoured to a have better three ways:
New forms of citizenship 43

• as relating more to the 'private' than the obligatory nationwide vote to endorse a
public sphere form of government. The options for
• as a qualified form of political and types of government included
economic participation, which privileges presidential democracy, parliamentary
their own families and communities democracy, monarchy, and autocracy.
• as dignity in their daily life. 3 Import-substitution subsidies were the
basis of much of Latin America's
economic policy from the 1960s to the
In conclusion, the idea of citizenship for the 1980s. The underlying premise of this
poor in Rio de Janeiro incorporates aspects policy was to impose high tariffs on
of democratic and market logic, but stresses imports, and simultaneously subsidise
the importance of supporting family and national industries in order to promote
community structures, and participating the domestic production of manu-
with dignity in the life of the city. Hannah factured goods, for which most countries
Arendt makes the point that 'The funda-
in Latin America relied on imports.
mental deprivation of human rights [and
citizenship] is manifested first and above all 4 This finding is interesting in light of the
in the deprivation of a place in the world fact that various scholars have attributed
[a political space] which makes opinions the lack of women in leadership
significant, and actions effective...'(Arendt, positions within social movements to
cited in Jelin 1998, 405). In the absence of patriarchal bias within these movements
opportunities for debate about government (Houtzager 2000; Neuhouser 1995).
and economic policy and its impact on However, this may have more to do with
citizenship, participants have developed the fact that women in favelas
their own idea of citizenship, with the understand citizenship and democracy
dignity of individuals, families, and differently from men.
communities at its centre. 5 Participants were asked: 'Do you
participate politically? And if so, what
Joanna Wheeler is the Research Manager for the is the most important way you
Development Research Centre on Citizenship, participate?'
Participation, and Accountability based at the 6 In terms of democratic impulses, the
Institute of Development Studies, University of focus here is on forms of political
Sussex, Brighton BN1 9RE, UK. participation that work for the good of some broader collectivity, rather than
promoting representative governance,
because that was the notion most
Notes commonly elaborated by the study's
1 Support for this research was provided participants.
by the Fulbright Foundation, and I 7 See www.conhecimentosgerais.
would like to thank Marisa, Rita, and historia-do-brasil / redemocratizacao.
Nilsa from the Rio Fulbright office for html (last checked by the author 26
their support. Thanks also to Benjamin November 2003). I would also like to
Junge at Emory University for comments acknowledge Carlos Pio of the Federal
on an earlier version of this paper. University of Brasilia for his
Remaining flaws are of my own making. correspondence regarding the plebiscite
2 The 1993 plebiscite was mandated by the on governance.
1988 constitution as part of the 8 In February 2003, growing levels
democratic reforms that began in the of violence, including bombings of
early 1980s. The plebiscite was an government business, mass bus

burnings, and hijackings on major Marx, A. (1998) Making Race and Nation:
roadways, led to the temporary presence A Comparison of South Africa, the United
of the military on Rio de Janeiro's streets States, and Brazil, Cambridge: Cambridge
to enforce public order. University Press
9 Ong (1996, 737) makes a similar Neuhouser, K. (1995) '"Worse than men":
argument in reference to Asian gendered mobilization in an urban
immigrants to California. Brazilian squatter settlement, 1971-91',
Gender and Society 9(1): 38-59
Ong, A. (1996) 'Cultural citizenship as
References subject-making: immigrants negotiate
Bulbeck, C. (1998) Re-orienting Western racial and cultural boundaries in the
Feminisms: Women's Diversity in a Post- United States', Current Anthropology
Colonial World, Cambridge: Cambridge 37(5): 737
University Press Paoli, M. and V. da Silva Telles (1998)
Davis, D. (1999) Avoiding the Dark: Race and 'Social rights: conflicts in contemporary
the Forging of National Culture in Modern Brazil', in S. Alvarez, E. Dagnino, and
Brazil, Brookfield, VT: Ashgate A. Escobar (eds.) Cultures of Politics/
Holston, J. and A. Appadurai (1999) Politics of Cultures: Re-visioning Latin
'Introduction: cities and citizenship', in American Social Movements, Boulder, CO:
J. Holston (ed.) Cities and Citizenship, Westview Press
Durham, NC: Duke University Press UNDP (2000) UNDP Poverty Report 2000,
Houtzager, P. (2000) 'Social movements Washington, DC: United Nations
amidst democratic transitions: lessons Development Programme
from the Brazilian countryside', The UNDP (2001) Relatorio de Desenvolvimento
Journal of Development Studies 36(5): 59-88 Humano do Rio de Janeiro 2000, Rio de
Jelin, E. (1998) 'Toward a culture of Janeiro: United Nations Development
participation and citizenship: challenges Programme
for a more equitable world', in UNECLAC (1997) Sustainable Development,
S. Alvarez, E. Dagnino, and A. Escobar Poverty and Gender, Latin America and the
(eds.) Cultures of Politics/Politics of Caribbean: Working Toward the Year 2000,
Cultures: Re-visioning Latin American Santiago: United Nations Economic
Social Movements, Boulder, CO: Commission for Latin America and the
Westview Press Caribbean
Journal do Brasil (2002) News report,
8 March 2002
Machado, L.T. (1980) Formaqao do Brasil e
unidade nacional, Sao Paulo: Instituto
Brasileiro de Difusao Cultural

Creating citizens who
demand just governance:
gender and development in the
twenty-first century
Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay
The issue of good governance assumed enormous significance in debates on global development in the
1990s. By and large, this translated into policies aimed at building accountability of public
administration institutions to the broad 'public', but omitted to consider two key issues: first, the
'public' consists of women and men, who have gender-differentiated needs and interests; second,
civil-society institutions have a role to play in creating the demand for democratic, accountable, and just
governance. To address these omissions, and to reinforce the importance of bringing a gender
perspective to global debates and approaches to international development, KIT Gender, at the
Royal Tropical Institute in Amsterdam, initiated a three-year programme in 1999. It is entitled
'Gender, Citizenship, and Governance'. This article discusses the programme and its relevance to
international development, and provides three case studies from the programme; from India,
Bangladesh, and South Africa.

of policies and programmes must capture

ainstreaming a gender perspective
in development was the overall the progress made in the achievement of
strategy adopted at the Fourth UN gender equality. For example, an agri-
Conference for Women, held in Beijing in cultural development project might focus on
1995, to support the goal of gender equality. ensuring that women involved in farming
The rationale for this'strategy is that it is have equal access to technology and
important to bring the goal of gender information. In contrast, the transformation
equality to the centre of the development approach aims to move beyond integrating
process. After three decades of gender and women's concerns relating to the demands
development activism, most in development of their daily lives, to focus on improving
institutions continue to need constant women's position (status), and thereby
reminders of the need for gender analysis in transforming the agenda. For example, if the
their work. Why is it that policy makers still key issue facing women in agriculture is lack
have to be lobbied to include the 'g' word, of independent land rights, this approach
and colleagues need to be convinced that would move far beyond ensuring that
integrating a gender analysis in their work women have equal access to technology and
makes a qualitative difference? information, to advocating for changes in
There are two ways in which gender inheritance practices and land ownership.
equality concerns can be mainstreamed. Integration and transformation require
Integration aims to ensure that such concerns work at two different institutional levels.
are integrated in the analysis of obstacles to Integration involves working within
development, and that these concerns development institutions to improve the
inform the formulation of policy, programmes, quality of their work - improving the
and projects. Specific targets are set for 'supply' side of the equation. A trans-
outcomes, and the monitoring and evaluation formative agenda requires efforts to support,

nurture, and create constituencies who part of many that conventional development
demand change. To do this, development efforts had failed to achieve the desired
organisations need to understand the nature ends. These were to eliminate poverty and
of government and of state-society inequality, and promote respect for human
relationships, and the degree of autonomy rights.
that policy-making institutions have from Attention began to shift away from
international development and financial traditional development concerns towards a
institutions. In many countries in Africa, for greater consideration for the way in which
example, social and political movements power is exercised in the management of
have marginal influence on what the policy- economic and social resources for develop-
making institutions are doing, because ment. International financial institutions
many governments are dependent not only such as the World Bank, bilateral donors,
on the people, but on international support, and donor groupings like the European
to stay in power. Working on governance Union (EU) and Organisation for Economic
involves understanding the interconnect- Co-operation and Development/ Develop-
edness of institutions at different levels, and ment Assistance Committee (OECD/DAC),
determining the role that social movements highlighted the need for good governance,
can play in demanding justice for the poor. to ensure that development aid had the
desired results of bringing about economic,
social, and political changes in developing
KIT's programme countries.
KIT's programme on gender, citizenship, Good governance meant different things
and governance was set up in order to to the donors and other actors involved in
address such issues. The programme aimed development, according to their different
to make gender equity and equality a core priorities and mandates. However, on the
concern in governing development. It whole, the good-governance agenda aimed
provided a framework to facilitate innovative to make public administration institutions
gender and governance initiatives in nine accountable to the public whom they are
countries and in two regions of the world: supposed to serve. Most money spent
South Asia (Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, by donors in support of good governance
and Sri Lanka) and southern Africa in developing countries went towards
(Namibia, Zambia, South Africa, and reforming the state and attempting to
Zimbabwe). The programme was under- improve public administration. Democratic
taken in collaboration with 16 organisations reform concentrated, in the main, on reform
from these countries. The development of of electoral systems, decentralisation and
these partnerships, and of collaborative devolution of government, and reform of
action research, was the cornerstone of the administrative and legal systems.
programme. The aim was to construct a
forum for linking and learning, in the best Good governance and the international
traditions of participatory and action- 'crisis of control'
oriented research, and contribute the The good-governance agenda did not
insights generated to improve development automatically address the question of
policy and practice. gender inequality. For example, establishing
the rule of law has not automatically
The international development context translated into the legal recognition of
In the 1990s, the issue of good governance violence against women as a crime.
assumed enormous significance in the Similarly, expanding the scope of citizens'
debates on global development. One reason participation in governance, by decen-
for this was the growing realisation on the tralising government, has not by itself
Creating citizens who demand just governance 47

ensured that women and men are (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for
represented on an equal basis. Action.
The attempts to improve governance While global citizen action has been
took place at a time when the processes of necessary to provide the wider political
rapid economic globalisation were at their environment for the construction of new
peak. Over the last three decades of the rights, entrenching these rights has involved
twentieth century, the speed and range of hard work at local and national levels. It
the globalisation of economics, politics, and has been necessary to work with powerful
culture have involved bringing in new- institutions to change the rules and to
comers into governance. The traditional demand responsiveness and accountability.
actors - the state, civil society, and political This has meant working within the political
institutions - have been joined by spaces provided by these institutions, and
international development and financial also constructing new political spaces.
institutions. State capacity to manage the
political economy of a country has been
seriously undermined in both the North and Gender, citizenship, and
the South, because of the processes of governance: what did we
economic globalisation. Needless to say, do?
Southern countries have suffered more
because they start from a position of greater In the KIT programme we have focused on
poverty, less social development, inade- three areas of concern: taking office,
quate development of markets and engendering governance institutions, and
institutions, and weaker bargaining power claiming citizenship. Organisations which
in international trade and financial systems. have participated in KIT's Gender, Citizen-
The processes of globalisation have resulted ship, and Governance programme have
in a crisis of control in the world order. By this adopted a three-pronged strategy, consisting
I mean that no single centre of authority has of the following elements:
the ability to manage economic and social
• creating access to governance
changes in a way that will take care of those
groups of people who are harmed by the
changes (for example, those whose • effecting change within these
livelihoods are lost). The crisis of control, institutions to improve their ability to
and the negative effects that the current respond to women's needs and interests
model of global development has had on • staking women's claim to new
people's lives, has resulted in movements entitlements, arising from the needs
promoting global justice. These have moved articulated by those women affected by
the struggle to rights beyond individual lack of rights and influence.
nation states.
One of the more successful instances of The organisations have worked hard to
global citizen action has been women's bring about changes in institutional
activism for rights, equality, and policies practices that would help women to secure
that enhance human development and their strategic gender interests. The projects
justice for all. Women's constituencies have undertaken by these organisations have not
emerged as global citizens, arguing for the been limited to advocating decentralisation
right to development, freedom from of government, or getting more women into
domestic and sexual violence, sexual and government and political office, or
reproductive rights, and the implementation reforming the law. Rather, the participating
of the Convention on the Elimination of all organisations have intervened in these areas
Forms of Discrimination against Women with the objective of reforming and

rewriting the 'rules of the game'. The case representatives from Muslim, Dalit, and
studies presented here illuminate what is other marginalised groupings.
involved. COVA saw its main task as establishing
the legitimacy of female political repre-
India: building political legitimacy for sentatives, in a context where the dice were
minority women in local government loaded against women on two counts. First,
In India, the question of representation of political parties and male representatives
disadvantaged groups has been debated in saw the women representatives as entering
political circles since independence in 1947, political office on the basis of favours by
with caste-based discrimination as the major government, rather than on account of their
concern. The Indian Constitution banned leadership qualities. Second, political parties
discrimination on the basis of caste and and individual politicians had captured the
included those castes that had historically reserved seats for women by placing 'proxy
been wronged and treated as 'untouchables' women' in these seats. These were women
in a special schedule of the Constitution. who did not take active office, but whose
These caste groups came to be known as men (usually husbands) did this for them.
'scheduled castes', and quotas were COVA's strategy was to hold four
instituted for their representation in workshops for a core group of women
Parliament, state assemblies, the public representatives. The workshops were held
sector, and in educational institutions. In at six-month intervals, and aimed to support
1993 the 73rd and 74th amendments to the the women and foster a sense of account-
Constitution were passed, making Local Self ability to their constituents. The training
Governing Institutions (LSGIs) mandatory focused on ensuring that women gained a
as part of government. A uniform three-tier better understanding of rules and pro-
system - district; talukfblock (a cluster of cedures, and developed skills such as public
villages); and village levels in the rural areas speaking, interaction with the media, and
or Municipalities and Corporations in large interaction with government officials.
urban centres - came into formal existence. COVA produced an information handbook
An important aspect of the amendment was for each participant.
that one-third of the seats in all levels of local In between the workshops, the women
government was reserved for the election of representatives were required by COVA to
women. In the following year, 350,000 put their training into practice by meeting
women entered local government as elected their constituents and engaging with local
representatives. Civil-society groups rallied administration officials, political parties,
to support the new incumbents, offering and the media. The women's performance
training in order to enhance their was monitored by COVA, whose repre-
effectiveness. sentatives met with constituents, officials,
The Confederation of Voluntary political parties, and the media to get a sense
Associations (COVA) - a non-government of whether perceptions of the political
organisation based in Hyderabad, south representatives were shifting. This monitoring
India - is one of the NGOs that took up work acted as a further impetus for the women
in this area. COVA saw that the opportunity representatives to undertake the agreed
presented to women to become political tasks.
agents and address women's gender- For the first time, the women political
specific concerns was not being realised, representatives visited constituents unaccom-
despite the large numbers of women panied by male relatives. They also began to
entering local government as a result of the engage with officials, and address council
quotas. COVA was particularly concerned meetings and the media. This gained them
about the effectiveness of women respect as leaders, which in turn improved
Creating citizens who demand just governance 49

their confidence and self-esteem. At the responsible for the family. This imposes
second workshop, the majority said they special limitations on women's participation
were not interested in continuing a career in in politics and in public life, limitations that
politics; by the fourth workshop, the men do not face. Thus, while Ameena's
majority were interested. The women husband was extremely helpful in
representatives now saw themselves as furthering her public role, her private/
legitimate political actors, and this domestic role was seen by him, and by the
reinforced the perceptions of others that larger society, as something that women, in
women were to be taken seriously as order to be 'women', are obliged to do.
political leaders. Ameena's participation in the COVA
The case of Ameena, who participated in programme helped to open up discussion
this programme, illustrates both the about gender roles, and this is a first step
possibilities and difficulties of establishing towards change. Her husband had never
women as legitimate political actors. before been confronted with the 'taken for
Women's position in relation to men shapes granted' nature of gender roles and
the nature of their political participation. relations.
Ameena came to be a political representative Ameena is a graduate in Home Science,
at the instigation of her husband and the was active during school and college days,
local Member of the Legislative Assembly and successful in many quizzes and debating
(MLA).1 Her husband had always been competitions. Despite her education and
active in politics; he was a former councillor experience in public speaking, she felt a little
for his wife's ward, and the City President of scared during the Municipal Corporation
the Minority Cell of the Congress Party. meetings and did not speak in the first three
He was planning to contest the election, but meetings. By the fourth meeting, she
when the ward was reserved for women, he decided to move a resolution about a civic
asked his wife to stand. She was not problem in her area. She was the first woman
interested in politics and declined, but the to speak in the Corporation meetings.
elders of the area, including the local MLA, Gradually others also started speaking, and
pressed her. Ameena reluctantly agreed, now women take an active part in the
although she was a little scared and tense
about taking on the job.
Ameena now says she wants to continue
Ameena's husband undertook a door-to- in politics, and does not want to become a
door campaign, with six women of the area, housewife again. She admits that earlier she
covering 1,000 houses. She won by 987 votes, never used to read about politics in the
the highest margin of victory in the history of newspapers, but now the first thing she
the ward. Her husband motivates her to visit reads is the political news. However, her
the field and meet with officials on her own, constituency will not remain reserved for
and also encouraged her to participate in the women during the next elections, and her
trainings organised by COVA. He feels that husband is keen to contest this seat himself.
his wife is capable of discharging her Under the circumstances, Ameena may not
responsibilities without support, and he contest the elections and may have to make
does not interfere with her activities and way for her husband, in order to keep peace
freedom of movement. However, he says in family relations.
that he does not feel like sharing domestic
work, because he has never done this and it Bangladesh: ensuring accountability of
is not a man's role. Unlike men, women health-service providers to stakeholders
entering politics have to manage both roles - Naripokkho is a women's rights organi-
their new role as public representative and sation based in Bangladesh. Founded in
their traditional role of caring and being 1983, it has established a reputation as an

advocacy group for women's health and providers. At the outset, Naripokkho chose
rights. Bangladesh has a very high maternal to engage first with the concerned local
mortality ratio, at 450 per 100,000 live births. official, rather than engaging with the
These deaths are largely due to preventable Ministry, which would have resulted in top-
causes. The statistic shows the failure of the down directives.
public health system to provide effective Following this, Naripokkho encouraged
services for women. stakeholders to see the UHAC as a body
Around 1979, primary health care in that could address and solve some of the
Bangladesh was organised around the problems being raised, and to see its
upazila (sub-district level). The Upazila meetings as an 'invited space' for citizens to
Health Complex (UHC) is the compre- participate in decision making. Naripokkho
hensive primary health-service provider built up support among the stakeholders for
institution, and is administered by the the revived UHAC, so that it could actually
Upazila Health and Family Planning start functioning, and service providers and
Officer, who convenes the Upazila Health users could support each other in problem
Advisory Committee (UHAC) which is to be solving. Since this was an effort to
chaired by the local Member of Parliament. strengthen 'citizen voice' as well as 'state
The Committee, which should have response', it was important to involve
representation from the providers (govern- diverse actors. These included women from
ment health officials), citizens, and elected the community, NGOs, elected repre-
representatives in local government sentatives, the doctors of the UHC,
institutions, is supposed to meet every journalists, other health practitioners, and
month. Its objective is to improve health and the local government administration.
medical services at the hospital that it serves Naripokkho also engaged with the local
and solve any problems that might arise at elected representatives, since they were
the local level. Naripokkho worked in one already motivated to improve women's
upazila, Pathorghata, in collaboration with a health and rights, and were also members of
local NGO, to improve the response of the the UHAC. As such, they were accountable
government health-service providers to to their electorate. They monitored com-
women's reproductive health needs. The pliance with the decisions of the UHAC.
UHAC of Pathorghata was defunct, with no This was very effective, as it was based on
meetings having been convened for five the power of the 'public mandate' of elected
years. Doctors took fees from patients at the representatives to take decisions on behalf of
UHC for services they were supposed to their constituencies. Journalists helped by
provide free, and sometimes resorted to creating a public debate about the need for
extortion. health providers to be accountable to users,
Naripokkho explored how the forum no matter how poor. This was very effective:
offered by the monthly meeting of UHAC whenever there was a lapse in service, there
could be used to enforce accountability on a was immediate media coverage. This
sustainable basis. The organisation made a enforced compliance with the agreements of
series of strategic choices about the most the UHAC, since anyone violating the norms
effective ways to stimulate debate about risked exposure and public embarrassment.
women having a right to health care, and Some significant results of the project
acceptance of this as a principle, through the include enhanced and proactive partici-
forum of the UHAC. This included ensuring pation of the UHAC members in the
that all members had faith in using the committee meetings; monitoring of hospital
UHAC as a problem-solving forum, as well practices by the journalists and councillors;
as ensuring respect for its decisions, improved professional behaviour on the
especially on the part of health-care part of the doctors; better service provision
Creating citizens who demand just governance 51

(for example, fewer instances of bribery, and laws on marriage. It hoped that the result
regular health education classes); and would be a law that would meet the needs of
encouragement for women to negotiate women. When the South African Law
lower fees for consulting the doctors. Commission (SALC) started investigating
reforms to customary law in 1996, CALS
South Africa: reform of customary law engaged in this process through providing a
The Centre for Applied Legal Studies written submission, oral advocacy, and
(CALS) is a research organisation at the attending SALC meetings and workshops. It
University of Witwatersrand, South Africa. relied on the research undertaken to inform
The Gender and Research Project (GRP) at the process. CALS also hoped that women
CALS was formed in 1992. It had the broad who were involved in the research
objectives of promoting gender equality and (especially those who were part of an
human rights. From its inception, the GRP organised constituency) would go on to
was involved in the negotiations about the participate in the democratic process.
new South African Constitution. It provided One issue - that of polygyny, in which
technical assistance to the Women's one man marries two or more women -
National Coalition, and to women in the caused much debate within CALS and
African National Congress (ANC), which the RWM. The RWM and CALS research
formed the first democratically elected findings overwhelmingly showed the
government. It also played a role in one of practice to be oppressive to women.
the key disputes during these negotiations, However, questions were raised about
which was the place of customary law in the whether or not prohibition of polygyny
Constitution. should be called for. Certain events caused
Customary law is a set of rules and CALS to rethink the issue. Significant here
practices which governs the lives of the was the annual general meeting of the RWM
majority of black South Africans. Prior to the in February 1998, where members were
onset of democracy in 1994, customary law chanting the slogan 'one man, one woman'.
did not enjoy a status equal to civil law. The CALS noticed that some members sat
customary system, which was not codified quietly, without chanting the slogan. When
before colonial rule, had been manipulated asked why they did not chant, they replied
by successive white governments, in that they were living in polygynous
collaboration with state-supported male relationships, and this prevented them from
elders, into a codified system which chanting the slogan. During discussions
entrenched and extended the subordination facilitated by CALS, the divisiveness of the
of women. slogan was raised. CALS became aware that
In 1995, the Rural Women's Movement women were not a homogeneous group, and
(RWM) identified reform of customary they were not condemning polygyny with
marriage as a key priority, and asked CALS one voice. It was critical to ensure that the
to conduct research and advocacy with them law offered protection to women and
on this topic. CALS began a research project children in existing polygynous households.
which sought to identify the practices, In the CALS research, enormous concern
needs, and interests of women in relation to had been expressed about the rights of
women and children to property in poly-
customary marriage. It documented the
gynous marriages. Prohibition of polygyny
experience of women who had married
might result in making wives and children
under customary law, as well as their
even more vulnerable and marginalised.
attitudes towards their marital status, and to
the idea of reform. CALS believed that the When the Bill was finally tabled in
information collected would provide a basis Parliament, CALS had to make a series of
for influencing the state to reform customary strategic choices about its content. The Bill

provided for equality within customary Governing for equity:
marriage, reflecting the wishes of women for lessons learned
marriages that gave them legal security
(especially in respect of property), while We at KIT began the Gender, Citizenship,
enabling them to maintain positive cultural and Governance programme with the
links. The Bill sought to contribute to the intention of contributing to the generation of
decline of the practice of polygyny, yet knowledge and practice that would help to
protect vulnerable women in polygynous make gender equity and equality a core
unions. The Bill did not reflect all CALS' concern in governing development. Through
proposals, and aspects of it were contro- their action-research projects, participating
versial (especially the provisions on organisations arrived at understandings and
polygyny). definitions of good governance from a
However, CALS was aware of the gender perspective.
compromises and choices that had been
made during the SALC process, as well as The meaning of good governancefronta
the lengthy process of research and gender perspective
consultation. CALS decided to support the We found that 'women taking political
Bill, and focused on its strengths, while office' means not only creating mechanisms
for their entry into public office. It also
highlighting the concerns of rural women.
means establishing women as legitimate
The Bill was fast-tracked through
political actors, as opposed to private
Parliament, which meant that the resultant
persons who do not have a place in politics
Recognition of Customary Marriages Act
and the public sphere.
was made operational only two years after
its enactment in November 2000. 'Engendering' the institutions of national
governance means ensuring that they are
The engagement of CALS did not end
accountable to women as citizens; changing
here: the organisation was particularly
rules, procedures, and priorities that exclude
concerned to examine the way in which the
the participation of poor women and the
Act was implemented, from the perspective
incorporation of their interests in the
of women using it. Given that the law had development agenda; and mobilising and
been structured around the expressed needs organising women's voices in civil society.
of women, did it actually address these
needs, and solve the previously identified The meaning of citizenship
problems of minority legal status, which What does citizenship mean for poor
affected access to property during marriage, women? First, we found that it means the
lack of decision making power, and non- right to participate and to be agents. For
consensual polygyny? To measure this, groups on the margins of society, citizenship
CALS began to collect information on how means acquiring the power and under-
the Act affects the lives of women connected standing to define the problem of lack of
to the original research sites. CALS also rights, and the solutions to this problem.
interviewed officials responsible for imple- Second, it means aspiring to substantive
menting the Act. A number of problems equality, as opposed to formal equality. The
with implementation came to light through case studies highlight the need to be
the monitoring research; for each of the pragmatic, and discuss and analyse rights
problems identified, CALS has sought to according to the priorities of the affected
engage the stakeholders to seek solutions. population, rather than relying on ortho-
doxies about women's rights. However, this
is not to suggest that we should promote
cultural relativism. Rather, as the case
Creating citizens who demand just governance 53

studies show, this is a way of finding a immense amount of work has to take place,
successful way to struggle for substantive to organise and mobilise constituencies that
equality - and make rights real. It involves grow into an awareness of the right to have a
honestly understanding and representing right, and the right to participate in decisions
the lived experience of specific categories of affecting one's life.
women (the most marginalised, or those Shaping the accountability interface
who are most affected by lack of specific 'Constructing and articulating voice' does
rights). It means moving away from the idea not necessarily lead to better outcomes for
that women's interests are only about women. The case studies highlight the
gender relations - that is, about women in significance of ensuring that this voice is
relation to men - towards a more nuanced heard by the institutions that affect the lives
understanding of the specificities of a of citizens, so that changes take place, and
woman's position, the construction of which there is an accountability and responsive-
depends on other social relations (for ness from these institutions. The project
example, race). The best illustration of this is undertaken by Naripokkho sought to
the case study of customary-law reform develop the accountability of local health-
undertaken by CALS in South Africa. In its service providers to women. Naripokkho
work on reforming customary law, CALS did this through a gamut of strategies, which
established that women's experiences and included giving providers a voice to
needs must be the key to the reform process. articulate their problems; reviving a defunct
The organisation moved away from a health-accountability body and making it
universalistic idea of women and women's function as a problem-solving body,
interests, once it was made aware of the including multiple stakeholders; and
realities of women who lived in polygynous providing information about women's
marriages. health needs so that the service providers
were aware of what they had to address.
The practice of good governance
Constructing voice Carving out space
Women face barriers which restrict their The projects discussed here also demon-
claims to citizenship, preventing them from strate the importance of carving out spaces
participation in politics and the institutions which enable women to articulate their
of governance. To break through these, they interests, and provide an 'accountability
need to have a voice, and organise as a interface' between interests and institutions
political constituency within civil society. of governance. Sometimes these spaces are
The projects outlined here all helped to opened up by decision-making institutions,
articulate the voices of the most margin- and at other times spaces have to be created
alised women, by highlighting real-life through women's own efforts. The projects
experiences of exclusion from entitlements constructed, created, and, on occasion,
and rights. opened up spaces that were by all accounts
Creating 'communities of struggle'
closed to public participation.
The case studies highlight the important role Working on both sides: in and out of the state
of a political constituency of women in On the one hand, women in civil society
building awareness. This awareness is key need to become more aware of their rights
to creating a public which is broadly and more aware of how to hold institutions
sympathetic to the principle of gender to account. On the other, women need to
equality, and in challenging prevailing work within institutions of governance to
notions of women's subordination. In order reshape how they function. Most of the
to give voice to women's demands, an projects worked in tandem with state

institutions, sometimes aligning with the these institutions. PRIP Trust in Bangladesh
agenda of the state, and other times agitating did this by involving elected representatives
for change. of local government bodies in a resource-
Establishing authority through contributing mapping exercise; undertaking a situational
knowledge analysis of how these function, and
presenting the results to the stakeholders;
In all cases, the organisations which
and organising workshops and meetings to
participated in our programme were able to
develop the capacity of elected members. In
engage with civil society and state actors as
the process, undemocratic practices were
they did because of the legitimacy and
unearthed, the marginalisation of elected
authority that they had established through
women representatives was made visible,
their active contributions. Some organi-
and information regarding resources
sations, like the International Centre for
available to local government was more
Ethnic Studies (ICES) in Sri Lanka, and Sister
widely shared.
in Namibia, worked to increase the number
of women elected to political office, and All the action-research projects highlight
undertook research into the kinds of the importance of understanding organi-
electoral system and mechanism that would sations of state bureaucracy, their structures,
be needed to increase women's access to and processes of policy formulation,
political office. CALS in South Africa planning, and implementation, in order to
became an important resource for the SALC, locate strategic entry points - in terms of
because of the extensive research that it had location and timing - for beginning to turn
undertaken to identify the practices, needs, around seemingly monolithic organisations,
and interests of black women in relation to to make them operate in ways that are aware
marriage. PRIP Trust in Bangladesh and of, and accountable to, the interests of poor
Sakhi in India researched the structures and women.
functioning of local government insti- Decentralisation of government is being
tutions, and was able to suggest with offered as the panacea to improve gover-
authority changes that would enable both nance, make governance transparent and
women and men elected to these institutions participatory, and bring government
to perform their roles. Naripokkho in structures closer to people and therefore
Bangladesh researched and provided make them more relevant to people's lives.
The experiences of the action-research
information on women's needs to the local
projects that have worked with local
health-accountability forum set up to
government institutions have helped to
monitor health-care provision.
destroy many of these myths, precisely
Understanding institutions and whose interests because the myths have been interrogated
they represent from the point of view of women. This
The projects demonstrate that once civil- process has shown the following.
society organisations have insinuated their First, since local government is more
way into the functioning of governance embedded in local social structures than
institutions, a main task is to make national government, and since prevailing
transparent the manner in which the gender ideologies are more concentrated at
institution functions, how decisions are the local level, it is more difficult for women
made, and how resources are allocated. to penetrate as independent political actors,
Bringing poor women's needs and interests or for them to raise controversial gender
to bear on the agenda of decision-making issues at this level.
institutions makes visible the deficiencies of Second, the experiences with local
the structures and processes that make up government institutions highlighted that,
Creating citizens who demand just governance 55

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transform unequal gender relations. Jahan, R. (1995) The Elusive Agenda:
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governance, and its relevance to development Lister, R. (1997b) 'Citizenship: towards a
policy and practice. Address: Royal Tropical feminist synthesis', Feminist Review 57:
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state legislature is called Member of the Mukhopadhyay, M. (1998b) 'Gender equity
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Fragmented feminisms:
women's organisations and citizenship
in 'transition' in Poland
Angela Coyle
Both governments and international donors now increasingly recognise women's organisations as key
actors in the promotion of women's rights, democracy, and citizenship. Yet they remain, on the whole,
poorly equipped for this role. The precarious, under-funded, and short-term existence of most women's
organisations does not equate with a flourishing civil society. If women's organisations are to have more
impact, they and their sponsors need to develop a longer view. This article focuses on the author's
experience of capacity-building work with four women's organisations in Poland. Here, women's
citizenship and rights are being promoted in the context of neo-liberal economic policies.

they can do this effectively is not at all

or more than a decade I have run
management training and capacity- obvious.
building courses for women's organi-
sations in many different parts of the world,
including the Caribbean, South Asia, Africa,
Women's organisations and
and Central and Eastern Europe. This work 'global' citizenship
has given me access to a very diverse range Since the 1980s, international development
of women's organisations, and an unusually agencies have shifted their funding strategy
privileged vantage point from which to away from direct aid to governments, in
consider the nature of their work and favour of funding non-government
activities, their experiences and struggles, organisations (NGOs). NGOs have come to
and, indeed, the highs and lows of trying to be regarded as a cheaper, less bureaucratic,
change the world on behalf of women. The and more controllable form of intervention.
more I do this work, the more I am troubled They are often also favoured as a focus for
by the precarious and insecure conditions local, 'grassroots' social activism and public
under which women's organisations function. participation. They are seen as providing
In this article I draw on my experience of the 'bottom-up development' that donor
a capacity-building project that I carried out agencies now consider necessary for the
with four women's organisations in Poland. construction of civil society and demo-
This showed me once again how tiny, under- cratisation (Edwards and Hulme 1996).
funded, often volunteer-based women's Women's organisations have also benefited
organisations are frequently expected by from this new and extended international
donors to challenge governments which are sponsorship (Pearson and Jackson 1998).
indifferent, or even hostile, to women's Over the last two decades, women's organi-
rights. No matter how well run they are, how sations have sprung up all over the world.

They are now active on a whole range of management in both developing countries
issues, giving voice to many concerns that of the South and the 'transition' countries of
did not previously appear on any develop- Central and Eastern Europe has led to
ment agenda. They also provide services for increased social fragmentation (Castells
women and their families that governments 1998; Gray 1998).
cannot - or will not - provide.
The UN world conferences on women's
Of markets, women, and
rights and empowerment have been
especially important in promoting women's the 'turn to democracy'
organisations as a renewed focus for Over the last decade, there has been a
women's activism (Wichterich 1998). They concerted international effort to support the
have fostered a new international dialogue 'transition' countries of Central and Eastern
between women's organisations, and have Europe to combine economic reform with
encouraged states to adopt national gender- processes of democratisation and the
equality plans and national forums through rebuilding of civil society. The restructuring
which women's organisations can engage of the communist system has not had the
with their own national governments. The same effect across all Central and Eastern
UK government's Department for Inter- European countries, but all of them have
national Development (DFID) refers to seen the transformation of the economy
women's organisations as 'key actors' in its from a system of state economic manage-
strategy for promoting the empowerment of ment to a neo-liberal free-market economy,
women (DFID 2000, 23). This is especially opened up to Western investment. At a
the case in those countries and regions political level, single-party systems have
where women's economic and political been replaced by multi-party systems, and
participation is restricted, and NGOs often free association and a strong civil society
provide the only available platform for have been promoted.
women's public participation. In principle, there should be a real
However, while women's organisations opportunity for women's organisations in
may now be widely favoured as a vehicle for these countries to engage actively with
promoting active citizenship, democrat- governments, promoting women's rights
isation, and social change, they are often not and citizenship. However, the end of the
well equipped for sustained activity on communist system and the 'turn to democracy'
behalf of women (Coyle 2001). First, it is well across the entire Central and Eastern Europe
recognised that many women's organi- region has led to a transformation and
sations suffer from being small, ineffectively reversal in women's fortunes (International
managed, and inadequately and precariously Helsinki Federation 2000). The countries of
funded (Cockburn 2001; Grant 2001). Nicky Central and Eastern Europe, and Poland
Charles has observed that women's in particular, provide us with a timely
organisations are good at innovation, but reminder that the promotion of women's
not so successful at ensuring their own long- rights and citizenship is not necessarily a
term survival (Charles 2000). story of linear progress and consolidation.
Second, we are now in an epoch Women have been adversely affected
distinguished by the growth of a 'global' directly by the 'shock therapy' of economic
market economy, and the imposition of change, and also by 'the revision of all things
market-driven structural adjustment policies communist', including the formal commit-
(SAPs), which have dramatically altered the ment of those regimes to equality for women
context in which women's organisations (Molyneux 1996, 234). Women's lives under
work. The spread of neo-liberal economic the former Soviet Union system were
Fragmented feminisms 59

unquestionably marked by gender discrim- women's rights has been systematically
ination and especially by the dual burden of dismantled. The post-Beijing National Plan
work and family responsibilities. Yet, of Action for Women is now suspended, and
formally at least, women had many of the inquiries from both NGOs and the United
rights for which Western feminists have long Nations on the implementation of the
campaigned, including full employment, Platform for Action have been ignored
free child-care provision, and freely available (Women's Rights Centre 2000). Hopes that
contraception and abortion (Einhorn 1991; accession negotiations with the EU might
Fuszara 1997). encourage the Polish government to carry
out a more active policy on gender equality
have not materialised either. On the
Poland: an anti-feminist contrary, Poland has done nothing to adjust
state its legislation to EU standards on the equal
With support from the International treatment of women and men (ibid.).
Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and The Office of the Plenipotentiary1 for
the European Union (EU), Poland embarked Women, set up in Poland in 1986, went
on a radical programme of rapid market- through a number of reincarnations until
isation and economic transformation in the November 1997, when it was reinvented as
early 1990s. Now, it is regarded as the model the new Plenipotentiary for the Family. It
for this kind of fiscal reform, and the most was given a new mandate, which no longer
successful of the 'transition' countries in includes working for the advancement of
Central and Eastern Europe preparing women or gender equality. At the same time,
to join the EU in 2004. Yet, in conjunction the Forum for Co-operation with Women's
with conservative pro-family social policy, Organisations (established in 1996, after
economic transformation has given rise to an the Beijing conference) was disbanded.
economic, political, and social context in A national project for combating domestic
which it is particularly difficult for women's violence has been replaced with a new
organisations to act. Organisations that programme for providing family support to
promote women's rights now find them- deal with 'interpersonal aggression'.
selves contesting the Polish state. Domestic violence is presented as 'a gender-
Citizenship and women's rights are neutral phenomenon' (ibid., 5). On cancelling
principles of a modern democratic state. Yet, the original project, the Office of the
in Poland, the marketisation of the economy Plenipotentiary stated that 'offering to help
has been accompanied by an authoritarian women and children outside their family
rather than democratic state (as predicted by home contributes to the break up of that
Gray 1998), and by a political culture which family' (International Helsinki Federation
promotes the interests of men (Watson 2000,334).
1996). Not only does discrimination against In 1998, the United Nations Committee
women in the labour market continue to on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights,
flourish, but inequality and the reinstate- and the United Nations Human Rights
ment of men as family breadwinners is the Committee, expressed concern in particular
official policy solution for high levels of male at the influence of Roman Catholicism on
unemployment, escalating family poverty, social policy, and on Poland's very restrictive
and domestic violence. anti-abortion legislation. These committees
Although Poland signed up to the UN also expressed concern about the lack of
Beijing Platform for Action, successive government action on the growing problems
governments have done little to promote of domestic violence and the trafficking of
gender equality, and the national instit- women, and about continuing inequalities
utional framework established for promoting in the labour market, including lower wages

for women and discriminatory practices of support mechanisms intended to
such as pre-employment pregnancy tests encourage better planning and project
(ibid.). The Human Rights Commissioner of management, and increased accountability
The Council of Europe has twice censured and transparency. Often, however, such
Poland for its unconstitutional restriction of support is experienced only as bureaucratic,
abortion rights, but the Polish government inflexible control (Biggs and Neame 1996),
has rejected all such criticism as 'foreign which is increasingly unhelpful in the
interference' (Molyneux 1996,253). rapidly changing, insecure, and risk-laden
environment which now confronts women's
Feminism in the global age
International support has helped the growth
of women's organisations and networks,
Strengthening women's
especially at an international level. In the organisations in Poland
global age, women's organisations are more It is estimated that there are more than 200
prolific and better networked than ever women's groups and organisations active in
before, but this has not helped most Poland. All have come into existence since
women's organisations to deal better with the communist regime ended in 1989. Many
their local and national political contexts. of these 'new' groups are actually a
Paradoxically, the conditions that have led reconfiguration of conservative, Catholic,
to the rapid expansion of women's organi- and pro-family groups, that were suppressed
sations are also those that have undermined during the communist era (Fuszara 1997).
their capacity to be effective. International There is, however, a handful of Polish
sponsorship, and especially the Beijing women's organisations, supported mostly
world conference, has seen the spread of by external international funding, which
women's organisations 'to the farthest would regard themselves as part of the new
corner of this patriarchal planet' (Wichterich international women's network (Stienstra
1998,147), yet they lack the 'ideas, strategies 2000). They have been active on a whole
or instruments for acting on governments in range of issues, including violence against
the context of market economies' (ibid., 156). women, the trafficking of women, equal
In both development and gender- rights at work, women's political repre-
equality work, progress is commonly sentation, sexual health, and reproductive
assumed to be rational and linear, and a rights. The activities of these groups are
thriving NGO sector is regarded as evidence dependent on the work of volunteers or
of a healthy civil society and democrat- short-project funding. There is little co-
isation (Escobar 1995; Forbes 2002). In fact, operation between them, and they compete
however, women's organisations are operating with one another over the limited inter-
in a new political context, marked by conflict national funding available.
and fragmentation. Cynthia Cockburn's Throughout 2000, I carried out a
research in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina capacity-building project, funded by the
has shown that although women's organi- British Council in Poland, with four
sations are potentially valuable in assisting women's organisations in Poland. All four
democratisation, in a context in which local organisations have an agenda of promoting
government is weak and national govern- women's rights of some kind. As such, they
ment is ill-disposed to the NGO sector, they are in opposition to the political status quo in
are scarcely able to play this role (Cockburn Poland. Three of the organisations have
2001). been active over a number of years, and are
Donors are, of course, aware of NGOs' made up of professional women who are
weak capacity, and have put in place a range well networked with other women's
Fragmented feminisms 61

organisations, both nationally and inter- associated with the difficulties of long-term
nationally. They have variously campaigned sustainability, at a time when international
on issues concerning women's employment, funding is moving away from Poland to
political rights and representation, and other regions of the world. They came to
abortion rights. In order to protect their recognise those aspects of their current ways
identities, I shall call the three organisations of working that militate against coherent
Women and Work, Women and Politics, and leadership, strategic direction, and decision
Women's Rights. making. They analysed the current dys-
In 2000, at the time of the capacity- function in their management processes, and
building project, two organisations - identified possible solutions. Meetings, the
Women's Rights, and Women and Work - issue of leadership, working with volun-
had some short-term project funding, and teers, project planning and management,
each had a small team of paid workers (three and stakeholder management were among
and four respectively). Both groups had the many issues that the groups wanted to
moved away from campaigning, and had address.
become more focused on undertaking During the consultancy period, Women
training, education, research, and the and Politics appointed a new leader, and
provision of information. Women and produced written job descriptions with
Politics continued to define itself as a roles and responsibilities for core network
campaigning group, but, as an informal members. It set up a regular meeting
network without any funding, its actions structure as a forum for planning, decision
could only aim to be visible, small-scale, and making, and discussion, and looked for an
sporadic. The fourth organisation - which I office and meeting place. Women and Work
shall call Refuge - was a newly established also set up a new regular meeting structure,
self-help group of working-class women and with such a forum in place it found that
who had come together to provide a it was surprisingly easy to discuss issues
telephone helpline for women suffering and negotiate differences openly. It found
domestic violence. It too had no funding. that the new meeting structure improved
The content and method of the project communications, decision making, and
was not decided in advance by the sponsors planning, and helped to shift the emphasis
or the consultants, but in collaboration with from individual to team working.
the participating groups, who were able to In contrast, Refuge was concerned with
negotiate what they wanted from the the problems of start-up and early develop-
project. The project took the form of six ment. It emerged as an NGO that is
weekends of consultancy meetings, held functioning well as a 'young', volunteer-led
over a 12-month period. During the meetings, organisation, with a management board that
each organisation worked with a consultant meets weekly. Refuge used the project to
to identify and analyse its internal organi- help to develop its organisational profile,
sational ways of working. Alongside these and build up networks with potential
meetings, all four organisations met on a funders and sponsors. During the project,
regular basis to consider both common Refuge secured a grant from its local
strategic concerns, and methods of colla- municipal council, to produce a range of
borative working. publicity materials and to hold a national
Each organisation identified a range of conference.
issues which currently confronted it. These The consultancy sessions went well
were rooted in the organisations' individual beyond the usual parameters of a capacity-
organisational histories and ways of building programme. Although all four
working. The three longer-established organisations had participated in capacity-
organisations all identified problems building and management training courses

before, the sessions were something of a sessions gave Refuge recognition and
revelation to these groups. endorsement of its effective ways of
working, but at some stage in the future the
'It was a kind ofjourney of discovery. That you organisation will need to manage its growth
can look at an organisation in terms of how it and turn into an organisation that employs
works and functions. We realised from this staff. This will necessarily change current
perspective that there were obstacles interfering roles and responsibilities, ways of working,
with how we worked. We came to understand a and dynamics between its workers.
lot about ourselves. We had the opportunity to
evaluate our own stage of development as an
organisation and to think about where we Developing partnerships
wanted to be.' and strategic alliances
(Women and Work, project evaluation)
The development of women's organisations
has been encouraged but not planned in
'The project has helped us bring about good Poland; and, in the ad hoc, overpopulated
changes within our organisation, in spite of its terrain of the NGO sector, they are forced
very informal nature. We now have a new leader, into competition with one another for
regular meetings and we are looking for a new limited funding. This militates against
officejmeeting place. We have learned the value partnership working and strategic alliances.
of analysing and assessing the ways in which we Donors do try to encourage NGOs to work
work and we now have better planning of our together, by making funding conditional on
activities.' collaboration. On the whole, such 'forced
(Women and Politics, project evaluation) marriages' have not helped NGOs to
appreciate the strategic benefits of partner-
It was pleasing to see changes occur, but ships and alliances.
there remained many issues that could not
be addressed by the project in the limited Some of the women from the four
time available. It seemed that we had left organisations participating in this project
teams more able to analyse their own had had very negative experiences of
management processes and identify previous collaboration, believing that their
problems and their solutions, but it was ideas and funding had been 'stolen'. Our
not certain whether they would use these initial proposal at the start of the project, that
abilities once the consultancy meetings the four NGOs should carry out a joint
ended. Women's Rights had come to see the activity of some kind, was not well received.
problems arising from its methods of Each group preferred to work 'privately' on
working, but found it difficult to move their own internal agenda and issues, and
beyond the diagnostic stage. Its project even across the language barriers we were
workers had liked being an informal and able to detect undercurrents of suspicion,
innovative group, and stated that they had hostility, and a manifest stereotyping of
little interest in running an organisation each other's class and politics. There was
(which they knew would require more certainly no automatic commonality of
effective management skills, project interests.
development, planning, and systems Gradually, however, as the groups met
development), or in running campaigns in a on a regular basis, they gained confidence
hostile political and social climate. During in each other, and were able to discuss
the course of the project, Women and Work their parallel processes of organisational
abandoned its new meeting structure, and learning. They began to discuss problems
its workers went back to individual and that they had identified as a result of the
reactive ways of working. The consultancy consultancy processes. They were able to
Fragmented feminisms 63

identify common ground, and have a better composed of two representatives from each
understanding of each other. There was less organisation, co-ordinated by one member
antagonism between them, and they were of Women's Rights. This steering group
more open to the idea of co-operation. After continued to meet after the capacity-
several months of meetings, the groups were building project had been completed, and
able to work together on a case-study we left the organisations planning a joint
exercise, concerned with the development of launch of the leaflet on International
an inter-agency collaboration to address the Women's Day.
problem of the trafficking of women. The By the end of the project, the four NGOs
groups were able to employ the methods had come to recognise both the purpose of
and approaches of partnership and inter- strategic alliances and the necessity of
agency working that are now common negotiating difference. In the final project
practice in many UK public-sector and evaluation meeting they had this to say:
voluntary-sector agencies. Although not 'for
real', the collaborative exercise evoked
'We would say that you should look for other
strong feelings. However, it helped to
organisations that have common interests with
identify very vividly the problems that are
yours, and see how you can maximise your impact
often encountered in developing
by working together. Remember that you have to
collaborative working. The groups were able
look at problems and issues from different points
to recognise that despite wanting to work
collaboratively, the fear of exposing of view. That diversity of opinion is of value not a
difference, conflict, and competition between problem. Also take into account individual needs
them would prevent collaboration, unless and interests within your organisation.'
these issues were acknowledged and
addressed. They were able to see that these 'Do not be afraid of changes. Do not avoid conflict.
factors had prevented them from achieving We wonder is it conflict that damages the NGO
collaboration in their own inter- group or is it the avoidance of conflict? We think
organisational work. that finding a common cause raises us above our
own individual interests and helps prevent us
After this constructive experience, we descending into defending our own view against
decided to propose to the groups again that
somebody else. Working on a common activity
they might like to undertake a joint activity,
adds value and makes us stronger.'
and we proposed that they might collaborate
to produce a leaflet. This would inform
women about equal rights in Europe, and Beyond the fragments:
the implications for Poland if the country developing the longer view
joined the EU. The groups were wholly
receptive to this proposal. In this article, I have described a capacity-
The groups used the partnership building project which helped women's
methods that they had learned in the case- organisations to confront their own
study exercise to develop their own weaknesses. It gave them a range of
collaboration. Together, they examined the frameworks and techniques for analysing
strategic purpose of the proposed joint and solving problems. It also offered a
activity, and assessed how working to method for managing change, and a
promote this common purpose would also language for expressing views and entering
meet the interests of each organisation. They into dialogue with one another which
used a participative planning approach to transfers the problem away from person-
develop their own proposed joint project. ality, personal rivalries, and hurt, to one
They quickly reached agreement on a focused on issues of strategy, structure,
project plan and formed a steering group, systems, and the stimulus to change.

The four women's organisations which citizenship also needs to be challenged.
participated in the project now know 'who These organisations are struggling.
they are' organisationally, what they like The discourse of citizenship has re-
and are good at, and what they are not good emerged as a kind of politics for the global
at. They are much more aware of how their age, in which the collectivity of modernity
internal management processes (or lack of is giving way to more fragmented identities,
them) determine their external impact. The based on individual rights and responsi-
project appears to have helped them to face bilities (Lister 1997). Ruth Lister suggests
the reality of the overpopulated NGO that if the concept of women's citizenship is
terrain in Poland, regarding the challenges to be at all useful for women, it is best
of building strategic alliances, in a context in understood as a process by which women
which they face competition for funding. stake their claim to be included in the
They now have the techniques for project construction of civil society and democracy.
collaboration and inter-agency working. But this process inevitably involves women's
Whatever the difficulties of the Polish agency and struggle. Poland sharply illustrates
context, it is clearly imperative that women's that without a responsive and responsible
organisations there should take greater state, women's organisations cannot be
account of their external environment, take effective, and women's citizenship is fairly
time to analyse this, and work on the empty of meaning.
opportunities that it might provide. When Women's organisations need much more
the project started, some of these organi- assistance from their sponsors and donors to
sations were neglecting their stakeholders. create the conditions in which they can be
Subsequently, all of the organisations have effective. This necessarily involves more
become more conscious of their external sustained and on-going capacity building; a
environment, and the need to continually different kind of funding regime which
negotiate and manage the complex and helps to develop and promote the longer
competing interests of their multiple stake- view; and donors' increased engagement in
holders. promoting a public arena based on mutual
Yet, on concluding this project, all of us - rights and responsibilities, in which women's
participants, consultants, and sponsors - organisations can act. Women's organi-
were left with a sense of processes just sations do not make civil society - rather,
started rather than completed. Only one they thrive where a flourishing civil society
group had funding beyond the next 12 exists.
months, and we left all of the groups locked
into short-term work, and facing uncertain Angela Coyle is Professor of Sociology and
futures. There is a convincing argument that Director of the Organisation Development
all radical and not-for-profit organisations Centre at City University, Northampton Square,
can benefit from being better managed London EC1VOHB, UK.
(Landry et al. 1985). However, I would a. i. coyle@city. ac. uk
challenge the notion that management
systems and rational planning techniques
are all that women's organisations require in
order to deliver their donors' modernising 1 A plenipotentiary is a person or
agenda of strong civil society and demo- institution invested with the full
cratisation (and somehow, along the way, power of independent action.
women's rights). The myth that the mere
existence of NGOs, and women's organi-
sations in particular, demonstrates the
existence of civil society and women's active
Fragmented feminisms 65

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D. Keates (eds.) Transitions, Environments,

Gender, citizenship,
and nationality in the
Arab region
Lina Abou-Habib
Conflict, the need to earn a livelihood, and other factors lead to international migration. Statistics on
migration to and from Arab countries are rare, but the existing data shows that the number of women
married to foreigners has dramatically increased. This article discusses the work of the Centre for
Research and Training on Development in Lebanon, in finding out about investigating discrimination
against women citizens married to non-nationals, who are prevented from passing on their nationality
to their children. This has a serious impact on the civil, social, economic, and political rights of families
in which women have married foreigners.

Citizenship, and Nationality), and began

ore than two years ago, my
organisation became involved in capacity-building activities for local NGOs.
addressing the issue of women's We subsequently planned a pan-Arab
right to pass on nationality to their children. advocacy campaign.
I work for the Centre for Research and However, we quickly found that two
Training on Development (CRTD), a main issues hindered us. The first was a lack
Lebanese non-government organisation of data on the texts and laws that regulate the
(NGO). CRTD has played a key role in issue. We needed not only national data, but
setting up a network of organisations in the data comparing different countries. The
Arab region (both Maghreb, i.e. North second kind of information we needed was
Africa, and Machreq, i.e. the Middle East) hard data on the impact of these laws on
within the framework of a regional women, men, and children. In March 2002,
programme entitled the Machreq /Maghreb we decided that action research would
Gender Linking and Information Project enable us to investigate these issues and
(MACMAG GLIP).1 provide women affected by these discrim-
In early 2001, after MACMAG GLIP inatory laws with a space to talk about their
identified women's citizenship as an important life experiences and what this discrimination
issue, some work was begun, mainly in meant for them.
Morocco and Lebanon. This consisted of a
number of awareness-raising activities
(involving dissemination of information,
press releases, and placing articles in the The countries included in the study were
local newspapers). In addition we developed Lebanon, Egypt, Syria, Morocco, Tunisia,
training tools and materials (which ended up Yemen, and Jordan. The study was
in a training guidebook on Gender, supported by the Gender and Citizenship
Gender, citizenship, and nationality in the Arab region 67

Programme of the United Nations Develop- right to specify who their citizens are,
ment Programme (UNDP) Programme on according to their independent will and
Governance in the Arab Region. We focused interests. This is because each state is
on gathering information of three main considered to be a separate entity, which has
types: the right to self-rule without interference.
• data on the legal context: national laws Therefore, the ways of granting nationality
and international conventions which differ between countries, according to
have been ratified by the states, relating differences between those states' policies,
to the right of women to pass on their principles, and beliefs.
nationality to their children
The national laws
• quantitative data on impact: showing In all seven countries, there is a clear
the extent to which the countries of the contradiction between the Constitution and
study are affected the law, regarding the nationality of women
• qualitative data on impact: showing the and their right to pass it on to their husbands
social, economic, and psychological or children. All the Constitutions contain a
impacts of this phenomenon on women commitment to gender equity; yet the
and their children, as expressed by the nationality laws contradict this. Under the
women themselves. law, men have the legal right to pass on their
Qualitative data were gathered in Lebanon, nationality to their non-national spouses
Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Morocco, and Jordan. and children; whereas women who are
Legal information was compiled from all married to non-nationals do not have this
seven countries covered by the study. right, except in a few particular cases2 - if the
In each country, legal and administrative child's father is unknown, or if the child's
data included the Constitution and father does not have a nationality.3
Nationality Code, administrative and regu- Nationality is inherited through a paternal
lative measures relating to the socio- blood link. Thus, children who have a non-
economic and civic rights of the children national father cannot inherit the nationality
born of foreign fathers residing in Arab of their home country.
countries, and international conventions The justification for this discrimination
ratified by the countries. Socio-demographic varies between countries. Most countries
data on Arab women married to non- argue the point on political grounds,
nationals were gathered in Lebanon and considering that giving women the right to
Morocco. Detailed qualitative information pass on their nationality to their husbands
was gathered on the living conditions of the and children will threaten the civil peace,
women affected by the issue, and the impact and lead to internal political crisis. For
that their inability to pass on their example, the state of Lebanon argues that the
nationality to their children has on these
demographic composition of the country is
children's lives. This phase of the research
all-important, and will be destabilised if
used interviews with ten women per
women married to non-nationals were to
country in Lebanon, Egypt, Syria, Morocco,
grant their nationality to their spouses
Tunisia, and Jordan.
and children. However, this argument is
not used to prevent men giving their
The results of the research nationalities to their non-national wives and
International legal bodies and agreements
give states the right to set their own National responses to international law
regulations regarding the process of granting There are many existing international pacts
nationality. They also provide states with the and treaties regarding nationality which aim

to eliminate discrimination between men concealed. However, the difficulty in
and women, by giving women the right to obtaining data turned out to be even worse
transfer their nationality to their children. than expected. In practice, we were able to
Most of the countries subject to the find statistics on the issue in Morocco and
MACMAG GLIP study had signed at least Lebanon only. Even here, the information
one, if not several, of these treaties. They was often incomplete. In Lebanon, the real
include the Nationality Treaty (1930), which numbers of mixed marriages are much
first tackled the issue of nationality and higher than the available figures suggest,
urged all the states to regulate this matter. because many foreigners, including those
They also include the Universal Declaration married to Lebanese citizens, fled the
of Human Rights (1948); the Convention on country during the civil war. The question of
the Rights of the Child (1989); the nationality is generally an essentially
Convention on the Nationality of Married political question. However, despite these
Women (1957); the International Con- limitations, we decided to present the
vention on Civil and Political Rights; and the numbers in our research. They helped us to
Convention on the Elimination of All demystify the issue, and challenge certain
Forms of Discrimination against Women - prejudices and preconceived ideas.
CEDAW - (1979), which identifies in its In Morocco, the project of preparing a
Article 9 the necessity of 'commitment of general statistical report on marriage and
member states in providing women equal divorce, including mixed marriages, started
rights as men in acquiring a nationality, recently. This is part of a partnership project
keeping it, or changing it...', and between the Ministry of Justice and the
recommends that 'The member states shall United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
provide women equal rights as men in their During its pilot phase from 1992 to 1996,
children's nationality'. this initiative led to the creation of a
However, the countries which had questionnaire on marriages and divorces, to
signed the treaties had mostly done so with be completed by notaries and returned to the
reservations. These reservations were Ministry of Justice, in order to obtain
deemed necessary because of national national information on these matters. In
policies, legislation, and laws which govern- 1995 this questionnaire entered general use,
ments felt clashed with principles enshrined but there were problems regarding the
in the treaties. For instance, all the countries reliability of the data obtained (several boxes
covered by the study had ratified CEDAW, in the questionnaire often remained empty,
with varying degrees of reservation. In or could be incorrectly filled), and national
many cases, there are so many reservations coverage remained patchy, since many
to CEDAW that these actually hinder the tribunals did not send back their question-
treaty's content and purpose, making it naires. However, the data that we obtained
impossible to achieve the Convention's in this way remain useful in showing
goals. important social trends.
In Morocco over the four-year period, the
number of marriages of Moroccan women
The extent of the problem to non-nationals outnumbered marriages
One of the most important objectives of this between Moroccan men and foreign women.
study was to get an idea of the magnitude of This result is in itself surprising. Over the
the problem caused by discrimination four years, such marriages had risen from
against women wishing to pass on their 996 to 2,507 per year. In 2001, the largest
citizenship. This would be useful, because it group of foreign husbands were French,
would raise awareness and give political who represented 42 per cent of all non-
visibility to a social issue that has been national husbands. Algerians represented
Gender, citizenship, and nationality in the Arab region 69

only five per cent of foreign men, and men still of their own free will. Three women
from the 'rest of the Arab World' there said they regretted having married too
represented 13 per cent. In the past, the young, saying that they were 'not conscious'
pattern had been that Moroccan women at the time. Of the ten Lebanese women to
chose foreign husbands who came from whom we spoke, three had not had their
countries closer to Morocco, and Algeria in marriages registered with the civil or
particular. religious authorities in their husbands'
In Lebanon, in contrast to Morocco, countries. Their children had not been
Arabs represented the largest proportion of registered, because in one case the father had
foreign husbands (61.5 per cent). They were deserted the home, and, in the other cases,
mostly Egyptians (23 per cent), followed by the women did not want Syrian nationality
Jordanians (18 per cent), and Iraqis (ten per for either their children or themselves.
cent). Meanwhile, Syrians (3.5 per cent) and Therefore, their children had no nationality,
Palestinians (two per cent) constituted only a and their only documents were hospital
small proportion of foreign husbands. birth certificates.
Among the non-Arab husbands, the French Most women reported meeting their
predominated, representing eight per cent of husbands through work, studies, family, or
foreign husbands. friends. In most countries, it took time and
effort to reconcile their families to their
choice of spouse, but they eventually
What is the impact on succeeded. It was harder to get wider social
women and their families? acceptance, however. It was especially hard
The majority of the women whom we to gain social approval for spouses who were
interviewed (62.5 per cent) were still non-Muslims (even if the woman was
married. Over a quarter (26.8 per cent) were Christian), men of a darker skin colour (for
divorced or abandoned, and 10.7 per cent example, one respondent was an Egyptian
were widows. Marriages tended to have who had married a Ghanaian), and men
taken place between members of the same coming from geographically distant countries.
religion, except in Morocco, where several In Egypt, 'traditional' marriages (that is,
Muslim women had married Christian men. marriages brokered by the families of the
Most couples had similar educational levels, bride and groom) seemed more common,
but couples who were roughly equal in probably because our sample there was
educational attainment did not usually find older, and these women had come from less
equal employment. Some foreign husbands privileged social classes. There were also a
had employment which was superior to that few 'traditional' marriages in Jordan, which
of their wives, but interestingly there were had been organised by families and/or
also cases of wives who were in more friends. They were generally said to have
prestigious professions than their husbands. been instigated in the hope of finding a
This is unconventional, and suggests that husband capable of taking care of a divorced
foreign husbands living in the countries of woman and her children.
their wives suffer from the fact that foreign Realising the problem
educational qualifications have less prestige To what extent had women in our research
in the eyes of employers. been conscious of the problems that might
Most women declared that they had arise from marrying a foreigner? In general,
chosen their foreign husbands freely, and most women declared that they had not been
that most unions were based on love. In warned before marriage. It is clear that
Lebanon, some women said they had got women are a long way from knowing the
married due to 'reason', rather than love, but laws that exist in their country, even if they

have a high level of education. The fact that did not exist, making the issue impossible to
there were no similar cases within women's solve. These problems were most critical in
families or friends meant they had not the case of husbands who were from Arab or
encountered the issues before. The only developing countries. Women who were
thing that most of our respondents were married to Westerners did not have the same
conscious of was that their husbands came problems, as their children were auto-
from other lands, with other cultures. matically registered, and their rights
In Syria, for instance, most women protected.
whom we interviewed thought that the Judicial and administrative procedures
children of an Arab father would auto- are of diverse types, but it seems that all
matically have the nationality of their contribute to make the lives of these families
mother. A typical view was: 'When we get a daily hell. The procedures are extremely
married with a Lebanese [because we are complicated, and it is sometimes impossible
both Arabs], we have the impression that we to renew papers or to pursue divorce
are from the same country'. In Egypt, settlements in the absence of the father. For
women condemned the absence of aware- families who live in small villages or far
ness-raising campaigns about the legal from the capital city - that is, the large
problems that they faced as the wives of majority of those to whom we spoke - the
foreigners, especially given that they thought procedures that they have to go through,
that the state was primarily responsible for and the investment in time and money that
the mixing of people: 'It was during the these represent, are costly and hard to bear.
Union of Syria and Egypt. The two countries
were one.'4 Living with the repercussions
The refusal by the Registry Office to If the husband has died, divorced, or
register the children is generally the harsh abandoned the home, and children have
first contact with reality. All the women we neither identity papers nor passports, the
spoke to had experienced this refusal as a absence of papers can mean that the whole
psychological shock, and they felt indignant. family lives in fear of police controls. All the
Mothers talked of the traumatic experience countries in our research demand that
people carry such documentation. Because
of going to register their first child, and not
of this, the children may feel trapped: as a
being allowed to. Generally, the only way to
young Jordanian claimed, 'we are prisoners
register the children was to register them
of our own homes'.
with the embassy or consulate of the
husband's country. All spoke of this initial The right to residence
sense of shock, and the accompanying The question of the right to residence is
feeling of anger and injustice. A typical view probably one of the most problematic for
was: 'Is it normal that my children, whom I families in which the wife is national and the
gave birth to, and who were born in husband is foreign. They face the same rules
Morocco, only have a legal existence in the as foreign couples. These procedures are
Algerian Consulate?' also applied to the children of mixed unions,
However, registration in the father's who reside in the country, after they reach a
consulate could be undertaken only by the certain age (for example, 15 in Morocco). If
father. This was the source of insuperable the father's residency permit is cancelled for
difficulties when the husband was abroad any reason, the children may have to leave
working, or if there had been a divorce, or if the country with him in order to be able to
the father had abandoned the family. Other study and to solve any administrative
problems arose when the consular services problems, since, even if he is expelled, he
were far away, or when diplomatic relations remains their legal tutor.5 In one case, a
Gender, citizenship, and nationality in the Arab region 71

woman had to wait two years to enrol her Having regular work in the country of
child in school, because her husband was residence is a fundamental condition for the
working in another country. naturalisation of foreigners. However, work
The question of what happens to these opportunities are often extremely limited
families if the husband has to leave is an for foreigners, leading to a vicious circle: no
important point, because, in the Middle East work without nationality, no nationality
region, countries have in the past suddenly without work. Problems with finding employ-
expelled foreigners of countries with whom ment often drive husbands and children to
they were in conflict. For example, during emigrate or, whenever they can, to work
the conflict between Morocco and Algeria, illegally. Illegal work is the source of many
Moroccans have been expelled by Algeria, difficulties: low pay, precarious terms of
even when they have ceased to have links employment, and worse. A Jordanian woman
with Morocco. Their children, and husbands married to an Indian national explained
or wives, have stayed in Algeria. what had happened to her husband: 'My
The right to travel husband died because of an accident at
For mothers and children who do not share work. Since he was not legally allowed to
the same nationality, problems often arise work, his employer refused to pay us the
regarding travel. One woman had had to indemnities.'
take her child abroad for more than three The right to own property
months for health reasons. Because the The right to own property may be forbidden
normal maximum time allowed on a return to non-nationals - as in Syria and Lebanon,
visa is three months, they had suffered where couples have to register all property
incredible difficulties getting the child back in the name of the woman - and children
into the country. either cannot inherit or purchase property,
The right to work or face heavy restrictions. In Tunisia, all
Denial of the right to work was one of the foreigners face the same restrictions, regard-
most serious issues facing the families we less of whether or not they are the children of
spoke to. If you are not a citizen of the a Tunisian woman.
country, lack of employment places your Access to state aid
residence rights in jeopardy. In Syria, if the In most of the countries covered by the
children of a national mother and foreign study, when the 'head of the family' is a
father have no work and do not have student foreign male, the family is not allowed to
status, they cannot stay in the country for benefit from any state aid for under-
longer than three consecutive months. privileged social classes. In this way, the
According to the women whom we father's nationality penalises the whole
interviewed in most countries, husbands family.
and adult children could not work in the
public sector. In the private sector there are Access to education
many rules which make it hard to hire a In Morocco and Tunisia, the children of
foreigner. In several countries in our research national mothers and foreign fathers have
there is a restriction on foreign Arabs no particular problems in accessing primary
working in either the public or private or secondary education. The story is very
sector, and in some cases they need an different when they reach university, where
annual working permit. It is often even they face a quota: tertiary education insti-
harder to work in liberal professions. For tutions are allowed to admit only a
example, in Syria, foreigners cannot obtain maximum of five per cent foreign students.
work as doctors. A mother told us the story of her daughter:

'She has finished her education at the age of Because of the need to keep up appear-
17, two years before she was allowed to get ances, women often felt that they had to face
Moroccan nationality. She will not be the consequences of their choice alone. They
accepted in any university as a national. She felt extremely lonely because of this. Many
will be part of the five per cent quota of admitted that they did not ask for help from
foreigners.' Several mothers hoped that their their families, feeling that they had to
children would fail their examinations at bear the consequences of their choice with
secondary school, so that they would finish dignity and pride. In fact, several of the
their secondary studies late, at the age of 19. interviewed women declared that they did
At this age, they could apply for natural- everything they could to project the image of
isation. Then they could apply for entrance a 'perfect couple'. If a couple is unhappy,
to university in the same way as nationals. women can be subjected to constant fear and
blackmail, since their husbands can leave at
any time with their children, who generally
The impact on marriages appear on their father's passport. This was a
Unsurprisingly, given the number of daily worry for some women we spoke to,
problems faced by these families, many who had had to accept the unacceptable in
marriages collapse. As noted earlier, over a order to keep their children.
quarter of the women to whom we spoke The interviewed women reported often
were divorced or had been abandoned. feeling guilty, and they often regretted their
In most cases, the women who took part decision. They felt guilty towards their
in our research declared that if they had to children: 'I am the reason why my daughters
take the decision to marry a foreigner today, have no future'. Their regret at having
they would not do it. They showed anger married a foreigner was made worse by their
against the state and laws which deny feelings of humiliation and shame. An
women citizens the same rights as men: Egyptian woman summarised this: 'As a
'I do not understand why it is easier for the wife, I have known love, but as a mother I
foreign wife of a Moroccan man to obtain the have lost my children for ever, and I do not
[Moroccan] nationality, than for the foreign advise any woman to marry a foreigner.'
husband of a Moroccan woman. I am also a To sum up, all the women felt that the
citizen, I work, and I pay taxes.' situation was unfair: a violation of the rights
Women were also angry at being forced and dignity of women, and of the principles
by discriminatory laws to challenge gender of equality and citizenship. However, the
norms, which placed them at odds with nature of their problems, and the severity of
society. There is a great feeling of contra- them, varied greatly. Those married to Arabs,
diction, as the woman has to bear a lot of Africans, or people from other developing
what would normally be the husband's countries had suffered much more, both
responsibilities. The dependence of women financially and socially. Families with low
on their husbands is a value which is central incomes were also more affected by the
to the societies in which our respondents injustice of the situation. On the other hand,
live. One woman told us: 'I feel that I am women who had married Westerners found
living a great contradiction, that comes that they had a certain number of advantages,
from an inversion in our roles. I take my and their marriages were more socially
husband's role now because, since he cannot acceptable. This is a strange and paradoxical
work, I have to support everyone.' Women result, since the marriage of a Muslim to
who support their husbands face heavy a non-Muslim is generally less accepted
social sanctions. They do not want to appear socially. However, the norms are modified
as what in fact they feel themselves to be: by economic reality, and it seems that the
diminished women with diminished husbands. financial advantages that marriage to a
Gender, citizenship, and nationality in the Arab region 73

European is likely to bring can outweigh the Individual strategies
problem of initial family rejection. Challenging the law directly
Children are considered foreigners,
Women used their right to a judicial appeal,
despite the fact that they have lived in their
mother's native country all their lives. The by filing complaints at a tribunal. They
question of identity seems to be especially consulted lawyers; the lawyer of one
important for the children. One Lebanese woman who tried this advised her not to do
mother talked of her son, who persistently anything, as it would all be in vain. The
asks: 'Why am I not Lebanese?'. The over- women complained and petitioned for
whelming message was that the children of a residence rights for the children, and for
foreign father feel that they miss out on children to feature on the mother's passport.
benefits that other children have. They Circumventing the law
resent being different, and they are generally Women had lobbied government ministers
very sensitive to prejudices and negative to obtain nationality for the children, and
judgements. One mother stated, 'My son has enlisted help from influential people. Some
hung a Moroccan flag in his bedroom. It's his had used false papers to register the children
way of claiming his nationality.' in schools, hospitals, and to obtain social
security. Most women who had done this
had resorted to their social network to get
Strategies used by the advice and obtain papers. These networks
women to solve their also proved to be useful in giving their
problems husbands bank guarantees, which are
One key distinction divided the women into required to get a work permit. Finally, they
two groups. The first group consisted of would register the property of their
those married to Western men. They had husbands and children in the mother's
found that their situation gave them name.
advantages which outweighed the denial of
their right to pass on their nationality and Collective strategies
citizenship to their children. As the worst Very few women had tried resorting to
problem that they faced, this group collective action through involvement with
mentioned the psychological impact of the the work of NGOs, except in Lebanon,
situation on their children. The second Morocco, and Tunisia, where there were
group was those married to Arabs, Africans, small and very specific examples of work on
or other nationals from developing countries. the issue.
They felt that they were disadvantaged
overall and suffered because of their Conclusion
situation, and were likely to try actively to
challenge it. Despite the knowledge that This regional research has revealed facts and
their actions may be fruitless, ('my position figures about an issue which has been so far
is weak because the laws are against me'), neglected. All the women whom we
most of the women made repeated and interviewed felt that the fact that they were
multiple efforts. not able to pass on nationality and citizen-
ship to their children was a deprivation of a
However, despite these differences, the fundamental right. This action discriminates
strategies that women used to cope with against women in two ways:
their situation were fairly similar.
• as individuals, by restricting their right
to live as full citizens with the husband
of their choice;

• as mothers, since they are deprived of • Women should be allowed to register
the right to transmit their nationality, children on their mother's passport
and the citizenship rights that this regardless of their citizenship.
confers, to their children. • The requirement for residence permits
In addition, children are discriminated for children of foreign fathers should be
against because they are born, grow up, abolished.
play, and study in a country that refuses to • Children should be naturalised at the
recognise them as human beings who have age of 15.
full and equal citizenship rights in the
• Permits for residence and work permits
country of their birth; and because they live
should be made more accessible,
with a mother who is incapable, according to
financially as well as in terms of
the law, of guaranteeing them a normal life,
and such elementary rights as the rights to
travel, to study, or to work. • The status of 'permanent resident'
The following recommendations are the should be given to children who have
result of the research project, and represent resided for more than five years in the
the thinking of the women to whom we country
spoke. • Mothers should be given permission to
be the legal tutors of their children.
Long-term objectives • Associations of women affected by these
The main objective in most countries is issues should be established.
to develop an appropriate social policy,
including the assertion of women's rights, • Women affected by these issues should
under the Constitution, to transmit their have the right to make collective appeals
nationality to their children (regardless of at Constitutional Court level.
the father's attitude); recognition of the • NGOs should be made aware of the
importance of preserving the unity of the issues, so that they can advocate for
family; and acknowledging women's changes to be made to laws, Nationality
citizenship in terms of rights and duties. Codes, and Personal Status Codes.
Other (often related) long-term objectives At present, we are disseminating the inform-
include: ation generated by the study, in the form of
• equal treatment for foreign wives and articles, publications, press releases, and
foreign husbands in the naturalisation meetings with the media. Women affected
process; by these discriminatory laws are being
• equality of rights to higher education encouraged to form collective interest
groups. Finally, proposals for legal reforms
and employment for children of all
are under way. These will be primarily
bi-national couples;
based on the findings of the research. In
• right of children to obtain the nationality addition, in early October 2003, a regional
of the country in which they were born, meeting was organised in collaboration with
regardless of their parents' nationalities UNDP Programme of Governance in the
(in Tunisia). Arab Region (POGAR). Parliament and
media representatives from the seven
Short-term recommendations countries of the study were invited to
• Women who want to marry foreigners discuss the findings and implications of the
must be informed of the laws on research, in an effort to build alliances as
nationality and citizenship, and of the well as a collective plan of action for change.
consequences for their children's rights.
Gender, citizenship, and nationality in the Arab region 75

Una Abou-Habib is the Co-ordinator of The 2 In the case of divorce or death of the
Centrefor Research and Training on Developmentfather, women may resort to a court
(CRTD) and of the Machreq/ Maghreb Gender appeal requesting that their children
Linking and Information Project (MACMAG under 18 be granted nationality if they
GUP). Address: CRTD, POB165302, Achrafieh live in their mother's country. This
1100 2030, Beirut, Lebanon. however is a lengthy and costly procedure, and success is not guaranteed.
Women will have to be literate, well
resourced, and well connected to use
Notes the law.
1 The organisations in MACMAG GLIP 3 Moreover, in most of the countries in
are NGO Forum for Women in this study, these two cases apply only if
Development in Egypt; Association the child was born in his or her mother's
Democratique des Femmes au Maroc in homeland.
Morocco; Queen Zein Charaf Institute 4 Syria and Egypt were in a Union from
for Development (ZENID) in Jordan; the 1958 to 1961.
Syrian Women League in Syria; the Civic 5 Because fathers are the recognised heads
Democratic Initiative in Yemen; and of household, they are the legal tutors of
CRTD in Lebanon. their minor children, even if the mother
is the provider.

Deprived of an individual
citizenship and women in Nepal
Mona Laczo1
Development organisations aiming to end violence against women, and to promote women's
empowerment in societies such as Nepal, need to pay attention to the question of women's citizenship,
and its links to empowerment and independence. In Nepal, citizenship rights are still accorded to
women through male relatives, rather than in their own right. Many women are unaware of the
importance of citizenship; yet others associate citizenship with an independent identity, thefreedomto
make choices, and the ability to obtain education, a good job, and a future. This article, by a development
worker, identifies the barriers to women's citizenship that exist in Nepal, and focuses on the additional
obstacles to citizenship faced by ethnic minorities, trafficked women and children, and refugees.
Currently, organisations based in Nepal are working in alliance with international development
agencies to call for reforms enabling women to gain full and equal citizenship with men.

by the Constitution of Nepal itself. Yet

his article discusses citizenship in
Nepal, women's attitudes to the denial thousands of Nepali women lack citizenship
of full citizenship rights, and its impact rights. Some are poor, some rich, some
on equality between women and men. uneducated, some educated, some from
Citizenship is a basic human right in our villages, and some from cities. This article
world of nation states. Citizenship is a direct explores the reasons for this deprivation, and
link between an individual and the state in its impact. It draws on interviews conducted
which he or she lives. Through it, the state by me in the course of my work with Oxfam GB
and the individual have mutual respons- as Regional Media and Advocacy Co-
ibility towards each other. The state has the ordinator for South Asia. I have been
responsibility to provide for its citizens, and fascinated by this issue for the past five years,
the citizen has the responsibility to defend and have spoken to many people in the
the sovereignty of the state. Citizenship course of visits to refugee camps, to areas
legitimises people's access to public resources where Oxfam GB supports development
and allows their participation in public life. work, and in my personal travels.
Yet millions of people are deprived of this
relationship with the state, and this has a
devastating impact on their daily lives. The Women and citizenship in
largest category of people who are affected Nepal
by discrimination regarding citizenship
'If I could have citizenship without my father or
rights is women.
my husband, I would have an identity that belongs
After he stepped on the top of the world's
only to me.'
highest mountain, Mount Everest, some 50
(A trafficking survivor, research interview)
years ago, Sir Edmund Hillary was granted
honorary citizenship of Nepal, backed up The right to citizenship is safeguarded by a
Deprived of an individual identity 77

number of human-rights conventions, Barriers to citizenship in
including the Universal Declaration of Nepal
Human Rights. A number of key inter-
national instruments specifically address the Citizenship in Nepal is gendered, in the
issue of citizenship and statelessness. Article sense that women and men have different
15 of the Universal Declaration of Human and unequal access to it. This is due to
Rights states that '1. Everyone has the right various legal provisions and principles,
to a nationality. 2. No one shall be arbitrarily including the Constitution of Nepal (1990).
deprived of his nationality nor denied Citizenship is awarded on blood rights - that
is, fathers pass citizenship to their sons and
the right to change his nationality'.
daughters. After the age of 16, both men
The Convention on the Elimination of All
and women must apply for a Certificate of
Forms of Discrimination against Women
Citizenship, to ensure that their citizenship
(CEDAW) clearly states that states should rights are protected. However, while this
grant citizenship rights to its citizens, process is relatively straightforward for
regardless of gender. '1. State Parties shall a young man, it is not so for a woman,
grant women equal rights with men to whose application must be supported by
acquire, change or retain their nationality. either her father or her husband. This
They shall ensure in particular that neither deepens women's dependence on male
marriage to an alien nor change of relatives, and renders them more vulnerable
nationality by the husband during marriage to discrimination and violence within the
shall automatically change the nationality of family.
the wife, render her stateless or force upon Thousands more Nepalese women are
her the nationality of her husband' (CEDAW denied rights of citizenship because they
Article 9). Paragraph 2 of Article 9 further have been trafficked against their will, or
defines the issue of inheritance of they belong to ethnic minorities, or they are
nationality. It states that 'States Parties shall refugees. While all these women's rights to
grant women equal rights with men with gain citizenship are being violated, the
respect to the nationality of their children'. nature of the violations differs from case
Nepal is party to 16 international con- to case. For example, most survivors of
ventions, including CEDAW. However, it trafficking are ostracised or socially excluded
has at least 118 legal provisions, including by their communities and families, and their
the Constitution, that discriminate against fathers are reluctant to acknowledge their
women (Forum for Women, Law, and existence. Further barriers to citizenship are
Development 2000). These include inheri- faced by women - and men - from some
tance laws, marriage laws, and the law on ethnic minority groups. For refugee women
citizenship. In all these areas, women's rendered stateless, the question is even
rights are bestowed on them by virtue of bigger, because there is no effective body to
guarantee their status.
their relationship to their fathers, brothers,
or husbands. As Sapana Pradhan Malla, a Minority ethnic groups may face
Supreme Court Advocate in Nepal, notes: particular problems in gaining citizenship.
'the discriminatory laws against women This is despite the fact that Nepal is a country
pose a major hurdle in the road to achieving that prides itself on its diverse ethnic fabric,
gender equality' (The Kathmandu Post,
and its laws prohibit discrimination based
on religion, sex, ethnicity, and so on. Article
19 January 2003).
11.2 of the Constitution states that 'No
discrimination shall be made against any
citizen in the application of general laws on

grounds of religion (dharma), race (varya), While some might argue that getting
sex (liga), caste (jat), tribe (jati), or ideological citizenship in Nepal is not impossible, most
conviction (varicarik) or any of these'. say that the bureaucratic process in place,
Paragraph 3 of the same article goes further, along with numerous legal discriminatory
stipulating that the state should not practise provisions, makes it difficult and burden-
discrimination among its citizens. Yet, some for women to apply.
despite a clear legal framework to limit In order to apply for citizenship, you
discrimination against ethnic groups, in have to provide evidence that your birth has
practice such discrimination does occur. For been registered. The process of registering
example, officials in charge of issuing a birth, and later applying for citizenship,
identification documents, such as birth is entangled in a number of bureaucratic
certificates or citizenship cards, can make procedures. The process could be made
every attempt to hinder the already easier if birth registration was seen by all as a
burdensome bureaucratic process, which at custom and a necessary process. However,
the end discourages ethnic communities according to UNICEF, only about 21 per cent
from applying (personal communication, of births are registered in Nepal, and these
August 2002). are mostly in major towns. 'In Nepal people
A final group which faces problems don't believe that registering the birth of
consists of the children and spouses of their children can bring benefit in their lives,
mixed marriages between Nepalese women but birth certificates could play a vital role in
and foreign nationals. Women and men a child's life. It can define their access to
whose fathers are not Nepalese are denied higher education, government employment,
Nepalese citizenship. The Constitution of voting, or even contesting in an election'
1990 and the Citizenship Act of 1963 state (personal communication, Yam Bahadur
that women cannot transfer their citizenship Kisan, Oxfam Legal Consultant, 20 July
to their children or spouses. The Country 2003).
Code of 1963, paragraph 152.1, provides for Tellingly, the directions for the photo-
the recognition of a person as having graph needed for the Nepalese Citizenship
inherited Nepalese citizenship through Certificate Application Form are tailored to
the father, but not through the mother. men. The form says 'black and white photo
Questions 5-10 on the forms for the must show both ears wearing a Nepali
Certificate of Citizenship relate only to an traditional hat'. Only men wear such a hat.
applicant's father's and husband's details - Some women to whom I spoke reported
including citizenship - but no similar details that they had asked the authorities for
can be noted on the mother's or wife's side. citizenship papers and had been rejected.
This leaves women without a chance to pass Others reported that it had taken them years
their citizenship to their children or their to secure their citizenship papers, as the
foreign husbands directly. authorities continued to harass them for
more paperwork. Many women told me that
the pressures of daily life prevented them
The process of application from taking the initiative to apply for their
'The current system of identification of women papers.
through their husband violates women's human There is low awareness on the part of
rights.' many women about the process. For
(Personal communication, Yam Bahadur example, one of the women whom I met in
Kisan, Oxfam Legal Consultant, 19 June 2003, the course of my research for this article
Pokhara, Nepal) described her fear of losing her citizenship,
because her husband, who had applied for
Derived of an individual identity 79

it, had suddenly left her for another woman: citizenship, a woman is stuck in the village,
'Now, I really don't know what to do. I and is more likely to be trapped in the
would like to ask my father to get me a vicious cycle of violence.
citizenship certificate, but he told me to go In an interview, Meena, a young woman
back to my husband. But why should I go from an ethnic minority, stated: 'Citizenship
back to a husband who beat me up, and is very important in life, without it you are
who doesn't treat me well?' (personal nothing. It is an evidence that proves my
communication, 19 June 2003, Pokhara, identity. It can get you a job, it can get you an
Nepal). Yet the belief that she would lose her education. I have a citizenship card, that is
citizenship just because her husband had left why I can work. Most women who are
her is simply wrong. without it are left in the village with no
possibility of a brighter future. Everywhere
you go, people ask you about your
The impact of lack of citizenship. At checkpoints, at health clinics,
citizenship at schools everywhere... and not everybody
The extent of the problems caused by lack of can prove that they have it' (personal
citizenship is not fully known in Nepal, as communication, 19 June 2003, Pokhara,
studies have not been conducted on the Nepal).
issue, but the problems are without doubt In the remainder of this section, I look
extremely serious. Women - and men - who briefly at two particular groups within the
are without citizenship have no legal wider population of Nepal, and outline the
identity. This means that they may not be impact that lack of access to citizenship has
able to pursue legal suits if their rights in law on them.
are violated. Women's current widespread
Trafficked women and children
lack of access to citizenship limits their
'My brother and uncle sold me to traffickers.
options in every aspect of life, be it access to
Luckily I was rescued. But now I am told that
education, health services, or freedom of
these very people will have to help me with my
movement. In rural areas of Nepal, it is the
request for a citizenship card. How could this be
norm for people to have limited information
about their legal rights to citizenship, and fair?'
little understanding of how citizenship (A survivor of trafficking)
could contribute to their independence and
empowerment. It is estimated that more than 600,000 girls
and young women are 'missing' from Nepal.
However, some women to whom I spoke They are victims of one of the most heinous
have realised that citizenship potentially crimes in today's world: human trafficking.
means power to break out of poverty and Many of them have been trafficked to
build a better future, through ensuring that neighbouring countries such as India, where
women are able to gain access to public they are forced to work as sex workers in big
resources. Women told me they felt that cities, like Mumbai. Many of those who are
without citizenship a woman is nothing, as trafficked lack citizenship. They are either
she is always at the mercy of her father, her too young to have received it before they
brother, and her husband. A girl learns early were trafficked, or their parents never
on that her status within the family will be initiated the application process.
less than that of her brothers. She will leave Citizenship can also act as a tool in the
the family house as soon as she is deemed fight against trafficking of women and
ready for marriage. This depends not on children. One of the reasons why it is so easy
having reached a particular age, but on her to traffic thousands of children out of Nepal
father's subjective judgement. Without is that they often come from poor families

and are not registered by their parents, and Refugees
thus there is very little trace of their Perhaps no other group of women is more
existence. Once they are trafficked, women disadvantaged than the Bhutanese refugee
and children can find it difficult to prove women living in Nepal. These women have
their nationality, which can prolong their been stripped (along with their whole
difficulties in being returned to their home families) of their Bhutanese citizenship, and
countries. Many survivors of trafficking are are now living in refugee camps and urban
faced with the dilemma of not being able to centres in Nepal, rendered 'stateless'. For
prove their place of origin and as a result such women, citizenship is a fantasy: 'There
could be subjected to further violence, not is no such a thing as being a global citizen. If
only by those who trafficked them but also there was, I could claim it and could receive
by authorities who are supposed to protect a passport and could travel everywhere. I
them. There are numerous well-documented could send my children to school without
reports of girls being sold and resold - even fear that our status would be found out. I
by policemen, who feel little remorse about could open a bank account to save my
the practice. money for the future. I could buy a house on
Shakti Samuha, a small membership a little plot of land. If there was such a thing
organisation in Nepal, works with survivors as global citizenship, I could live without
of trafficking. One of its objectives is to fear' (interview, Bhutanese refugee living in
ensure the promotion of citizenship for Nepal, 23 June 2003).
women in Nepal, because it sees a direct link The Bhutanese refugee crisis started in
between trafficking and the lack of the late 1970s, when the then conservative
citizenship documents. If a woman with Bhutanese government 'introduced a series
formal rights of citizenship is trafficked, of ... discriminatory measures focused
people can actually find out where she is on the political, economic and cultural
from and help to facilitate her return. If she is expulsion of Nepali-speakers' (Human
lost, there is a chance for the family to find Rights Watch 2003). The crisis escalated in
her by means of the documents. 1991, when the Bhutanese government
At the recent South Asia Court of rendered more than 100,000 of its Nepali-
Women on the Violence of Trafficking and origin citizens 'non-citizens'. This figure
HIV/AIDS, jurors heard evidence that represents one-sixth of the population of this
citizenship can actually help trafficked small kingdom. By 1991, the government's
women and children to regain their identity stance resulted in the forced expulsion of
and facilitate their return. Bhagawati thousands of people. 'I never thought that
Nepal's testimony to the jury included the citizenship is an important thing, until I was
following: 'The victim is socially ostracised. told by the only government I knew that I
She is not allowed to participate in any of the was no longer considered a citizen. At that
religious ceremonies. The family does not point I realised that I was rendered a
accept her because they fear society would nobody,' a refugee woman from Bhutan told
boycott them as well. Since the victims do me in an interview.
not have citizenship they are not given Many legal advocates state that the
employment. Since the survivor is not left Bhutanese government's attempt to strip
with any option, she often takes up people of their citizenship runs counter to
prostitution or in extreme cases, commits the call of the United Nations to reduce the
suicide' (personal court testimony, South incidence of statelessness. An Amnesty
Asia Court of Women on the Violence of International Report on the issue states the
Trafficking and HIV/AIDS, 11 August 2003, following: 'The provisions of Bhutan's
Dhaka, Bangladesh). nationality law, which provide for the
Deprived of an individual identity 81

removal of nationality or which deem that enable women to build their own individual
people leaving the country have renounced identities and lives.
their nationality without making such loss of While most women in Nepal do not fully
nationality contingent on acquisition of understand the benefits of citizenship, some
another nationality, run counter to these of those who do understand have started a
principles. Neither Nepal nor India normally movement to ensure that constitutional
permit dual citizenship, so Bhutanese of change will bring about equality and better-
Nepal ethnic origin originating from either ment of women's lives. A number of local
of those countries who acquired Bhutanese civil-society groups are already working on
citizenship would have had to relinquish the issue of ensuring women's rights in
their formal citizenship' (Amnesty Inter- various legal provisions. One such agency is
national 2000, no page number). the Forum of Women, Law, and Develop-
Some of the women leaders of the ment; another is Shakti Samuha, an organi-
Bhutanese refugees now living in Nepal talk sation consisting of, and working with,
of the dilemmas they face as a result of losing survivors of trafficking. However, much
their citizenship. As one woman leader more is needed to bring the issue to the
recounted, 'Women need to have a safe attention of the policy makers and bring
environment, because they are always about change. Non-government organi-
thinking about their families. But how sations and groups from civil society have a
could we think about providing the best for great role to play in promoting the
our families, when we don't even have an citizenship rights of women in Nepal and in
identity either here in Nepal or in Bhutan?' actually bringing about social change.
(personal communication, 24 July 2003, However, while a lot of work so far has
Kathmandu, Nepal). been done to highlight the problem of
These women leaders also worry about gender discrimination in the citizenship
the fate of the new generation of Bhutanese laws in Nepal - such as identifying legal
refugees who are now coming of age. provisions that discriminate against women
'Citizenship cannot be indoctrinated, as it and advocating for change in the law - real
has to be in one's blood. You should have a change has not come yet. Most of the work so
feeling towards your country as your far has been done by organisations working
country gives its duties to you and you give to promote legal rights and human rights.
your duties to the country. But how could There is a great need for a more diverse
the new generation understand this, when group of organisations to come together and
their country had told them that it doesn't discuss and tackle the issue. These should
want them?' (personal communication, 24 include women's groups in the villages,
July 2003, Kathmandu, Nepal). educators, policy makers, representatives of
civil society, and donors.
Conclusions Mona Laczo is the Regional Media and Advocacy
Citizenship is gendered in Nepal in favour Co-ordinator for Oxfam GB in South Asia.
of men, leaving women vulnerable and She has an MA in Asia Pacific Studiesfromthe
without an individual identity. Equal access University of San Francisco. Her interest in
to citizenship would go a long way towards citizenship issues comes from her personal
helping women to acquire an individual experiences, as well as her work with immigrants,
identity, beyond their roles as wives, sisters, asylum seekers, and refugees in the USA, and
daughters, and mothers. This would be an South and Southeast Asia. Address: Oxfam GB,
important step in the fight for equal rights of House #4, Road #3, Banani, Dhaka 1213,
women within the family, the community, Bangladesh.
and the Nepalese state as a whole. It would uk

Notes References
1 I would like to thank my colleagues on Amnesty International (2000) 'Nationality,
the Oxfam team in Nepal, especially Expulsion, Statelessness and the Right to
Sandhya Shrestha, who have all been Return', (last checked
keen to help me with this work, and by the author September 2003)
continue to discuss and seek answers to Forum for Women, Law, and Development
this very important issue. (2000) 'Discriminatory Laws in Nepal
and Their Impact on Women: A Review
of the Current Situation and Proposals
for Change',
(last checked by the editor 26 November
Human Rights Watch (2003) 'We Don't
Want to Be Refugees Again', Briefing
Paper for the Fourteenth Ministerial
Joint Committee of Bhutan and Nepal,
19 May 2003
The Kathmandu Post (2003) 'When citizens
without citizenship certificate speak
out', 19 January 2003

Women and citizenship in
global teacher education:
the Global-ITE Project
Jayashree Inbaraj, Subbalakshmi Kumar, Hellen Sambili,
and Alison Scott-Baumann
The Global-ITE (Initial Teacher Education) scheme is a three-year education project. It aims to enable
trainee teachers in three teacher-education institutes in India, Kenya, and England to link local and
global social issues to each other, and relate them to the school curriculum; and to promote a global
perspective on citizenship education. Integral to our vision of global citizenship is gender equality,
together with a respect for diversity. The project leaders in each country are women academics, as is the
project adviser, and there is a preponderance of women students involved in the project. This gives
women a voice in a vitally important area of international curriculum development. However, there are
outstanding questions to be resolved about the limits on women's ability to influence change beyond
the project, when men still make many operational and resourcing decisions in world politics.

the contents of any civic education

he term citizenship has many inter-
pretations. All over the world, even in programme. In India, citizenship education
countries with democratic govern- is new (Kumar 2003). Some feel that a govern-
ments and wealthy economies, there is ment body, under political pressure, has
disillusionment for many citizens across all started pandering to narrow partisan views,
categories of age, race, and social class, who biasing textbooks to conform to the
perceive huge discrepancies between Hindutva ideology (associated with Hindu
democratic ideals and reality. Global citizen- nationalism), and introducing citizenship
ship education aims to render children able education. In Kenya, there are many
to cope with social, economic, and political differences of opinion about citizenship
changes, which will affect them in many (often divided along ethnic lines), and
ways. It also aims to make them socially and 'the recent introduction of multiparty
environmentally 'competent' - that is, able democracy has polarised further the ethnic
to effect change in the world in which they divide and introduced another element of
live. The development of moral sensibility conflict - political conflict' (Maritim 2003,2),
depends on our believing in our own ability in the context of Africa.
to make a difference through our actions. In England, the Crick Report was
Students may perceive injustice regarding commissioned by the current government,
the environment, civil rights, and the and was published in 1998. It launched a
systems that influence their lives, yet they four-year preparation period for teaching
may not be aware that they have the ability citizenship in schools. Some in England are
to influence these matters. suspicious about the Labour government's
Currently, there is much debate in India, motive for introducing a citizenship
England, and Kenya about citizenship programme: is this out of a desire for a
education, and immense scepticism about biddable electorate rather than activist

citizens, and is either of these compatible understood as being about exposing people
with democratic ideals? (Scott-Baumann, to world issues, and views of the world,
2003a). The Crick Report has been influential which promote justice and equity.
in the debate about citizenship. It admits
that there is no clear agreement on the
definition of citizenship, but describes it as Global citizenship and
including 'the nature and practices of gender equality
participation in democracy; the duties, res- The issue of gender equality is a key element
ponsibilities and rights of individuals as in our own understanding of global
citizens; and the value to individuals and citizenship. Teaching global citizenship
society of community activity' (QCA1998,4).
does not only require teachers to possess the
The writers of the Crick Report emphasise
qualities of technical proficiency in a subject,
the importance of political literacy, and
and efficient communication skills. They
encourage community activity and active
also need to understand issues of social
learning in the course of learning specific
justice as problems associated with class,
subjects. There is some mention of multi-
gender, ethnicity, internationalism, drug
cultural work in the report, but little
emphasis on global citizenship. taking, violence or environmentalism, with
which contemporary society is profoundly
We can understand the scepticism about concerned.
the nature and scope of citizenship education,
We, the four women academics writing
and why it is introduced in particular
this article, hope that the Global-ITE team is
political contexts. We also recognise the
united in the cause of helping girls and
discrepancies between textbook messages
women to become more than 'a means to
about citizenship, and actual experiences in
particular societies. Such variations give other people's welfare and well-being'
people every reason to be wary of new (Mitter 2001, 40). We believe that projects
endeavours such as our own. At the moment like this should affirm universal values.
in India, no teacher is expected to defend or Yet our shared belief systems are a complex
promote citizenship education, either in combination of spiritual and secular
schools or in teacher education colleges. In influences - incorporating Hinduism, a
England, legislation now requires every commitment to human rights, African
school to teach citizenship, but there is Christianity, and European philosophy with
considerable resistance from the teachers, a Protestant flavour (as seen in the work of
who feel ill-equipped to teach a subject - Ricoeur). We find it is often difficult to
with a disputed content and teaching clarify what these universal values are that
methods - that may include controversial we share, particularly with regard to
topics. In Kenya, the long-term influence of women's rights. Alison Scott-Baumann has
the recent fundamental power shifts in worked on developing teacher education
government is not yet apparent. for Muslim women in England; this work
The Global-ITE project will therefore showed the importance of not assuming that
need to keep abreast of developments in, individual women's personal choices will be
and attitudes to, citizenship education consonant with Western feminism, or even
within each country. An additional challenge international feminism (Scott-Baumann,
for the project is the current lack of 2003b).
consensus on the definition and scope of We think that clarifying our vision of
what citizenship education would include. women's rights depends on committing
Whose ideals are we developing in such a ourselves to debate, plurality of vision, and a
project? Education for global citizenship capacity to admit uncertainty. Teachers who
deserves a strong endorsement if it is educate children to be global citizens also
Women and citizenship in global teacher education 85

need to base their teaching methods on these gender awareness, this is based on the
commitments. The Global-ITE project hopes unspoken assumption that European girls
to create opportunities for women edu- and women can freely choose to lead the life
cationalists from different cultures to meet they wish. This should, but does not, lead to
and discuss the concept of global citizenship debate about the truth of this assumption,
with each other; understand themselves and and also about whether girls and women
each other better; and develop some shared really use the choices they are accredited
understanding of women's rights. All over with, to benefit themselves and others.
the world, social policy, including education These examples show how complex the
policy, is based on different views of gender issues are. Building a commitment to gender
relations, based on world views and value equality into the Global-ITE programme will
systems which conflict with each other. require assertive action in all three countries.
For example, in Kenya, the Social Ethics This cannot come solely from educationalists
Education (SEE) programme is taught as - it must involve the women's movement.
part of the national curriculum and asserts In Kenya, there are strong women's
that it promotes the modernisation of society movements, but their goals may be different
- by, for example, endorsing the nuclear from the national school programme of SEE.
rather than the extended family, and In India there are texts used in schools that
promoting marriage relationships in which refer to the status of women and their role in
final authority for decision making rests politics and give the mistaken impression
with the husband. This is at odds with the that women in India have real influence.
ethos of the Centres for Excellence Schools This could be clarified and perhaps changed
for Rescued Girls in Kenya, which provide by working with women's organisations.
an educational programme for our student In England it seems that the notion of
teachers on the global programme. The consumer choice gives girls (and boys) the
Centres for Excellence act as refuges for girls impression or illusion that they have
rescued before female genital mutilation freedom to develop their full potential to
(FGM) and early marriage, and may find solutions to world poverty, and the
therefore challenge this authority of the male other issues that citizens of the world must
head of household. Reconciliation is be responsible for: this requires attention
attempted with their families, since this within the citizenship curriculum.
work is perceived as a direct challenge to The next section of the article outlines the
traditional patriarchy. Such schools also structure of the Global-ITE project, in order
support families who reject their rescued to contextualise the gender-related work
daughters, and attempt to bridge the gulf that plays an integral part in it.
between old ways and new.
In India, a 'reservation system' allocates a
percentage of educational places to those of
The Global-ITE project
lower caste. This is now seen by many as The institutional bedrock for Global-ITE in
discriminatory and undemocratic. Yet new each country is the teacher-education
legislation is planned to increase reserved programme at each of three universities
places for women in the job market, in the (Mumbai in India, Egerton in Kenya, and
same way that places in education and Gloucestershire in England). The project
employment have been reserved for decades is co-ordinated by a UK-based non-
for dalit ('Untouchable') men and women, government organisation (NGO), Global
and this gives rise to considerable debate. Dimensions, and funded by the Department
A final example, from England, is the for International Development (DFID).
citizenship education programme that is The intended aims of the project are as
being developed for schools. In terms of follows:

• to develop a global perspective, In order to meet the aims above, we
including understanding of other believe that we need to assist teachers to
cultures and our responsibilities reflect critically on their own attitudes and
towards each other. It incorporates practice. In the project, we are helping them
studies on peace, equality, values and to do this by adopting an approach to global
perceptions, human rights, conflict citizenship that is based on development-
resolution, interdependence, social education principles. This approach aims to
justice, sustainability and citizenship, raise awareness of learners' own precon-
and will be fully integrated into the ceptions and beliefs, and make their
curriculum of the teacher education assumptions explicit. The following case
programmes in all three countries studies show different ways in which this
• to teach teachers (in both universities process can take place. Each of the case
and schools) and pupils to understand studies focuses on gender issues.
the local and global injustices that result
from unfair distribution of wealth, Case study from India:
education, healthcare and resources
issues of equality
• to help teachers and pupils to develop
some solutions that they can act upon, The hypothesis, based on anecdotal
such as Fair Trade activities and evidence, was that school textbooks in India
campaigns to inform the community are often based on material which depicts
about unfair practices traditional occupations for women and men.
The idea that these roles are natural rather
• to incorporate a global dimension into than socially constructed is unconsciously
the taught curriculum, enriching instilled in the minds of the children, and left
subjects such as geography, history,
unquestioned because of the status of the
religious studies, mathematics, science,
teaching material. During the pilot project
business studies, and art
for the Global-ITE programme in 2000, a
• to provide key staff with appropriate student teacher at Kapila Khandvala College
resources (in terms of time, space, and of Teacher Education in Mumbai, called
equipment), to support the development Sandesh Kadam, analysed a Standard Ten
of the global perspective on citizenship Maharashtra State Syllabus science textbook
education across the curriculum (for 15-16 year olds) (Kadam 2000). Sandesh
• to make relevant teacher development wanted to see whether the science textbook
opportunities available for all educators reflected gender bias.
involved in the Global ITE project at the There were five objectives to the study:
three institutions, including working • to analyse the sex and occupation of
with NGOs. particular people in the textbook, and
An integral part of the project is inter- how bias is transmitted in language and
regional visits: these take place annually and narrative;
include an international conference, run
• to analyse sex, socio-economic level,
each year by one of the partner institutions.
occupation, and type of activity of
There are other forms of interaction between
people appearing in the illustrations and
the host institutions, including website
development, creation and use of global
teaching materials, and e-mail com- • to seek examples in the textbook that
munication to develop ideas collaboratively. imply women do unimportant, low-
The people involved are student teachers, status work;
teacher trainers, school head-teachers, and • to suggest changes for the revision of the
university academics from each country. textbook, to remove gender stereotypes
Women and citizenship in global teacher education 87

which lead to discrimination against media studies or pressing environmental
women; problems. They need convincing that gender
• to sensitise students to the existence of inequality is still a highly significant issue. It
gender stereotyping, and the reasons is true that the teacher-education curriculum
why this is detrimental to the cause of all over India shows concern for gender
gender equality. discrimination. Equality is in the syllabus.
The core elements of the National Education
Data were analysed by focusing on the Policy (1986) give emphasis to gender
language, narrative, and the illustrations in equality. However, in a short course of one
the textbook. Analysis of the male-female year, in which the student is grappling with
ratio of the editorial working committee that the basics of classroom pedagogy, the
wrote the textbook showed that all members importance of such issues gets lost. Even if
of the working committee were male. there is awareness of the issue in the trainee,
It became clear to the pupils in Sandesh's there may be little knowledge about how to
class that illustrations, pictures, and the translate these concerns into day-to-day
language used perpetuate traditional role teaching. For instance, a trainee teacher may
typing. On the basis of the findings, this mention that boys and girls should be
student teacher, working as a researcher, treated equally in a general way, but may
made concrete recommendations for necessary make no attempt to move beyond this
revision in the science textbook to reflect statement.
gender sensitivity. Subsequently, classroom The Global-ITE project helps to develop
activities were developed to sensitise motivation and teaching approaches for
children to gender issues. The teacher asked gender work by educating pre-service
students to draw non-discriminatory teachers to bring in a global dimension to
pictures. their teaching. The eight key concepts that
In another example, Prabha Arora, an are emphasised are peace, interdependence,
Indian Global-ITE trainee teacher in equality, values and perceptions, human
2002-3, carried out a project to reduce rights, citizenship, conflict resolution, and
gender stereotypes (Arora 2003). Her study social justice. The teacher takes up issues to
included simple exercises such as asking deal with in the classroom that relate to any
students to draw a domestic scene in their of the key concepts.
house at 7 p.m. In a class of 50, most students Using the key concepts from the Global-
drew a picture of the mother in the kitchen ITE project as a starting point, trainees in
and the father reading a newspaper. (A Mumbai have incorporated gender equality
description of the project is available at in their day-to-day teaching through The trainee teacher different subjects. For example, using statistics
designed interesting exercises to sensitise in mathematics and civics to explain why
children about their own stereotyped there is a 30 per cent reservation of seats for
attitudes and beliefs. women in the Indian Parliament. The
Jayashree Inbaraj's experience as project teacher then needs to work sensitively on the
co-ordinator for Global-ITE in Mumbai fact that statistics may not reveal the whole
shows her that teachers can do a good job, truth. For instance, in the rural villages of
provided that they are given intensive India, more women are involved in gover-
training and also are convinced about its nance, since the 30 per cent reservation,
importance. She notices that many trainee known as a quota system, was introduced
teachers feel that a focus on gender for women. Consequently, many women
inequality is outdated. They believe that now hold the post of Sarpanch (head of the
gender studies are less relevant and less panchayat, the local government body), but
important in our fast-changing world than actual decisions are taken by men. Women

are easily manipulated, coerced, and co- centres while the women are working on the
opted by their male counterparts. Also, farms.
styles of dress, election campaign meetings, Excessive drinking by men from the rural
and strategies for women are often still communities is at the expense of needs of other
decided by the male members of the family. family members.
Despite this there is agreement among There should be an equal distribution of family
women activists that the first step is to help resources.
women to enter politics, and then their More children need access to education
awareness of their potential to act will rise. opportunities (education should be the right of all
The panchayati raj institutions are to be persons).
valued as the real nurseries of political Improve health as a result of better nutrition
leadership for women. Women can fight through learning about a balanced diet in the
discrimination and bring about change if Global-ITE project.
they form a critical mass in decision-making
bodies, from village panchayat to parliament. A major strength of the Kenyan approach to
Anecdotal evidence of this is building up. global citizenship education lies in the use of
The teacher who is sensitive to these issues, drama. On Global-ITE visits, schools and the
as a result of taking part in the Global-ITE university use performances that depict the
programme, can provide more facts for his reality of life for many Kenyan women, with
or her pupils from a broader perspective. dramatic narrative. These performances
portray the solutions that Kenyan girls and
Case study from Kenya: the women are developing, in order to make a
life for themselves that is within their
power of narrative control. The themes that recur, in all the
In Kenya, rural women with no education Kenyan presentations and plays that focus
are twice as likely to be in poverty as those on girls and women, are at the very core of
who have attended school, and more than womanhood. They deal with issues ranging
half the girls in Kenya are not enrolled in from the rights of ownership of one's body,
school (Lalai, 2002). One of the purposes of to freedom from violation and pain, to
the project in Kenya is to provide examples human reproductive choice, and to inde-
of experiences of real women to support this pendence of spirit.
statistic. Hellen Sambili feels that there is growing
Scholastica Kinyanjui, a Kenyan Global- evidence that the Global-ITE project has
ITE trainee teacher in 2002-3, developed an made some impact in the host schools and
action research project on conflict resolution their surrounding communities, and will do
in a farming community (Kinyanjui 2003). more in future. The students perform skits
She developed lesson plans to cover facts during parents' days, prize-giving days, and
about crops, and also to help her pupils to fundraising days - focusing on such issues
debate and resolve conflict. She established as the devastation caused to families by
a clear, contextualised human-rights agenda AIDS deaths. The dramas 'persuade' the
as the basis for her teaching, here set out in adults to ponder the real issues, and - we
her own words: hope - determine to do something to
improve the quality of life for themselves
Human Rights and their community. Global-ITE clubs have
Women and children are the people who work to started in some schools, meeting once a
earn family income. week to discuss topics informally, including
A lot of idleness is demonstrated by men, who the negative and inhuman effects of FGM,
spend time lying and chatting at the shopping and the denial of educational opportunities
Women and citizenship in global teacher education 89

for the girl child. A female drama teacher at sexual matters, and would prefer to avoid
Kericho, a boys' school, taught a pupil, the subject. Thus, teaching honestly about
Eugene Maritim, to recite a solo verse HIV/AIDS is difficult, as certain key words
('Feel/Talk for your sister') on the problems may not even exist in Kikuyu or Kiswahili
that girls face when they come from (Tombo 2002). These plays facilitate under-
communities that still practise FGM. This standing without forcing discussion.
was performed to the whole school during a Some approaches are less subtle: the
visit by the English team of researchers and Kenyan Youth Education and Community
student teachers. Some girls and boys have Development Programme (KYEDCP), based
been invited to perform during Global-ITE in Nairobi, is an NGO funded and run by
workshops attended by over a dozen school Kenyans. It runs uncharacteristically 'tough-
head-teachers, teacher educators, and student talking' courses for young Kenyans. One of
teachers. the founders of KYECDP and its national
At the Centre of Excellence School for director are both women, and they act as role
Girls in Kajiado, the girls acted out the models for the Global-ITE visitors. This
preparations of the elders for a Masai girl's seems particularly significant in terms of
circumcision. The drama depicted the understanding that women have the ability
pubescent girl's mother's belief that this is to take action; and in a world where many
the right and appropriate course of action, of our actions are carried out for us by
and the girl's subsequent escape from FGM machines, the belief that we can make a
and early marriage, via the Centre's rescue difference is itself empowering. This NGO
programme. Another girls' school, run by provides part of the education programme
nuns, acted out a play that the girls wrote for Global-ITE teachers, presenting an
and directed themselves, in which a young understanding of urban dilemmas in
woman who desperately needs a job is Nairobi.
preyed upon for sexual favours by her boss,
and contracts HIV, leading to AIDS. The
girls and their teachers planned to tour local Case study from England:
schools with their play, as a consciousness- the benefits of visits to
raising activity. A third performance took
place at the university, where student India and Kenya
teachers depicted the drunken, abusive The work of Annie Coskun, a trainee
behaviour of a husband towards his wife. geography teacher and Global-ITE student
The wife eventually sought support from a in 2002-3, shows the benefit of visits for
woman friend to give her the strength to trainee teachers, and how usefully this can
resist such treatment. inform the development of global awareness
These performances are of exceptionally in England (Coskun 2003). Annie sees
high standard in terms of their capacity to herself as a citizen of the world and, as a
increase our understanding through pity result of her involvement with the project,
and through terror, and through the occasional uses a great deal of global citizenship
use of comedy, reminding us of how human material in her geography teaching. In her
we all are. For the Global-ITE visitors there own words:
are discussions with educators about the
subject matter of the plays. There is also 'One outcome that really comes to mind is the
another reason for the potency of the plays work I can do now, as a geography teacher, on
that were originally created for the Global- water use. I made a video in Kenya of several boys
ITE visitors; Kenyans often say of them- collecting water in oil barrels, using a donkey and
selves that they are both ignorant and cart. They were running their own enterprise,
modest in the way in which they talk about selling the water. Their efforts to collect it really

made the kids over here think about how much belief systems of each key worker must be
water they use. I use this video for teaching. I now allowed to permeate the development work
do a starter activity about how much water you that they incorporate into their teaching, so
use to clean your teeth, asking the children to put that commitment can be developed.
the plug in the basin and measure water use. Here, It is hoped that this project can help the
in Gloucestershire, my pupils are shocked by how trainee teachers to look beyond their local
much water they waste.' context to a bigger, shared horizon, where
they see themselves reflected in others, and
Annie wishes to continue to work with the try to understand others better. For example,
project by linking a school in Kenya with a the rights on which the Global-ITE work in
school in Swindon. She is working closely Kenya focuses are taken for granted by
with a head-teacher, John Kirui, to plan many European women, yet trafficking,
curriculum links. She would also like to bonded sex and domestic work, domestic
involve the Swindon pupils in fundraising, violence, and other violations of these rights
as John Kirui's school needs a wind pump to exist nonetheless in Europe.
draw up more and cleaner water for the If we refuse to take risks within the
pupils. curriculum, at both university and school
Annie's work is subject-specific, and this levels, then we will remain pawns, unable to
is true of much of the work currently implement change. If significant long-term
undertaken by the English Global-ITE impact is to be achieved by the Global-ITE
group. The National Curriculum and the project, it will be necessary to work together
assessment-focused agendas of the English to be strong players in global education. We
secondary-school system constrain the need to consolidate the work achieved by
opportunities for teaching about citizenship, the past students of this project; providing
belying its potential as an empowering, in-service training, developing teaching
knowledge-giving subject. A deeper debate, materials that can be made widely available,
using a more issues-based approach - where and continuing to develop electronic com-
an issue like poverty or gender takes munication, such as the current website.
precedence over the formal requirements of Moreover there is work like Philosophy for
the curriculum - is desirable. Children1 which may help us to develop
communities of enquiry in the classroom.
We can also learn from our Indian
Conclusions: women as colleagues, who have been working in this
pawns or players in global way for longer. They recommend the issues-
citizenship? based approach, in which an issue such as
gender equality is developed as the prime
In school placements in all three countries, focus within the subject teaching of the
our Global-ITE trainee teachers have often national curriculum. The tendency in
been faced with lack of support from the secondary education in England is to adhere
schools in which they learn to teach. More to the subjects in the curriculum and insert a
clarity is needed to understand and express little global understanding (with the subject
personal belief systems (Newell Jones 2003). remaining the main focus). The issues-based
Each Global-ITE student teacher has similar approach would help us to teach a topic such
yet differing global priorities - for example, as gender and development in greater
some will be more interested in working on depth, because the issue is seen as more
women's issues, some on helping children, important than the curriculum requirements
some on improving water supplies - and of a geography course that deals, for
these personal differences will be rooted in example, with tourism in Kenya for a few
each person's belief system. Above all, the lessons.
Women and citizenship in global teacher education 91

It is also vital to work with both govern- Notes
mental and educational agencies, in a way
that will facilitate sustainable development 1 Philosophy for Children works on global
of the global dimension in education, with citizenship and developing a teaching
schools and universities taking respons- and learning framework to help teachers
ibility for developing fully integrated global to become facilitators of debate, while
citizenship education programmes. embodying moral authority and
facilitating ethical decision making in
children. Philosophy for Children
Jayashree Inbaraj is a teacher educator at Kapila
provides training to establish an
Khandvala College of Teacher Education at the
atmosphere of trust in which contro-
University ofMumbai, India. She has worked in
versial issues can be discussed and belief
development education for the past 15 years.
systems can be developed and artic-
Address: C-ll, Shantijeevan Nivas, Vidyanagari,
ulated. For more information, see
Mumbai, 400098, India.
www. and
Subbalakshmi Kumar is an experienced
educational consultant, with a special interest in References
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Compiled by Lina Abou-Habib with Erin Leigh

Publications Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives (2 nd edition
Women, Citizenship and Difference (1999) 2003) Ruth Lister, Palgrave Macmillan,
Pnina Werbner and Nira Yuval-Davis (eds.), Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK
Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9JF RG216XS / 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY
/ Room 400,175 Fifth Avenue, New York, 10010, USA.
NY 100010, USA. Lister presents a feminist critique of main-
This companion to the Feminist Review special stream understandings of citizenship.
issue (see Journals below) is based on a A consideration of the social-policy context,
conference held in 1996 entitled 'Women, and especially the private/public divide, is
Citizenship, and Difference'. It considers integrated into the theoretical analysis.
citizenship for women and men, and how
these gender identities are also shaped by Toward a Feminist Theory of the State (1991)
other factors, such as race, class, ethnicity, Catharine A. Mackinnon, Harvard University
and national status. It offers a mix of both Press, Fitzroy House, 11 Chenies Street, London
country-based and more general analysis. The WCIE 7EY, UK / Harvard University Press,
theoretical approach makes it a challenging 79 Garden Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts
02138, USA.
read, but this is an important and classic text.
Feminism and Citizenship (1998) Rian Voet, After analysing women's subordinate status
Sage Publications, 6 Bonhill Street, London in relationship to men, the author then
EC2A4PU,UK. considers this relationship with respect to the state. The volume presents an informed
The author presents an original reflection on and compelling critique of inequality, and a
key issues related to citizenship, and argues transformative vision for social change.
for gender equality to be incorporated into
the understanding and analysis of citizen- Policy, Politics and Gender (1998) Kathleen
ship. The book challenges the view that Staudt, Kumarian Press, 14 Oakwood Avenue,
gender equality and citizenship are different West Hartford, Connecticut 06119-2127,
areas of interest and concern, and instead USA.
insists that they should be integrated. Not an
easy read, but an important publication Staudt analyses women's exclusion from
nevertheless. democratic processes, and national and
international government departments.

Women's exclusion from bureaucracies, and Multicultural Jurisdictions: Cultural Differences
the shortcomings of 'women's offices' in and Women's Rights (2001) Ayelet Shachar,
government are addressed. Staudt shows Cambridge University Press, The Edinburgh
how the unsustainability and over-consumption Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK / 40
of state policies and development schemes is West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211,
linked to their exclusion of women from USA / Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape
planning and practice, and she offers Town 8001, South Africa,
strategies for mainstreaming gender into http:/ /
government institutions and policies. The author considers multicultural under-
standings of citizenship that include the
Beyond Equality and Difference: Citizenship, notion of the rights of 'minority' groups, as
Feminist Politics, Female Subjectivity (1992) opposed to the rights of individuals. She
Gisela Bock and Susan James (eds.), argues that the dominant ways of governing
Routledge, 11 New Fetter Lane, London in a multicultural society require a person to
EC4P4EE,UK. choose between his or her tradition /culture, and his or her status as an individual. Using
This book, based on a conference held in the example of family law, and its particular
1988, examines the use of the terms 'equality' impacts on women, she demonstrates that
and 'difference' in feminist approaches. It giving too much power to minority groups
argues that the current definitions are based could permit violations of the rights of their
on 'male' criteria, and presents new individual members, particularly women.
definitions that are women-centred. She proposes a method of 'joint governance'
between the state and minority groups to
Young People at the Centre: Participation and overcome the polarised approaches and
Social Change (2001) Jane Foster and Kumi allow individuals to retain both their
Naidoo (eds.), CIVICUS and Commonwealth cultural identity and their individual rights.
Secretariat, Information and Public Affairs
Division, Commonwealth Secretariat, Women 2000 and Beyond: Women, Nationality
Marlborough House, Pall Mall, London and Citizenship (2003) UN Division for the
SW1Y 5HX, UK. Advancement of Women (DAW). English copies available at:
Young People at the Centre makes an important / womenwatch / daw / public /
contribution to the sparse literature on youth juneO3e.pdf
and development. At its core is a recognition Spanish copies available at:
of young people's contributions to society / womenwatch / daw / public /
through active citizenship. Gender equality juneO3s.pdf
is highlighted throughout as an important
factor to consider in youth participation, and This text examines laws that differentiate
is addressed in some of the case studies and between women and men in the acquisition
personal profiles. Ten brief case studies and and retention of nationality, as well as in
nine profiles of people active on youth- relation to the nationality of their children.
related issues are featured, demonstrating
the capacities and varied nature of Subversive Women: Women's Movements in
concerned youth from around the world. Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean
These are supported by chapters that set the (1995) Saskia Wieringa (ed.), Kali for Women
context of youth participation, and how it is and Zed Books, Kali for Women,
demonstrated at the macro, meso, and micro K-92, 1st Floor, Hauz Khas Enclave,
levels. The book ends with a useful list of New Delhi 110 016, India.
further resources.
Resources 95

Historical analyses of women's movements demonstrated. Essays on the following
from around the world are presented here. countries are included: Northern Ireland,
Defying the myth that feminism is a solely South Africa, Russia and the former
Western construct and export, the book Yugoslavia, Yemen, Lebanon, and Malaysia.
describes multiple forms of women's
resistance in Peru, Sudan, Somalia, Women, Islam and the State (1991) Deniz
Indonesia, India, and the Caribbean. The Kandiyoti (ed.), Temple University Press,
result of a research project undertaken by 1601 N. Broad Street, 306 USB, Philadelphia
the Institute of Social Studies (ISS), the book PA 19122, USA.
includes an honest reflection on the research / tempress
process in the chapter 'Methods and Power: Taking a historical-comparative approach,
Epistemological and Methodological Kandiyoti selects articles that examine a range
Aspects of a Feminist Research Project'. of conditions for women in Islamic societies
Although the publication dates from 1995, in contemporary Middle Eastern and South
the historical content is relevant today. Asian countries. Essentially the book adopts
a gender perspective in order to analyse
The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender state and transformation and its effect on
National Identities in Conflict (1998) CynthiaMuslim societies. Case studies are drawn
Cockburn, Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, fromTurkey, Iran, Pakistan, Bangladesh,
London Nl 9JF / Room 400,175 Fifth Avenue, India, Iraq, Lebanon, Egypt, and Yemen.
New York, NY 100010, USA. Governing for Equity: Gender, Citizenship and
This study focuses on three well-known Governance (2003) Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay
conflict zones: Northern Ireland, Israel/ (ed.), Royal Tropical Institute (KIT), KIT
Palestine, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. After an Publishers, PO Box 95001, 1090 HA
introductory chapter on women and national- Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
ism in these three areas, Cockburn examines
each area separately. She provides a brief Governing for Equity brings together the
historical background for each of the conflicts, findings from KIT's three-year research
and discusses the roles that women have programme 'Gender, Citizenship, and
been playing in them. Finally, she analyses Governance', and a conference entitled
three women's organisations working for 'Governing for Equity' (2002). The publication
peace: the Women's Network in Belfast, Bat reports on some of the conference
Shalom in Israel, and Medical Women's proceedings, including keynote speeches by
Therapy Centre in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Gita Sen and Pregs Govender, and presents
insider insights on working on gender and
Women, Ethnicity and Nationalism (1998) Rick governance in various institutions,
Wilford and Robert L. Miller (eds.), Routledge, including the World Bank and UNICEF. It
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE, UK. then summarises the work of its various action research projects in Southern Africa
This collection analyses the relationships and South Asia (see a related article by
between gender equality, nationalism, and Mukhopadhyay in this issue for more
traditional movements. The contributors information). Finally, discussions from the
explore how women's roles have been conference are included, as are conclusions
changed, or shaped, by national struggles, and a synthesis of key concepts, including
ethnic conflict, foreign occupation, and good governance and citizenship. Their
civil war. That 'liberation' of the nation does website also provides useful information
not equal 'liberation of women' is clearly and resources on gender and governance.

No Shortcuts to Power: African Women in proposes a distinction between practical and
Politics and Policy Making (2003) Anne Marie strategic interests, nuancing the debate that
Goetz and Shireen Hassim (eds.), Zed Books, has been simplified over time. Also of
7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9JF / Room 400, interest is her chapter on gender and
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 100010, citizenship on the continent from a historical
USA. perspective. From the initial theoretical analysis, an ensuing discussion illustrates
This book considers women's access, ways in which women's claims to citizen-
presence, and influence in politics, drawing ship rights have been shaped by active
on a comparative analysis of conditions in participation in civil society. In addition, the
Uganda and South Africa. Both these gendered nature of such citizenship is
countries have made good progress towards shown to be initially reliant on differences
equal political representation for women, between women and men, and on women's
and so provide valuable case studies with traditional roles as mothers and carers.
relevance beyond their borders. The contrib-
utors analyse the characteristics of the state Gender and Citizenship in the Middle East
and civil society that enable women's (2000) Suad Joseph (ed.), Syracuse University
participation in politics, and discuss to what Press, Syracuse, New York 13244-5160, USA.
extent their presence in politics facilitates the http:/ /
promotion of gender equality in policy and Beginning with an abstract but thoughtful
legislation. Chapter 2 presents a useful introduction, this work is organised into
framework for assessing whether women's four sections, dealing with North Africa,
representation in the state and civil society is Eastern Arab States, The Arab Gulf, and the
likely to lead to meaningful advances non-Arab Middle East. Less theoretical than
towards gender equality, rather than to a the introduction, country-specific essays
mere increase in the numbers of women in examine the ways in which Arab women are
politics. The framework identifies different excluded from the rights that are character-
structures of accountability as a necessary istic of 'full citizens'. The history behind
means to support gender equality. concepts of 'citizenship' in the Middle East,
and their relevance, is questioned. Major
Women's Movements in International Perspective:recurring themes include the influence of
Latin America and Beyond (2001) Maxine religion on citizenship; the importance of the
Molyneux, Palgrave Macmillan, Houndmills, family, not the individual, as the most basic
Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK RG21 6XS / unit of the state; and family law.
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010,
USA. Colonial Citizens (2000) Elizabeth Thompson, Columbia University Press, 136 S. Broadway,
Molyneux examines women's movements Irvington, NY 10533, USA.
in Latin America, including case studies / cu / cup
from Argentina, Nicaragua, and Cuba. Of This workoffers the fullest English account
particular relevance is a chapter entitled of Syrian and Lebanese women's history to
'Analysing Women's Movements', which date, and examines 'civic order' in French-
presents a framework for understanding mandated Lebanon andSyria. Thompson
women's movements depending on the argues that the colonial civic order both
level of their independence from other carried gender inequalities within it and
movements and politics, and whether or not encouraged gender hierarchies. This colonial
they are informed by specifically women's civic order thus framed the concept of
interests, or are composed of women. She citizenship with the understanding that
Resources 97

gender relations are unequal. This concept of Haya al-Mughni shows how a series of
unequal citizenship continues to affect historical, economic, and political events
Lebanon and Syria today. have shaped the development of Kuwaiti
women. The oil era, the growth of the state,
In the Eye of the Storm: Women in Post- the emergence of women's organisations,
Revolutionary Iran (1994) Mahnaz Afkhami and the Islamic revival are examined in terms
and Erika Friedl (eds.), I.B. Tauris, 45 of their impact on women's status and identity.
Bloomsbury Square, London WC1A 2HY, UK. Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in
In the Eye of the Storm illustrates how the Turkey (1997) Sibel Bozdogan and Resat
legal and cultural environment in post- Kasaba (eds.), University of Washington
revolutionary Iran has greatly affected the Press, Marketing Dept., PO Box 50096,
ways in which women participate in, and Seattle, WA 98145-5096, USA.
benefit from, their family, society, and state. / uwpress
Particularly useful to those interested in Mainly drawing on the proceedings of an
citizenship rights are the appendices that international conference entitled 'Re-thinking
focus on the 'Legal Status of Women in the the Project of Modernity in Turkey', the
Family in Iran' and 'Islamic Penal Code of editors present critical analyses of modern-
the Islamic Republic of Iran'. isation and its effect on Turkey culturally,
socially, and politically. Two chapters of the
Feminists, Islam and Nation: Gender and the book focus on the relationship between
Making of Modern Egypt (1995) Margot gender and modernity. The first considers
Badran, Princeton University Press, 41 the emergence of feminists critical of
William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540, modernisation, but maintaining a middle
USA. ground between Islamic feminists and Kemalists. The second discusses the form-
Badran tells the little-known story of Egyptian ulation of the modern family and the
feminism and the decisive role that it played construction of gender under modernisation.
in the creation of the modern Egyptian state.
Women of a Non-State Nation: The Kurds (2001)
Feminist Review, Palgrave Macmillan,
Shahrzad Mojab (ed.), Mazda Publishers, PO
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK
Box 2603, Costa Meso, California 92626, USA. RG21 6XS / 175 Fifth Avenue, New York,
NY 10010, USA.
Contributors examine aspects of Kurdish / fr / index.html
women's lives in politics, history, culture,
w ww. feminist-re vie w. com
religion, medicine, and language. Some
topics have never appeared in previous Feminist Review published a special issue in
studies: gender and self-determination, 1997 (no. 57, Autumn) entitled 'Citizenship:
Pushing the Boundaries'. This review aims
women and Sufism, language and patriarchy,
to give its reader a glimpse into the issues
and women in traditional medicine. The first
section on historical perspectives is ofrelating to 'gender and citizenship' around
the world. The contributions include Women,
particular relevance to a study of citizenship.
Citizenship and Difference; Gender, Disability
Women in Kuwait (1993) Haya al-Mughni, and Citizenship in Australia; The Lebanese
Saqi Books, 26 Westbourne Grove, London Case; Fortress Europe; Foreign Domestic
W2 5RH, UK. Workers in Canada; and Women's Publics
w w w. saqibooks .com and the Search for New Democracies.

Training manuals and Forum-Asia, 109 Suthisarnwinichai Road,
briefing papers Samsennok, Huaykwang, Bangkok 10320,
A Training Manual for Grassroots Organisations:
Understanding Gender and Citizenship (2003)
This thorough training resource provides an
Centre for Research and Training on introduction to economic, social, and cultural
Development (CRTD), POB 165302, 1100 rights. An introduction to a rights-based
2030 Beirut, Lebanon. perspective is followed by the historical development of such rights. Each module is prefaced with a clear outline of its purpose.
The CRTD manual, written for development There is an important section on different
practitioners and activists, aims to provide groups' concerns and relationship to such
skills, information, and illustrations for rights, including women, children, indigenous
conducting participatory training on gender peoples, and refugees. Gender perspectives
and citizenship. on the rights to work, to own land and
property, and to access health services are
Association for Women's Rights in Development included in the section on women, as well as
(AWID) Facts and Issues, Women's Rights and a history of women's rights as human rights.
Economic Change; Nos.l and 2 August (2002) Circle of Rights also presents strategies and
Alison Symington, AWID, 96 Spadina Ave., tools for activism at both the national and
Suite 401, Toronto, ON, Canada M5V 2J6. regional levels.
Available online at Electronic resources
The first two primers available in this series BRIDGE, Institute of Development Studies,
are useful for prompting thinking about University of Sussex, UK.
rights-based approaches to gender and
development. The first, A Rights-Based
Approach to Development, provides an accessible Established in 1992, BRIDGE is now an
introduction with a gender perspective. The established non-profit-making unit special-
second, The Convention on the Elimination of ising in gender and development, based at
All Forms of Discrimination Against Women the Institute of Development Studies in the
and the Optional Protocol, discusses how to UK. Information resources and papers are on
use this international convention on their website. In addition, available in print
women's rights both in judicial initiatives and electronically are their Cutting Edge
and as a resource for planning advocacy and packs, which include Internet materials,
lobbying work. The entire series is available BRIDGE bibliographies, Gender and Develop-
in French and Spanish, as well as English. ment in Brief (BRIDGE bulletins), and
BRIDGE glossaries. Gender and Citizenship
Circle of Rights: Economic, Social and Cultural is a forthcoming theme. BRIDGE also hosts
Rights Activism: A Training Resource (2000) two resources websites - Siyanda and Genie
International Human Rights Internship - to facilitate the sharing of information and
Program (IHRIP) and Asian Forum for materials on gender and development.
Human Rights and Development (Forum-
Asia), IHRIP, Institute of Education (HE), 'Women in Contemporary Democratization'
1400 K Street, N.W., Suite 650, Washington (2000) Shahra Razavi, Occasional Paper
DC 20005, USA. No. 4, Geneva: UNRISD
Resources 99

Razavi begins with the question of how to there is a paper on the Panchayat Raj system
reform democratic institutions to be more of quotas for women's participation in local
gender-equitable - especially given the governance in India (Devaki Jain).
extremely low levels of women's partici-
pation in formal politics. The paper consists Gender andCitizenshipInitiative-UNDPPOGAR
of three main sections, which include an
analysis of women's movements and the
role they played in bringing about demo- In partnership with the International
cracy; how women have tried to achieve Development Research Centre (IDRC) in
change by joining political processes or Canada, the UNDP Bureau for Arab States'
influencing them from the outside; and Regional Governance Programme (UNDP
whether or not women should engage with POGAR) launched in December 2001 the
political institutions, or remain independent Gender and Citizenship Initiative, aiming to
of them. Razavi argues that it is necessary to encourage policy debates and dialogue on
have strong women's movements outside of women's citizenship in selected Arab
government, to help to ensure that gender countries; raise awareness of gender
mainstreaming is not just a technical inequalities in legislation; build the capacity
exercise, and to apply pressure for mean- of Arab women's NGOs to lobby for policy
ingful change. Case studies include Brazil, changes; and build partnerships between
Chile, Cuba, Uganda, and South Africa. women's NGOs and parliamentarians.

Women's Political Participation and Good Women Are Citizens Too: The Laws of the State,
Governance: 21st Century Challenges (2000) the Lives of Women (2002) Nadia Hijab,
UNDP Regional Bureau for Arab States, UNDP
http: / / / new / pdf / gender / publications / gender
/ wpp / women_book.pdf / nadia / summary.pdf
This online book contains very useful Nadia Hijab presents a synthesis of four
information on gender and governance with Gender and Citizenship papers discussed at
a general overview of the concepts, in-depth a meeting of experts co-organised by UNDP
case studies, and overall conclusions. and Maroc 20/20 in Casablanca, later
Included among the case studies are an presented in Amman. The papers consider
analysis of India's local-government quotas family laws, social protection laws,
for women; the gender budget in South nationality, and election laws and their
Africa; Uganda's women's caucus; and impact on the relationship between women
campaigns to end violence against women in and citizenship in the Arab states.
Latin America and the Caribbean.

UNDP Gender in Development Programme: Websites
Monograph Series Inter-Parliamentary Union - Women in Politics / gender / resources / / iss-e / women.htm
The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) works
This series includes important papers on to advance women's participation in parlia-
gender and urban governance (Jo Beall), and ments. Its website discusses women's presence
'Gendered governance: an agenda for in the IPU; provides a bibliographic data-
change' (Georgina Ashworth). They argue base of publications relating to women and
that current systems of governance privilege politics; and presents statistical data and
men over women, and that there is a need to country-by-country comparisons of the degree
make them gender-sensitive. In addition, to which women are represented in parliaments.

Women's Human Rights Resources Center for Women's Global Leadership, / Diana Douglass College, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, 160 Ryders Lane,
This website provides information and New Brunswick NJ 08901-8555, USA.
resources on international human rights for Tel: +1 732 932 8782; Fax: +1 732 9321180
women. It contains a searchable database of
articles, publications, and papers, provided
with thorough abstracts. Many of these The Center for Women's Global Leadership
resources are available through the site. The (Global Center) develops women's leadership
site also offers advocacy guides, research for women's human rights and social justice
guides, and special features. worldwide. Its programmes promote the
leadership of women and advance feminist
Cool Planet perspectives in policy-making processes in / coolplanet / teachers / local, national, and international arenas.
globciti / index.htm They focus on policy and advocacy, and
Part of Oxfam GB's Development Education leadership development and women's
programme, this website is a useful resource human rights.
for teachers of children and young people.
'Global Citizenship' as a component of Women's Environment and Development
education is promoted on the site, which Organization (WEDO), 355 Lexington Avenue,
suggests how children can learn to live their 3 rd Floor, New York, NY 10017-6603, USA.
lives by considering the world around them Tel: +1212 973 0325; Fax: +1 212 973 0335
from the perspective of social justice, and
how this can be included in formal education.
The suggested curriculum for UK-based WEDO is an international advocacy net-
teachers could be relevant for a broader work which promotes women's equality in
group of formal and non-formal youth decision making in governance and in
educators in both the North and South. policy-making institutions, forums, and
processes, at all levels, to achieve economic
and social justice. A core programme is The
Organisations Gender and Governance Program, which seeks
Women's Learning Partnership for Rights, women's full and equal access to all areas
Development, and Peace (WLP), 4343 and all levels of public life, working towards
Montgomery Avenue, Suite 201, Bethesda gender balance in terms of participation and
MD 20814, USA. Tel: +1 301 654 2774; representation, especially in government.
Fax:+1301 654 2775; United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of
Women's Learning Partnership for Rights, Women - Gender Awareness Information and
Development, and Peace (WLP) is an Networking System (UN INSTRAW-GAINS),
international, non-government organisation Qisar Nicola's Penson 102-A, Santo Domingo,
which empowers women and girls in the Republica Dominicana.
global South to re-imagine and re-structure Tel: +1 809 685 2111; Fax: +1 809 685 2117
their roles in their families, communities,
and societies. They have compiled legis-
lation relevant to women's rights at the Aiming to promote gender equality and
international and national levels, as well as women's advancement worldwide through
in family law. research, training, and the collection and
Resources 101

dissemination of information, INSTRAW research, clearing-house services, and
was established in 1976. With the recent advisory services. The main programmes of
establishment of the Gender Awareness CAWTAR are a periodical report {Arab
Information and Networking System, Women Development (AWD) Report); training
INSTRAW is now able to further gender on gender issues and advocacy and media;
equality and the empowerment of women and collection of gender-disaggregated
through a user-driven virtual community information. CAWTAR has already
and ICT-based learning tool for creating and published its first two AWD reports and is
sharing knowledge to improve development working on three forthcoming titles:
policy and practice. 'Women and Decision-Making', 'Women
and Legislation', and 'Women and Media'.
The Centre for Research and Training on
Development (CRTD), Achrafieh 11 00 2030 Association for the Enhancement and Develop-
Beirut, Lebanon. Tel: +961 1 611079; Fax: ment of Women, ADEW, 8/10 Mathaf al Manial
+9611612924 Street, POB1065 El Atab, Cairo, Egypt. Tel: +202 364 4324; Fax: +202 363 45 ADEW is an Egyptian organisation working
CRTD is a forum for debate, learning, to improve the status of women through
capacity building, training, and exchange on promoting legal and social empowerment,
women, gender, and development among as well as providing credit and income-
interested groups in the Middle East and generating opportunities. ADEW is the first
Maghreb region. Identifying citizenship as a organisation in Egypt to assist low-income
key thematic issue of importance to women women to obtain identity cards and other
throughout the Machreq/ Maghreb region, legal documents. ADEW is involved in a
CRTD launched in 2001 an on-going campaign study on the issuing of identity cards as a
on 'Women's Right to Nationality', basic right of citizenship. The study is part of
involving networking, capacity building, the UNDP POGAR gender and citizenship
research, and lobbying components. programme (see Electronic Resources
Regional research on 'Arab Women's Right section).
to Nationality and the Denial of Citizenship'
was initiated in partnership with UNDP's Note: Much of the literature and work being done
Programme on Governance in the Arab on gender and citizenship has focused on the
Region, and with the support of IDRC. Middle East, a fact which is reflected in the
predominance of the region in this resources
Centre of Arab Women for Training and section.
Research (CAWTAR), 44 Avenue de Pologne,
1005 El Omrane, Tunis, Tunisia. Tel: +216 71
571 945/+21671 571 867; Fax:+216 71 574627
The Center of Arab Women for Training and
Research (CAWTAR) is an international
non-government institution, established in
1993 and located in Tunisia. It aims to
promote Arab women's participation in
development by providing gender training,